Between Construction and Deconstruction of the Universes of Meaning (European Studies in Theology, Philosophy and History of Religions) [New ed.] 9783631795170, 9783631804643, 9783631804650, 9783631804667, 3631795173

Table of contents :
Cover
Copyright information
Contents
List of contributors
Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – Processes of fragmentation of religious life among university students
Analytical categories
Dimensions of religiousness
Methodology
Sample
Topoi of the Decalogue. Universes of purpose. The new morality
Christian Decalogue: Between acceptance and marginalization
Decalogue in the Christian tradition and its role in culture
Decalogue accepted and rejected
List 1. Hierarchy of validity of the Ten Commandments with regard to the degree of acceptance of individual rules
The Decalogue of women and men
The Decalogue of deep believers and regular practitioners
Conclusions
References
Sense of meaning in the life of university students – Between continuity and change
References
Constancy in changeability – Attitudes and judgments of some moral attitudes
Introduction
1 Same-sex relationships
2 Euthanasia (ending life on patient’s request)
3 Prostitution
4 Cloning (genetic research on human embryo)
5 In vitro fertilization
6 Adoption of children by same-sex couples
7 Sex change
References
Deligimitization of religious dimension of marital and family intimacy in students’ evaluation
Introduction – religion and morals in the postmodern world
Characteristics of research
Normative dimensions of marital and family intimacy in the evaluation of students
Attitudes of students to selected norms of marital and family morals in the context of dynamic researches
Final comments
References
Academic youth and their system of values
Culture and systems of values
Youth as a unit of analysis
Corruption and youth in 2017
Summary
References
Post-sacral. Religious escapism. The metaphysics of hope
Participation in worship as a channel of communication with the sacred in the liquid modernity project
Summary
References
Faith, beliefs and their transfigurations
Faith in God, the Holy Trinity, God the Creator
Soteriological beliefs
Eschatological beliefs
Conclusions
References
Faith, fear and experience of God in everyday life of university students
Everyday life as a category of the analysis
Results of sociological survey of university students
Discussion and conclusions
References
Students’ religiosity in their own assessment
1 Assessment of one’s religiosity
2 Determinants of the perception of one’s religiosity by students
3 Summary
References
Community and institutional dimension of religious life
Church and religion in the opinions of students
References
Moral profiles and religious affiliations of academic youth
Moral profiles
Moral conflicts and solutions of their settling
Catholic duties
Conclusions
References
Religion.pl – religiousness of academic youth within the paradigm of Web 2.0
Introduction
Functionalism of the analytical categories online religion and religion online
Internet as a medium of religious message
Summary
References
Group identity. Public trust. Passion
Nation and values
Introduction
Sense of pride in the Polish nation
National values
Social values
Conclusions
References
Prosocial orientations and trust to people
Introduction
Prosociality or egocentrism of students
Trust and mistrust
Conclusions
References
University students’ self-declarations of interests and learning progress – Dynamics of phenomenon
Interests as cognitive curiosity and cultural desires
University students’ declarations about interests
Self-declarations about marks
Conclusions
References
List of figures
List of tables

Citation preview

Between Construction and Deconstruction of the Universes of Meaning

EUROPEAN STUDIES IN THEOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY OF RELIGIONS Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski

VOL. 24

Sławomir H. Zaręba / Marcin Zarzecki (eds.)

Between Construction and Deconstruction of the Universes of Meaning Research into the Religiosity of Academic Youth in the Years 1988 – 1998 – 2005 – 2017

Bibliographic Information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available online at http://dnb.d-nb.de. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Publication of this book was financially supported by the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. Printed by CPI books GmbH, Leck ISSN 2192-1857 ISBN 978-3-631-79517-0 (Print) E-ISBN 978-3-631-80464-3 (E-PDF) E-ISBN 978-3-631-80465-0 (EPUB) E-ISBN 978-3-631-80466-7 (MOBI) DOI 10.3726/b16246 © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Berlin 2020 All rights reserved. Peter Lang – Berlin ∙ Bern ∙ Bruxelles ∙ New York ∙ Oxford ∙ Warszawa ∙ Wien All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. Any utilisation outside the strict limits of the copyright law, without the permission of the publisher, is forbidden and liable to prosecution. This applies in particular to reproductions, translations, microfilming, and storage and processing in electronic retrieval systems. This publication has been peer reviewed. www.peterlang.com

Contents List of contributors .................................................................................................

 7

Sławomir H. Zaręba and Marcin Zarzecki Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – Processes of fragmentation of religious life among university students ...............................  11 Topoi of the Decalogue. Universes of purpose. The new morality Wojciech Świątkiewicz Christian Decalogue: Between acceptance and marginalization .....................  23 Andrzej Kasperek Sense of meaning in the life of university students – Between continuity and change ............................................................................................  37 Paweł Prüfer and Łukasz Budzyński Constancy in changeability – Attitudes and judgments of some moral attitudes ...................................................................................................................  47 Maria Sroczyńska Deligimitization of religious dimension of marital and family intimacy in students’ evaluation ...........................................................................................  59 Tomasz Michał Korczyński Academic youth and their system of values ........................................................  71 Post-sacral. Religious escapism. The metaphysics of hope Sławomir H. Zaręba Participation in worship as a channel of communication with the sacred in the liquid modernity project ................................................................  87 Wojciech Klimski Faith, beliefs and their transfigurations ...............................................................  105 Katarzyna Uklańska Faith, fear and experience of God in everyday life of university students ......  115

6

Contents

Wojciech Sadłoń Students’ religiosity in their own assessment .....................................................  125 Andrzej Górny Community and institutional dimension of religious life ................................  147 Wojciech Świątkiewicz Moral profiles and religious affiliations of academic youth ..............................  161 Marcin Zarzecki Religion.pl – religiousness of academic youth within the paradigm of Web 2.0 ....................................................................................................................  173 Group identity. Public trust. Passion Andrzej Ochocki Nation and values ...................................................................................................  183 Elżbieta Firlit Prosocial orientations and trust in people ..........................................................  193 Marcin Choczyński and Agata Rozalska University students’ self-declarations of interests and learning progress – Dynamics of phenomenon .................................................................  209 List of figures ...........................................................................................................  219 List of tables ............................................................................................................  221

List of contributors Łukasz Budzyński, PhD, The Jacob of Paradies University  – Gorzów Wielkopolski, the Department of Administration and National Security. Area of research interests: social capital, migration, identity and social security. Marcin Choczyński, PhD, lecturer in the Department of Sociology of Work and Organization in the Institute of Sociology at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw (UKSW), secretary of ‘Academic Journal of Sociology’ and member of Research Laboratory of Polish Measurement of Attitudes and Values (Polish: PPPiW). Main research areas: sociology of religion, problems of structure, social change and revolution and sociology of music. Elżbieta Firlit, sociologist with a post-doctoral degree, employed as a professor at the Sociology Unit of the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Sociology of Economics (Polish: IFSiSE) at SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Between 1987 and 2014, she cooperated as an academic with the Institute for Catholic Church Statistics SAC (Polish:  ISKK SAC). Author and co-author of many research projects in sociology of religion, social attitudes and values and transformation of cultural identities in the contemporary world. Andrzej Górny, PhD, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Silesia. His main research interests include sociology of religion, sociology of family, sociology of Internet and sociology of youth. His current research focuses on structures and functions of contemporary family structures and religiousness in modern Web society. Andrzej Kasperek, assistant professor, the Faculty of Ethnology and Education,the University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland). His research interests include the sociology of spirituality, sociology of religion and reflection on contemporary culture. Wojciech Klimski, PhD, assistant professor, the Department of Sociology of Religion at the Institute of Sociology, UKSW. Main research areas:  sociology of religion, religious institutions in modern societies and issues in the field of tanatosociology and new spirituality. Tomasz Michał Korczyński, PhD, works in the Department of Methodology of Research and Sociological Analysis, the Institute of Sociology at the Faculty of Historical and Social Sciences of UKSW. Main research areas:  national stereotypes, youth sociology and sociology of knowledge.

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List of contributors

Andrzej Ochocki, full professor, doctor habilitated, sociologist of the Department of Sociological Research and Analysis Methodology, the Institute of Sociology, UKSW, lecturer of demography. Main research areas: contemporary demographic theories, foreign and internal migrations, global population processes, social policy towards the family. Paweł Prüfer, doctor habilitated, associate professor, The Jacob of Paradies University  – Gorzów Wielkopolski, the Department of Economics. Area of research interests:  social development, sociological theories, social and economics ethics, sociology of religion and sociology of education. Wojciech Sadłon, PhD, Institute for Catholic Church Statistics SAC. Main research areas: religiosity, social capital, third sector and Catholicism. Maria Sroczyńska, post-doctoral degree holder, associate professor, the Faculty of History and Social Sciences, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, the Head of the Department of Sociology of the Family, Education and Upbringing in the Institute of Sociology. Her scientific interests focus on the field of sociology of religion, education and upbringing, family and intimacy. Wojciech Krzysztof Świątkiewicz, full professor, doctor habilitated, sociologist, University of Silesia in Katowice, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra. Main research areas:  sociology of culture, sociology of religion and sociology of family. Agata Rozalska, MA, PhD student and academic in the Institute of Sociology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw (UKSW). Main research areas:  urban social movements, lifestyles and sociology of art. Member of Board of Warsaw Department and Main Board of Polish Sociological Association. Katarzyna Uklańska,  PhD, sociologist, lecturer in the Institute of Sociology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. Main research areas: sociology of education and young people, sociology of lifestyles and axiology in consumer society. Sławomir H. Zaręba, full professor, doctor habilitated, sociologist, Head of the Department of Sociology of Religion, Dean of the Faculty of Historical and Social Sciences of the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University. Main research areas: sociology of religion, culture, morality, youth and professional ethos.

List of contributors

9

Marcin Zarzecki, PhD, sociologist of religion, methodologist of social sciences, statistics, assistant professor at the Department of Sociology of Religion, Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Historical and Social Sciences, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. Main research areas:  research on social and religious movements, sociology of politics and economic sociology.

Sławomir H. Zaręba and Marcin Zarzecki

Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – Processes of fragmentation of religious life among university students1 Abstract: The conducted survey is a diachronic measurement with statistical time series of years 1988-1998-2005-2017. In the measurement in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 the research technique f2f audit PAPI was used. To include in the study 1067 university students, 97 student groups were drawn, including 55 groups in the second year and 42 groups in the fourth year of studies. The effective sample was n=2133 (rr=0,8) respondents, including n=1339 (rr=0,83) school students and n=794 (rr=0,74) university students. The survey uses the research tool, in which dimensions were primarily established by Charles Glock and Rodney Stark and a community component by Ohio Fukuyama. The term ‘global profession of faith’ was introduced by French sociologists Louis Dingemans and Jean Rémy. Keywords: homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator, dimensions of religiousness, methodology, sample, research, PAPI.

Analytical categories Among young people, symptoms of social change emerge in multiple manners (see Mannheim 1992–1993, pp. 57–68). This observation by Karl Mannheim determined the concept of survey of social and religious attitudes conducted by the integrated research team of employees of the Department of Sociology of Religion in the Institute of Sociology at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw and Institute for Catholic Church Statistics SAC at the turn of April and May 2017. The title of the book is an intentional reference to the concept of social constructionism. That idea manifests itself in the subjective function of participants of an interaction who reconstruct social contexts in the course of the interaction on the basis of symbolic meanings. A reference store of knowledge that is used to interpret social reality is handed down through social activities (among others, through socialization in a family, religion, mass media and education system). As

1 The articles were published in the paper Między konstrukcją a dekonstrukcją uniwersum znaczeń. Badania religijności młodzieży akademickiej w latach 1988–1998–2005–2017 ed. Sławomir H. Zaręba & Marcin Zarzecki (WWS: Warszawa 2018). The present edition in English contains new versions of the articles.

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Zaręba and Zarzecki

a result, one can participate in a collective world of ideas, notions, norms, values, symbols and signs, which serve to construct social reality, also the reality in which religion is a point of reference to inner experiences and a part of community life. Dominance of religious or non-religious rules governing structuralization of reality is determined by the effectiveness of socialization agendas. Construction and deconstruction of the world of meanings refer to the subjectivity of a human being and social construction of reality based on communication activities and interpersonal relations, reflectiveness and the construction of the world of social meanings. In that paper, it was assumed that sociologists are participants of such a process of the construction of the world, rooted in the same world of meanings and symbols, and in mechanisms of construction of social reality use gnoseological models, which enable them to ‘understand’ intentions hidden behind declared attitudes, opinions and judgments. As regards the conceptualization of cognitive aspects, it was assumed that axionormative profiles, outlooks and attitudes and opinions and activities of young people studying (either in a secondary school or at university) are determined by participation in the world of values, norms, senses and meanings, within which social and religious attitudes function. The dynamics of variability of the community of young people seems to correspond with an ideal typological model of mind of a postmodern man, that is, according to the metaphoric typology of the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman, with ‘a life traveler’, ‘a tramp’ and ‘a player’ (compare Bauman 2000). According to Bauman, postmodernism is mainly about distant look at modernism with a simultaneous attempt at a mature recapitulation of achievements of a modern era (Bauman 1985, p.  39). However, postmodernism assumes within interpretation of collective identities also a kind of anthropology – its hallmarks can be found in the survey of contemporary young people. The idea of deconstruction of traditional systems of values and replacing them with diversity, ahistorism, presentivism and, in terms of religious experiences, reinterpretation of religious tradition in the context of independent needs without taking into account their historical and cultural development process leads to reviewing of the social world. In that review, moral norms and components of outlook become isolated and mosaic elements of a defragmented social society. The model of a consumer society and commercial culture provides references of lifestyles, including religious attitudes which are a set of selectively chosen elements of the religious system, such as in the Catholicism of Poland. The category of homo consumens refers to the social segment in which consumerism is a dominant lifestyle widely interpreted as a criterion of civilizational development. Economies of affluent societies produce material goods and offer services which satisfy artificially created needs, also called status needs by sociologists (the idea of limitless consumption is

Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator

13

defined as status symbolism). Consumer lifestyle consists in obtaining more or less useful material objects and modern technology products, as well as in searching for new experiences, also spiritual ones. Patterns of attractive social roles, strictly connected with those contemporary artefacts, are created by mass media, more generally speaking, by popular culture. Everyone can create his or her image and his or her identity. And thus, intellectual trends and quasi-religious movements which are associated with modernity, nonconformism, breaking with rigid frames of cognition and imposed outlook axioms and religious dogmas become more and more important (see Krasnodębski 1996). Religious doctrines become a commercial product on the market of human needs. It is a product subject to rules of free competition and that is why it must be served in as an attractive way as possible. In a description of a community of young people, the analytical category homo consumens is connected with the category homo eligens. The representatives of young people function in the environment with a multitude and variety of possibilities, which encourages to constantly experience and search. Pluralism concerns not only the material aspect of consumerism, but also the world of ideas and religious beliefs. The pluralism of ‘spirituality’ and ideas complies with the postmodern demand for diversity and decentralization of traditional religious institutions. In postmodern societies emerge tendencies to subjective and selective treatment of truths of faith and sanctioned religious moral norms. Sociologist Peter L. Berger refers to the etymological meaning of the term ‘heresy’ and claims that heretic mentality becomes a dominant model of religious aspect of personality (see Berger 1990, p. 13n). The consequence of the process of privatization of religion among young people is the reduction of influence of institutionalized religion and marginalization of traditional religious organizations. As a result, the constant act of searching becomes more important than a final choice. Searching is a natural part of the cycle of psychophysical development of young people, but in postmodernism it has become a value itself. As interpreted by Baumann, an individual is a self-creating human in a constant process of interpretation of the environment and creation of his or her own identity (or many different identities)  – homo creator. The author of the work ‘Postmodernism as a Source of Suffering’ uses a metaphoric pattern of personality – a ‘life tourist’ whose survival strategy and aim of existence is ‘not to be defined, to make every adopted identity only an outfit, not a skin, an outfit that does not fit too tight, to be able to get rid of it as easily as one takes off a sweaty shirt’ (Bauman 2000, p. 143). If there are no constant points of reference, an individual strikes a pose of a self-creator and takes responsibility for his or her independent decisions himself or herself. Therefore, there emerges a notion of ‘independence’ understood in an individual way: it is the independence of a tourist who thinks that ‘other people should keep away

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from his or her travelling and nobody should tell him or her when it is right or wrong to get one’s stuff together and hit the road’ (Baumann 2000, p. 144).

Dimensions of religiousness The acceptance of the above conceptual assumptions as regards the survey of young people’s religiousness enhances the methodological conviction that there is no consensus on the operationalization of the term ‘religiousness’. The controversy mentioned results from not only the adoption of different methodological approaches, but also from antrophilosophical disputes in the scientific environment. However, to conduct a research process, it was necessary to conceptualize, explain and operationalize religiousness and to use a procedure that would allow to obtain valid and reliable indicators of the phenomenon. Operationally, religiousness is treated as an overall term for all attitudes to religious phenomena. To prepare a research tool, the logic of measurement of attitudes based on the definition of attitudes by Stefan Nowak was applied: ‘an attitude of a certain man to a certain object is the whole of relatively durable predispositions towards judgment of this object and emotional reaction to it or accompanied emotional and judgmental predispositions of relatively durable convictions about nature and qualities of this object, or relatively durable predispositions towards behaviour connected with this object’ (Nowak 1975, p.  23). Relative homeostasis between components leads to an entire, complementary and balanced attitude, while dominance of one of the components enables one to name three different attitudes: an intellectual attitude with dominance of the cognitive aspect; emotional and judgmental attitude, in which the affective component is dominant and action-oriented attitude, with dominance of the behavioral element. Such differentiation makes it easier to formulate simple models of religiousness, for example, intellectual attitude creates intellectual and inquisitive religiousness, emotional and judgmental attitude emotional and engaged religiousness and action-oriented attitude ritual religiousness. From that point of view, the entire attitude leads to mature and conscious religiousness. The survey uses a research tool in which dimensions were primarily established by Charles Glock and Rodney Stark and a community component by Ohio Fukuyam. A parameter (or dimension) means a fundamental aspect of religiousness, whereas an indicator (or index) is a detailed feature that is used to measure the parameter (see Piwowarski 1996, p. 49). Dimensions were adapted to polish conditions by Rev. prof. Władysław Piwowarski, Rev. prof Witold Zdaniewicz and Rev. prof Janusz Mariański, who created jointly the ‘Questionnaire of Research of Religiousness’. The questionnaire uses a set of parameters created

Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator

15

by Charles Glock and Rodney Stark. Yet in 1958, Charles Glock established four dimensions – ideological, experiential, ritualistic and consequential, and in 1962 he added the intellectual parameter. Thanks to the cooperation between Glock and Stark, the conception was developed and clarified (see Stark, Glock, pp. 182– 187). According to the authors, all five dimensions of religious engagement can be found in all religions, but in research practice, one should specify individually and separately for every religion or denomination what indicators should be included in the parameters. In the ‘Questionnaire of Research of Religiousness’, two dimensions were added to five basic ones, that is global attitude to religion and community parameter. The term ‘global profession of faith’ was introduced by French sociologists Louis Dingemans and Jean Rémy to describe motivation and dynamics of changes of one’s individual religiousness and identification of individuals with religious groups of reference. Parameters and indicators enable one to study environmental forms of religiousness, as well as religion defined in an ecclesiastical way, that is, religion promoted formally and informally by the Roman Catholic Church and handed down through religious socialization by basic socialization agendas. In this survey of social and religious attitudes of studying young people, to the research tool, religious dimensions adopted by forms of activity on the Internet were added. Based on the typology of religion by Chales Helland, the variables describing the categories online religion and religion online were included in the multiple-choice answers.

Methodology The methodology of the study assumed that research aims will be achieved through statistical calculations. The collected quantitative data were processed using IBM SPSS statistical software version 24 under UKSW licence. The recommendation of the method of the quantitative research was based on the assumption that the scope and kind of the obtained information should make it possible to generate multifactor statistical descriptions enabling one to explore, describe and explain. The conducted survey is a diachronic measurement with statistical time series of years 1988–1998–2005–2017. The first version of all-Poland sample of young students who study was prepared in 1988. It was updated in 1998. In 2017, due to the fact that vocational colleges (Polish: szkoły policealne) were closed down the sample was corrected by updating secondary/vocational schools (Polish:  szkoły średnie i zawodowe) and universities maintaining an overall number of statistical nests (170). As regards universities, half of the respondents were students of the second year and the other half students of the

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fourth year. For a methodological reason, in the survey conducted in 2017 the schema was modified by the introduction of a selection of regional criterion (voivodeship). As in case of previous measurements, only full-time students of state universities took part in the survey. Such a decision was taken to maintain characteristics of samples from the previous research. In the measurements in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017, the research technique f2f audit PAPI was used. Pollsters were students of sociology, economics and Man in Cyberspace at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. On the basis of all-Poland structure of students of secondary/vocational schools and university students, it was agreed that in the overall sample of 2673 respondents there should be 1606 students of secondary/vocational schools and 1067 university students. To include in the survey 1606 students of secondary/ vocational schools, 73 schools (Polish: oddziały) were drawn. To include in the study 1067 university students, 97 student groups were drawn, including 55 groups in the second year and 42 groups in the fourth year of studies. The effective sample was n=2133 (rr=0,8) respondents, including n=1339 (rr=0,83) school students and n=794 (rr=0,74) university students. In order to adjust the structure of the sample to the structure of the population, RAKE weights were used, and to meet ESOMAR and PKJPA standards, respondents’ answers were anonymous. The analyses included in the work consist of statistical distribution and contingency tables, along with correlation tests prepared exclusively for the subset of university students, excluding secondary school students. A separate monograph was devoted to the last mentioned group. As far as university students were concerned, the faculties of studies were drawn (along with departments and university) and numbered from 1 to 97. If it was an odd number, the students of the second year were under study and if it was an even number, students of the fourth year. The frame for drawing was an alphabetical list of names of students in a group in which, depending on the number of students, a starting point was 2 (with a selection of people with even numbers), 3 (with a selection of people with a number which can be divided by 3) or 4 (with a selection of people with a number which can be divided by 4).

Sample The research sample includes 60 % women and 40 % men. Among female and male students there are 34,2 % inhabitants of the country, 16,3 % inhabitants of a city with 50 000 inhabitants, 10,3 %- inhabitants of cities between 50 000 and 100  000 inhabitants, 13  % inhabitants of cities between 100  000 and 250  000 inhabitants, 10,8 % inhabitants of cities between 250 000 and 500 000 inhabitants

17

Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator 60 53.7

50 40 30

24.5

20 10 0

17.6

Very good

Good

Average

3.5

.8

Bad

Very bad

Diagram 1:  Structure of the sample of university young people in the survey from 2017 according to the declaration about material situation of one’s family [N=794](%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

and 15,4  % inhabitants of cities with over 500  000 inhabitants. Over 90  % respondents declared not being a member of a social or political organization, while 84,5 % respondents declared not being a member of a religious community or a church association. Nearly 1/4 of the respondents assessed material situation of their family as very good, 1/2 as good, over 1/4 as average, 3,5 % as bad and 0,8 % as very bad (see diagram 1). 65,7 % respondents represent mathematics and life sciences studies, including medical studies, and 34,3 % respondents are students of humanities, social or economic studies. The structure according to faculty of studies is shown in diagram 2. Below there are tables of variables of differentiation of a sample according to religion identification (see Tab. 1), global attitude to religion (see Tab. 2) and religious practices (see Tab. 3) in time series compared with measurements from 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. The process of validation of the data was based on the findings in the SPSS data matrix alogical observations and variable values, patterns and trends of lack of data, as well as on the analysis of the distribution of variables. To identify anomalies, that is observations that diverge, a computer technique of set analysis was used. Additionally, procedural analysis of overlap was made in order to specify scale and cause of completeness of the frame, respectively (that is units

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Mathematics and life sciences

65.7

Humanities, social studies, economics

34.3

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Diagram 2:  Structure of the sample of university young people in the survey from 2017 according to faculty of studies [N=794](%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Tab. 1:  Identification with religion in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total Roman Orthodox Protestant Moses Other None No Catholic Muslim, answer Buddhist 100,0 88,3 0,3 0,9 0,6 3,9 5,1 0,9

1988 (N=350) 1998 100,0 90,6 (N=523) 2005 100,0 90,8 (N=1086) 2017 100,0 84,5 (N=794)

1,0

1,1

0,2

1,2

5,2

0,7

0,5

0,4

0,2

1,7

6,0

0,4

1,1

0,6

0,1

1,8

9,9

2,0

that meet qualification criteria- which should be found in the frame, but were not included), creating the effect of ‘lack of overlap’ and sufficiency of the frame (that is units which should not be found in the frame as far as qualification criteria are concerned, but they were included). In the study, weighing (Polish: ważenie wieńcowe) was used. The idea behind that kind of weighing consists in declaring

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Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator

Tab. 2:  Attitude to religious faith in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total Very Religious Indecisive, but Indifferent Atheist No religious attached to answer religious tradition 100,0 18,0 56,3 16,9 4,3 4,6 —

1988 (N=350) 1998 100,0 15,1 (N=523) 2005 100,0 10,6 (N=1086) 2017 100,0 11,7 (N=794)

54,7

17,8

7,8

3,8

0,8

55,6

18,1

8,9

6,3

0,5

47,7

17,1

12,0

10,2

1,3

Tab. 3:  Attitude to religious practices in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total Practise Practice regularly irregularly 100,0 52,9 22,3

1988 (N=350) 1998 100,0 (N=523) 2005 100,0 (N=1086) 2017 100,0 (N=794)

Practice No seldom practice 12,3 11,1

Doesn’t No apply answer 1,4

41,7

26,6

16,1

14,7

-

1,0

35,0

28,5

19,5

10,0

5,2

1,7

30,2

26,1

19,8

13,4

7,4

3,1

target status (both proportion and absolute numbers) of variables which are weighed. The program by a series of weighing and corrections of the results obtained to the targeted results (so-called iteration) achieves the status of a sample possibly the nearest to the status of the population. The analysis of the data was made by means of empirical frequency distribution tables and contingency tables. It is a classic way of analysis and reduction of data. The χ2 independence test was used to find statistically significant correlations between data and to measure the strength of correlations between variables, C Pearson and V

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Cramer contingency coefficients were used. In the procedure of crossing of the variables, Bonferroni correction was used. The collective study published in 2018 consists of fifteen papers written mainly by well-known religion sociologists who represent various academic centers in Poland, whereas the given post-research collection of works includes abridged versions of the previously mentioned papers. It is worth adding that the order of chapters does not reflect the order of questions in the research tool, but is the effect of organization and aggregation of the issues discussed in three research areas: I. The Decalogue Toposes. Sense Worlds. New Morality, II. Postsacrum. Religious escapism. Hope metaphysics and III. Collective Identities. Social Trust. Passions.

Topoi of the Decalogue. Universes of purpose. The new morality

Wojciech Świątkiewicz

Christian Decalogue: Between acceptance and marginalization Abstract: Attitudes towards the Decalogue, expressed either by the acceptance or rejection of its principles, constitute the signature of the transformation in Christian civilisation and culture. The author presents an argument about the deconstruction of the Decalogue which undergoes procedures of relativisation and is inscribed into cultural space transitioning from objective to subjective morality, from the morality of commands and proscriptions to the morality of casual choices, justified by the principles of situational conformity. Attitudes towards the Decalogue are the results not only of the consequence of selective choices and rejections, but also of subjective composition and casual structuring of the principles of the Decalogue. The level of acceptance of the commandments is relatively low, not only of those that apply to the principles of social morality, but more so those of family and sexual morality. On the one hand, this can be recognised as a manifestation of the culture of axionormative pluralism, but also as a manifestation of a specific twist in contemporary culture and an expression of the anomalies of social order. The Decalogue assumes the character of a reversed figure, marginalising the supernatural, as well as its religious roots in God’s creation. The reversed Decalogue shows up the cracks in the foundations of Christian civilisation and the lost experience of cultural identity. The chapter contains five points: The Decalogue in Christian tradition and its role in culture, The Decalogue accepted and rejected, The Decalogue of men and women, The Decalogue of those with a deep faith which they practice systematically and Conclusions. Keywords: Decalogue, reversed Decalogue, morality, culture, religion, youth

Decalogue in the Christian tradition and its role in culture Providing a set of normative principles regulating relations among people and between people and God, the Decalogue constitutes a foundation of JudeoChristian civilization, manifesting not only its particular character but also distinctiveness from other civilizational circles. It defines the criteria of good and evil, order and chaos, the sacred and the profane, the rules of moral life and social roles; explains the sense of individual and collective life and shows the goal that man and Christian communities should pursue. It determines the founding values of human society. It is the principal and major source of the legitimization of social ordo, i.e. a Christian civilization finding its justification and excuse in the act of Creation, in the Biblical Books and in Tradition, of which the Church

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is the depositary and guardian. ‘The Decalogue contains a set of basic precepts and prohibitions on the basis of which the human personality, family coexistence and ties between small groups were formed. The Judeo-Christian values constituted the foundation of legislation regulating the order of most European countries and the rules of international law. These values represented the necessary binding element integrating human personalities and social groups’ [Pawełczyńska 2004: 91]. The Decalogue is the fundamental and unchangeable deposit of the Christian faith. Both the content of the commandments and their structure form the foundations of Christianity, and thus shape the profile of civilization growing out of the acceptance of the Decalogue as the axionormative basis, expressed in the principles of social order and the richness and diversity of Christian cultures and characters. “The Commandments of the Decalogue are primary norms of natural law that apply to everyone in the same manner. Although they were formulated with the use of concepts and language of a particular culture, nowadays they still provide an area of freedom for all, protecting the values and good of people, and thus enabling everyone to live a truly human life. The commandments of the Decalogue are formulated in general terms; they can be expressed more specifically in the form of a detailed code of conduct. They form the ethical foundation of individual and social life” [Mariański 2006b: 99]. The choice of the Decalogue is the choice of the Christian way of life. The acceptance of Ten Commandments and their implementation in the practices of everyday life can be considered as a fundamental measure of the state of Christianity as a religion, but also as a basic indicator of Christian civilization, regardless of divisions or confessional specificity. Throughout centuries, Christianity fused with the figures of culture, becoming a culture itself and shaping the projects and lifestyles of generations in the processes of socialization and upbringing. It was like air necessary to live in the obvious, natural and undoubtable world. The changes taking place in contemporary culture make this air thickened and marked by social differentiation, separating different spheres of life – religion, culture, work and family – in the axionormative and behavioural dimension. The changes also result in structural individualism with a wave of radical privatization of individual decisions, ambivalence and risk, chaos and randomness of the adapted life models. These models are not necessarily inherited but emerge following their own scenario; the choice has to be made without the reliance on the certainty of permanent values. Other effects comprise radical pluralism with the tolerance of conflicting values and norms, which gives the impression that everything is allowed, and disinstitutionalization with the growing claim for autonomy in relation to institutions – guardians of

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values and norms – in favor of their selective choice and adjustment to individual projects of life, which in particular refers to the delegitimization of the role and function of the Church. Many sociological studies conclude that in the age of modernity the need for a transcendent justification of the moral order is disappearing. People discover that they can live morally in a more individualized way, regardless of church structures or Christianity as an axiological system. Values and moral norms legitimized by the Catholic religion are subject to relativization and marginalization; they are questioned and rejected. The extent to which the secularization of social life is manifested and the degree to which the mentality of individuals, particularly younger generations, is secularized, which primarily affects the realm of everyday life, and the morality of marital and family life seems to be a signature of contemporary culture [cf. Mariański 2017; Zaręba, Borowik 2016:  206; Sroczyńska 2013]. According to Wojciech Pawlik, “weakening the meaning of the Decalogue in social life does not mean […] radical axiological negation, it rather consists in relativizing meanings and scopes of application of particular norms. Interpreting the Decalogue in their own way, but without rejecting it, young people admit its importance as a certain moral constitution of our civilization, and still in everyday normative practices manage without directly referring to it” [Pawlik 2004: 172].

Decalogue accepted and rejected Nearly 60 years ago, Karl Rahner put forward the thesis “Christianity is changing from being habitual to being Christianity by choice” [Rahner 1959: 33, quoted in Piwowarski 1996: 100]. In agreement with Zdzisław Krasnodębski, it can be added that “Christians in Europe have become accustomed to their cognitive and ethical minority status” [Krasnodębski 1996: 180], and the Christian Decalogue has been inscribed in general cultural, ideological or even political processes of relativization and delegitimization of Christian axiology. The results of empirical sociological research conducted in the student youth environment presented in this study were focused on questions about accepting successively presented Commandments of the Decalogue. It should be emphasized that these were not questions about knowledge that are important from the cognitive, somewhat theoretical, point of view, but about acceptance that can be directly related to the practices of social life. It can hardly be assumed that the rejection of the Decalogue, i.e. the lack of acceptance of these precepts, will as if in defiance of the presented attitude be expressed in the lifestyles supposedly inspired by the norms of the Decalogue. The survey questions were

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followed by four possible answers by means of which the respondents could express their attitude towards each commandment. The formula of the question was as follows: “Think about each commandment and determine to what extent it is binding for you personally. Please use the following scale:  1. definitely binding, 2.  partially binding. 3.  definitely not binding, 4.  hard to say”. Further analysis involved the answers in which respondents definitely accept or reject the precepts of the Decalogue. It was assumed that the other answers indicate attitudes that can be qualified as relativizing the commandments in different ways, with their acceptance being dependent on individual decisions justified by various situations and circumstances that were not the subject of this research. Therefore, it is not known what factors caused difficulties in answering questions or what circumstances determined only partial acceptance of the Decalogue. However, the degree of accepting or rejecting the Decalogue can be regarded as the most important sociological indicator showing the extent of the secularization of mentality and social life. Various indicators of religious life and religious condition of analysed communities, discussed in the studies of sociologists of religion, usually refer to historically variable models of religious ecclesiasticalism, which is certainly built on the basis of the Decalogue, but is dressed in a variety of cultural costumes in which religion is expressed and expresses itself. Considering that, the Decalogue somewhat precedes culture, being its source and ultimate tool of legitimacy. As the foundation of Christianity, being pre-confessional and inter-confessional, it is the axionormative basis of all Christian denominations, embodying particularly for them the sociological principle of separateness from other religions and civilizations. It can be argued that in the modern culture, the Decalogue is pushed into the market of ideas and values, the imperative of choice, the individualization of rituals and compulsive consumerism. It is becoming included in the world of media or internet paradise, newspaper astrology, pseudoreligious sects and illusions of projects of life as a cult of youth and everlasting entertainment. It is between acceptance and rejection, revealing the broken foundations of Christian civilization. The extent of these processes is shown in the table below. The data distribution presented in Tab. 1 shows clearly that none of the commandments is fully accepted in the surveyed academic youth environment. The commandment protecting human life is accepted to the highest extent (83.9 %), but in this case it is not absolute acceptance, and nearly 3 % of respondents recognize that the commandment “Thou shalt not kill” is definitely not binding, which can be interpreted as rejecting the rule of absolute protection of human life. The first commandment is accepted “only” by 53.3 % of respondents, with

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Tab. 1:  Decalogue: Between acceptance and rejection (in %). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Decalogue commandments Thou shalt have no other gods before me. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Honour thy father and thy mother. Thou shalt not kill. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not steal. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy .neighbour Thou shalt not covet neighbour’s wife. Thou shalt not covet neighbour’s slaves, animals or anything else.

Definitely binding 53.3 26.7 32.6 73.8 83.9 59.4 75.9 48.7 61.6 53.4

Definitely non-binding 15.7 22.4 20.0 2.9 2.8 8.1 3.9 4.9 6.3 6.3

nearly 16 % of the surveyed students considering it to be definitely non-binding. The rejection of this commandment is additionally emphasized by a strong lack of acceptance of the second commandment: “Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain,” expressed by more than one-fifth of the respondents (22.4 %) and rejection of the commandments regarding the celebration of Dies Domini by one fifth. All the first three commandments regarding the relationship between God and man are characterized by the highest degree of rejection, incomparable to the extent of rejecting the other seven commandments of the Decalogue regulating relations between people in the sphere of general morality and the morality of sexual life. The empirical hierarchy of the commandments of the “new” Decalogue is shown in List 1.

List 1. Hierarchy of validity of the Ten Commandments with regard to the degree of acceptance of individual rules 1. Thou shalt not kill (83.9 %). 2. Thou shalt not steal (75.9 %). 3. Honour thy father and thy mother (73.8 %). 4. Thou shalt not covet neighbour’s wife (61.6 %). 5. Thou shalt not commit adultery (59.4 %). 6. Thou shalt not covet neighbour’s slaves, animals or anything else (53.4 %).

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7. Thou shalt have no other gods before me (53.3 %). 8. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour (48.7 %). 9. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy (32.6 %). 10. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain (26.7 %). The sociological research, the results of which are commented on in this study, not only shows the extent of acceptance, marginalization or rejection of the Decalogue, but also the degree of its reevaluation or  – perhaps more precisely  – reverse valuation. The order of social significance of the examined norms that the survey results show can be considered as an important indicator of secularization and laicization. The secularization here means that in the social space the significance of norms directly related to relations with God, i.e. religious norms, is marginalized. The principle of acceptance of the only God alone (“Thou shalt have no other gods before me”) is the only one that is slightly more accepted by the surveyed academic youth. More than three-quarters of the respondents think that two other commandments do not provide a premise affecting one’s life decisions or profiles of one’s personality, which is an important indicator of the advancement of secularization processes. In the mentality of the student community, the Decalogue takes the form of an inverted figure, marginalizing its supernatural, religious roots in the creative act of God. Commenting on similar tendencies in the answers of Polish secondary school leavers, Janusz Mariański concluded that “Polish youth has greater difficulties in comprehending the theological meaning of commandments defining duties towards God than duties towards one’s neighbours” [Mariański 2011: 195]. The Decalogue is treated more as a set of principles regulating relations between people than relation with God, who  – in the perception of a large group of respondents – is erased from the consciousness and deprived of social meaning. In this sense, a significant percentage of the surveyed youth can treat the scale of acceptance of the Decalogue as the affirmation of the profane concept of life that has lost its religious legitimization. The surveyed students, with their declarations regarding the degree of acceptance of the Decalogue, are part of the trend of cultural transformations aimed at moving away from religious orientations and following increasingly secular axionormative references. We live in times defined by Benedict XVI in the following way: “God is out of sight for many people or has become an entity that leaves a person indifferent” [Benedict XVI 2011: 49]. The thesis of Benedict XVI perfectly reflects the sense of re-evaluating the meaning of the Decalogue in the consciousness and life attitudes of the academic youth.

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The Decalogue of women and men General characteristics of acceptance of the Decalogue can be revealed taking into account certain social variables typically treated in sociological research as factors that may affect social religiosity profiles of the respondents. Many sociological studies emphasize the fact that women are more involved in their religiosity with higher intensity of religious practices and religious sensitivity. It is interesting that the Decalogue of men and women has a similar structure of the commandments, only that the extent of their acceptance in each case is lower in the men’s environment than in the women’s environment. For women, the commandments are more binding than for men. Our research allows us to formulate the conclusion that religious sensitivity of men and women seems similar, but men slightly less incorporate the Decalogue into their own life projects. The thesis about the less significant role of the Decalogue in men’s life projects is confirmed by data showing the degree of rejection of the Ten Commandments. The Decalogue, rejected in the declarations of both men and women, has a similar order of commandments. It is noticeable that by far the highest degree of rejection in both groups of respondents comprises the commandments regarding the relationship between God and man. Men, much more strongly than women, refuse to accept these commandments and do not include them in their own life projects, thus rejecting God’s promised blessing to the thousandth generation1. Similarly, men’s environment is characterized by much lower recognition of the commandments regulating the principles of sexual morality. In this respect, men show more disapproval than women for the commandments that forbid adultery, “the lust after a neighbour’s wife,” or even the commandment “Do not covet thy neighbour’s thing.” Also in relation to the other commandments regulating the principles of morality, men exhibit a somewhat more contesting attitude.

1 Exodus, 20: 1 And God spoke all these words: 2 I am the Lord your God, who brought you out of Egypt, out of the land of slavery. 3 You shall have no other gods before me. 4 You shall not make for yourself an image in the form of anything in heaven above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below. 5 You shall not bow down to them or worship them; for I, the Lord your God, am a jealous God, punishing the children for the sin of the parents to the third and fourth generation of those who hate me, 6 but showing love to a thousand generations of those who love me and keep my commandments.

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It may arouse astonishment that both men and women reveal attitudes of rejecting moral imperatives, seemingly culturally obvious and unmistakable, connected with respect for parents, truthfulness, inviolability of property and unconditional protection of human life. In the latter case, one can probably find connections between such an attitude and the consent to abortion or euthanasia. Challenging or rejecting the norms of natural law is an important sign in the social and cultural sense of departing from religious ethics at the level of specific moral norms. The presented analyses can be concluded with a reference to the thesis formulated by Janusz Mariański: “The distortion of general moral norms and the loss of their obliging force, which means that the standards that underpin individual and social choices have been weakened, can be considered as a symptom of the growing moral crisis. […] Regardless of generational differences, one can speak of a tendency towards the liberal (permissive) society. We are observing the process of “defusing” moral judgments, which is in turn becoming the source of moral dilemmas, the crisis of identity, and even the loss of meaning of life” [Mariański 2011: 502].

The Decalogue of deep believers and regular practitioners If the norms of the Decalogue are obviously the basis of the social order of Christian civilization, even if they are not directly associated with the confessions and religious practices of various Christian denominations, the more it can be assumed that it will be accepted in the environment of people declaring profound religious sensitivity and attachment to the Church expressed through systematic religious practices. In the perspective of sociological research on patterns of religious practices, understanding their regularity means, above all, respecting the commitment to celebrate Dies Domini, i.e. participation in the Sunday Holy Mass. With the assumption that the Decalogue is a founding value for the Christian community, it can justifiably be assumed that it will also be universally accepted as a recognized and declared value, and perhaps even inscribed in the practices of everyday life. All the more, these assumptions can be applied to those among the respondents who make declarations of deep religiosity. Based on the data in Tab. 2, it can be concluded that the declarations of deep faith are not unambiguously connected with considering the commandments of the Decalogue as definitely binding. Thus, a certain gap can be observed between the axionormative space of Christianity determined by the Decalogue and personal values and religious affiliations expressed in the declarations of deep faith. Nevertheless, it

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Tab. 2:  Decalogue of “deep believers” based on “definitely binding” responses (in %). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Decalogue of deep believers 1. Thou shall not have other gods before me (87.1 %). 2. Thou shall not kill (82.8 %). 3. Thou shall not steal (82.8 %). 4. Honour thy father and thy mother (81.7 %). 5. Thou shall not covet neighbour’s wife (80.6 %). 6. Remember the sabbath day to keep it holy (77.4 %). 7. Thou shall not commit adultery(76.3 %). 8. Thou shall not covet neighbour’s slaves, animals or anything else (74.2 %). 9. Thou shall not bear false witness against thy neighbour (63.4 %). 10. Thou shall not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain (62.4 %).

is worth noting that the Christian Decalogue retains the elements of its original structure without being subject to the rules of cultural reversal only for the students defining themselves as deeply religious. In the first place, as in the Decalogue of Moses, students who are deep believers place the commandment “You will have no other gods before me”, which is considered absolutely binding by 87.1 % of the respondents. 1.1 % of students who define themselves as deep believers treat this commandment as definitely not binding. The others considered them as partially binding (3.2 %), the same number of students chose the answer “hard to say” and 5.4 % failed to define their attitude. With reference to the next commandments, there is a specific reconstruction of their significance or the degree of their acceptance. It should be noted, however, that as shown in Tab. 2, students defining themselves as deep believers admit greater acceptance also of other moral principles than students for whom personal relationship with religious faith is not so important. Nevertheless, none of the commandments of the Decalogue found greater acceptance than the first one, having a fundamental meaning in the history of mankind. The principle of the reverse Decalogue applies also to students who declare themselves as regular practitioners. The results of the research clearly show that regular religious practices, or more precisely systematic participation in the Sunday Holy Mass, and the self-classification of one’s religiosity as that of a deeply religious person clearly favor the recognition of the Decalogue as firmly binding. In no case, however, were any of the commandments unconditionally accepted as a binding norm. In the environment of deeply religious and systematically

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practicing students, the commandments “Do not kill” (91.3  %) and “You will have no other gods before me” (87.9 %) have the highest degree of acceptance, with the deep believers putting this commandment in the first place. In the author’s opinion, the extent of rejecting the Ten Commandments referring to the relationship between man and God shows the level of religious sensitivity of the surveyed students and a degree of secularization processes which exclude the meaning and functions of the religious agent, or, in other words, the Personal God, from the consciousness of the respondents. The research results discussed here may also be an interesting premise for studying the manifestations of church religiosity and non-religious churchliness, which is referred to as belonging without believing. It is noteworthy that even systematic religious practices and self-declarations of deep faith do not lead to the full acceptance of the three divine commandments, and the reversed Decalogue, considered to be binding to a varying degree, does not have to be treated as religiously justified Based on numerous sociological studies, including those of Janusz Mariański, Witold Zdaniewicz, Józef Baniak, Sławomir H. Zaręba, Leon Smyczek and Ondrej Štefaňak, it can be concluded that acceptance of the principles of the Decalogue increases together with the age of the generations, as Janusz Mariański indicated in the conclusions of his comparative studies already in 2006 [cf. Mariański, 2006a:  56; Zaręba 2003; Baniak 2008; Štefaňak 2013]. In the sphere of moral sensitivity of academic and secondary school students, the emphasis is shifted from the common good and the related social order to the good of the individual, which is often egocentrically focused on situational personal happiness and freedom from the commitment of permanent emotional obligations. This leads to the formation of an egoistic personality, to a large extent guided by social engineers of consumption and hedonistic nature, disregarding the interests of other persons or general social values in the undertaken activities [cf. Zemło 2006:  166]. Prefigurative generational transmission of the acceptance of the Decalogue precepts encounters, however, an intergenerational gap. The youth who either rejects the Decalogue or marginalizes it in a significant way, at the time of the transition to the world of adult social roles, will not refer to the Ten Commandments to find there the justification of their own life projects.

