Benjamin Disraeli Letters: 1835-1837, Volume II 9781442639713
The 334 letters in this volume cover the period from Disraeli's establishment in the Tory camp under the patronage
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Table of contents :
Contents
Illustrations
Editorial Principles and Conventions
Disraeli Chronology 1835–1837
Abbreviations in Volume Two
Chronological List of Letters 1835–1837
Letters 362–510
Letters 510–694
Appendix
Index to Volume Two
Citation preview
B E N J A M I N D I S R A E L I L E T T E R S : 1835-1837 VOLUME II Edited by J.A.W. G U N N , J O H N M A T T H E W S , D O N A L D M . S C H U R M A N A N D M.G.
WIEBE
The 334 letters i n this volume cover the period from Disraelis establishment in the Tory camp under the patronage of Lord Lyndhurst to his election to parliament i n 1837. The most important issue to which they speak is the course of Disraelis political ambitions. In 1835 the road to parliament was not yet clear, for he continued to be haunted by troubles from his past. He was beset by charges o f opportunism i n his Taunton campaign o f 1835, and the longest letters here are those to Edwards Beadon written i n justification of past conduct; Disraeli had still to learn the t r u t h of his later dictum, never explain.' Also, debts contracted many years before continued to plague h i m , as they would i n years to come. He was tempted by a variety of money-making schemes and the later correspondence makes clear just how close he came to permanent r u i n at the hands o f his creditors i n the spring of 1837. Had the fate of debtors prison materialized it is doubtful that he would ever have been eligible, i n law or i n reputation, for a parliamentary career. Disraelis eventual election for Maidstone i n the summer of 1837 marked the emergence of his formal public role. Because he set out early and was a long time in attaining his goals, one is tempted to laud his patience. But the record here suggests that it was instead a matter o f energy and endurance. This volume o f the Letters brings Disraeli to the threshold o f the Victorian era and the beginning of his career as a politician. I n late 1837 he failed i n his maiden speech, but all major successes lay ahead. J.A.W. G U N N is Professor o f Political Studies at Queens University. JOHN M A T T H E W S is Professor of English at Queens University. D O N A L D M . S C H U R M A N is Professor of History at Royal Military College, Kingston. M.G. W I E B E is Assistant Professor o f English at Queens University.
BENJAMIN DISRAELI
LETTERS: 1835-1837 Edited by J.A.W. G U N N JOHN MATTHEWS Senior Editor
D O N A L D M. S C H U R M A N M.G. W I E B E
University of Toronto Press Toronto, Buffalo, London
©University of Toronto Press 1982 Toronto Buffalo London ISBN 0-8020-5587-7
Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Disraeli, Benjamin, 1804-1881. Benjamin Disraeli letters Contents: [v. 2] 1835-1837. ISBN 0-8020-5587-7 (v. 2)
1. Disraeli, Benjamin, 1804-1881. 2. Prime ministers - Great Britain - Correspondence. 3. Great Britain - Politics and government - 1837-1901. I. Gunn, J. A. W. (John Alexander Wilson), 1937II. Title. DA564.B3A4 1982
941.081'0924
082-094169-7
The Disraeli Project has received generous funding from the Canada Council and its successor, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. This book has been published with the help of grants from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and from the Publications Fund of the University of Toronto Press.
CONTENTS
For the list of Acknowledgements and the General Introduction to the 1815-1837 Letters see Volume One.
Editorial Principles and Conventions | vii Headnote | vii Text | ix Annotations | xii Postmarks | xiii Disraeli Chronology 1835-1837 | xv Abbreviations | xvii Chronological List of Letters 1835-1837 | xxi Letters | 3 Appendices | 337 I Documents on the Publication of the Runnymede Letters | 337 II The Runnymede Letters | 339 III The Mutilated Diary, 1836-7 | 415 IV Political Notebook I | 419 V Political Notebook II | 425 Index to Volume Two | 429
ILLUSTRATIONS
The High Street, High Wycombe by E.J. Niemann | 4 1st Baron Lyndhurst by George Richmond | 23 Daniel O'Connell by 'W.S.' | 34 Bradenham Manor; the Dining Room at Bradenham Photographs by H.W. Taunt | 98 The last two pages of Letter 460 | 123 The Sykes Family (c 1837) by Daniel Maclise | 144 Daniel Maclise (1829). Self-Portrait | 162 Caroline Norton by Sir Edwin Landseer | 171 Letitia Elizabeth Landon ('L.E.L.') by Daniel Maclise | 216 Count Alfred D'Orsay (1833) by R.J. Lane | 224 Mary Anne Lewis (1829) by Rochard | 285 The Queen's visit to the City: the Guildhall Banquet on 9 November 1837 | 311 The Speech from the Throne, 20 November 1837 | 317 Benjamin Disraeli (1828) by C. Bone | 327
EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND CONVENTIONS
The governing principle of the edition is the presentation of an accurate text; editorial intervention has been kept to the minimum consistent with this aim, and with that of assisting ease of reading and clarification of meaning. The letters are presented in chronological order; each is introduced by a letter number of large type in the outside margin. Each letter consists of three parts: (a) the headnote. This presents all relevant information about the letter as a physical object; (b) the text; (c) the annotations. ADDRESSEE
The name of Disraeli's correspondent is given in the shortest form allowing for clear identification. DATE
The four elements - the name of day, number of day, month, year - are shown in that order. Square brackets enclose elements not included by Disraeli in his letter. For example, the expression 'Saturday 15 [July 1833]' indicates that Disraeli has written 'Sat. 15' and that the remaining information has been obtained from the postmark, or from references in the text to known external events or to other firmly dated letters. Any doubtful element in the date is followed by a question mark. The expression '[Saturday 15? July 1833]' indicates confidence in the month and year, but doubt about the day. Where there is doubt about any part of the date, or where a letter has been definitely assigned to a date other than the one given in previously published sources, a dating note in the Editorial Comment explains the basis on which the assignment has been made. When all elements of a date are doubtful, the question mark appears at the end, as in the expression '[July 1833?]'. In such cases the hypotheses which would suggest a month and year are presented in the Editorial Comment. Such a letter would appear within the chronological order at the end of the month or year to which it has been assigned.
Headnote
viii
PLACE OF O R I G I N
The place from which the letter is written (eg 35 Duke Street, Bradenham) appears without square brackets only when Disraeli has written this information formally in the text of his letter. The location is given in square brackets without a question mark when it is certain because the context of the letter makes it obvious; or because the postmark is clear; or because the letter is one of a close sequence of letters written from a known location. Where the probability is strong, but some doubt remains, the location is shown in square brackets with a question mark. Where there are no data to support a hypothesis, no location is given. LOCATION OF ORIGINAL AND REFERENCE N U M B E R
The location of the original manuscript and its archival reference number, if any, are given. The names of the major MS collections are given in the short form noted in the List of Abbreviations. For example, H A/I/B/34 indicates MS in the Hughenden papers, at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, which has been classified within that collection as A/i/B/34. PRINTED SOURCE
Where the original MS has not been located, a transcription from a printed source is indicated by a reference to the publication from which it has been obtained. The editors cannot, of course, vouch for the accuracy of the text in such cases. Experience has shown that it must be treated with caution, particularly if it is taken from material edited by Ralph Disraeli. COVER
For the early period, covers are usually integral with the MS of the letter. A vertical solidus in the transcription indicates a change in line. POSTMARKS
The shape is described and then each element is transcribed in order, moving from the top to the bottom, each new line being indicated by a vertical solidus. Pictorial examples of the types of postmarks in use during this period are given in a separate section of the introduction to vol I. Beside each is the way in which it would be described in the headnote. PUBLICATION HISTORY
We do not attempt to list all the works in which a letter may have been previously published. We have tried to show first publication, and in some cases subsequent reprinting in, for example, Monypenny and Buckle, or Blake. If there is no entry here, we are not aware of earlier publication.
EDITORIAL COMMENT
ix
This includes notes on the dating and on the special problems of the physical state of the MS. Where necessary, bridging notes to introduce blocks of letters, and general comments appropriate to explain circumstances in Disraeli's life, are also provided. Additions in other hands have only been transcribed when they bear upon transmission, receipt, or content. We have not corrected Disraeli's spelling and syntax and did not wish to scatter '[sic]' throughout the text, so we have added a subheading in the Editorial Comment - Sic: followed by a list of words with abnormal spelling, and variant phrases - intended to reassure the reader that these are not typographical errors on our part. See also below, under Spelling. Errors with apostrophes are so frequent that these have not been included in the Sic list. Equally, where Disraeli has omitted French accents these have not been listed; however, accents that are present and incorrect have been noted. CORRECTION
There has been no silent correction of spelling or grammar. INTERPOLATIONS
We have not indicated interpolations between lines; they are incorporated in the text as they occur. ERASURES
We have not indicated Disraeli's own corrections except in those rare cases when the rejected word indicates some significant development in the thought expressed. SQUARE BRACKETS
We have used square brackets in the text to indicate editorial additions, notably: i To expand abbreviations which may be ambiguous or obscure. ü To complete words or phrases in the interest of swift comprehension by the reader; for example, when Disraeli writes 'Xexamination' this has been rendered 4X[cross]examination'. Rarely, punctuation has also been added in square brackets in the interests of comprehensibility. iii To complete words, parts of words, or phrases which are obscure or missing as a result of damage to the MS. These are rendered in italics inside square brackets. The nature of the damage is reported in the Editorial Comment section of the headnote, and reported again in the text only in those few cases where large sections of a MS page are missing, and where, therefore, there is an abrupt break; for example: [lower half of third page missing] or [page of MS missing?] or [MS incomplete].
Text
X
CATCHWORDS
Disraeli very often uses catchwords, and they have been a great help not only in confirming the proper internal sequence of pages within a letter, but in enabling us in some cases to restore the original integrity of letters where, in some collections, a number of them have been unwittingly collated with pages mismatched. However, the duplication of catchwords in a printed text is annoying to the reader, and we have therefore silently dropped the repetition. However, where one form of the catchword is abbreviated and the other is given in full we have given the fuller version. VERTICAL SOLIDUS
The vertical solidus, when used in the body of a letter, indicates page divisions in the manuscript; when used in the headnote, or in the upper righthand superscription of the text, it indicates line divisions. The solidus is also used at the ends of letters to show the point at which Disraeli, adding a running postscript (as he often does), begins to write on the margin of a different page. That is why the solidus appears much more frequently at the ends of letters. The exact geography of the postscripts has been noted only where there is a special reason to do so. ABBREVIATIONS
Abbreviations have been left in their original form where there is no ambiguity in the context: M.P., St. (for Street), Xmas, Co. (for Company), Ld. (for Lord). Where there is ambiguity they have been expanded in square brackets. Disraeli abbreviates 'could' both as cd and cod, and 'should' as shd and shod, the final d sometimes in superscript and sometimes not. The first form, cd and shd, presents no interruption to the reader, and has been left as written, but the second, when transcribed, is often ambiguous, and this form has been expanded to co[ul]d and sho[ul]d. The superscripts have been lowered. Where Disraeli, throughout a letter, refers to someone by an initial, the name is expanded the first time it appears in each letter, eg L[yndhurst], but is left as L. on subsequent occasions. Sets of initials frequently used, ie BEL, ELB, LEL, are identified early in the sequence, but not thereafter. AMPERSAND
Disraeli's usage varies widely from the extremes of clearly written 'and', clear ampersands, and every variety of wriggle in between. All these have been transcribed as 'and'.
ADDRESSEE
Disraeli sometimes writes the name and address of the person to whom the letter is written on the lower left of the first page, and sometimes at the end of the last page. These have all been placed at the upper left at the beginning of the transcription of the text. LOCATION
Where present in Disraeli's text, the place from which a letter was written, and the date, have been standardized in format on one line at the upper right of the letter, with the line division of the original indicated by a vertical solidus. SIGNATURE
Letters signed D, D., B.D., B D have been standardized as D and BD without periods. Fuller forms of signature have been transcribed as written. [?]
A question mark in square brackets immediately follows any reading about which some doubt remains.
[...] Three dots within square brackets indicate an illegible word, or a gap in the MS. The nature of the difficulty normally will have been indicated in the Editorial Comment section of the headnote. PRINTED SOURCES
On some occasions letters which we have had to transcribe from printed sources contain obvious errors in transcription. Misreadings of proper names, notably in sales catalogues, are quite common. We have transcribed the text as it was printed, but we have placed, in square brackets, immediately following the word or phrase we think has been misread, the reading which we believe to be correct. HANDWRITING
The clarity of Disraeli's handwriting varies enormously, depending upon the identity of his correspondent and the speed with which he was writing. A formal and careful letter to the Duke of Wellington is one thing; a note dashed to his sister quite another. Perhaps the largest single problem has been posed by isolated words in letters which are otherwise quite clear, and which do not suffer from the obscurities of speed and excessive abbreviation: suddenly one encounters a word which seems quite straightforward in its calligraphy but which makes no sense. There are still a few of these left,
xi
xii
and they are followed in the text by [?]. There are many minor variations between our text and previously published versions of the same letter. Unless our reading alters the significance of the letter, we have not listed these variations in the headnote. To save postage, Disraeli, particularly in his letters from abroad, cultivated a very small hand, an expedient which poses its own problems, aggravated by pen and ink of poor quality, and porous paper, used on both sides, which permitted the ink to seep from one page to the other. See, for example, the illustration on page 158 of vol I. PUNCTUATION
Disraeli's sense of punctuation is, at best, spasmodic. When we have corrected it we have enclosed our addition in square brackets. There is one exception. Disraeli was much given to ending his sentences with a dash instead of a full stop: where the dash is clearly intended to be a full stop, and is followed by a capitalized word beginning a new sentence, we have silently inserted the full stop. ACCENTS
Disraeli's enthusiasm for foreign words and phrases outran his knowledge of them. His accents are nearly always wrong, and his spelling of foreign place names is highly original, often presenting differing versions within the one letter. We have left them as he wrote them, adding them to the Sic list where appropriate. SPELLING
We have left Disraeli's spelling as it is. Some spellings, uncommon even in his own time, he consistently uses for years, i.e. 'agréable', 'develope', others for a lifetime - champagne is always 'champaigne'. Particularly for proper names, the early spelling is likely to be phonetic, later rectified when he comes to know the correct spelling. Annotations
SOURCES
Sources cited in the annotations are given in full where the source is used no more than twice in any volume, and otherwise given in the short forms shown in the list of abbreviations. Standard, readily available reference works such as dictionaries are not, of course, cited. M A I N NOTES
The principal annotation about a person or a topic normally occurs at the first reference made by Disraeli, and is noted in boldface type in the index. Where the main note has already been given in an earlier volume, the index will provide its location. We do not give annotations to annotations or to headnotes.
INDEX
xiii
Each volume has its own index. Indexes in volumes after the first will show all references in the current volume and, if the first and principal annotation has already been given in an earlier volume, a cross-reference will be included in boldface type, giving volume and letter number. For illustrations of the most commonly used postmarks in the 1815-37 period, together with the forms used to describe them in the headnotes, see vol I.
Postmarks
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D I S R A E L I CHRONOLOGY 1835-1837
The following is a brief chronology of Benjamin Disraeli's life in his final pre-Parliamentary years. It outlines the chief phases of his development and his changing preoccupations, particularly as these are reflected in his letters. Parallel public events of importance are noted when they have impact on Disraeli's course. We note his places of residence and the locations where he spent prolonged visits, but no attempt is made to trace his day-by-day movements. DATE
RESIDENCE
1835
7 Jan Winter
gia Park Street
29 Apr 5 May May-Aug
July Aug
Aug-Dec 13-27 Sept
Richmond Bradenham
Dec
Long's Hotel
EVENTS
Third defeat at Wycombe Acting informally as confidential secretary to Lyndhurst; identifies himself as a Tory Unsuccessfully contests Taunton byelection Public quarrel with Daniel O'Connell; challenges Morgan O'Connell to a duel Engaged in extended controversy principally with Edward Cox Lyndhurst and Lady Sykes visit Bradenham Writes leading articles for The Morning Post defending the Tory Opposition in the House of Lords (22 Aug7 Sept) Periodic visits to the Sykeses' villa Lyndhurst and Lady Sykes pay second visit to Bradenham The Vindication of the English Constitution published (17 Dec)
xvi
DATE
RESIDENCE
l836
Jan-Apr 17 Mar Apr
3° Juty 5Aug Autumn i Dec Dec
1837 Jan iSJaniGFeb iGFeb
8 Down Street Piccadilly
Bradenham 8 Down Street Bradenham Gore House, Kensington
17-27 Feb 27 Feb4 Mar 4 Mar- 2 May May 20 June 27 July
Bradenham London
Aug-Oct 15 Nov
Bradenham 58 Jermyn Street
7 Dec
Bradenham 8 Down Street
EVENTS
Anonymous Tetters of Runnymede' appear in The Times Elected to the Garitón Club The Letters of Runnymede together with 'The Spirit of Whiggism' published anonymously in book form Made Justice of the Peace in Bucks Henrietta Temple published Parts from Henrietta Sykes
Staying with Count D'Orsay and Lady Blessington Collapses at Aylesbury during Bucks by-election Convalescence Intensive financial pressures Venetia published ( 1 1 May) Death of William iv Wins Maidstone seat in general election with the aid of Wyndham Lewis Takes seat in the House of Commons Maiden Speech howled down
ABBREVIATIONS IN VOLUMETWO
app APSY AR
Ashford BEA
BECK
Beeton BEL
BENT
Berg BG BH
BL
Blake BLG
Boase BODL
Boyle's BP
BRST CARR
Cecil Melbourne CJ Connely
Debrett's
Appendix Wellington Museum, Apsley House, London The Annual Register (followed by year of edition) LJ. Ashford The History of the Borough of High Wycombe (1962) Belvoir Castle, Lincolnshire Beckford Collection, B.H. Blackwell Ltd, Oxford Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield: A Biography S.O. Beeton, nd [1877] [attributed to T.P. O'Connor] Benjamin Ephraim Lindo D.R. Bentham, Loughborough, Leicestershire The Berg Collection, New York Public Library The Bucks Gazette, Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire The Bucks Herald, Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire The British Library, London Robert Blake Disraeli (1966) John Burke A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (various editions) Frederick Boase, Modern English Biography (1892; repr 1965) Bodleian Library, Oxford Boyle's Fashionable Court and Country Guide (followed by year of edition) Burke's Peerage and Baronetage Henry Bristow Ltd, Ringwood, Hampshire Carrington Collection, Department of Western Manuscripts, Bodleian Library, Oxford Lord David Cecil Melbourne (1965) The Court Journal
Willard Connely Count D'Orsay, the Dandy of Dandies (1952) Debrett's Baronetage, Knightage and Companionage
xviii
DNB
Dod DURG
ec
EJM
ER
Fagan FITZ
Gash Peel Gash Politics GM
GRAM
Greville Gronow H Hansard Hardwick HARV HCR HL HM
Hudson HUNT IDL
ILLU
Isaac Jerman
Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee eds The Dictionary of National Biography (1917 repr 1973) Charles R. Dod Electoral Facts from 1832 to 1853 Impartially Stated (1853 repr 1972) The Grey Papers, Durham University Editorial comment section of the headnote ex-Jewish Museum, Woburn House, London. The Museum began to sell its collection of Disraeli letters through Sotheby's in 1974. Much of this material was purchased by Francis Edwards, Marylebone, London, and, where EJM is cited, the document was, at the time of collection, in the possession of that firm. The English Registry (followed by year of edition) Louis Fagan The Reform Club: Its Founders and Architect (1887) Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge Norman Gash Sir Robert Peel: the Life of Sir Robert Peel after 1830(1972) Norman Gash Politics in the Age of Peel (1952) The Gentleman's Magazine Gramont-D'Orsay papers, le comte Armand-Ghislain de Maigret, Paris Lytton Strachey and Roger Fulford eds The Greville Memoirs, 1814-60(1938) Rees Howell Gronow Reminiscences of Captain Gronow: being Anecdotes of the Camp, the Court and the Clubs (1862) The Hughenden papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford Hansard's Parliamentary Debates Mollie Hardwick Mrs Dizzy (1972) Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts Hertfordshire County Record Office, Hertford Ralph Disraeli ed Home Letters Written by the Late Earl of Beaconsfield in 1830 and 1831 (1885) Hughenden Museum, Hughenden Manor, High Wycombe, Buckinghamshire Derek Hudson Thomas Barnes of the Times (1943) Huntington Library, San Marino, California Inverclyde District Libraries, Greenock, Renfrewshire University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Illinois Isaac D'Israeli B.R. Jerman The Young Disraeli (Princeton, New Jersey 1960)
JNL Judd
O'Connor Ogden
Jerusalem National and University Library, Jerusalem Gerrit Parmele Judd Members of Parliament, 1734-1832 (1955 repr Hamden, Connecticut 1972) Bookfellow Foundation Collection, Knox College Archives, Galesburg, Illinois Kent County Record Office, Maidstone George Kitson Clark Peel and the Conservative Party: A Study in Party Politics, 1832-1841 (1964) The Lee Kohns Memorial Collection, New York Public Library Lamb ton Estate Office, Durham Clarke's New Law List compiled by S. Hill and later by T. Cockell (followed by year of edition) Ralph Disraeli ed Lord Beaconsfield's Correspondence with his Sister, 1830-1852(1886) Ralph Disraeli ed Lord Beaconsfield's Letters, 1830-52 (1886) Library of Congress, Washington DC Letitia Elizabeth Landon Leslie Guttridge-White, Pett, East Sussex Post Office London Directory (followed by year of edition) William Flavelle Monypenny and George Earle Buckle The Life of Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield (1910-20) 6 vols Sir Theodore Martin A Life of Lord Lyndhurst (1884) Maxse MSS, West Sussex Record Office, Chichester The Morning Chronicle Wilfred Meynell Benjamin Disraeli: An Unconventional Biography (1903) Murray Manuscripts, John Murray, London The Collection of Autograph Letters and Historical Documents formed by Alfred Morrison: The Blessington Papers (1895) The Morning Post Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, Belfast The National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh New York Public Library, New York (Berg MSS, Kohns MSS, Montague MSS) T.P. O'Connor Lord Beaconsfield: a Biography (1879) James Ogden Isaac D'Israeli (1969)
Pigot
Pigot and Go's National Commercial Directory (1830)
KCA KCR Kitson Clark Kohns LAMB Law List LEGS LBL LC L.E.L. LGW LPOD M&B Martin MAX MC Meynell MM Morrison MP NIPR NLS NYPL
PFRZ ph
The Carl H. Pforzheimer Library, New York Publication history section of the headnote
xix
xx
PRE
PRIN PS QR
QUA RD
Robson's Directory Robson's Guide Sa Sadleir BlessingtonD'Orsay SCR SHC
Stenton Stewart Novels Stewart Writings TEXU UCLA Ward Whigs and Whiggism WSRO
The papers of Lord Eliot, Porteliot, St Germans, Cornwall Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey Printed Source used when the original MS has not been located The Quarterly Review Disraeli papers, Queen's University Archives, Kingston, Ontario Ralph Disraeli Robson's Commercial Directory of London and the Western Counties (1840) Robson's British Court and Country Guide (followed by year of edition) Sarah Disraeli Michael Sadleir Blessington-D'Orsay, a masquerade (1933) Somerset County Record Office, Taunton The Shakespeare Birthplace Trust, The Shakespeare Centre, Stratford-on-Avon Michael Stenton Who's Who of British Members of Parliament: Volume I, 1832-1885 (Hassocks, Sussex 1976) R.W. Stewart ed Disraeli's Novels Reviewed, 1826-1968 (Metuchen, New Jersey 1975) R.W. Stewart Benjamin Disraeli: A list of writings by him, and writings about him, with notes (Metuchen, New Jersey 1972). Citations are for item numbers. University of Texas, Austin University of California, Los Angeles Thomas H. Ward History of the Athenaeum, 1824-1925 (1926) William Hutcheon ed Whigs and Whiggism: Political Writings by Benjamin Disraeli (1913 repr 1971) West Sussex Record Office, Chichester
C H R O N O L O G I C A L LIST OF LETTERS 1835-1837
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
36* NYPL
[Thursday] i January !835
Montague [2]
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
(JOHN MATTHIE?]
Red Lion Hotel, High Wycombe
3^4
Wednesday [7 January 1835] 289.144.130 Thursday 8 January
THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF
PS
46
Bradenham
363
APSY
365 BL 366
PFRZ 367
PFRZ
1835
Sunday [i i January? 1835] ADD MS 45908 ff 106-7
[London?]
[London?]
1835?]
Sunday [18 January 1835] Misc. Ms. 896
ADD MS 45908 ffiyi-2
PS
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Misc. Ms. 905
BL
370
CHEPPING WYCOMBE
LADY BLESSINGTON
Monday [19? January
H
Bradenham
Friday [16 January
368
369
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
1835]
Tuesday [20 January 1835] A/I/B/84
[Wednesday] 28 January [1835] 28
LADY BLESSINGTON
[London?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[London?]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
THE SECRETARY OF THE WESTMINSTER [REFORM] CLUB
3[ia] Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
XX11
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
37 !
[Friday] 30 January 1835
KCR
Stanhope MSS 690 (i)
37*
[Monday] 2 February !835
KCR
Stanhope MSS 690 (i) 2
373
Saturday [7 February 1835]
NYPL
374
ILLU
Berg 4 1229756
Thursday [12 February
1835]
xB 636561 Card 2
375
Thursday [12 February
BL
ADD MS 45908 ff 104-5
376 BL
377 PS
1835]
Tuesday [17 February 1835] ADD MS 45908 fio8
[Friday 20 February 1835]
7
[Thursday 26 February
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
VISCOUNT STANHOPE OF MAHON
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
VISCOUNT STANHOPE OF MAHON
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[SARA AUSTEN]
[London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday 27 February 1835
VISCOUNT HOWICK
VISCOUNT HOWICK
DURG
Saturday [28 February 1835]
Earl Grey Papers 3rd Earl:
381
[Sunday 8 March 1835]
THE SECRETARY OF THE WESTMINSTER [REFORM] CLUB
3?8 FITZ
379
DURG 380
PS 382 PS
Disraeli A8
Earl Grey Papers 3rd Earl:
29 [Monday 16 March 1835]
383
54
H
A/I/B/85
[Wednesday 18 March 1835]
[London]
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
[London?]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[London?]
SARAH DISRAELI
Albion Club, [85 St James's Street, London]
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 384
Saturday [21 March 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Saturday 28 March
SARAH DISRAELI
[Wednesday i April 1835]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
Saturday [4 April 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Saturday 4 April 1835?]
LADY BLESSINGTON
A/I/B/86
H 385 PS 386
NYPL S»? FITZ 388
UCLA 389 NYPL 390 NYPL
39 ! PS
39* PS
393 PS
394 PS
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
1835] 65
Berg 2 1229736
Disraeli Ag 3
[London]
[London?] [London] [London]
[Park Street, London]
Friday [17 April] 1835
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[Saturday 18 April 1835]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[Sunday 26?] April 1835
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Berg i 1229726
Berg 3 1229746 8
[Monday 27] April 1835
9
[Tuesday 28?] April 1835 10
[Saturday 2? May 1835] 41
[London]
[London]
Taunton, [Somerset] [SARAH DISRAELI]
[Taunton, Somerset]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[Taunton, Somerset]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London?]
Tuesday [5 May 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
PS
Tuesday 5 May [1835]
MORGAN O'CONNELL
Times 10
397
Tuesday 5 May [1835]
MORGAN O'CONNELL
[Tuesday] 5 May [1835]
DANIEL O'CONNELL
Wednesday [6 May 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
395 H
6
39
PS
398
A/I/B/173
Times 11
PS
Times 9
NYPL
Kohns [i]
399
[London]
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London] 3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
London
[London]
xxiii
xxiv
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 400
[Wednesday] 6 May [1835]
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
MORGAN O'CONNELL
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London]
PS
69
401
Saturday [9 May 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Saturday [9 May 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Tuesday] 12 May 1835
THE ELECTORS OF TAUNTON
[Friday 15 May 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Friday] 29 May 1835
[DAWSON TURNER]
NYPL 402
NYPL 403 H 404
FITZ
Kohns [2]
Kohns [13]
B/I/A/66
Disraeli Aio
405 PS
34
406
[Saturday] 13 June 1835
SCR
i
407
[Sunday 14 June 1835]
PS
66
BEA
[Rl-l]
408
[London]
[London]
Bradenham [London]
[31 a] Park Street, [Grosvenor Square, London]
THE ELECTORS AND INHABITANTS OF THE BOROUGH OF TAUNTON
London
[MISS KINGLAKE]
[London]
Saturday [27 June 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Thursday] 2 July 1835
EDWARDS BEADON
[Friday 3 July 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Tuesday 14 July 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Saturday 25 July 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Tuesday [4 August 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday [7 August? 1835]
WILLIAM PYNE
[Sunday] 9 August 1835
[EDWARDS BEADON]
416
Tuesday [11 August
SARAH DISRAELI
FITZ
Disraeli A 14
[London]
409 TEXU 410
FITZ 411
FITZ 412
NYPL 413 FITZ 414 IDL 415 TEXU
Cline i
Disraeli An
Disraeli Ai2 Kohns 3
Disraeli Ai3
i
Cline 6
1835]
[London]
London
[London]
[London] [London]
House of Lords [London?]
London
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 417 QUA 418
FITZ 419 PS 420 QUA 421 PS 422 QUA 423 PS 424 QUA 4«5 BL
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
Friday [14 August 1835]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Friday [14 August 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Monday 17 August 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Wednesday [19 August 1835?] i [Thursday 20? August
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
11 Thursday [20 August 1835?]
[London]
29
Disraeli Ai5
53
1835]
2
Richmond, [Surrey] [London]
[House of Lords]
Richmond, [Surrey]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
Richmond, [Surrey]
[Saturday 29 August 1835?] 42 Saturday [29 August? 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI
Saturday [29 August? 1835]
[VINCENT STUCKEY REYNOLDS?]
4
ADD MS 37502 ££40-1
[London?]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
[Richmond, Surrey?]
Richmond, [Surrey]
426
Monday [7 September
SARAH DISRAELI
PS
21
[London]
1835]
1835?]
4«7
Monday [7 September
QUA
22
4^8
[Friday] 1 1 September [1835]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
[London]
WILLIAM PYNE
34 Upper Grosvenor Street, [London]
FITZ
Disraeli Bi
429
[Tuesday] 15 September [1835]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Thursday [24 September 1835] 13
RICHARD CULVERWELL
QUA
43°
QUA
12
Bradenham
[Bradenham]
xxv
xxvi
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[Friday 25 September? 1835]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
[1835]
[Sunday] 4 October
[LADY BLESSINGTON]
[Friday 23 October 1835]
SARAH DISRAELI [RICHARD CULVERWELL]
437
Sunday [25 October 1835?] 11 Monday [26 October 1835] 14 Tuesday [27 October 1835?] 26 [Friday] 30 October
FITZ
Disraeli 63
43 * QUA 432
PFRZ
433 H
434 QUA
435
QUA 6
43
QUA
43» QUA
439
QUA 440 QUA 441 MM
44* ILLU
443 LC
3
Misc. Ms. 897
A/I/B/87
Bradenham
Bradenham [London]
[London]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
[London]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
[London]
[1835]
WILLIAM PYNE
Tuesday [3] November [1835] 15
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Monday [9 November 1835?] 25
Saturday [14 November 1835?] 18
Bradenham
Bradenham
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
85 St James's St, [London] RICHARD CULVERWELL
[The Albion Club, 85 St James's St, London]
Thursday 19 November [1835] 18 [Friday 20 November 1835?]
JOHN MURRAY
Sunday 22 November [1835]
RICHARD BENTLEY
xB 6365151 Card 2
Ac. 8033-11
[London]
MARIA D'ISRAELI
[London]
[Richmond, Surrey]
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
444 LGW
445 LC 446 PS
447 BL
Tuesday [24 November 1835] i
[Saturday] 27 November [1835]
Ac. 8033-10
[Saturday 5 December 1835]
55
[Wednesday g December 1835?]
ADD MS 45908 ff 183-4
448
Thursday [10? December
JNL
ARC. 40 1505/4
449 ILLU
45° PS
45 ! BL 452 SHC
453 PS
454 PS
455 PS
456 PS
1835]
Saturday [ 1 2 December 1835]
xB 636501 Card 2
[Tuesday 15 December 1835]
43
[Wednesday] 16 December 1835
ADD MS 40421 ffgS-g
Thursday [17 December 1835?] [i]
[Saturday 19 December 1835]
74
[Monday 2 1 December 1835]
77
[Saturday 26 December 1835]
Globe 10
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
Richmond, [Surrey]
RICHARD BENTLEY
Richmond , [Surrey]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[London?]
UNKNOWN
Long's Hotel, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Long's Hotel, [London] ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[Long's Hotel, London]
[SIR ROBERT PEEL]
[London]
CHARLES JAMES MATHEWS
34 Upper Grosvenor St, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
THE EDITOR OF THE GLOBE
[London]
[Saturday] 26 December
THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES
Times 5
[London]
1835
xxvii
xxviii
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
457
[Saturday 26 December
FITZ
Disraeli Ba
458
1835?]
WILLIAM PYNE
[Monday] 28 December 1835
THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES
[Monday 28? December 1835]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[Saturday] 2 January 1836
LADY BLESSINGTON
PS
Times 4
H
A/I/C/5
459 460
TEXU 461 PS
462
[19]
1836?]
PS
466 H 467 PS 468 BL
[London]
[London]
[Friday] 8 January [1836]
THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES
Saturday [9 January 1836?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Saturday 9 January 1836?]