Conclusions It can be concluded that with respect to the Decalogue, the attitudes of selective acceptance are adopted. Some commandments are accepted to a larger extent, others are recognised to a smaller degree, or even rejected. None of the commandments, however, received unconditional acceptance. The Decalogue has

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been inscribed in the culture of liquid reality, the signature of which, according to Peter Berger, is the heretical imperative of choice favoring the processes of moral anomie. The attitudes towards the Decalogue reflect the social differentiation that makes various areas of social life independent of each other in the axionormative and behavioural order. The Decalogue is becoming one of many segments of cultural pluralism and life projects available at the marketplace of spiritual goods or religious services. It is subject to relativization, inscribing itself into the cultural spheres of the transition from objective morality to subjective morality, from the morality of the precepts and prohibitions to the morality of free choices justified by the principle of situational conformism. The Decalogue is subjected to deconstruction, and the new order and structure of commandments  – whose hierarchy is measured by the degree of their acceptance or rejection  – exposes normative rules pertaining to the general morality of the social life and to a lesser extent to sexual morality. It is an inverted Decalogue, because the three Divine commandments, forming the axionormative basis of the entire Decalogue of Moses, have been marginalized and moved to the last positions or even rejected. The marginalization of God’s commandments is accompanied by a specific redefinition of God as the provider of the Decalogue. In the literature reconstructing various aspects of religious experience and faith, the concept of “Christian” God is replaced by the sacred as a force, the power of a completely different order than natural forces [cf. Eliade 1999]. “The post-modern sacrum, due to the fact that it is strongly present in popular culture, is becoming a simulacrum; the sacred is neither , nor, but a textual simulation of religious traditions” [cf. E. McAvan 2012: 24; after: Mariański, Wargacki 2016: 20]. The Decalogue then loses its Divine Creator, and the issues of truth or falseness of religion are considered less important, marking a departure from religious ethics at the level of individual moral norms perhaps in the direction of culturally and situationally conditioned ethical imperatives. The level of acceptance of all commandments is relatively low, also those that refer to the principles of social morality, and more so to family and sexual morality. It can be considered on the one hand as a manifestation of the axionormative pluralism, but on the other hand as a demonstration of a certain axiological twist of contemporary culture and display of social order anomie. The reversed Decalogue shows the broken foundations of Christian civilization and the lost experience of one’s own cultural identity expressed in the formula etsi Deus non daretur. The reversed Decalogue, marginalizing or even rejecting God’s commandments, is losing its religious significance and becoming

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one of many civilization projects. The loss of memory and Christian heritage is accompanied  – according to John Paul II  – by practical agnosticism and religious indifference, “which makes many Europeans feel they live without spiritual background, like heirs who squandered the heritage left them by history […] therefore, it is not surprising if in this context a vast space has opened for the free development of nihilism in the field of philosophy, relativism in the field of the theory of cognition and morality, pragmatism and even cynical hedonism in the structure of everyday life. European culture gives the impression of ‘silent apostasy’ of a sated man who lives as if God did not exist” [John Paul II 2003]. Józef Baniak, the author of numerous sociological studies on the attitudes and religious behaviour of young people in both secondary schools and universities, formulates the thesis that the religiosity of a significant percentage of young Poles clearly differs from the Christian faith model, because they reveal selective, ambivalent, unorthodox attitudes towards this faith [cf. Baniak 2016: 48]. This conclusion can also be applied to the characteristics of the student environment covered by our research. The Decalogue dissolves in liquid religiosity and a liquid sacrum. “It is true that one can believe without absolute certainty, one can believe, stuck in doubts and indecision, one can have strong moral views amidst religious doubts, but such attitudes can easily change into religious indifference and even into non-religious attitudes. Especially in the perspective of the liquidity and unpredictability of modern societies, liquid religiosity and liquid sacrum may tend to continue to disintegrate and deregulate. Sacrum is not disappearing, but taking on new, varied forms. The market of religion and spirituality, the market of the liquid sacrum is still significant. Christian Churches are standing a great chance, even if they have used it rather poorly so far” [Mariański, Wargacki 2016:  22–23]. The problem is, however, that also Christian Churches seem to be moving towards liquidity, and the doctrinal and institutional divergences and disputes between them do not favor treating the Decalogue as a world of universal axiology in the pluralism of contemporary culture. Churches feel an internal emphasis on the relativization of moral norms and principles. The model of a friendly Church as an inclusive institution ready to satisfy various social needs finds great acceptance among the faithful, but also the consent of its officers, giving way under the pressure of the liquid norms of moral culture, is leading towards non-denominational Christianity [cf. Mariański 2004: 131].

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Pawełczyńska, A. Hydra heads. About the perversity of modern evil [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Test, Lublin, 2004. Pawlik, W. “Between nomosos and anomie. Comments on the relativity of youth”, in: Worldview: Between transcendence and everyday life, ed. I. Borowik, H. Hoffmann, Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, Kraków, 2004. Rahner, K. Theologische Deutung der Position der Christen in der modernen Welt, in: Sendung und Gnade [translated into Polish], Innsbruck-Wien-Munchen, Tyrolia-Verlag, quoted in: Piwowarski, W. Sociology of religion, Wydawnictwo KUL, Lublin, 1959. Sroczyńska, M.A. Rituals in the youth world. Sociological study, Wydawnictwo FALL, Kraków, 2013. Štefaňak, O. Moral values of Slovakian secondary school leavers [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Norbertinum, Kraków, 2013. The Act on limiting trade on Sundays and public holidays and on certain other days [in Polish]. Adopted by the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on November 24, 2017. The Act was signed by the President of the Republic of Poland on January 29, 2018. Zaręba, S.H. Dynamics of religious and moral consciousness of young people in the conditions of political changes in Poland (1988–1998) [in Polish], ISKK, Warszawa, 2003. Zaręba, S.H., Borowik I. (ed.) Tradition and innovation in the reflections on the sociology of religion [in Polish], Kontrast, Warszawa, 2016. Zemło, M. School in the state of anomie. Report [in Polish], Municipal Office in Bialystok, Białystok, 2006.

Andrzej Kasperek

Sense of meaning in the life of university students – Between continuity and change Abstract: What has been undertaken in this chapter is the issue of life sense as an element of religious experience. Referring to the data collected in the studies conducted in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 by the Statistical Institute of the Catholic Church, the author makes an attempt to answer the questions concerning the sense-creating significance of religious faith, the feeling of life sense, as well as the values which provide sense in respondents’ life. Particular attention is drawn to the comparison of research results from 1988–2017. What can be noticed in that period is a decreasing percentage of respondents seeing the sense of life in religious faith with a simultaneously increasing percentage of respondents viewing this sense beyond religious faith. However, in the analyzed period, the high rank attributed to family life and love as the values giving the sense of life has not changed. Keywords: academic youth, feeling of sense, values providing sense of life, subjective well-being

A question about the meaning of life, which one asks oneself more or less often, appears in the life of almost every human being. It is a great philosophical and existential issue which touches upon life. An answer to the question about the meaning of life is important not only from the point of view of an individual. The very fact of making a sociological attempt at answering the question about the meaning of life and values that make one’s life meaningful should not come as a surprise if one takes into account that people who answer those questions function in certain sociological environments, always representing certain sociological and generation categories. A sociologist aims at answering the question how changing conditions of social, cultural, economic and political life influence the answer about the subjective sense of meaning of one’s life. It is a cliché to say that people ask a question about the meaning of life in so-called critical situations. Whether it is an illness, death of one’s loved one or any other kind of suffering, undoubtedly in such situations an individual is ‘shaken out’ from his or her daily routine. The social equivalent of a critical situation of an individual is a cross-society crisis (e.g. economic or political one). In such moments, it seems well-founded to treat the issue of the meaning of life as a kind of litmus paper of mental changes. The question about the meaning of life is inextricably linked

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with the question about purpose in life, values in life and understanding of happiness (Mariański 2013, p. 12). For several dozen years, in psychology, one of its branches has been developing intensely, namely positive psychology (see Csikszentmihalyi, 2014; Seligman, 2002). The term ‘subjective wellbeing’, which positive psychology finds important, and deliberations about happiness and quality of life spread to other disciplines, including sociology. In the concept of post-materialist society, Ronald Inglehart puts an emphasis on popularization in the developed countries of ‘post-material’ orientation, in which self-expression and quality of life are key ideas (Inglehart 1971, pp. 991–1017). Also in sociological conception of postmaterial society, the aspect of quality of life is highlighted and it cannot be isolated from the issue of the meaning of life. In other words, also sense of meaning is a measure of an individual’s wellbeing. ‘From the sociological point of view, the meaning of life might be understood as some kind of the sphere of perception, experiences, judgments, individual life goals and human activities connected with a positive acceptance of life, ordered according to a hierarchy of goals and values, which are based on individual preferences and choices and widely-understood interpersonal communication consisting in cooperation and interaction. The meaning of life understood in that way takes place on the level of knowledge (cognition), judgments (passing judgments) and desires in a constant reference to a social structure that constitutes its context’ (Mariański, 1990, p. 120). The meaning of life treated as an element of an attitude (components: cognitive, emotional and behavioural one) touches upon the issue of continuity of intergenerational transmission of cultural heritage. Changes observed in the declarations about the meaning of life concern individuals and their ontogenetic development, but also social environments which those individuals come from. Transmission of faith is an important aspect of inheriting. The analysis of the questions concerning the meaning of life will be presented with reference to the survey conducted among university students in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. The presentation begins with the question in which respondents were asked to say what makes their life meaningful. The question about the meaning of life is a vital element of every man’s life. From the sociological point of view, it also constitutes one of the indicators of the parameter of religious experience, being an indicator of religiousness. First of all, the question in which relation to religion was exposed is analyzed. Tab. 1 shows results of the survey conducted in the past 30 years. Importantly, the first of the series of surveys was conducted in the last years of the Polish People’s Republic. Since 1998, the number of respondents who perceive faith

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Sense of meaning in the life of university students

Tab. 1:  Role of religion in making one’s life meaningful in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total Only religious faith 100,0 20,6

1988 (N=350) 1998 100,0 (N=523) 2005 100,0 (N=1086) 2017 100,0 (N=794)

Not only religious faith, but also other things 41,4

Meaning of life Hard No outside religious to say answer faith 19,7 14,3 4

7,1

52,2

13,2

22,8

4,8

7,7

43,2

23,2

23,9

1,9

6,5

32,9

31,4

26,3

2,9

as the only source of meaning of life has been decreasing. The groundbreaking period turned out to be the period between 1988–1998 when there was a significant drop in the number of respondents who believe that particularly religion makes their life meaningful. Since 1988, there has been stabilization in the distribution of answers. Simultaneously, the percentage of respondents who see the meaning of life outside faith has increased. In the 1990s of the past century, there was a shift in declarations of some respondents towards finding the meaning of life not only in faith, but also outside it. However, faith was still an important element making one’s life meaningful, although not the only one anymore. To sum up, over the last 30 years in Poland, there have been a variety of changes (political, economic, social and cultural ones), which left imprint on the meaningful function of faith. However, the question remains whether it has more to do with the fact that the meaningful function of faith is decreasing or with the one that university students escape from the jurisdiction of religious institutions and look for meaning in ‘shrinking Transcendence’ (Luckmann, 1990, p. 138). What respondents’ fragmented answers about seeing the meaning of life outside religion have in common is ‘internalworldness’, imperative of ‘here and now’. Young respondents mainly associate the meaning of life with the following dimensions:  1) family life and the circle of friends, 2)  love, 3)  self-fulfillment and self-realization. It is noticeable that those answers are similar to the ones formulated by Thomas Luckmann in his work ‘Invisible Religion’. Importantly, Luckmann wrote in 1967 about modern religious topics such as among

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Tab. 2:  Attitude to life and attitude to faith in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Attitude to Answer faith Total Life is meaningless and one can lose faith in it Very religious Religious Indecisive Indifferent Atheist

Life is meaningful, but it is not rewarding for me

100,0 2,2

I don’t see too much meaning in my life, but I find it rewarding 2,2

5,4

78,5

9,7

2,2

100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

9,5 11,0 23,2 17,3

10,8 16,2 6,3 7,4

69,9 55,9 52,6 56,8

6,9 14,0 9,5 12,3

0,3 0,0 3,2 0,0

2,6 2,9 5,3 6,2

Life is Hard No meaningful to say answer and rewarding

others: self-expression and self-realization, sexuality and familism (Luckmann 1996, pp. 145–152). There is a clear correlation between seeing the meaning of life in religious faith (or outside it) and declarations about being religious. People who declared being very religious usually saw the meaning of life exclusively in religion (over onefifths of those who said that they were very religious) and they also most often chose the answer ‘Not only religious faith, but also other things’. Simultaneously, respondents who declared being atheists said that they looked for the meaning of life outside religion (nearly three-fourths of atheists). Similarly, there is a correlation between the answer about religious practices and seeing the meaning of life in religious faith (or outside it): the more regularly one practices his or her faith, the more he or she sees the meaning of life in religion. Respondents who practice their faith seldom or do not practice at all more often look for the meaning of life outside religion. People who declare being very religious or religious more often perceive their life as meaningful and rewarding. People who are religious less often treat their life as meaningless and more often than people who are atheists, indecisive or indifferent think that their life is meaningful, as well as rewarding. Tab. 2 shows the results: The results given do not diverge from the data obtained from other surveys of young Poles. Janusz Mariański claims that the general conclusion that can be drawn from his surveys is that nearly half of the respondents found their life

Sense of meaning in the life of university students

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meaningful and rewarding ((Mariański, 2013, p. 92, Mariański, 2018, pp. 83–85). In that survey, the percentage was higher, that is 65 %. Mariański highlights the fact that there is a correlation between positive (approving) attitudes towards life and religiousness, above all between declaration of being very religious – a similar correlation was found in the survey of university young students in 2017. The time of studies is the period when one looks for the answer about one’s life aims and about what is valuable. Contemporary young people make such existential choices in the pluralistic world. As Pete L. Berger said, what results from pluralism is so-called cognitive contamination (Berger, 2014, pp. 2, 5). Pluralism is the effect of interaction with various outlooks, religious traditions and cultures, so it may refer to such terms as ‘outlook mishmash’ or ‘religious mishmash’. In the works connected with the sociology of religion, Berger devoted a lot of space to the issue of choices, which have become a major principle of modern societies. Referring to the etymology of the term heresy (haeresis –choice), already in the 1980s of the past century he formulated a thesis about the presence of a heretic imperative in modern societies (see Berger, 1980). A pluralistic situation widens a range of choices for modern young people, simultaneously exposing them to a difficult situation of making choices in the world that offers a multitude of outlook ‘offers’. In the book In Praise of Doubt, Peter L. Berger and Anton C. Zijderveldem pay attention to the role of the expression religious preference in understanding a modern religious situation. As they notice, that expression stems from consumerism discourse (Berger, Zijderveld, 2009, pp. 17–18), while the consequence of the pluralistic situation is also the merging of the spheres of religion and consumerism. Cognitive contamination and religious preference are two sides of the same coin. The pluralistic situation is an important challenge for the sense of meaning and cognitive contamination is an element (a cognitive component) of the attitude towards the multitude of experienced kinds of outlooks or lifestyles (two other components of attitude which are related to the sphere of the meaning should not be forgotten). Life choices are connected with religious and axiological preferences. Those choices reflect social changes, axiological reorientations, attitude to tradition and transmission of cultural heritage. Making choice of values understood as something that is valuable and worth realizing shows what in a given society remains long-lasting and what undergoes a metamorphosis. Simultaneously, the issue of values reveals their connection with the problem of meaning: values make one’s life meaningful and explicitly touch upon existential and par excellence anthropological issues. They are also an important sociological problem. The dynamics of changes over the years 1988–2017 is shown in diagram 1.

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Andrzej Kasperek Choice of values that make one’s life meaningful in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%)

90 80 70 60

1988

50

1998

40

2005

30

2017

20 10 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10 11 12 13 14 15

Diagram 1:  Choice of values that make one’s life meaningful in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). 1 – belief in a great idea, 2 – work that one likes, 3 – finding one’s place in a society and the feeling that you are useful and needed, 4 – deep religious faith, 5 – money, well-being, comfortable life, decent material status, 6 – education, desire for knowledge 7 – having trust of others and friends, 8 – variety of adventures, trying everything even at the cost of distress, 9 – individualism, one’s own style, ability to be oneself, 10 – love, big love, 11 – quiet life without surprises, 12 – strive for one’s aim, 13 – leaving something behind, 14 – family happiness, 15 – something else makes one’s life meaningful (what?). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

Diagram 1 clearly shows which values respondents found the most meaningful. Unsurprisingly, love and family happiness (affiliation and stabilization values) were the most frequently chosen answers both 30 years ago and now. Over those years, it has also been clear which values have not been found meaningful by respondents: contrary to some clichés, young university students do not think that adventures or life without surprises (in a certain kind of ritualism) make their life meaningful. Although young university students in 2017, as expected, most frequently chose love and family happiness as values which make their life meaningful, it does not mean that the status of those values in their life has not changed. As compared with the surveys conducted in 1988, 1998 and 2005, those categories were quite significantly chosen less often. Simultaneously, there was a significant increase of a number of respondents who believe that finding their

Sense of meaning in the life of university students

43

place in a society and the feeling of being useful make their life meaningful. Taking into account that that increase is accompanied by the decrease of the meaning attached to one’s own individuality and style (it has been already noted since 1998) and that having trust of others and friends has a high position, it might be said that choices reported by young university students do not confirm a stereotype of a young modern individualist or (in stronger words) of an egotist or a hedonist. According to over one-fourth of respondents, material status (money, well-being, comfortable life) is an important factor that makes one’s life meaningful. However, this value does not seem to be particularly important – in the ranking of the most important values in 2017, the category ‘money, well-being, comfortable life, decent material status’ was only on the 9th position (out of 15) and it was chosen as the most important value that makes one’s life meaningful by less than 3 % of respondents. Choices of the most important value that makes one’s life meaningful confirm the trend of decrease of the role of faith. In 1988, 44 % young university students believed that faith is a factor that makes one’s life meaningful, while in 2017, it was 21,9 %. There are also visible changes regarding the most important value that makes one’s life meaningful: in 1988, deep faith was on the third position (16,3 %), while in 2017, on the fifth place, but with a significantly lower number of respondents who chose it (5 %). As the data above show, there is a trend of decrease in the number of respondents who associate faith with the sense of meaning observed between 1988 and 2017. The analysis of the data obtained over the years 1988–2017 should take into account the context, which might be described as ‘the time of permanent change’. Thirty years seem to be long enough to observe changes in the way people perceive such a subjective and intimate issue as the sense of the meaning in life. The tumultuous character of the present makes sociologists make an attempt at answering the question how that context of ‘permanent change’ leaves a stamp on the choices of the whole generation. What effects do the processes of pluralization, detraditionalization or secularization (or desecularization) have on the way young people see the meaning of life? Those processes, which are an important aspect of the context of ‘the time of ‘permanent change’, have an impact on the issue of the sense of the meaning of one’s life. The comparison of the data from the years 1988–2017 explicitly shows that there is a lower number of young university students who see the meaning in faith and a higher number of the respondents who seek for the meaning of life outside religion. That ‘shift’ of declarations does not necessarily confirm the secularization scenario understood as a decreasing influence of religion on social life. Different scenarios are also possible, such as the one that suggests that in case of some respondents it is rather more about the conversion from church religiousness (‘explicit religiousness’) to

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outside-church religiousness, which was called by Edward Bailey implicit religion (see. Bailey, 1997; Bailey, 1998). The sense of meaning of life is an important factor of the quality of life, which has an effect on the well-being of an individual (subjective well-being, SWB). That category plays a more and more important role in the sociological reflection in which it is associated with the indicator of life satisfaction, and thus SWB is used in international comparative research. There are three main factors describing subjective well-being: 1) general level of life satisfaction, 2) frequency and intensity of experiencing positive emotions: pleasures and happiness, 3) relative lack of negative emotions (fear, anxiety, sadness) (Margitics, 2009, p. 24). Psychological research, mainly conducted within positive psychology, clearly shows that there is a correlation between the meaning of life and a sense of happiness (see Porczyńska-Ciszewska, 2013). High quality of life depends also on ‘a relative lack of negative emotions’. That aspect of subjective well-being pays attention to the challenges young university students, who are characterized by borderline character set in temporariness, will face. Due to their age, young people under study experience also negative emotions (anxiety, sadness). The tempestuous nature of society, unpredictability and the risk being part of their choices pose a challenge to the modern youth. The sense of meaning found either in religion or outside becomes an important factor of stabilization in times of tempestuous changes.

References Bailey, E. Implicit religion in contemporary society, Kok Pharos Publishing House – Dutscher Studien Verlag, Kampen – Weinheim, 1997. Bailey, E. Implicit religion: an introduction, Middlesex Press, London, 1998. Berger, P.L. The many altars of modernity. Toward a paradigm for religion in a pluralist age, Walter De Gruyter, Inc., Boston – Berlin, 2014. Berger, P.L. The heretical imperative: contemporary possibilities of religious affirmation, Anchor, New York, 1980. Berger, P.L. and Zijderveld A.C. In praise of doubt. How to have convictions without becoming a fanatic, HarperOne, New York, 2009. Csikszentmihalyi, M. Flow and the foundations of positive psychology: the collected works of Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Springer, Dordrecht, 2014. Inglehart, R. The silent revolution in Europe: intergenerational change in postindustrial societies, American Political Science Review, No. 65 (4) (December), 991–1017, 1971.

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Luckmann, T. Shrinking transcendence, expanding religion? Sociological Analysis, No. 50 (2): 127–138, 1990. Luckmann, T. Invisible religion. The problem of religion in modern society [in Polish], Zakład Wydawniczy „NOMOS“, Kraków, 1996. Margitics, F. (2009). Handbook of new spiritual consciousness: theory and research, Nova Science Publishers, New York. Mariański, J. In search of the meaning of life. Sociological and pastoral sketches [in Polish], RW KUL, Lublin, 1990. Mariański, J. The meaning of life. Values. Religion. A sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo KUL, Lublin, 2013. Mariański, J. Religious and moral condition of high school students in 1988– 1998–2005–2017 (report from all-Poland sociological survey) [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń, 2018. Porczyńska-Ciszewska, A. Personality traits and a sense of happiness and meaning of life [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, Katowice, 2013. Seligman, M. Authentic happiness: using the new positive psychology to realize your potential for lasting fulfillment, Free Press, New York, 2002.

Paweł Prüfer and Łukasz Budzyński

Constancy in changeability – Attitudes and judgments of some moral attitudes Abstract: The subject of the chapter is the analysis of the moral attitudes of young people in the perspective of the dynamics of social change based on the results of empirical research. Attitudes towards homosexuality, euthanasia, prostitution, cloning, in vitro fertilization, adoption of children by same-sex couples and gender reassignment were analysed. Moral evaluation of young people towards particular social phenomena differ in the areas of constancy and variability. Keywords: moral attitudes, social change, youth

Introduction Not only observation of social life, but above all the effect of the diagnosis of humanistic coefficient prove the changeability of society, quite often in its fundamental aspects (Woźniak 1998, p.  57). The way social beings describe and explain both their own and other existential context is likely to reflect the actual state of that society. Declared attitudes, decisions taken and formulation of one’s own opinions about personal attitudes and decisions made by other people largely reflect an axionormative system and are manifestations of values that one experiences and follows. The conducted survey, which is the subject of the present analysis, reflects the dynamics of social life and depicts a certain set of moral and social behaviors, as well as attitudes to them. The attitude of young people towards homosexuality, euthanasia, prostitution, cloning, in vitro fertilization, adoption of children by same-sex couples or a sex change characterizes the dynamics of social changes and flexibility of some social attitudes, but also a certain permanent trend in the description of the social world. The moral dimension of social life clearly shows that an individual in his or her being and relations with other people is a kind of moral project (Brovedani 1999, p. 113), which is systematically, but at the same time spontaneously, prepared and in exactly the same manner realized.

1 Same-sex relationships Any moral attitudes and life choices which seem to diverge from so-called norm and are the manifestation of different than universally accepted lifestyle evoke

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various social attitudes. Generally speaking, it might be either acceptance or lack of acceptance. As regards the latter, it often means lack of respect for different decisions and people who think and behave differently. Piotr Sztompka claims that a ‘healthy society cannot do without respect’ (Sztompka 2015, p. 251). On the other hand, lack of acceptance is not tantamount of lack of respect. Curiously, the survey ‘Young People and Values 2017’ gives evidence that over one-third of respondents (36,4 %) think that a same-sex relationship is acceptable. As compared with the survey conducted in 2005 acceptance of it increased by 10,2 percentage point, which is quite a significant rise in this group. As regards the results of the survey from 2017, the analysis was deepened by taking into account distribution of judgments of same-sex relationships depending on social and demographic factors. First of all, the analysis proved that there is a statistically significant correlation between sex and judgments of same-sex relationships (χ2(4, N=783) = 27,358; p=0,000). It shows that women more often that men declare that same-sex relationships are acceptable (40,9 % and 31  % respectively). Secondly, it might be noted that there is a statistically significant correlation between place of permanent residence and assessment of same-sex relationships (χ2(20, N=778) = 53,611; p=0,000). The biggest approval of such relationships was reported by respondents who live in cities with over 500 000 inhabitants (51,7 %) and the smallest one by those who live in the country (23,7 %). Thirdly, the survey revealed that judgment of same-sex relationships also depends on religious attitudes such as attitude towards religion (χ2(16, N=784) = 142,374; p=0,000) and attitude towards religious practices (χ2(16, N=769) = 136,191; p=0,000). The lowest acceptance of same-sex relationships was reported by people who declare being very religious or religious (8,6 % and 27,2 %, respectively), while the highest acceptance was indicated by atheists and those who declare being indifferent (75,3  % and 55,8  %). Similarly, the lowest acceptance of same-sex relationships was noted among respondents who practice their faith regularly or irregularly (18,3 % and 20 %), whereas the highest acceptance among those who practice their faith seldom or do not practice (43,3 % and 65,1 %). It is worth quoting Janusz Mariański’s remark, who perceives religious faith as the primary life power (Mariański 2014b, p. 195), which modifies and orients – although not always to the same extent and with the same dynamics – certain views and life attitudes. Additionally, the analysis of the results of the survey concerning acceptance or lack of acceptance of same-sex relationships revealed that there is a statistically significant correlation between the type of studies (humanities-social-economic major or mathematics and life sciences, including medical studies) and approval

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49

of the mentioned phenomenon (χ2(4, N=794) = 2,534; p=0,638). In case of relation between assessment of financial situation of the respondent’s family and judgment of same-sex relationships (χ2(16, N=779)  =  36,518; p=0,002), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20 %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test.

2 Euthanasia (ending life on patient’s request) The issue of euthanasia is one of the trouble topics both discussed and raised in public sphere, but also looked into in ethical discussions in scientific and academic discourse. The main argument against euthanasia is based on the belief that every human being has a right to life and therefore admissibility of euthanasia would be a kind of travesty of justice (Papal Council Iustitia et Pax 2005, p. 101). In the survey conducted in 2017, approximately one in three respondents (30,2) declared that euthanasia (ending life on patient’s request) is permissible. As compared with 2005, when such a view was expressed by approximately one in five respondents (19,9 %), there is a clear rise of approval of euthanasia by 10,3 percentage point. Like in case of views concerning same-sex relationships, the analysis of the results of the survey conducted in 2017 was deepened to discover potential correlations with social-demographic variables. First of all, it was noted that there is a statistically significant correlation between the place of permanent residence and attitudes to euthanasia (χ2(20, N=778) = 44,231; p=0,001). The lowest number of respondents who are for euthanasia is among people who live in the country, while the highest number is among those who live in cities with over 500 000 inhabitants. Secondly, it was proved that there is a statistically significant correlation between attitudes to euthanasia and respondents’ religiousness. The difference is the effect of attitude to religion (χ2(16, N=784) = 213,514; p=0,000), but also the declaration about religious practices (χ2(16, N=769)  =  207,580; p=0,000). People who declare being very religious believe that euthanasia is definitively impermissible. Most religious and indecisive respondents who are attached to religious tradition declare that agreement on euthanasia depends on a situation (‘it depends’). Respondents who are indifferent or atheists predominantly declared that euthanasia is permissible. A similar pattern is evident in case of religious practices. Respondents who practice their faith regularly declare predominantly that euthanasia is impermissible. Among respondents who practice their faith irregularly or seldom there are more answers that it depends on a situation, while people who do not practice or are atheists declare that euthanasia

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is permissible. Therefore, it proves the theory of Italian sociologist Roberto Cipriani, who in his publication outlining the idea of so-called diffused religion claimed that religion still plays a strategic role in a variety of contexts of one’s individual and social life, having influence on moral choices and declarations (Cipriani 1988, p. 10). The analysis based on chi-square test revealed that neither sex (χ2(4, N=783)  =  8,815; p=0,066) nor field of study (χ2(4, N=794)  =  1,297; p=0,862) correlates significantly with attitudes towards euthanasia. In case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to euthanasia (χ2(16, N=779)= 37,301; p=0,002) minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20  %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test. However, it does not mean that euthanasia as a particularly sensitive problem, touching upon above all conscience of a human being, would not evoke certain attitudes or generate such views depending on various cultural, socialization, educational and outlook factors. It is worth noticing that transformations within society, particularly in some geographic and cultural spheres, influence specific attitude to life. Its value is measured by one’s lifestyle (Wikan 2002, p. 141).

3 Prostitution Young people as a significant category of sociological research and above all an important social group often provoke to raise questions about factors that determine moral behavior. For example, Sheldon Ungar claims that issues concerning young people are connected with the analysis of so-called moral panic (Unger 2008, p. 907). It is believed that young generation has as a principle certain moral sensitivity and quite often it turns out that a situation looks different than one could think relying on unjustified generalizations, which show only advanced moral relativism. Both the survey conducted in 2005 and the current one from 2017 showed that there is a relatively low percentage of young people who approve of prostitution (12,7 % and 16,6 % respectively). However, in the period between surveys there was a slight increase of the number of people who declared that prostitution is permissible (increase by 3,9 %). Interestingly, at the same time the number of people with opposite view that is of those who stigmatize impermissibility of prostitution rose (increase by 1,9  %). According to this group of respondents, a lot depends on a context. This phenomenon might be explained by the fact that between surveys, the number of respondents who answered ‘it depends’ when asked about their view of prostitution rose by 2 percentage points.

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In accordance with the adopted approach, statistical analysis was extended by distribution of views of prostitution depending on selected social and demographic factors. Firstly, it was noted that sex is correlated with attitude to prostitution (χ2(4, N=783)  =  66,755; p=0,000). The analysis revealed that women evidently more often than men believe that prostitution is impermissible (57,7 % and 29,4 % respectively). Secondly, it was also shown that there is a statistically significant correlation between place of residence and attitudes to prostitution (χ2(20, N=778)= 33,252; p=0,032)  – the most negative attitude to prostitution was characteristic of people who live in the country. Curiously, the most positive attitude to prostitution was reported in big cities with over 500 000 inhabitants, but also in medium-sized cities, that is those between 100  000 and 250  000 inhabitants (25,8  % and 24,8  % respectively). It is worth mentioning a trend that was described by Anthony Giddens:  ‘Prostitution is a phenomenon that comes along with decline of small communities, development of large anonymous cities and commercialization of social relations. In small traditional communities, sexual relationships were under control due to the inability to hide them. Newly built cities make it easier for people to make anonymous social contacts’ (Giddens 2012, p. 597). Another correlation that should be highlighted is the correlation between attitude to prostitution and attitude to religion (χ2(16, N=784) = 156,441; p=0,000), but also the one between attitude to prostitution and attitude to religious practices (χ2(16, N=769) = 145,436; p=0,000). In both cases, it is a negative correlation, that is the more religious a respondent declares being and the more regularly he or she practices his or her faith, the lower the acceptance of prostitution. Nearly all modern societies are characterized by a tendency to professionalism, development and gaining new skills. A  vital role plays here a fundamental tendency to strive for education. Young people are put under education pressure (Baczko-Dombi, Zółtak 2012, p. 62), but they also make such choices themselves. Such a trend shows that there is a greater awareness and more prominent opportunities to make one’s own choices and shaping of one’s own life. However, the very fact and kind of educational development does not always directly and unquestionably cohere with one’s moral views. The conducted survey proved that there is a statistically significant correlation between type of studies and attitude to prostitution (χ2(4, N=794)  =  0,617; p=0,961). In case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to prostitution (χ2(16, N=779)= 32,656; p=0,008), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20 %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test.

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4 Cloning (genetic research on human embryo) It seems that there have not been many sociological studies devoted to cloning. The very idea of cloning seems to be rather provocation than the subject of real and serious discourse. Permissibility of cloning and acceptance of promoting it might be perceived as one of many aspects of modern and sophisticated forms of manifesting competences of a modern human and his wide and various possibilities. The origin of it might be varied and is based on the heterogeneous idea of a human being and society. In the entry ‘sociobiology and morality’ extracted from ‘Lexicon of Morality Sociology’, edited by Janusz Mariański, Jacek Śliwak refers to one of the provocative views of sociobiologists: ‘… there is no evidence that a human deserves a special ontological status different than social animals… a human is nothing, but only one of many animal species that live on this planet’ (Śliwak 2015, p. 718). In the survey conducted in 2017, approximately one in five respondents indicated that cloning (genetic research on a human embryo) is permissible. As compared with 2005, it is an increase of acceptance by 6,8 percentage point. Very interesting data emerged from the diversification of views on cloning from 2017 based on selected social and demographic factors. Firstly, it was found that there is a statistically significant correlation between sex and attitude to cloning (χ2(4, N=783) = 22,394; p=0,000). 26,2 % of men felt that cloning is permissible. 15,7 % of women were of the same opinion. Secondly, chi-square tests showed that religiousness significantly correlates with attitude to cloning. It refers to both attitudes to religion (χ2(16, N=784)  =  130,920; p=0,000) and religious practices (χ2(16, N=769) = 126,108; p=0,000). Among respondents who declare being very religious or religious, approximately one in ten respondents believed that cloning and genetic research should be permitted (10,8 % and 10,6 % respectively), while of the opposite opinion were four in ten respondents, who declare being indifferent (38,9  %) and nearly half of atheists (48,1  %). Simultaneously, 9,2  % of respondents who practice their faith regularly believe that cloning is permissible, 13  % of those who practice their faith irregularly are of the same opinion, and 42,5 % respondents who do not practice their faith approve cloning. As the analysis revealed, neither place of permanent residence (χ2(20, N=778)= 22,502; p=0,314) nor type of studies is significantly correlated with the attitude to cloning. In case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to cloning (χ2(16, N=779)= 38,631; p=0,001), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20 %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test.

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Cloning seems to be for respondents an unpredictable social phenomenon with unknown scenarios that are hard to imagine. It might be seen as an idea of a modern human to even more modernize society. It evokes fear, risk and uncertainty. As the authors of ‘Reflexive Modernization’ notice, a modern human uses his inner reserves, but cannot maintain or revive them (Beck, Giddens, Lash 2009, p. 228). Cloning might be a kind of ill-considered idea that is supposed to deal with that incapability. Regeneration, modification, multiplication and improvement of a man are connected with fear of self-annihilation and hope that a new model of a human might be created. As it was described by Jan Szczepański years ago, suppression, composure, stop and indifference are synonymous with deadness (Szczepański 1980, p. 178). Natural and constant tendency of humans to prolong their life – probably at the expense of its duplication – contrasts with also natural tendency to annihilation.

5 In vitro fertilization In vitro fertilization, as any other morally important issue concerning a human, arouses controversy, although arguments for the need of the procedure seem to be signs of collective empathy. This kind of authentication and reproduction of feeling of community, which is natural for human beings, is a part of interpersonal relations that is of moral space (Sztompka 2016, p.  153). A  person who matures or is nearing the end of this process (assuming that maturing is associated with becoming adult) creates and crystallizes his or her identity, but above all achieves the stage of shaped (and constantly being shaped) integration with the social world (Tillmann 2006, p. 234). The survey concerning in vitro fertilization revealed that over half of the respondents approve this procedure (56,4 %). The analysis of the attitude to in vitro fertilization was extended by search for correlations with social and demographic variables. First of all, there is a statistically significant correlation between place of permanent residence and attitude to IVF (χ2(20, N=778) = 33,458; p=0,030). The lowest percentage of respondents approving in vitro procedure was among those who live in the country (48,1 %). The greatest approval of IFV was reported among respondents who live in the biggest cities that is those with over 500 000 inhabitants. Secondly, chi-square tests showed that also religiousness is correlated with attitude to IVF. There is a statistically significant correlation between an attitude to religion and view on in vitro fertilization (χ2(16, N=784) = 138,643; p=0,000). There is the lowest acceptance of IVF among respondents who declare being very religious or religious (29 % and 48 %, respectively), while it is the highest among those who declare being indifferent or atheists (76,8 % and 86,4 %). Similarly, there is a statistically

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significant correlation between attitude to religious practices and attitude to the IVF procedure (χ2(16, N=769)  =  154,655; p=0,000). Among respondents who practice their faith regularly (34,2 %), practice irregularly (53,6 %) or practice seldom (68,8 %), the IVF is the least approved, whereas among those who do not practice their faith (84,9 %) and declare being atheists it is the most approved (83,1 %). Sex is not significantly correlated with attitude to in vitro fertilization (χ2(4, N=783)  =  5,094; p=0,278). No significant correlation between type of studies and attitude to IVF was found either (χ2(4, N=794) = 6,318; p=0,177). In the case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to IVF (χ2(16, N=779)= 28,019; p=0,031), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20 %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories make it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test. IVF procedure seems to be perceived by young people in a manner that does not distinctly reveal moral criticism. It is hard to discern visible contrasts as regards attitudes or moral judgment. The survey found that religion that one believes and practices is a significant factor contributing to negative attitude to in vitro fertilization. If that is the case, the issue of moral permissivism widely discussed in literature (also in sociological publications) does not apply, because only for a small group of respondents IVF procedure is real evil. If one adopts Hanna Świda-Ziemba’s view that moral permissivism means acceptance of norms, but also tolerance of breaking them (Świda-Ziemba 2002, p. 438), in case of IVF, the acceptance is quite high. IVF is a manifestation of a kind of ambivalence – it is judged as morally wrong, but at the same time not against norms.

6 Adoption of children by same-sex couples Society is a relational reality. It ultimately means that the reality itself and through new constant aspirations for building relationality anew in interpersonal space generates dynamic interaction network. Observation of social life leads to the conclusion that an individual naturally and potentially aspires for making relations with others and building communities and societies. Therefore, as Pierpaolo Donati believes, both human activities and observation of them should be looked at from the relational point of view (Donati 2013, p. 9). Thanks to such an approach, also observation and sociological analysis become a part of activities aiming at enhancing relational social system and relational functioning of an individual (Santambroggio 2012, p. 25). An attempt at adopting children, also in case of same-sex couples, is the symptom of relational tendencies of people interested. The conducted survey

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revealed quite a specific picture of human aspirations and activities along with their judgment, which is governed by the logic mentioned. One in five respondents (21,5 %) said that adoption of children by same-sex couples is permissible. 46,5 % respondents were of the opposite opinion. As a next step, views of adoption of children by same-sex couples were compared with social and demographic variables. Firstly, sex is significantly correlated with an opinion about adoption of children by same-sex couples (χ2(4, N=783)  =  15,456; p=0,004). More women than men believe that such adoption is permissible (24,5  % and 17,9  %, respectively). Secondly, place of residence significantly correlates with an opinion about adoption of children by same-sex couples (χ2(20, N=778)  =  46,172; p=0,001). The lowest acceptance of such a decision is among respondents who live permanently in the country (13,5  %), while the highest acceptance was noted among those who live in the cities with over 500  000 inhabitants (32,5  %). It is worth mentioning that people who live in the country are still greatly attached to preacher’s and pastoral work (Bukraba-Rylska 2008, p. 514), according to which obviously adoption of children by same-sex couples is treated rigorously and explicitly critical (when that issue is raised). Thirdly, there was found a statistically significant correlation between religiousness and opinion about adoption of children by same-sex couples. The correlation is observed both among religious respondents (χ2(16, N=784) = 107,661; p=0,000) and those who practice their faith (χ2(16, N=769)  =  123,340; p=0,000). In both cases, among people who declare being more religious and practicing more frequently, there is a lower acceptance of this phenomenon. This fact might confirm the conclusion made on the basis of the conducted research several years ago by Janusz Mariański that there is a specific situation among young people: lack of attachment to religion, but at the same time its presence (Mariański 2011, p 405). It would mean that view of certain phenomena is influenced by religion, even if one is not aware of it and does not consider it explicitly in that manner. Additionally, the analysis proved that there is no significant correlation between type of studies and attitude to adoption of children by same-sex couples (χ2(4, N=794) = 4,196; p=0,380). In the case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to adoption of children by same-sex couples (χ2(16, N=779)= 29,273; p=0,022), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20 %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test. It is worth mentioning that a desire to have a baby is usually preceded by a decision to cohabit (Giza-Poleszczuk 2005, p. 266). In case of bringing a baby to life it is more than understandable. However, the issue seems to be more

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debatable when it concerns same-sex people. Potentially, adoption becomes somehow the only way to expand one’s family.

7 Sex change The category of sex is the issue that appears in various contexts and with reference to the related terms in sociological analysis. Despite the popular and intuitive perception of it, sex is a complex and multi-faceted structure encompassing various scopes and levels of phenomena [Sekuła-Kwaśniewicz 2000, p.  123). Thanks to the conducted study, at least several interesting conclusions connected with sex change might be drawn, namely approximately two in five respondents (41,1  %) think that sex change is impermissible, while approx. one in five respondents (21,4 %) believe that sex change is permissible. The view on sex change is diversified by the selected social and demographic variables. Firstly, sex is significantly correlated with an opinion about sex change (χ2(4, N=783)  =  26,559; p=0,000). More women than men accept sex change (25,3 % and 16,3 %, respectively). Secondly, permanent place of residence is significantly correlated with the attitude to sex change (χ2(20, N=778)  =  54,701; p=0,000). Among inhabitants of the country 12,8 % respondents approve of sex change, while among those who live in the cities with over 500 000 inhabitants, it is 34,2 % respondents. Thirdly, chi-square tests proved that there is a statistically significant correlation between view on sex change and attitude to religion (χ2(16, N=784) = 130,971; p=0,000) and with attitude to religious practices (χ2(16, N=769) = 151,857; p=0,000). Yet again, it was confirmed that people who are more religious and who practice their faith more regularly are less eager to accept sex change. No significant correlation between type of studies and attitude to sex change was found (χ2(4, N=794)  =  8,489; p=0,075). In the case of the assessment of material situation of a respondent’s family and his or her attitude to sex change (χ2(16, N=779)= 27,787; p=0,034), minimum theoretical size for cells exceeded permissible 20  %, which without certain aggregation operations on categories makes it impossible to use the results of the chi-square test. Sex change, as well as other moral and social phenomena presented and analyzed in this chapter, confirms important observations formulated accurately by Janusz Mariański:  ‘Pluralism or relativism of moral values in a society is a fact, not a norm or an ideal’ (Mariański 2014b, p.  208). The sociologist from Lublin formulates such a thought having in mind above all certain values. As it seems, it is also true about concrete phenomena and attitudes which reflect those beliefs and moral rules. They are a fact, which is particularly for a sociologist an

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important and cognitively valuable material, whereas for practitioners of social life they might be a concrete socialization and education challenge. However, this challenge does not seem to be easy due to the fact that it concerns intense sensitive and flexible reality which is, as Alberto LoPresti said, ‘a global nervous system’ (LoPresti 2008, p. 106).