SARAH DISRAELI
ADD MS 45908 ffiog-io
465
[London]
12
BL
PS
[London]
[ISAAC D'ISRAELI]
Times 6
464
[London]
[Monday 4 January
PS
463
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
51
[London]
[London]
[London]
Monday [i i January 1836]
JOSEPH HUME
[Tuesday 12 January 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Wednesday] 13 January [1836]
THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES
Thursday [14 January 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Times i
A/I/B/8g
Times 7
ADD MS 45908 ff 11 i-i 2
1836]
34 Upper Grosvenor Street, [London]
[London]
[London]
85 St James's Street, [London]
469
[Saturday 16 January
SARAH DISRAELI
NYPL
Montague [3]
[London]
47°
QUA
Saturday [16? January 1836] 10
RICHARD CULVERWELL
[London]
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 471 BL 472 PRE
473
Sunday [17 January 1836?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Monday] 18 January [1836]
BARON ELIOT
[Friday 22 January 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday [29 January 1836]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
[Friday 29 January 1836]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
ADD MS 45908 ff 142-3
[i]
H
A/I/B/go
QUA
16
474
475
KCA
476
PFRZ
477 H
478 H
479 BL
[i]
483 QUA 484 H 485 H
Long's [Hotel, London] [London]
[Friday 5 February 1836]
Saturday [6 February 1836]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
Wednesday [10 February 1836?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
A/I/B/91
A/I/C/4
ADD MS 45908 ff 144-5
1836?]
20
QUA
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Misc. Ms. 892
QUA
H
Long's Hotel, Clifford Street, [London]
LADY BLESSINGTON
Friday [12 February
482
[London]
Wednesday [3? February 1836]
480
481
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[London]
[London]
[London]
85 St James's Street, [London] [RICHARD CULVERWELL]
Long's [Hotel, London]
[Saturday 13 February 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Monday [15 February 1836?]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Tuesday [16 February 1836?] 19 Wednesday [24 February 1836?]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Thursday [3 March 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
A/I/B/92
6
A/I/B/129 A/I/B/93
[London]
[London]
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London?]
[Long's Hotel, London]
xxix
XXX
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 486
FITZ 487
FITZ 488 BL 489 BL
49° QUA
49 * H 49« H
493 H
[Saturday 5 March 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Monday 7? March 1836]
[WILLIAM PYNE]
Tuesday [8 March? 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Monday [14 March 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Disraeli A 16 Disraeli 65
ADD MS 45908 ffn6-i7
ADD MS 45908 ffi 19-20
Wednesday [16 March 1836] !?
[Saturday 19 March 1836]
A/I/B/94
[Wednesday 23 March 1836]
A/I/B/95
[Saturday 26 March 1836]
A/I/B/96
494
[Monday 4 April 1836]
495
[Wednesday 6?] April 1836
ILLU
BL 496 PS
497 QUA 49» H
499 H
500 QUA 501
H 502
NYPL
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
xB 636561 Card 2
ADD MS 45908 ffi2i-3
[Friday 8 April 1836]
64
Thursday [14 April 1836?] 9
[London]
[London]
[London]
[London]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Long's [Hotel, London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Lewes, [Sussex]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
[London]
[Thursday 14 April 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Saturday 16 April 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Monday [18 April 1836?]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
A/I/B/97
A/I/B/gS
[London]
[Garitón Club, London]
7
Garitón Club, [London]
A/I/B/99
Garitón Club, [London]
Monday [25 April 1836]
[Saturday 30 April 1836]
Kohns [4]
SARAH DISRAELI SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 5°3 FITZ 5°4 QUA
5°5
FITZ 506 QUA 5°7 PS 508 H
5°9 NYPL 510
H
11
5
FITZ 1
5* PS
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[Thursday] 26 May 1836
WILLIAM PYNE
Monday [30 May 1836?] 27 Tuesday [31 May 1836]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
Wednesday [i June 1836?]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
Disraeli B6
Disraeli 67
Bradenham
Bradenham
WILLIAM PYNE
Bradenham
28
Garitón Club, [London]
61
[London]
[Friday 10 June 1836]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[Wednesday 13? June 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Thursday 16? June 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Thursday 23 June 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Friday i July 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday [8 July 1836]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
A/I/B/ioo
Kohns [16] A/I/B/ioi
Disraeli Ai7
62
[London]
Garitón Club, [London] [London]
Garitón Club, [London] [London]
Friday [8 July 1836?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Saturday 16? July 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
5*5
Thursday [21 July 1836]
WILLIAM PYNE
516
[Friday 22 July 1836]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
5*3 BL
5*4 H
FITZ PS
ADD MS 45908 ff 179-80 A/I/B/102
Disraeli B8
70
[London]
[London]
Park Lane, [London] [London]
Saturday [23 July? 1836]
WILLIAM PYNE
[SARAH DISRAELI]
5*9
[Monday 8 August 1836] 82 Tuesday [9 August 1836]
520
Friday [12] August 1836
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
517 FITZ 5*8 PS BL
BL
Disraeli 64
ADD MS 45908 ff 127-30 ADD MS 45908 ffi3i-2
20 Park Lane, [London]
[London?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Garitón Club, [London] Basildon Park, Reading, [Berkshire]
xxxi
xxxii
NUMBER LOCATION OF ORIGINAL
DATE REFERENCE NUMBER
5*1
[Monday 15? August
FITZ 522
FITZ 5«3 BL 5«4 BL 5«5
NYPL
i836]
Disraeli A 18
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
SARAH DISRAELI
Garitón Club, [London]
Saturday [20 August 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Sunday [21 August 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Monday] 29 August [1836?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Disraeli A 19
ADD MS 45908 ff 167-8
ADD MS 45908 ff 133-4
1836]
Friday [2? September Kohns [17]
[London] [London]
[London?]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
Wednesday [21 September 1836]
WILLIAM PYNE
[Sunday] 25 September [1836]
WILLIAM PYNE
5*8
Sunday [9 October] 1836
HENRY COLBURN
5«9 NYPL
Kohns [32]
526
FITZ 527
FITZ HARV
53° PS
53 * BL
53* H
533 BL
534 FITZ
Disraeli 69
Disraeli Bio
[3] [Friday 14 October 1836]
[Saturday] 15 October 1836 14 Monday [17 October 1836?]
ADD MS 45908 ffi8i-2
Bradenham
Bradenham
Bradenham
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
85 St James's Street, [London]
[Thursday] 20 October [1836]
FREEHOLDERS AND FARMERS OF THE COUNTY OF BUCKS
Sunday [23 October 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
B/I/A/43
ADD MS 45908 ff 135-8
[1836]
Monday 24 October
Disraeli B 1 1
Bradenham
Garitón Club, [London] WILLIAM PYNE
[London]
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
535 BL
6
53
GRAM
537
FITZ
538 FITZ
539 ILLU
540 PS 541 PS
542 GRAM
543
FITZ
544
HERT
545
GRAM
546 BL
547 FITZ
548
FITZ
Thursday [27 October 1836] ADD MS 45908 ff 140-1
Sunday 27 November [1836] 4
1836]
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Bradenham
COUNT D'ORSAY
Bradenham
Sunday [27? November
WILLIAM PYNE
Disraeli B i 2
Bradenham
[1836]
Monday 5 December
WILLIAM PYNE
Disraeli 613
Bradenham
Wednesday [14 December 1836]
xB 636561 Card 2
1836] 36
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[Thursday 15? December
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[Saturday 17? December 1836]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Sunday [18 December 1836]
COUNT D'ORSAY
67 5
[London]
[London]
Garitón Club, [London]
[Monday 19 December 1836]
SARAH DISRAELI
Thursday [22 December 1836]
EDWARD LYTTON BULWER
Friday [23? December 1836]
COUNT D'ORSAY
[Friday 23 December 1836]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Disraeli Aao
D/EK/C 5/32
i
ADD MS 45908 ff 153-4
[Monday] 26 December [1836]
Disraeli 615
Monday [2 January 1837]
Disraeli 614
[London]
[London]
[London]
[London]
WILLIAM PYNE
Bradenham
WILLIAM PYNE
[Bradenham]
XXXlll
xxxiv
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
549
Thursday [5 January
BL
ADD MS 45908 £185
550 QUA
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
1837]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Sunday] 8 January [1837?]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
21
Bradenham
Bradenham
55 1
Sunday [8 January 1837]
55«
Wednesday [ 1 1 January
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
Disraeli Big
[Bradenham]
FITZ
553
QUA
554 BL
555 PS
6
55 BL
Disraeli Bi6
1837?]
WILLIAM PYNE
[Bradenham]
[Wednesday 1 1 January 1837?] 23 Thursday [12 January 1837]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
Thursday [12 January 1837]
LADY BLESSINGTON
Tuesday [17 January 1837?]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
ADD MS 45908 ffi5i-2
Bradenham
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Bradenham
81
Bradenham
ADD MS 45908 fiy8
Garitón Club, [London]
Tuesday [ 1 7 January 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Thursday 19? January 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Saturday [21 January 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
560
[Monday 23 January
SARAH DISRAELI
H
1837]
A/I/B/106
Monday [23? January 1837]
[Kensington Gore, London]
WILLIAM PYNE
Wednesday [25 January 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
557 H 55» H
559 H
56l
FITZ 56* H
A/I/B/104
A/I/B/i8o
A/I/B/105
Disraeli 617
A/I/B/107
[London] [London]
[Garitón Club?, London]
Garitón [Club, London] [London]
NUMBER LOCATION OF ORIGINAL
DATE REFERENCE NUMBER
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
563
[Wednesday 25? January
FITZ
1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Disraeli Bi8
564 H
Friday [27 January 1837]
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?]
SARAH DISRAELI
A/I/B/io8
Friday [27 January 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
Disraeli Bgo
Monday [30 January? 1837]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
6
55 566
BL
ADD MS 45908 ff 155-6
567 H
BEA 6
59
Wednesday [i? February 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
[2]
Friday [3 February 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
A/I/B/iio
Saturday [4 February? 1837]
ADD MS 45908 ff 157-8
Monday [6 February 1837]
A/I/B/iii
H
Tuesday [7 February 1837]
573 H
A/I/B/H2
[Thursday 9 February 1837]
574 H
A/I/B/103
1837?]
Thursday [9 February
575 BL
A
575 H
[Kensington Gore, London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
570 H
572
4 Kensington Gore, [London]
[Thursday 2 February 1837?]
ADD MS 45908 £150
BL
Kensington [Gore, London]
SARAH DISRAELI
BL
571
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?]
Monday [30 January? 1837]
A/I/B/H4
568
Garitón Club, [London]
ADD MS 45908 ff 174-5
[Thursday 9 February 1837]
A/I/B/i86
[London]
Garitón Club, [London] BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Kensington Gore, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Garitón Club, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Garitón Club, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Kensington Gore, [London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
[Kensington Gore, London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Garitón Club, [London]
XXXV
xxxvi
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 576 H
577 H
Monday [13 February 1837]
A/I/B/H3
Wednesday [15 February 1837] A/I/B/137
57»
Thursday [16 February
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
SARAH DISRAELI
[Kensington Gore, London]
SARAH DISRAELI
Garitón Club, [London]
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
18371
Disraeli Bai
579
Friday 24 [February 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
Monday [27 February 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Monday 27 February 1837]
MARIA D'ISRAELI
GRAM 58o
H
A/I/B/iog
58l BL 58* H
6
8
53 BL 584 H 585 FITZ 586
FITZ
ADD MS 59887 f 3
Tuesday [28 February 1837] A/I/B/i6g
Tuesday [28 February 1837?] ADD MS 45908 ff 163-4
Buckingham House, Pall Mall, [London] Bradenham
Garitón Club, [London] [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
Garitón Club, [London]
Wednesday i March [1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Sunday [5 March 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Sunday 5 March [1837]
MR. COLLINS
A/I/B/H7
Disraeli 624
Disraeli 623
[London]
[Bradenham] Bradenham
587
Tuesday [7 March 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
588
Monday [13 March 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
FITZ
GRAM
Disraeli 625 9
[Bradenham] Bradenham
589
Saturday [18 March
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
Disraeli 626
[Bradenham]
1837]
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[Tuesday] 21 March [1837]
LADY BLESSINGTON
Thursday [23 March 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Thursday [30 March 1837]
JOHN NASH
Saturday [i April 1837?]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Monday 3 [April 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
595
Tuesday [4 April 1837?]
JOHN NASH
596
Tuesday [4 April 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
597
Wednesday [5 April 1837?]
JOHN NASH
Wednesday [5 April 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Sunday [9 April 1837]
BENJAMIN AUSTEN
590
PFRZ
59 ! FITZ
59* H
593
Misc. Ms. 894
Disraeli 627
H/302/219
PS
86
FITZ
Disraeli 628
594 H
FITZ
H 598
FITZ
599 BL
600
FITZ 6oi
FITZ 60S
FITZ 603
FITZ 604 H 605
GRAM
H/302/2i8
Disraeli 629
H/3O2/217
Disraeli 630
ADD MS 45908 ff 159-60
Tuesday [i i] April [1837] Disraeli 631
Bradenham
Bradenham [Bradenham]
[London?]
Bradenham [London?]
[Bradenham]
Garitón Club, [London] [Bradenham]
Bradenham
WILLIAM PYNE
Bradenham
Sunday [16 April 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Wednesday [19 April 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Sunday 23 April 1837
WILLIAM PYNE
Tuesday [2 May 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Tuesday [2 May 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
Disraeli 622
Disraeli 632
Disraeli 633
A/I/B/376
7
[Bradenham]
[Bradenham]
Bradenham [London?]
[8] Down Street, [London]
xxxvii
xxxviii
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 606 H 607
GRAM 60S H 609 QUA 6lO QUA 6ll BL 6l2
BECK 613 BL 614
FITZ 6l5
FITZ 6l6 H 617 H 6l8 PS 619 H 620 H
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
Wednesday [3 May 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Thursday [4 May 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
[Friday 5? May 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Monday [8 May 1837?]
RICHARD CULVERWELL
Monday [15 May 1837?]
[RICHARD CULVERWELL]
A/I/B/iiS 8
A/I/B/ng
24
8
[Wednesday] 17 May [1837]
ADD MS 45908 ffi6i-2
[Wednesday] 17 May [1837]
[London]
[London] [London]
8 Down Street, [London] Garitón Club, [London] SARA AUSTEN
Garitón Club, [London] [WILLIAM BECKFORD]
[4]
Garitón Club, [London]
ADD MS 45908 ff 165-6
[London]
Tuesday [23? May 1837]
SARA AUSTEN
Monday [29 May? 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Tuesday [30 May 1837?]
WILLIAM PYNE
Monday 12 June 1837
SARAH DISRAELI
Disraeli 635 Disraeli 637 A/I/B/121
Wednesday [14 June 1837] A/I/B/122
[Thursday 15 June 1837]
44
Garitón Club, [London] House of Commons [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
Friday [16 June 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Saturday [17 June 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
A/I/B/136
A/I/B/120
[London]
[London]
[Monday 19? June 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
Disraeli 634
622
[Monday 19 June 1837]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
621
PS
15
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?] [London]
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 623
[Tuesday] 20 June 1837
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Garitón Club, [London]
[Ri-3] [Wednesday] 2 1 June 1837
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday [23 June 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Monday [26 June 1837?]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Friday 30 June 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Friday [30 June 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
629
[Saturday] i July 1837
THE FREEMEN AND ELECTORS OF MAIDSTONE
H
B/I/A/97
BEA 624 H 625 H 626
NYPL 627 H 628 H
A/I/B/123 A/I/B/124
[Kohns 30] A/I/B/126 A/I/B/135
[London]
[London?]
[London]
[London]
[London]
Maidstone, [Kent]
Monday [3 July 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
Tuesday [4 July 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
632
[Saturday] 8 July 1837
THE FREEMEN AND ELECTORS OF MAIDSTONE
H
B/I/A/go
630
FITZ 631 H
Disraeli 636 A/I/B/128
[Tuesday 1 1 July 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
634 H
A/I/B/139
H H
637 H 638 PS 639 PFRZ
Maidstone, [Kent]
SARAH DISRAELI
A/I/B/134
636
Maidstone, [Kent]
Saturday [8 July 1837]
633 H
635
Maidstone, [Kent]
Wednesday [12 July 1837] A/I/B/140
[London?]
[London?]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
Thursday [13 July 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
[Tuesday] 18 July [1837]
ISAAC D'ISRAELI
A/I/B/127 A/I/C/6
[Tuesday 18 July 1837]
83
Thursday [20 July 1837] Mise Ms. 904
[London]
Garitón Club, [London] [SARAH DISRAELI]
[London?]
LADY BLESSINGTON
Garitón Club, [London]
xxxix
xl
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[Saturday 22 July 1837?]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[Tuesday 25 July 1837]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[Thursday 27 July 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
643
Saturday [29 July 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
644
Sunday [30 July 1837]
640 PS 641 PS
642 PS H
H 645 FITZ 646 BL 647 H 648 BEA 649 H 650 H 651
NYPL 652
DURG
6
53
FITZ
16
84 17
A/I/A/9 A/I/A/2
[London]
[Maidstone, Kent] Maidstone, [Kent] [London]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
Bradenham
Friday [4? August 1837]
WILLIAM PYNE
[Tuesday 8 August 1837]
SARAH DISRAELI
Disraeli 638
ADD MS 37502 ff42-5
[Thursday] 10 August 1837 B/I/A/H3C
[Friday 11 August 1837]
[Ri-4]
[Saturday 12? August 1837]
A/I/B/i 4 2
[Monday 14? August 1837]
A/I/A/130
[Tueday 15? August 1837]
Montague [21]
[Wednesday 16 August? 1837]
D/LO/C53oCg9
[Monday] 21 August [1837]
Disraeli 639
[London]
[London]
JOHN MONCKTON
8 Down Street, Piccadilly, [London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[London]
[CHARLES SCUDAMORE]
8 Down Street, Piccadilly, [London]
LADY LONDONDERRY
Down Street, Mayfair, [London]
WILLIAM PYNE
[London]
654
[Tuesday 22 August?
WILLIAM PYNE
FITZ
Disraeli 640
[High] Wycombe, [Bucks]
6
55
H
1837]
[Thursday 24 August 1837]
A/I/A/3
MARY ANNE LEWIS
Bradenham
DATE NUMBER LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 656 H 657 H 658
GRAM 659
GRAM 660 H 66l PS 662 H 663 H 664 H 665 PS
666 BL 667 BL
668
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
[Saturday 26? August 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[Saturday 26? August 1837]
[WYNDHAM LEWIS]
[Monday 28 August 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
Thursday [3 1 August? 1837]
COUNT D'ORSAY
A/I/A/ii
A/I/A/416
3
2
[Bradenham]
Bradenham Bradenham Bradenham
[Friday i September 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[Saturday 2? September 1837]
[ROSINA BULWER]
[Sunday 3 September 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[Wednesday 20? September 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[Friday 29 September 1837]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[Monday 9 October 1837] 85 [Wednesday 25 October 1837]
[ROBERT HUME]
A/I/A/4
33
A/I/A/5
A/I/A/io
A/I/A/6
ADD MS 37502 ff46-8
[Saturday 28 October 1837]
ADD MS 37502 ff49-5i
[Sunday] 29 October [1837]
Bradenham
[Bradenham]
Bradenham
Bradenham
Bradenham
[Bradenham]
SARAH DISRAELI
Woolbeding, [Midhurst, Sussex] SARAH DISRAELI
Woolbeding, [Midhurst, Sussex] MARY ANNE LEWIS
A/I/A/7
669
Tuesday [3 November?
Woodbeding, Midhurst, [Sussex]
WSRO
Maxse Ms. 61 £4
Garitón [Club, London]
H
1837]
LADY CAROLINE MAXSE
xli
xlii
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 670 H 671 H
[Thursday g November 1837] A/I/A/8
[Tuesday 14? November 1837]
A/I/B/141
673
[Wednesday 15 November 1837] [Ri-5] [Thursday 16 November
BL
ADD MS 37502 ff52-5
672 BEA
674 H 675 PS 676
677 PS
H 678 H 679 H 680 H
681 H 682 H
1837]
[Friday 17? November 1837]
A/I/B/138
[Monday 20 November 1837]
68
[Tuesday 2 1 November 1837] 18
[Wednesday 22 November 1837]
A/I/B/385
[Thursday 23 November 1837]
A/I/B/130
Friday [24 November 1837] A/I/B/131
Saturday [25 November 1837] A/I/B/132
[Tuesday 28 November 1837]
A/I/B/igi
Monday [4 December 1837?]
A/I/B/133
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
MARY ANNE LEWIS
Bradenham
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
NUMBER DATE LOCATION REFERENCE NUMBER OF ORIGINAL 683 BL
[Tuesday 5 December 1837]
ADD MS 37502 ££56-8
684
[Wednesday 6 December
H
A/I/B/378
685
1837]
[Thursday 7 December 1837]
WSRO
Maxse Ms. 61 fi
686
[Friday 8 December 1837]
PS
687 H
688 BEA 689 H 690 PS 691 PS
692 H
6
93
H 694
WSRO
19
Friday [8 December 1837]
A/I/ A/ 14
Monday 1 1 December 1837
[Ri-6]
[Tuesday 12 December 1837]
A/I/B/375
[Friday 15 December 1837]
20
[Wednesday 20? December 1837]
45
[Thursday 21? December 1837]
A/I/B/179
Friday [22 December 1837?]
A/I/A/12
[1837]
TO PLACE OF ORIGIN
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
LADY CAROLINE MAXSE
58 Jermyn Street, St James's, [London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
[SARAH DISRAELI]
[London]
SARAH DISRAELI
[London]
MARY ANNE LEWIS
[London]
[Sunday] 31 December
LADY CAROLINE MAXSE
Maxse Ms. 61 f3
Bradenham
xliii
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BENJAMIN DISRAELI LETTERS: 1835-1837
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TO [JOHN MATTHIE?] O R I G I N A L : NYPL Montague [2]
Red Lion Hotel, High Wycombe, [Thursday] i January 1835
36 2
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand, on the last page of the MS: 'John Matthie Esq I High Wycombe'.
Committee Room I Red Lion Hotel I High Wycombe I Jany. i. 1835. My dear Sir,1 I have been greatly disappointed in my attempts to see you at Wycombe. It seems to me that Destiny has determined that I never shd. have the pleasure of cultivating your acquaintance. Our I Election here is fixed for Tuesday and Wednesday next, the first being nomination day; I shd. feel proud and happy to have your support. I know that I need not remind you that this is a great crisis in the history of our County, and that this is the last struggle of that party, thro' whose influence I at the present moment, it is my firm conviction, England can alone be saved. I unwillingly came forward here again, but I felt it a point of duty to yield to the solicitations of that great man,2 who has delivered Europe and saved England. Let me hope the same feelings may impel you to give your support to I one who, with great respect and consideration, has the honor to subscribe himself, dear Sir, Your faithful Ser[van]t B. Disraeli TO THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON Bradenham, Wednesday [7 January 1835] O R I G I N A L : APSY 289.144.130
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Sir Herbert Maxwell The Life of Wellington (1900) II 305; M&B I 275, extracts dated [7 January 1835] EDITORIAL COMMENT: (i) In Wellington's hand on the first page of the MS [referring to another correspondent?]: 'Caufield [?] ! The D is much obliged 1 and will dine Jany. 10'. (2) In another hand: '7 Jan. 1835'. (3) Across the bottom of the last page of the MS in Wellington's hand: '1835 Jany. i [sic] I hour I Mr. Disraeli I His failure at I Wycombe I Ansd I Wellin'. Dating: the poll at Wycombe was held on Wednesday 7 January 1835. 1 The electoral registers and poll books of High Wycombe yield no such name as John Matthie' for the period in question, although both Boyle's and Robson's Guide list a London resident of that name at 53 Hans Place. 2 Although no direct communication between D and Wellington on this subject has been located, the Duke did write to Carrington on D's behalf. See (vol i) 358n4.
3^3
41363
7 Jan 1835
The High Street, High Wycombe from an engraving of a picture by E.J. Niemann. The emblem of the Red Lion, now at Hughenden, is visible down the street on the right.
Bradenham House I High Wycombe I Wednesday night His Grace The Duke of Wellington confidential My Lord Duke,1 I have fought our battle and I have lost it; by a majority of fourteen.2 Had I been supported as I wished, the result was certain as I anticipated. Had Lord Carrington exerted himself even in the slightest degree in my favor, I must have been returned. But he certainly maintained a I neutrality, a neutrality so strict, that it amounted to a blockade. Had he avowedly supported me, even with my own resources, my majority wo[ul]d have been at least twenty.3 Grey made a violent anti-ministerial speech, and I annihilated him in my reply; but what use is annihilating men out of the house of Commons? I augured ill from a private conversation with Robt. Smith which he thus I tauntingly commenced "Your government can't stand six months; I wished to have supported them, but it is impossible. I shall take my old seat, and wait for Stanley. Peel is a tool; the Duke has outraged the nation by the appointment of GOULBURN."4 and more nonsense in this vein. But I saw he was against us. It is some consolation to me, even at this moment, that I have at least struggled to support your Grace. I am now a cipher; but I if the devotion of my energies to your cause, IN or OUT, can ever avail you, your Grace may count upon one, who seeks no greater satisfaction than that of serving a really great man. 1 Wellington's brief and formal reply to this letter on 10 January expressed his regrets at D's defeat. H B/i/A/34- D had written to Wellington on i January in a letter which has not been located. Wellington's answer was: Woodford Jany. 2. I 35 Dear Sir, I have received here your Letter of the ist. Inst. and am very much obliged to you for the Information which it contains. But I have nothing to say to such details, and I have sent the Information to those who have. I believe that you are in communication with other Members of H.M. Govt. who I think will have satisfied you by their accounts of the Interest felt in your success. I have the honor to be Wellington B. D'Israeli Esqr Bradenham House High Wycombe. [H B/I/A/33] 2 The final results of the poll for the two-member Wycombe constituency, held 7 January 1835, were: Robert Smith (Whig) 289, Charles Grey (Whig) 147, Disraeli (Ind.) 128. J. Vincent and M. Stenton eds McCalmont's Parliamentary Poll Book 8th ed (1971). Although D was standing as an independent Radical (Blake 121), Lyndhurst had persuaded the central Tory party office to contribute £500 to his election expenses. Kitson Clark 219. Dod and McCalmont both err in listing D's party affiliation as 'Conservative' in all three Wycombe campaigns. 3 Carrington, it would seem, had not been persuaded by Wellington's solicitation on D's behalf, but D either did not understand the delicacy of Carrington's position, or he chose to ignore it. See (vol i) 357n3. 4 Henry Goulburn (1784-1856), Tory MP for various constituencies 1808-56, was home secretary in Peel's government.
363 I 5 7 Jan 1835
6 I 365 11 Jan 1835
364
With feelings of the highest consideration, I have the honor to remain, my Lord Duke, Your f[aithfu]l obed Serv[an]t B. Disraeli TO THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF CHEPPING WYCOMBE Bradenham, Thursday 8 January 1835 O R I G I N A L : PS 46
PUBLICATION HISTORY: BH IK) 58 (lO Jan 1835).
Bradenham, Thursday, Jan. 8th, 1835.
GENTLEMEN, I cannot allow a day to pass over without expressing to you my grateful thanks for the cordial support you have just afforded me. Throughout our several struggles for the Independence of Wycombe, we can truly say that, however we may have regretted the state of the Poll, we have never had cause to be ashamed of it. The battle has been fairly fought, and fairly won. My friends, I am confident, will not murmur at the result, but will, I trust, in their cheerful acquiescence in the event, promote that spirit of conciliation and friendliness, which has eminently distinguished the recent contest. The prosperity of Wycombe will always be an object of interest to me; and while I live I shall ever remember with feelings of gratitude and affection, the numerous instances of friendship and devotion I have experienced from so many of its Inhabitants. Believe me ever, Gentlemen, Your faithful Friend and Servant, BENJAMIN DISRAELI. 365
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ff 106-7
[London?], Sunday [i i January? 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B i 22O, undated but ascribed to December 1832; Jerman 241-2, dated 10 January 1835, a Saturday EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 368.
Sunday My dear Austen, I have attended to our affairs and expect that tomorrow or Tuesday the money may be paid into my bankers, when I will instantly hand it over to your account. I will also attend to I the premium. I believe we are in good time, as there are I think 30 days grace. Had my agent attended to our registration, which for various reasons he did not, I shd have succeeded at Wycombe, as upwards of 18 ratted from Grey, I but the rates of many of my old supporters were not paid up. The Election or
rather contest did not cost me 8o£,1 the expense of husting etc., and Grey not short of 800. Had I let money fly, I sho[ul]d have come in. I make no doubt of success ano[the]r time. I have been confined to my sofa for the last week by a broken shin2 and only go out to day for the first I time. Perhaps, I shall reach you tomorrow. Love to all yrs ever BD TO LADY BLESSINGTON O R I G I N A L : PFRZ Misc. Ms. 905
[London?], Friday [16 January 1835?]
367 I 7 18 Jan 1835
3^6
COVER: 8 Seamore Place I The I Countess of Blessington I favored by TITA PUBLICATION HISTORY: Morrison 15, undated EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: between the close of the poll on 7 January and D's re-entry into society on 17 January. Probably Friday 16 January 1835.
Friday
Dearest Lady Blessington, You once expressed a desire to see Tita, when in town. Therefore he now waits upon you, more fortunate than his master, who from a neglected accident during I his contest, has been confined almost to his bed for the last week, but who hopes soon to be able to hobble I to Seamore Place,1 and assure Lady Blessington that he is her most affectionate and devoted Serv[an]t B. Disraeli TO LADY BLESSINGTON [London?], Sunday [18 January 1835] 367 O R I G I N A L : PFRZ Misc. Ms. 896
COVER: The Countess of Blessington I Disraeli PUBLICATION HISTORY: Morrison 15, dated (January? 1835) EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 369.
Sunday. My dearest lady, I return the letter, w[hi]ch is very curious. I must deny myself the pleasure of dining with you on Wednesday, even with you. 1 D's figure of £80 was unrealistically low but may have referred to the costs in excess of the £500 contributed by the Tory party. See 36302. In addition to hiring a hall to take the poll, and paying fees for returning and poll clerks, candidates were normally expected to pay the undersheriff and his assistants, as well as assorted other local officials. The bill commonly exceeded £500. For a detailed discussion of 'the costs of polities' in nineteenth-century England see Gash Politics ch 5. 2 Sarah wrote on 12 January: 'We have been very uneasy about your leg, and though now I still fear that it is very bad, it is at least some consolation to us that you are nursing it.' H A/i/B/541. 1 Lady Blessington lived at 8 Seamore Place, Curzon Street, from early in 1831 until 1836, when she took up residence at Kensington Gore. See 494n8.
8 I 369 20 Jan 1835
I met your friend Ld. Abinger yesterday and called him Sir J[ames] S[carlett] assured him that his new designation was more noble, but not more illustrious.1 Yrs BD
Dut
368 TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN [London?], Monday [19? January 1835] O R I G I N A L : BL ADD MS 45908 f f l 7 l - 2
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 242, dated 19 January 1835.
Monday I 5 o'ck My dear Austen, £450 was paid into your bankers on Saturday: I am mortified that I did not keep my promise to the letter, but the party in whom I trusted in my absence I partially disappointed me, and I am even now in ignorance if he have performed his promise. I called upon him to day but cd. not see him. I am now going to bed, I my leg is so very bad, and must dose and doctor, by the commands of my surgeon who has just left me, but I hope to be well eno' to call upon him tomorrow at 3 o'ck, which I appointed. I I hope, my dear friend, under all circumstances, you will consider I have virtually redeemed my pledge[.] I wd. attempt to express my bitter mortification but I am really TOO ILL. Yours ever and gratefully] BD 369 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Tuesday [20 January 1835] O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/84
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: w i JA20 I 1835 (2) In rectangle: Park [Stre]et PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 30-1, dated 2o January 1835, Pr*nts extracts from the fourth, fifth and sixth paragraphs, with 453 of 19 December 1835. EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature. Sic: click.