References Baczko-Dombi, A., Żółtak T. “Education”, in: Modern Polish society [in Polish], ed. A. Giza, M. Sikorska, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2012. Beck, U., Giddens, A., Lash, S. “Answers and criticism”, in: Reflective modernization. Politics, tradition and aesthetics in social order of modernity [in Polish], ed. U. Beck, A. Giddens, S. Lash, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2009. Brovedani, E. “Adamo era intelligente o comeunascimmia?”, in: La morale sociale. Rispostealledomendepiùprovocatorie, ed. E. Brovedani, L. Lorenzetti, G. Mattai, C. Molari, G. Moretto, G. Perico, G. Piana, L. Sartori, S. Sirboni, Edizioni San Paolo, Milano, 1999. Bukraba-Rylska, I. (2008), Socjologia wsi polskiej, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa Cipriani, R. La religionediffusa. Teoria e prassi, Edizioni Borla, Roma, 1988. Donati, P. Sociologiadellarelazione, SocietàeditriceilMulino, Bologna, 2013. Giddens, A. Sociology. New edition [in Polish], collaboration P.W. Sutton, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2012. Giza-Poleszczuk, G. Family and social system. Reproduction and cooperation: interdisciplinary approach [in Polish], Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa, 2005. Lo Presti, A. L’ingenuità e la politica. I giovani e generazioni, CittàNuovaEditrice, Roma, 2008. Mariański, J. Polish catholicism. Continuity and change. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo WAM, Kraków, 2011. Mariański, J. Morality in the social context [in Polish], Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków, 2014b. Papieska Rada Iustitia et Pax, A compedium of church social teaching, trans. D. Chodyniecki, A. Dalach, J. Nowak, Wydawnictwo JEDNOŚĆ, Kielce. Santambroggio, A. Introduzione alla sociologia. Le teorie, i concetti, gliautori, EditoriLaterza, Roma – Bari, 2012. Sekuła-Kwaśniewicz, H. “Sex”, in: Encyclopedia of sociology [in Polish], ed. W. Kwaśniewicz et al. vol. 3, O-R, Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa: 121–124, 2000.

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Szczepański, J. Human matters [in Polish], 2nd edition extended, Czytelnik, Warszawa, 1980. Sztompka, P. “Respect”, in: Foundations of a good society. Values [in Polish], ed. M. Bogunia-Borowska, Wydawnictwo Znak, Kraków, 2015. Sztompka, P. Social capital. Interpersonal space theory [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Znak, Kraków, 2016. Śliwak, J. “Sociobiology and morality”, in: Lexicon of sociology of morality [in Polish], ed. J. Mariański, Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków: 714–721, 2015. Świda-Ziemba, H. “Moral permissivism and attitudes of Polish young people”, in: Moral condition of Polish society [in Polish], ed. J. Mariański, Wydawnictwo WAM, Kraków, 2002. Tillmann, K-J. The theories of socialization. Community, institution, empowerment [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2006. Ungar, S. “Moral panic versus risk society: consequences of changes in the sphere of social unrest”, in: Sociology of everyday life [in Polish], ed. P. Sztompka, M. Bogunia-Borowska, Wydawnictwo Znak, Kraków, 2008. Wikan, U. Svilupposostenibilenellamegalopoli.Puòessere un concettoapplicabile? in: Antropologiadellaglobalizzazione, ed. G. Sapelli, Bruno Mondadori, Milano, 2002. Woźniak, R.B. An outline of sociology of education and social behaviour [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Uczelniane Bałtyckiej Wyższej Szkoły Humanistycznej, Koszalin, 1998.

Maria Sroczyńska

Deligimitization of religious dimension of marital and family intimacy in students’ evaluation Abstract: This chapter discusses the attitudes of Polish students to the normative dimension of marital and family intimacy. The evaluation covers five issues: premarital sexual intercourse, the use of contraceptives, marital infidelity, divorce and termination of pregnancy. The results of the survey research performed in 2017 on Polish students were compared with the outcome of the dynamic research conducted on the academic youth since the late 1980s. Marital and family morality based on values and principles referring to the authority of Roman Catholicism is undergoing significant changes. On the one hand, the individualization and subjectivization of the content related to intimate life and on the other hand the revitalization of moral categories perceived primarily as individual responsibility and less frequently as a part of a religious system are observed. Therefore, it would be worthwhile to compare the results of the conducted research with the students’ moral evaluations formulated against the background of other societies and the religious cultures prevalent in them. Keywords: marital and family intimacy, Polish students, moral evaluation, religious norms

Introduction – religion and morals in the postmodern world Scholars studying social life, especially its axionormative sphere, agree that social control systems such as religion, morality, law, customs and fashion are partially autonomous and partially interdependent [cf. Mariański 2008]. The concept of intimacy, related to the most inner, personal and private sphere and intended for the closest persons, is connected with the axionormative dimension regulating the realm of eroticism, sexuality, love, and hence also the marital and family life. According to Anthony Giddens, the socio-cultural processes related to postmodernism have resulted in a far-reaching emancipation in this area, both in the context of absolute meanings with a religious background and social conformities internalized by individuals. In consequence, a growing interest in the concurrent love model and the so-called pure relations can be observed [Giddens 2007]. Nowadays, there is an increasing, even though not fully realized, heterodoxy (understood as views and activities different from the doctrine of faith propagated by a given religious institution) and growing

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relativistic tendencies. Religion and morals are increasingly forming separate systems for regulating human behavior. On the other hand, although to a lesser extent, there is a visible shift towards rudimentary content, perceived as objective determinants of a valuable individual life and social order. As is rightly claimed by Zygmunt Bauman “…human reality is unordered and ambiguous, and also moral decisions, unlike abstract ethical principles, are ambivalent” [1996:  45]. These problems, coexisting with the sociological narration, are defined on the one hand through the prism of institutionalization and privatization of religion and morality, and on the other by the processes of secularization, desecularization, and marketization [Pollack, Müller, Pickel 2012; Sroczyńska 2017:7-13]. In the Polish society, they used to be connected with systemic transformation and are presently associated with the dynamics of reflexive modernization [Beck, Giddens, Lash, 2009]. Only a decade ago, the most probable scenario was that of a relative stabilization of references between the religious and moral spheres [Mariański, 2001, 2004, 2006: 81–91]. Today one can observe tendencies separating those systems, which results in an increasing importance of decisions based on the autonomous conscience criteria. The individualization trend largely reduces the differences between men and women (especially in younger age categories) and promotes “situational tinkering” in the area of religious and moral meanings [Trzebiatowska, Bruce 2012; Mariański 2012]. The tendencies to absolutize the moral content are far less common, which implies their relation with religious values. Globalization and modernization produce a landscape of contradictions – on the one hand the sacrum is dispersed and on the other it emerges in non-religious areas, whereas the strong emphasis on an individual’s self-fulfillment is accompanied by the need for bonds and shared emotions (negotiation model).

Characteristics of research The research proper was conducted at the Department of Sociology of Religion at the Institute of Sociology, in cooperation with the Institute of the Catholic Church Statistics of the SAC, at the turn of April and May 2017. It covered only full-time studies in state universities. This decision was made to preserve the characteristics of the samples in comparative diachronic studies. In all the surveys in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017, the research type f2f of the auditory type PAPI was applied. The effective sample was n = 794 (yy = 0.74) students. In order to match the sample structure to the population sample, the rim weighting of the RAKE type was used [Zarzecki 2018].

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The analyzed sample of 2017 is dominated by women (59.2 %) with 40.8 % of men, students of mathematical and natural sciences (including medicine) account for 65.7 % of the respondents and students of humanities and socio-economic sciences represent 34.3  % of the group. Almost half of the respondents come from the rural environment and from small towns with up to 50,000 inhabitants; nearly every seventh student represents a metropolitan agglomeration, and every eighth one – a city with 100,000 to 250,000 inhabitants. The number of residents of large cities (up to 500,000) and small cities (50–100,000) is slightly smaller; they are represented by every fifth respondent. Although the parents’ education structure still shows higher figures for mothers, the declarations of the respondents show that these differences have flattened. These issues correspond with the evaluation of the family’s financial situation  – almost 70  % of respondents define it as very good or good and every fourth person declares that their living standard is average. The vast majority of the youth belongs to the Roman Catholic Church (84.5 %), and every tenth person does not identify themselves with any denomination. Only few respondents declare their relationship with another confession (2.1 % in total), as well as with minority groups. Nearly 60 % of respondents regard themselves as believers (including 11.7 % of deep believers), 17 % are undecided but attached to a religious tradition whereas 12 % are indifferent. One in ten students admits to be a non-believer. Most of the respondents participate in a religious worship either systematically (every third respondent) or non-systematically (every fourth respondent). Nearly 20 % of the academic youth participate in religious practices rarely and slightly over 13 % do not do it at all. Thus, slightly over one third of students have significantly weakened or broken off the ritual bond with the religious community.

Normative dimensions of marital and family intimacy in the evaluation of students One of the issues dealt with in the research “Youth and Values 2017” was an attempt to operationalize moral evaluations in the context of behaviours violating the normative order of the intimate sphere, identified with the model of Roman Catholic religion. The opinions concerned five issues: sexual intercourse before marriage, the use of contraceptives, marital infidelity, divorce and termination of pregnancy. The highest rates of moral liberalism concern the use of contraceptives and sexual intercourse before marriage. In each case, approx. two thirds of students find these activities acceptable. It highlights clearly the transformations that the contemporary form of intimacy has undergone, manifested as a detachment of

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sexuality from marriage, procreation and the traditional family. Out of the surveyed issues being in contradiction to the teaching of the Catholic Church, it is the use of contraceptives and pre-marital sex that received the highest acceptance of students. Divorce is accepted by every third respondent; the majority of students connect the breakdown of a marriage with the relativization of moral evaluation (almost half of the indications). On the other hand, within the “cultural obviousness” is a negative evaluation of marital infidelity (declared by 80 % of respondents), perceived as an act that undermines the essence of sexual, emotional and psychological bond between partners. Thus, students, in the vast majority, do not approve of actions violating both religious and secular criteria of goodness in interpersonal relations. Termination of pregnancy, on the other hand, does not evoke such unambiguous reactions; it is unacceptable for every third respondent whereas almost half of the surveyed students believe the evaluation of abortion depends on special circumstances (as can be presumed  – allowed by the law in force in Poland)1. Only every sixth respondent supports the pro-choice attitude as far as the possibility of terminating pregnancy is concerned. Whether the conception of human life is attributed to the sphere of the sacrum or to secular values has a significant impact on the way in which members of a given society evaluate abortion. The interpretation of the system of research variables provides a context for the emergence of interesting relations. Women slightly less commonly than men approve of pre-marital sex (difference of 4  p.p.), at the same time more often indicating the category “it depends”. In the case of divorce, female students indicate the option “it depends” more often than male students, with the difference of 10 percentage points, at the same time being less strict in their evaluations. As far as the place of permanent residence is concerned, the number of opinions that accept premarital sex (contradictory to the teaching of the Church) increases together with the transition from small (60  % indications in rural communities) to larger communities, remaining a “cultural obviousness” in metropolitan agglomerations (almost 82 %). The use of contraception is evaluated in a similar way, whereas the lowest rate of non-acceptance of pre-marital sex occurs in medium-sized cities with 100,000 to 250,000 inhabitants (4.0 %). The orthodoxy

1 Since 1993, abortion has been legally permitted in special circumstances specifically stipulated by the law. These include: threat to the health or life of the mother, irreversible impairment of the fetus or the occurrence of a prohibited act (rape, iniquitous act) [cf. Abortion in Poland, 2016, accessed: 19/12/2016].

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of religiously motivated views related to the acceptability of divorce is particularly evident in the case of people from smaller local communities. Then, students assessing the financial status of their families as very good are also those who indicate the unacceptability of premarital sex (approx. only 12 % of acceptance), whereas those with poor financial situation are the least strict (85 % of acceptance). With regards to contraceptives, one can observe the fear of an unwanted pregnancy complicating the difficult life situation of young people, anticipated by some respondents. On the other hand, a better assessment of the financial condition of one’s own family favours a more positive attitude towards divorce, but in this case, the opinions are divided (people assessing this condition as very good most strongly accept the indissolubility of marriage). Marital infidelity is regarded as unacceptable by women more often than by men (85 % and 75 %, respectively), by respondents studying mathematical and natural sciences more often than by those studying humanities and social-economic sciences (the difference of seven p.p.), by people with a permanent place of residence in smaller local communities – in villages and cities with up to 100,000 inhabitants, and by those whose families have a good financial situation. In a rural environment, only 10 % of students recognize the possibility of a pregnancy termination (and 40 % of respondents oppose it), while in the largest cities (over 500,000 inhabitants) the attitudes are to the largest extent antagonized – permissivism or moral rigorism are manifested by every fourth respondent. Attitudes that accept the possibility of abortion in special circumstances are most commonly manifested by people from small and medium-sized cities, ranging from 50,000 to 250,000 of residents. An important role in assessing sexual relation before the church wedding, the use of contraceptives or divorce is played by two basic aspects of institutionally oriented religiosity – the attitude to faith and religious practices [cf. Zaręba, 2008:  286–295], which is also confirmed by the study of 2017.The growing distance to the faith is accompanied by the acceptance of premarital sex, but a clear qualitative “leap” can be observed between those declaring themselves as believers and the other categories of respondents. The contradictory positions in the assessment of marital infidelity is especially evident between respondents who are deep believers, believers and undecided (over 4/5 of respondents in each category) and people who are religiously indifferent and non-believers, whose strict indications are lower by approx. 20 percentage points on average. The evaluation of abortion reveals a downward trend with regard to connecting religious faith with moral rigorism – the deep believers outnumber non-believers nearly ten times (59 % and 6 % respectively). The degree of liberalism with regard to abortion increases when respondents are less involved religiously (however, the

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persons indifferent in matters of faith express less acceptance of pregnancy termination than the undecided ones). There is a similar tendency in the case of those involved in religious practices, although dedication in this area is not as much correlated with the acceptance of the sixth commandment as the religious faith. Among those regularly participating in Sunday mass and religious holidays there is a significant difference of views; nearly two fifths accept departure from the religious norm, almost every fourth is against such a departure, and almost every third person makes the opinion dependent on the wider context. Non-practitioners do not manifest rigorous attitudes, and only every eleventh respondent participating in worship has rare moments of doubt in this matter, e.g. in relation to important religious holidays or rites of passage (weddings, funerals). Thus, religious identification on the level of faith appears to be a more important correlate of morality and customs than the fact of ritual involvement. In the group of deep believers, only every third person allows the use of contraceptives, while among non-believers this applies to over 90  % of respondents; in the opposing categories: “systematic participation in religious practice” and “no participation in religious practice”, the differences are smaller and concern 40 percentage points. In the case of divorce evaluation, faith and religious practices correspond with each other having similar values; therefore, the smaller the ritual activity of the examined youth, the more common the liberal attitude to divorce (it refers to nearly two fifths in the group of regular practitioners and to over 90 % of non-practitioners). There is also a visible linear decrease in moral rigorism in the context of marital infidelity  – the differences between regular practitioners and non-practitioners amount to over 20 p.p. (91.3 % and 69.8 %, respectively). The decline in the level of participation in religious worship favours decrease in orthodoxy in the evaluation of abortion (while 58 % systematic practitioners evaluate it in accordance with the Church teaching, the number of non-practitioners amounts to merely 12 %). The acceptability of pregnancy termination increases with young people drifting apart from religious practices.

Attitudes of students to selected norms of marital and family morals in the context of dynamic researches An interesting aspect of the discussed subject matter is connected with the possibility of studying both the continuity and the change in students’ opinions in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017, seen from the perspective of dynamic researches2. 2 The first survey was conducted at the end of the 1980s, the “eve of ” the systemic transformation in Poland, the second 11 years later (on the threshold of the second

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Tab. 1:  Evaluation of sexual relation before the church wedding in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research  

Categories No answer

Acceptable

It depends

Unacceptable

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

3,4 2,7 6,1 3,3

41.7 64.2 63.9 67.3

22.0 13.4 16.8 15.1

22.3 13.0 8.1 8.6

Hard to say 10.6 6.7 5.2 5.8

The data analysis reveals the progressivity of students’ moral liberalism visible in the evaluation of pre-marital life [Tab. 1], the largest qualitative leap, however (more than 20 percentage points), accompanied the entry of Polish society into the political and economic transformation. It had significant consequences in all spheres of public and private life of Poles, especially in the area of religious, moral and customs-related orientations of young people, who were more willing to adopt the ideology of consumerism than other social groups. At the end of the 1980s, evaluating premarital sex against a broader background or the recognition of its unacceptability were most common, and the subsequent weakening of rigorism (especially over the last 12 years) occurred at a slower pace, taking a more stable form. Currently, two thirds of students accept disobeying religious norms regarding sexuality, but the percentage of respondents who relate such an attitude to an emotional bond between partners or its absence remains relatively high [Youth 2016]. Every eleventh respondent opposed to liberal tendencies has also remained the same, which may mean that the secularization trend has stopped. Looking at the figures expressing the evaluation of the use of contraceptives in the context of dynamic studies one can observe the increase in the percentage of academic youth expressing their approval [Tab. 2]. The dynamics of this phenomenon took the form of a quantum-leap increase during the first decade of the transformation period. While at the end of the 1980s almost every second student accepted the use of contraceptives, a decade later the approval was millennium), the third after six years – in the context of important social events (death of Pope John Paul II and a year earlier – Poland’s entry into the EU), and finally the last – after 12 years (in the conditions of political quarrels and the revival of the national type of citizenship).

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Tab. 2:  Evaluation of the use of contraceptives in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research  

Categories No answer Acceptable

It depends

Unacceptable

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

4 2,1 10,6 4,3

26,6 11,3 13,2 15,5

16,6 7,1 5,9 4,7

46,0 74,0 65,3 71,8

Hard to say 6,9 5,5 5,1 3,8

Tab. 3:  Divorce evaluation in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research Categories No answer

Acceptable

It depends

Unacceptable

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

22.6 36.5 25.0 29.1

50.0 39.0 43.0 47.0

19.4 16.8 14.6 14.1

4,6 2,3 9,9 3,5

Hard to say 3.4 5.4 7.4 6.3

expressed by as many as nearly three quarters of the respondents. Although in the year of Pope John Paul II’s death, the number of such declarations decreased, the percentage of adolescents evading the answer surprisingly increased (to 10 %), which may be related to the effect of cultural inadequacy (of a normative nature). Currently, two-thirds of students are in favour of moral liberalism as far as the broadly understood contraception is concerned. Over the period of nearly 30 years, the percentage of orthodox indications decreased almost four times, which can be related to a stronger secularization trend in this area, the individualization of young people’s reaction to the growing choice of birth control measures and the extended period preceding the independent marital and family life. The attitude of students to the dissolubility of marriage – from the late 1980s – was also subject to certain changes [Tab. 3]. The 1980s saw the lowest number of respondents in favour of divorce (over one fifth), the highest number of people (almost 20 %) considered this phenomenon unacceptable, but at the same time half of the students approved of the situational morality. A significant increase in the responses expressing the acceptability of divorce was observed at the end of

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Tab. 4:  Evaluation of marital infidelity in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research

Categories No answer

Acceptable

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

4 2,9 9,1 3,3

1.7 7.6 2.7 3.7

It depends 23.1 24.3 13.9 9.7

Unacceptable 62.9 60.0 71.4 80.0

Hard to say 8.3 5.2 2.9 3.4

the 1990s, which can be related to the expansive phase of Polish transformation, inspired by and also “copying” consumer and individualistic patterns of lifestyle in Western societies. Seven years later, however, only every fourth respondent accepted the dissolubility of marriage, the indicator of moral rigorism (shared by every seventh respondent)3 leveled off for the next decade. Recent studies have shown a slight increase – up to nearly 30 % – of divorce supporters, as in the case of opinions that relate this to life situations (up to 47 %). It is also worth taking a look at the results of research on marital infidelity. The most characteristic feature is the increase in moral rigorism from the beginning of the 21st century – in 1988 and 1998 these indicators were similar and oscillated around 60 % of responses, in 2005 a critical attitude to marital infidelity was expressed by two thirds of the respondents, and in 2017 it reached the “cultural obviousness” [Tab. 4]. It can therefore be assumed that the orientations of a vast majority of students, regardless of the adopted ideology – religious or secular – have shifted towards conservative, though presentistically understood, values of a personal and communal character. They are treated as the basis for a permanent relationship and an important determinant of the meaning of life and of social order. Despite the clash of various competitive axiological options, a permissive point of view based on egoistic self-realization, such as “together, apart”, finds few supporters [Baniak 2017:15–32]. This does not mean, however, that in the community of students there is a consensus of views on intimate norms or that the most profound content of the teaching of religious institution is properly interpreted. 3 In 2005 (the last of John Paul II’s pontificate) the percentage of no reply responses was the highest in the fourth surveys (10 %), which can be referred to the so-called interviewer effect.

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Tab. 5:  Evaluation of termination of pregnancy in years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research  

Categories No answer

Acceptable

It depends

Unacceptable

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

3,4 2,3 9,3 3,9

6.0 15.1 11.2 17.0

29.7 33.1 33.0 40.1

59.1 40.7 42.2 31.9

Hard to say 1.7 8.8 4.3 7.2

A comparison of the dynamic research results broadens sociological knowledge with respect to the possible application of the secularization paradigm, which is particularly evident in the border dates of 1988 and 2017. During this period there was almost threefold increase in the indications regarding the acceptability of pregnancy termination and the conditional declarations increased by 10 percentage pointsp.p. [Tab. 5]. At the same time, the percentage of respondents who considered abortion as an unacceptable act putting into question the dignity of human life decreased twice. In the years 1998–2005, there was a slight regress in the area of moral liberalism, which can be attributed to the last period of John Paul II’s pontificate and his death and attempts to shape the JP2 generation, focused on the papal teaching, including the theology of the body [Szawiel 2008].

Final comments What direction does contemporary youth head? Is it towards individualized and unstable adaptation to the conditions determined by the transmissional cofigurativeness of the generation of parents described by Margaret Mead [2000], or rather towards the conflict of generations? Does this concern the moral sphere, including the relation to human life, those areas of intimacy that include sexuality and procreation? Research conducted in the student environment confirms the thesis that morals based on the authority of religion are subject to significant changes [cf. Tylor 2007]. On the one hand, we deal with the individualization and subjectivization of moral content [Bauman 2003], and on the other, with the revitalization of “good” and “evil” categories by framing them into individual responsibility. Attitudes of young people, men and women, are increasingly

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varied, so it is difficult to indicate unambiguous trends referring to concepts of secularization and individualization, to a lesser extent – desecularization, In the cases an increase in student moral liberalism could be observed, especially in the 1990s (in the first phase of transformation). A slight reduction of this trend was observed in the middle of the first decade of the 21st century, which can be related to the influence of the teaching of John Paul II present in the Polish public space, symbolically intensified after his death [Szawiel 2008]. Interestingly, marital infidelity is the only behavior widely disapproved by students. However, is this evaluation still motivated by religion or rather an intimate bond with another person, the sacrum of closeness and mutual devotion, independent of the duration of the sacramental relationship? The question whether the uncertainty preceding making a choice is the only soil for morality remains important for every generation, especially for young people making an effort to exist in a world of fragile social bonds and a deficit of trust.

References Abortion in Poland – current legal status. When is abortion in Poland legal? http:// www.mjakmama24.pl/rodzice/macierzynstwo/aborcja-w-polsce-aktualnystan-prawny-kiedy-aborcja-jest-legalna,566_9208.html, 2016 [in Polish, accessed: 19/12/2016]. Baniak J. Faithful love and marital infidelity in the evaluation of senior secondary and university students [in Polish], University Sociological Journal, No. 18 (1): 15–32, 2017. Bauman Z. Post-modern ethics [in Polish], WN PWN, Warszawa, 1996. Bauman Z. Together, apart [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Literackie, Kraków, 2003. Beck U., Giddens A., Lash S. Reflective modernization. Politics, tradition and aesthetics in the social order of modernity [in Polish], WN PWN, Warszawa, 2009. Giddens A. Transformations of intimacy. Sexuality, love and eroticism in contemporary societies [in Polish], WN PWN, Warszawa, 2007. Mariański J. Moral crisis or transformation of values? Sociological study [in Polish], TN KUL, Lublin, 2001. Mariański J. Religiosity of Polish society in a European perspective. An attempt at sociological synthesis [in Polish], ZW „NOMOS“, Kraków, 2004. Mariański J. “The religiosity of Polish society from the perspective of secularized Europe”, in: Religions, churches and religiosity in post-communist Europe, ed. I. Borowik, ZW „NOMOS“, Kraków, 81–91, 2006.

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Mariański J. Society and morality. Studies in Catholic social science and sociology of morality [in Polish], Biblos, Tarnów, 2008. Mariański J. Marriage and family in the consciousness of senior secondary school leavers – stability and change [in Polish], Adam Marszałek, Toruń, 2012. Mead M. Culture and identity. Study of generational distance [in Polish], WN PWN, Warszawa, 2000. Pollack D., Müller O., Pickel G. (eds.) (2012), The social significance of religion in the enlarged Europe: Secularization, individualization and pluralization, Ashgate, Farnham/Burlington, 2012. Sroczyńska M. “Living a life to shred” as a challenge for the modern family (reflections of a sociologist) [in Polish], University Journal of Sociology, No. 18 (1): 7–13, 2017. Szawiel T. (ed.) (2008), Generation JP2. Past and future of the religious phenomenon [in Polish], Scholar, Warszawa, 2008. Trzebiatowska M., Bruce S. (2012), Why are woman more religious than men? University Press, Oxford, 2012. Taylor C. (2007), A secular age. Harvard University Press, Harvard, 2007. Youth 2016 (2016), Report from the study financed by the National Bureau for Counteracting Drug Addiction [in Polish], CBOS, Warszawa, 2016. Zaręba S.H. (2008), Heading towards what kind of religiosity? Studies on Catholicism of Polish youth [in Polish], ZWS, Warszawa, 2008. Zarzecki M. (2018), “Religion.pl – the religiosity of students in Web.2.0. paradigma” [in Polish], in: Between construction and deconstruction of the universe significances. The researches of students religiosity in 1988–1998– 2005–2017 years, [in Polish], ed. S.H. Zaręba, M. Zarzecki (eds.), WWW, Warszawa: 257–271, 2018.

Tomasz Michał Korczyński

Academic youth and their system of values Abstract: In this chapter, the results of the research on the university youth from the year 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 are presented. The analysis concerns the comparative analysis of their opinions on virtues and values that they have believed and followed during the last 30 years. The conclusions based on the data interpretation imply that in comparison with the young people from 1988 and 1998, the contemporary youth is more liberal, open to the “market” of values and norms, to a lesser degree conservative, considerably more relativizing reality than ever, but doing that consciously and in a necessary situation. While focusing on the 2017 research, one can define the researched group as pragmatics that keep both feet on the ground, are interested in themselves, their own personality, less in others, career, but at the same time tolerant, respecting elderly people and relationships with loved ones. These are the responsible people, interested and open to new experiences. They respect such values as “do not steal”, “do not lie”; however they are not humble, obedient at all costs, even when vital important ideas come into play. They are able to distance themselves or even change the environment or views if they consider that the situation requires that. Presented sociological research show that today’s young people are seekers as a part of the changes that are characteristic for the consumption capitalism culture. They are practitioners focused on profit, but they are more moral than immoral, more free than subordinated to top-down guidelines from the pinch of the ruthless obedience of their peers 30 years earlier that tolerated lying and theft. The Polish youth is modern and conservative at the same time, loves freedom but does not reject authorities, is independent but looking for role models and reference points for their decisions, motivation and following social activities, likes having fun but thinks about the future in a serious ways, takes part in elections but do not like politics and even more so politicians, goes to church and believes in God, but is critical of the teachings of the Church, especially concerning teaching about morality. If the situation requires it, the young people can be obedient and humble if it is helpful and brings benefits, but they also like asking significant others about fundamental issues as well as personally experiencing and living life their own way. Keywords: youth, values, generations, social change, longitudinal research

Culture and systems of values According to Antonina Kłoskowska, the societal culture, which will be considered in depth in relation to the systems of values and norms, “is characterized by the fact that people themselves are the subject and the object of culturally defined activities” [Kloskowska 2013:  67], and its regulatory impact refers to

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relations, roles and arrangements of individuals in their mutual relationships [Kloskowska 2013: 67]. This is, of course, a well-known approach to culture as certain systems, which was first suggested presumably by Wilhelm Dilthey in the work Construction of the historical world in historical sciences in 1910. Individuals in the cultural system are not visible, but hidden behind the functions that they perform for the system: “It is not the individuals that are linked as entities into such a system of interactions, but among the multiple interactions only these processes are related to each other that belong to a certain system, the individual is woven into various systems of interactions. The connection of interactions of such a system is implemented thanks to the varied placement of its members. Its permanent scaffolding is made up of people. […] A system of culture, which fulfils a certain function, realizes a value common to all those who are oriented towards this function. Somebody in need, being unable to obtain the necessity individually, can enjoy their share in the common achievement  – in a jointly created universal value in which they can participate” [Dilthey 2004: 140–141]. An individual, as can be seen in this approach, really exists, somewhat surprisingly even referred to as a person. Thanks to this attitude their activity is not reduced to the system, as later expressed by Luhmann, nor are they diluted in the system, as believed in the Parsons’ concept. Dilthey, as a humanist and a great adversary of all scientistic and positivist inclinations, would simply not take such an attitude. In the pre-modern era, but also in modernism, belonging, identity and group membership were clearly defined, referring to clearly outlined roles, models and value systems, and the famous “individual” belonged to one fundamental group, usually tribe, family, and then a wider community. Modernity caused rapid and irreversible changes deconstructing the existing group order. Actors in the society became connected by a network of numerous links, playing often completely different roles in various groups and institutions, together and simultaneously, although the systems of values in the different groups to which they belonged were sometimes diametrically different. The second figure to be discussed in this chapter is values as a phenomenon permeating “all spheres of individual and social life and the realms of culture. They function in different forms and at different levels” [Łojewska-Krawczyk 2001:  10]. Given numerous theoretical approaches dealing with the phenomenon of value, the author’s attitude is similar to that of Florian Znaniecki, who in the Methodological Note defines value as an objective and cultural element of social life. The notion of value, i.e. an item that has “empirical content, accessible to members of a social group and the meaning by which it is or can be an object of activity” [Thomas, Znaniecki 1976: 54], involves the concept of attitude,

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because man always implements a value through their attitude towards it. Values always form systems in human activities, therefore the same values can belong simultaneously to different systems [Znaniecki 1930: 177]. Taking into account a simple model of categorizing values as positive or negative, it is assumed that positive values will be perceived and expressed by collectives and individuals as valuable, and their implementation will have an internal connection with norms that urge one to realize them, taking the form of orders or recommendations, whereas in the case of negative values defining the space of possible evil (that should be eradicated), norms will have the form of prohibitions [Łojewska-Krawczyk 1996: 16]. This chapter approaches the issue by focusing on the declaration of respondents, who express either positive assessment of something absolutely right for them or negative evaluation of something totally wrong.

Youth as a unit of analysis As a sociological category, youth usually arouses many emotions, not only among sociologists. This chapter attempts to sketch the profile of young Polish people, emphasizing their ethical views and references to the system of norms and values that accompany them in daily life. At the very beginning it is worth mentioning that thanks to the access to the data obtained as a result of dynamic research conducted since 1988 up to now, one can notice the fascinating phenomenon of relativistic attitudes becoming more intensive among young people who in their views interact with dynamic changes in the world they experience. Today’s youth compared to the generation 30 years ago are the young of the “new” Poland that experienced changes on a macro scale, including the dominance of consumerism capitalistic culture, dramatic civilisational leap through rapid, uncontrolled and constant development of technology, globalisation and accession to the European Union. On the micro scale, sociologists observe changes in socialisation patterns. Young Poles today face three forces: they are socially “uprooted from history”; they are constantly subjected to an unprecedented, intensive, multifaceted influence of external stimuli and they live in a world of diverse forms of addictions that they succumb to a larger extent than the generations before. Today’s youth is perfectly able to find themselves in virtual space and skilfully search for and select information, but often unable (and not willing!) to analyse it in a reflective manner [Wrzesień 2016: 230–231]. At this stage, the analysis focuses in detail on the variables that were surveyed in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 among Polish students. The respondents representing

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Tab. 1:  Opinions on lying in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 0.6 100.0 1.1 100.0 1.4 100.0 1.4

It depends 82.9 77.1 46.1 49.1

Always wrong 12.6 19.7 41.7 45.1

No answer 3.9 2.1 10.8 4.4

successive generations were asked to present their views on: 1) solidarity with other people; 2) lying; 3) stealing; 4) respect towards the elderly; 5) discretion; 6) concern for “clean hands”, which in 2017 was replaced by corruption1 in the questionnaire; 7) mercy; 8) stability of one’s convictions; 9) humbleness; 10) forgiveness of trespasses; 11) truthfulness; 12) obedience; 13) adherence to rules; 14) putting one’s own benefits above all, and 15) tolerance. The above results regarding opinions on lying clearly indicate that the socialist era bred relativists to a greater extent than other political and economic systems. Swindling, wheeling-dealing, seeking one’s own interests in order to survive, distorting facts, keeping the truth only for selected people in daily life – all these contributed to the specific character of the 1980s and post-transformation years. Young people today are more courageous, as can be seen – they are not afraid to expose lies – with nearly 50 % condemning lying. These are optimistic results and this trend appears to have been growing within the last thirty years. Young people strongly condemn the theft. Of course, the attitude of acquiescence is represented by relativists who, as we can see from the data collected in Tab. 2, have always existed. Over the decades, this attitude has even become slightly more common, but it must be taken into account that in the era of late modernity, new activities – which are conceptualized as theft – have become possible, such as unauthorised use of movies, books or music via the Internet. Young people are by necessity more reflective than their peers in the communist years, when the world seemed to be a reality that used to be simple, uncomplicated,

1 In 1988, 1998, 2005, one of the categories assessed by respondents was concern for “clean hands”. In 2017, the authors of the study proposed a change of this category to corruption. Therefore, in order to preserve all methodological standards, the respondents’ opinions from 2017 were subject to a separate analysis in the penultimate chapter of the article.

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Tab. 2:  Opinions on stealing in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 4 100.0 2.1 100.0 1.0 100.0 1.8

It depends 16.9 27 22.8 23.2

Always wrong 74.9 68.5 66.6 71.0

No answer 4.3 2.5 9.6 4.0

Tab. 3:  Opinions on concern for preserving “clean hands” in 1988, 1998 and 2005 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 22.9 100.0 37.9 100.0 19.5

It depends 49.7 48.2 44.2

Always wrong 21.1 9.2 21.8

No answer 6.3 4.8 14.5

dichotomous and more unambiguous than liquid postmodernity. The youth today have a better access to the black market and can take an easier and quicker advantage of illegal solutions offered, e.g. by the Internet. Perhaps that is the reason why they are disposed to imagine that not every theft is wrong, that there are those relativistic levels entering of which should not be condemned. The issue of theft corresponds directly to the issue of concern for “clean hands”, i.e. an attitude that implies refraining from activities that go beyond acceptable social norms. We see here an interesting phenomenon of the pendulum and the return in 2005 to the attitudes of young people from 1988 with regard to the concern for “clean hands” (see Tab. 3). As far as preserving “clean hands” in all circumstances and at all costs while accomplishing one’s intentions is concerned, the research shows the dynamics of changes during subsequent decades, with the slump occurring in 1988, when young people were tired of communism and the system was becoming completely inefficient, which possibly translated into their axionormative system. For the generation of young people of 1988, it was apparently impossible to achieve success and accomplish goals if one did not get one’s hands stained or did not exceed acceptable norms, nor was it possible to make one’s own luck and become successful without staining oneself and others shows that in this case the influence

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Tab. 4:  Opinions on truthfulness in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 31.7 100.0 34.4 100.0 52.0 100.0 56.0

It depends 62.6 62.1 37.2 39.2

Always wrong 0.3 1.1 0.4 0.5

No answer 5.4 2.3 10.4 4.3

of religious faith is generally negligible). Pragmatism and being driven by the desire to achieve maximum profit and success become combined in one attitude. In 2005, young people approached the level of their peers of 1988, which can be welcomed, but it raises concern that 14 % of people did not express their opinion on the subject. In this case, it can be interpreted as a fear of a declaration suggesting that this attitude might be wrong, in other words, according to pragmatists, unwise and naive. Throughout the years, young people have become more courageous in formulating their judgments and opinions, and yet simultaneously – as they declare – telling the truth. As can be seen in Tab. 4, they are less relativised in their views on this subject than their counterparts from previous decades of 1988–1998. Interestingly, young people, who are typically called nonconformists, anarchists, rebels, etc., in individual utterances do not regard the virtue of obedience as a negative value, and if all the results are examined, then it can be stated that regardless of the year of survey, they analyse the situation and decide whether they can be obedient or not. Thus, they are pragmatists who allow themselves to resort to conformism and sometimes opportunism. In statements about the virtue of humility, presented collectively in Tab. 6, this thesis resounds even more strongly, confirming the conviction about a certain utilitarianism of contemporary youth. Over 50 % of students of 2017 accept the principle that humility is always right, practically without negating such an attitude. Over the years, the number of people relativizing humble behaviours has definitely declined. Humility or obedience is no longer identified with something negative, as it was in the “real socialism” era (PRL) in Poland, treated as treacherous attitudes of those plotting with the authorities. Today, young people treat these values more rationally, without ideological background. What is striking in the results obtained (Tab. 7) is the opinion of young people on solidarity.

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Tab. 5:  Opinions on obedience in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 13.1 100.0 18.7 100.0 11.0 100.0 13.7

It depends 81.1 76.3 74.3 79.7

Always wrong 0.6 2.1 1.5 2.1

No answer 5.1 2.9 13.3 4.4

Tab. 6:  Opinions on humility in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 29.1 100.0 36.3 100.0 34.3 100.0 52.5

It depends 62.3 58.1 49.3 41.9

Always wrong 3.4 2.5 3.2 1.1

No answer 5.1 3.1 13.2 4.4

Tab. 7:  Opinions on solidarity in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 32.2 100.0 36.5 100.0 46.8 100.0 58.1

It depends 62.6 59.5 39.4 37.3

Always wrong 0.6 1.1 0.3 0.1

No answer 4.6 2.9 13.5 4.5

It is interesting that in the communist times, only one third of the respondents considered it right and over the years the situation has reversed. Today, young people regard it primarily as an always positive value. Perhaps in 1988, this word had stronger political connotations than today and young people were afraid to support “Solidarity” movement openly. Or perhaps, instead of ideological connotations, the results might have been caused by the atomisation of the society, for which the “fair” and “solidary” socialist system coming to the end was accountable, and the 1988 generation expressed this attitude in the survey.

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Tab. 8:  Opinions on forgiveness of trespasses in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 71.1 100.0 63.5 100.0 48.2 100.0 49.2

It depends 23.7 33.1 40.0 45.8

Always wrong 0.3 0.8 0.6 0.5

No answer 4.9 2.7 11.2 4.4

Tab. 9:  Opinions on stability of beliefs in years 1988, 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 51.7 100.0 37.3 100.0 26.4 100.0 24.4

It depends 40.9 58.3 57.9 66.6

Always wrong 1.7 1.1 2.4 4.4

No answer 5.7 3.3 13.3 4.5

This does not mean that the youth of the socialist period were deprived of all rules. Thirty years ago, respondents definitely regarded such principles as forgiveness of trespasses, mercy or adherence to principles as always right, to a far greater extent than the youth of today, who can be said to be less idealistic and more down to earth, even if we take into account the faith factor. In the 1980s, the daily narrative of the experienced world was simpler, dualistic, the scenario indicated the good and the bad. Especially the students, who are under consideration here, were sensitive to social problems. The bottom-up spontaneous involvement into political matters flourished among the young, the teaching of the Catholic Church meant more to young people, the Pope was an authority building a strong bond with the young, not only the Catholics. The divided anti-communist opposition connected with the solidarity team was able to work together, having only one opponent:  a totalitarian regime. After the fall of communism, truth, authorities, principles, norms became relativized; the world became more colourful, and black and white simplifications were definitely abandoned. Thus, after 1989, the situation changed diametrically. It is especially noticeable today when young people are growing up in a more pluralized world, where the authorities, starting from guardians in the family to teachers to public opinion

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Tab. 10:  Opinions on mercy in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 76.9 100.0 70.3 100.0 57.6 100.0 62.1

It depends 16.0 25.4 28.1 32.2

Always wrong 0.3 1.1 1.0 1.0

No answer 6.9 3.3 13.4 4.7

leaders, must work hard to be respected and need to attract the young. Hierarchy arouses a certain distrust; the only truth is no longer a matter of fact; social stratification and power are liquid and changing realms, additionally forced by social, economic, political and ideological factors to constantly confirm their legitimacy. The behavioural model promoted in the public and media space represents an entrepreneurial, struggling person who faces challenges. Demanding attitudes are negated; what counts is the victory and the ability to stay in the game. Those who drop out should remain silent; they are in fact responsible for their failures; reaching out for resources gained by others by diligence and in the endeavour is not approved by the young. Interpreting the results presented in Tab. 11, it is important to take into account social changes, especially those directly related to the Internet flourishing, e.g. the emergence of virtual communities and social networking sites, where, generally, there is no room for discretion. The era of virtual transformations of traditional communities promotes a certain exhibitionism, together with frequently intrusive narration focussing on the storyteller, whereas gossip sites have eradicated the discretion and deliberately report on the news in the life of celebrities, thereby imposing the model imported straight from the factory of lies. The popularity of such portals is significant among young people, which results in unreservedness and a departure from protecting privacy of oneself and others. Securing intimacy is not valued, talkativity can be profitable if it is counted with the number of page views of blogs or likes on Facebook, Twitter or Instagram. The commentary on Tab. 6 deals with the present deficit of ideological background in the approach to humility and obedience, but it seems that the phenomenon of tolerance has also become infected with ideology. While in 1988, almost three-quarters of respondents treated tolerance as a positive value, thirty years later, there was a significant decline in this belief (especially in religious people). This is a rare phenomenon. Academic youth are sceptical about tolerant attitudes, even though not totally against them, and therefore there is no reason

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Tab. 11:  Opinions on discretion in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 74 100.0 65.8 100.0 36.3 100.0 35.9

It depends 20.6 30.8 49.7 53.7

Always bad 0.3 0.4 0.7 5.7

No answer 5.1 3.1 13.3 4.8

Tab. 12:  Opinions on tolerance in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 72.6 100.0 67.9 100.0 52.8 100.0 46.7

It depends 21.7 29.3 35.5 47.7

Always bad 0.3 0.2 0.3 1.0

No answer 5.4 2.7 11.4 4.5

to conclude that over the years, young people have become intolerant, but they are more likely to flee into the sphere of relativisation in this matter. Tolerance arouses their distrust. Over the years, young people have stopped faithful adherence to the rules. This is not a sign of nihilism, but utilitarianism, a practical worldview that changes smoothly with the development of events and circumstances. Współcześni badani zdają sobie sprawę, że zmiany społeczne i technologiczne wymuszają pewną elastyczność w systemie wartości, dlatego wolą być przygotowani i otwarci na konieczność zmiany własnego stanowiska, a wierne trzymanie się zasad może przybierać formę swoistego fundamentalizmu, który jest dziś raczej odrzucany. Today’s respondents realize that social and technological changes impose certain flexibility in the system of values, so they prefer to be prepared and open-minded about the necessity to change their attitude, whereas faithful adherence to the principles may take some form of fundamentalism, which today is rather rejected. Within thirty years from the first discussed study until 2017, the percentage of people who admitted that putting their own benefits above all is always right

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Tab. 13:  Opinions on adherence to rules in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 42.6 100.0 46.7 100.0 29.4 100.0 29.6

It depends 51.7 49.1 61 65.9

Always bad 0.9 1.3 0.5 0.1

No answer 4.9 2.9 9.1 4.4

Tab. 14:  Opinions about putting one’s own benefit above all else in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 0.3 100.0 4.6 100.0 2.1 100.0 6.2

It depends 36 45.1 43.9 58.3

Always bad 57.7 47.4 42 31

No answer 6 2.9 12 4.5

Tab. 15:  Opinions on showing respect to elders in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of answer Total Always right 100.0 72.0 100.0 76.3 100.0 71.6 100.0 70.3

It depends 22.3 20.1 16.5 25.2

Always wrong 0.3 0.8 0.3 0.3

No answer 5.4 2.9 11.6 4.3

increased by 6 %. It is difficult to conclude clearly whether this is a real increase in selfish attitudes, or rather an increase in courage to admit being selfish. In 1988, 6 % of respondents did not provide an answer. The number of relativists is certain to have risen. It can be assumed that they will move towards clear declarations, presumably approving selfish attitudes since such models are promoted and celebrated. Finally, Tab. 15 shows that severe criticism of the young, taking the form of Cicero’s complaint “O tempora, o mores!” is premature and groundless when

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confronted with the attitude strongly expressed in the subsequent decades of respect for the elderly. Seven out of ten respondents decided that it was always a right attitude.

Corruption and youth in 2017 In 2017, the authors of the survey introduced a new category – the category of concern for “clean hands” was replaced by the opinion of the young on corruption. Fortunately, young people strongly reject this phenomenon. According to the total of the surveyed population there is no consent to such behaviour. Nearly three-quarters of respondents considered it wrong (72.7 %), and merely 2.4 % right. As a term present in everyday life and common sense knowledge, corruption corresponds with the sphere of politics, which is unattractive to young people, with politicians occupying the lowest positions of social trust in all sociological studies. They are basically those who are directly distrusted. Nevertheless, even here there are relativists (20.4 %) who can absolve corruption. It is hard to say whether their attitude refers to definite situations, e.g. those occurring in the sphere closest to them, such as a school or university, but every fifth respondent accepts corruption in a specific case. An interesting phenomenon can be noticed while analysing the data presented in Tab. 16. The approval of corruption, assessed directly as something right,

Tab. 16:  Attitude towards corruption and socio-demographic characteristics of youth in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Socio-demographic characteristics Gender Men Women Material status Very good Very bad Place of residence Village City with above 500,000 inhabitants

Category of answer Total Always right

It depends

Always wrong

No answer

4.2 1.3

17.9 24.6

67.4 77.9

3.8 3

100.0 100.0

2.9 16.7

21.2 16.7

73 33.3

2.9 33.3

100.0 100.0

4.1 0

21.1 19.2

71.4 78.3

3.4 2.5

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generally does not exist. In the country, however, there is an insignificant percentage of young people who presumably witness such situations in their small local community and treat that as standard in relations with authorities, other entities, or persons. The percentage of those who reject corruption is higher in cities than in the country. The percentage of women who believe corruption is wrong is higher than men, the percentage of those women who assess it as always right is negligible. Poor people accept the possibility of corruption to a larger extent than the rich; they more often do not see anything wrong about it, they more often have a relative attitude to corruption

Summary The examined youth from the years 2005–2017 differ from that of 1988 and 1998. Today’s youth are more liberal, open to the “market” of values and norms, and to a lesser extent conservative and traditional. They tend to relativize reality to a larger extent than previous generations, but make it consciously and when necessary. The results of the latest research, i.e. those from 2017, depict the young as pragmatists, down-to-earth, self-centered rather than interested in other people, career-oriented but also tolerant, respecting the elderly and relationships with people close to them. They are responsible people, but curious and open to new experiences. They respect values behind the prohibitions such as “do not steal”, “do not lie”; nevertheless, they are not humble or obedient at any price, even when essential ideas that they have so far considered important are concerned. They are able to distance themselves from them and even change their position or view if they think that the situation requires such steps. Presented sociological studies also show that today’s youth are seekers, inscribed in the trend of changes typical of consumerism capitalism culture, profit-oriented practitioners, moral rather than immoral, free rather than subordinated to top-down guidelines in the treadmill of total obedience characteristic of young people thirty years ago, those children of socialism that found lying and stealing acceptable. In summary, the Polish youth cannot be reduced to dichotomous pairs such as: rebels–conformists, fun people–working people, conservatives–liberals, etc. Such dualistic inclinations are not only part of the life we experience but are also found in scientific dissertations, being unquestionable assumptions of the dualistic structure. It is only dealing with these typical inclinations that leads to the formulation of real scientific problems [cf. Mitterer 1992: 11]. In the case of the Polish youth, the abovementioned types perfectly intermingle with each other, breaking the rule of dualism, because this youth are

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up-to-date but conservative at the same time; they love freedom, but do not reject authorities; they are independent, but seek models and reference points for their decisions, motives and social activities resulting from them; they enjoy fun, but think seriously about the future; they participate in elections, but do not like politics, or perhaps rather politicians; they “go to church” and believe in God, but are critical of church teaching, especially regarding teaching about morality. When necessary, young people can be obedient and humble if it is useful and beneficial; they also like to consult people important for them about matters of fundamental significance, but want to experience life personally and live their own way.

References Dilthey, W. Construction of the historical world in the humanities [translated into Polish by E. Paczkowska-Łagowska], słowo/obraz terytoria, Gdańsk, 2004. Kłoskowska, A. Sociology of culture [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2013. Łojewska-Krawczyk, M. “Values as the basis of responsibility” in: Responsibility as the central axiological category of modernity [in Polish], ed. M. ŁojewskaKrawczyk, Oficyna Wydawnicza Politechniki Warszawskiej, Warszawa, 1996. Łojewska-Krawczyk, M. “Knowledge of values” in: Knowledge and values [in Polish], ed. A. Motycka, Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, Warszawa, 2001. Mitterer, J. Das Jenseits der Philosophie. Wider das dualistische Erkenntnisprinzip, Passagen, Wien, 1992. Thomas, W.I., Znaniecki, F. Polish peasant in Europe and America, vol. 1 [in Polish], Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, Warszawa, 1976 Znaniecki, F. Studies on antagonism towards strangers [in Polish], Sociological Review, No. 1, 1930. Wrzesień, W. Some remarks about the generational situation of contemporary Polish youth [in Polish], Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny, No. 1, 2016.

Post-sacral. Religious escapism. The metaphysics of hope

Sławomir H. Zaręba

Participation in worship as a channel of communication with the sacred in the liquid modernity project Abstract: In the methodology of research of institutional religiosity, the parameter of religious practices – within which there are many indicators – is one of the main instruments which help to measure the level of religious involvement. This parameter, introduced in the 1960s of the twentieth century by world renowned religious sociologists Ch. Glock and R. Stark was included for years – as is still the case – in processes which diagnose religious involvement of a variety of social communities. Religious sociologists see religious practices as the most visible, observable, and countable components of religiosity, described as external, but in some sense mirroring internal attitudes. Research completed within a wide time interval, since it encompassed almost 30 years, (1988, 1998, 2005, 2017), shows the dynamics of the religious attitudes of academic youth in Poland and their declarative attitudes towards compulsory and supererogatory religious practices, so both those commanded and recommended by faith institutions. This analytical elaboration shows the dynamics of change within the optics of religious reference, from so-called ecclesiality towards religiosity, privatised under the influence of secularisation, not only mental, but also practical. So, within the environment of academic youth in Poland, we have an ever increasing category of believers who do not practice, which is confirmed by empirical material accumulated over the years. A comparison of the research results presented in all four editions reveals the dynamics of change whose characteristic is a trend towards negative transformation based on gradual but constant objection to compulsory religious practices and a distancing from supererogatory practices. In other words – as noted by Th. Luckmann – we are dealing with the phenomenon of “shrinkage of church religion”, whose feature was mass participation in religious worship, so typical of traditional society. Hence the argument that since the 1990s, the Church in Poland is losing academic youth, who even in the mid-twentieth century and somewhat later were lively participants in the various manifestations of its functioning, but who now appear to live with the conviction that to believe is sufficient, without necessarily manifesting their faith in specifically observable religious practices. Keywords: academic youth, parameter, institutional religion, religious practices, secularisation

Since late 1980s, when the first study of religious/moral and social attitudes of school and academic youth was conducted by the Department of Sociology of

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Religion, three further studies have been carried out by the same research centre using almost identical research tools. During this period, the Polish political scene together with the socio-cultural one has undergone a process of radical transformation. The systemic changes have had an impact on a vast majority of institutions, at the same time affecting the attitudes of Poles, both adults and adolescents, with the extent of this influence being considerably varied depending on the living environment and performed activities. In addition, unrestricted, already official contact with the Western culture began the process of changing the attitude towards the still accepted social values, morality and religion. The resulting polarisation of socio-cultural life has consequently led to axiological vacuum, accompanied by secularized morality and privatized religiosity. The thesis formulated at that time stated that the evolving Polish society, transforming from a traditional to a modern one, will inevitably be subject to the influence of secularisation along the lines of Western European societies. This hypothesis was becoming increasingly tenable, since social and technological changes are known to be nearly always accompanied by religious ones. This relation was indicated by a sociologist of religion, I. Borowik, who wrote – referring to the position of the German sociologist NiklasLuhmann – “the direction of the effect of social evolution on the change in religions towards limiting the range of religious influence, towards the possibility of contesting religious truths and towards rationalization, moreover, an increasing diversity of society is accompanied by a growing diversity of religion. All these factors open the door wide to the process of secularization” [Borowik, 2016: 25]. As a result of the ongoing changes, “Churches have a dilemma about the most effective way to maintain influence and the number of the faithful” [Borowik, 2016:27]. In this situation, the aim is no longer to maintain the religious influence over the older, mature generation of Poles, but over school and academic youth, a task which did not pose much of a problem in the traditional society with its institutional religiosity. At the same time, with dynamic structural changes – aimed at turning Poland into a modern society –the status quo of religious institutions and religion itself began to be somewhat challenged as a system that had been unquestioned for centuries, giving meaning to everyday and festive life of the society. Answering the question about the pace of change in the modern era, Anthony Giddens – the British sociologist – points to economic, political and cultural factors as those responsible for social evolution. The cultural factors, as Giddens mentions, comprise primarily the development of science and the secularisation of thinking that provide the foundation for a modern, critical, and innovative view of the world. He believes that the authority of tradition alone is not sufficient for the modern

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man to adopt certain customs and practices. He is oriented towards a reasonable foundation upon which to make decisions concerning life choices [see Giddens, 2007, 67–68]. Another view is presented by the author of the “liquid modernity” concept – Zygmunt Bauman, who wrote in one of his works: “life in the age of liquid modernity reminds us daily of the universal transitoriness of everything without exception. “There is nothing permanent in the world […]. With a few exceptions, all the items we consider useful and necessary today will end up in the trash tomorrow. Nothing is absolutely essential, nothing is irreplaceable. […] No decision and no choice are final and irrevocable. No commitment is binding long enough to make it impossible to withdraw. Everything around exists until it is cancelled. The threat of redundancy is looming over the inhabitants of the liquid modernity world. Liquid modernity is a civilisation of excess, superfluity, waste and its disposal” [see Bauman, 2005: 152–153]. Given the presented views, it seems reasonable to ask about the future of religion, religious institutions and their religious mission, since the new reality provides the basis for the emergence of new identity, including the religious one, characterized by individualisation, subjectivisation and privatisation of choice without the reference to tradition, as noted by A. Giddens. Social change with its liquid modernity still provides new offers, while “life among many competitive values, norms and lifestyles, without certain and reliable guarantees of correctness, is risky and comes at a higher cost” [Z. Bauman, 2006: 330]. This world-renowned sociologist, writing about individuality, emphasizes that “today, in the liquid phase of modernity” – as it used to be in the phase of solid beings – individualisation is the man’s fate, not a choice. “In the world of individual freedom of choice, no one can avoid individualisation or refuse to participate in the universal >” [Bauman, 2006: 53]. According to Marcin Urbaniak, this “pursuit of modification means that today’s society of liquid modernity is defined as the culture of disposal and forgetting, but also as a culture of risk. […] In the society of liquid modernity, the standards of assessing and valuing oneself and the world according to market criteria are prevailing.” Market society is a consumer society –“we are an inherent part of the market, being both customers and goods” [Urbaniak, 2014: 11]. This belief brings to mind the market theory of religiosity, according to which “religion is reduced to the category of goods, religiosity to consumer behaviour or the production process, and religious organizations are presented as enterprises” [Stachowska, 2004: 352]. The creators of this hypothesis, R. Stark, W.S. Bainbridge and L.R. Iannaccone, drew their inspirations from economics and exchange theory, religion and religious practices being only a response to current spiritual demand, to subjective religious needs of an individual, with

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the choices always accompanied by rational calculation. In the society of liquid modernity, participation in worship is determined not so much by tradition and history as by other, subjective and not always unbiased motivation, and this certainly creates a threat to institutionally shaped religiosity. Hence the question about the meaning of participation in religious worship for those who still identify themselves with religious faith is still open. Are religious practices a value or maybe they have already become no more than just a duty? Or maybe a redundant element of tradition? The sociological surveys and comparative analyses of their results show that the Polish societies of the 1980s and that of the 2010s are two different societies, especially with regard to religion. Religion, which used to be present in nearly all areas of social life, has begun to be reduced to individual, private needs. In other words, “religiosity is permeating only to specific enclaves of social life”. In these circumstances, Peter L.  Berger, an American sociologist, expresses this view in his book The Sacred Canopy: “Just as there is secularization of society and culture, there is a secularization of consciousness”. In simple terms, this means that the modern West is producing more and more individuals looking at the world and their own lives without the benefit of religious interpretation [Berger, 1997: 150]. The view expressed 20 years ago seems to be increasingly real also in Poland, where systematically implemented measurements of religiosity (Institute for Catholic Church Statistics  – ISKK, Centre for Public Opinion Research  – CBOS), indicate far-reaching changes even in the area of participation in religious practices. The majority of Poles still identify themselves with their faith, this does not necessarily mean; however, that they accept its requirements and expectations, especially the duty to take part in religious worship, even though it is obligatory. Thus, one can observe the phenomenon of the growing category of “non-practicing believers”, and in the case of Catholics, such an attitude conflicts with religious doctrine and ecclesiastic legislation, since both the Decalogue (third commandment) and the ecclesiastic commandments (the first commandment) clearly define this requirement. Let us omit here the proposed methodology of religious studies that is known to sociologists of religion and described in the literature on the subject, authored by American sociologists Ch. Glock and R Stark, for it is mentioned in the introduction entitled Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – processes of fragmentation of religious life in the community of academic youth. Since the present study concerns only the dimensions of religious practices, more attention will be given to this issue. Thus, religious scholars have agreed for years that religious practices are among the most visible, observable and countable components of religiosity, and hence, “the ritual criterion (participation in

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religious practices) is treated as the most universal way of measuring religious affiliation in various religious traditions, not only in Christianity” [Borowik, 1997: 79–80]. This view is confirmed by Janusz Marianski, a sociologist of religion, according to whom “in sociological studies, religious practices are among the most commonly used indicators of the measurement of institutionalized religiosity (so-called ecclesiasticality)” [Marianski, 2014: 59–60]. At the same time, writing about the involvement of the faithful in religious practices as a manifestation of church participation, he adds, “the acts prescribed or recommended by the Church are an important but not the most important exponent of religiosity in sociological terms and do not give an adequate picture of the religious life of an individual or a social group. Their absence, however, undoubtedly indicates some far-reaching changes taking place in religious life (a negative criterion of religiosity). Practices fulfilled for religious reasons are indicative of internal religiosity (a positive criterion of religiosity)” [Marianski, 2014: 22]. According to WojciechŚwiątkiewicz  – another sociologist of religion  – “Religious practices provide not only a model of faith, or religious doctrine translated into social behaviour patterns, but they are also a model (exemplary manifestation) for individual faith. They are not only an expression of the essence of faith, but remain also the deepest manifestation of religiosity. They allow both individual people and communities to define their attitude towards faith, and even assess it with regard to religious piety or eagerness” [Świątkiewicz, 2009: 225]. Religious practices fall within the scope of a broader concept, namely religiosity, which is a multidimensional and multicomponent phenomenon, since according to W. Piwowarski, “it has institutional, social and cultural dimension” [Piwowarski, 1996:  54]. The personality dimension should also be included, since strong motivation sometimes inclines an individual to specific religious behaviour, which can certainly result from deeply rooted internal needs. “They combine both intellectual and emotional references to the object of faith as well as the entire complex array of cultural and social factors that are temporally and spatially diverse and through which individual and collective religious devotion is manifested. Religious practices are most strongly connected with cultural patterns and models and follow the rhythm of their transformations” [Świątkiewicz, 2009: 224]. Nevertheless, the evaluation of religiosity cannot by any means be reduced to the ritualistic dimension, because it would be a simplification – both too far-reaching and methodologically unfounded, and as such, would certainly be subject to a justified criticism. Such criticism is expressed by P. L. Berger: “Religious practices indicate external religiosity, which Allport criticized as supposedly utilitarian, and people revealing this kind of religiosity use God, they are addicted and fundamentally infantile” [cf. Berger, 1997: 186].

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The phrase “channel of communication with the sacred” in the title refers to the book popular among the sociologists of religion by P.L. Berger, who wrote: “a Catholic lives in a world where he communicates with the sacred through various channels - the sacraments of the church, intercession of saints, recurrent revelations of what is ‘supernatural’ in the mysteries - the vast continuity between the visible and the invisible” [Berger, 1997: 156]. One of these channels is participation in religious practices, which “are not only a model of faith, or religious doctrine translated into patterns of social behaviour, but also a model (pattern) for individual faith” [Świątkiewicz, 2004: 311]. Our goal is to show the attitude of academic youth in 2017 – with references to the results of nationwide sociological research carried out in 1988, 1998 and 2005  – towards obligatory and non-obligatory religious practices. The extensive databases used for this purpose provide the answer to the question about change or continuity in the area of religious behaviour, examined using the parameter of religious practices. We assume that the analysis of the empirical material will reveal not only the dynamics of change, but will also make it possible to verify the thesis of the change from the ecclesiastical model of religiosity into an individualistic one. At the same time, an attempt will be made to answer the question:  Does Polish academic youth still remain in the Polish Catholic church? This analysis will be based on six questions included in the research tool from 2017, which allowed to measure the worship-related involvement. *** The advantage of sociological studies conducted sequentially is the possibility to capture the dynamics of the phenomenon and make comparisons. This opportunity is provided by the data from the measurements carried out in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017  – the nationwide research conducted among secondary school and university students in Poland. At this stage, it is advisable to remind a fact presented in the introduction to this collective work. In 1988, every second respondent (52.9  %) declared systematic participation in religious practices, whereas after nearly three decades it is just one in three (30.2 %). It can be said that in the consciousness of today’s female and male students, the regular participation in religious practices has ceased to be an imperative of religious behaviour, most likely internalized in the original group, i.e. the family in cooperation with other socializing agencies, for example a religious institution. One of the obligatory religious practices is participation in the Sunday and church holiday liturgy, defined in ecclesiastical law as “the earliest holiday ordained by the Church” [CPK 1246], therefore all the four surveys measured the declaration of such participation in this obligatory religious practice by asking the same question. The distribution of answers is presented in Tab. 1,

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Tab. 1:  Participation in mass in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC year

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Answer category Total Every Nearly Once Sunday every or Sunday twice a month 100.0 41.4

21.4

12.6

On important Church holidays only 8.0

Only for Never Not baptism, applicable/ wedding, hard to say funeral etc. 5.7 7.1 2.3

No answer given

100.0 26.2

27.5

13.0

14.3

7.1

7.3

3.1

1.5

100.0 20.6

27.8

15.7

16.3

7.6

8.6

3.0

0.5

100.0 17.3

21.3

13.6

19.8

11.5

11.2

3.1

2.2

1.4

and the presented data permits the following conclusions: first, in the category of people regularly participating in this practice, there was a significant decrease in 2017 compared to 1998 and even more significant in comparison with 1988; secondly, at the same time, there was an increase in the percentage of people present at the liturgy only on important Church holidays (presumably Christmas, Ash Wednesday and Easter) and for baptism, marriage and funerals; thirdly, the percentage of people declaring distancing themselves from this obligation is systematically rising. Thus, one can observe a permanent shift towards seasonal Catholics, recalling the typology of the French sociologist Gabriel Le Bras. When the first two categories (every Sunday, nearly every Sunday) are added, the following results are obtained: in 1988 it is 62.8 % and in 2017 only 38.6 %, with the percentage of the former clearly decreasing, while the latter remaining at the same level. Thus, the belief of the obligation to celebrate the Sunday liturgy as a duty resulting from religious affiliation is losing its appeal. The research carried out in 2017 reveals that the correlations of two declarations, i.e. “every Sunday” and “nearly every Sunday”, with the basic sociodemographic characteristics of the respondents showed that these persons are primarily: – – – –

systematically practicing – 91.7 % (non-practicing – 2.8 %), deep believers – 79.6 % (religiously neutral – 4.3 %, non-believers – 0), village residents – 48.8 % (cities with a population of over 500,000 – 33.3 %), female youth – 41.9 % (male – 34.5 %),

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– students studying mathematics and natural sciences, including medical sciences – 39.7 % (humanistic-socio-economic – 36.4 %). Thus, academic village and female youth today, as in the past, treat Sunday mass as a duty, which most probably results from the observance of these key commandments. The increasing percentage of people who do not participate in this religious practice requires special attention. In 2017, the option “never” was more often chosen by the male youth (twice), studying in the humanities and socio-economic faculties, living in the cities of above 250,000 residents, people considering their financial situation as poor, and – obviously – people declaring themselves as non-believers and non-practicing. These data can be interpreted using the opinion of JanuszMariański: “According to an ecclesiastical doctrine a Catholic goes to church to express their beliefs and receive the assurement that doing so they act appropriately. From the social point of view, it can be said that today Catholics are not obliged to go to church if they do not want to do so. Many of them do not recognize ecclesiastical commands, the external oppression has largely weakened. A  categorical order to participate in Sunday Mass under the sanction of serious sin is increasingly treated as optional” [Mariański, 2014: 74]. The question about participation in religious practices is usually accompanied by the inquiry about the cause, the reason, because almost every human activity is preceded by some intention or motivation. According to Irena Borowik, “researchers typically assume two main motives of religious beliefs  – social and individual. Social motives include: 1) cultivating religious tradition as the , 2)  adopting the beliefs of the immediate surroundings  – one’s family and environment, 3) relying on a religious organisation that is the basic source of religious content” [Borowik, 1997: 85]. According to Kazimierz Święs: “in the study of religious practices sociology is not limited to statistical categories, but also refers to their qualitative description. The objective is to point to the motivation of ritualistic behaviours, the meaning attributed to them by the faithful and personal experience associated with them” [Święs 2011: 187]. Another Polish sociologist – MariaSroczyńska – in the book devoted to rituals states the following:  “participation in Sunday Mass requires different types of individual motivations, which can be classified in relation to religious and ecclesiastical values, personal or socio-cultural” [Sroczyńska 2013: 129]. In the survey conducted in 2017, as in previous years, respondents were asked to choose one of eight possible answers (only in 1988 they could choose more than one response). The choice of a given motivation usually remains in large dependence on the intellectual and emotional relation to the faith, because

50.6

6.5

7.6

5.3

-

100.0

100.0

100.0

1988 (N=350)* 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794) 6.7

5.7

8.2

36.6

18.8

20.3

20.8

59.4

Adjusting Religious one’s experience behaviour to family demands

10.1

7.1

6.7

Adjusting one’s actions to the general custom 32.9

* In 1988 respondents could choose more than one answer to a question about their motives

21.8

25.4

27.7

67.1

Category of answer Total Fulfilling Fulfilling duty the towards order of the conscience Church

Year of survey

7.1

8.8

10.1

13.4

Other reasons/ what reasons?

11.5

8.7

11.1

10.6

8.3

7.7

6.7

4.9

8.7

7.5

-

-

1.9

1.0

2.2

-

Something Hard to Not No I am say applicable data interested in

Tab. 2:  Motivation of participation in the Holy Mass in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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participation in this obligatory religious practice often results from deeper, individual needs. Over the past three decades, two of the suggested motivations have been most often indicated, “fulfilling the command of conscience” and “religious experience”. As in the previous surveys, the highest percentage of respondents admits that participation in the Holy Mass on Sunday is the fulfilment of the order of conscience. Although the percentage of those who think in this way is decreasing, together with the number of those who perceive it as a religious experience, they are still the two fundamental, and thus most often mentioned motivations of church attendance. The correlations of the declaration “fulfilling the conscience order” with the basic socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents showed that in 2017 relatively the highest number of such persons are found among: – practising regularly – 35.4 % (non-practicing – 0.9 %), – village residents – 25.2 % (cities over 500.000 –15.8 %), – deep believers – 24.7 % (religiously neutral – 1.1 %, non-believers – 0), – female youth – 24.0 % (male – 18.8 %), – students studying mathematics and natural sciences, including medical subjects – 22.4 % (humanistic-socio-economic – 20.6 %), – assessing their financial situation as very good – 19.7 % (poor –11.1 %). Correlations of the declaration “religious experience” with the basic sociodemographic characteristics of the respondents showed that in 2017 relatively the highest percentage of such persons includes: – deep believers – 37.6 % (religiously neutral – 1.1 %, non-believers –1.2 %), – systematically practising –37.5 % (non-practising – 0.9 %), – urban residents of towns up to 50.000  – 23.6  % (cities of 250,000 to 500,000 – 9.5 %), – female youth – 21.5 % (male – 15.0 %), – people studying humanities and socio-economic sciences – 20.6 % (mathematics and natural sciences, including medical – 17.8 %), – assessing their financial situation as very good – 16.8 % (poor – 22.2 %). It is of special interest that those who believe that participation in the Holy Mass is a duty towards the Church come from villages rather than large cities. The percentage of academic youth coming from the country who regard participation in the mass as “something that I am not interested in” is also much lower, which may indicate that Church institutions and religious tradition are still recognized in this environment. For example, the collected empirical material in

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2005 evokes the following conclusion: “The attendance to religious rituals and the motivation for participating in them often overlap and complement each other. It is exemplified by the participation in Mass, which is a function of many variables, and illustrates the diversity of attitudes from those accepting and indicating experience, to those full of negation” [cf. Zaręba, 2008: 196]. Apart from the Holy Mass on Sunday, there are also other institutionally prescribed practices, such as Confession and Holy Communion during the Easter period, as mentioned in the Resolution of the Polish Episcopate of 2014 referred to above1. According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, this obligation is imposed on Catholics at least once a year [CCC 2048]. They are obligatory, repeatable religious practices, which have also been subjected to regular sociological surveys for many years. Such practices are of interest to the sociologist of religion in sofar as they indicate the intensity of religiosity, openness to the teaching of the Church, and so whether they are constant (everyday) or only a festive feature of religiosity. Thus, whether they indicate the consistency of the adopted religious faith and the degree of internalisation of its principles. The analysis of the declarations will involve both practices. All the four surveys included the same question which was aimed at finding the subjective assessment of the frequency of these sacraments. Tabs. 3 and 4 show the distribution of declarations. A comparison of research results (Tab. 3) from 30 years ago with the current ones shows that the percentage of once-a-year confessions has decreased (by 5.8 %), with a simultaneous increase in the percentage of “not once in a few years” response (by 6.4 %). Taking into account the Church’s directive regarding the minimum frequency of this sacrament, the correlations of the “once a year” declarations with the basic socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents show that in 2017 relatively the highest percentage includes: – – – – –

irregular practitioners – 51.7 % (non-practising – 0.9 %), believers – 43.3 % (indifferent to religion – 9.5 %), village residents – 35.3 % (cities over 500,000 – 20.8 %), assessing their financial situation as average – 33.0 % (poor – 18.5 %) female youth – 28.3 % (male – 29.7 %).

No differences were found with regard to the field of science which the respondents studied (mathematic-natural sciences students, including medical  – 28.4  %,

1 http://www.katecheza.episkopat.pl/index.php/menu/listy-pasterskie-episkopatu/87nowe-brzmienie-pieciu-przykazan-koscielnych of 29.11.2017.

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Tab. 3:  Participation in confession in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of research

Category of answer Total A few Once a Once a times a month year month 100.0 2.6 26.3 34.3

1988 (N=350) 1998 100.0 3.4 (N=523) 2005 100.0 1.5 (N=1086) 2017 100.0 1.5 (N=794)

Once in a few years 12.0

Not No Not No once for participation applicable answer years 4.9 8.9 8.6 2.6

29.4

33.5

11.7

9.0

8.0

-

5.0

22.5

37.8

14.4

10.4

6.4

5.1

1.9

23.8

28.5

12.2

11.3

11.1

-

2.5

humanities and socio-economic sciences students – 28.7 %). However, two categories of respondents deserve special attention:  those who chose the answer “not once in years” or “no participation”, because in both cases, over the past thirty years, there has been a slight but steady increase in the percentage of such responses. It is also an obligatory practice to receive the Holy Communion, of which W. Piwowarski wrote years ago that neglecting it, especially at Easter, is an important indicator of the lack of bond with the Church [cf. Piwowarski, 1977: 270]. The Holy Communion is also a religious practice closely connected with the participation in both the Holy Mass and the practice of Confession. The figures presented in Tab. 4 show a tendency that is interesting from the perspective of the sociology of religion, i.e. the decrease in the percentage of people declaring regular reception of the Holy Communion, accompanied by an increase in the percentage of those who occasionally receive this sacrament. This is most conspicuous in the category of people choosing the answer “in the last month”, “a few years ago” and “not once in years”. This would confirm the thesis about decreasing religious zeal of academic youth. At the end of the1980s, it was still every third, now it is merely every fourth student that reveals such attitude. The correlations of the “last month” declarations with the basic sociodemographic features of the respondents showed that in 2017 such persons were relatively most frequently found among: – deep believers – 39.8 % (religiously neutral – 4.2 %), – regular practitioners – 39.6 % (non-practising – 1.9 %), – village residents – 35.3 % (cities with a population of 100,000 – 250,000 – 11.9 %),

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Year of survey

Category of answer Total Last Last week month 100.0 17.4 30.3 100.0 18.0 13.6 100.0 9.2 13.8 100.0 13.9 24.4 A few months ago 20.9 34.6 36.1 16.6

A year ago 8.9 7.1 9.8 7.9

A few years ago 11.4 16.1 15.4 16.1

Not once in years 6.0 7.1 9.3 9.9

No reception 4.0 2.5 2.3 5.5

Not applicable 3.4 3.3

No answer 1.1 1.0 0.7 2.4

Tab. 4:  Reception of the Holy Communion in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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– female youth – 27.2 % (male youth – 20.8 %), – students of mathematics and natural sciences, including medical  – 24.9  % (humanities, socio-economic – 23.5 %), – assessing their financial status as “very good” or “good” – 26.3 % (poor financial situation – 11.1 %). Another example of religious practices, although of a non-obligatory nature, is personal prayer, which, “being a manifestation of personal experience resulting from religious faith, does not undergo strict control and can hardly be investigated empirically. (…)In the opinion of many believers, it is considered a truly fundamental religious duty and provides an important element of religious upbringing of children in the family. Observance of daily prayer or its abandonment is a sign of vitality or decline of Christian life” [Marianski, 2017: 285]. As far as the question “how often did you pray in the last year” is concerned, the response “every day” had the highest percentage of indications; however, in 30 years, the percentage decreased by half and in 2017 it was chosen by every fifth person (20.8 percentage point difference). Assuming that the answer “every few days” also indicates a significant religious commitment, the total figures of the two above mentioned responses in four subsequent surveys amounted to the following values: 58.0 %; 53.9 %; 45.3 % and 36.5 %, which in the period of 1988–2017 reveals a difference of 21.5 percentage points. At the same time, we observe an increase in the percentage of those who chose the answer “not at all” (increase by 9.4 percentage points) and “very rarely” (increase by 4.5 percentage points). This simple distribution can alone indicate a decline in spiritual needs in the academic youth, which together with the decrease in the sense of the obligation to participate in Sunday Mass demonstrates the decline in the intensity of religious involvement. The gradual abandonment of religious practices confirms the formation of selective religiosity. The correlations of the joint declarations of “every day” personal prayer with the basic socio-demographic features of the surveyed students showed that in 2017 such categories of respondents were most common among: – deeply religious – 64.5 % and believers – 28.5 % (religiously neutral – 2.1 %), – regular practitioners – 50.4 % (non-practising – 2.8 %), – inhabitants of cities with the population of up to 50,000  – 29.1  % (cities from100,000 to 250,000 – 15.8 %), – female youth – 24.5 % (male youth – 17.9 %), – students of mathematics and natural sciences, including medical sciences – 22.4 % (humanistic-socio-economic – 20.6 %),

15.4 18.7 15.1 14.7

0.9 1.7 1.4 1.3

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

42.6 35.2 30.2 21.8

Category of answer Total Every Every few On day days Sunday

Year of survey From time to time 14.6 13.8 19.6 17.9

Only in important life events 8.3 5.7 8.4 8.4 4.3 9.9 9.9 8.8

Very rarely

12.3 12.6 11.7 21.7

Not at all

Not applicable, hard to say 1.1 2.1 2.9 3.5

0.6 0.3 0.8 1.9

No answer

Tab. 5:  Practice of personal prayer in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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– people assessing their financial situation as “very poor”  – 33.3  % (very good – 21.9 %). Thus, understandably, those praying more often are found among respondents who are deep believers, follow religious practices, represent female youth and those living in small towns, where the transmission of religious tradition is presumably still alive. However, the general results of 2017 show that the conclusion formulated after the survey conducted in 2005 for the entire examined population (school youth and academic youth) is still valid today: One can notice a steady decline in youth involvement in the only extra-obligatory practice that has been analysed, i.e. private prayer. Everyday prayer is being abandoned and replaced by praying occasionally or in specific situations, and sometimes even omitted altogether, which confirms the assumption of the formation of superficial religiosity, which limits itself to external manifestations. Its intensity increases only in cases of danger and uncertainty [cf. Zaręba, 2008: 215].

Summary The objective of this study was to present the sociological image of academic youth religiosity in 2017 focussing on religious practices alone, with references to corresponding results from surveys conducted in 1988, 1998 and 2005. Although this parameter – “comprises all religious practices that are prescribed by religion and expected by the Church from its members” [Piwowarski, 1996: 60] and at the same time reveals the consequences of the professed religious faith and church involvement, with different types of ritualizing [cf. Świątkiewicz, 2009: 224] – it should be remembered that it does not fully exhaust the essence of institutionally shaped religiosity, because in classical approach, it is described with many dimensions taken into account. The comparison of the empirical data from four surveys revealed the dynamics of transformations and, at the same time, the trend of negative changes consisting in gradual but continuous abandonment of obligatory religious practice, i.e. participation in the Holy Mass, distancing oneself from the compulsory Easter practices and also from the extra-obligatory practice such as personal prayer. Thus, for the academic youth in Poland, this obligation  – which results from religious law and doctrine  – to celebrate the holy day, ceases to be an obligatory requirement, and individual daily prayer, as a recommended piety practice, is increasingly less often a manifestation of personal religious experience. This provides the basis for defining such religiosity as mutilated, described as quasi religiosity, which confirms the previously formulated thesis about the transformation of the ecclesiastical model of religiosity into

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an individualistic one, characterized by non-institutional religiosity. Departure from religious practices, which are a public manifestation of faith – so typical of institutional (church) religiosity still in the twentieth century – today indicates “shrinking of church religion” [Luckmann, 1996: 74]. Despite the ongoing retreat in fulfilling cult duties by academic youth, one must remember that religiosity should not be reduced only to its external, communal and public dimension. Answering the question posed in the introduction, it must be said that at the level of religious practice, the Church loses academic youth, who still in the middle of the twentieth century and later vividly participated in various forms of its activity, especially at the level of structures envisaged for this community. The tendencies revealed by the above-mentioned studies are negative; nevertheless, one must take into account the imperfection of the hitherto used methodological instruments, which certainly demand further improvement and extension with new indicators and new solutions of measuring the sensitive realm of human religiosity.

References Bauman, Z. Life to shred. [Polish translation], Wydawnictwo Literackie, Kraków, 2005. Bauman, Z. Liquid modernity. [Polish translation], Wydawnictwo Literackie, Kraków, 2006. Berger, P. L. The sacred canopy. Elements of a sociological theory of religion [Polish translation], Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków, 1997. Borowik, I. Processes of institutionalization and privatization of religion in post-war Poland [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków, 1997. Borowik, I. “Social change as a source of religious change in the theoretical visions of sociologists”, in: Tradition and innovation in the field of reflection on the sociology of religion [in Polish], ed. S. H. Zaręba, I. Borowik, Wydawnictwo Kontrast, Warszawa, 21–30, 2016. Giddens, A. Sociology [Polish translation], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2007. Polish Episcopate Conference, The new wording of the five commandments of the church [in Polish] http://www.katecheza.episkopat.pl/index.phpmenu/ listy-pasterskie-episkopatu/87-nowe-brzmienie-pieciu-przykazankoscielnych [accessed on: 29 November 2017]. Code of Canon Law [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Pallottinum, Kraków, 1984.

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Catechism of the Catholic Church [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Pallottinum, Kraków,1994. Mariański, J. Religious practices in Poland in the process of change. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne w Sandomierzu, Sandomierz, 2014. Mariański, J. Religious identities in Polish society. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń, 2017. Piwowarski, W. Urban religiosity in the industrialized region. Sociological study [in Polish], Biblioteka „Więzi“, Warszawa, 1997. Piwowarski, W. Sociology of religion. [in Polish], RedakcjaWydawnictw KUL, Lublin, 1996. Sroczyńska, M. Rituals in youth world. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo FALL, Kraków, 2013. Stachowska, E. “Market theory of religion”, in: Lexicon of sociology of religion. Phenomena-research-theories [in Polish], ed. M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, J.Mariański, WydawnictwoVerbinum, Warszawa, 352–354, 2004. Stark R. and Glock Charles, Y. “Dimensions of religious commitment”, in: Sociology of religion. Anthology of texts [in Polish], ed. W. Piwowarski, Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków, 182–187, 1998. Świątkiewicz, W. “Religious practices”, in: Lexicon of sociology of religion. Phenomenon-research-theories [in Polish], ed. M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska, J.Mariański, WydawnictwoVerbinum, Warszawa, 311–313, 2004. Świątkiewicz, W. “Religious practices in cultural costumes”, in: Sociology of religious life in Poland [in Polish], ed. S. H. Zaręba, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego, Warszawa, 209–234, 2009. Święs, K. Transformations of urban religiosity during systemic transformation [in Polish], Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, Lublin, 2011. Urbaniak, M. The bitter aftertaste of liquid modernity. Selected aspects of social philosophy of Zygmunt Bauman [in Polish], Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula, No. 4 (42): 5–27, 2014 file:///Users/Stacjonarny/Downloads/ KNUV_4_42_2014.5-27%20(2).pdf of 27.03.2018. Zaręba, S.H. Towards what kind of religiosity? Studies on Catholicism of Polish youth [in Polish], Zakład Wydawnictw Statystycznych, Warszawa, 2008. Zaręba, S.H. Youth religiosity in an urbanized environment. Sociological theoretical-empirical study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo POBITNO Oficyna, Rzeszów, 2012.

Wojciech Klimski

Faith, beliefs and their transfigurations Abstract: This part of the book is devoted to student faith and beliefs. The analysis focuses on students’ religious beliefs and their transformations that have occurred over the past 29 years. The students were asked questions on three aspects of their faith in the survey. The first was connected with God, his existence, nature, role in creating the world and man. The second referred to beliefs in the field of soteriology with questions focusing on the ontological structure of Christ and the consequences of the work of redemption. Finally, the last examined aspect referred to eschatology – posthumous reward and punishment, the existence of hell and resurrection. Research shows that students’ faith is selective. They reject the beliefs of the Catholic Church. Within 29 years, faith regularly loses its orthodox character. This process particularly concerns eschatology. Keywords: students’ faith, orthodox faith, selective faith, eschtological faith, soteriological faith, faith in God, deinstitutionalisation of faith, secularisation

This chapter of the book is devoted to the student faith and beliefs. The analysis focuses on students’ religious beliefs and their transformations that have occurred over the past 29  years. The students were asked questions on three aspects of their faith in the survey. The first was connected with God, his existence, nature, role in creating the world and man. The second referred to beliefs in the field of soteriology with the questions focusing on the ontological structure of Christ and the consequences of the work of redemption. Finally, the last examined aspect referred to eschatology – posthumous reward and punishment, the existence of hell and resurrection.

Faith in God, the Holy Trinity, God the Creator Respondents were asked whether they believe in the existence of God. The distribution of their answers is presented in Tab. 1. In 2017, the percentage of those who declared faith in the existence of God amounted to 71.9  %. 8.1  % of respondents admitted to disbelief, while 17  % could not give a clear answer. The question was not applicable to 1.6 % of the respondents. In relation to 2005, the percentage of those who admitted faith in God fell by 10.7 %. This change in minus entailed an increase in the percentage of persons unable to give a clear answer and non-believers. The growth in their percentage was 5.7 % and 3.7 %, respectively. There was also a slight increase in

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Tab. 1:  The students’ belief in the existence of God in 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0

4.4 8.1

82.6 71.9

Hard to say 11.3 17.0

Not applicable 1.0 1.6

No answer 0.6 1.4

Tab. 2:  The belief of students that God is one in three Persons, in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

1998 (N=523)

100.0

67.7

8.0

2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0

68.1 58.9

8.1 14.0

No

Hard to say 20.7

Not applicable 2.5

No answer 1.1

19.8 21.3

3.3 4.0

0.6 1.8

the cohort of respondents to whom this issue was not applicable (by 0.4 %), and those who did not provide an answer (by 0.8 %). Another question concerned the belief that God is one in three Persons. Tab. 2 presents the structure of the declaration of respondents in successive surveys. In the 2017 study, the belief in God in three persons was shared by 58.9 % of the surveyed population, with 14 % being of a different opinion. Approximately every fifth respondent (21.3 %) did not give a clear answer. This question was not applicable to 4 % of students. In the years 1998–2005, the belief in one God in three persons was not subject to significant transformations in all the distinguished categories. The changes occurred only after 2005 when the percentage of believers decreased by 9.2 % and the rate of non-believers increased by 5.9 %. The percentage of persons who could not give a clear answer rose by 1.5 %. The questions regarding faith in God also concerned his relation to the world and man. Tab. 3 shows the common beliefs of students that God is the Creator of the world. In 2017, most of the respondents – 59.6 % – confirmed the belief in God as the Creator of the world. 16.8 % of the respondents declared themselves as nonbelievers, whereas the percentage of the undecided was even higher – 19.8 %.

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Tab. 3:  Belief of students that God is the Creator of the world, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

12.0 10.1 8.8 16.8

64.3 70.0 70.7 59.6

Hard to say 21.1 18.9 18.1 19.8

Not applicable 1.8 2.5

No answer 2.6 1.0 0.5 1.4

Tab. 4:  The faith of students that God is the Creator of man, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

12.0 12.4 10.7 17.6

a

64.3 66.5 67.1 55.3

Hard to say 21.1 19.9 19.6 22.5

Not applicablea 1.9 2.8

No answer 2.6 1.1 0.6 1.8

In the survey of 1988 and 1998 this answer category was missing.

Only 2.5 % admitted that this issue was not applicable to them and 1.4 % did not provide an answer. The belief that God is the Creator of the world gained popularity in the first decade of the conducted survey. The number of believers increased (by 5.7 %) whereas the level of acceptance in other categories decreased. Over the next eight years, the structure of faith did not undergo substantial evolution. The percentage of declarations of faith and disbelief stayed at a very similar level. It was not until 2005–2017 that the percentage of believers in God as the Creator of the world fell (by 11.1 %). The rate of declarations of disbelief rose (by 8 %). The “hard to say” statements accounted for 19.8 % of the responses. The purpose of the previous question posed to the students was to determine whether they believe that God is the Creator of man. The distribution of answers is presented in Tab. 4. The belief that God is the Creator of man was shared by 55.3 % of respondents in 2017, whereas 17.6 % were of the opposite opinion. Every fifth student (22.5 %)

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failed to take an attitude on this issue, 2.8 % of respondents found the question not applicable, and 1.8 % did not provide an answer. In the years 1988–2005, the percentage of believers in God as the Creator of man was systematically growing and ultimately increased by 2.8  %. At the same time, the percentage of nonbelievers fell by 1.7 %, and the rate of those who failed to take an attitude on the issue decreased by 1.5 %, whereas after 2005 the faith in God the Creator of man began to lose popularity. 11.8 % fewer respondents admitted sharing this belief in the last survey, the acceptance for non-belief increased by 6.9 %, and the choice of the answer “hard to say” gained in popularity by 2.9 %.