Tuesday My dearest, I have written to the Chancellor on the plea of ask[in]g for the reversion of the office in question and thereby placed Ralph's case before him. I have little doubt that something will be done for him.1 I put Mrs. W's Ire [letter] in the post myself and have sent this morn to Ely Place to make enquiries.2 1 Sir James Scarlett (1769-1844) had become ist Baron Abinger on 12 January 1835; although a Whig MP he had been respected by all parties as a reformer of the law, and was attorney-general in the ministries of both Canning and Wellington. In 1831 the impending Reform Bill, which he opposed, caused him to become a Tory and he sat as a Tory MP between 1831 and 1835, when he was elevated to the peerage. He had succeeded Lord Lyndhurst as lord chief baron of the Exchequer in 1834. 1 Sarah had asked D to find Ralph a position in the Chancery Registry Office. See 383nni,2. 2 Sarah had written two days earlier: 'I conclude that Mrs. Williams' letter never reached her, as
I shall be down at Bradenham probably on Thursday. I cannot bother myself ab[ou]t the Buckfs] Gazette.3 Ralph might do all this with[ou]t boring me - if indeed it be worth attention. He should have I immed[iate]ly written to the Times in the name of some Wycombe elector, White or Treacher.4 He is rather slow. I shall not ride in with the Marquis.5 I doubt not the impertinence was from Grey, who howr. praises me much at Crockfords etc. My father dines with the Chancellor next Saty and at Lady Bless[ington's] on Wednesday. Last Saty the dinner I was given to Lord Abinger and the Barons Ex[cheque]r and there was also Geo Dawson, myself, Me [Mackworth] Praed,6 young Gladstone,7 Sir M. Shee,8 Sir Jno. Beresford,9 and Pemberton:10 rather dull , but we had a swan, very white and tender and stuffed with truffles the best company there. Sunday I dined at Trevors; and tonight (no tomorrow) there is an at home to L[ad]y C[harlotte] Bury; but I have not called upon anyone, nor have any intention, tho' I may go there, pretend[in]g to pass thro' town, just to hear how affairs are going on with the click. Mrs. Norton to edit the Keepsake versus B[oo]k of B[eaut]y by Lady B[lessington], and has also written a novel and sold it to S and O.11 Yr aff[ectionate] I have never had an answer.' H A/i/B/544. Charles Williams, a solicitor, lived at 19 Ely Place, Holborn. 3 In her letter Sarah had added: 'There was a long letter in the Bucks Gazette about Wycombe which Ralph and I managed to copy in the half hour the Pardoes lent us the paper, and which I hope you will be able to read. There are many points in it which could be answered satisfactorily, especially about your having in a manner promised not I to come forward again, but one scarcely knows how prudent it is to get involved in paper quarelling [sic]. Do you think the impertinence of the commencement came from Grey - We think that Charles Harman wrote it!' H A/I/B/544-
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
A highly critical letter about D and the campaign tactics of his supporters was published in The Bucks Gazette no 1,173 (*7 J an 1^35)- The anonymous writer had attacked D for once again putting Wycombe to the trouble of a contested election. He acknowledged D's skill in managing to draw support from both Radicals and Tories, but at the price of 'no declaration of political principles - no engagements to support, or oppose any particular questions!' The writer also emphasized that D had been used by the local Tories and had fought for them with energy worthy of a better cause, but that 'reformers must rejoice at his failure.' Archibald White, conveyancer in High Street, High Wycombe, had been D's election agent in 1832. See (vol i) sjiyni. The Treacher family were chairmakers,' Radicals and, initially, loyal supporters of Disraeli. Samuel Treacher was probably intended. Ashford 262, 267-8. Sarah had asked D: 'Do you intend to put yourself forward about the Wycombe dinner by riding in with the Marquis [Chandos], or otherwise patronizing him, or will you let him go his own way?' H A/i/B/544Winthrop Mackworth Praed (1802-1839), Tory MP for various constituencies 1830-9, was then one of the joint secretaries of the Board of Control in Peel's government. William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) was at this time a junior lord of the Treasury. This is the first recorded reference to Gladstone in D's letters. Sir Martin Archer Shee. Vice Adm Sir John Poo Beresford (1766-1844), ist Baronet; Tory MP for various constituencies 1809-37, witn interruptions. In 1838 he became an admiral. Thomas Pemberton (1793-1867), after 1858 ist Baron Kingsdown, Tory MP for Rye 1831-2 and for Ripon 1835-43. He later took the additional surname of Leigh. Caroline Norton's novel The Wife and Woman's Reward was published by Saunders and Otley in 1835. She did edit The Keepsake for 1836, but not thereafter.
369 I 9 20 Jan 1835
37°
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE WESTMINSTER [REFORM] CLUB ORIGINAL: PS 28
3 [ia] Park Street, [London], [Wednesday] 28 January [1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Beeton 149, dated 28 January 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The title of the recipient and of the Club is drawn from the printed source. As D later denied that he knew it was a 'Reform' club, it should be pointed out that his only reference to it in his text is consistent with that claim. The printed source also incorrectly gives D's address as '3, Park Street' rather than '313'. Sic: bonâ-fide, DTsraeli.
3, Park Street, Grosvenor Square, Jan. 28 [1835]
Sir, Having received a letter from you this morning, apprising me that I am a threatened defaulter in the matter of the Westminster Club,1 I beg to inform you that I never entered the walls of that club house but once, and that was with the intention of paying my admission fee and subscription. On that occasion I was informed that the secretary2 was absent in Ireland, and I freely confess to you that I was then unable to obtain any satisfactory evidence that the club had a bonâ-fide existence. If, however, I am acting under a wrong impression, and I am to understand that the club really exists, without any view of immediate dissolution, I shall be happy to forward the cheque which you require. I am, yours, etc. B. D'Israeli. 37 *
T0
VISCOUNT STANHOPE OF MAHON 3la Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], [Friday] 30 January 1835
O R I G I N A L : KCR Stanhope MSS 690(1)
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: My, Lord.
3ia Park Street Grosvenor Sq, I Jany. 30 1835 The Ld Visct Mahon My Lord, I feel that our slight personal acquaintance does not entitle me to ask a favor of your Lords[hi]p, but as the favor is one which only can be conceded on public grounds, I venture to make the request.1 It is of the utmost importance to me to become a member of the Athenaeum I Club,2 on account of its library. I am at this moment engaged, and have been 1 For details of D's association with the club see 4O9nn3Q, 40. 2 The secretary was Henry Phibbs Fry (b 1808?), who later took holy orders and became a doctor of divinity. Fagan 20, 30-1; G.D. Burtchaeli and T.U. Sadleir Alumni Dublinenses (Dublin 1935) 311. 1 Philip Henry Stanhope, Viscount Stanhope of Mahon, had been elected to the Athenaeum in 1828 and was influential on its membership committee. Ward 29. 2 D had tried once before, in 1832, to become a member. At that time his request to Bulwer to lobby on his behalf was met with the warning that 'there is some chance of your not coming in
for some time, in a voluminous political history,3 and I suffer while in London so much from want of books, that your L[ordshi]p, as a literary man, will I am sure sympathise with my distress. Mr. Amyot has offered to second my proposal as a member of the Athenaeum4 I on the second regulation,5 and has indicated to me, in confidence, the just weight which your L[ordshi]p possesses in the Committee. I am well aware that the nature of the works by which I have principally obtained any reputation, or perhaps I sho[ul]d say notoriety, in this country,6 scarcely entitles me to this distinction, but still as the author of a metaphysical romance, which has I been translated into several modern languages,7 and one, who has at least attempted to strike the long mute strings of the Epick Lyre, I might perhaps be considered not altog[ethe]r unworthy of this indulgence. Might I hope that your L[ordshi]p wd. interest yourself in my favor, and orginate a nomination which I have reason to believe will not be feebly seconded? I can assure you the frankness with which you I may think fit to refuse this application will be deemed a favor only second to granting it by one, who with great consideration, subscribes himself, My, Lord, Your L[ordshi]p's obedt Ser[van]t B. Disraeli
372 I 11 2 Feb 1835
TO VISCOUNT STANHOPE OF MAHON 313 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], [Monday] 2 February 1835
37 ^
O R I G I N A L : KCR Stanhope MSS 6go(l) 2.
3
4
5
6 7
because you have written books people have talked about.' H B/xx/Ly/g. Both attempts to gain entry failed. D did not become a member until 1866. Ward 209; H A/iv/M/33. This could be the Vindication or D's proposed 'History of the Reform of The House of Commons' mentioned in both 441 and 443 ten months later. He had been encouraged in this labour by Lady Blessington on 4 September 1834: 'Indeed indeed you must not be idle - it is a sin to waste a Genius like yours. Write write write no matter what, so that you do but write. Why not write the history of the Reform? Some one else without your powers of fulfilling the task will take it up and there will be an occasion lost of distinguishing yourself.' H B/xxi/B/55g. Thomas Amyot (1775-1850) was then registrar of colonial slaves, a post which was part of the administrative machinery for dismantling slavery. He was also a member of the Society of Antiquaries and of the Athenaeum Club. Isaac had enlisted Amyot's support in the cause of D's candidacy for the Athenaeum. H A/i/c/i8; Greville I 242; Ward 101-02. W.V. Daniell catalogue no 7 ns (1911?) item 496 lists a letter on this subject from D to Amyot with the following undated extract: 'Lord Shaftesbury says that it is his intention to propose me at the next nomination day. Has he communicated with you?' In 1830 the selection committee of the Athenaeum adopted Rule n which enabled them to elect annually 'nine persons eminent in arts, science or literature'. It was under this rule that D finally became a member. For an explanation of the rule and a list of members elected under its auspices see Ward 115-353. Vivian Grey (1826-7) and The Young Duke (1831). D described the former in the 'Mutilated Diary' as 'the most unequal, imperfect, irregular thing that indiscretion ever published'. H A/III/C. See vol I app in (entry for 21 Oct 1833). Although English-language editions of Contarini Fleming had been published in both France and Germany by this time, there is no evidence of a German translation until 1846, nor of a French one until 1863. Stewart Writings no, in.
12 I 373 7 Feb 1835
373
3ia Park Street Grosr Square I Feb. 2 1835. My Lord, I feel it due to myself to make one observation on the letter which I have occasioned you the trouble of writing, and for which I feel very much obliged.1 I will not detain you with explanations of old electioneering stories, now of some years duration. Believing howr., that the unfriendly feeling, which, founded on misrepresentation, has, I am conscious, subsisted against me in I the noble family to which your L[ordshi]p has alluded, no longer flourished, I did not deem myself precluded from making the request contained in my last letter. That application was made under the impression, perhaps too rash a one, that yr L[ordshi]p might not have been ignorant of the friendly explanation which, some time ago, thro' I the kind offices of a common friend, Count D'Orsay, occurred bet[wee]n myself and Mr Smith, an explanation which on his side has been followed by friendly intercourse, and several letters distinguished by their courtesy and kind feeling. I have them not here, or in justice to myself, I wd. enclose them, but I remember that on the very subject to which you I have particularly alluded, nothing cd. be more explicit than Mr Smith's declaration, that any hostile feeling which had subsisted in the breast of his noble father against me, was entirely and absolutely removed. I do not trouble yr L[ordshi]p with this letter to renew the request which I have made, but merely to explain to you a movement on my part by which your L[ordshi]p appears to have been very naturally astonished. I am, my Lord, Your very obedt. h[um]ble S[ervan]t. B. Disraeli T0 ISAAC D ISRAELI
'
ORIGINAL: NYPL Berg 4 1229756
[London], Saturday [7 February 1835]
COVER: I. Disraeli Esqre. I Bradenham House I High Wycombe I Bucks. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: c i [F]E-7 I [i]835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 31-2, extracts dated 7 February 1835 conflated with extracts from 374 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: standard, Matthews, in my way home.
Saty My Dr F[athe]r, I contrived to see an intimate friend of Buxton to day, who told me that the rise in Reals was in consequence of news, and that Buxton sd the news justified their being 2o£ pr. share higher: and that the accounts were equally favorable from Bolanos and that it was not wise to sell either shares. Therefore at present I wo[ul]d be quiet.1 There is a good deal of bubble specul[ati]on I at present, but the rise in Reals is not occasioned by this. 1 Lord Mahon had written to D on 2 February 1835 (in reply to 371) declining to nominate him for membership in the Athenaeum Club on the grounds that it was commonly believed that D had 'used strong language against more than one member' of his family (Lord Mahon was Robert Smith's nephew). However, Mahon assured D that he had 'no feeling of animosity' against him.
Stanhope MSS 6go(l).
1 Thomas Fowell Buxton was closely connected with the Real del Monte company, having been elected chairman of the court of directors of the company in 1824. Robert W. Randall Real del Monte (Austin 1972) 42. See also (vol i) 283^.
The mysterious article in the standard alluded to a rumored disunion in the Cab[ine]t and that the King had written to Ld. Grey. There never has been a single difference or division in the cabinet yet; and the Standard exposed itself by noticing such trash.2 I dined at Austens yesterday: a male party, rather better than usual. Lieut: Burnes3 had been asked. I There was Roget,4 Storks the eternal,5 Brockedon,6 Littledale,7 Broderip8 and a man named Warren author of the Diary of a Physician,9 and more amusing than Charles Matthews. In the evening I called in on Lady Bless[ington] in my way home. Jekyll met Scarlett at her house for the first time after his elev[ati]on and thus saluted him - "I say Scarlett how came you to get hold of your new name? I have heard of Porringer before and Scavenger, but never yet of Abinger!"lQ The Queen goes on prosperously and I the Whig wits say that the Psalm to be sung at Churching is to be "Lord howe wonderful are thy works!"11 Bulwer has had a relapse and quitted town very ill. 2 The Standard was given to the practice of circulating rumours the truth of which it simultaneously denied. A hint in the issue of 2 February became more specific the next day, when the paper referred to talk of 'divisions in the Cabinet' and 'resignation'. But the rumours were dismissed as unfounded. There was no mention either of the King or of Lord Grey, though the King would probably have sent for Grey had the Tory administration collapsed. The Standard nos 2412-13 (2-3 Feb 1835). 3 Alexander Burnes (1805-1841), of the same family as Robert Burns the poet. He left England for India in 1821. When he returned to England in 1833 he was well received, for his fame as an adventurer and traveller had preceded him. He received the gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society and the Athenaeum Club admitted him without a ballot. He was eagerly sought out by fashionable society and appeared at Holland House and at the Brighton Pavilion. Burnes returned to India later in 1835, was knighted in 1839, and was killed in the Kabul massacre of 1841. 4 Presumably Peter Mark Roget (1779-1869), the compiler of the well-known thesaurus. He was secretary of the Royal Society 1827-49 anc^ tne first Fullerian professor of physiology at the Royal Institution 1833-6. 5 Probably Henry Storks. See (vol i) g2n8. 'Eternal', in this context, may well be interpreted as 'interminable'. 6 William Brockedon (1787-1854), artist, author and inventor, was prominent in a large number of organizations in London. He was a founding member of the Royal Geographical Society and was frequently listed among directors of various institutions concerned with the fine arts. He also belonged to the Athenaeum. John Burke ed The Official Kalendar for 1830 (1830) cols 48-9, 50, 106. 7 Sir Joseph Littledale (1767-1842), justice of the Court of King's Bench 1824-37, and Queen's Bench 1837-41. Greville iv 365^ 8 William John Broderip (1789-1859), lawyer and naturalist. He was a fellow of the Linnean Society, of the Geological Society and of the Royal Society; in 1826 he had helped to found the Zoological Society. 9 Samuel Warren (1807-1877), lawyer and novelist, Conservative MP for Midhurst 1856-9, was the author of Passages from the Diary of a Late Physician (1838), which had first appeared in eighteen instalments in Blackwood's from August 1830 to August 1837. He was also the author of the very popular novel Ten Thousand a Year (1839). For his role as a mimic see (vol l) 33ni and 375*410 Sir James Scarlett had just been created Baron Abinger; presumably Jekyll's reputation as a wit was founded on better sallies than this. 11 Greville wrote in his journal for 25 January 1835: 'Munster told me the day before yesterday
373 I 13 7 Feb 1835
14 I 374 12 Feb 1835
374
I am so pressed for time that I can only send my love to all and thank my mother for her offer and Sa for her letter. I will write soon. BDI I can say nothing certain about the Speaker: his fate depends upon negotiations in train, but they bet at Crockfords 2 to i on Sutton.12 T0 SARAH
DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : ILLU xB 636561 Card 2
[London], Thursday [12 February 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: K i FE12 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 31-2, extracts dated 7 February 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Stewart, Southay.
Thursday My dearest Sa, Altho' I have scarcely a word to tell you, surely you must have something to tell me; if it only be an account of the family health. I am very busy, but as I go nowhere, and as there is scarcely any society in London, nothing of chitchat occurs. Everything goes well; and Manners Sutton's business looks better every day. My portrait engraved by Lane1 I from D'Orsay's drawing is finished and everybody who has seen it admires it. I cannot send it you save in a portfolio; and I hope to bring it myself in a few days - tog[ethe]r with Lady Bles[sington]'s new novel2 for my mother, tho' I fear it will not much amuse her. We had a pleasant little dinner at Lady S[ykes's?] on Monday, the Copleys and D'Ors[ay], Burghersh and I Ld Stewart de Roth[esay],3 but this is the only agreeable dinner I have been at. There was a Miss Bissett4 dined there, who is a great friend of the Dashwoods, and stays at Wycjpmbe] and knows Brad[enham] etc and makes out Dash is a great admirer of mine and reads Cont[arini] Ffleming] out aloud to the family circle. Perhaps a fudge. that He was told of the Queen's being with child on the day of the Lord Mayor's dinner; that She is now between two and three months gone. Of course there will be plenty of scandal. Alvanley proposes that the Psalm "Lord how wonderful are thy works" should be sung. It so happens, however, that Howe has not been with the Court for a considerable time'. Greville m 147. Richard William Penn Curzon-Howe (1796-1870), after 1821 ist Earl Howe of the second creation, was lord chamberlain to Queen Adelaide 1830-1, 1834-7, 1837-49. 12 Charles Manners-Sutton had been Speaker of the House since 1817, but the Whigs were still piqued over the events of the previous November and proposed James Abercromby (17761858), after 1839 ist Baron Dunfermline. Abercromby's election on 19 February 1835 - by a majority of 10 votes - came as an unexpected blow to Peel's ministry. Kitson Clark 236-7; Greville m 159-60. 1 Richard James Lane (1800-1872), engraver and lithographer. He executed pencil and chalk sketches of the best-known people of the day, but is best remembered for his work in having engraving and lithography accepted as a fine art. 2 The Two Friends, published by Saunders and Otley in January 1835. 3 Charles Stuart (1779-1845), ist Baron Stuart de Rothesay. He was joint chargé d'affaires at Madrid in 1808, minister at the Hague 1815-16, ambassador to Paris 1815-30, and ambassador to St Petersburg 1841-5. 4 Robson's Guide lists Sir John Bissett (1777-1854) at i Tavistock Street, Bedford Square, and a
Lord Shaftesbury5 will not be in town until the i8th. but Lyndhurst has written to him and expects an answer tomorrow. Mrs. Southay is mad.6 Do you know this? Strangford is educating his I second daughter7 himself, and they read the Curiosities every morning. My love to my mother and all. BD
376 I 15 17 Feb 1835
TO [SARA AUSTEN] [London], Thursday [12 February 1835] 375 ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ^04-5
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 246-7, extract dated 13 February 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 373 and 374. Sic: Matthews, Homoi-Pathic.
Thursday morn
Dearest Lady, Any day, after tomorrow, if your coachman will turn his horses' heads to Mitchell's Circulating Lib[rary] Old Bond St. Mr M.1 will give you a portrait of your correspondent engraved I by Lane from a drawing by Count D'Orsay, and which I hope you will deem a good likeness. If you even think it worth a frame, let Cribb2 make one of maple wood according to a I pattern which I gave him some time back for a portrait of the Duke of Devon[shir]e3 for Mrs Norton. Your dinner party was most agreeable and Warren is capital; as good a social mimic4 as I Charles Matthews and infinitely cleverer. I have been suffering for the last five or six days from an attack of Influenza, and am still very seedy, but I have been cured by the Homoi-Pathic system.5 Yours ever BD TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 flo8
[London], Tuesday [17 February 1835]
COVER: Benj Austen Esquire I 32 Guildford Street I Russell Sqr.
POSTMARK: (l) In oval: [4.EV]EN.4 I [17]FE17 I .1835. (2) In packet: T.? I Park Str. GS EDITORIAL COMMENT: SlCl Argus'.
Miss Bissett living at 54 Edgeware Road. 5 Cropley Ashley Cooper (1768-1851), 6th Earl of Shaftesbury, father of the famous philanthropist and social reformer. 6 After the death of Southey's daughter Isabel on 16 July 1826, Edith Southey never recovered. She died 16 November 1837. K. Currey Southey (1975) 58. 7 Louisa Fanny Sydney Smythe. 1 John Mitchell was a bookseller and proprietor of a circulating library at 33 Old Bond Street. See also 53Qn2. It is probable that D borrowed money from him. See 654. 2 W. Cribb, carver and gilder, 34 King Street, Covent Garden. 3 William George Spencer Cavendish (1790-1858), 6th Duke of Devonshire. 4 The capacity of Samuel Warren for mimicry had sometimes found its victim in D himself. See (vol l) 33ni. Sir A. Henry Layard Autobiography and Letters (1903) I 50. 5 The homoeopathic system, founded by Hahnemann of Leipzig around 1796, by which diseases are treated by the administration, in small doses, of drugs which, in healthy persons, would produce symptoms similar to the disease. See 494n6.
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i6 I 377 20 Feb 1835
377
Tuesday morng. Dear Austen, I enclose the int[erest] £25 and wd. the 5o£ also but have not reed yet the money I expected, and am ashamed to draw at this moment on my bankers. I do not understand you about the insurance: you shd. have reed, a pol[ic]y for £500 more than ten days back. I write to the Argus'1 by this post and by tomorrow make no doubt you will rec[eive] the Pol[icy]. Yours truly BD Acknowledge rec[eip]t. T0
tSARAH DISRAELI]
O R I G I N A L : PS 7
[London], [Friday 20 February 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 579 (Christmas 1932) item 1352; LEGS 32, extracts dated 20 February 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The text is given as it appears in Maggs catalogue. Dating: Abercromby was elected Speaker on 19 February 1835. Sic: provised.
What[eve]r may be the result of last night's debate,1 whe[the]r the Tories as I believe they will ultimately prove, be the strongest, or the opposition come in, and I for one do not comprehend how they can; one thing I deem certain vizt. that another dissolution will occur, before nine months are over. Peel did not speak well. Stanley with great point and power; Burdett, who had written to Lady Blessington and provised [promised] to vote for Sutton, saying that there was as much difference bet[wee]n Abercr. and him 'as bet[wee]n a nutshell and the dome of St. Paul's,' lost his courage and sneaked off with[ou]t vot[in]g. Henry Stanley, who had promised me to vote for Sutton, voted for Ab[ercromb]y; Sir Chs. Verney2 and Sulli[va]n,3 Clayton,4 and Richard[s]5 for Sutton. O'Connell has managed it all and very well, but, in spite of their discomfiture, if the Tories be firm, they must eventually succeed. O'Connell is so powerful that he says he will be in the Cabinet.6 How can the Whigs submit to this? It is the Irish Catholic party which has done all the mischief. 1 The Argus Life Assurance Company, 39 Throgmorton Street. 1 The debate on the evening of 19 February had been on the Speakership of the House of Commons. See 378n2. 2 The transcription may be incorrect, for no Charles Verney was an MP at this time. D probably meant Sir Harry Verney (1801-1894), 2nd Baronet, then Whig MP for Buckingham. 3 Richard Sullivan, Radical MP for Kilkenny 1832-6. 4 Sir William Robert Clayton (1786-1866), 5th Baronet, a distinguished Waterloo officer and at this time a lieutenant colonel in the army; Whig MP for Marlow from 1831 until unseated on petition in 1842. He reached the rank of general the year before his death. 5 D is probably referring to John Richards, Whig MP for Knaresborough 1832-7. 6 The union of the Whigs with the Irish Radicals arranged before the opening of Parliament, and commonly referred to as the Lichfield compact, was rumoured to have been grounded on O'Connell's pledge to set aside his demands for Repeal of the Union in exchange for what Greville described as 'some lucrative place' once the Whigs regained office. Apparently, O'Connell wanted to be master of the rolls in Ireland. Modern scholarship is sceptical about whether such a compact existed. Greville in 166; Kitson Clark 233.
TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli A8
[London, Thursday 26 February 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: v i FE26 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 32-3, dated 26 February 1835, conflates the first paragraph with part of 384 EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature.
My dearest, Here there is only one topic: the division on the address. We expect to win,1 and if so, the Govt. will have seen its roughest hour. Peel made a powerful speech Stanley constrained and qualifying. His way is evidently not clear. I cannot understand the game he is playing. On the Speakership he had no party.2 Now fifty I men meet at his house every morng.3 Lyndhurst squabashed Brougham on Tuesday.4 Eliot and I are great friends, but the advances came from him. Poor H[enr]y Fitzroy is in despair about being out.5 He lost at Lewes having a clear majority of 40 on Nomination night. He I turned out an orator in the Provinces, and his success has quite turned his head. He says "to be out at such a moment. Good God and I wd. have answered John Russell every night! My friends tell me I am in low spirits. Of course I'm in low spirits. Everything in my very grasp! I can express my feelings to you but by G[o]d when those damned fellows I who are in come with their cursed condolence to me, by Jove I turn on my heel." I never saw a fellow in such a state. He used to be a great dandy in every sense. Now he says "I think of nothing else - There is no place in the world but the house, and we are OUT! Eno' I to make any fellow in low spirits[.]" 1 Peel's ministry was defeated on the Address by 309 votes to 302 in the early morning of 27 February. 2 Stanley had voted with the ministry and against Abercromby as Speaker. According to Greville, Stanley had not been successful in his bid to persuade other Whigs to join him; in fact his sole convert was Angerstein 'who changed his vote because Stanley made out that Abercrombie [sic] was for the Ballot.' Greville III 160. 3 These meetings, from which originated the Stanley party, were of considerable significance to the Peel government. Stanley, intent on garnering support for the ministry, invited members who, though not impressed with the composition of the government, wanted to support it. Describing this new political grouping as 'moderate Liberal', Greville wrote that 'the design of his friends is to show themselves Conservatives without being Tories, to save this Government, not from love to it, but from fear of its opponents and of the alternative.' Greville ill 168-9. 4 In the debate on the Speech from the Throne. Hansard xxvi cols 128-37. 5 Henry Fitzroy (1807-1859), second son of 2nd Baron Southampton, Tory MP for Grimsby 1831-2, had been defeated at Lewes in January. He was eventually elected for that constituency in the 1837 general election and represented it with interruptions until his death. He became a Peelite in 1845, serving as civil lord of the Admiralty in Peel's second government. Eventually he became a Liberal.
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379
T0
VISCOUNT HOWICK
3 ia
Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], Friday 27 February 1835
O R I G I N A L : DURG Earl Grey Papers, 3rd Earl: Beaconsfield 1
EDITORIAL COMMENT: A copy of this letter, in Sarah's hand, is in the Hughenden papers (B/l/A/go).
3iA Park St. Grosr Sqr. I Feby: 27th. 1835. I Friday My Lord,1 My attention has been called to a professed report in the Times newspaper2 of a speech delivered by your L[ordshi]p in the house of Commons yesterday in which the following paragraph occurs - "Their very first act was not merely I a dissolution of Parliamt., but an attempt in every place where by any means they co[ul]d have the smallest influence to turn out even the most moderate reformers. The Rt Hon Bart'? seemed to deny that statement, but if, as he had said, his opinions during the last two years were not very different from those of the late Govt.4 I he (the noble Lord) co[ul]d not help asking why one, a relative of his own,5 was to be opposed on the part of Govt. in favor of an individual who only two years ago had announced himself a Radical Reformer.6 The Rt Hon Bt. might indeed not be cognisant of the fact, but he (Là. H.) co[ul]d tell him who was: the present Ld. C[hancello]r7 I had actually canvassed for votes in favor of that individuar. I will take it for granted, at present, that this paragraph is a sufficiently correct report of what your L[ordshi]p uttered, but in assuming this conclusion, I must also observe that yr. L[ordshi]p has been considerably misinformed in all that you have stated relative to the late election I at Wycombe. You have been misinformed in being assured that "a relative of your own" was opposed at Wycombe at the instigation of the Governmt. He was opposed at Wycombe, then, as he had been twice before, and ever will be, at the instigation of the Electors. Wycombe is one of those places where a Govt. can have no influence, for it I is a place where a Governmt. can have no patronage: there is only one voter in Wycombe, the exercise of whose suffrage a governmt. co[ul]d influence, and that elector voted for "a relation of your own." You have been further misinformed when you permitted yourself to insinuate against me a I charge, to which, of course you did not remember, it was not in my power to reply. I have never changed my opinions: they are now the same 1 Henry George Grey (1802-1894), Viscount Howick, after 1845 3rc* Earl Grey, eldest son of the former prime minister; secretary at war 1835-9, colonial secretary 1846-52. 2 Lord Howick's speech appeared in The Times of that day. 3 Sir Robert Peel. 4 Melbourne had resigned on 14 November 1834. 5 Col Charles Grey, Lord Howick's brother. 6 The Tories had not run a candidate of their own against Robert Smith and Charles Grey in the general election of the previous month, but they had contributed £500 to D's election expenses. See 3Ô3n2. D had not publicly associated himself with the Tories during the campaign, and, in his speech of 16 December 1834 at Wycombe, had said that he could not condescend to be supported by either Whigs or Tories. See also 369^. 7 Lyndhurst, who persuaded the Tories to make the contribution to D's campaign.
that I have ever professed; principles which permit me to yield a conscientious support to the present administration, and which have ever compelled me to offer an uncompromising opposition to the party of which yr I L[ordshi]p is a member. Finally yr L[ordshi]p has been misinformed in the last and gravest accusation in which you have indulged. I deny absolutely, and with[ou]t any reservation, that the eminent personage, to whom you have alluded, ever "canvassed for votes" in my favor. I sho[ul]d indeed have felt honored by such a supporter, but there are two reasons why I never co[ul]d have expected, or desired, such an interposition in I my favor: firstly because I sho[ul]d have felt that an application to such a person, for such a purpose, must have been in vain; and 2ndly, because from my local experience I sho[ul]d have known, that had such an application been successful, the interference must have been fruitless. My Lord, I need not assure you that no one regrets more than I your present correspondent, that he is under the necessity of replying to your attack in the house of Commons through the medium of a newspaper.8 But under the circumstances in which I am placed, I feel confident that your Lordship can have no objection to my I publishing my reply through the same channel as that which has contained the report of your attack. I have the honor to be, my Lord, yr L[ordshi]ps obedt Servant B. Disraeli9 8 This letter was not published in The Times. 9 Howick replied the same evening:
Whitehall Place I Friday night Sir In answer to your letter which I have just received I have only to say that I neither insinuated nor meant to make any charge whatever against you either of having changed your opin[io]ns or of having given your support to the Govt otherwise than conscientiously. I did not state that you had solicited the support of the Govt. or that your oppositn to my brother had been instigated by them. I merely mentioned the fact that the Govt support was given against him to one whom I believed that I correctly termed a Radical Reformer as I had understood him to have advocated Vote by Ballot and shortened Parks. That interest was used in your favour by the Govt is evident from the admitted fact of a Cabinet Minister I having canvassed an Elector in your behalf, though that elector as you truly state did nevertheless vote for my brother. The Ld Chancellor I am willing to admit may not have actually canvassed voters themselves, and the expressn I made use of may therefore possibly be incorrect; but I have been informed on authority which unless expressly contradicted I cannot do otherwise than believe that he did endeavour to persuade others possessing influence to exert it in your favour. I can of course have no objectn to the publicatn of your letter, but in the event of your deeming such a step necessary, I rely upon your giving the same publicity to my answer. I have etc H. B. Disraeli Esqr [DURG2: Beaconsfield 2]
379 I 19 27 Feb 1835
3 8O
TO VISCOUNT HOWICK
313 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], Saturday [28 February 1835]
ORIGINAL: DURG Earl Grey Papers, 3rd Earl: Beaconsfield 3
EDITORIAL COMMENT: On the fourth page of the MS in another hand: 'Mr Disraeli I Feb 28 I 35.' Dating: by comparison with 379.
31 A. Park Street I Grosvenor Sqr. I Saturday morng. Viscount Howick M.P. My Lord, I have this moment had the honor to receive your letter dated last night, and I instantly reply to it. I have to repeat that the Government support was not given to me, for the Government had none to give. As you admit you were incorrect in your statement respecting the Lord Chancellor, I have nothing further to say upon the subject. You I err in stating that I have admitted that another Cabinet Minister canvassed an Elector on my behalf, and that he nevertheless voted for your brother, and which you adduce as evidence that the Government influence was exercised in my favor. Having already informed you that the Governmt. possessed no influence at Wycombe, I conceived it unnecessary to notice the charge. It is nevertheless true that another cabinet Minister did address a letter to a private acquaintance of I his own at Wycombe in my behalf, but I protest against such an application being construed into an interference of a Government in my favor. Your definition of a Radical Reformer does not agree with mine. How far the adoption of the principle of the Ballot, especially in those constituencies willing to assume it, the constituencies of towns, might be conducive, in the present arrangement of those constituencies, to the maintenance of the constitution of this country, is a I subject well worthy the consideration of our legislators. Upon that point your Lordship and myself differ in opinion, but I am not now going to enter into a political discussion. As for "short Parliaments", there was a time when, in patriotic opposition to the party, of which your L[ordshi]p is a member, it was the proudest boast of the Tories, that they were their advocates. I willingly admit that Primitive Toryism, like primitive Xt[ianit]y, may be a very different faith from the one at present professed by its votaries: nevertheless I am a primitive Tory. I have the honor to be yr L[ordshi]p's ob[edien]t Ser[van]t B. Disraeli I shall avail myself of yr. L[ordshi]p's permission to publish this correspondence.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE WESTMINSTER [REFORM] CLUB
[London?, Sunday 8 March 1835]
^8 1
ORIGINAL: PS 2Q
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Beeton 149-50, dated 8 March 1835. EDITORIAL COMMENT: SÍCI D'Israeli.
Sir, I enclose you a draft for the sum you require, and as my engagements have not permitted me to avail myself of the Westminster Club, I shall feel obliged by your doing me the honour of withdrawing my name from the list of the members of the society. I am, sir, yours, etc., B. D'Israeli. TO ISAAC D'ISRAELI
[London?, Monday 16 March 1835]
ORIGINAL: PS 54
38
2
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 333 (Spring 1915) item 16 EDITORIAL COMMENT. The text follows Maggs catalogue, but the correct form for each of the two surnames has been indicated in square brackets. Dating: the letter is dated by Maggs as '16 Mch., 1835.'.
I shd not be surprised if some modification of the Govt were to take place;1 but it will not affect my friends. I feel confident now, that a virtually Tory ministry will govern the country for many years I have seen Staber [Haber], his acct. of his escape from France when his banker, Mr. Jange [Jauge],2 and all his friends were arrested is one of the most dramatic incidents conceivable. TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/85
Albion Club, [85 St James's Street, London], [Wednesday 18 March 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: o i MRi8 I 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: grandaughter. 1 Perhaps a reference to the storm raised in the Commons on 13 March over Peel's appointment of the Marquess of Londonderry as ambassador to St Petersburg. According to Greville, Wellington was rumoured to have been contemplating resignation should the appointment be successfully opposed. Greville in 175-7. 2 Presumably D was referring to Baron Haber and his banker, Amedée Jauge, both of whom were arrested during the summer of 1834 for alleged communication with Don Carlos and for aiding in his escape from England. Apparently Pozzo di Borgo would have been arrested as well, save for his diplomatic immunity. By October the charges had been dropped. Victor de Nouvion Histoire du régne de Louis-Philippe 1er (Paris 1859) m 534; Thomas Raikes A Portion of the Journal o f . . . (1856) I 275, 298; Revue des deux mondes ns III (i Aug 1834) 374; The Times (26 Aug; 3 Nov 1834). For the earlier history of the members of the Jauge family and their banking activities see Jean Bouchary Les Manieurs d'argent à Paris à la fin du XVIII"™ siècle III (Paris 1943) 118-19, 127-8.