Soteriological beliefs Jesus Christ, as the redeemer and saviour of man, is at the centre of the Church’s soteriological doctrine. Therefore, students were asked about who he is according to them. Their answers are presented in Tab. 5. In 2017, most of the respondents  – 59.7  %  – perceived Christ as God. Approximately every tenth (11.1 %) said he was a God-man. Almost the same number (9.7  %) was unable to provide an answer. For 8.9  % of the surveyed students, he was a mythical figure, and 8.8 % saw him as an outstanding historical figure. In the years 1988–2017, Christ was most frequently perceived as God, with the frequency of this response growing until 2005. In the following years, it dropped to 59.7 %. The belief that Christ is a God-man regularly lost in popularity and finally fell by 14 %. The opinion that he was a legendary character became more common (an increase of 4 %). Another question concerned the belief that God became a man and died on the cross for all people. Its structure in the student population is shown in Tab. 6.

Tab. 5:  Students’ beliefs about Jesus Christ in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Answer category Total God (Son of God) it 100.0 46.6 100.0 57.0 100.0 63.7 100.0 59.7

God- Outstanding Legendary man historical figure figure (mythical) 25.1 9.7 4.9 18.9 8.2 5.2 16.4 5.9 6.5 11.1 8.8 8.9

Hard to No say answer 5.7 7.1 6.4 9.7

8.0 3.6 1.0 1.8

Faith, beliefs and their transfigurations

109

In 2017, the belief that God became a man and died on the cross for all people was popular among students. 66.1 % of them shared this belief with 13.7 % of respondents being of an opposite opinion. The percentage of those who could not provide an answer was 16.1 %. Over 29 years, the belief that God became a man and died on the cross for all people lost in popularity. The percentage of believers decreased by 10.8 % and at the same time a cohort expressing the opposite attitude increased by 4.6 %. The rate of “hard to say” answers rose by 2.4 %. Finally, the last question in the field of soteriological faith was: “Can a man who belongs to a different religion than you, be saved?” The distribution of answers is presented in Tab. 7. In 2017, students usually thought that a man belonging to a different denomination than themselves can be saved. 67 % of them provided such an answer. The opposite opinion was expressed by 4.5 %. The declarations “difficult to say” were relatively Tab. 6:  Belief of students that God became a human and died on the cross for all people, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

9.1 7.3 7.6 13.7

a

76.9 74.2 75.5 66.1

Hard to say 13.7 18.0 13.5 16.1

Not applicablea 2.8 2.4

No answer 0.3 0.6 0.6 1.6

In the survey of 1988 and 1998 this answer category was missing.

Tab. 7:  Beliefs of students that a man of a different religion than they are can be saved in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

a

85.4 74.2 75.5 67.0

1.4 7.3 7.6 4.5

Hard to say 11.7 18.0 13.5 17.0

In the survey of 1988 and 1998 this answer category was missing.

Not applicablea 2.8 10.3

No answer 1.4 0.6 0.6 1.1

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common. Their percentage amounted to 4.5 %, 10.3 % of respondents thought that this question was not applicable to them. In the years 1988–2017, the percentage of those convinced that a man of another religion can be saved fell by 18.4 %. The opposite view was also expressed by a decreasing percentage of respondents, although the fall was not regular. On the other hand, the rate of the undecided responses increased. The change in the percentage was 3.1 % and 3.5 %, respectively. There was a rise in the percentage of persons who decided that the question was nor applicable to them. This rate went up regularly from the level of 2.8 % to 10.3 %.

Eschatological beliefs In order to determine the nature of the eschatological beliefs, students were asked if they believe that an eternal reward or punishment awaits man after death. The response distribution is shown in Tab. 8. In 2017, half of the respondents (51 %) admitted to believing in the existence of a posthumous reward or punishment. 15.4 % of students did not share this belief. The proportion of undecided respondents was significant and amounted to 29.3 %. 2.8 % of the students found the question not applicable to them, and 1.5 % did not provide an answer. The belief in the existence of a posthumous reward or punishment in the years 1988–2017 was losing in popularity, with the final change in minus being 10 %. The percentage of non-believers can be ultimately defined as steady, being at the level of 15 %. The increase involved the cohort of undecided students and reached 29.3 %. The further question concerned students’ belief in the existence of hell. The distribution of their answers is presented in Tab. 9. Tab. 8:  The faith of students that eternal reward or punishment awaits people after death in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

14.0 13.0 10.9 15.4

a

61.4 57.0 57.2 51.0

Hard to say 23.7 28.5 28.9 29.3

In the survey of 1988 and 1998 this answer category was missing.

Not applicablea 2.3 2.8

No answer 0.9 1.5 0.7 1.5

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In 2017, 56.9 % of students believed in the existence of hell, 18.5 % did not share this belief. Every fifth respondent (21.3 %) could not give a clear answer. This question was not applicable to 1.6 % of respondents. Within 29 years, the belief in the existence of hell gradually became more common. The declarations of non-belief did not evolve significantly. The regular change in minus concerned the percentage of “hard to say” answers and involved 8.7 % of respondents. The last question in the field of eschatological beliefs concerned the belief in the resurrection of the soul and body for the Last Judgment. Students’ answers are presented in Tab. 10. Tab. 9:  The belief of students in the existence of hell in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

23.1 18.4 13.8 18.5

a

46.0 53.5 59.3 56.9

Hard to say 30.0 27.0 24.3 21.3

Not applicablea 1.9 1.6

No answer 0.9 1.1 0.6 1.6

In the survey of 1988 and 1998 this answer category was missing.

Tab. 10:  The students’ belief in the resurrection of people with soul and body for the Last Judgement in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total People will be resurrected with the soul and body

Only human souls will live

1988 (N=523) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0

34.0

100.0

There will Hard to No answer be no Last say Judgement

36.6

After the death neither the soul nor the body can live 2.6

6.0

19.1

1.4

32.3

33.7

5.5

5.0

21.6

1.9

100.0

30.7

39.4

4.2

5.0

19.4

1.3

100.0

28.3

35.5

6.4

8.9

18.9

1.9

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In 2017, the response “only human souls will live” got the greatest rate of indications, being selected by 35.5 % of the students. The belief in the resurrection of man with soul and body was expressed by 28.3 %. The lack of belief in the existence of the Last Judgment was declared by 8.9 % of students, and 6.4 % were convinced that after death neither the soul nor the body can live. Almost every fifth respondent (18.9 %) was unable to provide an answer. In the years 1988– 2017, the percentage of students who shared the belief of the Catholic Church in the resurrection was systematically falling. The ultimate decrease amounted to 5.7 %. The percentage of the “hard to say” answers and of the belief that only human souls will live did not change. The lack of faith in the post-mortem life of the soul and the body, as well as the conviction that there will be no final judgment, became slightly (although clearly) more common.

Conclusions The above research results show that the acceptance of the truths of faith as proclaimed by the Church was popular among students. In 2017, it ranged from 51  % to 71.9  %. It was not homogeneous, depending on the subject under consideration. The most commonly approved belief was that in the existence of God (71.9 %), the possibility of salvation for people of other religious denominations (67 %), and the incarnation of God and his death on the cross for all people (66.1 %). The respondents declared also the following beliefs: in God the Creator of the world (59.6 %), in the Holy Trinity (58.9 %), in God the Creator of man (55.3 %), in hell (56.9 %), in posthumous reward or punishment (51 %), in resurrection with body and soul (28.3 %), in human and divine nature of Christ (11.1 %). In other words, the general conclusion is that the truths of faith connected with the nature of God, soteriological and finally eschatological are shared first and foremost. At the same time, it seems that the popularity of particular truths of faith is determined by the level of their generality and by their consequences for their followers, which are embedded in a given truth of faith. The less defined the truths are, the more support they receive. In the students’ faith structure of 2017, one can also notice that the truths of faith which are characteristic of Christianity are less popular. These are the ones that are included in the credo [Potocki 2017: 108]. Their percentage ranged from 11.1 % to 66.1 %. They concerned the belief about the human and divine nature of Christ (11.1 %), the resurrection of man with soul and body (28.3 %), God as the Creator of man (55.3 %), God as the Trinity of Persons (58.9 %), and as the Redeemer of man (66.1 %). The faith of students seems to be losing the

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Christian specificity, most probably in favour of general vague beliefs close to natural religiosity. Over 29  years, students’ beliefs underwent visible change in minus. The decline in acceptance was common for all the truths of faith the respondents were asked about. It was accompanied by an increased cohort of non-believers and undecided respondents. Basically, the percentages of the latter were higher and increased relatively faster than those that denied particular beliefs. The transformations in the structure of the responses indicate that majority of the students have had contact with the Catholic faith, but with time, this relation has lost its intensity in the presently undecided respondents. Currently, their beliefs are becoming ambiguous, vague, seem to dissolve in different worldview trends. This process is most likely to change further and become more intensive and widespread. This is a scenario typical of societies with advanced modernisation processes, in which references to transcendence (individual dimensions) lose the institutional framework in favour of individual constructs or are replaced by competitive proposals [Mariański 2010: 146–147]. In the population of the students under consideration, this mechanism of the denial of institutional religious beliefs is observed. The belief that God created the world was the fourth most popular one (59.6 %), and the belief that he created man was ranked seventh (55.3  %). A  scientific doctrine which effectively discredits the content of faith and at the same time is popular in science is the theory of evolution. Joseph Ratzinger drew attention to this fact describing the transformation of Catholicism in Western Europe. In his opinion, the constant reference to natural sciences and evolutionism has led the modern mentality to the loss of faith in God who can descend into matter [Report …: 62–63, 124–128]. The second manifestation of denying or weakening the position of religious beliefs among students is the increased popularity of the “hard to say” declaration.Those who choose this answer share some aspects of the content of the faith, it is not completely unknown to them, but at the same time it is not strong enough to identify with and compete with other explanations promoted on the developing worldview market in Poland [cf. Mariański 2016: 120]. From the perspective of the analysed empirical material, the students’ faith loses the institutional framework. This is clearly evidenced by the data according to which every tenth respondent (11.1  %) perceives Jesus Christ as God and man, the opinion that he is a mythical figure (8.9 %) is systematically becoming more popular and there is a low acceptance of the belief about resurrection of man with soul and body (28.3 %). There is a growing disproportion between the expectations of the Catholic Church and the views of students. This change is not revolutionary but systematic. It can be expected that if current socio-cultural

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trends continue, then in ten years’ time, the upper limit of acceptance of the truths of faith recognized today by more than half of the surveyed students will be either below or at 50 % of all respondents.

References Mariański, J. Religion in post-modern society [in Polish], Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa, 2010. Mariański, J. Religious megatrends in post-modern societies. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń, 2016. Messori, V., Ratzinger, J. Report on the state of faith. Vittorio Messori talks with Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger [in Polish], Michalineum, Marki, 1986. Potocki, A. On the Church also from the sociological perspective [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2017.

Katarzyna Uklańska

Faith, fear and experience of God in everyday life of university students Abstract: In the current chapter, opinions of university students about the supportive role of religious faith, experiences of God and fears of young people are analyzed. The first section presents the perspective and the context of everyday life, which are further used to interpret the results of the empirical research. The next section examines students’ opinions about the addressed issues. The final section includes the summary and conclusions. Religious belief plays an important role in the assessment of students, the essence of which is support in everyday life. However, over the years, the significance of this function has been noticeable. Keywords: sociology of everyday life, religion, academic youth, postmodern morality

In the current chapter, opinions of university students about the supportive role of religious faith, experiences of God and fears of young people are analyzed. The first section presents the perspective and the context of everyday life, which are further used to interpret results of the empirical research. The next section examines students’ opinions about the addressed issues. The final section includes the summary and conclusions.

Everyday life as a category of the analysis Every individual’s life is unique. Although people have similar experiences, issues, knowledge, ties, responsibilities, participation in groups and other circumstances, there are no two people who have identical personality or experiences and are subject to the same social and cultural conditions. This diversity has a common ground called by A. Schütz the world of everyday life (Lebenswelt) (Schütz 2006, p. 871). It consists of three elements – circumstances, life experience and knowledge, which one draws on culture and adapts to oneself. The world of everyday life is the first and fundamental order in which individuals live. This conviction is shared by P. Sztompka (Sztompka 2008, p. 25). Religion and faith are supposed to be the source of values, which create or enable one to find the meaning of life. J. Mariański notes that religious faith might make one’s life meaningful, stating that: ‘it gives an individual values which one may perceive as something that makes his or her life meaningful and enables

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one to function well in various social contexts’ (Mariański 2013, p. 155). Thanks to a sense of meaning, an individual finds support and a sense of security in case of physical and moral threat. Similarly, according to P.  Sztompka, one of the functions of religion is to satisfy the need of existential security, which is achieved in two ways – religion provides help and protection from danger from supernatural world and gives a sense of collective power by participation in community with other faithful (Sztompka 2012, 369). Religion and faith may become the background of one’s life and reduce fear, ensuring security and stability. They protect an individual who lives in risk society that is constantly bombarded with the news about more or less abstract and probable (Bauman 2008, p. 12) threats (Beck 2002). Risk in modern society constitutes a vital element of everyday life and culture (Mariański 2010, p. 37). Everyday life is, among others, characterized by the fact that it draws on the corporeal nature of man and on emotions [Sztompka 2008, p. 24]. Thus, if emotions also manifest themselves in everyday life, fear and scare are also its elements. The two last mentioned are components of modern man’s life who lives in both post-world and post-time. Fear is different from scare (fear is less definite, more vague and menacing for a man, whereas scare is characterized by concreteness and precision) (Wilkinson 2008, p. 859) and might be perceived in the cultural and social context. I. Wilkinson states that modern culture creates favourable conditions for states of uncertainty about both man’s identity and life aims (Wilkinson 2008, p.  859). It is connected with antagonistic relations between people who compete at work with one another for success. The whole life of a modern man is marked by constant competition, where mainly business and rational relations count (Mariański 2014, p. 296). If that is the case, fears and anxiety concern the whole life of a man. I. Wilkinson cites A. Giddensa I and U.  Becka and stresses that it results from social and cultural transformations that took place in the 20th century (Wilkinson 2008, p. 870). It refers to ‘flexibility’ of employment, feminism, a decline of a nuclear family and rapid growth of education and media, which contribute to an individual’s confusion – those phenomena ‘destroyed’ rigid, traditional, but safe frames within which man had functioned before. Simultaneously, J. Koralewicz suggests that the level of fear is inversely proportional to one’s socioeconomic status – the higher education, the higher intelligence and the more complex type of profession, the higher the level of fear (it refers to Poland, quite the opposite of American society) (Koralewicz 2008, p. 83). Religious faith, fear, anxiety and everyday life are fundamental elements of an individual’s life. They concern both adults and young people. The last mentioned social category is particularly prone to anxiety, although views on this

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matter are divided. Z. Melosik claims that young people feel at ease in unstable reality and by no means are lost and confused or helpless (Melosik 2005, p. 18). By contrast, M. Niezgoda stresses that young people are very sensitive to today’s social changes (Niezgoda 2014, p.  20). Anxiety of young people, particularly of university students, seems to be more probable as they are usually people between 19–25 years old, who are able to more precisely describe their anxieties. Moreover, they study, so their understanding of reality may also have an impact on appropriate perception of some threats. According to W. Piwowarski, a sense of closeness to God, a sense of security and support in everyday life are three of seven components of religious experience (Piwowarski 1975, p. 174). This part of the book shows how students perceive supportive role of religion in their everyday life. It answers the question to what extent they treat religion as an exclusive factor that gives them a sense of security. It will be examined if students have experienced presence of God in their everyday life and what kind of situations evoke their greatest fears.

Results of sociological survey of university students As in the previous years, university students were asked in 2017 whether religion helps them in their everyday life. Tab. 1 shows the distribution of results. Most students think that religion helps them in their everyday life (Total: 1988 r. – 68,3 %, 1998 r. – 77,7 %, 2005 r. – 75,1 %, 2017 r. – 62,1 %) However, in subsequent years, there is a clear decline of the meaning of religion. At the beginning of the 1990s of the past century, more than two thirds (68,3 %) of respondents had believed that religion supported their everyday life, but in subsequent years this Tab. 1:  Supportive role of religion in everyday life in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%)a. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answers Total Yes

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

68,3 42,1 39,8 30,4

Rather yes, sometimes 35,6 35,3 31,7

No 13,4 13,4 12,6 16,4

Hard to say 16,9 8,2 7,6 11,2

Doesn’t apply 4,3 8,6

No answer 1,4 0,8 0,5 1,8

In the survey in 1988 the question was: ‘Does faith help in life?’ and the answers were: yes, no, hard to say. a

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Tab. 2:  Exclusive role of religious faith as a factor ensuring support and a sense of security in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answers Total Yes

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

38,9 21,2 19,2 13,5

It depends in a situation 45,9 49,5 41,4

No 41,4 23,7 24,0 35,4

Hard to day 19,7 8,6 5,2 6,3

Doesn’t apply 1,7 1,5

No answer 0,6 0,3 1,9

In the survey in 1988 the question was: ‘Can faith give support?’ and the answers were: yes, no, hard to say. a

number gradually decreased: 1998 r. – 42,1 %, 2005 r. – 39,8 %, 2017 r. – 30,4 %. Between 1988 and 2005, explicitly positive opinion dominates, whereas in 2017, relative answer is the most popular (‘yes’  – 30,4  %, ‘rather yes’  – 31,7  %). As compared with the previous years, in 2017, the greatest number of respondents claimed that religion did not help in their everyday life (1988 r. – 13,4 %, 1998 r. – 13,4 %, 2005 r. – 12,6 %, 2017 r. – 16,4 %). Next, young people were asked to say if they agree with the statement that religious faith can give support and a sense of security. Tab. 2 presents the distribution of their answers. Over the years, a majority of respondents believed that religion itself can provide a man support, but not in every situation (1998 r. – 45,9 %, 2005 r. – 49,5 %, 2017 r. – 41,4 %). The second most popular answer was ‘no’ (1988 r. – 41,4 %, 1998 r. – 23,7 %, 2005 r. – 24 %, 2017 r. – 35,4 %). The belief that only religion can guarantee one security had never been the most popular among young people, but over years it even decreased. The biggest number of respondents shared that belief in 1988 (38,9  %) and the smallest number in 2017 (13,5  %). There was an explicit increase of a relative attitude (1998 – 45,9 %, 2005– 49,5 %) at the expense of the unquestionable opinion (1998 r. – 21,2 %, 2005 r. – 19,2 %, 2017 r. – 13,5 %). Moreover, in 2017, less respondents chose positive answers – both answers ‘yes’ (13,5  %) and ‘it depends on a situation’ (41,4  %) were less popular. Simultaneously, there was a considerable increase in answers that were totally negative about an exclusive role of religion as an element ensuring support and security (35,4 %).

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Tab. 3:  Experience of a sense of closeness to God among young people in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answers Total

Yes

No

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

36,3 36,7 31,9 29,2

28,0 24,9 24,6 27,6

Hard to say 34,3 36,9 39,3 39,0

Doesn’t apply 2,5 2,1

No answer 1,5 1,7 2,0

In the survey in 1988 the question was: ‘Have you ever experienced the feeling of closeness to God?’ and the answers were: yes, no, hard to say. a

Next, those who completed the questionnaire were asked to answer the question concerning a sense of closeness to God. Tab. 3 shows their answers. In 1998, 2005 and 2017, the greatest number of respondents opted for the answer ‘hard to say’ (36,9 %, 39,3 % and 39 %, respectively), while since 1988, proportion in this category has been slowly, but consistently rising. It should be noted that over nearly 30 years, the belief about closeness of God has decreased – in 1988 and 1998, over one thirds of the respondents (36,3 % and 36,7 %, respectively) reported such a kind of experience, but in 2005, it was 31,9 % and in 2017, 29,2 %. The number of those of the surveyed who have never experienced closeness to God has only slightly fluctuated, never going below 24 % and above 28 %. University students were also asked to name their greatest fears. In 1988, respondents referred to a whole range of fears (Tab. 4), while in the subsequent years they were supposed to select one of thirteen fears (Tab. 5). Generally speaking, the hierarchy of fears has remained the same for the last 30 years. Since the survey conducted in 1988, the same fears have been at the top. What changes is only their order. Respondents are anxious about wasted life in the first place (1988 – 35,1 %, 1998 – 22 %, 2005 – 20,7 %, 2017 – 17,5 %). However, over time, that situation evokes less and less fear among the surveyed group as there is a considerable decrease of such answers. The second greatest fear with nearly the same result is the loss of loved ones (1998 – 16,3 %, 2005– 15 %, 2017– 16,4 %). In 1988, the results were different and this answer was chosen by only 10 % of respondents. The third greatest fear is serious illness or disability, although some fluctuation of opinions might be observed (1988– 17,7 %, 1998– 17  %, 2005– 9,8  %, 2017– 13,7  %). Unhappy family and marriage life comes next: 1998 – 13 %, 2005 – 14,2 %, 2017– 13,4 %. In 1988, such a situation evoked

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Tab. 4:  Life situations which evoke the greatest fear among young people in 1988 (%)a. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year – 1988 (N=350) Wasted life Living not a life you wanted to make Illness Loss of the loved one Loneliness Departure from one’s ideals Boring life Hate Unrealized plans Nothing Poverty, beggary Humiliation

Answer ‘Yes’ 35,1 20,3 17,7 10,0 8,9 7,1 6,3 4,0 2,6 1,7 1,1 0,3

Answers do not add up to 100, because respondents assessed each answer separately. a

fear among one fifth of respondents (20,3 %), being second on the list of fears. At present, loneliness and lack of close friends and friends are fifth on the list of young people’s fears (1988– 8,9 %, 1998 – 9,2 %, 2005 – 7,5 %, 2017 – 8,6 %). Realization of education and career plans plays an important role  – over the years fear about lack of fulfillment in that area grew (1988 – 2,6 %, 1998 – 1,5 %, 2005 – 7,8 %, 2017– 8,3 %). Currently, dull and boring life evokes inconsiderable fear (1988 – 6,3 %, 1998 – 4,1 %, 2005 – 7,1 %, 2017 – 5,5 %). Situations which evoke limited fear among young people (in 2017 lower than 3,5 %) are hate and envy, poverty, departure from one’s ideals and plans, and humiliation. Over the years, a small percentage of respondents named other situations than those presented in the table (1998 – 2,1 %, 2005 – 2,7 %, 2017 – 2,1 %).

Discussion and conclusions The attempt at summarizing the results of the survey conducted among young university students on the role of religion, experience of closeness to God and their fears leads to the conclusion that several aspects should be taken into account. According to students, religious faith plays a vital role as it gives support

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Tab. 5:  Life situations which evoke the greatest fear among young people in 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Answer

Coming to the conclusion at the end of your life that your life was worthless and wasted Loss of one’s loved one Serious illness, health problems, disability Bad life, unhappy marriage, broken family Loneliness, lack of close friends and friends Unsuccessful education or career plans Dull and boring life Hate and envy I have no fears Poverty, beggary At some point in life abandon one’s ideals, plans or dreams which seemed to be important before Humiliation, embarrassment Other (what?) Total

Year 1998 (N=523) 22,0

2005 (N=1086) 20,7

2017 (N=794) 17,5

16,3 17,0 13,0 9,2 1,5 4,0 5,0 3,8 1,7 2,5

15,0 9,8 14,2 7,5 7,8 7,1 3,0 2,1 3,3 4,8

16,4 13,7 13,4 8,6 8,3 5,5 3,5 3,1 2,5 2,0

2,1 100,0

0,1 2,7 100,0

0,8 2,1 100,0

in their everyday life. However, over the years, decline of the meaning of this function has been noted (1998 – 77,7 %, 2017 – 62,1 %). Some percentage of students claimed that only faith can ensure security (13,5 % – always, 41,4 % – it depends on a situation, in 2017). There is a considerable increase of percentage of respondents totally negative about an exclusive role of faith (23,7  % in 1998 and 35,4  % in 2017). Attitude towards faith and frequency of practices correlate with perception of religious faith as the only source of security. Respondents found it difficult to identify the moments they had experienced closeness of God. The greatest number of them did not know whether they had ever experienced it (34,3–39  %). A  smaller percentage of them believed they had had such a kind of experience (29,2–36,3  %) and finally those who had never experienced such closeness (24,6–28 %). A following tendency is noticeable – such an experience is more popular among the most religiously engaged

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respondents (those declaring being very religious and practicing their faith regularly). Over the last thirty years, fears of university students fluctuated and changed only to a small extent. None of the given fears had a specific or paralyzing effect on them. Young people want their life to make sense and thus they found the prospect of a wasted life the most dreadful. Loss of the loved one came second and serious illness third. Poverty, departure from one’s ideals and humiliation evoked the least fear. It is also worth noticing a significant change: the acceptance of the fear of unsuccessful education and career plans increased (from 1998 to 2017 by 6,8 percentage points). The results shall be interpreted in the context of postmodernism, which has different faces such as, among others, pluralism, risk, lack of direction and sense, individualization and self-realization (Mariański 2010, p. 5; 2014, p. 295). Postmodern everyday life of a man is full of fears arising from a necessity to constantly assess the risk and compulsion to choose from many options and to take decisions. Modern societies try to protect a man’s life to the greatest extent, but at the same time they become the most dangerous as they are the source of dangers themselves. The basis of self-realization is ‘the breakdown of obviousness of the world’ (Mariański 2014, p. 295) and good happens by accident, not thanks to God (Potocki 2007, p. 22). There are no rigid frames of tradition or dogmas anymore – everything becomes a matter of choice and a man legitimizes his behavior himself. There is a certain set of values associated with that postmodern world such as being in control of nature along with liberation of a man, being a creator of one’s destiny and effectiveness (Piwowarski 1996, pp. 353–354). In such circumstances a new type of personality is shaped: a modern man who is effective, who plans and calculates profits and losses, has education and career aspirations and other features that help him function in the world (Inkeles, Smith 1984, pp. 444–446). And, thus, such a man’s everyday life (and within it reference to religion and fears) will be marked by those qualities. As a consequence, modern man will not turn to providence as he is a sole subject who acts and takes care of himself. The results of the carried out survey prove that tendency. Social and cultural pluralism encourages selective and critical attitude towards religion and its dogmas (Jarmoch 2005, p. 77). A multitude of options diverts young people’s attention from religion as something that gives a sense of security. That is why there is such a big percentage of respondents who found it difficult to say if they had experienced closeness to God in their life. Instead of religion young people prefer to act, because they were brought up in such a cultural mood. As a result, they opt for various forms of play-safe behavior, for

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example cohabitation instead of marriage, insurance against all sorts of events, etc. That calculation also manifests itself in the fact that a percentage of young people who are anxious about unsuccessful education and career plans increased. Additionally, that tendency should be seen from the angle of protection for one’s future and an attempt to control one’s life. Unpleasant life situations that cause suffering are treated by some people as defeat that religion and faith suffer in a fight with cruelty and injustice. It is an effect of a man’s inability to leave mortal life behind and to see those events in the light of transcendence. And that is why theology says that to believe one needs grace (Catholic Church Catechism 153). From that point of view, lower approval of the opinion that religion helps in everyday life and that it is an exclusive factor that gives security comes as no surprise. Since young people do not recognize this role of religion, they are not able to experience closeness to God either (that is the reason for a high percentage of answers ‘hard to say’). Everyday life is a fundamental perspective of a man’s action. Elements of daily life are so important that they are repeated every day (Łukasiewicz 1985, p. 120; Sztompka 2008, pp. 24–26). Religiousness and faith constitute inherent elements – faith is at the center of religiousness (Potocki 2017, p. 123). Faith has an influence on a religious experience as it brings it to existence and as a result makes it possible to go beyond the natural world (Jarmoch 2005, p. 70), beyond everyday life. It opens up for people who believe in God a new perspective of perceiving everyday problems and fears, that is the perspective of justice and peace that is unattainable in the earthly world. Despite cultural background, a considerable number of university students have this perspective, but make use of it only selectively.

References Bauman, Z. Liquid fear [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Literackie, Kraków, 2008. Beck, U. Risk society. Towards different reality [in Polish], Scholar, Warszawa, 2002. Inkeles, A., Smith, D.N. “Towards a definition of a modern man”, in: Tradition and modernity [in Polish], ed. J.S. Kurczewska, Czytelnik, Warszawa, 1984. Jarmoch, E. “Experience of faith on the eve of joining the EU”, in: Warsaw young people. Generation of John Paul II’s pontificate [in Polish], ed. W. Zdaniewicz, S.H. Zaręba, Wydawnictwo Archidiecezji Warszawskiej: 69–93, 2005. KKK, The Catechism of Catholic church, Pallotinum, Warszawa 1994.

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Koralewicz, J. Authoritarianism, fear, conformism [in Polish], Scholar, Warszawa, 2008. Koźmiński, A.K., Sztompka, P. Conversation about a great transformation [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Przedsiębiorczości i Zarządzania im. Leona Koźmińskiego, Warszawa, 2004. Łukasiewicz, P. “Everyday life, social system and feeling of normality” [in Polish], Kultura i Społeczeństwo, No. 2: 117–133, 1985. Mariański, J. (2010), Religion in a post-modern society [in Polish], Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa, 2010. Mariański, J. The meaning of life, values, religion [in Polish], Wydawnictwo KUL, Lublin, 2013. Mariański, J. Morality in the social context [in Polish], Nomos, Kraków, 2014. Melosik, Z. Young people and transformations of modern culture, in: Young people in the face of (in)hospitable future, ed. R. Leppert, Z. Melosik, B. Wojtasik, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej Edukacji TWP we Wrocławiu, Wrocław, 2005. Niezgoda, M. Young people. Awkward social category [in Polish], Jagiellońskie Studia Socjologiczne, No. 1: 13–34, 2014. Piwowarski, W. Operationalization of the term religiousness [in Polish], Studia Socjologiczne, No. 4:151–174, 1975. Piwowarski, W. Sociology of religion [in Polish], Redakcja Wydawnictw KUL, Lublin, 1996. Potocki, A. Religious education in Polish transformations [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego, Warszawa, 2007. Potocki, A. On church sociologically as well [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2017. Schütz, A. “Popular and scientific interpretation of human activities”, in: Modern sociological theories [in Polish], vol. 2, ed. A. Jasińska-Kania et al., Scholar, Warszawa, 2006, 867–893. Sztompka, P. “Everyday life – the topic of the most recent sociology”, in: Sociology of everyday life [in Polish], ed. P. Sztompka, M. Bogunia-Borowska, Znak, Kraków, 15–52, 2008. Sztompka, P. Sociology. The analysis of society [in Polish], Znak, Kraków, 2012. Wilkinson, I. “Towards sociological conceptualization of fear”, in: Sociology of everyday life [in Polish], ed. P. Sztompka, M. Bogunia-Borowska, Znak, Kraków, 856–883, 2008.

Wojciech Sadłoń

Students’ religiosity in their own assessment Abstract: The chapter presents an empirical report on the attitudes of Polish university students to their religiosity. It entails statistics on aspects of social life which represent religious resources and motivation both believing and disbelieving. The analysis includes also the intergenerational relationship within religious socialization and comparison in terms of religiosity. It is shown how students compare their religiosity to the religiosity of their parents. The empirical data are presented in the perspective of reflexivity and are based on longitudinal study including four time references points: 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. The chapter opens a wide perspective for processes of religious socialization in Poland. University students since three decades share a common conviction that the younger generation is less religious than the older generations. Gender roles in religious socialization are evident. The specific character of the socialization process in the perspective of reflexivity is distinguished in rural and urban zones. Keywords: reflexivity, religious socialization, youth

Unlike an adult, a child is dependent on parents or guardians, does not perform autonomous social roles and does not enjoy full recognition as a person in society. Adolescence is the period of transition from childhood to adulthood. At the biological level, growing up manifests itself in phenotypic changes, such as organ development or the change of body appearance. These biological changes are also accompanied by changes in personality and mental traits. Adolescence is the time of identity formation and intensive socialization. A somewhat simplified analysis of youth in the phenomenological perspective shows that young persons experiencing in their self changes occurring within their personality express themselves in the process of externalization, through which they interact with others and their own environment [Berger and Luckmann 1983]. The process of upbringing comprehended in this way would be incomplete without taking into account the environmental elements that determine a young man’s internalization of values and the surrounding culture. It is connected with the fact that the process of identity formation is affected also by the native environment, which consists of various social groups, both primary and secondary. The youth can freely choose and creatively transform their own environment only to a certain degree. To a large extent, the environment is already existing and the individual is deprived of the opportunity to choose his or her parents, siblings, place of birth or, to a certain degree, classmates at school

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or university. The environment in which a young person grows up has a definite culture, i.e. customs, shared values and principles. Education from an individual’s perspective can be perceived as the process of acquiring specific competences and individual characteristics. Education, however, also comprises socialization, or acquisition and absorption of cultural patterns shared by a group. From the point of view of religion, youth is a period of searching for one’s own religious identity, both individual and collective. Acquiring individual religious identity means acquiring particular opinions and developing one’s own attitude towards religious institutions. Expressing it in terms of M. Archer’s morphogenesis, the youth consists in developing certain concerns, including ultimate apprehensions, which may refer to transcendence or be deprived of such reference [Archer 2013]. Religious education is thus the process of acquiring a personal relationship to religion in its broad sense. It is largely accompanied by reflection and assumes the young person’s ability to take a critical attitude towards the world around him. This concise study, which is primarily a study report, presents how students of Polish universities approach their own religiosity. It provides an opportunity not only to present the empirical material obtained in nationwide studies, but also to point to the prevailing tendencies that affect the religious education of today’s youth.

1 Assessment of one’s religiosity The studies on youth conducted since 1988 by the Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church focus not only on the information on the attitudes and values declared by young people. They also take into account the assessment of their religiosity performed by the young people. While asking such questions to young people, it is assumed that they  – at least to a certain extent  – demonstrate self-awareness and criticism not only towards their own attitudes, but also towards the objectives of the formation of such attitudes. The questions included in the questionnaire allow to diagnose what provides the foundation of young people’s attitude towards religion in their own opinion. The following categories are included in the research tool: • • • • • •

personal thoughts and beliefs religious tradition and education in the family life events and experiences church attendance, impact of sermons, the influence of the clergy traditions cultivated in one’s neighborhood and environment effect of reading

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Tab. 1:  Declared sources of faith of students in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Sources of faith

Total 100.0 100.0

Primarily Likewise Likewise but to a lesser extent 35.6 20.0 13.2 33.0 21.5 14.6

No answer provided 31.1 30.9

personal thoughts and beliefs religious tradition and education in the family life events and experiences church attendance, impact of sermons. the influence of the clergy traditions cultivated in one’s neighbourhood and environment effect of reading others

100.0 100.0

10.8 9.7

16.6 19.5

16.1 20.0

56.4 50.8

100.0

1.5

5.5

11.1

81.9

100.0 100.0

1.3 1.3

3.1 .5

9.4 1.1

86.1 97.1

In the case of students declaring non-religious attitudes, respondents were asked to indicate which of the following elements is the basis of their attitude: • • • • • •

personal thoughts and beliefs dispiritedness about the Church and the clergy life events and experiences influence of school or academic environment effect of reading family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents)

In the research tool, the categories listed above were defined as the sources of faith and lack of faith, respectively. For students, the specified sources of faith include primarily personal thoughts and beliefs as well as religious tradition and education in the family. Approximately 70 % of the youth declare that at least partly their faith is influenced by their personal reflections and family-based educational environment. Fewer than 50 % of students point to church attendance, personal experiences and life events as a source of faith. The neighborhood and environment tradition and the influence of reading as a source of faith have the lowest percentage of indications (fewer than 20 %). The option “others” amounting to only less than 3 % of responses included the following factors, which – according to students – provide the source of their faith

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Tab. 2:  Declared sources of the lack of faith of students in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Sources of lack of faith

Total

Primarily

Likewise Likewise but to a lesser extent 6.0 3.9

No answer provided 72.0

personal thoughts and beliefs dispiritedness about the Church and the clergy family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents) life events and experiences Influence of school or academic environment effect of reading others

100.0

18.0

100.0

9.7

8.8

6.8

74.7

100.0

0.8

2.5

4.4

92.3

100.0 100.0

4.2 1.9

8.6 4.3

7.6 4.9

79.7 88.9

100.0 100.0

1.4 1.0

2.8 0.4

3.7 0.8

92.2 97.9

(literal citation): Bible and Scripture, scouting, internet – articles on religion, films, sermons of father Adam Szustak OP, books, people, prayer, Oasis/Movement LightLife, current situation in the world and scientific proofs, revelations and visions of power, travels, conversations with more experienced people, conversations with clergy, spiritualistic and occult sessions, national tradition and friends. Students most often indicate personal thoughts and beliefs (28 %) among the sources of lack of faith. This category clearly dominates as far as the primary source of unbelief is concerned. The dispiritedness about the Church and the clergy (25 %) as well as experiences and life events (20 %) are less significant, but also important factors influencing students’ lack of faith. Young people indicate also the influence of the university environment (11  %), the family environment (8 %) and the impact of reading (8 %). The reasons, which according to students cause the lack of their personal faith, listed in the category “others” included (literal citation): sexual affairs, lack of time, money-trickery, hypocrisy of priests and the entire church institution which is money-oriented instead of being man-oriented, priests, pedophilia, embezzlement, media, science, lack of logical explanation of the meaning of faith, which leads to the conclusion that one can as well be simply a law-abiding person, linking politics with the Church, opinions on and the attitude towards the Church, rationality, learning, routine, lack of difficult experiences, bad approach of priests and their discouraging people from faith owing to taking care only of money, which they are not held accountable for.

Year of survey Sources of faith Personal Religious thoughts tradition and and beliefs education in the family 1988 (N=350) 80.0 74.3 1998 (N=523) 71.3 70.9 2005 (N=1086) 73.9 72.0 2017 (N=794) 68.9 69.1 Life Church attendance, events and impact of sermons. experiences the influence of the clergy 58.6 64.3 45.1 43.8 48.3 54.9 43.6 49.2

48.9 5.3 15.0 13.9

42.3 13.4 16.3 18.1

no data 4.6 2.8 2.9

Effect of Others reading

Traditions cultivated in one’s neighbourhood and environment

Tab. 3:  Declared sources of faith of students in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

Students’ religiosity in their own assessment

129

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The percentage of people who indicate “sources of their own faith” has decreased in the last 20 years1. Answers obtained from students show that the level of religiosity itself is changing, not its factors. In a sense, the generation of students 20 years ago searched for their faith in a similar way as today, but more intensely. The only exception is the category of “neighbourhood and environment tradition” and the “impact of reading”, which in 1988 were indicated by students as a “source of faith” in a considerably high number of cases. Perhaps such high rates for these categories in the indicated year can be explained by the survey methodology (e.g. the contents of the questionnaire), not in the real attitudes of young people. As in the case of “sources of faith”, also “sources of lack of faith” have been changing continuously over the last twenty years, but in the opposite direction. This means that since 1988, a group of people mentioning various factors responsible for non-religious attitudes has risen approximately three times. The list of the indicated factors detracting from religiosity is, however, stable. The most common factors accountable for students’ lack of faith both twenty years ago and today are personal thoughts and disheartedness with the Church and the clergy. The data show that almost half (48 %) of students are convinced that their religiosity has weakened. It is unknown what period in the past students compared their current religiosity with. Regardless of this, according to the respondents, their religiosity is waning as they are growing up. The second largest group (every fourth respondent) comprises those students who declare the stability of their own religiosity. Only a low percentage of students (14  %) notice an increase in religiosity in their lives. The analysis of the self-assessment of religiosity performed by students from the late 1980s, 1990s, 2000s and 2010s shows clearly three principal tendencies. Firstly, students more often declare that their religiosity has weakened. In addition, the number of people who cannot unambiguously identify changes in their attitude to religion is diminishing. It can be added (with some generalization) that there is no change in the percentage of students who indicate an increase in their own religiosity. The survey also included questions enabling to define how students assess their religiosity as compared with their parents, both mother and father. The distribution of the answers about the comparison of students’ religiosity with that of a parent is presented in the table below. 1 In 1988, the option “others” was omitted.

3.1 13.8 12.6 20.3

7.7 16.4 18.3 28.0

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

4.9 18.2 18.1 25.3

Sources of lack of faith Personal Dispiritedness Life events and thoughts and about the Church experiences beliefs and the clergy

Year of survey

2.3 5.5 6.0 11.1

Influence of school or academic environment

Effect of Family reading environment (e.g. unbelieving parents) 2.3 4.3 5.9 8.6 4.2 5.0 7.8 7.7

no data 2.1 1.1 2.1

Others

Tab. 4:  Declared sources of the lack of faith of students in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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Tab. 5:  Assessment of the change in one’s religiosity in 2017. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC More religious time in life Total in the past presently no change hard to say not applicable no answer

N 794 377 109 191 85 24 8

% 100.0 47.5 13.7 24.1 10.7 3.0 1.0

Tab. 6:  Assessment of the change in one’s religiosity in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

More religious time in life Total In the Presently past 100.0 36.3 14.3

No change 27.7

Hard to say 20.6

No answer -

Not applicable No data

100.0

37.9

11.7

29.3

18.9

2.3

No data

100.0

47.0

11.7

24.9

13.1

0.3

3.1

100.0

47.5

13.7

24.1

10.7

1.0

3.0

Interestingly, students’ assessment of their religiosity as compared with their mothers’ corresponds to the general evaluation of the changes that have taken place in their relation to religion. Nearly the same percentage of students state that their religiosity is weaker than mothers’ and that it has generally weakened. It is also true in relation to other categories. For example, every fourth student thinks that their religiosity is the same as their mother’s and similarly, also every fourth one believes that their religiosity is the same as it used to be in the past. This leads to an interesting conclusion that the primary religiosity of students, or perhaps the religiosity of childhood, is a reflection of the mother’s religiosity. The answers to the question about the father’s religiosity bring a confirmation of this conclusion. Students assess fathers’ religiosity differently than mothers’.

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Tab. 7:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC One’s religiosity as compared with mother’s Total lesser stronger the same hard to say not applicable No answer

N

%

794 361 78 204 117 24 10

100.0 45.5 9.8 25.7 14.7 3.0 1.3

Tab. 8:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC One’s religiosity as compared with father’s Total lesser stronger the same hard to say not applicable no answer

N

%

794 216 172 206 132 58 10

100.0 27.2 21.7 25.9 16.6 7.3 1.3

The religiosity of fathers does not coincide with the changes of their own religiosity. When asked about their religiosity as compared with their father’s, students give answers that can be divided into three approximately equal groups, each amounting to roughly a quarter of the total, declaring smaller or greater or the same religiosity as their fathers’. Students almost twice more frequently rate their religiosity as lower when compared with mothers’ than with fathers’. This clearly indicates a lower level of fathers’ religiosity than mothers’, at least in the opinion of students. The above-presented data on how students currently perceive their own religiosity as compared with their mothers’ and how they used to perceive it in the past indicates a growing trend. In 2017, the percentage of the youth declaring lower religiosity than their mothers’ is nearly twice higher than in 1988.

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Tab. 9:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

One’s religiosity as compared with mother’s Total Lesser Stronger The Hard to same say 100.0 28.3 14.6 20.9 34.9

No answer 1.4

Not applicable No data

100.0

36.5

14.0

24.9

23.1

1.5

No data

100.0

38.0

11.9

26.9

19.2

0.6

3.4

100.0

45.5

9.8

25.7

14.7

1.3

3.0

Tab. 10:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

One’s religiosity as compared with father’s Total Lesser Stronger The Hard to same say 100.0 12.6 36.6 16.6 32.0

No answer 2.3

Not applicable No data

100.0

16.6

28.3

22.2

30.4

2.5

No data

100.0

20.1

28.5

24.8

19.5

1.0

6.2

100.0

27.2

21.7

25.9

16.6

1.3

7.3

Moreover, the percentage of students with religiosity stronger than mothers’ is decreasing. Besides, the percentage of those who are able to define clearly the difference between their religiosity and that of the mothers’ is growing. This undoubtedly indicates the weakening socialization impact of the family. Perhaps, the presented data reveal also the individualization of the younger generation, who value their own opinion to a much greater degree and do not imitate established models.