3^3
22 I 384 21 Mar 1835
384
Albion Club. Darling, I see by the Times newspaper that old Bedwell1 has fallen down in a fit. I am going off to the Chanc[ello]r immediately to notify the fact to him, and secure the place.2 This melancholy incident has put me in such good spirits, that I shall go to Lady Sal[isbury]'s tonight I which I did not intend. Canvassing it turns out is not written by Banim but by Miss Martin, the grandaughter of old Dick Martin of Galway - and Banim who fathered it, now declines the laurels with which he has been crowned.3 The Clergyman etc. is universally spoken of as written I by a layman.4 I have not read it. The Conservative cause looks better every hour. Of ultimate success I have no doubt. I write in great haste and only to assure you that I am attending to Ralph's interests. Your own, D TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/86
[London], Saturday [21 March 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (l) In circle: V I MR21 I 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 32-3, dated 26 February 1835, prints the second paragraph, with an extract from 378. EDITORIAL COMMENT: SÍC'. route.
1 Francis Benjamin Bedwell (1777-1835), then senior clerk to the registrars of the Court of Chancery, had previously worked in the Register Office of the Law Department. GAÍ ns iv (Dec 1835) 662. There was soon a young Bedwell, no doubt a son, in the same department. Sarah described Tercival Bedwell' as an acquaintance of the family. H A/i/B/549. 2 For Ralph. See 384 and Sarah's reply to it: 'I should be very very happy about this affair of Ralph if I could believe it would really come to pass, but it seems too wonderful.' H A/i/B/547. Sarah's scepticism appears to have been justified, for there is no evidence that Ralph benefited from Bedwell's misfortune. Bedwell did not succumb to this attack, but he died later the same year, on 31 October. 3 The Mayor of Wind-gap, and Canvassing by 'the O'Hara Family' had appeared in three volumes in January. John Banim (1798-1842) and his brother Michael (1796-1874) had used the pseudonym for previous works which they had written jointly or individually. The Mayor of Wind-gap was written by Michael Banim but Canvassing had been written, on his encouragement, by Mary Letitia Martin (1808-1853), the grand-daughter of Richard Martin (1754-1834), MP for Galway 1801-12, 1818-27. Known as 'Humanity' Martin, he had been one of the founders of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and was credited with having secured in 1822 passage of the first British legislation against the mistreatment of animals. 4 There was speculation about the authorship of Scenes and Stories, by 'a Clergyman in Debt', just published in three volumes. A reviewer in The Morning Post no 20,048 (10 Mar 1835) suggested that the author was really 'a gentleman who lately figured in the cheap periodical line.' The author was, in fact, Frederick William Naylor Bayley (1808-1853), occasional writer and journalist, and one-time editor of the defunct Literary Times.
I 23 21 Mar 1835
384
ist Baron Lyndhurst from a drawing by George Richmond, RA
24 I 384 21 Mar 1835
Saturday My dearest Sa, I know nothing about Bedwell, but we all take it for granted that he must now die or resign: So Ralph will walk into a nice thing, and is after all the luckiest of the family. The Chancellor will redeem his promise, and prefer him the moment the vacancy occurs. As for politics, nobody, not even the Whigs, now even dream of the Tories ever going out again.1 What a revolution! I have myself little doubt that Stanley I will work his way into the governmt. eventually; but perhaps not so soon as I once thought. As for Lyndhurst, he is safe for life, and as he maintains for me a warm friendship, I need not say to you that I rejoice. In short things seem turning out better than under all circumstances we cd. have expected. Robt. Smith met D'Orsay who took his portrait at Willey Park2 and failed, and thus addressed him "So you have been making a fine portrait of Disraeli; I see you can make likenesses of those you like!" Very huffy indeed, and horribly jealous. I Willis met me and sd. "How sorry I am ab[ou]t Miss Pardoes note to you. She has been sending to you everywhere, to the Athen[aeum] and everywhere; an invitation from Mrs. Skinner3 for a ball etc. etc." I smiled, and bowed tho' I trembled at the idea. Lady Sal[isbury]'s route on Wednesday very full, and I met Ouseley4 there. Two dull domestic dinners; on Tuesday at the Trevors and yesterday Mrs. Meredith. They were dreadful, especially the last. Mr. and Mrs. Blunt5 and Wm Day,6 the Geo: Bas[evis] and a most icy and snappish Miss Biscoe,7 J. Hard[wick] and F. Hope of course looking a good seventy.8 The gent[lemen] stayed a good hour after the ladies, drinking. I was forced to run away: the idea of the hot coffee and the cold women was so dreadful. I sat next to Miss B. whose conversation was monosyllabic, like the sharp curt snarl of a papier maché poodle - A 1 The Tories were 'out' in less than three weeks. Having been defeated on several votes on the Irish Tithe Bill, Peel resigned on 8 April. Kitson Clark 252. For the equivalent Whig measure see 4i«ni. 2 Willey Park, Broseley, Shropshire, was the seat of Lord Forester. Robert Smith was his son-inlaw. 3 Mary Skinner. 4 Probably Sir Gore Ouseley (1770-1844), ist Baronet, diplomat and oriental scholar. Ouseley's work in oriential literature would have been of interest to D, and by 1837 D knew him well enough to stay at his house. See 668. 5 Possibly John Elijah Blunt (1797-1856), barrister; a commissioner in lunacy 1833-42, and a master in chancery 1849-56, author of A History of the Establishment and Residence of the Jews in England (1830). 6 William Day was a friend of the Merediths and an assistant poor law commissioner 1836-43. His dismissal from this position at the time of the Rebecca Riots was one of the public scandals that led to the demise of the Poor Law Commission in 1847. O'Connor 3n; Thomas MacKay A History of the English Poor Law (1904) ni i74n; S.E. Finer The Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (1952) book 6. 7 This must have been a sister of Mrs George Basevi Jr. See (vol i) i74n2. 8 Frederick William Hope, soon to be married to Ellen Meredith, was born in 1797. D'S observation is unnecessarily unkind.
dreadful young woman! In I consequence of cutting Lady Step[ney] and never going to her tea parties I have an invitation to a grand dinner, ten days notice. I go, on Wednesday - Tomorrow I dine en famille at the Chancellors. I have not called at many places, as I have no cab and the weather is terrible. A dinner at the Charl[e]v[i]ll[e]s postponed for her illness. Love to my mother who I hope is I well and all. D Cara was stolen from Cas[tlereagh] day before yesterday, 5£ reward offered. She is perfectly educated and a first rate retriever. He is in despair.9 Sykes returning instanter, but swears in future he will live at Venice.
386 I 25 i Apr 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
3^5
O R I G I N A L : PS 65
[London?, Saturday 28 March 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 333 (Spring 1915) item 18, dated 28 March 1835.
Nothing talked of but politics .... inconceivable. But Peel has not resigned, and I can't help fancying that after all there will be no change I have not reed, the Petition1 which I sent you on Monday (I think). I dine today at Lady Bless. TO ISAAC D'ISRAELI
ORIGINAL: NYPL Berg 2 122Q73B
[London, Wednesday i April 1835]
COVER: To I. Disraeli Esqr I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: Q i AP-i I [i8]35 ( 2 ) I n rectangle: [illegible] PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 33, dated i April 1835, extracts with changes.
My dear father, I take up the pen every day to write you a bulletin, and fling it down regularly in despair of conveying to you a correct or fair idea of what is going on. Every hour the prospect alters. At present and yesterday "rums is riz";1 I do not doubt myself that the government will be in a minority I on the present question;2 I cannot; but this is not the cause of the malaise of the Tories. The fact is their chief is bullied by his wife3 and she is nervous lest he shd. fight and all that. 9 D told Sarah on 3 July 1835 tnat Castlereagh had recovered his dog. 1 On 13 March Isaac had written to D that the new Poor Law Commission was intent on uniting several parishes in the area, and had expressed fears that the poor rates might rise as a result. Apparently one of the commissioners by the name of Gilbert had stated that Bradenham parish would have to be tied to the parish of West Wycombe. Isaac went on to ask: 'Can a petition be drawn up for this purpose and to whom should it be presented? Can you inquire for us?' Later in the month (23 March) Sarah wrote to say that, although Ralph had 'magnificently penned the two petitions, it has been decided that they are not to be presented.' It seems that the protest had created too great a division in the parish. H A/i/c/54; A/i/B/547. 1 Rumours are rising. 2 This refers to Lord John Russell's motion of 30 March, that the House resolve itself into a committee of the whole to consider the revenues of the Irish Church. Lord John wished to have surplus revenue applied to the task of education irrespective of religious affiliation. The motion was carried on 8 April and Peel resigned the same day. 3 In 1820 Peel had married Julia (d 1859), youngest daughter of Gen Sir John Floyd, Baronet. There seems to be no evidence to support D's contention. Peel's letters to his wife show how he kept his political life completely separate from his domestic one.
386
26 I 387 4 Apr 1835
387
There is no more reason now that the Tories shd. go out than two months ago, and I cannot help believ[in]g that they will not. I I wish Ralph wd. find out something about Bedwell. I dined at Lady B[lessington's] on Saturday a grand banquet: The Turkish and Spanish Ambassadors,4 Worcester5 Strangford,6 Mulgrave7 Arthur Upton,8 Charles Standish.9 On Sunday, a grand dinner at the Chancellors and ever since I have had a severe cold and been nowhere. The debate is considered at present to the credit of the Tories. Tonight will be the grand one. I shd. not I be surprised were it again adjourned. I write in haste, but have little to say for there is only one thought in all London. Ever yr aff D T0
SARAH DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli Ag
[London], Saturday [4 April 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: u i AP-4 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY. LBCS 33-4, dated 4 April 1835, prints part of the last paragraph before short extracts from the first. EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature. Sic: Frazer.
Saturday My dearest, I do not think affairs are desperate: the Ministry will not go out if they can carry on the governmt: They will not therefore go out unless they are defeated on a practical question. The decisive battle therefore is to be fought on the Irish Tithe bill and we expect to win. Half of Stanleys 40 voted with the Oppos[iti]on on Thursday and they will I believe vote with us on the Tithe question. Had not this split occurred in the Stanley section we shd. have I been in the Majority.1 Every body has got the Influenza, the Ld Ch[ancello]r has had an attack and as 4 Namik Pasha, formerly the Turkish ambassador in London, was at this time on special mission from the Porte. He was accompanied by Noory Effendi, the new ambassador, who, having arrived in London on 22 March, presented his credentials on 30 April. The Times (24 Mar; 8, 23, 30 Apr 1835). The Spanish ambassador at this time was Don Miquel Ricardo de Álava. 5 Henry Somerset (1792-1853), Marquess of Worcester, after November 1835 yth Duke of Beaufort; Tory MP for Monmouth 1813-32 and for West Gloucestershire 1835. He married secondly in 1822 Emily Frances Smith (d 1889) whom D was later to meet. See 408. 6 Percy Clinton Smythe, 6th Viscount Strangford. 7 Constantine Henry Phipps, 2nd Earl of Mulgrave. 8 There were two men of that name in society and both became generals. The one associated with Standish was Arthur Percy Upton (1777-1855), third son of ist Baron Templetown, and then living at the Albany. Greville I 57n; Boyle's. The other Arthur Upton (1807-1883) was the third son of the ist Viscount Templetown. The two Uptons were uncle and nephew. Boase. 9 Charles Strickland Standish (1790-1863), Whig MP for Wigan 1837-41, 1842-7. 1 Peel's government suffered defeats on the Irish Tithe Bill on 3 April (by 33 votes), 6 April (by 25) and 7 April (by 27), and he resigned on the following day. Greville in i9in.
you rightly suspected myself. Mine was much modified to former years, and I was only ill 3 or 4 days, but it has been followed by so violent an attack of lumbago that I cannot leave my sofa. I am a close prisoner and therefore can give you no chitchat. On Thursday I tho' very ill I went to Mrs. Fitzroy,2 and Ld. Mulgrave who was there took me down to the house where I met Ld. Nugent and received a courteous bow. I waited until the Fatal result. In spite of appearances I hope the Ribblesdales, or John Russells rather,3 will continue to starve on a 1000 pr. ann: the desire of increas[in]g his income explains his factious conduct. I hope to be out tomorrow, as I have taken a specific for lum[bago] which I am told is magical. I have not seen, or heard of, Frazer.4 I I have not seen the C[hancello]r since Thursday, but had a note from him in better spirits than I cd. have supposed. Peel is much firmer and the King quite so, but His M[ajest]y cannot sleep.
388 I 27 4 Apr 1835
TO LADY BLESSINGTON
3^^
O R I G I N A L : UCLA 3
[Park Street, London, Saturday 4 April 1835?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: The MS is seriously water-stained. Dating: from the Eraser's reference it seems probable that this was written on the same day as 387. Sic: Frazer, says.
Dearest Lady Bless[ington], I hoped to have seen you at the Opera; but I literally cannot leave even Park [St.] I am so ill from this wretched Influenza. My dullness I is deplorable; wd. you be kind eno' to send me something amusing. They tell me that Lockhart has been abusing me in Frazer.1 I sho[ul]d like to see it. Why I anyone shd. take the 2 Possibly Eliza Fitzroy, née Barlow (d 1850), widow of Clavering Savage, who had married in 1816 Charles Fitzroy (1762-1831), second son of ist Baron Southampton. He was later a general. There was an 'Honourable Mrs Fitzroy' who lived at 45 Harley Street in 1835. Boyle's', AR (1850) app 249. One mention of Eliza Fitzroy in print confuses her with Lady Elizabeth Fitzroy, also the widow of a general. Fitzroy was the name of several noble families and such confusions were common. See Bernard Falk The Royal Fitz Roys: Dukes of Grafton Through Four Centuries (1950) 233, 245. 3 An anticipation of Lord John Russell's impending marriage (on 11 April) to Adelaide Lister, widow of the 2nd Baron Ribblesdale. Contemplating the bridegroom's small stature, a journalist dubbed him 'the widow's mite'. 4 Sarah had written on 3 April: 'I am sure Lockhart must have heard you immensely commended somewhere, which has made him so furious in Frazer [sic]\ H A/i/B/549. For details see *88m. 1 Eraser's Magazine xi (Apr 1835) 4 !4-27 contained a sharp lampoon of D in an item purporting to review a publication called The Book of the Season. The title was obviously intended to suggest William Howitt's popular Book of the Seasons and the contents of the non-existent book were said to have been contributed by the leading writers of the day. D was presented as declaiming his own political testament in rhyming prose: Appeal to Posterity
Oh ye, who yet unborn, cannot have felt the thorn that rankles in the breast of myself among the rest, of those who laughing, wailing, enjoying health or ailing, try on, though Tories lick 'em, to gain the day at Wycombe; remember when you're living, the advice I now am giving. If you be Whig, or Tory, or Radical grown hoary, or youthful in sedition, yet yearning with ambition, I'll tell you how to fix your faith in politics. Choose first a clever tailor - then
28 I 389 17 Apr 1835
389
trouble of abusing me I cannot make out, as I am not aware that I have been particularly successful lately. But if all the world were I good tempered I shd. not be able to appreciate sufficiently your unvarying kindness. The Ministers won't go out.2 What says Durham and Bulwer? I hope they will give them a good place when they come in. Your affec D TO ISAAC D'ISRAELI
ORIGINAL: NYPL Berg 1 1229726
[London], Friday [17 April] 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 279-80, dated 17 April 1835, witn alterations and part of the last paragraph omitted EDITORIAL COMMENT: LEGS 39, dated 24 July 1835, and which consists of parts of 410, 411 and 412, also contains the following passage from a letter, the original of which has not heen located, but which from the context is probably from mid-April 1835: 'I think it will be all over with The Ministry in the course of a fortnight; but the Tories will not dissolve Parliament until after the registration; this is the universal impression, but Peel frowns.'
Good Friday morng I 1835 My dearest father, The Whigs cannot form a Governmt.1 It is impossible to describe to you the extraord[inar]y state of affairs. On Wednesday Mrs. N[orton] sent for me and I was closeted with her from 3 until 5.* Lords Grey, Melbourne] and all the old constitutional, aristocratic Whigs are desirous of forming a coalition with Peel, Lyndhurst and etc. They will have nothing to do with the Radicals and a considerable section of the Oppos[iti]on headed by Ld. Seymour, no doubt acting under the auspices and instigation of Mrs. N. back them. They (Melbourne etc.) join each gay régaler - convince the fair you're witty, by lauding them as pretty - quiz everyone not present, from highmost peer to peasant, especial care being taken of your peculiar bacon. When thus you've long disported, you'll find you're rather courted as a pleasant sort of fellow: your fruit's then growing mellow. Your hand begin to tie up and keep your weather-eye up. Leave off black velvet breeches and take to making speeches, which, on either side, may fit you, and never can commit you. This, with now and then a novel, you'll have little cause to grovel through the Wondrous Tale of Alroy, or the sad lament of Sal Roy; and, half-listless, half-pomposity, you'll be a literary curiosity, like unfortunate Miss Baily, or Benjamin Disraeli. The Wellesley Index n 347 attributes the lampoon to William Maginn and unnamed collaborators. See also 387n4. 2 They did four days later. 1 They did the next day. Following the fall of Peel's government, Melbourne was not eager to accept the premiership again. The King wished Melbourne to contemplate a coalition with the moderate Tories but ultimately he refused. William Torrens Memoirs of Rt. Hon William 2nd Viscount Melbourne (1878) II 102. 2 Caroline Norton was a close friend of Melbourne and, according to most authorities, his agent in negotiations with Peel and Lyndhurst on the question of a coalition. For the full account of D's part in the affair see app V. Blake (127) holds that D'S account of the matter is basically sound. Lord David Cecil (331) in his biography of Melbourne also says that Melbourne was negotiating with the moderate Tories, but he does not mention Disraeli. However, Sir Theodore Martin, in his 1884 biography of Lyndhurst (342-3), denies the whole business.
will have nothing to do with O'Connell3 or the English and Scotch Rads and will not make Brougham I chanc[ello]r or anything. Mel. disapproved of the attack on Manners Sutton4 and Londonderry5 and the whole course of John Russells career on the Irish Church.6 From Mrs. N. I went to the Ld. Chancellors with whom I remained in close conference until 1/2 past 7. So I cd. not write to you. Yesterday I was obliged to be at the house of Commons until 1/2 past 5. then to see Ld. Seymour and afterwards with the Chancellor again until 8 o'ck - so it was impossible to write again. There seem great, I fear insuperable, difficulties in the way of an immediate co-alition, tho' eventually it must take I place. I cannot say now whe[the]r Peel will immediately resume office or Mel. form an administration of his friends by way of blind, and which may last a few months. But, at present the Whigs have absolutely not advanced a jot. I need not say that we are all in the highest spirits, and that the excitement is unparalleled. I think myself Peel will be again sent for by the King. If there be any move this morn[in]g and I have no [an] opportun[it]y to write by post, I will. That we shall I win in the long run and triumphantly I have no doubt. You now know all the secrets of affairs, which not ten people do in the realm and you must burn this letter when read. Mulgrave and the more youthful and desperate Whiglings are for pushing on to Durham. I dined at the Charlevilles7 on Tuesday and met the atrocious Mrs. Skinner who forced herself upon me, but I have not called upon her and will not. But this is not time for gossip. I intended to have come down to Braden. to day or tomorrow but can say nothing of my movements now, as all is on my shoulders. Love to all, BD
390 I 29 18 Apr 18
TO ISAAC DISRAELI
39^
ORIGINAL: NYPL Berg 3 1229746
[London, Saturday 18 April 1835]
COVER: I. Disraeli Esqr I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: R i APi8 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 34, extract dated 13 April 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The third page of the MS is torn. Sic: expence, MtAlembert.
My dearest father, As co-alition, or as the Whigs call it amalgamation, is at the present moment impossible, Ld. Melbourne] has I understand formed his Cab[ine]t and some of 3 By the mid-thirties the Whigs found that they had to rely increasingly on the support of the Irish Radicals to stay in power. In February 1835 O'Connell was said to have promised Lord John Russell the support of his followers in return for Whig promises of Irish reform. Melbourne, however, was not very receptive to such an arrangement. 4 The Whigs charged that Manners-Sutton had participated in bringing about the fall of the late Whig government, and that this had cost him the Speakership. See 373ni2. 5 Peel's appointment of Charles William Vane-Stewart (1778-1854), 3rd Marquess of Londonderry, as ambassador to St Petersburg had been bitterly attacked in the Commons. See 38*111. Londonderry, believing that this attack would diminish his effectiveness as ambassador, had withdrawn his acceptance. 6 See 386n2. 7 The Charlevilles lived at 14 Cavendish Square.
30 I 391 26 Apr 1835
39 !
the writs will be moved for this evening.1 It is purely Whig, and consists entirely, as I collect of the old hacks Palm[ersto]n, Auckland, Duncannon etc.2 Ld. Granville Somerset sent for me to the Woods and Forests3 this I morning to say that if there was a fair Parliam[entar]y opening in consequence of the formation of the Whig Governmt, the Tories wd. start me;4 but wd. not go to any very great expence or recommend me, as a dissolution was inevitable. I was astonished at his courtesy, and strong expressions of I desire to see me in. I think he is really anxious, and as it wd. get me out of his Papa's way at Wycombe, all the better.5 I am now going to the House and dine at Lady Cha[rlotte] Bury's. Mad. MtAlembert wrote to the Duke of Newcastle ab[ou]t Newark in case Wilde is Solicitor] Geni, but the Duke has promised his int[erest] as I expected.6 In gt haste D T0
[SARAH DISRAELI]
Taunton, [Somerset], [Sunday 26?] April 1835
ORIGINAL: PS 8 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 34-5, dated 27 April 1835
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: nomination day for the Taunton by-election was Monday 27 April 1835. The Times (30 Apr 1835). S*c: Montague.
Castle Taunton:1 April 27, 1835. The county gentlemen for ten miles round flock to me every day, but I am obliged to decline all their invitations. As for Taunton itself, the enthusiasm of Wycombe is a miniature to it; and I believe in point of energy, eloquence, and effect I have far exceeded all my former efforts. Had I arrived twenty hours 1 MPs who were appointed to ministerial offices were required to offer themselves for re-election in their constituencies. 2 Palmerston was foreign secretary; Auckland, first lord of the Admiralty; Duncannon, lord privy seal. 3 Lord Granville Somerset was a commissioner of woods and forests in Peel's outgoing administration. He was also one of the chief Tory party organizers. The offices of the Commission were in Whitehall Place. 4 There was an opening when Henry Labouchere (1798-1869), Whig MP for Taunton 1830-59, became master of the Mint in Melbourne's government, and a new writ was issued. This gave D a chance to contest Taunton as an official Tory, although, ironically, without the Tory financial backing which he had received in Wycombe as an independent, 5 Granville Somerset's father-in-law was Lord Carrington. 6 Henry Pelham Pelham-Clinton (1785-1851), 4th Duke of Newcastle, commanded considerable influence in the constituency of Newark. Thomas Wilde (1782-1855), later ist Baron Truro, a Whig, was returned for Newark in 1835, but he did not become solicitor general until December 1839. A noted lawyer, Wilde had opposed Lyndhurst at the time of Queen Caroline's trial. 1 There was, of course, a castle in Taunton, and during the early part of the century it housed the Assizes and Quarter Sessions. Though the castle did apparently contain a dwelling in its west end, there is no record that anyone lived there in the 18305. D probably is referring to the Castle Inn, also known locally as 'The Castle'. James Savage The History of Taunton (Taunton 1820) 263-5; [E.F. Goldsworthy] Recollections of Taunton 2nd ed (Taunton 1883) i, 17. The latter is based on memories of some fifty years before.
sooner the result might have been in my favour; but my lateness in the field, the opposition of Ashburton's agent,2 and the remembrance of Montague Gore's cowardice3 have been great stumbling-blocks. It is astonishing how well they are informed in London of all that passes here, and how greatly they appreciate my exertions. They have opened a subscription for me at the Garitón headed by Chandos, who has written twice to me in the warmest manner. To-morrow is nomination day.
393 I 31 28 Apr 1835
TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
39 ^
ORIGINAL: PS Q
[Taunton, Somerset], [Monday 27] April 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 35, dated 28 April 1835
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: as this letter describes the events of nomination day it should be dated Monday 27 April. The Times (30 Apr 1835).
April 28, 1835. I have just left the hustings, and have gained the show of hands,1 which no blue2 candidate ever did before. This, though an idle ceremony in most places, is of great account here, for the potwallopers3 of Taunton are as eloquent as those of Athens, and we gain votes by such a demonstration. I thought you would like to hear this, though I can write no more. TO [SARAH DISRAELI] [Taunton, Somerset], [Tuesday 28?] April 1835 393 ORIGINAL: PS 1O
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 35-6, dated 'Wednesday night, 30 April 1835' EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: The Times reports only the first day's poll held on Tuesday 28 April; the polls would have closed on the afternoon of Wednesday 2gth. From the text, the result was not yet known, so this was probably written during the evening of Tuesday 28 April.
2 Alexander Baring (1774-1848), earlier in the month created ist Baron Ashburton, had for many years been Whig MP for Taunton (1806-26), and had been converted to Toryism at the time of the Reform Bill. He was president of the Board of Trade in Peel's government. Lyndhurst had assured D on 21 April that Ashburton would support him. H B/XXI/L/438. Despite his conversion, Ashburton probably felt unable to desert Labouchere who had sat in the Baring interest since 1830 and to whom Ashburton was related by marriage. 3 Montagu Gore had been the Whig member for Devizes from 1832 to February 1834. In the general election of December 1834 he stood as Tory candidate in Taunton, but he quarrelled with his election committee over finances and withdrew before the poll. He thereby so alienated his supporters that he fled the constituency, assisted by 'some respectable gentlemen of the opposite party.' The Times (25 Dec 1834). 1 On nominating day the show of hands was in D's favour, but Labouchere demanded a poll, which was held on the next two days. 2 It was widely held that blue was the Tory colour, orange the Whig and green the Radical, but party colours were by no means standardized even later in the nineteenth century. In the age of Charles James Fox the cry of True blue and Mrs Crewe' had rallied the Whigs. In the 1832 county election for Bucks, Chandos, the Tory, used green as his colour. The Whig and the Radical were identified respectively by 'orange and blue' and crimson. J.K. Fowler Echoes of Old Country Life (1892) 23; Notes and Queries 4th series II (July-Dec 1868) 295, 405, 478, 544. 3 In a technical sense 'potwallopers' (originally 'potwallers') were persons entitled to vote for MPs in certain boroughs from having boiled their pots therein. No new names were added under this qualification after 1832, but those previously entitled were not disenfranchised. By 1835 the term had assumed a more general and pejorative meaning to indicate, amongst other things, noisy riff-raff.
32 I 395 5 May 1835
Wednesday night: April 30, 1835. There is no place like Taunton, not that I can win this time,1 for Labouchere, who was twenty-four hours in advance of me, has picked up many blues (my colour); but come in at the general election I must, for I have promises of twothirds of the electors. I live in a rage of enthusiasm; even my opponents promise to vote for me next time. The fatigue is awful. Two long speeches to-day and nine hours' canvass on foot in a blaze of repartee. I am quite exhausted and can scarcely see to write.
394 T0 [SARAH DISRAELI] [London?, Saturday 2? May 1835] O R I G I N A L : PS 41
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Clarence I. Freed 'A New Sheaf of Disraeli Letters' American Hebrew cxx (15 Apr 1927) 836, undated EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: approximate, by context. Sic: coûte qui coûte.
I have risen 100% since the Taunton election and there seems a determination among the Tories to get me in coûte qui coûte.1 Chandos in all this has proved a staunch friend and, as I only accidentally learned, headed the subscription for me with £50.2 395 T0 SARAH DISRAELI [London], Tuesday [5 May 1835] O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/173
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Having continued his affair with Henrietta Sykes uninterruptedly for over a year during Sir Francis's absence abroad, D felt obliged to offer him a quid pro quo by introducing him to his new intimates. Dating: Sarah replied to this letter at 5:30 pm on the same day. Her answer is clearly postmarked 6 May 1835. H A/i/B/552. Sic: Higgins.
Tuesday Darling, I really thought that nothing in the world cd. have prevented me reaching you to day but within an hour of my letter being dispatched, who shd. arrive but Sir Francis. It wd. be very unkind and not very wise to quit London immediately on I his arrival. He is most amiable and in excellent spirits, but in a state of excitement which young Rapid never attained. He now does nothing but dance. He dined at L[yndhurst]'s, tonight he will go to the Opera when I shall introduce I him to D'Orsay whom I have requested, in consequence of my absence, to take him under his especial care, and on Thursday he will go to Almacks. He will then be fairly planted, and I do not think it will be necessary for us to be more I particularly seen tog[ethe]r. 1 After the first day's polling the results were: Labouchere 419, Disraeli 251. At the end of the second day Labouchere had 452 votes to D'S 282. 1 'Coûte que coûte' - at all costs. 2 See 391. Isaac also seems to have supported D's campaign, sending him £200 on 22 April, and, apparently in response to a plea for more, another £200 on i May. In his covering letter of i May Isaac dryly observed: 'it has been so far lucky that I have been able to supply your instant demands ...' H A/i/c/55, ^1/6/5/3.
Write and tell me what day the Higgins1 arrive. I hope to be with you on Thursday night all the same. Tis most mortifying and provoking, but I am sure you will agree with me that I am right.2 In haste D
396 I 33 5 May 1835
TO MORGAN O'CONNELL
39^
O R I G I N A L : PS Times 1O
3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], Tuesday 5 May [1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (6 May 1835); Beeton 158-9, dated 5 May 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: D'ISRAELI.
31 A, Park-street, Grosvenor-square, Tuesday, May 5. Morgan O'Connell, Esq., M.P.1 Sir, As you have established yourself as the champion of your father, I have the honour to request your notice to a very scurrilous attack which your father has made upon my conduct and character.2 Had Mr. O'Connell, according to the practice observed among gentlemen, appealed to me respecting the accuracy of the reported expressions before he indulged in offensive comments upon them, he would, if he can be influenced by a sense of justice, have felt that such comments were unnecessary. He has not thought fit to do so, and he leaves me no alternative but to request that you, his son, will resume your vicarious duties of yielding satisfaction for the insults which your father has too long lavished with impunity upon his political opponents.3 1 The former Georgiana Meredith and her husband, the Rev Edward Higgins. 2 Sarah agreed that D was quite right to take care of Sykes first, and reassured him that the Higginses were not due until the i3th. H A/i/B/552. 1 Morgan O'Connell (1804-1885), son of Daniel O'Connell, was Radical MP for Meath 1832-40, after which he was appointed assistant registrar of deeds (Ireland). 2 The Times of 5 May had carried an account of a speech made by O'Connell in Dublin on 2 May in which he had variously described D as 'a blackguard', 'a ruffian', 'a liar both in actions and words' and 'a living lie', as well as making deprecatory remarks about D's Jewish origin. See 403n i. The stimulus for O'ConnelPs attack was a condensed report in The Times of 30 April of D's nomination speech at Taunton on 27 April, in which D was said to have described O'Connell as 'an incendiary in polities' and the Whigs as 'a weak but ambitious party ... who could only obtain power by linking themselves to a traitor.' Whether D actually made such remarks is a matter of some dispute. Certainly he denied having used such language (M&B I 287). Moreover a report in The Dorset County Chronicle of 30 April contained no reference to 'incendiary' and stated that D had referred to the Whigs as 'that weak aristocratic party ... who could only obtain power by leaguing themselves with one whom they had denounced as a traitor.' See also 41511%%. 3 Having once killed an opponent in a duel, Daniel O'Connell had sworn never to fight another. The night before, Morgan O'Connell had fought a duel on his father's behalf with Lord Alvanley. No injuries resulted. The younger O'Connell had taken offence at Alvanley's insinuation that his father's support for the Whigs had brought him some personal advantage. The Times leader of 5 May said: 'The allusion which Alvanley made to O'Connell had nothing offensive in it ... He merely asked whether any man could believe that Mr O'Connell would lend his support to the administration without a certain equivalent'.
34 I 396 5 May 1835
Daniel O'Connell from a drawing by 'W.S.'
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, B. DISRAELI4
397 I 35 5 May 1835
TO [MORGAN O'CONNELL] 313 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], 397 Tuesday 5 May [1835] O R I G I N A L : PS Times 11
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (6 May 1835) EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sk\ D'ISRAELI.
31 A, Park-street, Grosvenor-square, Tuesday, May 5. Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, delivered to me by Mr. Fitzstephen French,1 by which I learn that you do not consider yourself "answerable for what your father may say." With regard to your request that I should withdraw my letter, because its character is insulting to yourself, I have to observe that it is not in my power to withdraw the letter, which states the reason of my application; but I have no hesitation in assuring you, that I did not intend that it should convey to you any personal insult. I have the honour, etc. B. D'ISRAELI. I feel it my duty to publish this correspondence.2 4 Morgan O'Connell's letter declining D's invitation to a duel read: 9, Clarges-street, Tuesday, May 5. Sir, - I have this day received a letter from you, stating that a scurrilous attack had been made on you by my father, without giving me any information as to the expressions complained of, or when or where they were used, and which I now hear of for the first time. I deny your right to call upon me in the present instance, and I am not answerable for what my father may say. I called on Lord Alvanley for satisfaction because I conceived he had purposely insulted my father, by calling a meeting at Brookes's [sic], for the purpose of expelling him the club, he being at the time absent in Ireland. When I deny your right to call on me in the present instance, I also beg leave most unequivocally to deny your right to address an insulting letter to me, who am almost personally unknown to you, and unconscious of having ever given you the slightest offence. I must therefore request that you will withdraw the letter, as, without that, it will be impossible for me to enter into an explanation. I have the honour, etc., M. O'CONNELL. B. D'Israeli, Esq. This letter will be delivered to you by my friend, Mr. French. [The Times (6 May 1835)] 1 Fitzstephen French (1801-1873), fifth son of Arthur French of French Park, Co Roscommon, Whig MP for Roscommon 1832-73, married in 1839 Charlotte Bennet, eldest daughter of Henry Grey Bennet and niece of the 4th Earl of Tankerville. 2 The exchange appeared in The Times of 6 May 1835.
398
TO DANIEL O'CONNELL
O R I G I N A L : PS Times Q
London, [Tuesday] 5 May [ 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (6 May 1835); Beeton 162-5, dated 5 May 1835; H.WJ. Edwards ed The Radical Tory: Disraeli's Political Development Illustrated from his Original Writings and Speeches (1937)68-71 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: D'ISRAELI.
London, May 5. TO MR. DANIEL O'CONNELL, M.P. FOR DUBLIN. Mr. O'Connell, Although you have long placed yourself out of the pale of civilization, still I am one who will not be insulted, even by a yahoo, without chastising it. When I read this morning in the same journals your virulent attack upon myself, and that your son was at the same moment paying the penalty of similar virulence to another individual on whom you had dropped your filth, I thought that the consciousness that your opponents had at length discovered a source of satisfaction might have animated your insolence to unwonted energy, and I called upon your son to re-assume his vicarious office of yielding satisfaction for his shrinking sire. But it seems that gentleman declines the further exercise of the pleasing duty of enduring the consequences of your libertine harangues. I have no other means, therefore, of noticing your effusion but this public mode. Listen, then, to me. If it had been possible for you to act like a gentleman, you would have hesitated before you made your foul and insolent comments upon a hasty and garbled report of a speech which scarcely contains a sentence or an expression as they emanated from my mouth; but the truth is, you were glad to seize the first opportunity of pouring forth your venom against a man whom it serves the interest of your party to represent as a political apostate. In 1831, when Mr. O'Connell expressed to the electors of Wycombe his anxiety to assist me in my election, I came forward as the opponent of the party in power, and which I described in my address as "a rapacious, tyrannical, and incapable faction" - the English Whigs, who in the ensuing year denounced you as a traitor from the throne, and every one of whom, only a few months back, you have anathematized with all the peculiar graces of a tongue practised in scurrility. You are the patron of these men now, Mr. O'Connell: you, forsooth, are "devoted" to them. I am still their uncompromising opponent. Which of us is the most consistent? You say that I was once a Radical, and now that I am a Tory. My conscience acquits me of ever having deserted a political friend, or ever having changed a political opinion. I worked for a great and avowed end in 1831, and that was the restoration of the balance of parties in the state, a result which I believed to be necessary to the honour of the realm and the happiness of the people. I never advocated a measure which I did not believe tended to this result, and if there be any measures which I then urged, and now am not disposed to press, it is because that great result is obtained. In 1831 I should have been very happy to have laboured for this object with Mr. O'Connell, with whom I had no personal acquaintance, but who was a member of the Legislature, remarkable for his political influence, his versatile talents, and his intense hatred and undisguised contempt of the Whigs.
Since 1831 we have met only once; but I have a lively recollection of my interview with so distinguished a personage. Our conversation was of great length; I had a very ample opportunity of studying your character. I thought you a very amusing, a very interesting, but a somewhat overrated man. I am sure on that occasion I did not disguise from you my political views: I spoke with a frankness which I believe is characteristic of my disposition. I told you I was not a sentimental, but a practical politician; that what I chiefly desired to see was the formation of a strong, but constitutional government, that would maintain the empire, and that I thought if the Whigs remained in office they would shipwreck the state. I observed then, as was my habit, that the Whigs must be got rid of at any price. It seemed to me that you were much of the same opinion as myself; but our conversation was very general. We formed no political alliance, and for a simple reason - I concealed neither from yourself, nor from your friends, the repeal of the union was an impassable gulf between us, and that I could not comprehend, after the announcement of such an intention, how any English party could co-operate with you. Probably you then thought that the English Movement might confederate with you on a system of mutual assistance, and that you might exchange and circulate your accommodation measures of destruction; but even Mr. O'Connell, with his lively faith in Whig feebleness and Whig dishonesty, could scarcely have imagined that in the course of 12 months his fellow-conspirators were to be my Lord Melbourne and the Marquis of Lansdowne. I admire your scurrilous allusions to my origin. It is quite clear that the "hereditary bondsman" has already forgotten the clank of his fetter. I know the tactics of your church; it clamours for toleration, and it labours for supremacy. I see that you are quite prepared to persecute. With regard to your taunts as to my want of success in my election contests, permit me to remind you that I had nothing to appeal to but the good sense of the people. No threatening skeletons canvassed for me; a death's-head and cross-bones were not blazoned on my banners. My pecuniary resources, too, were limited; I am not one of those public beggars that we see swarming with their obtrusive boxes in the chapels of your creed, nor am I in possession of a princely revenue wrung from a starving race of fanatical slaves. Nevertheless, I have a deep conviction that the hour is at hand when I shall be more successful, and take my place in that proud assembly of which Mr. O'Connell avows his wish no longer to be a member. I expect to be a representative of the people before the repeal of the union.1 We shall meet at Philippi; and rest assured that, confident in a good cause, and in some energies which have been not altogether unproved, I will seize the first opportunity of inflicting upon you a castigation which will make you at the same time remember and repent the insults that you have lavished upon BENJAMIN D'ISRAELI 1 Repeal of the Act of Union with Britain was the object of O'Connell's political career. In 1834 the House of Commons had been the scene of a six-day debate during which O'Connell and Spring Rice, secretary for the colonies, made set speeches against each other. In the end O'Connell was defeated 523 to 38, but he never relinquished his goal.
398 I 37 5 May 1835
399 T0 SARAH DISRAELI [London], Wednesday [6 May 1835] O R I G I N A L : NYPL Kohns [l]
COVER. Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: v i MY-6 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 36, dated 6 May 1835, with omissions and rewordings EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is a small hole at the foot of the last page of the MS.
Wednesday My darling, When I wrote yesterday I did not know of the attack of O'Connell. It has engaged me ever since - i.e. until 10 last night. This morning I sent you Times and Morning Post. There is but one opinion among all parties vizt. that I have squabashed them. I went to D'Orsay immediately. I He sent for Henry Baillie1 for my second, as he thought a foreigner shd. not interfere in a political duel, but he took the management of everything. I never quitted his house until 10 o'ck when I dressed and went to the Opera.2 I believe an affair was never better managed. Everybody agrees that I have done it in first rate style, and nothing else is talked of. In the greatest haste BD All particulars when we meet, which will be soon. Vicarious was a hit: [no]body now uses any other word. All the paper[s] are vicarious? ¿J-OO
TO MORGAN O'CONNELL ORIGINAL: PS 69
313 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, [London], [Wednesday] 6 May [1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Globe no 10,137 (8 May 1835); The Times (8 May 1835); Beeton, 160-1 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Transcribed from The Globe, under the heading: 'Mr. Morgan O'Connell and Mr. B. D'Israeli. Mr. Morgan O'Connell presents his compliments to the Editor of the Globe, and requests the insertion of the enclosed letters:-'. Cutting preserved in the Hughenden papers (B/i/A/68/c). Sic: D'ISRAELI.
31 A, Park-street, Grosvenor-square, May 6 Morgan O'Connell, Esq., M.P. Sir, Not having been favoured with your reply to my second letter of yesterday, I 1 Henry James Baillie (1804-1885), later Tory MP for Inverness-shire 1840-68, joint secretary to the Board of Control 1852, undersecretary for India 1858-9. 2 Rossini's Otello was performed at the King's Theatre on Wednesday 6 May. 3 D had asked Morgan O'Connell to resume his 'vicarious duties of yielding satisfaction for the insults' made by his father. See 396. The major papers seem not to have paid any special attention to the word.
thought fit to address a letter to your father, and for this reason - I deduce from your communication delivered by Mr. French that you do not consider yourself responsible for any insults offered by your father, but only bound to resent the insults that he may receive. Now, Sir, it is my hope that I have insulted him; assuredly it was my intention to do so. I wished to express the utter scorn in which I hold his character, and the disgust with which his conduct inspires me. If I failed in conveying this expression of my feelings to him, let me more successfully express them now to you. I shall take every opportunity of holding your father's name up to public contempt. And I fervently pray that you, or some one of his blood, may attempt to avenge the unextinguishable hatred with which I shall pursue his existence - I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
401 I 39 g May 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
4°
B. D'lSRAELI1
ORIGINAL: NYPL Kohns [2]
[London], Saturday [9 May 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK-, (i) In circle: c i MY-g I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 36-7, dated 9 May 1835, with rewordings and omissions, and incorporating parts of 402 EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is a tear in the third page of the MS. Sic: Marybone.
Saturday Dearest, This morning as I was lying in bed, thankful that I had kicked all the O'Connells and that I was at length to have a quiet morning, Mr Collard the Police Officer of Marybone, rushed into my chamber and took me into custody. In about an hour and a half being dressed (having previously sent to Sykes) we all went in a I hackney coach to the Office and where I found that the articles were presented by a Mr. Bennett1 residing in some street in Westminster and an acquain1 Although Morgan O'Connell had answered D's first letter, declining the challenge to a duel, he did not respond to D'S second letter of 5 May (397). He did, however, answer this one, and he sent a copy of it to The Globe, together with his reply of 7 May: May 7, 1835. Sir, I have this moment received your letter of the 6th inst., which was left at Clarges-street, during my absence, at half-past 11 last night. Your letter of the 5th instant, in which you declared that you 'did not intend to convey to me any personal insult,' followed by a publication of which you gave me notice, induced me to think that the matter was concluded between us. The tenor of your last letter is such that it is impossible for me to renew the correspondence. In the postscript of your letter of the 5th inst., you state that you feel it your duty to publish the correspondence. In accordance with that view, I send your last communication and my reply to the Press. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, MORGAN O'CONNELL B. D. Israeli, Esq. [sic] 1 Possibly a solicitor, of which there were then a number of that name.
J
40 I 402 9 May 1835
4O 2
tance of the O'Connells. We were soon dismissed, but I am now bound to keep the peace in £500 2 sureties in £250 each.2 As far as the present affair is concerned 'twas a most unnecessary precaution, as I if all the O'Connells were to challenge me, I cd. not think of meeting them now. I consider, and everyone else, that they are kicked[.] They are in a kennel, and there I shall le[ai^] them. I have not seen Ralph to day to communicate this intelligence. It is my intention to come down on Monday, but I am very alarmed lest Sykes shd. accompany me. He threatens terribly.3 Love to all D TO SARAH DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : NYPL Kohns [13]
[London], Saturday [9 May 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: B i MY-9 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 36-7, dated 9 May 1835, with rewordings and omissions, and collated with parts of 401 EDITORIAL COMMENT: A small part of the right margin of the third sheet of the MS has been cut out around the seal.
Saturday I 2nd letter 1/2 pt 5 I have just reed, your packet. It is very easy to criticise at Bradenham, but I think you wrong in everything you urge. I do not know a more "experienced" or "better" head than D'Orsays, or as good: all other men in worldly affairs are fools to him.1 The expressions were well weighed, they all have a meaning, and I regret none. I By the expression in question I was then open to fight any of O'Connell's sons', now I will not do even that. With[ou]t this letter the affair was nothing; it was only clever and pamphleteering, now the O'Connells are kicked into a gutter, and pinned up to the wall, like rats with a sword thro' them. There are not I two opinions about this letter; tho' some may, and always will, cavil at expressions. Critics you must always meet. West[macot]t of the Age2 told me the las[£] letter was the finest thing in the English language, but that the letter to Dan. was too long. Others think that perfect. One (Strangford) does not 2 A surety of £250 was taken from each of Sir Francis Sykes and Mr Emmott, of Davies Street, Berkeley Square. The Times (11 May 1835). A fuller report is contained in The Observer of 11 May. For an earlier reference to Emmott in another context see (vol i) 2ions. 3 The threat offered by Sykes in this instance was undoubtedly more related to the prospect of his disturbing the domestic equilibrium of Bradenham than to the deeper ironies of the situation. 1 Isaac's letters to D make it clear that he was not pleased with D's behaviour towards O'Connell: 'Your last letter to O'Connell ... alarms me ... Your "fervent prayer that you, or some one of his blood, may attempt to avenge etc"... may stir fires which would not have broken forth.' Isaac went on to warn D against consulting D'Orsay on such matters: 'more experienced and better heads should be consulted for the weight and consequences of expressions which may include consequences of which they are not right judges.' H A/i/c/572 Charles Molloy Westmacott, editor of The Age. For evidence that D was in communication with Westmacott see Catalogue of the Collection of Autographs formed by Ferdinand Julius Dreer (Philadelphia 1893) II 167 which lists a letter of 5 August 1835 from D to Westmacott.
like the Yahoo as coarse, others think it worthy of Swift and so on. The general effect is the thing I and that is, that the whole tail3 is damaged and that all men agree I have displayed unrivalled pluck and talent. I repeat with[ou]t this last letter, the affair wd. not have terminated satisfactorily. Yrs BD
403 I 41 12 May 1835
TO THE ELECTORS OF TAUNTON
403
ORIGINAL: H B/I/A/66
Bradenham, [Tuesday] 12 May 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: A broadsheet 'Printed at Barnicott's Albion Press, North Street, Taunton;' Stewart Writings 1696; M&B I 293, extracts dated 12 May 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: unparellelled.
BRADENHAM, May 12, 1835. TO THE WORTHY AND INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF TAUNTON.
GENTLEMEN, Although the pleasant hour is at hand, when I shall find myself once more within your beautiful Town, I avail myself of the first moment of repose, afforded by these quiet woods, to address you respecting those extraordinary transactions which have recently occurred, and which originated in our memorable contest. It would grieve me much, if a considerable body of intelligent men, a great portion of whom have honoured me with their confidence, should misconstrue the motives which influenced me in the conduct which I thought fit to pursue toward the leader of the Irish Catholics.1 3 A term widely used to describe O'Connell and his followers. See also 455113. 1 To justify his own retaliation, D gave wide publicity to the extreme language with which Daniel O'Connell had attacked him. Beneath his own text on the broadsheet, D printed the following: Extract from a Speech, delivered by Mr. O'CONNELL, at a Meeting of the Dublin Franchise Association, May 2nd, 1835; as reported in the COURIER Newspaper, May 6th, 1835. "Yet I must confess, that some of the attacks made on me, particularly one, by a Mr. DISRAELI, at Taunton, surprised me. Any thing so richly deserving the appellation of superlative blackguardism, or at all equal to that in impudence and assurance, I never before met with. The annals of Ruffianism do not furnish any thing like it. He is an author, I believe, of a couple of Novels, and that was all I knew about him, until 1831, or 1832, when he wrote to me, being about to stand for High Wycombe, requesting a letter of recommendation from me to the Electors. He took the letter with him to the place, got it printed and placarded all over the place. The next I heard of him was his being a Candidate for Mary-le-bone, in this he was also unsuccessful. He got tired of being a Radical any longer after these two defeats, was determined to try his chance as a Tory. He stands the other day at Taunton, and by way of recommending himself to the Electors he calls me an incendiary and a traitor. Now, my answer to this piece of gratuitous impertinence is, that he is an egregious Liar. He is a Liar both in action and words. What! shall such a vile creature be tolerated in England? shall the man be received by any Constituency who after coming forward on two separate occasions as
42 I 403 12 May 1835
I have no ambition to be considered either ferocious or vindictive, and I have no hesitation in saying, that I consider the appeal to arms as an issue which the last necessity can alone justify. But there are cases in which it is justifiable; for as in the body politic, liberty sometimes is only preserved by a temporary recourse to despotism, so also there are occasions, when the interests of benevolence, and even of religion, may be best promoted by conduct, which at the first glance may seem to contravene the axioms of the moralist and the precepts of our faith. That my conduct to Mr. O'CONNELL may be properly comprehended, I have thought proper to republish his attack on myself, and I do so, because I feel it contains the best justification of that conduct, and because I am neither afraid nor ashamed of it; knowing that it is as false in statement, as it is malignant [in] expression, and almost demoniac in sentiment. I will not deny, that when I first experienced this outrage, my only feeling was that of a determination to resent it. I am, I believe, of a mild and tolerant disposition, not too easily nettled, and quite ready to subscribe to a considerable latitude in the gladiatorial encounter between political opponents. But at the same time, I would sooner die than live disgraced; and no one, with impunity, shall ever brand me as a "LIAR," or stigmatize me as a "MISCREANT." But believe me, Gentlemen, after a few moments reflection, I was influenced by a higher emotion than the merely selfish desire of vindicating my outraged honour. I thought the time had arrived when an effort should be made to restrain the exercise of that terrible and irresponsible power, that reckless and remorseless tyranny, with which the leader of the Irish Catholics has been too long in the habit of controlling society; which insults with impunity individual feeling, violates the sanctity of private life, destroys the peace of families, and stimulates a spirit fatal to the best interests of civilization. With these views, I believed that as a great good must sometimes be purchased with a small evil, so it would be better that myself, or the son of Mr. O'CONNELL, should fall, than that no effort should be made to resist a tyranny so outrageous and so degrading. These were the feelings that animated me, Gentlemen, and as during our the advocate of certain opinions, now boldly and unblushingly recants those principles by which his political life had been apparently regulated? He is a living lie: and the British Empire is degraded by tolerating such a miscreant of his abominable description. The language is harsh, I must confess; but it is no more than deserved, and if I should apologize for using it, it is because I can find no harsher epithets in the English Language, by which to convey the utter abhorrence which I entertain for such a reptile. He is just fit now, after being twice discarded by the People, to become a Conservative. He possesses all the necessary requisites of perfidy, selfishness, depravity, want of principle, etc. which would qualify him for the change. His name shews that he is of Jewish origin. I do not use it as a term of reproach; there are many most respectable Jews. But there are, as in every other people, some of the lowest and most disgusting grade of moral turpitude; and of those I look upon Mr. DISRAELI as the worst. He has just the qualities of the impenitent thief on the Cross, and I verily believe, if Mr. DISRAELI'S family herald were to be examined, and his genealogy traced, the same personage would be discovered to be the heir at law of the exalted individual to whom I allude. I forgive Mr. DISRAELI now, and as the lineal descendant of the blasphemous robber, who ended his career beside the Founder of the Christian Faith, I leave the Gentleman to the enjoyment of his infamous distinction and family honours."
contest, I fought the battle rather of my party, than of myself, so in this more recent struggle, I felt myself the champion rather of society, than of my own honour. If in the hot and hurried letters in which I maintained this cause, I may have indulged in expressions which my calmer reason may disapprove, I am sure no candid and generous spirit, whatever may be his party, would scan with severity the words of one, who had been subjected, without the prospect of redress, to such unparellelled outrage: I am sure no candid and generous spirit, but must sympathize with one, who young, alone, supported only by his own energies, and the inspiration of a good cause, dared to encounter, in no inglorious struggle, the most powerful individual in the world who does not wear a crown. Believe me, Gentlemen, Your obliged and devoted Servant, B. DISRAELI
404 I 43 15 May 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
4°4
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli A1O
[London], [Friday 15 May 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: D i MY15 I 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT. SÍC. Rejina.
Dearest, There is nothing new in town. O'Connell arrived on Monday and has been as quiet as a mouse ever since. Last night Ld. Wellesley resigned;1 a great blow to the Whigs. Write up to say whe[the]r I can be of any use in lodging hunting.2 Bring the two vols of Burke's maxims3 with you to town. I Yesterday I dined with Rejina4 to eat macaroni in the Neapolitan style; boiled in a rich brown sauce and then eaten with cheese, very good and infinitely preferable to our plain way. To day I dine at Lord Lyndhursts - and in the evening I am going to I Mrs Fitzroys and Lady Charlevilles. 1 Richard Colley Wellesley (1760-1842), ist Marquess Wellesley, eldest brother of the ist Duke of Wellington, resigned on 14 May after less than one month in office as lord chamberlain, and retired from public life. Amongst a host of other public duties he had served as governor general of India, and as lord lieutenant of Ireland. 2 As it turned out, Sarah did ask D for help in locating rooms for her visit to London. She stayed at 5 St James's Place - the home of E.H. Thomas, surgeon - from 19 May to late June. H A/i/B/553. 3 Maxims and Opinions, Moral, Political and Economical with Characters from the Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke (two vols) was first published in 1804. There were subsequent editions in 1811 and 1815. 4 Chevalier Gennaro Capece Galeota (1799-1867). He was then secretary of the legation of the Two Sicilies in London, having served previously in the United States. His later career took him through a long series of diplomatic postings. Letters to D are signed 'de Regina'; those to Italian correspondents 'della Regina'. This was apparently intended to identify him as belonging to that branch of his family related to the dukes of Regina. Despite these aristocratic pretensions, he was a simple knight - invested with the order of St Januarius - and had no other title. Dizionario biográfico degli italiani (Roma 1975); Almanack de Gotha (Gotha 1835) 218.
44 ' 4°5 29 May 1835
Yours affecly. with love D
405 T0 [DAWSON TURNER] [3ia Park Street, Grosvenor Square, London], [Friday] 29 May 1835 ORIGINAL: PS 34 PUBLICATION HISTORY: Historical Manuscripts Commission gth Report part I (1883) 489; A.W. Thibaudeau ed Catalogue of the Alfred Morrison Collection of Autograph Letters ist ser (1882) 55-6, extract; M&B I
295, extract dated 29 May 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The subscription is taken from a facsimile in Thibaudeau. Sic: electioneerer.
Park Street I May 29, 1835. ... I should have liked very much to have thanked you for your kind recollection of me, and for your promise to place D'Orsay's portrait of me in your collection. I wish that his drawing had been perpetuated by the magic graver of Mrs Turner.1 I quit town to-morrow night for Taunton, where the inhabitants give me a public dinner on the glorious first of June. They tell me that I shall certainly be returned at the next general election; but I am too old an electioneerer to feel very secure. At the late dissolution I was nearly paying a parliamentary visit in your neighbourhood - to Lynn. What do you think of it? - There is [It seems?] to me that by the return I might have succeeded, and with no violent contest,2 which however amusing for once is not a diversion very desirable for repetition. All this vulgar electioneering bustle is not worth a few calm hours in your magnificent library, among those collections of which you have good cause to be proud,3 but we are the creatures of circumstances, and as far as Destiny and Tobacco are concerned, I am a decided Orientalist at the present hour. I must prepare for the West: I wish you would accompany me to Somerset. I can promise you a procession and a public dinner, immense cheering and clotted cream. E[ve]r faithfully yrs B. Disraeli 1 Turner had married Mary Palgrave of Coltishall, Norfolk. John Sell Cotman (1782-1842), painter and engraver, and a close friend of the Turners, had made an etching of Mrs Turner. 2 See (vol i) 357^. At the January general election Lord George Bentinck and Sir Stratford Canning were elected for the two-member constituency of Lynn Regis. The final poll was Bentinck 531, Canning 416, and Sir John Lillie, the Whig, 238. Obviously D had not been told of Bentinck's flat refusal to consider Lyndhurst's suggestion that D should be his running mate. It is probable that D had heard rumours that Canning wished to resume his diplomatic career, thus creating a vacancy at Lynn. Canning retained the seat until 1841. 3 Turner's library, consisting of 8,000 volumes, many of which had been embellished with sketches, engravings and autograph letters, was sold in 1853. After his death in 1859 the remaining manuscripts, including 40,000 autograph letters, were sold for a sum exceeding £6,000. A catalogue of the contents of the library was printed at the time of this sale.
TO THE ELECTORS AND INHABITANTS London, [Saturday] 13 June 1835 406 OF THE BOROUGH OF TAUNTON O R I G I N A L : SCR 1
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Published in 1835 as a pamphlet, printed by W. Court, High Street, Taunton. This text is transcribed from the copy in the Somerset County Record Office. EDITORIAL COMMENT: This, D's second post-election address to the electors of Taunton, initiated a paper warfare which extended throughout the summer of 1835. The controversy had begun during the election campaign at Taunton with a leader in The Morning Chronicle (no 20,497) of 25 April. The opening paragraph of the leader read in part as follows: 'So the Tories have started Mr. Disraeli for Taunton, to oppose Mr. Labouchere, who has been five times returned for that borough; and report says that they have supplied him with the sinews of war. Some men are trusted because they are known, and some because they are not known. The electors of Taunton may wish to know something of the stranger whom the Tories have thought good enough for them. Who and what is Mr. D'Israeli? This is not the first time that the question has been asked.' Using extensive quotations from D's statement of his political purpose in What is He?, published during the Marylebone contest of 1833,tne Chronicle accused D of gross political inconsistency in offering himself as a Tory at Taunton. The leader concluded with the observation that, 'notwithstanding all the advocacy of Democracy and the Ballot, Mr. DTsraeli will always be found voting against liberal measures, whatever may be the character of his arguments.' This leader, subsequently reprinted as a broadside with the sub-title Mr. D'Israeli, 'What is He?', was followed on 29 May (a month after the election was over) by an anonymous pamphlet entitled A Letter to the Electors of Taunton in reply to the Question 'What is Mr. D'Israeli?. Claiming to write in response to D's first post-election address, of 12 May (403), the anonymous elector characterized D as 'a young man, the son of a Jew, a stranger to the Town; known in the political world only by his inconsistency and his utter want of political principles.' He then proceeded to list five charges against D: (i) political inconsistency; (ii) 'treachery' and 'ingratitude' in his treatment of O'Connell; (iii) threatening the life of O'ConnelPs son in challenging him to a duel; (iv) dishonesty in praising O'Connell in private while attacking him in public; and (v) misrepresentation in his denial of membership in the Westminster Reform Club. The pamphlet concluded that D was 'in his political character ... a mere adventurer who seeks to step into the House of Commons on the shoulders of any party who may stoop to be his footstool ... As for his moral character, that will be best shewn by reviewing his actions. They make the good man shudder. In his social station [he] is that which is called in the vulgar tongue "a man about town", "a flash man".' On 6 June a broadside in the form of a letter addressed to Mr Edwards Beadon, Mr W.P. Pinchard and Mr J.E. White appeared, summarizing the above charges, and signed The Compiler of the Pamphlet "What is Mr. DTsraeli?" '. Apparently Edwards Beadon had publicly defended D in a speech made at Taunton and had attacked the author of What is Mr. D'Israeli? as 'a base, foul, and malicious liar.' In response, the 'Compiler' challenged Beadon et al to supply proof of their claim that the charges made against D in the 29 May pamphlet were false. D's attempt to defend himself in the election address printed below only added to the controversy. On 29 June, Edward Cox addressed the first of two public letters to D in which he restated the charges and pointed out in considerable detail the weaknesses in D's defence. Although Cox did not admit authorship of the scurrilous pamphlet of 29 May, there is considerable evidence to suggest that he was, in fact, the author. D's response - in the form of a letter addressed to Edwards Beadon (409) encouraged a second letter from Cox, dated 27 July. The exchange finally ended with D's second letter to Edwards Beadon, of 9 August (415). Sic: apostacy, vitious.
46 t 406 i3juni835
London June i3th, 1835
TO THE ELECTORS AND INHABITANTS OF THE BOROUGH OF TAUNTON
Gentlemen, I have just received a placard purporting to be a letter addressed to three respectable members of your community by an anonymous "compiler," as he modestly styles himself, of a pamphlet entitled "What is Mr. DISRAELI?"1 This pamphlet was shown to me when I last had the honor of visiting Taunton, and I made no observation upon it for two reasons; firstly, because it was anonymous; and secondly, because it was absurd; every charge which it attempted to adduce having already been confuted by me upon the hustings of your Borough and, in the estimation of all impartial persons, satisfactorily disposed of. The writer however appears very sore that he has not been answered, and although I think the greatest service I could do him would be to let him pass unnoticed, I will for once gratify his wish for distinction; I hope he will find it an enviable honor. I have not his pamphlet by me, and I have only a vague recollection of some malicious observations expressed in a remarkably feeble style, but this anonymous compiler who seems quite in a flutter that no one will reply to his lucubrations, favors us in his broadside with a "summary" of his charges, and to his own summary, as some of my friends seem to wish it, I now respond. There are four accusations. Firstly, I am accused of gross political apostacy and inconsistency proved by my electioneering addresses and a certain pamphlet.2 I have already given the reasons which induced me at one period to advocate the adoption of certain measures which are now I conceive unnecessary.3 I considered then that the adoption of those measures could alone effect the formation of a national party in the house of Commons which might keep the anti-national government in check, but the blunders of that government and the good sense of Englishmen have already, though unexpectedly, produced that national party, and therefore there is no necessity to have recourse to political experi1 D was referring to the broadside of 6 June addressed to Beadon, Pinchard and White which offered a summary of the charges made in the pamphlet of 29 May, A Letter to the Electors of Taunton, in reply to the Question 'What is Mr. D'ISRAELI?. 2 The first charge was: 'Gross political apostacy and inconsistency, proved by his addresses to the Electors of Mary-la-bonne, and Wycombe, and by his pamphlet, "What is He?" \ 3 Although D claimed not to have the pamphlet of 29 May with him, it is clear that he was referring to the expanded version of this first charge which appeared there: 'Only about a year and a half ago, he stated it to be his "solemn conviction" after "unprejudiced meditation" that the predominance of "the democratic principle" the Ballot, and Triennial Parliaments were just and necessary. He is a Tory now.' The quotations are from D's address of 9 April 1833 to the Electors of Marylebone. See (vol i) 263.
ments to secure a benefit already obtained. But my answer to this charge has appeared in the Dorset County Chronicle,4 and has been reprinted in some of the leading London journals.5 It is upon record; it has been upon record now nearly two months; and no one has refuted it.-
[Footnote in original: - Since this letter was in the press, I have received a copy of the pamphlet. I per-
ceive that the anonymous compiler has mistaken, perhaps not wilfully, the whole argument on this point which was quoted from my speech in the Dorset Chronicle and the London Papers. I never advocated
the opinion that "we should do evil that good may ensue."6 It was my sincere belief that the adoption of
the ballot and briefer parliaments would tend to the maintenance of the establishments of this realm, be-
cause the great body of the people have an interest in them, which the sectarian oligarchy, in whose hands the whole power of the country appeared to be thrown by the Whig bill, have not. Believing as I
do that the Tory party in this country is the genuine democratic party, I have never feared the influence
of the people, which I have ever believed would be exercised in favor of popular and national
establishments. The anonymous compiler in his pamphlet also makes me declare the ballot a power which was once the birthright of the people. This is nonsense. Any one who reads my address will at once perceive
that this description applies, and applies only to Triennial Parliaments, the favorite institution of the
Tory party during the longest and most glorious days of their opposition, and which Triennial Parliaments, notwithstanding the efforts of those Tories, the Whigs repealed. The opinions that I have upheld
are the opinions of Primitive Toryism. They are truly national.]7
4 The Dorset County Chronicle no 746 (30 Apr 1835) carried an extensive account of a speech by D to the electors of Taunton, in which he made his first response to the leader in The Morning Chronicle of 25 April. Defending himself against the charge of political opportunism, D argued that, had he been a political adventurer, T had nothing to do but to join the Whigs; but conscientiously believing that their policy was in every respect pernicious, I felt it my duty to oppose them. But how were they to be opposed? Where were the elements of a party to keep the Government in check, and to bring together the old constitutional balance. I thought they existed in the liberal Tories, and in those independent Reformers who had been returned to Parliament independently of the Whigs. I laboured for the union and I am proud of it.' D went on to argue that in 1832 his opposition to the Whigs had been grounded in his belief that, in the absence of any effective opposition, 'they were our masters for life.' Since then, however, 'The mighty Whig party ... fell to pieces; the vessel of the State righted itself, and now there is no necessity to cut away its masts. I do no longer advocate the measures in question [the ballot and triennial parliaments], simply because they are no longer necessary. Is this an answer? (Loud cheers) Is this inconsistency? (Cheering).' MP no 20,094 (2 May 1835). 5 The Morning Post no 20,094 (2 May 1835) reprinted the account from The Dorset County Chronicle cited above, and added the comment that D's speech 'contains a triumphant refutation of the charges which have been recently circulated against him by the Whig-Radical press of inconsistency of conduct in now supporting the policy of Sir ROBERT PEEL, when he had, at another period of his career, advocated the expediency of triennial Parliaments, and the adoption of the principle of the Ballot.' The Times of 30 April offered a shorter account of the speech. 6 D was referring to the following passage in the pamphlet of 29 May: 'Will it be credited that one calling himself a gentleman, seeking to be a legislator for a Christian Country, should assert that he advocated Democracy, the Ballot, etc. not because they were right in themselves, but as a means of destroying the Whigs'? Good God! what a defence! It is worse, far worse, than the crime. In what code of morals, in what page of Christianity did Mr. D'Israeli find it written "that we should do evil that good may ensue?" Passing over the bad object in view, an object which breathes the bloody and revengeful spirit of his Jewish ancestors, I ask him, how does he justify seeking his end, however good, by bad means?' 7 In a postscript to the pamphlet of 29 May, an excerpt from D's Marylebone address of 9 April 1833 was introduced with the claim that D had supported the ballot and triennial parliaments in 1833, not from a desire to destroy the Whigs, but as inherently right in themselves. The writer then asked whether something could be wrong in 1835 which was 'a birthright' in 1833.