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The educational influence of fathers is also weakening, at least as far as religion is concerned. That is illustrated by the above-mentioned data. The percentage of students who assess their religiosity as lower than that of their fathers has more than doubled since 1988.

2 Determinants of the perception of one’s religiosity by students The empirical material obtained in the studies permits the determination of basic characteristics defining students of Polish universities as a cohesive social group, and also the definition of the differences and similarities between the main categories of students. Due to the small sample size, the following analyses only take into account two demographic variables: gender and the place of residence. The latter category requires some explanation. Despite the fact that students, by definition, reside in larger urban centers in which they take different university courses, they come from various – rural as well as urban – areas. Thus, the category of the place of residence should be understood as the place that a particular student comes from. Women in far more cases point to sources of faith and in fewer cases to sources of lack of faith, which reflects the higher level of religiosity among women in the survey. At the same time, it is observed that a higher percentage of women indicating sources of faith is connected primarily with personal reflections, church attendance, tradition and family upbringing and life experiences and events. In such aspects as the neighborhood and environment tradition or the impact of reading, however, there is no significant difference in attitudes between women and men. In the case of “sources of lack of faith”, on the other hand, men demonstrate higher indicators in all the aspects mentioned in the question (Tab. 12 Sadłoń). There is a clear reduction of the impact of church attendance, clergy and their preaching on youth religiosity with respect to the place of residence. Most of the students living in the country declare that going to church alone is the source of their faith. Most students who live in big cities declare that church attendance and the influence of clergymen is not the source of their faith. At the same time, in comparison with the percentage of students living in the city, the fraction of those living in villages who declare that the reason for lack of faith is the disheartedness with the church or clergy is lower (Tab. 13 Sadłoń). In the country, the family environment is also a source of faith for students far more frequently than in the city. A relatively small percentage of students declare that the family environment is a source of lack of faith. However, when comparing students in terms of place of residence, it can be seen that it is in the city that

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the family is more often a source of lack of faith (Tab. 14 Sadłoń). Women more often than men believe that their religiosity is higher today (16 %) than in the past. A similar percentage of men and women are convinced that their religiosity has not changed (24–25  %) and that their religiosity was higher in the past (48  %) (Tab. 15 Sadłoń). The data permits the conclusion that the place of residence does not affect the students’ self-assessment of changes in their religiosity. About half of people living in the country and living in different categories of cities with similar frequency declare that they were more religious in the past (Tab. 16 Sadłoń). Women nearly twice as often think that their religiosity as compared with mothers’ is higher (12 %) and much more often than men, that it is the same (30 %). Only 7 % of men think that their religiosity is higher than mothers’ (Tab. 17 Sadłoń). A higher rate of students living in the country than of those living in cities declare that their religiosity is lesser than the mother’s (Tab. 18 Sadłoń). The declarations show that the religiosity of sons as compared with fathers’ is more often lesser than the religiosity of daughters as compared with fathers’ (Tab. 19 Sadłoń). The place of permanent residence does not clearly differentiate students in terms of how they assess their religiosity as compared to fathers’..

3 Summary The summary of the results of the survey on how students perceive their religiosity permits drawing a few general conclusions. It is the students’ reflexivity that represents the basic factor shaping student religiosity. The religiosity of the examined youth has its origin first of all in the family environment, and the lack of religiosity originates primarily from the negative attitude towards religious institutions. In recent years, the proportion between the most important and the least significant sources of student’s faith and lack of faith has not changed. This means that the specific structure of students’ religious reflexivity is relatively stable, despite the changing religiosity itself and the changes taking place in many aspects of youth’s life. Students are also aware of the fact that their religiosity is weakening. This applies to students regardless of gender and place of residence. In this respect, successive generations of students who have been the subject of research since 1988 are highly similar. The passing time somewhat preserves the process of youth’s religiosity waning. Moreover, the analysis shows that mothers demonstrate the highest level of religiosity in families. However, their influence is limited. Therefore, their children, both daughters and sons, only partially reproduce mothers’ model of religiosity. Contrary to the popular belief that children imitate primarily their fathers’ religiosity, the religious

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Tab. 11:  Declared “sources of faith and lack of faith” of students in 2017 by sex (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Sources of faith personal thoughts and beliefs religious tradition and education in the family experiences and life experiences neighborly and environmental tradition the impact of reading other church attendance, impact of sermons. the influence of the clergy religious tradition and education in the family life events and experiences traditions cultivated in one’s neighbourhood and environment effect of reading others Sources of lack of faith personal thoughts and beliefs going to church. influence of sermons. the influence of the clergy religious tradition and education in the family experiences and life experiences neighborly and environmental tradition the impact of reading other dispiritedness about the Church and the clergy the impact of reading other family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents) life events and experiences influence of school or academic environment effect of reading others

Female N=470 71.9

Male N=313 65.8

54.5

42.8

74.5 48.7 18.1

62.6 36.7 18.8

14.0 2.8

14.1 3.2

24.5

34.2

24.5

27.5

6.6 17.9 10.2 6.8 1.7

9.6 24.6 12.8 9.6 2.9

influence of fathers is similar to that of mothers. Religiosity in rural places is more traditional. This is indicated, e.g. by the fact that rural youth are more strongly influenced by religious institutions and the family environment than young people in cities. However, when leaving the village, young people absorb

Place of residence Total village

* - without missing data

Town with Town with Town with up to 50,000 50,000 – 100,000 100,000 – 200,000 inhabitants inhabitants inhabitants N=778* N=266 N=127 N=80 N=101 Sources of faith: Church attendance, the impact of sermons, the influence of the clergy primarily 9.9 14.3 12.6 6.3 7.9 likewise 19.9 22.9 18.1 18.8 22.8 likewise but 19.8 23.3 22.0 21.3 12.9 to a lesser extent no answer 50.4 39.5 47.2 53.8 56.4 provided Sources of indifference or lack of faith: dispiritedness about the Church and clergy primarily 9.9 9.4 8.7 12.5 11.9 likewise 9.0 5.6 7.1 12.5 10.9 likewise but 6.8 3.0 11.0 5.0 9.9 to a lesser extent no answer 74.3 82.0 73.2 70.0 67.3 provided

Answer category

Town with more than 500,000 inhabitants N=120 5.0 15.0 16.7 63.3

7.5 16.7 6.7 69.2

Town with 250,000 – 500,000 inhabitants N=84 4.8 17.9 16.7 60.7

11.9 6.0 10.7 71.4

Tab. 12:  Church attendance, the impact of sermons, the influence of the clergy as a source of faith or lack of faith with respect to the place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

138 Wojciech Sadłoń

Place of residence Total village

* - without missing data

Town with Town with Town with up to 50,000 50,000 – 100,000 100,000 – 200,000 inhabitants inhabitants inhabitants N=778* N=266 N=127 N=80 N=101 Source of faith: tradition and religious education in the family Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 primarily 33.5 38.3 34.6 32.5 31.7 likewise 21.6 25.9 20.5 21.3 20.8 likewise but to a 14.5 15.4 15.0 17.5 13.9 lesser extent no answer 30.3 20.3 29.9 28.8 33.7 provided Sources of indifference or lack of faith: family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents), Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 % 100.0 100.0 primarily 0.8 1.3 1.0 likewise 2.6 3.4 1.6 2.5 4.0 likewise but to a 4.4 3.0 3.9 5.0 5.0 lesser extent no answer 92.3 93.6 94.5 91.3 90.1 provided

Kategoria odpowiedzi

Town with more than 500,000 inhabitants N=120 100.0 30.8 20.8 8.3 40.0 100.0 3.3 2.5 8.3 85.8

Town with 250,000 – 500,000 inhabitants N=84 100.0 23.8 11.9 17.9 46.4 100.0 2.4 97.6

Tab. 13:  Family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents), tradition and religious education in the family as a source of faith and lack of faith with respect to the place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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Tab. 14:  Assessment of changes in one’s religiosity in 2017 by gender of students. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Choose a more religious period in your life in the past presently no change hard to say not applicable no answer provided

Total N=783* percentage 48.0 13.8 24.4 10.7 2.9 0.1

Female N=470

Male N=313

47.9 15.7 24.0 10.4 1.7 0.2

48.2 10.9 24.9 11.2 4.8 —

* Without missing data.

new religious patterns and their original religiosity weakens. The academic city washes away family religiosity from rural youth. In this respect, rural youth is not fundamentally different from urban youth. The disproportion between the religiosity of the home environment and the current students’ religiosity is greater among respondents from villages than from big cities. Students coming from the city more often than rural students are convinced that their religiosity is presently lower. This means that the religiosity of urban youth is becoming weakened to a greater extent. The combination of this fact with the aforementioned conclusion that the current religiosity of students from the city is more often stronger than their parents’ religiosity leads to interesting conclusions. There may be interesting processes accountable for that. Children growing up in cities experience their own religiosity intensely during childhood, but the lack of support from the closest environment leads to its loss. Children from the village, on the other hand, although supported in religious socialization by their parents and the local community, do not realize their childhood religiosity so intensely and perceive their religiosity above all through the prism of their environment. The confirmation of these hypotheses, however, requires more in-depth research into the process of religious socialization. The studies on religious education and reflexivity currently conducted at the Institute of Catholic Church Statistics are a continuation of the research on youth started in 1988. Moreover, they offer the opportunity to broaden the view of youth’s religiosity by new aspects.

Place of residence Total Village Town with up to 50,000 inhabitants N=778* N=266 N=127 48.2 44.4 49.6 14.0 15.8 19.7 24.2 28.6 21.3 10.5 10.2 7.1 3.1 1.1 2.4

* Without missing data.

Total In the past presently no changes hard to say Not applicable

More religious time in life Town with 50,000 – 100,000 inhabitants N=80 53.8 12.5 17.5 13.8 2.5

Town with 100,000 – 200,000 inhabitants N=101 53.5 12.9 18.8 8.9 5.9

Town with 250,000 – 500,000 inhabitants N=84 47.6 10.7 29.8 10.7 1.2

Town with more than 500,000 inhabitants N=120 47.5 8.3 22.5 14.2 7.5

Tab. 15:  Assessment of changes in one’s religiosity by place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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Wojciech Sadłoń

Tab. 16:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in 2017 by gender of students. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC One’s religiosity in comparison with mother’s lesser stronger the same hard to say not applicable no answer provided * Without missing data.

Total N=783*  45.7 % 10.0 % 25.9 % 14.9 % 3.1 % 0.4 %

Female N=470 40.4 % 12.1 % 29.6 % 14.7 % 3.0 % 0.2 %

Male N=313 53.7 % 6.7 % 20.4 % 15.3 % 3.2 % 0.6 %

Village

N=266 50.4 10.9 24.8 12.0 1.1 0.8

Total

N=778* 45.8 9.9 26.0 15.0 3.1 0.3

* Without missing data.

One’s religiosity as compared with mother’s Total lesser stronger the same hard to say not applicable no answer provided

Town with up to 50,000 inhabitants N=127 42.5 7.9 29.9 15.7 3.9 -

Town with 50,000 – 100,000 inhabitants N=80 41.3 10.0 26.3 20.0 2.5 -

Town with 100,000 – 200,000 inhabitants N=101 45.5 8.9 27.7 14.9 3.0 -

Town with 250,000 – 500,000 inhabitants N=84 47.6 10.7 19.0 20.2 2.4 -

Town with more than 500,000 inhabitants N=120 40.8 10.0 27.5 14.2 7.5 -

Tab. 17:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in 2017 (%) with respect to the place of residence. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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Tab. 18:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC One’s religiosity in comparison with father’s lesser stronger the same hard to say not applicable no answer provided * Without missing data.

Total N=783* 27,2 22,0 26,2 16,9 7,4 0,4

Female N=470 25,3 25,7 24,0 16,8 7,7 0,4

Male N=313 30,0 16,3 29,4 16,9 7,0 0,3

* Without missing data.

One’s religiosity Place of residence as compared Total Village Town with with father’s up to 50,000 inhabitants Total N=778* N=266 N=127 lesser 27.2 25.2 33.9 stronger 22.0 21.1 23.6 the same 26.1 30.5 22.0 hard to say 17.0 18.0 13.4 not applicable 7.5 4.9 7.1 no answer 0.3 0.4 provided Town with 50,000 – 100,000 inhabitants N=80 27.5 20.0 26.3 16.3 10.0 -

Town with 100,000 – 200,000 inhabitants N=101 27.7 20.8 25.7 19.8 5.9 -

Town with 250,000 – 500,000 inhabitants N=84 26.2 21.4 23.8 17.9 9.5 1.2

Town with more than 500,000 inhabitants N=120 25.0 25.0 22.5 15.8 11.7 -

Tab. 19:  Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017 (%) with respect to the place of residence. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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Wojciech Sadłoń

References Archer, M., Being human: The problem of agency [translated into Polish by A. Dziuban], Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, Kraków, 2013. Berger, P., Luckman, T. Social construction of reality [translated into Polish], PIW, Warszawa,1983.

Andrzej Górny

Community and institutional dimension of religious life Abstract: This chapter is an attempt to capture the essence and meaning of religion and the Church as understood by Polish university students. The analysis focuses also on such an important issue as the young people’s opinions and perception of the role of religion for the whole Polish society and for the authorities. It discusses selected aspects of religious socialisation (in particular the involvement in activities of different religious communities). The analysed data were collected in a dynamic perspective (in the years: 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017) – so they provide the basis for conclusions regarding the current attitudes of young people and give opportunity to predict directions and intensity of changes in relation to the mentioned issues. Keywords: youngster, religion, community, church, students, religiousness

Church and religion in the opinions of students This study attempts to analyse how, in their specific manner, student youth grasp the essence and meaning of religion and the Church. Youth is a particularly interesting and important subject of sociological observations and analyses  – in particular, those focused on describing and explaining the transformations taking place in the contemporary society. Young people are like a lens which focuses miscellaneous social problems and tensions [Cf. Szafraniec 2011: 11]. However, it should be taken into account that student religiosity is based on truthfulness, originality, honesty, and compliance with internal ideals and principles of behaviour. This is due to the progressive human autonomisation  – the opinions and judgments expressed by young people are not generally the result of adapting to the environment, or the reflection of the patterns of behaviour prevailing there (as in the earlier stages of socialisation), but first and foremost represent the externalisation of views and convictions regarded as their own [cf. Walesa 2006: 111]. In order to identify the specificity of how students perceive the essence of religion and the Church, respondents were asked to choose one out of three statements related to the perception of the contemporary religious field. In today’s socio-cultural realities, the processes of autonomisation occurring in the sphere of religion cause people to select elements of their beliefs and practices from a wide range of alternatives at an increasing rate, like during shopping

148

Andrzej Górny 2.9%

0.1% 8.7%

23.8%

64.5%

No answer Not in agreement with the statement Practically no religion has anything to offer to a modern man There is not one true religion, but it is possible to find something true in different religions of the world There is only one true religion

Chart 1:  Respondents’ opinions on the essence of religion (percentage of those approving the statements submitted for evaluation). Source:  Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794

in a store. In these conditions, individuals are not inclined to bind their existence once and for ever with only one religious system [cf. McGuire 2012: 225]. Tomasz Szlendak uses the concept of supermarketisation to describe the changes in the religious field, drawing attention to dynamics, diversity, and pluralism in this sphere [cf. Szlendak 2004: 129]. The distribution of indications shows that the attitudes assuming the existence of many possible options of religious life to choose from are the prevailing ones. Nearly two-thirds of the respondents expressed the view that one true religion does not exist – something real can be found in many religions of the world. Only every fourth respondent is convinced that there is only one true religion. Only every tenth respondent believes that none of the religions has anything to offer to a modern man. The detailed data is presented in Chart 1. The obtained results can be interpreted as the effect of deepening religious pluralism, which makes faith systems make a shift from dogmatism to liberalism. It is a process that is particularly evident in intergenerational cultural

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149

transmissions  – liberal-minded parents who do not believe in one true religion, but recognize many ways in reaching the truth, pay less attention to their children’s religious education, which results in the perpetuation of such attitudes in the youth environment [cf. Mariański 2009: 38]. The analysis of change dynamics based on the empirical material collected in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 leads to the conclusion that there are no clear linear trends in relation to this issue. The above-discussed issues are elaborated on and supplemented with the analysis of the distribution of responses regarding the comprehension of the essence of religiosity by the surveyed youth. The respondents were asked if they believed that one could be a religious man without belonging to the community of the faithful (People of God) and without belonging to a religious institution (institutional Church). The answers show clearly a widespread belief that it is not necessarily essential to belong to a religious institution to be a religious man  – almost three-quarters of the surveyed students express such opinions. Only every tenth respondent claims that it is impossible to be a religious person without belonging to the institutional Church. To some extent, this is the result of relatively common critical assessments formulated by the young (also defining themselves as Catholics) towards the Catholic Church. Studying the religious attitudes of young people over the years, J.  Mariański noted that the young generation negatively evaluated the decisions and actions of the clergy, especially those involving the sphere of sexual and family morality. As a result of the growing criticism, the current model of the institutional church is being rejected [cf. Mariański 2011]. The obtained results seem to contradict the thesis of the abandonment of religion and faith by the young, but at the same time indicate their gradual transition from the religion of fate (religion of tradition), in which a person is brought up and educated, to the religion of choice, which becomes a matter of autonomous decision [cf. Mariański 1998; Świątkiewicz 1994]. A similar tendency is revealed by analysing the distribution of responses on the role of the community in determining religiosity. Over half of the respondents are convinced that one does not have to be a member of a religious community to be a religious man. The detailed data is presented in Chart 2. The obtained results lead to the conclusion about the progressive deinstitutionalisation of religion. In the opinions of the surveyed students, affiliation with a religious institution determines religiosity only to a small extent. The presented data thus confirms the thesis about the crisis of religious institutions (in particular, the Catholic Church).

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73.3%

Yes

56.7%

9.6%

No

18.8%

13.9%

Hard to say

Not applicable

0.0%

20.7%

1.6% 2.0% 20.0%

40.0%

60.0%

80.0%

One can be a religious person not belonging to an institutionalized church One can be a religious person not participating in the community of the faithful

Chart 2:  The importance of religious communities and institutions in determining religiosity. Source:  Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794

It also seems that the importance of communities in religious life is relatively small today. The results of research indicate the universality of religious attitudes, which can be described as individualistic. The findings regarding the influence of the community and institutions on religiosity are confirmed by the analysis of the dynamics of changes in young people’s opinions regarding the discussed issues. Considering the declarations on the possibility of being religious despite not belonging to the community of the faithful (People of God) formulated in successive surveys, one can clearly notice the spreading of the belief about community life becoming increasingly insignificant in shaping religiosity. While in 1988, more than half of the respondents were convinced it was necessary to belong to a religious community in order to be religious, in 2017, such a belief was shared only by every fifth respondent. Similarly, in 1988, every third respondent claimed that belonging to the community is unnecessary for a man to be truly religious, while in 2017, such an opinion was expressed by more than half of the respondents. The presented tendencies are linear. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 1.

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151

Tab. 1:  Respondents’ opinions on the possibility of being a religious person despite not participating in the community of believers in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religions, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

54.9 28.5 27.9 18.8

28.3 49.1 50.6 56.7

Hard to say 15.4 21.4 18.7 20.7

Not applicable — — 2.3 2.0

No answer 1.4 1.0 0.6 1.9

Tab. 2:  Respondents’ opinions regarding the possibility of being a religious person despite not belonging to a religious institution (institutional church) in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes

No

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

9.4 13.0 10.7 9.6

78.0 69.8 71.9 73.3

Hard to say 11.4 16.1 14.5 13.9

Not applicable — — 2.3 1.6

No answer 1.1 1.1 0.6 1.6

The dynamics of changes in opinions regarding the possibility of being religious not belonging to the institutional Church is slightly different. Considering opinions formulated on this issue in previous surveys, one can come to the conclusion that there are no linear shifts. The percentage of young people convinced that belonging to the institutional church is necessary to be a religious person, registered in successive surveys, are similar – they range from 70 % to 78 %. In the opinion of the vast majority of youth, one can be a religious person not belonging to the institutional church – this is a conviction that has been established over the last three decades. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 2. Based on the collected empirical material it can be concluded that students attribute great importance to religion; however, the forms of religious involvement are becoming increasingly independent of institutions and communities, moving

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Andrzej Górny

towards individualized practices and rituals. This proves a gradual transition from religiosity to spirituality. Referring to K. Dobbelaere, this process can be described as a progressive “individual secularization”, consisting in the gradual liberation of individuals from the influence of established religious authorities and in the recognition of individual experiences as the foundation of faith [cf. Dobbelaere 2008: 255]. In Polish reality, this secularisation is manifested most fully as churchdecenteredness, which, taking Karl Gabriel’s point of view, can be seen as a loss of influence and impact on society by the Catholic Church. It takes the form of individuals distancing themselves from ecclesiastical presentation of faith, ritualcult regulations, norms and behavioural models, which means that participation in the institutionalized religion is becoming weakened [Marianski 2017]. The above findings are confirmed by the distribution of respondents’ replies concerning their belonging to religious communities and church associations. The results show that more than 83 % of the surveyed youth admit that they are not involved in this type of activity. Only fewer than 14 % of students declare their involvement in these forms of social life (with merely 3.3 % defining themselves as active members). The detailed data is presented in Chart 3. 3.3%

1.6%

1.5%

10.5%

83.1%

No affiliation Affiliation but not an active membership Affiliation and active membership No answer No data

Chart 3:  Affiliation with religious communities and church associations. Source:  Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794

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Tab. 3:  Affiliation with religious communities and church associations in 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794) a

Answer category Total Affiliation but not active involvement 100.0 5.9

Affiliation and active involvement 3.4

No affiliation

No answer

No data

84.1

1.3

5.2

100.0

6.2

2.6

87.6

1.2

2.5

100.0

10.5

3.3

83.1

1.6

1.5

Brak danych z roku 1988 dotyczących tej kwestii.

The data collected in previous surveys show that declarations of belonging to religious communities and church associations have been at a similar level during the three last decades. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 3. The above-mentioned findings are supplemented by the analysis of the distribution of respondents’ answers to the question about getting involved in activities inspired by the Academic Pastoral Ministry. The students’ answers indicate, however, that only slightly over 10 % of the relevant respondents declare their activity in this form of religious life and spiritual formation (including only 2.7 % describing themselves as participating regularly in ACM activities). Nearly 87  % declare that they do not participate in any activities developed and implemented under the auspices of the Academic Pastoral Ministry. The detailed data is presented in Chart 4. The comparison of data collected in 2017 with those obtained during the survey conducted in 2005 indicates slight changes in the percentage share of the categories of students declaring involvement in activities of the Academic Pastoral Ministry. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 4. The above-presented data referring to the role of religious communities and institutions can be interpreted as a confirmation of the thesis about the minor importance of communities and institutions in the religious life of young people. Students’ religiosity is usually of individualized nature. It is generally formed beyond the range of the influence of religious communities and institutions. The changes in the involvement in the activities of religious communities (in particular, those whose activity is directed at young people) over the last three decades should be assessed as minor.

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Andrzej Górny 3.10%

2.70% 7.70%

86.40%

No answer Yes, regularly, Yes, irregularly No participation

Chart 4:  Declared participation in the Academic Pastoral Ministry. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 Tab. 4:  Declared participation in the Academic Pastoral Ministry in 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

Answer category Total Yes, regularly 2005 (N=1086) 100.0 1.7 2017 (N=794) 100.0 2.4

Yes, irregularly 8.8 6.8

No participation 68.8 76.3

Not applicable 13.0 11.7

No answer 7.7 2.8

This is the effect of the aforementioned change process  – religious faith is ceasing to be a matter of fate (inheritance) and is becoming a matter of individual choice and preference. It is connected with an increasing autonomy and independence from various types of communities and social environments. This process is occurring under conditions in which religious legitimations have lost credibility not only among certain intellectuals, but also among society in general [cf. Mariański 2014: 44].

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155

The distribution of answers indicates the prevalence of opinions according to which the teaching of religion should be conducted in the church (e.g. in catechetical rooms formerly functioning at parishes). These considerations are followed by the analysis of the surveyed students’ forecasts regarding the role of the Church and religion in social life. The respondents were asked to assess the future importance of religion and the Church – separately for society and for the authorities. The collected empirical material clearly indicates the declining importance of religion and the Church in the social life as predicted by young people – nearly two-thirds of the respondents formulate such opinions. Approximately every fourth respondent claims that there will be no significant change in this respect, and only slightly over 6  % expect an increase in the importance of religion and the Church for society. A similar tendency is visible in the assessments of the future significance attributed to religion and to the Church by the authorities. With regard to this matter, nearly 44 % of students forecast a decline, nearly 16 % expect no significant revaluation, and slightly over 9 % predict an increase. It is worth noting that in both issues a large group of the surveyed persons cannot take a clear position – over 16 % of students did not undertake the task to forecast the future significance of religion and the Church for society, and nearly 32 % did not comment on the future attitudes of the authorities towards these issues. The detailed data is presented in Chart 5. Apart from the tendencies discussed above the data point to the discrepancy observed by the youth between the meaning of religion and the Church for society and the authorities. To some extent, this is the effect of the current sociopolitical situation. Nowadays, in Polish reality the authorities (i.e. local government, parliamentarians, members of the government, as well as the President) in their public speeches repeatedly and willingly refer to the values founded on Catholicism, and Christian symbols are commonly present in public spaces in which the authorities hold an office. These circumstances have an effect on the distribution of the students’ opinions, as described above. The surveyed youth believe that the role of the Church and religion will be decreasing, but the rate of this process will be lower in the case of the authorities than the entire society. The possible changes in political options, and the resulting impossibility to definitely predict which groups will exercise power in several years, make the prediction of the importance of religion and the Church in longer time perspective difficult, and for some respondents – impossible. The analysis of the dynamics of changes in opinions formulated by students over the years 1988–2017 indicates that apart from the differences between the

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More important than today

9.1% 6.2% 15.7% 16.9%

As important as today

43.8%

Less important

Hard to say

No answer 0.0%

14.6%

60.3%

29.5%

1.9% 2.0% 10.0%

20.0%

30.0%

40.0%

For the authorities

50.0%

60.0%

70.0%

For society

Chart 5:  Forecasts of the significance of religion and the Church in the future. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794

assessment of the role of religion and the Church for society and for the authorities, the collected data also indicates the diversification of changes in both these matters. In the case of assessments of the significance of religion and the Church for society, the linear trend of change in dynamics is clearly visible. The comparison of the data collected in individual surveys shows the increase in the percentage of young people convinced of the declining role of religion and the Church in society in the perspective of the past few decades – from about 17 % surveyors expecting the decrease in importance in 1988 to over 60 % in 2017. At the same time, the percentage of students indicating an opposite option and expecting the growth of the meaning of religion and the Church is decreasing – from over 22 % in 1988 to merely approximately 6 % in 2017. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 5. The analysis of the opinions on the meaning of religion and the Church for the authorities shows a different tendency. In this case, the variations in the assessment take the form of a sinusoid. The detailed data is presented in Tab. 6. The observed trends, as mentioned before, are the result of changes in the dominant political options. The ideological programs of particular parties and groups define the role of religion and the Church in the lives of citizens in varied

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Community and institutional dimension of religious life

Tab. 5:  Forecasted change in the importance of the role of religion and the Church in society in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Answer Total More important than today 100.0 22.6 100.0 7.1 100.0 7.4 100.0 6.2

As important as today 33.7 25.0 21.5 16.9

Less important

Hard to No say answer

17.1 43.2 50.8 60.3

25.1 23.9 20.1 14.6

1.4 0.8 0.3 2.0

Tab. 6:  Forecasted change in the importance of the role of religion and the Church for the authorities recorded in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year of survey Answer Total More important than today 1988 (N=350) 100.0 16.0 1998 (N=523) 100.0 6.3 2005 (N=1086) 100.0 8.5 2017 (N=794) 100.0 9.1

As important as today 18.9 21.2 13.9 15.7

Less important 12.9 36.7 49.8 43.8

Hard to say 51.1 34.2 26.9 29.5

No answer 1.1 1.5 0.9 1.9

manners. They refer to religious values and institutions to a different extent and in different forms. This undoubtedly affects the students’ opinions on the future importance of religion and the Church for the authorities. In addition, it is worth noting that the percentage of the respondents who cannot address this issue is far higher than in the case of the forecast about the meaning of religion and the Church for society, which also results from the aforementioned dynamics of change in the political scene.             *  *  * The analysis of data collected in 2017 (and in 1988, 1998 and 2005) presented above permits formulating the following conclusions. As a result of the ongoing pluralisation processes of the modern religious landscape, the attitudes towards religion that are widely revealed in the student environment can be described as syncretic. The data point to a large and growing number of young people convinced that none of the religions have practically

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anything to offer to a modern man. In addition, one can note the establishment and more definite character of the attitudes adopted by young people towards religion over the past three decades (stable percentage convinced of the existence of one true religion and decreasing numbers of young people unable to determine their attitude towards religion in this aspect). There is a general belief among students of the possibility of being a religious person despite not belonging to a religious institution (in particular, the Catholic Church discussed in the institutional dimension). The belief in the possibility of being religious while not belonging to the community (People of God) is only slightly less established. Oba te stanowiska wydają się być coraz mocniej obecne w środowisku młodzieżowym (wskazuje na to analiza dynamiki zmian opinii wobec tych kwestii prowadzona na przestrzeni minionych trzech dekad). Both of these attitudes seem to be increasingly present in the youth environment (this is indicated by the analysis of the dynamics of changes in the opinions on these issues over the past three decades). Young people involved in the activities of religious communities represent only a small part of the whole student community (this also applies to the Academic Pastoral Ministry – an institution whose activity is focused on the spiritual formation of the academic community members). Moreover, persons declaring affiliation with a religious community life demonstrate low involvement in the undertaken activities. This situation has not changed significantly since 1988. The observed phenomenon is conditioned by the processes of privatisation and individualisation of religiosity, which results in the weakened importance of religious communities (in particular of a traditional character  – e.g. functioning within the Catholic Church). These trends are also manifested to a certain extent in the respondents’ statements regarding the place of catechesis – only few students think that religion should be taught in schools. The category of those who believe that catechesis should be carried out in churches prevails, with a large percentage of young people finding themselves indifferent to this issue. This proves to a certain degree that the conviction of the necessity to limit the presence of the institutional church in public life is well established among young people. Students are convinced of the gradually decreasing role of religion and the Church  – both for society in general and for the authorities. Within the next several years, they anticipate this decrease in both dimensions, with the decline being, in their opinion, more clearly visible in relation to society. Due to transitions in the political scene, forecasting the future significance of religion and the Church for the authorities appears to be much more difficult. The

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above-outlined nature of assessments was revealed in nearly all the analysed surveys, but it is worth noting that the forecasts concerning the importance of religion and the Church for the authorities are changing sinusoidally, which results from the changes of the parties and groups exercising power in particular years. It can be concluded that religion is important for young people, but that its comprehension is strongly individualized. In young people’s opinion, traditionally understood religion and its institutions (in particular, the Catholic Church) are losing their significance in social and political life. The acquisition of religious experience and participation in religious practices is occurring outside traditional institutions and communities at an increasing rate.

References Baniak, J., School catechesis in the opinions and assessments of youth and parents [in Polish], Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, No. 9, 2013. Dobbelaere, K. Secularization. Three levels of analysis [translated into Polish], Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków, 2008. Mariański J., Between hope and doubt. The meaning of life in the consciousness of school youth [in Polish], Wydawnictwo KUL, Lublin, 1998. Mariański J. Secularization and new forms of religiosity [in Polish], Roczniki nauk społecznych, No. 1 (37), 2009. Mariański, J. Religion and religiosity in secularized societies [in Polish], Zeszyty Naukowe KUL 59, No. 4 (236), 2016. Mariański, J. Transformation of morality of Polish secondary school graduates in 1994–2009. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo KUL, Lublin, 2011. McGuire, M.B. Religion in a social context [in Polish], Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków, 2012. Ratings of public institutions (2017), poll of CBOS (Centre for Public Opinion Research), No/32/2017 [in Polish], Warsaw, available: http://www.cbos.pl/ SPISKOM.POL/2017/K_032_17.PDF Religion in the education system (2008), poll of CBOS B/136/2008 [in Polish], Warsaw, available: http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2008/K_136_08.PDF Szafraniec, K. Report “Youth 2011” [in Polish], Kancelaria Prezesa Rady Ministrów, 2011. Szlendak, T. Supermarketization. Religion and sexual customs of young people in consumer culture [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego,Wrocław, 2004.

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Walesa, Cz. Development of human religiosity, in: St. Boundary, Basic issues of the psychology of religion [in Polish], Wydawnictwo WAM, Kraków, 2006. Values and standards (2013), poll of CBOS, BS/111/2013 [in Polish], Warsaw, available: http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2013/K_111_13.PDF

Wojciech Świątkiewicz

Moral profiles and religious affiliations of academic youth Abstract: The moral profiles of academic youth are constructed on the dominant conviction, in this environment, that the roots of good and evil co-create the moral condition of man. Those young people who are more intensely involved in religious practice, who aver a deep faith, clearly emphasise the presence of the roots of goodness within the personality of each human, revealed in their attitude, behaviour, and cultural creations. The most important source of solving dilemmas, moral conflicts, and the final instance of legitimising decisions is one’s own conscience. The author presents the argument that it is that content which forms the axiological profile of one’s own conscience which becomes a moral and social problem, and not the prescribed roles and meaning in individually constructed life projects. Recognised by almost half of those questioned, the most important duty of a Catholic, consequent on affiliation to the Catholic Church, is love of one’s neighbour or building good emotional relationships with people. The perception of the primary commandment of love of God, recorded in the Decalogue, is more clearly marked among those who describe themselves as having a deep faith as well as systematically taking part in Catholic practice. Obedience to the Church, recognised as the duty of a Catholic, is marginally accepted, as is participation in religious practices. The model of church religiosity has a low level of acceptance within the environment of academic youth.The moral profile of the academic environment remains in a certain relation to the religious affiliation of the youth. However, it appears to drift in the direction of horizontal Christianity, with no allegiance to any church or faith, free from institutionally prescribed duties, strongly exhibiting the role of the conscience as that instance which settles disputes and moral conflicts, legitimising actions undertaken and presented attitudes. Christianity appears to be understood more in terms of a social project, oriented on building positive emotional relationships among people with a weakly marked reference to the Decalogue and evangelical message. The chapter contains four points: moral profile, moral conflicts and the means of their resolution, the duties of a Catholic and Conclusion. Keywords: moral conflicts, religiosity, duties of a Catholic, conscience

Christian religion (Catholicism) directly addresses attitudes and practices of social life, and has at its disposal criteria for evaluating human attitudes and behaviour, thus shaping the moral culture of society. Moral culture has the power to update moral values and norms, which in the conditions of effective socialisation, upbringing and culturalisation are engraved in the moral

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consciousness of individuals and communities as obvious, natural and unquestionable rules of conduct constituting “recipe knowledge” on how to function in social life and culture [cf. Świątkiewicz 2015:  333–337]. The axiological invariants of moral culture that Christianity brings as its founding basis provide space of universal and particular values [Pawełczyńska 2004: 73]. It is a principle legitimizing moral culture, which especially refers to the role of the Decalogue [cf. Świątkiewicz  2018]. Modern changes in culture negating the existence of universal and permanent human values and expressing relativistic concepts of morality indicate that Christian religion and morality drift apart, which Pope John Paul II defined as the decadence of moral culture and described through the following axiological oppositions: – respect for life versus the imperative of getting rid of life and destroying it; – love as a responsible community of persons versus without any responsibility; – the primacy of truth in action versus the primacy of prosperity and shortterm success [John Paul II 2011: 18]. According to Janusz Mariański diagnosis, “in modern culture, in which “it is forbidden to forbid”, all norms and rules can be considered as a kind of repression. The individual becomes a norm for himself or herself. Hence, permissivism and even relativism spread easily. Sociological research indicates the weakening of certain moral values and norms, also in people declaring themselves as believers fulfilling religious practices. Relativism, often in its aggressive form, is spreading in modern society and culture  – partly also in the Polish society; there are increasingly fewer fundamental certainties, values and norms that give meaning to life. The greatest danger is posed by moral nihilists. The evolution towards an ethically neutral society, with »weak« moral values and norms, would be a dangerous solution not only from a religious but also from a social point of view”. [Mariański 2018: 186]. Western and Central Europe is the most secularized area in the world. The Euro-Secularism or Euro-laicism, with the strongest representation in the northern part of Europe, makes up the “European package” that is becoming a steady element of cultural traditions of Polish society as well. On the basis of a number of his own studies on the religious and moral condition of contemporary Polish youth and based on a secondary analysis of other research results, Janusz Marianski estimates that among young people in Poland “about 25 % of respondents approve the values and norms of Catholic marriage and family ethics, about 50 % have selective attitudes and about 25 % have entirely abandoned this morality. With regard to the whole society, the approval of these values and standards amounts to around 40 %, partial approval and disapproval (selective attitudes) to 40 % and full disapproval to 20 %.” [Mariański 2018: 183]

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Moral profiles The axiological mosaic of social life comprises attitudes and behaviours that have the elements of both good and evil. Good and evil permeate the figures of social life and human personality profiles and, depending on the scale of their intensity, set the standards of the quality of life. One of the questions asked in the conducted survey was aimed at reconstructing a person’s moral profile that is approved by the academic youth. The question concerned the presence of good and evil in the personal structure of man and contained three theses towards which the respondents were supposed to take attitude. On the basis of the collected answers, it can definitely be concluded that in the surveyed student environment, the view that the elements of good and evil intertwine, creating a human personality profile, is prevailing. Over three-fourths of the respondents (76.2 %) expressed such a view, which is probably not only a consequence of the adopted philosophy of life, but is also grounded in the observation of everyday life and – as one might think – it is characterized by empirical encounter with social attitudes and behaviours, in which the elements of good and evil, accepted and reprehensible actions, expected and rejected acts create a mosaic of everyday life. It is also worth noting that nearly 12 % (11.7 %) of students are convinced that every human being is, above all, good, which shows faith in the victory of the elements of good creating the essence of humanity, which is able to overcome the manifestations of evil that can become a part of human attitudes and behaviour. A small percentage (1.1 %) of the respondents express the opinion that “everyone is primarily bad”. For almost 9 % (8.8 %) of students, expressing their opinion on the moral condition of man posed a certain difficulty, and 2.1 % failed to provide an answer to the questionnaire. The reconstructed profile of man’s moral personality is somewhat connected with the characteristics of the respondents’ social position, showing the orientations of the academic youth moral profiles. Female students in slightly more cases (79.8 %) than male students (73.5 %) believe that good and evil are to be found in every person. On the other hand, male students in slightly more cases (12.1 %) than female students (11.3 %) assume that every person is, above all, good, and to a slightly higher degree (1.3 %) than female students (0.9 %) accept the thesis that every human being is, above all, bad. Men twice as often (12.1 %) as women (6.6 %) admit having difficulties with answering the questions and a little less frequently (0.6 %) evade the answer to the question. Among women, the non-response rate was 1.5 %. Therefore, it can be stated with some approximation that women (female students) are more determined in views on the moral characteristics of other

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Tab. 1:  Ethical profile of man and declared religious attitudes (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Sociodemographic features deep believers believers undecided indifferent nonbeliever

Answer category Total Good and evil is inherent in every man 100.0 61.3 100.0 78.9 100.0 81.6 100.0 76.8 100.00 77.8

Everybody is primarily good 29.0 11.9 7.4 7.4 4.9

Everybody is primarily evil 1,1 0,8 2,2 2,1 -

Hard to No say answer 6.5 7.4 8.1 11.6 17.3

2.2 1.1 0.7 2.1 -

Tab. 2:  Ethical profile of a person and participation in religious practices (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Sociodemographic features regular religious practice irregular religious practice rare religious practice no participation in religious practice not applicable

Answer category Total Good and evil is inherent in every man 100.0 73.3

Everybody is primarily good 17.9

Everybody Hard to No is primarily say answer evil 0.4 5.8 2.5

100.0

79.2

10.6

1.0

8.7

0.5

100.0

77.7

12.1

1.9

8.3

-

100.0

80.2

4.7

2.8

10.4

1.9

100.00

74.6

5.1

0.9

20.3

-

people, noticing that in the social personality the elements of good and evil intertwine. Men are more often undecided in their assessments and may notice slightly more clearly the elements of evil co-shaping the moral profile of man. The two tables below provide a distribution of the answers about the profile of man’s moral personality, taking into account two variables, namely the declared religious attitude and commitment to religious practices.

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The conviction that man’s moral condition contains the elements of both good and evil is correlated most strongly with the attitude of indecision in matters of religious faith (81.6  %) and the declared lack of commitment to religious practices (80.2 %). Generally, however, about three-quarters of the respondents, regardless of their attitude to religious practices and the level of self-declaration of religious faith, define the core of man’s moral features through the presence of both good and evil. The conviction that every person is first and foremost good is definitely most strongly correlated with self-declaration of deep religious faith (29 %) and regular participation in religious practices (17.9 %). Being an expression of experiencing religious faith at a deeper level, regular participation in religious practices favours emphasising clearly the elements of good as those forming man’s personality; it projects a kind of optimism that permits the perception of the surrounding everyday world through the perspective of good manifesting itself in human attitudes and behaviour, as well as in products or creations of human activity. It can be hypothesized that young people who define themselves as believers and practitioners perceive moral profiles in the perspective of mutually intertwined elements of good and evil; however, with the importance of good as a constitutive value of human personality more strongly emphasized. The belief in the good of every human being is more established in this environment. The conviction that the element of evil dominates in man’s moral structure is, as can be seen, the attitude declared by a very low percentage of the surveyed students, relatively most often by people declaring attachment to religious traditions, but undecided in matters of faith (2.2 %) and non-practitioners (2.8 %).