406 I 47 13 Jun 1835
48 I 406 13 Jun 1835
Charge the 2nd. Ingratitude to Mr. O'CONNELL proved by the speech of that gentleman and the letter of Mr. RONAYNE. 8 My ingratitude to Mr. O'CONNELL is proved by that gentleman's speech and by the letter of Mr. RONAYNE. This is a tolerably exparte mode of proving ingratitude. I have every reason to believe that Mr. O'CONNELL regrets the attack he thought fit to make upon me; I am quite sure that Mr. RONAYNE regrets that attack, for he has written to me to that effect.9 Whatever may be my opinion of Mr. O'CONNELL, I am quite certain that he neither requires nor desires the patronising support of the anonymous compiler. Whatever may be Mr. O'CONNELL's errors, he has an instinctive horror of blockheads. The man who talks or writes of my ingratitude to Mr. O'CONNELL, only perverts our language and makes himself ridiculous. Mr. O'CONNELL, not at my written request, as he has been falsely represented to have stated, but at the verbal request of a third person, wrote a commonplace letter to the Electors of Wycombe in my favor when opposed to Colonel Grey, the son of the Whig Prime Minister. The letter did me no good, but the reverse, but it was one of those slight courtesies of life, whatever might be its motives, of which a gentleman would always be prepared to show his sense by courtesies as slight.10 When therefore long after, I for the first and only time met Mr. O'CONNELL, who in the mean-while had become a Repealer, I thanked him for his courtesy, and however we differed in politics, I seized with pleasure that opportunity of being civil to him; and very recently when I met his most intimate friend, Mr. RONAYNE, to whom I was introduced by a distinguished Conservative, and in whose presence every word I spoke was uttered, I wished to show by the tone of my conversation that, however I was opposed to him or his friend in public life, I was far from desirous of conducting myself towards them in a hostile spirit, when we met in serener situations than the hustings or the house of Commons. If every complimentary observation uttered in a private room is to be tortured into an act of "gross political apostacy and inconsistency," there is an end of all freedom of social intercourse. A lock must be upon every man's lip, and even his looks must be studied. In the tone of courtesy I then used, I should have ever spoken of Mr. The passage cited from D's address reads in part: 'I am desirous of improving the machinery of the constitution by two measures which will invest the people with a power which was once their birthright, and with a security which I hope their children will inherit. These measures are Triennial Parliaments and Election by Ballot.' See (vol i) «63. One feels inclined to question the clarity of D's rebuttal. 8 For the background to D's alleged description of O'Connell as an 'incendiary' and a 'traitor' see 39602. On having read reports of D's speech, O'Connell's cousin Dominick Ronayne (d 1836, MP for Clonmell 1832-6) had written a letter dated 3 May to The Morning Chronicle. He argued that D must have been misrepresented, for 'within the last month' D had spoken to him of O'Connell 'in terms of the most extravagant admiration, and at the same time requested of me to communicate to Mr O'Connell on the first opportunity his kind remembrance to him, which I accordingly did.' MC no 20,461 (12 May 1835). 9 This claim by D was later challenged when Edward Cox printed a letter from Ronayne denying any such letter of apology. 409042. 10 O'Connell's letter which recommended D as a Radical candidate at High Wycombe in 1832 is reprinted in (vol i) igSni. The third person mentioned here is Edward Lytton Bulwer. For the controversy over his involvement in this affair see 467.
O'CONNELL, had not he, from the intentional misrepresentations of some busy fools in London, thought proper to make his notorious attack upon me in Dublin. The third charge requires no notice.11 That the anonymous compiler disapproves of my challenging Mr. MORGAN O'CONNELL, I have little doubt, for a man who scribbles libels to which he dare not affix his name, is of course a coward. That the opinion of society in general on this point is very different to that of the anonymous compiler, I am certain; as, since the affair in question, scarcely a day has elapsed, on which I have not received letters from some part of the United Kingdom congratulating me on my conduct and thanking me in the name of the public, and often of very distinguished members of it, for the stand which I considered it my duty to make. As for the last letter to Mr. O'CONNELL,12 which the anonymous compiler styles "horrible," the inhabitants of Taunton have not forgotten, I am sure, the observations which I addressed to them upon the subject.13 To the anonymous compiler it is only necessary to observe that I do not require a month to write a letter, but a minute; and that a man who has any sensibility, a quality of which I entirely acquit the anonymous compiler, cannot always measure his language when his feelings are outraged. The fourth charge has long ago been blown to the winds.14 My adversaries by a trick attempted to prove that I belonged to a Radical Club. They accused me of belonging to the Westminster REFORM Club. There is no such club in existence; 11 The broadside of 6 June charged D with 'Un-Christian conduct, proved by his challenging Mr. M. O'Connell, and afterwards writing that horrible letter to him.' Here again D's claim that he was not referring to the expanded version of these charges is questionable, for his response seems to speak to the following accusations: 'He thirsted for the blood of him whom he had so foully wronged; he is eager to take the life of the benefactor he had betrayed ... He [M. O'Connell] wrote a modest, goodtempered letter to Mr. D'Israeli, and the following was the fiendlike answer. Brother electors, read it carefully, and then, if you are Christians, if you are men, say whether the writer of such an epistle is a fit person to be a member of a Christian legislature; whether every man who gives him a vote is not in effect sanctioning and approving language and feelings forbidden alike by religion and humanity ... How forcibly does it remind us of the character and language of "Shylock" the cruel, revengeful, blood-thirsty Jew, in the "Merchant of Venice." ' There followed a printed version of D's letter of 6 May to Morgan O'Connell (400). 12 400. 13 The address of 12 May. 403. 14 The fourth charge was that D had made 'assertions which are contradicted by his own letters, proved in the affair of the Westminster Club.' The affair of the Westminster Club is a complex one. The leader in The Morning Chronicle of 25 April, which has been referred to above, had offered the opinion that D was a member of the Westminster Reform Club. The same issue of the Chronicle also contained an anonymous letter accusing D of belonging to the club. (For a more detailed account see 49nn39,4o). On 30 April The Dorset County Chronicle reported D's speech to the electors of Taunton, giving the following version of D's response: 'In reference to the observation that he had been sent by the Conservative Club, well armed with the sinews of war ... he said - Permit me to say that I have fought the battle of the people four times, and if I have been sent down by the Conservative Club, this time, I shall come down by the requisition of the electors at Taunton the next. (Cheers from the Blues). I have always fought the battle of the people from my own resources ... neither that club nor any other has ever given me anything. No, gentlemen, nor the Westminster Reform Club. It is a club I never heard of, and I never belonged to a Reform or Political Club in my life.'
406 I 49 13 Jun 1835
5O I 406 i3jun 1835
and I exposed the fruitless malice that attempted to convert a club formed avowedly for social purposes into a political confederacy. Had it been worth while, I could even have proved that the individual who introduced my name into that society,15 specifically and in the presence of a third person, affirmed that the club had not, and was not to assume, a political character. But it was not worth while to do it. Life is too short to refute every misrepresentation of every malicious fool. It is enough to show that my opponents for the sake of a petty party purpose had misrepresented the name of the Society. Unless it were the Westminster REFORM Club, there was no inconsistency in my being a member of it. It is not the Westminster REFORM Club. Even the silly anonymous compiler, who does the dirty work at Taunton of some prudent knaves in London, does not venture now to call it the Westminster REFORM club; and the name was only invented to serve the purposes of our opponents at our recent contest.16 So much for the anonymous compiler and his four famous charges. These charges were idle enough when they were first brought forward, and nothing but an Election could excuse them. Under such circumstances, when time presses, a lie or a misrepresentation may serve a purpose, and often cannot be exposed until the purpose, for which it is forged or circulated, has been obtained. But the scribbler, who in cold blood thinks fit to hash up all this ribaldry and rigmarole after a contest, and then after a month's hard concoction again obtrudes it on a nauseated public, must not only be an ass, but a vitious one. Had I the pamphlet of the anonymous compiler here, instead of his "summary," I might perhaps deem it necessary to make some further observations. I remember for instance that in order to assist the good people of Taunton in forming an estimate of one of my works, he introduces with a great flourish of trumpets the opinions of two unheard of reviews-.17 [Footnote in original: - After some enquiry I find that these reviews did once exist, but have long been
extinct.18 They were of the very lowest order of periodical literature.]
The work in question is one, which, although written when I was a minor, is universally acknowledged to be one of the most successful in modern literature. 15 According to an account published in The Morning Chronicle no 20,451 (30 Apr 1835) and reprinted in the pamphlet of 29 May, D was proposed by Henry Lytton Bulwer and 'seconded by one of the most honest Reformers in the kingdom, Dr John Elmore.' See also 409. 16 This refinement did not escape the notice of Edward Cox. See 4ognn39,4o. 17 D's memory served him remarkably well. The pamphlet of 29 May had, indeed, contained an extract from a review of Vivian Grey published in The Literary Magnet ns II (1826) 1-6. According to the reviewer, 'The entire gist of the book, for plot there is none, consists in the introduction of characters which, we are told, in the newspaper puffs, are drawn from life. The entire wit of the author consists in the coupling, in his trumpery and tawdry dialogues, the mention of some well known anecdote or trait of the party lampooned with some paltry sneer or imputation, calculated to render them ridiculous or despicable in the eyes of such as put any faith in the correctness of the picture ... Report says that this would-be-exquisite, this fashionable cut-purse, is intended by the author as a picture of himself.' Also included was an extract from an equally insulting review of Vivian Grey taken from The Literary Chronicle of 27 May 1826. 18 An obscure journal, The Literary Magnet ran from 1824 to 1828. Alaric Watts was credited by some with having been the editor, but this seems unlikely. Watts was the editor of The Literary Souvenir during this period, and in 1833 he had founded The United Service Gazette. The Literary Chronicle, an equally obscure journal, ran from 1819 to 1828. According to Cox it was edited by 'Rev. H. Stebbing', i.e. Henry Stebbing (1799-1883).
If favorable reviews of that work could gain me the good opinion of the people of Taunton, I might produce at least five hundred, and some of them written by the most eminent authors of our age, all speaking of it in terms of the highest commendation.19 It is enough to remind you that, independent of its home success, that work has been translated into French by the most distinguished minister of France, and introduced to the notice of Germany by the greatest genius Germany ever produced; and that in the United States of America alone, seven and twenty thousand copies of it have been sold.20 A pretty idea he must have of the literary discrimination of his fellow townsmen - this anonymous compiler! I have addressed this letter not merely to the electors, but also to the inhabitants, of Taunton, because I do not wish it to be considered as an electioneering movement on my part, but as the act of a man who, in replying to an anonymous slanderer, has departed from a strict rule of conduct in favor of a community whose good opinion he values. Whatever may be the fate of my political struggles in your Borough, I can never forget the kindness and hospitality which I have experienced under your roofs; I must always feel that as a body, whatever may be your opinions, you are entitled to and possess my respect; and that for many of your members individually, I entertain a sincere regard and affection. Nevertheless permit me to observe and believe me I make the observation without any affectation, that my time is far too precious to waste it often in replying to such attacks as those of your pamphleteer. It is your duty to listen with great distrust to anonymous attacks upon an absent person. Rest assured that I am always prepared to meet any charge against my character or conduct face to face; and I venture to add that no member of your community will ever have cause to regret the confidence he has reposed in one who has the honor to remain, With great respect and regard, Your obliged and faithful servant, BENJAMIN DISRAELI
407 I 51 14 Jun 1835
TO [MISS KINGLAKE] [London, Sunday 14 June 1835] 407 ORIGINAL: PS 66
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Sotheby's catalogue (29 Apr 1969) item 364 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The Sotheby's description of the letter is: 'Early A.L.s., 4 pages 4*0, Park St., Grosvenor Sq., Sunday, \\]une, 1835,to Miss Kinglake at Taunton....' 19 When D's authorship became generally known the reviews became increasingly hostile. Stewart Novels 113-30. 20 No evidence has yet been found that a French translation of Vivian Grey had been published by 1835. There had been a German translation in 1827, and in February 1831 Sara Austen wrote to D informing him that on a recent visit to Germany their friend John Hardwick had met Goethe who had described himself as a 'warm admirer' of Vivian Grey. Apparently Goethe and his wife 'spoke enthusiastically of it as being, after Scott, the first of their English favourites.' H A/IV/B/IÔ. D's assertion about the American sales of Vivian Grey seem justified. Carey, Lea and Carey of Philadelphia were issuing a third American edition by 1827. A version issued by G. M'Dowell of Baltimore had also reached its third edition, in 1833.
52 I 408 27juni835
4O8
[Dear lady]1 ... Here the blazing sun has made every one as calm and languid as if we breathed in Seville or Damascus. The Opera is deserted and even Devonshire2 is almost shunned: we do nothing but sail to Richmond or float to Blackwall, and make war upon Thames flounders and whitebait: at least all that the steam boats have left us, but really these scientific conveyances so monopolise the river with their turbid machinery, that I shall scarcely be astonished if the fish soon are caught ready dressed ... TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: BEA [Rl-l]
[London], Saturday [27 June 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: N IJU27 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 37-9, extracts dated 20 July 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature. Sic: Fitzroy, VIX, Buccleugh, Aylesbury, Poulett, Bronlows, Matus, Dorsay.
Saturday I 6 o'ck My dearest, The Cambridge affair is next Saturday; I wd. have written before to this effect, but Ld. L[yndhurst] left it so much in doubt whe[the]r he wd. not give up Cam. that I knew not what to say.1 Nothing has been talked of since your departure,2 but the great ball which came off last night,3 and exceeded in splendor anything ever known in London. My dress was admirable with some additions such as a silken shirt with long sleeves lent me by Henry Baillie etc. D'Orsay, H.B. myself, Massey Stanley, Talbot, Herbert4 and Regina went in party with the Chesterfields[,] Ansons I and Worcesters. We flattered ourselves by far the most 1 Probably a sister of Alexander William Kinglake (1809-1891), historian of the Crimea, and author of Eothen (1844). Their father, William, was a Taunton banker and solicitor. One of the two Kinglake daughters was described by Thackeray as the cleverest woman he had ever met. W. Tuckwell A. W. Kinglake (1902) 7. 2 Devonshire House. The Duchess of Devonshire was a leading Whig hostess. 1 A week of festivities was planned to accompany the installation of the Marquess of Camden as chancellor of Cambridge University at the commencement ceremonies in 1835. Beginning with a dinner at Christ's on Friday 3 July, the activities swept around the colleges. Lord Camden was installed as chancellor in a very rapid ceremony before dinner at Trinity on the evening of Saturday 4 July. The Duke of Wellington arrived on Monday for the Commencement at which the new chancellor awarded him an honorary degree. Lyndhurst is mentioned accompanying the Duke to a grand ball at St John's on 8 July. The Times (10 July 1835). Trie affair concluded on Thursday 9 July. The new chancellor, who was seventy-six, was described as 'looking remarkably well and fresh' at the end of it all. D.A. Winstanley Early Victorian Cambridge (1940 repr New York 1977) 399-404. 2 Sarah had come to London on 19 May. The first letter from her to D after her return to Bradenham is dated 28 June. H A/i/B/554. 3 Two days later the press carried reports of a 'Grand Fancy Ball' held on Friday 26 June in aid of the funds of the Royal Academy of Music at the Hanover Square Rooms. The reports noted the presence of the Landgravine of Hesse Homburg, and a number of the people listed by D. The Times (29 June 1835), Mp no 2O» 1 4 2 ( 2 9 J une ^So)4 Possibly Sidney Herbert (1810-1861), Tory MP for South Wiltshire 1832-61.
distinguished. Lady Ches was a Sultana, and Mrs. Anson a Greek with her own hair lower than the calf of her leg. She was the most brilliant in the room. Lady Burghersh,5 Lady Fitzroy Somerset,6 and Lady Sykes wore powder; the two first Louis VIX;7 the last a complete copy of a Sir Joshua8 with a white damask dress and large brocade flowers. I never saw her look so well. Lady Londonderry9 as Cleopatra was in a dress literally embroidered with emeralds and diamonds from top to toe. It looked like armor, and she like a Rhinoceros. Cas[tlereagh] introduced me most particularly to her by her desire, and I was with her a great deal. Mrs Norton and Mrs. Black[woo]d I beautiful Greeks, but the finest thing is that at 1/2 past 2. Lyndhurst gave a supper in Geo: St. to 80 - of the supremest ton and beauty, and which really was the most sumptuous thing ever known. You can conceive nothing more splendid and brilliant than his house illuminated with a banquet to a company so fancifully dressed. The D[uke] of Wellington] who was at the ball was so tired that he cd. not come but we had the D[uke] and D[uche]ss of Buccleugh,10 the M[arquess] and M[archione]ss of Londonderry, Worcester, Aylesbury,11 the Chesterfields, Ansons, Lonsdales,12 Lady Caroline] Poulett,13 Fred[eric]k Bent[inc]k14 Anne Beckett,15 Pagets,16 5 Lady Priscilla Anne Fane (1793-1879), daughter of the 3rd Earl of Mornington, had married in 1811 Baron Burghersh, after 1841 nth Earl of Westmorland. 6 Lady Emily Harriet Somerset (d 1881), daughter of the 3rd Earl of Mornington and a niece of the Duke of Wellington; in 1814 she had married Lord FitzRoy James Henry Somerset, youngest son of the 5th Duke of Beaufort. He was thus great-uncle to the Marquess of Worcester. Lord FitzRoy Somerset, created Baron Raglan in 1852, was the commander of the British army during the Crimean War. 7 D's grasp of Roman numerals remained uncertain for most of his life and, wisely, he generally avoided using them. 8 Sir Joshua Reynolds. 9 Frances Anne Vane-Stewart (1800-1865), only daughter of Sir Henry Vane-Tempest, had married in 1819 Charles William Stewart (who, on the marriage, changed his surname to VaneStewart), 3rd Marquess of Londonderry. 10 The 5th Duke of Buccleuch had married in 1829 Lady Charlotte Anne Thynne, youngest daughter of the 2nd Marquess of Bath. 11 Charles Brudenell Bruce (1773-1856), ist Marquess of Ailesbury, and Maria Elizabeth Bruce, née Tollemache. 12 William Lowther, ist Earl of Lonsdale, had married in 1781 Lady Augusta Fane (d 1838), daughter of the gth Earl of Westmorland. 13 Lady Grace Caroline Powlett. 14 The Bentincks were related by marriage to the Earl of Lonsdale. Lord Frederick Cavendish Bentinck, who had married an elder sister of Lady Grace Caroline Powlett (above), had died in 1828. Many male members of the family were named Frederick, thus making it difficult to identify which one was at the ball. 15 Lady Anne Beckett (d 1871), third daughter of the ist Earl of Lonsdale, had married in 1817 Sir John Beckett. Clearly the Lonsdales were there in force. 16 Members of the family of Gen Henry William Paget (1768-1854), ist Marquess of Anglesey, and probably in particular Henry Paget (1797-1869), Earl of Uxbridge and Baron Paget, after 1854 2nd Marquess of Anglesey, who had married secondly in 1833 Henrietta Maria Bagot (d 1844).
408 I 53 27 Jun 1835
54 I 408 27 Jun 1835
Bronlows,17 Miss D'Esté,18 Mrs. W. Locke,19 Norton, Blackwood, Lady Sykes, Macdonald [,] Lords Wilton,20 [and] Cas[tlereagh,] Matus,21 Sir Rob. Gordon, Dorsay, Ld. Fitzgerald,22 FitzRoy Som[erset,] Kerrisons,23 Messrs. Bagot,24 Bentinck [,] Henry Baillie, Phipps,25 Regina [,] C[harles] Forester,26 Cowper27 etc. etc. etc. This great secession knocked up the ball howr: and everybody looked blue who was not going to Lord Ls. It was the most brilliant thing imaginable all agree there never was anything like it. I The supper was really sumptuous. The piles of pin[eappl]es and red fruits beyond everything you can conceive with soups and regular entrees. Lyndhurst looked like a French Marshal - Wilton was Philip 4th. and the Duke lent him his golden fleece set in diamonds for the evening. There were at L's in the same room, almost all the celebrated beauties in London, looking their very best. D'Orsay was quite marshal of the field and in brilliant force. The D. of W. spoke to me at the ball and said he did not know I was in London. He asked after my father. I To day I called at the Londonderrys. 17 John Gust (1779-1853), 2nd Baron and ist Earl Brownlow, had married thirdly in 1828 Lady Emma Sophia Edgcumbe (d 1872), eldest daughter of the 2nd Earl of Mount Edgcumbe. Until December 1834 Lady Brownlow had been lady-in-waiting to Queen Adelaide, and the Brownlows continued to be members of the inner circle of the Court. Countess Brownlow The Eve of Victorianism, Reminiscences of the Years 1802-1834 (1940) vi. 18 Augusta Emma D'Esté (1801-1866), illegitimate daughter of the Duke of Sussex. Before her marriage in 1845 to Sir Thomas Wilde she was a familiar figure in society. At this time she was known as Mademoiselle D'Esté, and was frequently in the company of the Brownlows. DNB calls her 'Ellen Augusta', which seems to be incorrect. 19 Selina Locke, née Tollemache (d 1893), married in 1829 Captain William Locke, formerly of the Light Dragoons. Captain Locke, a distinguished amateur artist, died on 15 September 1832. GAÍ xcix part ii (Dec 1829) 63^; cn Part " (^>ct ^32) 390. 20 Thomas Grosvenor Egerton, 2nd Earl of Wilton, married in 1821 Lady Mary Margaret Stanley (d 1858), daughter of the i2th Earl of Derby. 21 The Chevalier Mello de Mattos had been Brazilian chargé d'affaires until February of the previous year, when he took his leave of the Court. The Times (28 Feb 1834). Perhaps he continued to have business in London. 22 William Vesey Fitzgerald, 2nd Baron Fitzgerald and Vesey, 1st Baron Fitzgerald of Desmond; MP for various constituencies 1808-32 with interruptions, Wellington's president of the Board of Trade in 1828. He acceded to his mother's Irish peerage in February 1832 and was created Baron Fitzgerald of Desmond by Peel in January 1835. 23 Maj Gen Sir Edward Kerrison (1774-1853), ist Baronet, married in 1821 Mary Ellice (d 1860). He was Tory MP for Shaftesbury 1812-18, for Northampton 1818-24 and for Eye 1824-52. He became a general in 1851. 24 Probably Henry Bagot (1810-1877), later an admiral, third son of the then Dean of Canterbury. He is mentioned in 514. 25 Presumably Gen Edmund Phipps. 26 Charles Robert Weld Forester (1811-1852), third son of ist Baron Forester. He became a major in the i2th Lancers, and was later assistant military secretary in Ireland; he married in 1848 Lady Maria Jocelyn, youngest daughter of the 3rd Earl of Roden. 27 William Francis Cowper (1811-1888), second son of the 5th Earl Cowper, Whig MP for Hertford 1835-68, and for Hampshire South 1868-80. At this time he was private secretary to the prime minister Lord Melbourne, his uncle. He held many ministerial posts between 1841 and his retirement, and was created Baron Mount-Temple in 1880.
TO EDWARDS BEADON O R I G I N A L : TEXU Cline 1
London, [Thursday] 2 July 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: To the Inhabitants of Taunton (Taunton 1835) contains this letter from D, dated 2 July, and one from Edwards Beadon, dated 9 July. EDITORIAL COMMENT: There are three surviving versions of this very long letter: a draft in the Hughenden papers (B/i/A/65); the original letter (presented here through the courtesy of Professor Cline and the University of Texas); and the printed version noted above. A portion of the text missing from the MS has been reconstructed where indicated through the use of the printed version. Sic: letter-writer, letterwriter, apostacy, either of the three, letter writer, neighbourood, extasy, decyphering, Times', past, dropt.
London I July 2, 1835 To Edwards Beadon Esqr.1 My dear Sir, I have just received from you a copy of another pamphlet occasioned by our recent contest, and which takes the shape of a letter addressed to me by a person who affixes his name, I take for granted an authentic one.2 It seems then that the anonymous compiler of the pamphlet entitled "What is Mr. Disraeli?" is synonymous with the contributor to the Sherborne Journal, and that these characters again are united in the person whose signature is affixed to the letter just addressed to myself; so that as Mrs. Malaprop said of Cerberus, we have three gentlemen in one.3 I am no friend to paper warfare: I for all purposes of discussion it is very fruitless, for it unfortunately happens in most cases, though I hope not alto1 Edwards Beadon (1800-1875) was a solicitor who lived in Wilton, a suburb of Taunton. 2 The letter, entitled To Benjamin DTsraeli Esq and dated 29 June 1835, was from Edward William Cox (1809-1879), eldest son of William Charles Cox, a Taunton manufacturer. A solicitor called to the bar at the Middle Temple in 1843, C°x was m ^35 local secretary of the Reform Registration Society. The Sherborne, Dorchester and Taunton Journal no 3,648 (6 Aug 1835). In later years he became a Tory, representing Taunton briefly in 1868 before being unseated. In addition to several volumes of poetry, Cox produced well-known legal works, the most important of which was entitled The Law and Practice of Joint-Stock Companies. A devastating portrait by a contemporary begins: 'His personal advantages were small'. Samuel Carter Hall Retrospect of a Long Life (New York 1883) 374-6. Writing in response to D's address to the Electors of Taunton of 13 June (406), Cox repeated the charges of political inconsistency and dishonesty which had been levelled at D during the Taunton election campaign. The chronology of events in this extended controversy is discussed in the editorial comment to 406. 3 In his letter to D, Cox denied authorship of the pamphlet of 29 May entitled 'A Letter to the Electors of Taunton in reply to the Question "What is Mr. D'Israeli?". However, he did state that, previous to the appearance of both that pamphlet and the broadside of 6 June summarizing the charges and signed 'The COMPILER of the Pamphlet What is Mr. D'Israeli?, he had published the same charges in The Sherborne ... Journal no 3,637 (21 May 1835). He added that, since D had attempted to answer the charges point by point, he was unwilling to give D any further excuse 'for avoiding the discussion on the pretence that you were combatting [sic] with an anonymous writer.' This admission that he had initiated the controversy no doubt led D to conclude that Cox had been his assailant all along, and this accounts for D's curious use of 'synonymous' throughout the letter. Beadon seemed to agree with D for, in a letter of 9 July to the Inhabitants of Taunton, he equated the author of the pamphlet of 29 May with the 'compiler' of the broadside of 6 June and both with 'his other self, the correspondent of the Sherborne Journal.'
4OQ
56 I 409 2 Jul 1835
gether in ours, that all that can be observed in these encounters are the emulous attempts of two parties alike to misrepresent the truth. When however assertions are made respecting myself as matters of fact, which are absolutely false, I think I may be pardoned if I again trespass upon the kind consideration of my friends at Taunton. The synonymous letter-writer, for I cannot any longer style him "the anonymous compiler", observes that ["]if I had originally taken high ground, admitted the fact that I had been a Radical, but I that my opinions had changed, the utmost that co[ul]d have been alleged against me would have been a too hasty judgment."4 This might have been a high ground, but it would not have been a true one. I have not changed my political opinions, and I hope I never shall. When the Reform Bill became a law, I did not think that a Tory or national administration, that is an administration supporting the national institutions, could maintain itself. If I were wrong in this opinion, I was not singular. What said the Duke of W[ellingto]n himself? "My Lords" he exclaimed "how is the Kings Government to be carried I on? I do not see how the King's Governmt. can be carried on." I also could not see how the King's Governmt. could be carried on in 1833, and I am not quite sure that I see how the King's governmt. can be carried on in 1835. I have already explained the mode by which I conceived a national party might have been formed, opposed to the spirit of Whiggism, and capable of carrying on the King's Governmt. These were the views I explained and expressed to the Electors of Wycombe,5 in consequence of which I obtained the suffrages of every Tory and every Independent Liberal in I that town. I was proposed by the Mayor of Wycombe, who was the leader of the Tory party, and my nomination was seconded by the respectable leader of the liberal party which was opposed to the Whigs.6 The Whigs, both in London and at Wycombe, 4 D's version made the best of it. The paragraph had appeared as follows in Cox's letter: 'If, Sir, you had originally taken high ground - admitted the fact that you had been a Radical, but that your opinions had changed, the utmost that could have been alleged against you, was a too hasty judgment on a subject which requires the profoundest thought. But you have chosen another defence and you must abide by it. You have preferred denying the fact and you have set your character upon the issue. You must be well aware now that it was a false step: but it is too late to retreat.' 5 The Bucks Gazette of 30 June 1832 carried an extensive report of D's nomination speech at High Wycombe. Of the Reform Bill, D was quoted as saying that 'Reform was a means to a great end. He expected to derive from it financial, ecclesiastic, and legal reform. These were the measures he would promote and pursue.' In regard to charges that he was supported by the Tories, D stated that 'He was glad to find the Tories, for once, on the side of the people. As for that respectable nobleman [the Marquess of Chandos], whose name had been brought before them, he had never held any communication or correspondence with him ... The support he received from the other Tories was easily to be accounted for. The people supported him first, and the Tories finding it was useless to attempt to check their wishes, resolved to promote a general feeling of friendliness. It was to this he owed the support of his friends the Tories, and he trusted this union would be lasting. It would be, for the Tories must now lean on them; they need not lean on the Tories.' 6 This is not true; at this time the mayor of High Wycombe was John Carter. In fact, D was proposed by 'Mr. Sprewster' and seconded by Mr King. BG no 1,040 (30 June 1832). According to one modern historian of High Wycombe, The Bucks Gazette must have deliberately misprinted as 'Sprewster' the name of William Sproston (d 1841) - the local schoolmaster and an alderman. Ashford 262, 269.
irritated at this coalition denounced me as "a Tory in disguise",7 and my sendments as "Toryism in disguise". This was not done in a corner. I speak of that which was notorious, since my reply upon the hustings that "the only Tory in disguise I knew was a Whig in office", occasioned a correspondence between myself and a noble member of I the then administration.8 I have thrice struggled for the independence of the Borough of Wycombe,9 and out of a constituency of three hundred, I have been defeated only by majorities varying from 21 to 12. Every elector who previously supported me, supported me at the last contest, and had I succeeded, I shd. have been returned to Park, with their full privity and approbation as a supporter of Sir Robt. Peel's administration. So much for my deceiving the people of Wycombe, and so much for my being supported in that town only by ultra Radicals[.]10 I The synonymous letter-writer enquires why my objects in advocating the Ballot and Triennial Parliamts. were not mentioned in my addresses: for this obvious reason, that it is my custom, and I believe that of most men, to limit themselves in their addresses to expressions of opinions, and to leave the reasons for adopting those opinions to their speeches. A quotation is again repeated from my address to the Electors of Marylebone11 in order to prove my inconsistency. It appears to me to prove just the reverse. [Here the printed text inserts the following:] "I am desirous of improving the machinery of the constitution by two measures which will invest the people with a power which was once their birthright and with a security which I hope their children will inherit. These measures are Triennial Parliaments and Election by Ballot. Unless these measures be conceded, I cannot comprehend how the conduct of the government CAN EVER be in harmony with the feelings of the people" [Here the MS resumes.] I No one can deny that Triennial Parliamts. were once the birthright of Englishmen, and that the Whigs deprived them of this birthright: I have, elsewhere and often, given the reasons why under the new constitution I considered the ballot a desirable security for them. I take Wycombe for instance, where I complain as quoted by the letterwriter of the unprincipled system of Terrorism.12 Exercised by whom? By a small knot of wealthy and tyrannical sec7 See (vol i) 23ec, «19, 225. 8 2nd Baron Nugent, a lord of the Treasury in Lord Grey's administration. See (vol i) 20360, 219. 9 D had contested High Wycombe in June and December of 1832 as well as in December 1834January 1835. 10 D was responding to Cox's claim that 'either you were a Radical at Wycombe and Mary-la-bonne, or that you deceived your friends and endeavoured to delude the public into the belief that you were one.' 11 See (vol I) 263. 12 Cox had quoted from D's address of i October 1832 to the electors of High Wycombe, in which D stated that he was 'prepared to support the Ballot which will preserve us from that unprincipled system of terrorism with which it would seem we are threatened even in this Town. I am desirous of recurring to those old English and triennial parliaments of which the Whigs originally deprived us'. See (vol i) 215.