Moral conflicts and solutions of their settling The academic youth share the concept of man’s moral condition accentuating the interweaving of good and evil elements in the personality profile, which affects defining one’s own moral condition stressing the subjectivity and autonomy of life decisions, made or formulated moral assessments, exposing the superior role of conscience as an instance that resolves any moral disputes or conflicts. Numerous sociological studies show that “the sense of the right to a specific moral autonomy is expressed in the conviction of the importance of conscience as the most legitimate source of individual choices (specific internal authority). Conscience is the supreme instance against any external authorities, including religious ones. For young people, more than in other cases, the common pursuit of self-determination means that they are reluctant to receive instructions from

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the outside on how to live, what to aspire for or what to pursue in life. They want to live a life they regard as righteous, also in matters related to morality, they want to have the right to choose a way of life and its interpretation. When not supported by moral and religious norms, institutions and sanctions, the conscience of an individual may be dimmed, and decisions erroneous” [Mariański 2014:  150]. The research results commented on by the author strongly confirm the dominating current trend in the contemporary moral culture of the individualisation of evaluation and decisions, giving the individual conscience a decisive and conclusive role in dilemmas or moral conflicts. With regard to the conclusions formulated by Janusz Mariański, it can be pointed out that the social and moral problem does not consist in the fact that the individual conscience is attributed with the fundamental and most important meaning in the projects of individual life. As a subject of social relations, man is responsible for his decisions and cannot release himself from this responsibility, escape from it or shift it to others. Peter Berger writes about “bad faith” [1988:  152], which provides various methods of escaping responsibility and consists in being slavishly trapped in the conviction of one’s innocence and ultimately brings a betrayal of one’s own conscience. Moral and social problems arise when an “individual conscience” resolves dilemmas or moral conflicts in contradiction with objective values, natural law, the good of other people or the principles of social order. Such problems are exemplified by avid disputes about euthanasia or abortion present in contemporary culture, which in the name of the autonomy of individual conscience instrumentalise human life as an autotelic value and not subject to negotiation. Therefore, a social or moral problem is posed not so much by projecting one’s conscience as a final instance that settles dilemmas or moral conflicts, but rather by the format of an individual conscience, its normative saturation and the approved direction of axiological references recognized by man. The discussed survey contained the following question: “What are you guided by while solving moral problems (conflicts)? Please choose the most important of the following options”. Tab. 3 shows the results of the research that, according to the above-mentioned directions of cultural change, point to one’s conscience as a decisive factor in solving moral conflicts. The rate of answers indicating the role and meaning of conscience to rely on definitely exceeds all other answers marked in the question. Over 70  % of respondents regard their own conscience as the most important resource and instrument of support in the situation of moral conflicts. It can therefore be said with full conviction that academic youth basically fits in the contemporary trends of moral culture transformation, perceiving their participation in social

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Tab. 3:  Sources of solving moral conflicts (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC What are you guided by while solving moral problems (conflicts)? my own conscience family advice generally approved code of conduct friends’ advice Church teaching priests’ (e.g. confessors’) guidance something else (what?) I don’t encounter such conflicts hard to say no answer

% 71.3 6.3 4.3 3.7 2.5 1.0 1.8 2.8 4.4 2.3

life as subjective and responsible. The moral profile of students is made complete by including the generally approved code of conduct (4.3 %), support provided by friends (3.7  %), family (6.3  %), Church teaching (2.5  %) and the guidance of priests and confessors (1 %). If the teaching of Church and the guidance of priests (confessors) is treated as one category, which seems substantively justified, then 3.5 % of students indicate this category as providing moral support when needed. Decisions that solve dilemmas and moral conflicts are made by academic youth in the discernment of their own conscience, which is supported by the family, general rules of conduct, friends and guidance of priests and the teaching of the Church. The survey results show some slight (within 3 %) differences in rates in the statements of women and men, which, however, do not change the direction of the presented interpretation. Another way of interpreting the presented survey results could emphasize distancing oneself from the methods of solving moral conflicts different than following one’s conscience, or even excluding those methods. However, one would have to assume a priori that there is an axiological contradiction between one’s conscience and the other sources explored in search for the justification of moral decisions mentioned in the question. There is no empirical basis for accepting such an assumption, and this issue was not the subject of our studies. The sources of moral conflict solutions sought by respondents are modified by the level of their participation in religious practices and self-declarations of

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religious faith. People who declare themselves as deep believers definitely more often (12.9  %) than believers (2.1  %) consider the teaching of the Church in their moral decisions, to a lesser extent projecting their own conscience (55.9 %). Similarly, systematic religious practices favour taking into account the teaching of the Church much more often (7.9 %) than among people who practice unsystematically (0.5  %). No participation in religious practices or rare practicing means the lack of presence of Church teaching. It is noticeable that only a negligible percentage of believers and practitioners (1 % of respondents) consider it as a possibility to turn to priests/confessors in their search for support in solving moral conflicts. If the Church’s teaching is in general taken into account in solving moral conflicts, then the role of depositaries of this teaching, i.e. the clergy, is marginalized even among those declaring their relationship with the Church. It is interesting that the profile of studies has an effect on attributing the role and importance to one’s conscience in solving moral conflicts. Social variables are generated in two groups: humanities and socio-economic studies as well as mathematics and natural sciences, including medical studies. In a simplified way, it can be concluded that students of humanities attribute a greater role to family counselling in solving moral conflicts (9.6  %) than naturalist students (4.6 %), who, on the other hand, attribute greater significance to one’s conscience (75, 7 %) than naturalist students (62.9 %). Possibly the personality profiles of students, a certain type of intellectual competence related to fields of study, as well as prior socialisation and family upbringing are conducive to forming an individual moral identity more oriented to seeking family support in situations of moral conflicts or, on the contrary, accentuating the role of one’s conscience besides independent and individual decisions.

Catholic duties Another issue discussed in the study is the duties of a Catholic as a member of the Church community. The question from the questionnaire was: “What do you think is the most important Catholic duty? Please choose only one answer”. Tab. 4 presents the percentage distribution of the answers. From the distribution of answers, it can be concluded that students participating in research believe that the most important duty of a Catholic is to love one’s neighbours. This attitude is declared by nearly half of the respondents (48.7 %), with women choosing this answer slightly more often (51.7 %) than men (48.6 %). In the second place in the hierarchy of duties is the principle of “loving God” (16.6 %), and in the third place the rule “keep the commandments”

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Tab. 4:  The most important Catholic duties (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC What in your opinion is the most important Catholic duty? to love God to love one’s neighbours to be obedient to the Church fulfill religious practices keep the commandments hard to say no answer

% 16,6 48,7 1,8 1,5 15,1 12,8 2,6

(15.1  %). Also in this case, women slightly more often than men declare the acceptance of these duties. The differences fall within one percent. It must be noticed that nearly 13 % of respondents (12.8 %) indicated difficulties in answering the survey questions and 2.6 % did not answer the question at all. The Author shares the doubts of those who have difficulties in answering the question in its literal meaning, while having to choose only one answer. Referring to the sociological analyses presented in the chapter devoted to the Decalogue, one can assume that the only correct answer to this question would have to indicate a relation to God. The principle of “keeping the commandments” does not meet the criterion of theological correctness, because the question does not specify distinctly whether it refers to the Decalogue or the commandments of the Church. If the theological aspect is omitted, then the analysis of the answers’ distribution permits the conclusion that building good emotional relations with other people is the most important Catholic duty, which in the context of the answers to the question about relation to God can be regarded as a demonstration of practical horizontalisation of Christianity. The presented interpretation of research results strongly corresponds with the thesis about an inverted Decalogue presented by the author in the aforementioned study. In the survey results’ interpretation, it is also important to take into account the level of participation in the community of faith and Church, because people who declare themselves as deep believers and regular practitioners stress the duty to relate to God to a definitely larger extent than to relate to neighbours. Almost 40 % of deep believers and 27.1 % of regular practitioners recognize that the most important Catholic duty is to love God. The indications to relations with other

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people are analogically lower, although still dominant. 43  % of deep believers and 47.9 % of regular practitioners regard them as the most important duty. The practical horizonalisation of Christianity understood as the primacy of emotional relations with other people, possibly without reference to the Decalogue or the gospel message, is accompanied by the marginalisation of relations with the institutions of the Church. The Catholic duty understood as being obedient to the Church is declared as the most important duty by fewer than 2 % of the surveyed students; this percentage is affected neither by regular participation in religious practices nor by the declaration of one’s deep religiosity. Similarly, the obligation to perform religious practices is treated as marginal (1.5  %), which can be considered a clear example of extra-church religiosity, believing without belonging. The survey results illustrate that in the environment of academic youth the cultural processes of de-institutionalisation appear to take radical forms as far as the Catholic Church is concerned. The conclusions of research conducted by Janusz Mariański can be referred to yet again:  “Apparently the dependence of morality on religion deepened noticeably at the beginning of the 21st century, both nationwide and in the Polish youth environment. The number of moral autonomy supporters is growing whereas the percentage of those referring to religion and God’s law while justifying righteous moral obligations is decreasing. For a large part of Poles, including Catholics, religious motivations are not necessary for forming their morality. The scope of such phenomena cannot be precisely determined for the whole society. Even if moral values and norms still provide important reference points for the majority of Poles, they are losing their absolute dimension at a growing rate, and the moral condition of society is becoming increasingly ambivalent, unspecified and ambiguous. Both the older and the younger generation of Poles, unprepared for the encounter with the pluralistic market of ideas and values, have problems recovering the axiological compass. As a consequence, the role of religion and the Church in shaping the morality of Polish youth is decreasing” [Mariański 2018: 184].

Conclusions Moral profiles of academic youth are founded on the belief that the elements of good and evil jointly form the moral condition of a human being. Young people more strongly involved in religious practices and declaring themselves as deep believers more openly emphasize the presence of the elements of good that form the personality of every human being, which is manifested in the attitudes and behaviours of people and products of culture.

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In comparison to male students, female students have firmer views on the moral profile of modern people, stressing the fact that it contains the elements of both good and evil, with a certain emphasis on the importance of the value of good. The conviction that evil elements have a dominant role in shaping the moral profile of people is shared by a marginal percentage of the surveyed youth. Własne sumienie jest uznawane jako najważniejsze źródło decyzji pozwalających rozwiązywać dylematy i konflikty moralne i ostateczna instancja legitymizująca podejmowane decyzje. One’s conscience is recognized as the most important source of decisions allowing to solve dilemmas and moral conflicts and the final instance legitimizing the decisions made. It is supported, although to a definitely smaller extent, by friends, family and the teaching of the Church. Those who declare profound religiosity and regular participation in religious practices clearly emphasize the fact that while making decisions necessary to solve moral conflicts, they seek the support in the teaching of the Church. The role of the clergy is definitely marginalized in this respect. In search of sources and justifications for solving dilemmas and moral conflicts, the students of humanities and socio-economic faculties accentuate the dominant role of one’s conscience, but also seem to attribute a greater role to family support. What is becoming a moral and social problem is the contents that create the axiological profile of one’s conscience, not the role it is attributed with and the importance in individually constructed projects of life. The most important Catholic duty resulting from being a member of the Catholic Church, recognized by nearly half of the respondents, is love for one’s neighbours, i.e. building good emotional relations with people. Persons describing themselves as deep believers and regular practitioners clearly manifest observing the primary commandment of loving God, provided in the Decalogue. Obedience to the Church treated as a Catholic obligation is accepted only marginally, as is the duty to participate in religious practices. The model of church religiosity has a low level of acceptance in the academic youth environment. Moral profiles of the academic environment remain in a certain relation to religious affiliations of young people. However, they seem to be drifting towards horizontal Christianity understood more as a social project focused on building emotionally positive relationships between people, with weak references to the Decalogue and the Gospel message, non-denominational, non-ecclesiastical, free from institutionally defined obligations, strongly projecting the role of one’s conscience as an instance that settles disputes and moral conflicts, legitimizing the performed actions and the manifested attitudes.

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References Berger, P. Invitation to sociology [translated into Polish], PWN, Warszawa, 1988. John Paul II. Speech given at UNESCO, in: Europa. Europe. l’Europe, 2011. Mariański, J. Controversies around the relationship of religion and morality. Identity or discrepancy? Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń, 2014. Mariański, J. “A new spirituality in the light of sociological research”, in: Tradition and innovation in the field of reflection on the sociology of religion [in Polish], ed. S.H. Zaręba, I. Borowik, Kontrast, Warszawa, 2016. Mariański, J. The Catholic Church in Poland in a social context. Sociological study [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2018. Pawełczyńska, A. Hydra heads. About the perversity of modern evil [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Test, Lublin, 2004. Świątkiewicz, W. “Moral culture”, in: Lexicon of sociology of morality [in Polish], ed. J.Mariański, Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, Kraków, 2015.

Marcin Zarzecki

Religion.pl – religiousness of academic youth within the paradigm of Web 2.0 Abstract: In a nationwide survey of academic youth, an attempt was made to analyze in time series the dynamics of changeability of seven dimensions of religiousness: global attitude to faith and religious practices, religious knowledge, religious ideology, religious practices, religious experience, community parameter and the consequential parameter. Questions concerning empirical verification include opinions and attitudes of respondents towards substitution or supplementing institutional and direct communication channels within the ecclesial structure, as well as mediation of religious practices through the use of the Internet and the construction of a virtual parish community. The key to religious change among young Poles are similar factors to those prevailing in the Western countries. Poles, especially the youth community, are transforming the existing religious model, finding innovative forms of expression for individual religious experiences. In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the declarations make it possible to sketch out a descriptive image of e-religiousness. Keywords: online religion i religion online, Internet, netsphere, religious practices, religiousness, youth, online evangelization

Introduction If at some point in a given social space, a commonly accepted system of senses, values and ideas appears, it might contribute to the creation of a generation of people who more or less selectively will be guided by it in their family, professional, private and public life. However, attempt at forecasting persistence of attitudes on the basis of data from quantitative research, that is from as a principle narrow research sample, is highly risky, which should be highlighted for the reason of accuracy. The aim of the all-Poland survey of university students was to analyze in time spaces dynamics of variability of seven dimensions of religiousness: global attitude towards faith and religious practices, knowledge about religion, religion ideology, religious practices, religion experience, community parameter and consequence parameter. Classic research of attitudes to ecclesiastical structure and religiousness of ecclesiastical provenance focuses on structural and functional model of religious relations, including the functional approach to communication dimension in forming religious communities. In the survey

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of university students, cognitive aspect concerning alternative (and simultaneously strengthening traditional model) model of social and religious communication was introduced. Questions concerning empirical verification include respondents’ opinions and attitudes to substituting or supplementing institutional or direct communication channels within ecclesiastical structure, as well as to the indirect use of religious practices by using Internet and forming online church communities.

Functionalism of the analytical categories online religion and religion online In ‘Cultural Approach to Communication’, sociologist James Carey claims that communication actions, including propaganda ones, might be analyzed in terms of ritualistic communication, which ‘associates communication with such terms as sharing, participation, gathering, community and having common beliefs (…). Ritualistic concept does not focus on conveying a message within space, but on society’s lasting in time; not on the act of sending a message, but on the representation of common beliefs’ (McQuail 2007, p. 86). As regards the research of religious aspects on the Internet, the ritualistic model of communication is important, because it highlights the ritualistic nature and expressiveness of every communication action. Although in this model, the function of conveying a message from a sender to a recipient is maintained, the emphasis is put on the self-learning character of communication and on forming personality and social relations in the act of communication, that is on non-information functions of communication actions. According to Carey, communication is ritualistic because of dominant cultural forms of making social interactions and relying on a cultural set of traditions, myths, symbols and meanings (McQuail 2007, p. 87). Ritualistic model refers to the main communication action functions that are socially important, that is, to forming community. Therefore, it has application in the analysis of religious communication, particularly in its ritualistic and symbolic forms. At the core of this sociological theory is the assumption that communication is the basis of social relations and additionally that communication defines the relational aspect between a sender and a recipient. The relational aspect of communication, characteristic of interpretative paradigm, manifests itself in communication models which treat online message, including religious ones, as one of the variants of communication action. The fundamental interpretation of communication understood as reflection of the type of communication in social relations is a typology established by sociologist Denis McQuail and

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expanded by a typology of models by Tomasz Goban-Klas (see McQuail 2007; Goban-Klas 2006). The model of coding and decoding a message in social and religious actions manifests itself in paradigm Web 2.0, popularized by O’Reilly & Associates media campaign. This paradigm revolutionized interpretation tools by questioning classic communication models. Web 2.0 is not a technological innovation, but undoubtedly in terms of effectiveness it can be compared to how Gutenberg’s printing press contributed to the transformation of the European civilization. Expansion of Internet portals in public life and dramatic change of portaluser interaction types towards the dynamic use of online resources of Internet revolutionized the way various social actions take place (see Castells 2003). It should be highlighted that along with the process of reduction of regions that do not have access to the Web, Internet has become a very important forum for discussion and public debate platform, but also place of individual communication experiences. In his work ‘Online Religion as Lived Religion. Methodological Issues in the Study of Religious Participation on the Internet’, Christopher Helland describes two distinctive kinds of religion activities on the Internet: online religion and religion online. Thanks to dichotomous character of variants, it is possible to make a classification, which realistically requires a middle-of-the road solution. As regards online religion, one has an opportunity to participate in religious life, while in case of religion online one gains additional communicator used to communicate with religious organizations along with the access to the repository of religious content (see Helland 2005). The model of reception on the Internet makes it possible to reach a recipient with a religious message by lack of limitations in terms of space within which it is published; diversification of the published content and media used: text, MP3 tracks, WAV, video, photo, links to YouTube and other visual materials; participation in online religious discussion; using a blog in evangelization as a supportive medium to contact with the faithful; the popularization of the Internet through mobile devices (tablets, smartphones, netbooks, etc.), which means wide accessibility of religious blogs; possibility to add an author blog to vertical portal, which is a specialized portal publishing information connected with religion; microblogging – sharing with the readers one’s opinions or reflection along with the news concerning the schedule of debates, religious meetings, press, radio and TV comments by religious organizations and above all the construction of a substitute of interaction based on the sense of personal and intimate contact with a blogger. As far as a religious blog is concerned, medium might be a tool to comment on issues that combine participation in a religious community and personal religious experiences (see Suida 2006). Social media make

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interactivity possible, contributing to the multitude of possibilities to support traditional forms of religious activation. It is not a one-way communication act, but a process of multidirectional communication (Wińskiewski, Zaborski, Zarzecki 2010, p. 68n). In the typology of religion on the Internet by Ch. Helland, described approaches manifest themselves in the dynamics of communication process, in which every time contacts between users, religious organizations and social segments lead to different effects depending on social and cultural contexts and kinds of audience. Communication action is symbolic action, because communication competence is determined by participation of individual interlocutors, but also of collective actors in the common universe of symbols and in the reproduction of those symbols, outlook negotiation of authorization of meaning that define and redefine social relations. Analytical efficiency of functional theory in understanding the use of the categories online religion and religion online proves that iniection and behavioural functional conceptions are illusory if compared with interpretative conceptions that look at communication action from the point of view of an active user who decodes a religious message on the basis of his or her experience and axiological preferences.

Internet as a medium of religious message Regardless of functionality of the term online religion, the crucial issue is the plausibility of participation in religious life by forming and engaging human beings in community portals, which are online groups of people connected with one another through religious experiences and interests. The question that also needs to be asked is whether the Net constitutes the space or is rather a kind of substitute of traditional forms of expression and development of religiousness. The doubts mentioned above were investigated in 2017 in a sociological survey of university students. Multiple-choice answers regarding the dimensions of using the Internet for religious purposes were a novelty in comparison with surveys from 1988, 1998 and 2005. 30 % of respondents reported that they searched for the religious content on the Internet within the last six months preceding the survey (categories ‘absolutely yes’ and ‘rather yes’ altogether). However, over half of those surveyed indicated that they did not surf the Internet for religious purposes. Values in the correlation test do not show any statistically significant correlation between declaration concerning searching for religious content on the Internet and sex, type of university and size of place of residence. Interestingly, the percentage of respondents that declare that they use Internet to look for religious content is the

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highest among those who declared being very religious or religious (absolutely yes – 39,8 % and rather yes – 29 %, and 8,7 % and 23 %, respectively). Of the respondents who declared practicing their faith regularly (absolutely yes – 22,5 % and rather yes – 27,5 %) and practicing irregularly (absolutely yes – 5,8 % and rather yes – 22,2 %), the greatest number reported that they browse repositories of religious content online. Respondents who practice their faith regularly (every Sunday and church holiday) less often gave answers ‘absolutely not’ and ‘rather not’ than those who do not practice (‘absolutely yes’ and ‘rather not’ altogether- 81,2 %). The difference by 46,2 percentage points seems to be very significant as regards the interpretation of results. Relatively low level of acceptance of looking for religious content on the Internet correlating with attitude towards religion and religious practices may suggest that the already existing religious engagement might be intensified through the use of a new communication channel. In the process of shaping religiousness, Internet only partly became an alternative to traditional agendas of religious socialization. Above all, it is perceived as a supportive tool rather than a substitute in the sphere of religious development both on the individual and community level. University students that took part in the survey use Internet to search for religious content only to a limited extent. They mainly visit websites of parishes, dioceses and religious congregations, as well as YouTube. It seems that students use online repository of religious content on the level of religion online as understood by Ch. Helland. Internet does not serve as a source of religious discourse, access to volumes of religious publications, religious aestheticization, religious travel or search for religious communities. The procedure of combining questions about using websites of parishes, dioceses or religious congregations with attitude towards religion led to quite obvious conclusions. Respondents declaring that they are very religious and more religious than those who are indecisive, indifferent or atheists use websites of parishes. In the set of multiple-choice answers, respondents could choose more than one answer, because sensitivity of the created scale was based on separate polar opposites and isometric indirect values. It made it possible to notice a complex of respondents’ choices in the wide range of potential areas in which users use the Internet for religious purposes. The indicator of Polish institutional religiousness is a mass participation in religious practices. The doctrine of Roman Catholic Church obliges the faithful to manifest their religious beliefs by participation in community acts of cult. Self-declarations concerning cult behaviour are the source of information about ritualistic character of religiousness existing in Poles’ awareness. In Polish society dominates a type of Catholic called ‘Sunday Catholic’ and a number of Catholics described by Janusz Mariański as ‘Easter-Christmas Catholic’ (according to

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Gabriel Le Bras, they are ‘seasonal Catholics’) have an upward tendency, particularly among young people. Janusz Mariański believes that religiousness in this group is determined by the pressure of the environment (Mariański 2000, p.  467n). However, it seems that lower pressure of the environment in terms of religious practices does not necessarily mean that one makes an attempt at substituting traditional practices with online ones. Practices that involve high level of intimacy such as e-confession, pilgrimage online, masses and church services on the Internet or e-chaplaincy are particularly criticized by students. The approval was the most often expressed of Internet retreat and preaching, and online parish community. The dimension of religious community is also called institutional parameter as it is directly connected with a religious organization that is institutionalized. From the methodological point of view, community parameter might be considered as a mental-emotional and behavioural bond with the religious structure and congregation. A touchstone of an institutional parameter is the involvement of individuals that identify themselves with the community with certain activities that aim at maintaining intra-group solidarity and integration. The microstructure of the local Church is a parish. Therefore, any individuals’ activities for the benefit of the parish and local religious community might be treated as an element of institutional religiousness. The fact that respondents indicated online parish community proves that the Internet does not form online community, but only enhances traditional direct bonds and engagement connected with the parish community.

Summary The measure of attitude towards the use of the Internet to develop one’s religious life, even along with classic dimensions of religiousness, is not a perfect touchstone to identify e-religiousness. It merely reveals elements of religiousness supported by the Internet, but rooted in Catholic tradition. Factors analogous to those dominating in the Western countries are the key to religious change among young Poles. It seems that forecast about e-religiousness should take into account a new language of religion and new areas of its influence and transition to a greater extent than the process of substitution. Poles, above all young people, contribute to the transformation of existing religious patterns, by finding innovative forms of expression for individual religious experiences. The phenomenon of alternative forms of religiousness does not lead to a complete rejection of religious institution, but to finding or creating more individual ways of supplementing it. To sum up, it should be stressed that declarations make it possible to outline descriptive pictures of e-religiousness. High correlation of

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categories ‘very religious’ and ‘religious’ with a high percentage of declarations of ritualistic practices and the use of the Internet for religious purposes suggests that Internet functions in collective consciousness as a communication channel, but is not the space for expression of religiousness. Complementary analysis of those issues requires detailed theoretical and empirical research. Issues investigated in the survey were of necessity schematic and aimed at outlining the problem on the basis of fundamental indicators.

References Goban-Klas, T. Media and mass communication [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa, 2006. Helland, Ch. (2005). Online Religion as Lived Religion. Methodological Issues in the Study of Religious Participation on the Internet, Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet, No. 1 (1) “Special Issue on Theory and Methodology”, pp. 1–16. Mariański, J. “Religious observances in sociological research”, in: Church and poles’ religiousness 1945–1999 [in Polish], ed. W. Zdaniewicz, T. Zembrzuski, ISKK, Pallotinum, Warszawa – Poznań, 331–334, 2000. McQuail, D. Mass communication theory [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Kraków, 2007. Siuda, P. (2006), “Virtual communities: on feeling of community in network society”, in: Faces of internet. Internet in the communication sphere of the XXI century [in Polish], ed. M. Sokołowski, Wydawnictwo Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej, Elbląg. Wiśniewski, R., Zaborski M., Zarzecki M. (2010), An election campaign. Image, marketing, debate, [in Polish], InforExpert, Warszawa.

Group identity. Public trust. Passion

Andrzej Ochocki

Nation and values Abstract: The analysis of the attitudes of academic youth towards social values in four subsequent surveys over a period of thirty years has sufficiently demonstrated the universal internalization of values that define man as possessing an inalienable dignity and freedom by which to make choices. This was confirmed by the proportion of students who positioned the saving of human life and the defense of freedom both first and second, respectively, at the top of the hierarchy of social values. The differing conditions of social life of subsequent generations did not modify the position of human life and human freedom in the hierarchy of social values.Although the hierarchy of national values for the entire community of Poles, as determined on the basis of students’ opinions, underwent modifications in subsequent generations, freedom, patriotism and religion always remained top. Keywords: youths, nation, values

Introduction The sense of national belonging, attachment to the homeland and patriotism are important factors in constituting the personal and social identity of a human being. The concepts of nation and homeland have a close semantic link [cf. John Paul II 2005: 74]. The nation is a community of people with a determined sense of ethnic and national identity, a solidarity of origin and with a distinctive language and culture. Homeland, on the other hand, “is a specific and content-rich conglomerate of the national community, its culture, old times and history, ethos, religiosity and a territory as the space of existence of the nation” [Skorowski 2006: 139]. Patriotism refers to both of these entities and requires solidarity with compatriots, respect for the history of the nation and the affirmation of cultural values that characterize the national community. The discussed sociological research on the academic youth also addresses these issues in three questions on: the sense of pride of the Polish nation, the values important for the Polish nation and the values worth risking one’s life. The analysis conducted in order to find the change tendencies in the declared attitudes of academic youth towards national and social values studied selected indicators assessed on the basis of surveys conducted in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. Thus, the research focused on four generations of young Poles.

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Tab. 1:  Declaration of pride in being a Pole among students in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC   Year of survey 1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Category of response Total Yes 100.0 50.6 100.0 73.0 100.0 75.3 100.0 75.2

No 8.9 6.9 5.7 7.1

Hard to say 36.6 19.1 18.0 16.1

No answer 3.9 1.0 1.0 1.6

They can be characterized as follows: – a generation born in 1970 and earlier, which grew up during the first uprising of solidarity and then in the time of developing economic, social and political crisis after the imposition of martial law (respondents in 1988), – a generation born in 1980 and earlier, which grew up in a turbulent period of systemic and economic transformation (respondents in 1998), – a generation born in 1987 and earlier, which grew up during the stabilization of the economic and social situation and development of democracy (respondents in 2005), – a generation born in 1999 and earlier, which grew up in the period of gradual improvement of living conditions and the spread of the Internet (respondents in 2017). It can be assumed that the abovementioned circumstances distinguishing successive generations could have influenced the attitudes of academic youth towards social values, including national ones. The studied variables were subjected to the correlation analysis in 2017, and the significance of stochastic relationships at the level of α = 0.05 was assessed on the basis of the χ2 test and the Cramer V coefficient.

Sense of pride in the Polish nation The sense of national pride is a subjective determinant of national identity and at the same time an axiological category concerning every person. As already mentioned, the attitude of academic youth towards their own nation was determined based on the question: “Are you proud of being Polish?” The answers to this question are presented in Tab. 1.

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A positive answer to the question about national pride indicates a well-established national identity of the person. In subsequent studies, the fraction of respondents giving such an answer was, respectively: 50.6 %, 73 %, 75.3 % and 75.2  %. It may be a more complex task to interpret the attitude of those who gave the answer “hard to say”: 36.6 %, 19.1 %, 18 % and 16.1 %. Adopting such a stance may mean that at the time of the survey the national identity of these people was still being formed, and they drifted following their impulses [cf. Archer 2013: 247]. On the other hand, answers of this type may indicate a critical attitude of the respondents towards the social situation in their homeland, which resulted in contesting its values in various social groups. This hypothesis can be justified by a growing fraction of people with a well-established national identity in the analysed period and a decreasing fraction of contestants, especially in the 1980 generation as compared to the 1970 generation. Adolescence and formation of young people during the economic, social and political crisis after the imposition of martial law probably had a negative impact on the attitudes of academic youth towards their own nation (respondents in 1988). An attempt was also made to analyze the diversity of academic youth’s attitudes towards their own nation with regard to the following characteristics (independent variables): gender, type of university, place of residence, attitude to religious belief, attitude to religious practices, the financial situation of their family. This analysis focused on the youth participating in the 2017 survey. Significant stochastic relations between the percentage of manifested attitudes and the characteristics of respondents were observed in the case of: place of residence, attitude to religious faith and attitude to religious practices. On this basis, it can be concluded that a relatively higher percentage of those declaring pride in being Polish was recorded among the residents of villages and small towns, deeply religious and practising religious faith regularly. It follows that urbanization and secularization may weaken the sense of national belonging.

National values In the survey the academic youth dealt with ten categories of values related to the Polish national community as a whole. In response to the question, the respondent was able to choose the three most important values [Tab. 2]. All the listed values  – considered important for the Polish nation  – were marked by the respondents, although the percentages of indications differed. The hierarchy of these values in subsequent generations of academic youth also changed. Considering the three out of ten most frequently indicated values, we find that:

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Year of survey

Category of response democracy dignity of the human person 20.3 17.7 30.2 29.9 34.4 33.2 26.8 34.0 30.2 50.3 53.5 57.6

freedom 58.6 38.6 34.9 31.2

26.6 46.1 36.2 41.9

religion patriotism 18.3 20.1 23.2 19.5

social justice 18.0 10.5 16.2 15.1

social equality

20.0 23.9 20.2 20.0

truth

solidarity among people 22.0 12.4 17.5 21.5

24.6 28.1 25.9 29.1

rights of man

Tab. 2:  Values important for the Polish nation in the opinion of students in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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– in 1988, respondents most often chose: religion (58.6 %), freedom (30.2 %), patriotism (26.6 %); – in 1998, respondents most often chose: freedom (50.3 %), patriotism (46.1 %), religion (38.6 %); – in 2005, respondents most often chose freedom (53.5 %), patriotism (36.2 %), religion (34.9 %); – in 2017, respondents most often chose: freedom (57.6 %), patriotism (41.9 %), dignity of the human person (34 %). The fundamental differences in the perception of national values by academic youth were observed between 1988 and 1998: in the hierarchy of the first three values, religion moved to the third place, and freedom to the first place. The premise of this change was probably the social situation related to the political transformation of the 1990s, i.e. during the period when Poland regained state sovereignty, when the generation of the youth born in 1980 and earlier grew up. In subsequent generations of academic youth taking part in the surveys in 2005 and 2017, the hierarchy of values recognized as important for the Polish nation did not undergo such significant changes. The determined frequency of choice of particular values important for the Polish nation in the opinion of students participating in the survey in 2017 did not differ significantly with regard to the characteristics of the respondents in the majority of the examined stochastic relationships. However, it is worth emphasizing that: – democracy was relatively more often indicated by persons contesting religious faith (36 %), – the dignity of the human person was relatively more often indicated by women (38.5 %) and the deeply religious (49.5 %), – freedom was more often indicated by residents of small towns (68.5 %), – religion was more often indicated by people living in the country (40.2 %), deep believers (54.8 %) and those systematically practising (48.8 %), – patriotism was relatively more often indicated by men (50.5 %), believers and practitioners (49.3 %), – social justice was relatively more often indicated by practitioners (25.5 %), – social equality was relatively more often indicated by women (17.2 %), – truth was indicated by 17 % to 26 % respondents, – intergenerational solidarity was relatively more often indicated by people contesting religious faith and non-practising (27.9 % and 32.1 %), – human rights were relatively more often indicated by women (33.4 %), nonbelievers (46.9 %), and those rarely practising (35.7 %).

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The analysis of the stochastic relations of academic youth attitudes towards national values with regard to socio-demographic characteristics of respondents showed that these attitudes were most often differentiated by two variables:  attitudes towards religious beliefs and religious practices, and they concerned democracy, human dignity, religion, patriotism, social justice, intergenerational solidarity and human rights.

Social values The question about social values, which in the opinion of students are worth risking one’s life, can provide the basis for the identification of students who have internalized these values. These are the students who gave a positive answer to this question [Tab. 3]. With regard to all the generations of students, the rates of internalization of individual values included in the research locate the following values in the first three places, with one exception: – saving human life:  86.6  % (1988), 89.6  % (1998), 85.2  % (2005), 85.5  % (2017); – defense of freedom:  68.9  % (1988), 75.1  % (1998), 56.3  % (2005), 71.9  % (2017); – defense of the homeland: 62 % (1988), 62.9 % (1998 - fourth place), 53.3 % (2005), 64.2 % (2017). The other values were also highly estimated, although with different and lower rates of their internalization among the surveyed students. The rates of internalization of particular values that in the student’s opinion are worth risking life for, established in the study in 2017, were significantly different in a considerable number of the examined stochastic relationships owing to the respondents’ characteristics. The internalization of a certain value was noted in relatively more cases with regard to: – peace defense: rural residents, small and medium cities (60–65 %), believers (63.9  %), those contesting religious faith (59.6  %), regular and irregular practitioners (62.9 % and 66.2 %), those assessing their financial situation as average (69.1 %), – saving human life: those assessing their financial situation as good (87.6 %) and medium (89 %), – defending religion: rural residents (46.6 %), deeply religious people (65.6 %) and regular practitioners (58.3 %),

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Year of survey

Category of response defense saving defense of defense of defense of of peace human life religion freedom one’s own beliefs 54.9 86.6 43.7 68.9 47.4 66.3 89.3 38.0 75.1 48.8 50.1 85.2 28.5 56.3 33.4 59.3 85.5 33.9 71.9 40.4 defense of social equality 22.6 28.3 24.2 31.1

defense of defense defense justice of truth of human dignity 50.0 46.3 58.6 53.0 52.0 62.3 37.4 41.3 45.5 52.5 52.5 63.1

62.0 62.9 53.3 64.2

defense of homeland

Tab. 3:  Values that in students’ opinion are worth risking one’s life for in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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– defense of freedom: irregular practitioners (78.7 %), rarely (75 %) and nonpractitioners (72.6 %), those assessing their financial status as average (78.5 %) and poor (74,1 %), – defending one’s beliefs:  those assessing their financial situation as good (41.4 %) and medium (41.9 %), – defense of social equality: women (32.8 %), non-practitioners (34.9 %), irregular practitioners (32.9  %) and rare practitioners (32.5  %), those assessing their financial status as medium (34 %) and good (31.8 %), – defense of justice:  men (59.1  %), those contesting religious faith (60.3  %), non-believers (58 %), rare practitioners (58 %), those assessing their financial status as poor (59.3 %), – defending the truth: men (56 %), rural residents (58.8 %), regular practitioners (55  %), irregular practitioners, (53.6  %) rare practitioners (53.5  %), those assessing their financial situation as good (55.5 %) and medium (54.5 %), – defense of human dignity:  rural residents (66.2  %), small town dwellers (68.5 %), big city dwellers (70.8 %), those contesting religious faith (70.6 %), non-believers (66.7  %), deeply religious respondents (65.6  %), regular practitioners (64.2 %), irregular practitioners (64.7 %) and rare practitioners (66.2 %), – defense of homeland: students of mathematics and natural sciences (65.1 %), humanities, students of social and economic sciences (62.5 %), rural residents (71.4  %), small and medium-sized town residents (70.9  % and 70  %), deep believers (69.9 %), believers (68.3 %), those contesting religious faith (69.9 %), regular practitioners (68.3 %), irregular practitioners (76.3 %), those assessing their material status as very good (63.5 %), good (65.1 %) and medium (67.5 %). The three ideals ranked in the highest position in the hierarchy of internalized social values, i.e. saving human life, defense of freedom and defense of homeland had significantly different rates with respect to: the attitude to religious faith and religious practices, place of residence and material status of the respondent. Nevertheless, the high rates of internalizing these three values among students in 2017, i.e. 85.5 %, 71.9 % and 64.2 %, respectively, confirm the fact that they are well established in the awareness of the Polish academic youth.

Conclusions The analysis of academic youth attitudes towards social values in four subsequent studies conducted over a period of thirty years demonstrates the general internalization of values defining man as a human being with inalienable dignity

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and freedom of choice [cf. Gaudium et spes:  17]. This is manifested by the proportions of students who placed saving human life and defending freedom in two leading positions in the hierarchy of values included in the research in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. In this case, the differences in the social conditions of subsequent generations did not change the position of human life and human freedom in the hierarchy of social values. The hierarchy of national values for the entire community of Poles, determined on the basis of the students’ opinions, underwent modifications in subsequent generations, but freedom, patriotism and religion were located in the three leading places, except in 2017, when religion was replaced by the dignity of the human person and religion moved to the fourth place. A significant difference in the perception of national values by academic youth was observed between 1988 and 1998, when freedom was placed in the first position. The premise of this change was probably the social situation related to the political transformation of the 1990s, that is during the period when Poland regained state sovereignty, when the generation of youth born in 1980 and earlier was growing up. The key importance in shaping the national identity is expressed by the sense of pride in belonging to a given nation. The subsequent surveys revealed that an increasing fraction of students declared the pride in being Polish and the number of respondents contesting their nationality was declining, in 2017 it was 75  % and 16  %, respectively. In the same survey 42  % of students recognized patriotism as a national value, and 64 % considered the defense of homeland as a value worth risking one’s life for. The declared attitudes towards their nation, the opinions on national values and a high degree of internalization of social values indicate a well-established national identity of a vast majority of academic youth. Similarly, the majority of students reveal ingrained patriotism. These qualities are vital for the functioning of a political community such as the state.

References Archer, M.S. Being human: the problem of agency [translated into Polish by A. Dziuban], Zakład Wydawniczy Nomos, Kraków, 2013. John Paul II. Memory and identity [in Polish], Znak, Kraków, 2005. Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, Gaudium et spes, in: Vatican Council II. Constitutions, decrees, declarations [in Polish], Pallottinum, Kraków, 2002. Skorowski, H. Nation, [in Polish], Warszawa, 2006.

Elżbieta Firlit

Prosocial orientations and trust to people Abstract: The chapter focuses on the issue of continuity and change of prosocial orientation and trust to people in the community of academic youth in Poland in the long term of 1998–2017. The basis of the analysis in the study are the results of nationwide representative empirical research carried out in four periods: 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017. The comparative analysis allows to draw a conclusion that the general tendency that is observed is the growth of moderately selfish orientation and its evident domination over pro-social orientation. Taking into account the two components of pro-social orientation – helpfulness and altruism, it can be said that over 29 years there has been a significant and continuous decrease in the tendency to help others for altruistic reasons. Through the same period of time there was a growing popularity of attitude of helping others, motivated by self-interest, expressed by expectation of a potential repayment.At the same time, continuously a much larger majority of respondents in the examined group declare trust in people rather than distrust. However, trust in other people expressed by the vast majority of students is not unconditional. It’s limited by boundary conditions – good knowledge of the trustworthy person and his credibility. The foundation for this trust has a clearly epistemological character (referring to P. Sztompka).Interpretation of changes that have occurred within the pro-social orientation and interpersonal trust among academic youth in Poland in the long-term perspective requires taking into account the conditions resulting from dynamic system changes that occurred in the analyzed period – political changes and socio-cultural changes that are related with them. Those conditions had a significant impact on the students’ socialization process and shaping their axiological orientations. Keywords: prosocial orientations, trust, academic youth, altruism, selfish orientation

Introduction The term prosociality is used both in psychology, particularly in social psychology, and in sociology. It appears relatively often in association with such terms as social attitudes, values (mainly in sociological analyses) or motivations (usually from a psychological perspective). However, the term ‘prosocial orientations’ entails a wider range of issues involving the analysis of prosociality from the angle of social attitudes, values and motives that encourage or discourage one to prosocial behaviour. Psychologists treat prosociality as a general term, within which they distinguish two more specific terms – helpfulness and altruism. In this sequence (prosociality-helpfulness-altruism) prosociality is understood as ‘actions that are not intended to benefit oneself – they are oriented at good of

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other people, society or public good (even if not a certain individual benefits from it), for example care about natural environment’ (Wojciszke 2004, p. 313). More specific psychological analyses of prosociality (prosocial behaviour) focus on description and explanation of motivation to help others, where motivation is understood as a specific psychological process which is conditioned also by social factors and which takes place within interaction between things that are personal (individual) and social (external, surrounding an individual). Looking at helpfulness as a component of prosociality, one can quote several theories of helpfulness that appear in literature:  decisive model of crisis intervention, arousal theory, theory of norms and evolution theories (compare Wojciszke 2004, pp.  313–350). It is also worth mentioning E.  Aronson’s classic findings about the reasons for ‘diffusion of responsibility’, conditions of helping versus not helping a man who is in a critical situation (see Aronson 2006, pp. 52–60). In the studies from recent years, there are interesting analyses of prosocial motivation concerning volunteer work, which is a popular form of prosocial behavior in the contemporary world (see among others Pinder 1998; Pulińska 2012). In those studies, an attempt was made at description of a ‘synthetic model’ of prosocial motivations (see Kroplewski et al. 2015). Sociological analyses of prosociality, made as often as by psychologists, focus on – as mentioned above – the problem of attitudes and values that make one behave prosocially. Sociologists take into account motivation factors as one of the variables explaining prosocial orientations of an individual versus their egoistic orientations, but they also pay attention to the social and cultural context in which through the process of socialization and education social attitudes of people and their axionormative systems are shaped. In many sociological analyses, influence of dominant ideologies on social creation of people’s life orientations, including prosocial orientations, is also taken into consideration. In literature, prosocial orientation is perceived as one of four types of moral orientations. Krzysztof Kiciński refers to considerable classic achievements and authority of Maria Osowska and claims that a main idea behind prosocial behavior might be expressed by the statement ‘respect other people, take into account their good’. In social practice, that orientation might be visible in on the one hand, readiness to accept specific norms e.g. norms that demand respect for someone’s life and property, help other people, common kindliness or refraining from egoistic behavior’. On the other hand, tendency to justify norms by highlighting the necessity to take into account the good of other people. That orientation  – if you look at it from the angle of its social function  – not only makes morality become so-called grease that reduces friction between people, but also transforms it into a fundamental element of social ties (Kiciński 1983,

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p. 98; see also Kiciński 2002, pp. 369–402). Prosocial orientation is in a varied way connected with other types of moral orientations – dignity, reciprocity and rigorous orientation, whereas each of them ‘has some fundamental features that differentiate it from others’ (Kiciński 1983, p. 101). Opposition between prosocial orientation and egoistic orientation (also called egocentric) is sometimes associated in the sociological analyses with the opposition between feeling of community (collectivism) and individualism, values connected with common good and values concerning one’s individual good (particular good). Prosocial orientation is connected with trust. Piotr Sztompka, who developed the sociological theory of trust, explicitly claims that general trust is a natural component of prosocial orientation along with such elements as ‘high aspirations, activism, optimism, orientation towards future, affirmation of success’ (Sztompka 2002, p. 320). Trust to other person, in sociological terminology called interpersonal trust, is the most fundamental, paradigmatic kind of trust, while all other types (social trust, public trust, institutional trust) are only reflection of it. Due to increasing complexity of modern societies, their instability and common presence of risk trust becomes more and more an important factor that reduces uncertainty of a daily life in the contemporary world. A. Giddens highlights the necessity of trust in the late modern societies, in which abstract systems are based on trust. However, he also adds that it is a different kind of trust than the one that arises from interpersonal bonds, because it is impossible to derive from them moral benefits which can be drawn from interpersonal relations or which were provided by traditional systems in which daily life was constrained by moral aspects’ (Giddens 2002, p. 187). Trust to other people is connected with a positive conviction about people and expression of that conviction (belief) in one’s behavior, in making interaction. Sztompka describes trust metaphorically as ‘a bet about uncertain future behavior of other people’, as ‘a specific human bridge to the uncertain future world, in which main role is played by other people’ (Sztompka 2007, pp. 69, 72). A reflection of trust is mistrust, which is connected with negative predictions about other people and their potential behavior. Mistrust entails resignation from making an interaction, avoiding action and taking defensive behavior against people one does not trust. Between trust and mistrust there is some kind of ‘agnosticism in terms of trust’ (Ullmann-Margalit 2004. p. 61; cit. for Sztompka 2007, p. 73), which in P. Sztompka’s theory is referred to as ‘lack of trust’ or ‘suspension of trust’, understood as ‘neutral situation, when one refrains from both showing trust or mistrust’ (Sztompka 2007, p. 73). Trust to people, helping other people, taking into account other people’s point of view in one’s action or mistrust, distancing oneself from other people and

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focusing on one’s own issues, ‘minding only one’s own business’ are the issues that were included in four editions of all-Poland survey ‘Young People and Values’, which began already in the second half of the 80s as one of the research topics of the then Central Programme of Basic Research (Polish: Centralny Program Badań Podstawowych- CPBP). The first edition of the survey was conducted by The Sociology of Religion Department (Polish:  Zakład Socjologii ReligiiSAC, now ISKK) run by Rev. Prof. Witold Zdaniewicz in collaboration with the then Institute of Youth Problem Research (Polish:  Instytut Badan Problemów Młodzieży)1. In the given chapter results obtained nearly 30 years ago were compared with those from the next editions of the survey (1998, 2005 i 2017). The results of the survey conducted in 2017 were discussed in detail.

Prosociality or egocentrism of students The survey takes into account only some indicators of prosocial and egocentric orientation. They were formulated in two closed questions with disjunctive answers. The first one concerns choice of behavior in the situation when there is a conflict between one’s own interest and the interest of other people (full question: ‘A man often finds himself in a situation, when his own interest is in conflict with the interest of other people. How do you think one should behave in such situations?’). In the surveys conducted in 1998, 2005 and 2017, a respondent could choose one of the following answers: 1. ‘You should take into account above all other people’s interest. 2. Other people’s interests are important, but you should not ignore your own interest.

1 One of the thematic groups in all-Poland (Polish: CPBP) ‘Regional development – local development – local authority’ (coordinator Prof. Antoni Kukliński University of Warsaw-Polish: UW) was ‘Political Awareness of Young People and its Determinants’ run by Prof. Jan Bogusz Institute of Research of Youth’s Problems- Polish: Instytut Badań Problemów Młodzieży). As a part of it a project ‘Values and Young People’ was realized in the Department of Sociology of Religion SAC by Rev. Prof. Witold Zdaniewicz. Witold Zdaniewicz, Elżbieta Firlit, Władysław Piwowarski, Janusz Mariański participated in the preliminary conceptuality of the project and preparation of methods and research tool. The analysis of some of the results of the survey was published in 1991 in the book by W. Zdaniewicz and J Mariański, which also included the study by W. Piwowarski ‘Polish Young People’s Religious and Moral Values’ (see Mariański, Zdaniewicz 1991).

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3. Although it is quite natural to care mainly about your own interest, you should take into account other people’s interest if it is possible. 4. It is better to be guided by your own interest rather than pretend before oneself and other people that you can behave differently 5. Hard to say’. However, in the first edition of this survey (1988), there was one more optional answer: ‘you should look for a solution in between your own interest and someone else’s interest’ and in the second of the categories of answers mentioned, instead of ‘important’ the phrase ‘more important’ (see Mariański, Zdaniewicz 1991, p. 246) was used, which undoubtedly slightly changes the meaning of the statement. Those modifications within the answers should be taken into consideration in the comparative analysis of the results obtained in the next surveys. The results from the first edition of the survey (1988) should be paid attention to in the present analysis for a number of reasons. The survey was conducted in a specific time in history, among young people who more or less consciously experienced the conditions of martial law and lived in the society of the 80s of the past century, when conflict of interests was expressed more or less explicitly nearly every day. It was the society in which symptoms of inevitable change of the political system were visible. Interestingly, respondents relatively most frequently chose a compromise option (42,6  %) of possible answers concerning behavior in case of a conflict of interest, which indicated the need to achieve a conciliation solution of the conflict. Looking back on it some years later and from the perspective of a conscious life in that period, in those circles of university students, although students of Polish universities were greatly involved in a political dispute (fighting on both sides) by choosing a compromise option to this question relatively often, they seemed to express the eagerness to live in a considerably less confrontational reality than the one they had to live in at the end of the 80s of the past century. The second most popular answer is a statement which also suggests readiness to compromise between one’s own interest and the interest of other people, where concern for one’s own issues dominates: ‘Although it is quite natural to care mainly about your own interest, you should take into account other people’s interest if it is possible.’ It was selected in 1988 by 32,3 % of students.2 A considerably lower percentage of respondents, that is 10,3 %, chose 2 In 1988, a representative sample consisted of students of the second and fourth year of studies from forty faculties from universities in Warsaw. Those cities represent all academic centers in Poland at that time. The detailed description of the sample see. Mariański, Zdaniewicz 1991, pp. 26–27.

Other people’s interest important, but you should not ignore your own interest 10,3 36,1 37,1 37,5 42,6 b.d. b.d. b.d.

You should look for a solution between your own interest and other people’s interest

It’s quite natural to mainly about your own interest, but you should take into account other people interest if possible 32,3 49,5 48,9 46,7 5,4 5,4 3,3 5,0

4,3 5,2 6,0 6,4

3,7 1,9 2,3 2,3

It’s better to be Hard to No guided by your say answer own interest than prebend that you can behave differently

* Such an answer appeared only in the first survey in 1988. ** In the survey in 1988 the answer is: ‘Other people’s interests are more important, buy you should not ignore your own interest’.

Answer Total You should take into account above all other people’s interest 1988 (N=350) 100,0 1,4 1998 (N=523) 100,0 1,9 2005 (N=1086) 100,0 2,4 2017 (N=794) 100,0 2,0

Year

Tab. 1:  Behaviors preferred by students in the situation of conflict between one’s own interest and the interest of other people – data from surveys 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

198 Elżbieta Firlit

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an answer in which the interest of other people is the most important, although weakened by the added passage: ‘but you should not ignore your own interest’. Extremely opposite options were selected by a small percentage of students  – preference of ‘the interest of other people’ 1,4 %, while ‘guided by only one’s own interest’ in settling a dispute or conflict 5,4 %. The comparison of those extreme answers shows that egocentric orientation considerably dominates over prosocial one among students from the end of the 1980s. However, the frequency of other answers weakens the meaning of this statement and indicates that there is polarization within both prosocial and egoistic orientation. In the next editions of the survey (1998, 2005 and 2017) the same question was used and thus similarities and differences between the obtained results might be investigated. Over nearly 20 years, the answer suggesting preference of one’s own interest and taking into account other people’s interest only ‘if it is possible’ has dominated (results: 49,5 %, 48,9 % and 46,7 %). The difference of less than 3 % between the results in 2017 and 1998 suggests that egocentric orientation has only slightly reduced among current students. In comparison with that dominant orientation students significantly less often (difference between 10 % and 13 %) reported that ‘the interest of other people’ was important for them – in three editions of the survey such an answer was chosen by nearly the same percentage of respondents: 36,1 %,, 37,1 % and 37,5 %. In general, the proportion between prosocial and egoistic orientation is relatively very stable, but the last mentioned orientation dominated. How might this specific stability of students’ convictions be explained? Is it a result of socialization that took place in uncertain conditions of system transformation, when it was necessary to take care mainly of one’s own interest? As regards many communities and social groups, whose material status declined considerably due to economic transformation in the 90s of the past century (e.g. heavy-industry workers from reorganized and closed down work places), concern about one’s own interest was a necessity for existential reasons, including deprivation of basic needs. Simultaneously, those social categories who became successful, thanks to privatization (‘winners of Polish transformation’), very often succumbed to the charm of values of neoliberal trends promoting focus on one’s own interest, striving for one’s own success without care about the needs of other people. It seems justifiable to say that it was a social, political, cultural and economic context in which young people under study grew up, as well as a neoliberal discourse with individualistic orientation promoted by media and prominent opinion formers that contributed to shaping such life orientations in which significantly egocentric orientation preferring ‘one’s own interest’ dominates over the prosocial one oriented at ‘the interest of

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Tab. 2:  Students’ preferred opinions about helping one’s neighbor – data from the survey in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total It is OK. if you count only on yourself

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0

It is a good Hard to idea to help say other people even if you don’t benefit yourself 71,4 4,6

No answer

4,3

It is a good idea to help other people, because you can count on their help in return 16,9

100,0

6,1

20,3

69,4

3,4

0,8

100,0

4,8

25,7

63,9

2,7

2,9

100,0

4,9

31,1

55,8

6,4

2,8

2,9

other people’. That trend towards egoism and egocentrism has been at nearly the same level in three editions of the survey over 19 years. Respondents were also asked another question concerning prosocial versus egoistic orientation. It was formed in all four editions of the survey as follows: There are various opinions about helping your neighbor. Which of the opinions below do you find the most suitable for you? 1. It is OK if you count only on yourself. 2. It is a good idea to help other people, because you can count on their help in return. 3. It is a good idea to help other people even if you don’t benefit yourself. 4. Hard to say.’ Interpretation of the results should take into account the fact that the way respondents understand the term ‘your neighbour’ (Polish: bliźni) might have changed over almost 30 years. Students comparatively most often chose the answer suggesting disinterestedness while helping others and altruism, which in literature is understood as ‘a specific kind of helpful behavior that does not benefit a helper or even does him/ her harm’ (Wojciszke 2004, p. 313). That relatively the most popular choice of

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helping other people for altruistic reasons appeared in all editions of the survey, but – and that is a significant trend – between 1988 and 2017 that attitude significantly deteriorated. The data from Tab. 1 show a significant and consistent drop in altruistic behaviors among students in consecutive decades of the system transformation in Poland – the difference between the data from 1988 and 2017 is as much as 15,6 percentage point. Simultaneously, to nearly the same extent, there was an increase in frequency of answers that it was a good idea to help other people, but only because of the expected return of a favour (‘you can count on someone’s help in return’) – the difference between extreme periods of the survey is 14,2 percentage point. That significant decrease of altruism and simultaneous increase of self-interested help to other people fit together into a uniform whole indicating a downward trend of prosocial orientation among university students over last 29 years. University students under study seem to be firmly convinced as they largely did not hesitate which option to choose- there was a relatively small percentage of respondents who chose the answer ‘hard to say’. Do students opinions about helping your neighbour vary according to demographic and social factors? In the current chapter, the analysis concerns only the results from the survey from 2017. The analysis of the results from previous editions was published previously3. Tab. 2 shows that in comparison with students who took part in previous editions of the survey, respondents in 2017 are less eager to behave altruistically, but more self-interested and calculating while helping other people. However, the very results from 2017 indicate that as a whole respondents considerably preferred altruism (55,8  %) over self-interested attitude to helping other people with calculation of potential return of a favour (31,1 %). It is a significant difference by 24 percentage points. The frequency of answers indicating definitely prosocial orientation or moderately egoistic orientation varies across various categories of students. Definitely prosocial orientation is relatively the most popular among respondents who declare being very religious (65,6 %), participate regularly in religious practices (64,2 %), are inhabitants of small cities up to 50 000 citizens (60 %), women (60,4 %) or atheists (60,5  %). Self-interested attitude towards helping other people, which suggests moderately egoistic orientation, is relatively the most frequent among students who take part in religious practices irregularly (38,2 %), declare being indecisive about religion (36,8 %) and are men (34,3 %). Interestingly, that orientation is almost as popular among students who come from the country (33,8 %)

3 The analysis of the results from 1988 – see Mariański 1991, pp. 109–152; the results from 1998 – see Zaręba 2003; the results from 2005 – see Zaręba 2008.

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as among those who are from big cities with the number of citizens over 500 000 (33,3 %). The last result leaves an important, but unanswered, question about the reason for such unification of opinions among young people coming from diametrically opposite social and cultural environments. Generally speaking, students’ opinions about helping one’s neighbor vary depending on sex and global attitude to religion and frequency of religious practices. Women more often than men (difference by 10 percentage points) are inclined to behave altruistically, while men slightly more often than women (difference by 5 percentage points) are self-interested while helping others and count on something in return. Students who declare being very religious considerably more often than other students approve of selfless and altruistic help to other people. It also applies to respondents who practice their faith regularly. Such a result confirms the hypothesis about a positive correlation between inclination to altruistic behaviours, which are a component of definitely prosocial orientation and a deep faith and regular religious practices.

Trust and mistrust Respondents were asked only one question relating to trust. There were more possible answers in 1988 and 1998 than in subsequent editions of the survey. That is why comparative analysis is divided into 1988 and 1998 separately with 2005 and 2017. In the first two editions of the survey the question ‘What do you think of showing people trust?’ included four categories of answers: 1. You should trust every man until he/she betrays your trust. 2. You can trust only someone you know well. 3. You should not trust other people. You can trust only yourself. 4. Hard to say. However, in the next two editions the answers were as follows: ‘1.  You can trust only a person you know well and who has never betrayed your trust. 2.  You shouldn’t trust other people. You can trust only yourself. 3.  Hard to say.’ What all editions of the survey have in common is the category of answer suggesting mistrust and the category ‘hard to say’ which indicates ambivalence or reluctance to give an answer. It is worth noticing that the question refers to trust exclusively in relation to other people. Sztompka believes that in such a case ‘trust might be treated as reflected credibility of other people seen through

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the eyes of the subject who shows trust and if so the basis of trust is epistemological by nature:  it consists in certain knowledge and information about the other party. This kind of knowledge might be true or false, correct or incorrect. The more information you have about the other party and the more varied it is, the higher probability that you placed your trust in a right person. Without such knowledge trust is blind and the probability it is going to be betrayed is high.’ (Sztompka 2007, p. 152). Over the decade between 1988 and 1998 among students there were slight changes in the level of trust to other people – differences between frequency of individual categories of answers are approximately 2 percentage points. In both periods under study limited and selective trust to other people dominated. ‘You can trust only a person you know well’ – 49,4 % in 1988 and 52,2 % in 1998. Respondents chose the answer suggesting trust to anyone two times less often the limit of showing trust is betrayed trust and lost credibility- both in 1988 and 1998 such an opinion was expressed by approximately one fourths of all respondents. In 1988, 11,1 % of respondents declared absolute mistrust towards other people, while a decade later it was 9,4 %. It is a slight, but noticeable decrease of mistrust towards other people, which took place over the decade of dynamic and intensive system and economic transformation in Poland. That trend of decreasing mistrust towards other people remained stable among students for the following years with the result 8,8 % in 2017. The comparison of the results of the surveys conducted in 2005 and 2017 contains two options. The first one suggests trust to other people limited by the condition of ‘knowing someone well’ (knowledge about the party of the interaction), as well as by lost credibility (‘You can trust only a person you know well and who has not betrayed your trust’. It might be described as limited trust to other people. The second option indicates absolute mistrust to all people – ‘You should not trust other people. You can trust only yourself.’ The straight majority of respondents chose the first option – nearly three fourths both in 2005 and 2017. The option of limited trust was chosen over eight times more often than the one indicating absolute mistrust towards people. Such proportions proved to be stable over the last 12 years. It should be noted that there is a slight decrease in frequency of choice of both options – as regards limited trust to people it is by 3 percentage points, while in case of absolute mistrust by 0,5  percentage point. It should also be noticed that the answer ‘hard to say’ was chosen relatively often  – 15  % in 2005 and 18  % in 2017. It is significant information from the cognitive and methodological point of view: it might be regarded as a sign of students’ ambivalence about trust/mistrust towards people, but also of helplessness of a respondent obliged to choose

100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

1988 (N=350) 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

You should trust every man until he/she betrays your trust * 24,3 26,2 b.d. b.d.

You can trust only someone you know well* 49,4 52,2 73,2 70.7

You shouldn’t trust other people. You can trust only yourself. 11,1 9,4 9,3 8,8

12,0 10,9 15,1 17,9

Hard to say

* Note: in the survey in 1988 and 1998 there were four answers to choose from; statements from it were marked with an asterisk. In the survey conducted in 2005 and 2017 there were only three possible answers.

Answer Total

Year

3,1 1,3 2,4 2,4

No answer

Tab. 3:  Students’ opinions about showing trust to other people – data from the survey in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

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one of two opposite options regarding situations which in social reality are more complex and cannot come down to dichotomy. Generally speaking, the survey proved that there was a relatively low percentage of students who reported absolute mistrust towards people in 1988, but also after nearly 30 years. It also showed that there is a significant decreasing trend of this category in the period between 1988 and 2017 – absolute mistrust towards other people decreased among students by 2 percentage points. Do answers to this question in the survey from 2017 vary according to demographic and social factors? The analysis of the data presented in the table 45 shows inconsiderable diversity. Opinions are polarized to some extent by sex – men more often than women (difference by 4  percentage points) chose the option of absolute mistrust), while women more often than men selected trust (difference by 5 percentage points). Trust was slightly more often declared by students of mathematics and life sciences departments than by those of humanities and social departments. The meaning of variables concerning religiousness is not explicit and difficult to analyze. The correlations between absolute mistrust towards people and indifference to religion (14,7 %), as well as lack of participation in religious practices (14,2 %) are the only explicit relationships. Generally speaking, in all categories of students in 2017 the option of limited trust dominates several times over the choice of absolute mistrust.

Conclusions The diachronic (1988–2017) analysis of prosocial orientation and interpersonal trust among university students revealed the increase of the moderately egoistic orientation and consolidation of its advantage over prosocial orientation. It is a general tendency. Diversity is visible within the prosocial orientation itself if its two components, that is helpfulness and altruism, are taken into account. Generally speaking, altruistic motivation to help another person dominates in all four editions of the survey over self-interested motivation, which consists in expecting something in return. However, over those 29 years there was a significant consistent decrease of a tendency to help altruistically and simultaneous significant increase of helping one’s neighbor having one’s own interest in mind (expecting potential return of a favor). Much more students declared trust to other people than absolute mistrust. Such a tendency was stable over the whole surveyed period. Simultaneously, there was a slight, but consistent decrease of absolute mistrust between 1988 and 2017. Trust to other people indicated by straight majority of students is not unconditional, but explicitly limited by clearly specified boundary

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conditions – knowing well a person you place your trust in and his/her credibility, that is (referring to Sztompka), the basis of this trust is epistemological by nature. The interpretation of the changes which took place between 1988 and 2017 within prosocial orientation and interpersonal trust among university students in Poland should take into consideration factors connected with dynamic system changes characteristic of the surveyed period- system transformations, as well as social and cultural changes. They had an important influence on the socialization of students and shaping their axiological orientations.

References Aronson, E. Social animal [in Polish], PWN, Warszawa, 2006. Giddens, A. Modernity and self-identity. Self and society in the late modern age [in Polish], PWN, Warszawa, 2002. Kiciński, K. Social determinants of moral orientations [in Polish], Etyka, No. 20: 95–121), 1983. Kiciński, K. “Moral orientations of Polish society”, in: Moral condition of Polish society [in Polish], ed. J. Mariański, Wyd. WAM, Komitet Socjologii PAN, Kraków, 369–403, 2002. Kroplewski, Z. et al. Synthetic model of prosocial motivations – an example of volunteering [in Polish], Psychologia Wychowawcza, No. 7: 45–61, 2015. Mariański, J. “Prosocial and egoistic values”, in: Religious and moral values of young poles (report from all-Poland survey) [in Polish], ed. J. Mariański, W. Zdaniewicz, Pallotinum, Warszawa, 1991. Pinder, C.C. (1998), Work motivation in organizational behavior, Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, New York, 1998. Pulińska, U. Psychosocial determinants of volunteering [in Polish], in: Warmińsko-Mazurski Kwartalnik Naukowy, Nauki Społeczne, No. 2: 23–40, 2012. Sztompka, P. Sociology. The analysis of society [in Polish], Znak, Kraków, 2002. Sztompka, P. Trust. The basis of society [in Polish], Znak, Kraków, 2007. Ullmann-Margalit, E. Trust, distrust and in between, in: Distrust, ed. R. Hardin, Rusell Sage Foundation, New York, 60–82, 2004. Wojciszke, B. Person among people. An outline of social psychology [in Polish], Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa, 2004.

Prosocial orientations and trust to people

Zaręba, S.H. The dynamics of religious and moral awareness of young people during system changes in Poland (1988–1998) [in Polish], Zakład Wydawnictw Statystycznych, ISKK SAC, Warszawa, 2003. Zaręba, S.H. Towards what religiousness? A study of Polish young people’s catholicism [in Polish], Zakład Wydawnictw Statystycznych, ISKK SAC, Warszawa, 2008.

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Marcin Choczyński and Agata Rozalska

University students’ self-declarations of interests and learning progress – Dynamics of phenomenon Abstract: The subjects of this study are the attitudes and opinions of students on cognitive interests and their progress in learning. The described data come from the analysis of statistical distributions obtained in the national sociological survey of 2017. The results were compared with data from previous editions of the study – from 1988, 1998 and 2005. It is worth noting that the interests of students study globally on similar values, such as music, literature and sport. On the other hand, the visits to the theater are the least popular. Regarding self-declaration of progress in science, young people most often attribute themselves to getting good grades and then very good grades. The data obtained in the study are an interesting supplement to other nationwide research, because they show the cognitive aspirations and sensitivity of young people to the surrounding phenomena. Keywords: interests, grades, student youth

It is a cliché to say that young people’s interests are important and that they have an influence on shaping their behavior in social situations. Such a conclusion can also be drawn from the results of all-Poland sociological survey ‘Young People and Values’ conducted in May and June 2017. The obtained data prove to be the continuation of research problems from the previous years (1988, 1998 and 2005). One of the most distinctive features of young people is their tendency towards developing their interests, that is specific human desires strongly associated with cultural legacy. Engagement in specific school subjects, which are formally assessed, is an example of development of cognitive interests of young people. Opinions on students’ marks were also reflected in the research process.

Interests as cognitive curiosity and cultural desires Young people’s interests not only encompass all fields of science (from humanities to science and life sciences), but they also go beyond rational view of the world, reflecting interest in fantasy and other forms that are alternative to the direct reality (e.g. meditation). What plays a vital role is also pop culture such as music and films or high culture and art. Furthermore, young age is the time of rapid personal development, when cognitive and social competences are

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Other

41.1

Theatre

17.8

Cinema

54.7

literature

57.7

Sport

66.5

Music

74.8 0

10 Music

20 Sport

30 literature

40

50 Cinema

60 Theatre

70

80

Other

Diagram 1:  University students’ interests in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

developed. Young people are mainly driven by interests, which determine their curiosity and passion, and make their life useful, interesting and absorbing (compare Buczek et al., 2009, p. 7). Interests from youthful years become later in adult life a link between ideals and desires, which are a significant component of self-identification also in terms of one’s taste or preferences. Interests become apparent from the very beginning of an aware human life, constituting an important feature of both children and adults. What is important, childhood interests and those at a young age may have an influence on one’s life, making one follow a certain education path and choose career that is passion at the same time. From this point of view, interests are the basis of emotional satisfaction of adults and have an impact on one’s intellectual development and successful career. Moreover, they contribute to human wellbeing and good mental health (compare Gurycka, 1998, p. 1076).

University students’ declarations about interests The questionnaire of all-Poland sociological survey conducted by academic workers of the Department of Sociology of Religion and Institute for Catholic Church Statistics SAC in 2017 contained questions about university students’ interests. Answers obtained in the research process not only create a structure of students’ interests, but also show dynamics of changes.

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211

Tab. 1:  University students’ interest in music in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answers Total

Chose interest

1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0

78,8 81,0 74,8

Didn’t choose interest 21,2 19,0 25,2

Although this type of all-Poland survey of school and university students’ attitudes and values was already conducted in 1988, it was only in its second edition carried out 10  years later in 1998 that questions about interests were included in the research tool. Distribution of the results from the latest edition from 2017 is presented in the diagram above. Values do not add up, because respondents could choose more than one answer. The highest percentage of university students (74,8 %) indicated that music is their interest. Within this group, this answer was slightly more often chosen by women (76,8  %) than by men (73,8  %). Moreover, music was reported to the greatest extent by residents of cities between 50 and 100 000 residents- 83,8 %.The unquestionable popularity of music seems to prove that participation in institutionalized forms of culture is close to end, since more and more often culture is consumed in the privacy of one’s home. Although participation in music culture does not only take place outside cultural institutions and does not exclude outings and spending time together by young people, it is still a specific kind of interest, which one can secure oneself. One can pursue his or her interest in music not only by taking part in organized events or concerts, but also at home. Global digitalization of music enables one to experience it freely at any time and in any place. It comes as no surprise that music comes first in all editions of survey among school and university students. As the comparative table shows below, in 1998 as much as 78,8 % of all respondents reported that they are interested in music. In 2005, in the following edition of the survey it was 81 %. Despite the fact that in 2017 a downward trend was noted in comparison with previous years, music is still an unquestionable leader as regards students’ interests. These results offer evidence for certain stability and vital role of music in shaping personality of young people. Music as a form of expression enables one to find his or her ideals and values, which are attributed to the given kind of music, subcultures or social movements treating certain kinds of music as their symbols.

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Tab. 2:  University students’ interest in theatre in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total

Chose interest

Didn’t choose interest

1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086)

100,0 100,0

19,7 15,0

80,3 85,0

2017 (N=794)

100,0

17,8

82,2

Respondents’ low interest in theatre (17,8 % of all answers) seems to confirm the trend connected with scarce participation in institutionalized culture. It is the least popular answer of all. Not much has changed in that respect in comparison with 1988, when 19,7 % of respondents indicated theatre or with 2005 with 15 % score, which is presented in the table below. In 2017, interest in theatre was definitely more often indicated by women (21,2 %) than by men (12,8 %). It might be caused by, among others, limited access to various kinds of institutionalized culture, including theatre. Majority of such institutions are located in big cities. Significant differences in declarations about interest in theatre are connected with this aspect. Of those who took part in the survey, only 13,2  % residents of the country indicated theatre as their interest. To compare, 22,6  % residents of cities between 250  000 and 500  000 inhabitants reported the same. Two kinds of extreme results of the survey are presented above (music and theatre). Interestingly, the most frequently chosen answer is connected with popular culture (music), while the least common one is associated with elite culture (theatre). Within descriptions of music the most popular ones were such kinds as: rock, alternative music, electronic music, hip hop, rap, disco polo, but, what is interesting, also classical music and jazz, which belong to rather elite, not commercial genres. The second most popular answer regarding the whole sample of respondents was sport (66,5  %). More men (69,9  %) than women (65,7  %) indicated so. Similarly, in the previous years, sport was one of the top answers. In 1998, 59,3 % respondents indicated that sport was their interest, while in 2005 it was already 61,2 %. These figures are shown in the comparative table below. There is no easy explanation for the fact that interest in sport is constantly on the rise. On the one hand, sport plays a crucial role in shaping one’s identity: it

University students’ self-declarations

213

Tab. 3:  University students’ interest in sport in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total

Chose interest

1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0

59,3 61,2 66,5

Didn’t choose interest 40,7 38,8 33,5

enables one not only to find oneself, but also stand out from society by, for example, being a part of positive self-development pattern. On the other hand, doing sport is a way not only to take care of one’s health, but also of one’s appearance. At present, good figure is associated with penchant for sport and intentional effort driven by culture. It also requires many years of care and sacrifice. Furthermore, it is a desire to have a total control over one’s body and strive for perfection. And thus, interest in sport manifests itself mainly in an active manner that is by someone doing sport. However, the passive aspect of sport seems to be equally important- fans are not only interested in supporting certain teams or individual sportsmen, but they also wish to share their knowledge about sport, which they improve as real fiends. Interest in literature took third place in the survey- it was reported by 57,7 % of all respondents. Results concerning this interest proved to fluctuate considerably. Much more women (62,8 %) than men (51,1 %) read books. Moreover, literature is more popular among people with education in humanities (60,3 %) than in mathematics and life sciences (56,3 %). Yet, the differences are not considerable. According to the obtained data, students from the country have the lowest interest in literature with the result reaching only 47,7 %. The most popular genres are:  fantasy, crime stories, romance and scientific for the general public literature. The comparison of the differences concerning interest in literature is shown below. Next numerically significant interest of the respondents was cinema with the result 54,7 %. Women slightly more often reported that they are interested in films- 56,2 %, while as regards men it was 53,7 %. Furthermore, cinema is treated by respondents as quite a costly kind of entertainment. The fact that only 16,7  % of students with bad financial situation indicated that they are interested in cinema seems to prove that statement. Additionally, cinema is more popular among students who describe themselves as atheists (64,2  %)

214

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Tab. 4:  University students’ interest in literature in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year 1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

Answer Total 100,0 100,0 100,0

Chose interest 64,8 56,4 57,7

Didn’t choose 35,2 43,6 42,3

Tab. 5:  University students’ interest in cinema in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total

Chose answer

1998 (N=523) 2005 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794)

100,0 100,0 100,0

57,9 56,4 54,7

Didn’t choose answer 42,1 43,6 45,3

and among those from cities with over 50 000 inhabitants (60 %). The most popular kinds of films were: action, comedy, thrillers and drama. As the table below shows, the interest in cinema has been continually declining since 1988. At that time 57,9 % of respondents reported such an interest, while in 2005 it was only 56,4 %. Undoubtedly, again it is not that easy to explain why this trend holds. Obviously, one of the reasons might be a tendency to depart from participation in the institutionalized culture, which was mentioned before. What is more, at the same time there is a plenty of ways one can watch films such as Internet or even TV. Diversification of interests according to sex is presented in the diagram below. It is worth noting that of the study population men more often than women reported that they are interested in sport or selected category ‘other’. The last mentioned category proved to be extremely wide-ranging as it included such interests as cars, photography, games and travelling. The fact that there is a wide range of respondents’ interests to some extent proves that the population under study have broad cognitive horizons. Simultaneously, women selected the most often literature, music, cinema and theatre. The

215

University students’ self-declarations 90 80 70

76.8

73.8 65.7

62.8

60

56.2

51.1

50

69.6

53.7

52.4

40

34

30 21.2

20

12.8

10 0

F

M

Literature

F

M Music

F

M

Cinema

F

M

Theatre

F

M Sport

F

M other

Diagram 2:  Sex and university students’ interests in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC

subtlety of the interests mentioned above might be the cause of slightly larger number of women who selected them. It is also associated with the fact that the female behaviors focus on security and avoidance of demanding activities. Women tend to spend less time on activities that require moving and physical effort. Summary of university students’ interests in their spare time over several years is shown in the table below. It presents a general comparison of interests in the survey conducted in 1998, 2005 and 2017. However, the aspect of university students’ spare time and the way they spend it doing their hobby was highlighted. The presented data are different from those shown before due to the fact that they refer to the other research question which focused on spare time. Overall, the role of sport substantially increased  – nearly twofold in 2017 (26,2  %) in comparison with 1998 (14,3  %). However, music did not lose its dominance. Simultaneously, over the years, theatre has consistently been the least popular interest.

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Tab. 6:  Popularity of university students’ interests in their spare time in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Year

Answer Total Literature Music

1998 (N=523) 100,0 2005 100,0 (N=1086) 2017 (N=794) 100,0

23,7 14,6

24,7 29,7

Cinema Theatre Sport Other No answer 9,0 0,8 14,3 15,1 12,4 9,7 0,6 16,8 25,3 3,3

13,7

25,8

9,8

1,5

26,2

19,8

3,2

Self-declarations about marks Marking students’ performance is one of the main aims of evaluation of learning process. Measuring effectiveness of learning and acquired knowledge locates every student in his/her specific context and enables one to describe his/her characteristic features (e.g. talent/lack of talent, diligence/laziness, engagement/lack of engagement). Assessing performance makes it possible to specify student’s cognitive potential, as well as his/her developmental abilities. In this context, results of the survey ‘Young People and Values 2017’, in which school and university students reported their achievements at school and at university, seem to be interesting. In academic education, mark is of similar importance to previous educational stages, but it is more awarded as regards the stratification system (scholarship and motivational grants, occasionally employment or placement opportunities for students with top marks). Students that completed the questionnaire ‘Young People and Values 2017’ most often indicated that they had good marks (60,1 %). 19,9 % of the respondents reported that they had pass marks, which was the second most popular answer. Very good marks were indicated by 18 % of the population. The percentage of university students who described their performance as poor proved to be of marginal significance. It should be noted that in comparison with 2005 there is a larger group of students who indicated that they had very good or good marks, and a smaller group of those who reported pass marks. In 2005, 11,8 % of respondents claimed that their academic achievements are very good, while in the current survey it is already 18 % of the young people under study who stated so. This increase also refers to good academic achievements. Simultaneously, drop in pass marks from 30,4 % in 1998 to 19,9 % is also significant.

217

Very Good

University students’ self-declarations

Female

17.7

Male

18.8

Total

18

Good

Female

65.5

Male

53.4

Total

60.1 15.5

Pass

Female

26.8

Male

No answer

Poor

Total

19.9

Female

0.4

Male

0.6

Total

0.5

Female

0.9

Male

0.4 1.5

Total 0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Diagram 3:  Sex and university students’ academic achievements in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC Tab. 7:  University students’ academic achievements in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source:  Institute for Catholic Church Statistics (SAC) and Department of Religion Sociology at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw (UKSW) Year

Answer Total 100,0

1998 (N=523) 2005 100,0 (N=1086) 2017 100,0 (N=794)

Very good 14,7

Good 52,0

Pass 30,4

Poor 1,2

No answer 1,7

11,8

52,7

33,7

0,8

1,0

18,0

60,1

19,9

0,5

1,5

218

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Conclusions Taken together, the statistical data and correlations presented in the current chapter prove to be consistent with the ones obtained in the other analyses made in Poland within the space of the last several years. Undoubtedly, the similar gradation of respondents’ answers concerning individual interests (differences between male and female) should be highlighted, but also consistency in selection of the same kinds of activities, which are typical of the age category of students. Interests do not tend to have a greater influence on university students’ religiousness, since they are usually treated as escape from routine. From that point of view, interests should be considered in terms of leisure rather than of support or a polemic against important church matters or spiritual life in general. University students’ interests show tendency to treat them as escape from daily routine and above as a pleasant pastime. Simultaneously, the way students perceive their marks is quite the opposite of interests – it contains competition and ambitions confronted with real assessment of students’ performance.

References Buczek, A. et al., “Introduction”, in: University students’ research interests [in Polish], ed. A. Buczek, A. et al., Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Bezpieczeństwa, Poznań, 7–8, 2009. Gurycka, A. “Interests”, in: Encyclopedia of psychology [in Polish], ed. W. Szewczuk, ed. I, Fundacja Innowacja, Warszawa, 1076–1082, 1998.

List of figures Sławomir H. Zaręba, Marcin Zarzecki Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – Processes of fragmentation of religious life among university students Diagram 1: Structure of the sample of university young people in the survey from 2017 according to the declaration about material situation of one’s family [N=794](%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  �����������������������  17 Diagram 2: Structure of the sample of university young people in the survey from 2017 according to faculty of studies [N=794] (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ����������������  18 Andrzej Kasperek Sense of meaning in the life of university students – Between continuity and change Diagram 1: Choice of values that make one’s life meaningful in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ������������������������������������������������������������������������  42 Andrzej Górny Community and institutional dimension of religious life Chart 1: Respondents’ opinions on the essence of religion (percentage of those approving the statements submitted for evaluation). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 �����������  148 Chart 2: The importance of religious communities and institutions in determining religiosity. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������  150 Chart 3: Affiliation with religious communities and church associations. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 �����������  152 Chart 4: Declared participation in the Academic Pastoral Ministry. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 �����������  154

220

List of figures

Chart 5: Forecasts of the significance of religion and the Church in the future. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC; N = 794 ����  156 Marcin Choczyński, Agata Rozalska University students’ self-declarations of interests and learning progress – Dynamics of phenomenon Diagram 1: University students’ interests in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 210 Diagram 2: Sex and university students’ interests in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ���������������������  215 Diagram 3: Sex and university students’ academic achievements in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ���������������  217

List of tables Sławomir H. Zaręba, Marcin Zarzecki Homo consumens, homo eligens, homo creator – Processes of fragmentation of religious life among university students Tab. 1: Identification with religion in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  18 Tab. 2: Attitude to religious faith in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  19 Tab. 3: Attitude to religious practices in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  19 Wojciech Świątkiewicz Christian Decalogue: Between acceptance and marginalization Tab. 1: Decalogue: Between acceptance and rejection (in %). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  27 Tab. 2: Decalogue of “deep believers” based on “definitely binding” responses (in %). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ........  31 Andrzej Kasperek Sense of meaning in the life of university students – Between continuity and change Tab. 1: Role of religion in making one’s life meaningful in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .......  39 Tab. 2: Attitude to life and attitude to faith in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  40 Maria Sroczyńska Deligimitization of religious dimension of marital and family intimacy in students´ evaluation Tab. 1: Evaluation of sexual relation before the church wedding in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of

222

List of tables

Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .................................................................................  65 Tab. 2: Evaluation of the use of contraceptives in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .................................................................................................  66 Tab. 3: Divorce evaluation in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .................................  66 Tab. 4: Evaluation of marital infidelity in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ..........................  67 Tab. 5: Evaluation of termination of pregnancy in years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .................................................................................................  68 Tomasz Michał Korczyński Academic youth and their system of values Tab. 1: Opinions on lying in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  74 Tab. 2: Opinions on stealing in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  75 Tab. 3: Opinions on concern for preserving “clean hands” in 1988, 1998 and 2005 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ...........  75 Tab. 4: Opinions on truthfulness in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  76 Tab. 5: Opinions on obedience in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  77 Tab. 6: Opinions on humility in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  77 Tab. 7: Opinions on solidarity in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  77

List of tables

223

Tab. 8: Opinions on forgiveness of trespasses in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ...........  78 Tab. 9: Opinions on stability of beliefs in years 1988, 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  78 Tab. 10: Opinions on mercy in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  79 Tab. 11: Opinions on discretion in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  80 Tab. 12: Opinions on tolerance in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  80 Tab. 13: Opinions on adherence to rules in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .......................  81 Tab. 14: Opinions about putting one’s own benefit above all else in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................................  81 Tab. 15: Opinions on showing respect to elders in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .....  81 Tab. 16: Attitude towards corruption and socio-demographic characteristics of youth in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  82 Sławomir H. Zaręba Participation in worship as a channel of communication with the sacred in the liquid modernity project Tab. 1: Participation in mass in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  93 Tab. 2: Motivation of participation in the Holy Mass in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ...........  95

224

List of tables

Tab. 3: Participation in confession in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ................................  98 Tab. 4: Reception of the Holy Communion in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .......  99 Tab. 5: Practice of personal prayer in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  101 Wojciech Klimski Faith, beliefs and their transfigurations Tab. 1: The students’ belief in the existence of God in 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  106 Tab. 2: The belief of students that God is one in three Persons, in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .....  106 Tab. 3: Belief of students that God is the Creator of the world, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................................  107 Tab. 4: The faith of students that God is the Creator of man, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................................  107 Tab. 5: Students’ beliefs about Jesus Christ in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  108 Tab. 6: Belief of students that God became a human and died on the cross for all people, in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  109 Tab. 7: Beliefs of students that a man of a different religion than they are can be saved in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  109

List of tables

225

Tab. 8:  The faith of students that eternal reward or punishment awaits people after death in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .................................................  110 Tab. 9:  The belief of students in the existence of hell in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ...........................................................................................  111 Tab. 10: The students’ belief in the resurrection of people with soul and body for the Last Judgement in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ............................  111 Katarzyna Uklańska Faith, fear and experience of God in everyday life of university students Tab. 1: Supportive role of religion in everyday life in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%)a. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ..........  117 Tab. 2: Exclusive role of religious faith as a factor ensuring support and a sense of security in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  118 Tab. 3: Experience of a sense of closeness to God among young people in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  119 Tab. 4: Life situations which evoke the greatest fear among young people in 1988 (%)a. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................................  120 Tab. 5: Life situations which evoke the greatest fear among young people in 1998, 2005 i 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................  121

226

List of tables

Wojciech Sadłoń Students’ religiosity in their own assessment Tab. 1: Declared sources of faith of students in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  127 Tab. 2: Declared sources of the lack of faith of students in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  128 Tab. 3: Declared sources of faith of students in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  129 Tab. 4: Declared sources of the lack of faith of students in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ..........  131 Tab. 5: Assessment of the change in one’s religiosity in 2017. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  132 Tab. 6: Assessment of the change in one’s religiosity in the years 19882017 (in %). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ..........  132 Tab. 7: Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  133 Tab. 8: Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  133 Tab. 9: Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................................  134 Tab. 10: Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in the years 1988–2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .............................................................................................  134 Tab. 11: Declared “sources of faith and lack of faith” of students in 2017 by sex (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ........  137 Tab. 12: Church attendance, the impact of sermons, the influence of the clergy as a source of faith or lack of faith with respect to the place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of

List of tables

227

Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .............................................................................  138 Tab. 13: Family environment (e.g. unbelieving parents), tradition and religious education in the family as a source of faith and lack of faith with respect to the place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .............................  139 Tab. 14: Assessment of changes in one’s religiosity in 2017 by gender of students. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ......................  140 Tab. 15: Assessment of changes in one’s religiosity by place of residence in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ........  141 Tab. 16: Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in 2017 by gender of students. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .............................................................................................  142 Tab. 17: Comparison of one’s religiosity with mother’s religiosity in 2017 (%) with respect to the place of residence. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ......................................................................  143 Tab. 18: Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC .............................  144 Tab. 19: Comparison of one’s religiosity with father’s religiosity in 2017 (%) with respect to the place of residence. Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ......................................................................  145 Andrzej Górny Community and institutional dimension of religious life Tab. 1: Respondents’ opinions on the possibility of being a religious person despite not participating in the community of believers in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religions, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  151 Tab. 2: Respondents’ opinions regarding the possibility of being a religious person despite not belonging to a religious institution (institutional church) in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  151

228

List of tables

Tab. 3: Affiliation with religious communities and church associations in 1998, 2005 and 2017a (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................................  153 Tab. 4: Declared participation in the Academic Pastoral Ministry in 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................................  154 Tab. 5: Forecasted change in the importance of the role of religion and the Church in society in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  157 Tab. 6: Forecasted change in the importance of the role of religion and the Church for the authorities recorded in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion, UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ........................  157 Wojciech Świątkiewicz Moral profiles and religious affiliations of academic youth Tab. 1: Ethical profile of man and declared religious attitudes (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  164 Tab. 2: Ethical profile of a person and participation in religious practices (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................  164 Tab. 3: Sources of solving moral conflicts (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  167 Tab. 4: The most important Catholic duties (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  169 Andrzej Ochocki Nation and values Tab. 1: Declaration of pride in being a Pole among students in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................................  184 Tab. 2: Values important for the Polish nation in the opinion of students in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of

List of tables

229

Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................  186 Tab. 3: Values that in students’ opinion are worth risking one’s life for in the years 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%) Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ...............................................................................  189 Elżbieta Firlit Prosocial orientations and trust in people Tab. 1: Behaviors preferred by students in the situation of conflict between one’s own interest and the interest of other people- data from surveys 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  198 Tab. 2: Students’ preferred opinions about helping one’s neighbordata from the survey in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  200 Tab. 3: Students’ opinions about showing trust to other people- data from the survey in 1988, 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC ........................................................................  204 Marcin Choczyński, Agata Rozalska University students’ self-declarations of interests and learning progress – Dynamics of phenomenon Tab. 1: University students’ interest in music in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  211 Tab. 2: University students’ interest in theatre in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  212 Tab. 3: University students’ interest in sport in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  213 Tab. 4: University students’ interest in literature in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  214 Tab. 5: University students’ interest in cinema in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................  214

230

List of tables

Tab. 6: Popularity of university students’ interests in their spare time in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  ..............................................................................................  216 Tab. 7: University students’ academic achievements in 1998, 2005 and 2017 (%). Source: Department of Sociology of Religion of UKSW and Institute of Statistics of the Catholic Church SAC  .........  217

European Studies in Theology, Philosophy and History of Religions Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski Vol.

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Bartosz Adamczewski: Retelling the Law. Genesis, Exodus-Numbers, and Samuel-Kings as Sequential Hypertextual Reworkings of Deuteronomy. 2012.

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Jacek Grzybowski (ed.): Philosophical and Religious Sources of Modern Culture. 2012.

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Bartosz Adamczewski: Hypertextuality and Historicity in the Gospels. 2013.

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Edmund Morawiec: Intellectual Intuition in the General Metaphysics of Jacques Maritain. A Study in the History of the Methodology of Classical Metaphysics. 2013.

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Mariusz Rosik: “In Christ All Will Be Made Alive” (1 Cor 15:12-58). The Role of Old Testament Quotations in the Pauline Argumentation for the Resurrection. 2013.

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Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Mark. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2014.

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Jacek Grzybowski: Cosmological and Philosophical World of Dante Alighieri. The Divine Comedy as a Medieval Vision of the Universe. 2015.

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10 Dariusz Karłowicz: The Archparadox of Death. Martyrdom as a Philosophical Category. 2016.

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11 Monika Ożóg: Inter duas potestates: The Religious Policy of Theoderic the Great. Translated by Marcin Fijak. 2016.

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12 Marek Dobrzeniecki: The Conflicts of Modernity in Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. 2016.

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13 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Luke. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2016.

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14 Paweł Rytel-Andrianik: Manna – Bread from Heaven. Jn 6:22-59 in the Light of Ps 78:2325 and Its Interpretation in Early Jewish Sources. 2017.

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15 Jan Čížek: The Conception of Man in the Works of John Amos Comenius. 2016.

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16 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Matthew. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2017.

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17 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of John. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2018.

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18 Tomasz Stępień & Karolina Kochańczyk-Bonińska: Unknown God, Known in His Activities. 2018.

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19 Joanna Kulwicka-Kamińska: Dialogue of Scriptures. The Tatar Tefsir in the Context of Biblical and Qur’anic Interpretations. 2018.

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20 Mariusz Rosik: Church and Synagogue (30-313 AD). Parting of the Ways. 2019.

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21 Magdalena Zowczac (ed.): Catholic Religious Minorities in the Times of Transformation. Comparative Studies of Religious Culture in Poland and Ukraine. 2019.

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22 Cezary Korzec (ed.): Bible Caught in Violence. 2019.

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23 Magdalena Zowczak: The Folk Bible of Central-Eastern Europe. 2019.

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