409 I 57 2 Jul 1835
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tarians always stimulating their inferior townsmen against the county gentlemen avenging the disobedience of those townsmen to their commands by every species of legal persecution. Let me call your attention to the passage in the quotation I from my address which I have underlined. I certainly could not comprehend how the conduct of the government which had just formed a new constituency, in which a preponderating influence was given to a sectarian minority, co[ul]d be in harmony with the feelings of the people. I think that recent events have proved the accuracy of my judgment. I think that all impartial persons must agree with me that, at this moment, the country is of one opinion, and the constituency of another. But, let me ask, is a man guilty of "gross political apostacy and inconsistency" if he advocate opinions I at one season which at another he does not choose to enforce, or even may think fit to oppose? What are we to say to Sir Fras Burdett, whom the synonymous letter-writer brings forward as an "eminent Radical"[?]13 Has Sir Fras Burdett never changed an opinion? I say nothing of ballot and Triennial Parliamts:, but where are the Annual Parliamts. and the Universal Suffrage he once promised us? Yet the letter-writer inflicts upon this very gentleman the dangerous honor of a quotation. He forsooth is "an eminent Radical". I Why the very title wo[ul]d make Sir Francis turn pale for the first time in his life! Sir Fras is almost as eminent a Radical as his quondam colleague, Sir John Hobhouse, another object of the letter writer's adoration, who has not only forgotten annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage, to which he was also once pledged, but even the very ballot for which I believe Sir Francis in dire dread of the boredom of a Westminster Deputation did screw up his courage to vote. Then where is Lord Jno. Russell, the able upholder of the close Boro' system? Can this indeed be the same man who was rejected the other day I for South Devon? Is it possible that Lord Melbourne, who would swamp the house of Lords, and appropriate the property of the Church, is it possible that this can be the same Mr Lamb, whose most distinguished speeches, in the house of Commons, were in favor of the Irish Clergy, and in opposition to Parliamentary Reform even of the mildest character? I might continue the list. It is very long: yet these are illustrious examples, and these also are the Gods of the letter-writer's political idolatry. But now for "dilemma the I second"[.] Ay! dilemma the second!14 Why did I not bring letters to Taunton from Mr. Hume and Mr O'Connell?15 For a very
or
13 As 'further proof of D's 'radicalism' Cox had mentioned that during D's first election campaign at High Wycombe he had obtained letters of recommendation 'Not only from Mr. O'Connell, but from Mr. Hume, Sir. F. Burdett and Mr. E. Bulwer.' Cox had added that 'when you obtained the letters of recommendation from these eminent Radicals, either you were really a Radical or that you had palmed yourself as such upon them for the sake of procuring their assistance. You stand therefore in this predicament. Either you do not tell us truly now when you say you were a Tory then, or, if you were indeed a Tory then, you must have represented yourself to those gentlemen as a Radical.' 14 According to Cox this second dilemma involved 'the fact of your publishing in a Borough for which you were a Candidate, letters of recommendation from four well-known Radicals'. This, he argued, 'must prove that it was your purpose to pass for a Radical with the Electors.' 15 Cox had gone on to argue that accepting D's apparent belief 'that letters of recommendation
simple reason; because they are now diametrically opposed to me in politics. Mr Hume has subsided into a low Whig; and Mr O'Connell has mounted into a rampant Repealer. The first, who, three years ago, denounced the Whigs as political swindlers, has since declared that he is even ready "to vote black, white", to maintain them in office; and the second, who has exhausted both the English and Irish languages in anathematising the party, whose tenure of office now depends upon his breath, can discover no better receipt for "the national party" for which he once I sighed, than the dismemberment of the Empire.16 These are sufficient reasons for my not leaguing myself with Messrs O'CH and Hume; even were there no others, and the corresponding genius of the Sherborne Journal may rest assured, that he must sharpen the horns of his dilemmas before his adversaries are ever gored by them. I make no remark on the synonymous letter writer's anonymous correspondent at Wycombe.17 I am to despair of finding him out. Sly rogue! I have no doubt of it. And what sho[ul]d I want to find him out for? What possible interest can I feel in knowing the name of the obscure inhabitant of a country town who has scribbled the ignorant insolence in question? If "some I of my bills for the last and previous contest are unpaid",18 I only hope that his is one of the number. I fear however that my banker's book tells a very different story. I have fought three contests at Wycombe, and each time with ready money. My agents have called in all my accounts the very day following the issue of the contest, and they have been discharged instantly.19 I am quite sure that if any claim has not been satisfied at Wycombe it has been because my agents have not considered it just. I have had no claim made upon me, and with the possible exception of some election debts to tradesmen with whom myself or my family have regular annual accounts, not a single farthing of my just I election liabilities, occasioned by either of the three contests, remains unpaid. I will not refer in from Radicals are no proof of Radicalism in the candidate who procures them' only raised the further question 'why ... did [you] not bring with you the same recommendations to Taunton? Mr. Hume and Mr. O'Connell would surely have proved as excellent introductions for you to the Tories of this Town, as to those of Wycombe.' 16 D's remark here echoed his attack on O'Connell in April 1835, when D accused the Whigs of 'forming an alliance with one whose policy was hostile to the preservation of the country, who threatens us with a dismemberment of the empire which cannot take place without a civil war.' The Dorset County Chronicle 746 (30 Apr 1835). See also 398ni. 17 Cox claimed to have received a letter from a correspondent at Wycombe whom he refused to identify. The printed part of the letter opened with the following statement: 'While you are anxious to prove him a Radical, or rather, I should say, that he once professed to be so, we are equally anxious to shew that he is a Tory. I have already been supplied with his four addresses to your electors, but shall be greatly obliged to you and the Reformers of Taunton, for any documents or proofs.' 18 The 'anonymous correspondent' cited by Cox went on to ask: 'Can you prove that he was sent to you by the Conservatives - or that they supplied the sinews of war - the cash? Some of his Bills for the last and previous contest remain now unpaid? 19 This claim is highly questionable. As his correspondence with Austen and Culverwell demonstrates, D's financial state was notoriously unstable. Moreover, the Hughenden papers include a letter to D from John Rumsey, dated 20 February 1836, which makes it clear that D did, indeed, have outstanding election debts which he was slow to discharge. H B/l/A/42. For further details see 4isn2g.
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proof of this assertion to the testimony of my brother, whom the synonymous letter writer "believes" is "apprenticed to a Wycombe surgeon"[.]20 He "believes" Mark this. He " believes" [.] Now in my opinion the letter writer believes no such thing. I believe that this is a wilful falsehood of the synonymous letter writer, like his memorable assertion that "the author of Vivian Grey" was written under my portraits,21 a low insult unworthy, if that be possible, even of his low invention. Hitherto I have treated with contempt these paltry sneers I at my family or station. To show of what stuff this letter writer is made, or at what rate his private information from Wycombe may be esteemed, I will just observe that I have no brother[,] relative, or connection, apprenticed at Wycombe or at any other place, to a surgeon or to anyone else: and that the whole statement, whether it relates to the past or present, is absolutely false. And now I come to the democratic principle which appears so to have puzzled the unfortunate letter-writer.22 He need not be alarmed. I am not again going to introduce him to the Whigs of the reign of Charles the ist. who seemed so peculiarly to have puzzled his pericranium.23 I I still am of opinion that the Tory 20 In citing the letter from his correspondent in Wycombe Cox had added: 'You need not trouble your brother who is, I believe, apprenticed to a surgeon at Wycombe, to try to discover him. His name will not be known.' This kind of patronizing attack on members of D's own family bears a striking resemblance to an insinuation added as a postscript to the anonymous pamphlet of 29 May; 'Mr. Disraeli's friends have confidently asserted that he is a man of fortune and rank and that the expenses of the election are paid out of his own revenues. Now it so happens that one of the Solicitors of the Town was in the same Office with Mr. D'Israeli's brother who was also a Clerk there ... Now on the authority of that brother it appears that the Tory candidate's sole property consists of about £200. per annum, which his father allows him. Indeed the fact of his brother being an Attorney proves that he cannot be a man either of rank or fortune.' 21 The anonymous pamphlet of 29 May claimed that 'though Mr. D'Israeli denied upon his honour that he was the author of Vivian Grey, he lately sent to his Committee here, a lithographic portrait of himself, (done for the occasion we suppose,) with "The author of Vivian Grey" written under it by his own hand.' In his letter of 9 July (see ph) Beadon defended D against this charge in the following terms: 'It is not true that he lately sent to his Committee a portrait of himself. A parcel, which I myself opened, arrived here on the day of nomination, containing some lithographic copies of a Portrait of Mr. Disraeli by Count D'Orsay, but they were unaccompanied by any letter, and at that time he did not, I believe, even know by whom they were sent. It is not true that "The Author of Vivian Grey" was written under any of them or any one of them, either by Mr Disraeli or any other person. The only words upon them were "D'Orsay fecit 1834" (which shews too they could not have been done for the occasion) and that they were not written but lithographed with the portrait.' 22 Cox had challenged D's claim that 'the Tory is the democratic party' and that 'the Tories [are] democrats' with the comment: 'They will not thank you for the designation; but I deny that the Tory party has the slightest claim to the character even of a popular, much more of a democratic party. The Tories have not, but in the single instance of their opposition to the repeal of the Triennial Act, shewn themselves advocates for giving increased power to the people, which is the true meaning of democracy. But I can produce abundance of instances in which they have opposed the extension of the "democratic principle.'" As evidence Cox cited, among other things, the Tories' opposition to Roman Catholic emancipation, to the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, to the Reform Bill and to the Municipal Corporations Bill. He concluded with the observation that D's supporters in Taunton would not welcome a candidate with democratic principles. 'Mr. W. Pinchard, for instance, is an advocate for the divine right of kings ... Mr. N. Lee ... left the Whigs because he dreaded the ascendance of "democracy" '. 23 In an election speech delivered at Taunton in April 1835 anc^ reported in The Dorset County
party is the real democratic party of this country. I hold one of the first principies of Toryism to be that Governmt. is instituted for the welfare of the many. This is why the Tories maintain national institutions, the objects of which are the protection, the maintenance, the moral, civil, and religious education of the great mass of the English people: institutions which whether they assume the form of churches, or universities, or societies of men to protect the helpless, and to support the needy, to execute I justice and to maintain truth, alike originated, and alike flourish for the advantage and happiness of the multitude. I deny that the Tories have ever opposed the genuine democratic or national spirit of the country; on the contrary they have always headed it. It was the Tories who increased the constituency by the £50 tenancy clause; a most democratic measure, but one, in my opinion, that has eminently tended to the salvation of the State. I deny that the Tories oppose short parliaments or the ballot, because they will give too much I power to the people: it is because they will give too much power to the constituency, a shrewd and vast difference. The more popular the constituency, the stronger the Tories will become, but why they are now in danger, and why the constitution of England is in danger is that for party purposes the power of the state has been thrown into the hands of a sectarian oligarchy, by which I do not mean the Whigs, as the synonymous letter writer sillily supposes, but the disaffected dissenting Minority who, for their own purpose, have I supported the disaffected aristocractic minority, to wit, the Whigs of England.24 The letter writer raves about "the People",25 but it is quite clear that his only idea of "the people of England" is that part of its constituency which returns Whig Members to Parliament. As for the garbled extracts of the letter writer26 from my pamphlets and addresses, all that is necessary for me to do is to refer my readers to the originals, if they care about the question. Acting as I have always done upon decided and intelligible principles of conduct, I have no apprehension that any inconsistency can be demonstrated, however I easily alleged in my career. As long as I considChronicle of 30 April, D had allegedly attacked the Whigs as an 'anti-national party' whose policy in 1832 had convinced him that they 'must destroy the honour of the kingdom abroad and the happiness of the people at home.' D pointed out that, since then, Grey, Stanley and others had deserted the Whigs. Grey was indeed unwilling to form a government based on Radical support, but to say that he 'deserted' the Whigs misrepresented the situation. D went on to describe Melbourne as 'one of the hottest Tories that ever existed, and now he is the prime leader of the Whigs.' Although newspaper accounts of the speech record no such comment, Cox had claimed that in the same speech D had 'talked of the Whigs of the reign of Charles I, as if such a party had been really in existence at that time.' 24 D was responding to Cox's statement that, by his own admission, D had supported the ballot and triennial parliaments in 1832 'for a special purpose, to wit, to remove from the government what you are pleased to term "a sectarian oligarchy" - in other words - the Whigs.' 25 Cox's alleged 'ravings' involved his statement that in opposing the Emancipation Act the Tories had 'deprived upwards of eight millions of the people of their share of power'; that in opposing repeal of the Test Act they had 'deprived upwards of Twelve Millions of the people of their share of power'; and finally that in opposing the Reform Bill they had denied political power 'to the body of the people'. 26 Cox had quoted extensively from "What is Heî" as well as from D's election addresses at High Wycombe and Marylebone. The extracts are not noticeably 'garbled'.
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ered it possible that a national party co[ul]d be formed on the basis I before explained, so long I laboured with others zealously for that great object. It was not formed: some individuals fell back into Whiggism, some rejoined the Tory leaders who had originally disbanded their troops, and some advanced to ultra Radicalism. Without the shackle of a single political connexion, as independent of party as a man co[ul]d well appear before his countrymen, having not the slightest interest in misgovernment or corruption of any description, I joined the party with which I I most nearly sympathised and a junction with which was least favorable in every sense to my worldly prosperity. In politics there can be no refinements. He who aspires to be a practical politician must in this country be a party man: he who is a party man must act entirely with his party. It will not do to support them in twenty questions and differ with them in three. Were this system pursued, the government of Gt. Britain could not be carried on four and twenty hours. Hence a compromise of opinions is a necessary consequence of public life. This is one of the principal excuses offered I for their apparent inconsistency of conduct by the eminent leaders to whom I have before referred, and this might be mine, but I have a better one and I have given it. The letter-writer is extremely annoyed that being a Tory, I sho[ul]d have pledged myself at Wycombe to promote the cause of Reform. Why to be sure, are the Whigs to have all the Reform to themselves! I have already exposed the tendency of this cunning arrangement. I pledged myself to nothing at Wycombe which three years afterwards Sir Robert Peel did not think himself justified and obliged to pledge himself to in Merchant Taylors I hall.27 Let us view the catalogue as quoted by the letter-writer - "unshackled industry" - "decreased taxation" - ["]severe retrenchment" - "destruction of all sinecures, undeserved pensions and useless places" - "an ameliorated criminal code" - "diffused education of the people" - "the extinction of Slavery" - and finally "the correction of all abuses in Church and State".28 For all of these excellent results which have not been obtained, I am still prepared to labor. [The following passage, which begins on line 14 of page 25 of the MS, and ends on line 6 of page 27, has been scored out, presumably by D: The synonymous letterwriter boasts of his anonymous correspondent at Wycombe. I Let his anonymous correspondent furnish him with a single passage from any address I ever published, any speech I ever delivered in that town, hostile to the Institutions of the Country. I have ever been supported in those contests by the Magistracy, Clergy, and Yeomanry of the neighbourood with[ou]t any exception, and I also received the support of the independent liberal party of that town because they agreed with me in opinion, that the national establishments of the country tended to the welfare of the multitude, and I that it was a delusion to suppose that the cause of 27 Peel had made an important speech on 12 May at a Tory banquet given in his honour by 315 friends and supporters. It took place at Merchant Taylors' Hall, and was chaired by Lord Chandos. The Times (12 May 1835). Teel took this unprecedented opportunity of expounding directly to his own followers his conception of the nature and policy of Conservatism.' Gash Peel 205-6. 28 Cox had offered a compressed version of D's address to the Electors of High Wycombe of i October 1832 in which these phrases had appeared. See (vol i) «15.
freedom and of good government co[ul]d be advanced or secured by concentrating the power of the country in a particular class of the nation.] The synonymous letterwriter observes that not an expression appears in either of my addresses which indicated any other motive for my support of the democratic measures in question than their intrinsic goodness. I did not say a word, he observes, of the Restoration of Toryism.29 I As a practical politician I confess I am much more anxious about the relative goodness of a measure than its intrinsic goodness. The goodness of a measure can only be estimated by a reference to the circumstances under which it is proposed. A measure may be highly beneficial or expedient at one season, which at another may be palpably injurious or unnecessary, and I am quite sure that no expression that has ever fallen from my tongue or pen can authorise the statement that I have ever advocated any measure on the abstract grounds of its intrinsic excellence. As for "the restoration I of Toryism" - if the letter writer means the restoration of a party, I have before stated, and I now repeat, that I stood unconnected with either of the great parties in the state. I laboured for the restoration of good government. Why sho[ul]d I use a party word and then a very odious party word? a phrase to which different persons must at all times attach different significations, and which at that moment was invested with a peculiar indefmiteness? I developed what in my humble opinion was the policy which it was the interest of those I addressed to support, and if it were I the opinion of those I addressed that the conservative party approached much nearer in their conduct to the advancement of that policy than the party in power whom they opposed, what is the fair, the only, inference to be drawn from this circumstance. Undoubtedly, that those electors whom the letter-writer styles the ultra radicals of Wycombe30 were justified in their wish, that had they succeeded in returning me to Parliamt. I shd. support I the policy or administration of Sir Robt Peel. The synonymous letterwriter boasts of his anonymous correspondent at Wycombe. Let his anonymous correspondent furnish him with a single passage from any address I ever published, any speech I ever delivered in that town, hostile to the institutions of the country. When have I maligned the monarchy? When have I attacked the privileges of the Peers? When have I stimulated the insidious, or the insane, attempts that wd. destroy the sacred establishment of our country?31 On the contrary, I at all times, and under all circumstances, I have upheld and defended them; upheld and defended them as being to my conviction institutions formed and qualified to maintain the rights and liberties, 29 Extracts from D's election addresses of i October 1832 and 9 April 1833, demonstrating his support for the ballot and triennial parliaments, had introduced Cox's comment that 'Not a word appears in either of these addresses which indicates any other motive for your support of these measures than their intrinsic goodness. You do not say that your object is the restoration of Toryism.' 30 Cox had not so styled the Radicals of Wycombe. He had, however, described the political opinions which D had outlined in "What is He?" as 'ultra-Radical'. 31 None of the accusations here enumerated is made by Cox. All formed part of D's case against the Whigs.
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and to promote the welfare and the happiness of the many. When I perceived the power of the country thrown into the hands of a particular class hostile to these institutions, and therefore hostile to the great interests for which they were formed, and which in my opinion they fostered, I advocated measures which I by extricating the power of the country from the grasp of this particular class at least afforded us the chance of the national spirit rallying round the national establishments. Therefore it was that in all these contests I was invariably, and with[ou]t exception, supported by the Magistracy, the clergy, and the yeomanry of the neighbourood; and I also received the support of the independent liberal party at Wycombe because they agreed with me in opinion that the national establishments of the country tended to I the welfare of the nation, and that it was a delusion to suppose that the cause of freedom and good government cd. be advanced by concentrating the power of the country in a particular class of the people.32 There is something very ludicrous in the manner in which the synonymous letter-writer makes what he styles "a discovery". A friend from Wycombe sends him a newspaper with a speech of Colonel Grey, and then he informs Taunton "What do you think? I have discovered such I a thing in the Bucks Gazette!";33 another friend in London lends him an old number of some defunct Review,34 and then comes forth another burst of invention! One wo[ul]d think from the extasy of his wonder that he were decyphering the palimpsests of the Vatican, or making researches in the MSS. of the British Museum. It is a pity howr. that his ingenuous Wycombe friend when he sent him the pretended speech of Col. Grey did not also send him my answer to it35 which appeared the next day, and which, altho' more than two years I believe have elapsed, has never received a reply. I Far am I from wishing to draw my old antagonist and agreeable and valued acquaintance, Colonel Grey, into the troubled waters of our Taunton Politics. We have had many a sharp bout together, and struggled in many a hard fight: but these, or their memory, have never prevented us from meeting on courteous, and I trust even cordial, terms, and I hope never may. Col. Grey is of course as little responsible for newspaper reports of speeches as any other person. The one quoted in question is alleged to have been an after dinner harangue to his own friends supporters. I was of course therefore not present immediately to reply. It was not delivered on the Hustings. \ The report quoted in the 32 See Vindication chs 30, 31. 33 Cox had reprinted a report from The Bucks Gazette of a speech made by Colonel Grey on 7 November. According to Grey, 'five months earlier' D had delivered a speech 'of upwards of an hour and half s duration with which we were honoured on that occasion [by] that awful threat "THAT THE WHIGS HAD CAST HIM OFF, AND, IF HE LIVED THEY SHOULD REPENT IT." ' The Times (10 Nov 1832); reprinted in The Bucks Gazette no 1,060 (17 Nov 1832). 34 Reviews of Vivian Grey were extracted from The Literary Magnet and The Literary Chronicle and reprinted in the pamphlet of 29 May. See 4o6ni7. D's attempt to dispose of these charges by describing the two periodicals as 'unheard of ' and 'long extinct' had not satisfied Cox, for in his first letter to D he responded with the claim that The Literary Magnet was a journal of 'great respectability' to which literary notables such as 'Rev. W. Clarke, G.F. Richardson, Mesdames Howitt, Hemans, Mitford, and Misses Landon and Jewsbury' had contributed. 35 See (vol l) 219.
Bucks Gazette first appeared I believe in the Times' Newspaper. If the letterwriter will favor you with the date, you may perhaps find leisure to look over the files of the Times at your Reading Room and you will light upon my answer, which appeared in that journal but which I have not at hand. It is short, but was I believe considered very satisfactory. At least I heard no more of the charge in question; which I proved to be not only false but nonsensical. It is sufficient for me here to observe, that everything the Col. is represented to have said with reference to myself and the Whigs is completely unfounded, and that the very I expressions quoted in the report never issued and never co[ul]d have issued from my mouth.36 There was no lack of witnesses; for the words I did use, and which are mentioned in my letter, were used upon the hustings, and heard by the assembled town.37 I have ever opposed the Whigs; with the same resolution and in the same spirit I now do, long before I was a candidate for Wycombe. Witness, among other proofs, my work on their fatal foreign Policy, called "The Gallomania", and dedicated to Earl Grey. As for my making a respectful bow to the Reform Bill I when it was past, or intimating my calm assent to its provisions or even my frigid approbation of them - who has not done the same?38 The very fact that that bill was the law of the land entitled it to some respect; besides I candidly confess I had no wish to have my head broken, and in 1832 that was the general consequence of expressing any doubt upon the hustings of the profound wisdom of that celebrated act of legislation. Thank God, if some candidates have found cause to change one or two of their opinions, a great portion of the Constituency of England have done much more! I Must I say anything more about the Westminster C/we?39 I co[ul]d say a great 36 In addition to noting D's alleged 'awful threat' Grey had reportedly challenged D's description of the Whigs as 'a rapacious, tyrannical and incapable faction'. The Times (10 Nov 1832); (vol i) 215. Reference to the address shows that, although the words may not have issued from D's mouth, they most certainly had from his pen! 37 Reports of D's speeches at Wycombe in the autumn of 1832 did not, in fact, make reference to the phrase in dispute. But they made D's hostility to the Whigs very clear. BG nos 1,064, ^oûs (15, 22 Dec 1832); BH no 51 (22 Dec 1832). 38 No such accusation was made by Cox, nor did such a charge appear either in the pamphlet of 29 May or the broadside of 6 June. 39 The issue of D's membership in the Westminster Reform Club had been dealt with in his election address of 13 June. 4o6ni4. The dispute had originated with an article in The Taunton Courier no 1,392 (22 Apr 1835) stating that 'Mr. D'Israeli ... enjoys the confidence of the Conservative Club in London.' This gave rise, three days later, to a letter to the editor of The Morning Chronicle from 'An Elector of Westminster', who argued that 'this statement... must, I think, be a gross mistake, seeing that Mr. D'Israeli professes to be a liberal, and, in proof thereof, is actually a member of the Westminster Reform Club, established last year in Great GeorgeStreet, Westminster, by Messrs Tennyson, Hume and others of the liberal party.' MC no 20,497 (25 Apr 1835). During the campaign D reportedly denied 'on his honour' that he had ever belonged to such a club. The Dorset County Chronicle (30 Apr 1835). On 30 April the 'Elector of Westminster' wrote a second letter to the editor of The Morning Chronicle in which he stated that the Chronicle's account of the Taunton election proceedings 'gives me to understand that Mr. D'Israeli solemnly declared "upon his honour", that he had never been a member of the Westminster Reform Club. This unqualified assertion is, no doubt, a startling one to you, after the communication you had from me last week, and I question
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deal. But why is its noble title "The Westminster REFORM Club" all of a sudden dropt?40 Are they at length ashamed of their forgery? I am informed, and upon very good authority, that the origin of the Club as pretended by one or two journals quoted by the synonymous, is, to use an expressive tho' common phrase, a piece of humbug. Like the ancient Romans, the vanity of the Westminster club seeks a consoling refuge in a fabulous origin. The story howr. is too long and trifling for the present moment. I only wish its founders to be aware that I am acquainted with it. It is a pity that letters requesting I members to belong to this society, and distinctly stating that it was not a political club, are still existing in the handwriting of some of its most influential and now violent members. "Tis true, 'tis pity, pity 'tis, tis true".41 With all this tolerant disposition, the Westminster Club at the end of the last year numbered about fifty members, and this, according to the letter writer, is the rival of the Garitón. much if your surprise at it will in any way cease, when I submit to you, as I do now, the following facts and documents'. The Chronicle then printed D's two letters (dated 28 Jan and 8 Mar 1835) to the secretary of the club. See 370 and 381. Commenting on the material provided by the anonymous elector, the Chronicle added: 'The learned author of "Vivian Grey" has some advantages over most people, for he seems to have succeeded in persuading public men, of principles the most opposite, that he shared their opinions so that no man knows whether his knowledge is derived from private confidence or from sources accessible to all.' MC no 20,451 (30 Apr 1835). These same documents had been quoted in full - extracted from The Morning Chronicle - in the pamphlet of 29 May and D attempted to meet the charge in his address of 13 June. See 406. In large part, his defence had involved an attempt to dispute the formal title of the club. Technically speaking, D was correct in his claim that he had never belonged to the Westminster Reform Club. The historian of the club argues that the word 'Reform' was first suggested by Joseph Hume when he joined in February 1835, and that the title 'Westminster Reform Club' did not appear in the minute-book until April 1835. Moreover, an official seal, ordered in May 1834, bore the name 'Westminster Club'. The club's historian treats the Westminster Club as a precursor of The Reform Club, but deems them to be different organizations. Fagan 22, 30, 31Cox, however, had not been convinced by D's attempted legalism. In response he had provided the following description of the club's political affiliations, taken from The Examiner of 15 December 1833: 'We understand that a Club is in progress of formation to which considerable interest is attached. In imitation of the Conservative Clubs and Coteries, it will afford its Members a centre of union in the vicinity of Westminster ... The committee, we understand, is composed almost exclusively of Members of Parliament; and the Circular ... purports that several noblemen and gentlemen have resolved upon forming themselves into a Society ... upon liberal political principles.1 40 D was perhaps justified in his complaint here. The Westminster elector had referred to his membership in the 'Westminster Reform Club' whereas Cox was content to describe it as the 'Westminster Club'. Nevertheless the complaint missed the point and confused the issue. Whether 'Reform' was included in the formal title of the club or not, the debate here was over the political inclination of the organization. In an article in The Nineteenth Century (May 1878, 912-15) Fraser Rae provided further details as to the history of the club, extracted, he claimed, 'from the original minute book'. He confirmed the radical character of the membership by naming several of its founding members including Daniel O'Connell, Alderman Wood, D.W. Harvey, Feargus O'Connor, Col Perronet Thompson and Joseph Hume. In addition Rae quoted from the club minutes in confirmation of the Westminster Elector's claims as to the circumstances of D's election to the club and his subsequent withdrawal. 41 A variation of Hamlet II ii 97-8 - also varied by Byron in Donjuán XII, xxxviii, 298.
The reason why I did not wish Mr. Ronayne42 to consider my letter other than a strictly confidential one was mentioned, if I be not mistaken, in that letter. I did not wish at that moment to appear to offer anything which might be construed into I an explanation to Mr O'Connell.431 acted under the advice of a man of eminent honor; I do not think Mr. Ronayne was justified in publishing his supposed impression of a private conversation. I am sure that he did it inadvertently, and if I did not express my astonishment at this step and communicated with him afterwards in a courteous tone, it was in deference to the feelings of the distinguished lady at whose house I met this gentleman, and who wd. have been extremely annoyed had any disagreeable consequences resulted from that visit. I I believe, my dear Sir, that altho' I write this letter in greater haste than I could wish, I have now touched upon the material points in the letter-writer's lucubrations. I do not object to these attacks, and entertain the sincere belief that the more my conduct is examined, and the more thoroughly the people of Taunton become acquainted not only with my actions, but my motives, the greater will be my chance of obtaining their confidence. Nor do I bear any illwill to the letter-writer himself. If any young person can bring himself into notice by abusing me, I am far from grudging him the opportunity. As far as the limits of fair I discussion permit, it is needless to observe that every-one has the 42 For the background to the controversy with O'Connell and Ronayne's response see 4o6nn8,g. In that address D had stated that Ronayne had later apologized to him for publishing his version of their private conversation in The Morning Chronicle of 3 May. Cox took up the challenge and produced a letter from Ronayne written to him and dated 26 June 1835. Apparently Cox had sent a copy of D's address of 13 June to Ronayne who in turn was anxious to inform Cox that he had never apologized 'to Mr. D'Israeli for my letter respecting him and Mr. O'Connell. I have not apologized to him, I had nothing to retract, nothing to extenuate or excuse, and of course, nothing to apologize for.' Cox further quoted Ronayne, who had claimed to have written to D in response to 'a long and courteous letter from him in which he took the trouble of (to use his own phrase) "making himself right in my opinion", by shewing that the observations made by him in reference to Mr O'Connell in the speech at Taunton had been misrepresented by the newspapers; but that under the existing circumstances he had no wish that such misconceptions should be removed. The letter was headed quite private and concluded with a request that it may be considered strictly private'. According to Ronayne, the substance of his reply to D was to thank him for the explanation and to explain that 'as the fact was ... my letter to the Chronicle had been written before I saw Mr. O'Connell's speech in which that gentleman had so vehemently retaliated on him; and consequently long before the subsequent unpleasant results, which for the sake of all the parties concerned, I sincerely regretted. Such has been the correspondence between Mr D'Israeli and me, such the nature and extent of my expression of regret.' 43 After providing the text of Ronayne's letter to him, Cox continued: 'Why did you wish that the misconception about your speech should not be removed? Were you really afraid that the short hand report would rise in judgement against you? Will you venture to deny publicly that you employed the offensive language against Mr. O'Connell that was reported? You dare not.' Cox commented that in response to inquiries into 'the real character of the Westminster Club' he had received the following reply from one Mr. Bainbridge: 'In reply to your letter I can only state that the Westminster Club has been and is now considered one of a very ultra liberal description and such as no conservative would belong to.' Cox's implication was that D's public attack on O'Connell was designed to divert attention from the incontrovertible evidence of membership in a radical political club only months before he presented himself as a Tory at Taunton.
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right to scrutinise my public conduct, and if that scrutiny had been conducted by the letter-writer in a decorous, I wo[ul]d not require a gentlemanlike, spirit; had he not thought fit to indulge in gross personal insults both towards my family and myself;44 I should have treated the letter-writer, whatever he may be, with more respect. His ribaldry was doubtless the reckless consequence of writing anonymously, and it will be better for him in future always to sign his name. If I be now about to make a serious accusation I against him, I willingly concede and believe that he has been the dupe, perhaps the too eager one of some of those enemies whose hostility falls to the lot of all public men, and who are often the most envenomed, when they have the most cause to be grateful. The letter writer ends his epistle by a series of circumstantial charges against me, every one of which is utterly false. The letterwriter announces that my first appearance in public life was as the Editor of the Representative Newspaper. "In little more than a fortnight" says a magazine quoted by the letterwriter "the Repres[entativ]e was damned past all redemption; and the Editor, after a display of puppyism I ignorance, impudence and mendacity, such as have seldom been exhibited under similar circumstances, was deposed amidst the scoffs and jeers of the whole Metropolitan Literary World."45 In answer to this charge I have only to remark, and I do so in the most unequivocal and unreserved manner, that / was not the Editor of the Representative Newspaper; and that I never wrote a single article in it, upon any subject whatever. The letter writer announces that I then started "a sixpenny weekly satire" called "the Star-Chamber" hired I [Here the printed text inserts the following:] men to walk about the town with large placards on their backs intimating that every living author would be satirized in its pages. One of these placards was worded thus "The Star Chamber of to-morrow will contain the Dunciad of to-day; a satire for which all living authors, but more especially the following, are requested to prepare themselves." And then followed a list of the authors by name whom you were about to satirize in this creditable publication. The same placard announced also that you would favour the public with the private biography "of various families residing in the London Squares, beginning with the Putney Smiths of Russell Square"46 and that it would dish up by name all the persons referred to in "Vivian Grey." It was in this "sixpenny," I believe, that you published the key to the persons you had satirized in that novel. If I had room, I could present you with several pleasant reminiscences of this delightful work, but you will not forget 44 D was, no doubt, thinking in particular of the taunts levelled at him in the pamphlet of 29 May. See ngo. 45 Cox had quoted these comments on D's involvement with The Representative from The Literary Magnet (1826) II 6. 46 The first issue of The Star Chamber (19 Apr 1826) 20 promised 'A Catalogue Raisonnée of all Families at present residing in London Squares, with the private biography of every member above the age of ten years; being the first of a series of papers, demonstrative of the inconvenience of personality. Family the first, the Putney Smiths, No. 68 Russell Square.' Russell Square house numbers ended at 67. The Literary Magnet had quoted from The Star Chamber and, from the range of material which he used, Cox obviously had not consulted The Star Chamber itself.
your modest request to several of our most eminent writers, Milman, Barton, Rose, Barry Cornwall, Hogg and others to prepare themselves for annihilation! I47 [Here the MS resumes.] In answer to this circumstantial narrative I have only to observe that every word of it is utterly false] that I never wrote any satire, weekly, monthly, or otherwise, and that all the writings and every line of those writings, that the letter writer has so recklessly attributed to me, were written by another person or other persons. Every word that this letterwriter has written with reference to myself in connection with this other paper is utterly, and entirely false, I and might just as well have been written of himself.48 The letterwriter with amusing naivete does not venture to make these charges with[ou]t an authority. Oh! yes! he has his authority ready. The same inglorious and defunct Magazine which he seems to have studied with such marvelling delight, till full of the literary and political secrets revealed to him in its veracious pages, he deems himself sufficiently inspired to pour forth his illumination on his fellow townsmen. A pretty lad this letterwriter certainly! He must be very I young indeed. He makes serious and circumstantial charges against an individual, the truth and accuracy of which he does not give himself the trouble to suspect, and then he turns round with his authority: a defunct and assuredly most obscure periodical work, which apparently, after a vain attempt to bring itself into notice by writing libels upon anybody who had the fortune of possessing a reputation, soon subsided into its native mud. The letterwriter informs us that this I Magazine was conducted by a Mr. Watts.49 It may be so: I know no person of this name who ever had any cause to write libels against myself. The letterwriter says he is a celebrated Poet: it may be so, there are so many celebrated poets at the present day. Lord Byron somewhere mentions them. "The sixty seventy first great living poets."50 I have some pretension to be considered a poet myself and have written what the letter writer styles a "stupid Epick":51 it may be so, the letter- I writer is no doubt a very sufficient critic. This Mr. Watts, according to the letterwriter su47 The first issue of The Star Chamber (19) also published a long list of authors, including the ones mentioned by D, who were 'requested to prepare themselves.' The list does not contain names to conjure with, but they had a certain currency in their day: Bernard Barton (1784-1849), a banking clerk who wrote poetry, was a friend of Lamb and Southey; William Stewart Rose, poet, and friend of Sir Walter Scott; Barry Cornwall, the pseudonym used by Bryan Waller Procter (1787-1874), long-time (1832-61) commissioner in lunacy, part-time poet, and friend of Leigh Hunt, Lamb and Dickens; James Hogg (1770-1835), sheepherder turned poet, known as 'the Ettrick Shepherd', a friend of Wordsworth, Southey and John Murray. The Rev Henry Hart Milman's Anne Boleyn: a Dramatic Poem had been savagely reviewed in the second issue of The Star Chamber (26 Apr 1826) 50-1. 48 D, of course, is commonly credited with being closely associated with both The Representative and The Star Chamber. See Stewart Novels 127-9. 49 See4o6ni8. 50 Byron's estimate had been eighty. Donjuán xi, liv, 431. 51 D must have been referring to the following comment on The Revolutionary Epick made in the pamphlet of 29 May: 'The preface to the Revolutionary Epick is the most ridiculous specimen of vanity and self conceit on the part of the author which perhaps ever issued from the press.'
409 I 69 2 Jul 1835
7o I 410 3jul 1835
41O
perintended a magazine wherein appeared, ten years ago, some libels against me published during my absence from England: therefore he the letterwriter, deems it his duty to repeat them at Taunton at the present hour. This is justice certainly: worthy of the highminded scrutiniser of public character, the anonymous correspondent of the Sherborne Journal, and the synonymous addresser of silly letters to Your very obedt and f[aithfu]l S[ervan]t B. Disraeli TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Al 1
[London, Friday 3 July 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli, I Bradenham House, I High Wycombe. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: s i JY-3 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 39, dated 24 July 1835, conflates part of paragraph one with exerpts from 38960, 412 and 418. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: of Camden, Mazarine, Keir, adown, desert, Champaign, Guiccoli.
Dearest, It strikes me that it will look very odd if you don't ask Miss Copley.1 What do you think? I am of opinion that it is impossible she can come; therefore it might be a safe move. We positively come on Friday. I dined on Wednesday at Rosebank with the Londonderrys.2 Tis the prettiest baby house in the world; a pavilion rather than a villa, all green paint, white chintz and looking-glass. I The grounds howr. are considerable, and very rich - bordering the Thames. We had the Marquis of Camden,3 the Ravensworths,4 Lord Mazarine,5 Thos. Liddell,6 Lady Selina Keir7 and a daughter. The dinner was admirable; but no plate, porcelain fresh as the room - with a bouquet by every guest and five immense pyramids of roses adown the table. The desert was wonderful: in the centre a knot of seven or eight pine-apples and pyramids of wood strawberries around. It was very I agreeable. I sat by my hostess who was cordial, and Londonderry himself capital. It was late before we all retired. Castlereagh has recovered Cara.8 1 This must have been Mary Copley (b 1770), Lyndhurst's youngest sister. Another sister had died in 1785 and the eldest of the three had married a Boston merchant. Miss Copley was still alive in 1838. Martin 383. 2 Rose Bank, on the Thames near the bridge at Hammersmith, had been acquired by the Londonderrys in 1831 as a retreat from London summers. Rose Bank and Rosebank were both acceptable spellings of its name. 3 John Pratt (1759-1840), ist Marquess Camden, former lord lieutenant of Ireland. 4 Thomas Henry Liddell (1775-1855), ist Baron Ravensworth, married in 1796 Maria-Susannah Simpson (d 1845), grand-daughter of the 8th Earl of Strathmore. 5 John Foster (1812-1863), loth Viscount Massereene. In 1843 ne added the surname Skeffington. This is yet another example of D's habit of rendering names phonetically until he learned the correct spelling. 6 Henry Thomas Liddell (1797-1878), eldest son of ist Baron Ravensworth, after 1855 2nd Baron Ravensworth and after 1874 lst Earl of Ravensworth. 7 Lady Selina Kerr (d 1871), daughter of the ist Marquess of Londonderry, married in 1814 David Kerr (or Ker). AR (1814) 124; BP (1884). 8 His lost dog. See 384.
Lady Drummond Smith9 is dead. I have written for the Champaign. I believe the Guiccoli10 did dine with the Norton[s]. Dr. Franks is still eating his head off at Lemms Hotel11 . I am afraid we shall be a very strong family party on Friday. I have half a mind to keep away. D TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Alii
[London, Tuesday 14 July 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: [S] i jvi4 I 1835 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 39, dated 24 July 1835, prints a version of part of paragraph two, with extracts from sSgec, 410 and 412. EDITORIAL COMMENT: The reference to Lyndhurst is followed in LEGS by 'Yesterday he and I went to Richmond' which does not appear in any source which has been located from this period.
My dearest, On arriving in London we found the town all yesterday ringing with the reputed resignation of Ministers: it appears there is some foundation for these rumors, but I doubt whether to the extent above stated. The leading article of the Chronicle this morning however is a fierce attack upon the Court.1 I I have heard nothing from Lady Sykes who, I suppose, departed for Basildon on Monday.2 Lyndhurst was quite delighted with his visit. It was indeed most successful. I never saw Bradenham to greater advantage or my mothers cuisine, which wo[ul]d have done honor to any establishment.3 9 Sir Francis Sykes's grandmother. 10 Teresa Gamba Ghiselli (1801-1879?), eldest daughter of Count Ruggero Gamba, had married in 1817 Count Alessandro Guiccioli (b 1757), a wealthy resident of Ravenna. She was Byron's mistress between 1819 and 1823. 11 Lemm's Hotel, 19 Park Street, Grosvenor Square. Two days earlier, Sarah had enquired about a 'Dr. Franks'. H A/i/B/556. 1 The Court was accused of plotting against the ministry. 'From the day of the present Ministers entering upon office, they have been subjected (if report speaks true, and it has often ... ), to one series of cold neglects and studied incivility.' MC no 20,515 (14 July 1835). The charge was true enough. In a speech on 8 July the King had been especially insulting and, faced with Melbourne's threat to resign, he apologized with rather bad grace. Cecil Melbourne 359. 2 On 17 July Sarah wrote to D that Lady Sykes had left Bradenham 'in the middle of the day on Monday.' H A/i/B/558. 3 Jerman (257) says of the famous visit to Bradenham in July 1835: 'The visit was made with Lyndhurst, while Disraeli remained in London.' This letter shows that D was present at Bradenham, and that he and Lyndhurst returned together to London on Monday 13 July, leaving Henrietta at Bradenham for separate departure for the Sykeses' country house, Basildon, near Reading. The visit caused quite a stir in staid Buckinghamshire. Writing in 1882, Sir Philip Rose could still recall it: 'I can well remember the scandal in the county at this connexion and especially at the visit of Lady Sykes to Bradenham accompanied by Lord L. and the indignation aroused in the neighbourhood at D having introduced his reputed mistress and her Paramour to his Home and made them the associates of his Sister as well as of his father and mother.' H A/xi/A/8. See also Blake 117-19. D, however, was either ignorant of or indifferent to such criticism, for the two made a second visit to Bradenham two months later. See 43ini.
411 I 71 14 Jul 1835
4 **
72 I 412 25juli835
412
The fine weather still continues, tho' it rained very much I during our journey up. I found a dinner invitation from the Charlevilles on my table for yesterday; but I did not avail myself of it. I dine today with B.E.L[indo]. I shall get down to you as soon as possible, as I am sick of London.4 Love to all, D TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: NYPL Kohns 3
[London, Saturday 25 July 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham ! H. Wycombe POSTMARK: ( l ) In circle: D I JY25 I 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 39, dated 24 July 1835, prints the last paragraph with extracts from gSgec, 410 and 411.
Dearest, I postpone writing every day with the hope of sending you some intelligence. The debate on the Irish Church has produced little effect as the result was almost exactly anticipated.1 The defection of Pusey2 was counterbalanced by Stanley so entirely throwing himself into the same boat with Peel. He pronounced a glowing eulogium upon Sir Robert, which did not accurately appear except in the Morning Post. To day there has been another great I meeting at the Duke of Wellington's. I do not yet know the result. The subject was the proper conduct of the Lords with the 2 great bills,3 both of which will be soon before them. I think myself a change is at hand, and under all circumstances, tho' dangerous, even the risk is for the best. 4 Nevertheless D retained his enthusiasm for social events for at least another week. On 20 July he wrote to Sarah: 'many good judges thought my dress the handsomest in the room'. Quoted in Sotheby's catalogue 1223 (21-2 Dec 1915) item 480. The original has not been located. 1 On 26 June 1835 Lord Morpeth, chief secretary for Ireland, introduced a bill to regulate the revenues of the Irish Church, similar to the one which Peel's government had unsuccessfully introduced a few months before. On 7 July Peel gave notice of a motion to instruct the committee studying the bill to divide it into two parts, one dealing with the collection of tithes, and the other with the appropriation of surplus revenues of the Irish Church, in order that MPs might vote against the second part if they chose. Peel intended to support the first part and oppose the second on the grounds that it would undermine the Protestant establishment and, secondly, that in fact there would not be any surplus revenues to appropriate. He voiced his views in a speech on 21 July, and was supported in his criticisms by Lord Stanley. However, Peel's motion was defeated and the bill finally reached the Lords where the controversial appropriation clause was defeated in August 1835, leading the government to abandon the bill. Contemporaries referred to both parts of the proposed legislation as the Irish Tithe Bill. 2 Philip Pusey (1799-1855), brother of the famous Tractarian, was Tory MP for various constituencies 1830-52, but supported the Whig government's Irish Tithe Bill. Twenty years after Pusey's death D told the House that he was 'both by his lineage, his estate, his rare accomplishments and fine abilities, one of the most distinguished country gentlemen who ever sat in the House of Commons.' Hansard ccxxv (1875) co^s 45°~73 The Irish Tithe Bill and the Municipal Corporations Bill.
Lady S[ykes] has returned this week. I observed Miss Moorcroft's marriage.4 I hope soon to be with you; but I cannot leave town till L[yndhurst] has made his great speech.5 Love affec[tionate]ly [to] all Dl I grieve very much for poor Tita.6 Remember me to him kindly.
413 I 73 4 Aug 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
4*3
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Al3
House of Lords, Tuesday [4 August 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham House I High Wycombe. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: v i AU-5 I 1835 (2) In oval: 7.NIGHT.7 I AU-5 I 1835 (3) In circle: [illegible]TON i EV I 5AU I [illegible! PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 39-40, dated 5 August 1835, part of paragraph one and the first sentence of paragraph two EDITORIAL COMMENT: RD and M&B date this 5 August, no doubt from the postmark. It was written at 10:30 p.m., Tuesday, 4 August, though not posted until the evening of the following day. There is a small triangle cut from the margin of the third page of the MS.
House of Lords, Tuesday night I 1/2 pt 10. Dearest, I wrote you some days back a hurried note ab[ou]t the King of France;1 Lord Strangford whispering the news in my ear as I was assisting L[yndhurst] in receiving a deputation from Oxford. I wrote you a long letter from this place, the House of L[ords] on Monday, and gave it to Ld L's private Sec[retar]y2 but I was mortified to find yesterday that in the hurry and excitement it still remained in his pocket. I cannot trust myself to write about politics. The debate was dashing in the extreme. Ld Ls speech by far the crack one. Most bold and triumphant and received with tumultuous cheering. I can give you no idea of the I excited and at the same time depressed state of Melbourne, tonight especially. He seems quite wild and scared. Great as the majority was, the Tories did not call for Proxies tho' they cd have added largely thereby to their numbers.3 Brougham 4 'On the i8th inst., All Souls, Longham-place, Captain G. St Barbe, of the Bombay Army, to Anne, only daughter of the late William Moorcroft, Esq.' The Times (20 July 1835). 5 See 413. 6 Sarah had told D on 24 July 1835: 'Tita is in the most dreadful passion, quite mad to go to Austria to assassinate the Emperor, who has suddenly laid violent hands on his youngest Brother (Sir Francis [sic] friend), his father is now left alone and growing too old I to use his arms, his only fortune.' H A/I/B/55Q. 1 The note almost certainly dealt with the attempt of 28 July on the life of Louis Philippe (17731850), King of France 1830-48, which was reported in The Times of 30 July. 2 The secretary in April 1835 was Edward Winslow (1801-1876), barrister, later a commissioner of lunatics 1842-6, and master in lunacy 1846-59. Hudson 87; Boase. It is sometimes alleged that D had acted in the capacity of Lyndhurst's private secretary as early as 1834. Presumably the post was unofficial. Martha Babcock Amory The Domestic and Artistic Life of John Singleton Copley (Boston 1882) 365. 3 By ancient custom, in addition to the exercise of their own votes, members of the House of Lords (but not of the Commons) were permitted to hold proxies for, and to cast the votes of up to two of their absent colleagues. Between 1830 and 1867 'inclusive proxies' were called on 73 occasions. The practice was abolished on 31 March 1868, when D was prime minister.
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spoke very well; but his conduct is quite perplexing. He rather assists us than the reverse.4 The course taken was kept secret and perfectly confounded the Whigs. It is an awful crisis, what[eve]r may be the result.5 I cannot think of the hot I weather or anything else. There is too much at stake. If Park be dissolved, some of the corporations will request L. to recommend them a candidate. Do not think I forget you because I do not write. Not only is it imprudent, but affairs] have assumed every hour a different hue, and I sho[ul]d only have misled you and filled you with wild hopes and fear - more than once I myself despaired, so hampered are we, or rather have been, by Peels admission of the principle.6 God bless you all D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: IDL 1
[London?], Friday [7 August? 1835]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: similarity between the subscription to this letter and that to 428 suggests that this is very early in D's correspondence with Pyne. The legal Long Vacation ran from August to October and this could be placed almost anywhere within that span, or before it, with an earlier date more likely than a later one. 1
Friday
William Pyne Esq. My dear Sir, I send you a work which is the only one of my writings with which the Author is satisfied.2 At any rate the book has the advantage of being out of i print, and 4 Throughout debate on the Municipal Corporations Bill, Brougham led the attack on the proposed amendments. On several occasions his language provoked chaos in the House. Kitson Clark 274, 279. 5 The Tory peers had met at Apsley House on the morning of 3 August. At Lyndhurst's urging, they had decided, over the objections of the Duke of Wellington, to take evidence against the principle of the Municipal Corporations Bill. That night in the Lords Lyndhurst played a leading role in supporting Carnarvon's amendment that evidence be heard against the Bill. The amendment was carried by a majority of 124 to 54. Hansard XXIX col 1346; The Times (4 Aug 1835); Greville m 230. 6 Peel had acknowledged in the Commons on 5 June that he approved of the principle of municipal government reform implicit in the government's bill, and that his opposition concerned matters of detail and process. Hansard xxvm col 558. From this moment the rift between Peel and Lyndhurst seems to have grown wider. Lyndhurst's obituary, The Times (13 Oct 1863). D, of course, sided with Lyndhurst. See also 41602. 1 William Pyne (d 1849), of Messrs Pyne and Richards, solicitors. Somerset House: letters of administration granted April 1866. While D suggested (in 428) that his first acquaintance with Pyne came about through the offices of a mutual friend, an unidentified 'Mr Howard', there is a clue to a possible earlier connection between Pyne and the DTsraeli family in one of Isaac's footnotes. In explaining a source of information about the doings of a seventeenth-century family he said: 'In a summer-residence in Lyme Regis, it was my good fortune to become acquainted with a very amiable gentleman of the name of Pyne'. Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First, King of England (1831) v 4n. This is not inconsistent with the familiar account of a connection through the Sykeses. Blake 133. 2 Possibly Contarini Fleming.
therefore not purchaseable. Perhaps in the Long Vacation you may amuse yourself by turning over its pages, and if they remind you of their author, they will bring to your recollection one I who is deeply and sincerely your obliged friend and obed Ser[van]t B. Disraeli
415 I 75 9 Aug 1835
TO [EDWARDS BEADON]
4*5
ORIGINAL: TEXU Cline 6
London, [Sunday] 9 August 1835
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Published as a pamphlet entitled Observations on a Second Letter Addressed to Mr. Disraeli by a "Loyal, True, and Harmless" Individual (Taunton: J. Poole 1835). A copy of the pamphlet and of the original manuscript have been provided through the kindness of Professor Cline. EDITORIAL COMMENT: The original manuscript and the subsequent pamphlet vary from each other only in minor details. The manuscript version is the one presented here. Passages missing from the MS have been inserted, inside square brackets, from the printed text. Sic: Maworm, apostacy, neighbourood, past, dropt, stiled.
London. I August gth. 1835. [To Edwards Beadon, Esq.] My dear Sir, In consequence of my absence from town I did not receive "the second letter" addressed to myself1 until this morning. I am not one of those who aspire to the barren triumph of having the last word in a controversy, for I am well aware that controversies are interminable, where it is the interest of one party to keep himself before the public. No refutation, however complete, can prevent the person refuted from repeating the misrepresentation that has i been detected, or the falsehood that has been exposed. I am perfectly willing to rest my defence upon my letter addressed to yourself, and if I could for a moment have entertained a doubt of its sufficiency, that doubt would have been removed by this "second epistle", since its author has entirely eluded the questions at issue, and, without adducing a single new fact, has only taken refuge in arguments, the fallacy and feebleness of which I have already demonstrated. I Nevertheless as the gentleman, in a moment of indiscretion, has, after some pages of his usual "damnable iteration", arranged his charges against me under thirty-four heads, (this beats Maworm)2 two of which he asserts I have only dis1 D's second letter to Edwards Beadon marks the culmination of his verbal battle with Edward Cox. In response to D's defence of 2 July (409) Cox had addressed a second letter to D, dated 27 July, and entitled Second Letter to B. D'Israeli Esq., in which he listed thirty-four charges against D. The list of accusations had thus expanded considerably from the initial five which had figured in the anonymous pamphlet of 29 May. The pamphlet in which this letter appeared (see ph) also contained as preface a four-page closely printed letter from Edwards Beadon 'To the Inhabitants of Taunton' and dated 15 August 1835. 2 The character of Mawworm, introduced in Isaac Bickerstaffs play The Hypocrite (1768), represented gullible religious zeal. The term had been applied to Morgan O'Connell's publication of D's letters to him, which 'reminds us of Mawworm, in the play, who declares that he is reviled on all sides and spat upon, and exclaims "I glories in it." ' MP no 20,099 (8 May 1835). Cox had said of Edwards Beadon (TEXAS^]): 'Conscious of his imbecility, he has sought to soar by clinging to the skirts of Mr. D'Israeli's coat - but, if I am not much deceived, that gen-
76 I 415 9 Aug 1835
posed of,3 I readily accept this convenient classification of the excited pamphleteer, and to bring the matter to a close, I shall proceed to show to all, who are really impartial and interested in the merits of the case, that I have already satisfactorily and entirely answered every one of these boasted allegations. The gentleman I is constantly complaining of my sophistry and evasions. This is an old trick of the confuted. I certainly cannot complain of his sophistry whatever I may of his evasions. I believe him to be as guiltless of sophistry as he is of sound logic. I acquit him of everything but ignorance, and malice, and the fussiness natural and incidental to restless obscurity. But if this be your opinion of me, he enquires, why do you answer me?4 Why have all the blockheads that ever existed been answered? For this simple reason, that I though blockheads write, blockheads may believe; and though I would willingly believe that everybody is as clever as I found them agreeable in your delightful town, still it would be unreasonable to suppose that even in favored Taunton some specimens of the respectable class, to which I have ventured to allude, may not be discovered. Whatever may be my sophistry or evasions I am always anxious and prepared to grapple with an opponent; and the only reason I notice the gentleman again is, that he has afforded me a tempting opportunity of definitely answering his at length definite charges. ist Charge. - That you, etc. [being a Tory, had advocated the Ballot and Triennial Parliaments.] I
In controversies it is very expedient to define terms. All the mistakes in the world, says a lively French writer, have been produced by a confusion of words. What does the "Second Letterwriter" mean by the word Tory.? If he mean a member of the Tory party, I have over and over again stated that I was a member of no party whatever, that I was perfectly and completely unconnected in politics and free to act as I thought fit. If by a Tory he mean a supporter of the Institutions of the Realm, and particularly of the Monarchy, the two houses of Parliament, the Church and the Magistracy, I confess that I I was a Tory, and as the supporter of those Institutions I unequivocally announced myself. For reatleman will in future take good care to have no such dead weight attached to him. Like Mawworm he will "wear a spencer".' In the play Mawworm says: 'instigated by one of the stewards of the reforming societies, I convicted a man of five oaths in a public house and another of three while he was playing trapball in St. George's fields: I bought this waistcoat out of my share of the money.' Presumably Cox was referring to the waistcoat as a spencer, which would have no coat-tails to which Beadon could cling. 3 Of the thirty-four charges listed by Cox, he claimed that D had successfully answered only the thirty-third and thirty-fourth: 'That you had been deposed from the editorship of "The Representative" as stated in the Literary Magnet' and 'That you were the editor of a periodical satire called "The Star Chamber" as stated in the same Literary Magnet.' Cox's willingness to accept D's responses demonstrated his determination to force D to speak to the more substantive charges of political inconsistency. 4 According to Cox D had, in his first letter to Beadon, resorted 'to the old and unworthy ruse of sneering at your opponent for the purpose of under-rating his arguments. You talk of his "silly letters", you call him "a pretty lad", etc. etc. As for the silliness of my letter to you, the best proof that you did not think it silly is the fact that you deemed it worthy of an elaborate reply of sixteen pages. "Small curs are not regarded when they grin." '
sons to which the "Second Letterwriter" has himself referred in his third charge, I announced myself also as the supporter of Triennial Parliamts., an old Tory doctrine, and also of the Ballot.5 The second charge merges in the first; nevertheless I quote it 2nd Charge (copy from p. 18. and print in Italics) [: - That, being still a Tory, you advocated the "predominance of the democratic principle" and other ultra Radical doctrine in your pamphlet - "What is he?"] Now I ask what "other ultra Radical doctrines" did I advocate in the pamphlet "What is He?" I answer, none; and I defy the I "Second Letterwriter" to produce one. The predominance of the democratic principle I shall always advocate. The "Second Letterwriter" has made another discovery - He has found out that the democratic principle means giving power to the people. What then? Who gave power to the people when they immensely and most beneficially extended the constituency of the Empire by carrying the £50 Tenancy clause? Sir Robt. Peel and the Tories. Who are advocating this principle at this moment, and maintaining the power of the I people in defending the rights of the freemen of England? The Duke of Wellington and the Tories. grd. [Charge. - ] That you advocated etc. [a union of the Tories and Radicals, thus endeavouring to induce one party or the other to make a most immoral abandonment of its principles.] I did, and I glory in the attempt. It was an union that might have been brought about not by an immoral abandonmt. of principle, but by a just and fair compromise of opinions. But the pretended leaders of the people were nothing more than a parcel of place hunters or revolutionists in disguise: either they wanted to frighten the Whigs into admitting them into a share of I the loaves and fishes, and this section has accordingly subsided into Whigs; or under the plea of increasing the power of the people, they wished to destroy the Institutions of the Country established for the benefit of the people, and this section are now avowed or implied Republicans.6 I wish to have nothing to do either with placehunting Whigs or avowed revolutionists; and I say again that it does not follow, because a man has advocated Short parliaments and the Ballot, that he should be classed among either. I 4th. [Charge. - ] That you took letters of etc [recommendation from four eminent Radicals to Wycombe, thus passing yourself as a Radical.] Conduct perfectly consistent with my declared opinions. I accepted letters from persons in avowed hostility to his Majesty's Whig government,5 with the 5 Cox had accused D of trying, 'by confusing the obvious meanings of words, to elude me and delude your readers.' Referring to D's response of 2 July, Cox said: 'you first try to mystify the meaning of the word "democratic" and afterwards you confuse the word "people". The Tories, you argue, are anxious to give power to the people, but they oppose the ballot and short Parliaments only because they will give too much power to the constituency and not to the people: "The more popular the constituency" you add "the stronger the Tories will become." ' 6 D was thinking in particular of Hume and O'Connell. In his letter to Beadon of 2 July he had described Hume as a Radical who had, since 1832, 'subsided' to be 'a low Whig' and O'Connell as a Radical who had since 'mounted' to Repeal. 7 The letters from Joseph Hume, Daniel O'Connell, Sir Francis Burdett and Bulwer. See (vol i) 198 and 200.
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exception of Sir F. Burdett, who I believed to be so, and who has since become a supporter of Sir R Peel, thereby proving that I was not so very wrong in supposing that a combination might be formed, by which "these eminent Radicals", might be led to support a national administration. As for passing myself as a Radical at Wycombe, I neither passed myself as a Radical I nor a Tory - I passed myself for what I was, a man connected with no party, but desirous of assisting in the formation of one which I believed co[ul]d alone save the country. 5th.[Charge. - ] That tho [you] now etc [say that you were always a Tory, you did not avow yourself to be such at Wycombe and Mary-le-bone} This charge is already answered.8 6th.[Charge. - ] That by publishing etc. [those letters, you tacitly declared yourself a Radical.} Answer. To whom? To the Electors of Wycombe? A tacit declaration, a tacit deception from a man who made thirty or forty speeches in all of which he professed the opinions above described for the purposes above avowed! The result proves I that there was no deception; for why did the union betwn. the two parties take place in my favor? 7th.[Charge. - ] That after avowing etc. [Radical principles, and appearing as a Radical, you came to Taunton as a Tory, and declared that you had never changed your opinions.] I appeared at Taunton as a supporter of Sir Robt. Peel's policy: and I stood, the last election at Wycombe, as a supporter of Sir Robt Peel's administration. No difference having occurred in my political position, since I first started for Wycombe, save and except that the grounds, on which originally I hoped to see a national party formed, having failed, not through any fault of mine, but in I consequence of the tergiversation of some, and the violent alteration of others, I was perfectly free to join any political party I pleased, and I joined that party with whom I most nearly co-incided. 8th.[Charge. - ] That you abuse etc. [the Whigs because they had cast you off, proved by Col. Grey.} I said that this charge was not only false but nonsensical. I never had any connection with the Whigs; therefore, how could they cast me off? If I had, let them prove it. I dared them, and they were silent. The words I used on the hustings of Wycombe referred to our local contest. In answer to some one who taunted me I with agitating the town, I replied that I was not the cause, I was in the field first, that "the Whigs had opposed me, not I them."9 These were the identical words I used, and they were true. I had canvassed the Borough, and had obtained a majority of the votes of the Electors when Colonel Grey was sent down as the nominee of the Treasury to oppose me at the instigation of some busybodies who wanted to get places, and with all the excitement of the Reform Bill, Government influence and Government gold, succeeded in defeating me by a miserable majority.10 Hundreds of witnesses were I prepared and are prepared 8 D's answer is to be found in paragraphs four to seven of his first letter to Beadon. 409. 9 For the background to this alleged remark by D see 409^3. D's statement of the words he claimed to have used had appeared in his letter to The Times (i i Nov 1832). (Vol i) 219. 10 The poll at the close of the contest had been: Grey 23, Disraeli 12. BG no 1,040 (30 June 1832).
to prove the words I used on the hustings. I contradicted the next day the pretended speech of Col Grey in the journal in which it appeared,11 and stated the words I did use. Is my statement attested by my name, and which, I repeat, hundreds were, and are, ready to substantiate, to be disregarded in favor of an anonymous report of a tavern harangue which no one ever had the hardihood to defend? Besides the charge, as I have before said, is not only false but nonsensical. I have had no connection with the Whigs. I How then, even if they were inclined, could they cast me off? The fact is the expression in question was a petty misrepresentation of an underling who had officiously attached himself to the party of my gallant opponent, and who had some small talent as a reporter and concocter of little malicious paragraphs in country newspapers.12 The inhabitants of Taunton know the sort of animal I mean. Every country town, I believe, is infested with these "small deer." 9th. [Charge. - ] That after etc [asserting yourself to be in favor of the "predominance of the democratic principle" and of the Ballot, you are inconsistent enough to call yourself a supporter of Sir R. Peel, who is a stern opponent of both.]
Should I be more consistent in supporting Lord John Russell? Are Lord John Russell and the Whigs "sterner supporters" of the ballot than I Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives? On the contrary they not only equally oppose the ballot, but on this head, there is this difference between the Whigs and the Conservatives, that the former might have carried the Ballot, and the latter never even had the opportunity. A practical politician, which every member of Parliament must be, must support one of the great parties of the state. Am I to be accused of "gross political apostacy and inconsistency", because, having supported the Ballot, I now support Sir Robert Peel, any more than Sir John Hobhouse, I [once a much more violent and unqualified votary of the Ballot than myself, because he now supports Lord John Russell? And not only supports him, but is a member, and perhaps the most able and distinguished member of the same Cabinet,13 the Cabinet that the "Second Letter Writer" upholds and eulogises. There is no necessity to impugn Sir John Hobhouse's motives. It is not, I repeat, necessary to remember, that there are certain apparent reasons, which might be adduced for this conduct of the Rt. Hon. Bart., in the shape of a considerable salary and a high office. Sir John Hobhouse doubtless joined the Whigs, because the Whigs formed that one of the two parties in the State with which he most nearly coincided, and I have joined the Conservatives because it is the party in the State with which I most nearly coincide. Because I have supported the Ballot and Triennial Parliaments, I do not consider myself bound to support men avowedly opposed to the great institutions of the Country, which I have ever endeavoured to uphold, and leagued with a faction openly advocating a dismemberment of] the Empire? Where is the apostacy? Where is the inconsistency of
11 See (vol I) 219. 12 A reference to D's letter to The Times of 26 December 1832, (vol l) 225, which had complained of the inaccuracy of reports supplied by The Bucks Gazette. Certainly the Gazette was less than kind to D. See (vol i) «oin8. 13 In July 1834 Sir John Cam Hobhouse had become first commissioner of woods and forests with a seat in cabinet. From April 1835 he was president of the Board of Control.
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my conduct? If Sir William Wyndham, the leader of the Tory country gentlemen, who for twenty years struggled for triennial parliaments, and who has made the most cogent speeches in their favor of anyone who ever sat in the house of Commons, were now alive, would he be consequently bound to support Lord John Russell in his attack upon the Church, or Mr O'Connell in the Repeal of the Union?
loth.[Charge. - That after advocating Radical principles, and stating that you had not changed your opinions, you declared that y ou compromised no opinions by joining the Tory party.}
This charge is already answered.14 I
nth:[Charge. - ] That[,] being a Tory etc [, you joined a Radical Club, to which, as stated by its founder, none but persons of decidedly liberal politics would have been admitted.]
In consequence of a dissension in a London Club, called the "Literary Union", a club studiously avoiding any political character, the society was broken up and reformed. The great majority of the members retaining the establishment, adopted the name of "The Clarence" - Those, who were not included in the new arrangement, were the original promoters of the "Westminster Club".16 They canvassed for supporters among the late members of the "Literary Union", announcing that the Westr. I Club was not a political club, which, in consequence of the general character of the politics of those who had originally been excluded from the "Literary Union", was suspected. I believe that more than one individual became a member of the "Westminster Club", in consequence of these representations: I have evidence that these representations were made. This is the real origin of the Westminster Club. Accident, not design, made it political. I was requested by one of its original promoters, whose acquaintance I made when I first I announced my intention of starting for Marylebone, to become a member of this society.17 We all know that those who are can-
14 For D's discussion of the need for 'a compromise of opinions' see paragraph thirteen of 409. 15 See 4ognn39,40. 16 D's version of the history of the Westminster Club is not substantiated by the evidence. According to Pagan's history of the Reform Club, a group of Radical MPs including John Wilks, Daniel O'Connell and D.W. Harvey established a club by the name of 'The Westminster Club' on 7 March 1834. No previous connection with a club having a strictly literary clientele is mentioned, and it seems clear that, from the start, the political inclination of the membership was well known, as evidenced by Cox's quotation from The Examiner. According to the official minute-book, D was enrolled as a member on 2 July 1834 and did not withdraw until March 1835. D's case, turning on the name of the Club, has already been noted. See 409^0. The Literary Union, founded by Thomas Campbell in 1829,was temporarily dissolved in February 1834. New Monthly Magazine XL no 159 (Mar 1834) 374; H A/I/B/51O. Certainly, by the beginning of the next year, 'The Clarence' was described as the new club formed from a majority of the members of the old Literary Union. New Monthly Magazine XLIII no 169 (Jan 1835) 10; see also The Recollections and Reflections ofJ.R. Planché, A Professional Autobiography (1872) I 164-5. The Clarence lasted until at least 1840, when it moved from its quarters at 12 Waterloo Place. 17 D was referring to Daniel Whittle Harvey. In his second letter to D Cox had printed a letter from Henry Warburton, MP for Bridport, who, although not himself a member of the Westminster Club, had assured Cox that 'Mr. D.W. Harvey who was one of the original promoters
vassing, or about to canvass, can scarcely refuse these slight courtesies. Had the Club, which then scarcely had an existence, been a "political" club, I could, at that moment, most consistently have become a member of it, for those members, who have since given it a political character, were all in strong and virulent opposition to the Whigs, whose administration Mr O'Connell had I just characterised as "bloody and brutal." As for my further connection with this club, it is known to you. I never entered its door but once, long afterwards, when I called to pay a subscription which had been demanded of me by the usual circular. I not only found no members, but not even an officer to pay that subscription to, and I should have quitted the house from other circumstances that occurred with a conviction that the club did not exist, had I not at last roused a servant, once connected with I a club of which I am a member, and who very civilly and merely from a feeling of previous respect, accompanied me to a shop in the neighbourood where I purchased some parliamentary papers of which I was in want. I enter into this insignificant detail to throw some light upon the grounds on which anonymous letters are written in newspapers. In consequence of this single visit, a writer in the Morning Chronicle during our Taunton contest, assured I the world, that I was not only in the habit of attending the Westr. Club, but even of using its servants]18 This was an anonymous correspondent worthy even of the Sherborne Journal!19 and these are the statements which the "Second Letterwriter" quotes and dignifies by the title of "evidence"[.]2Q As for the Club itself, I repeat that it is a most insignificant society. The "Second Letterwriter" boasts of its 60 members of Parliament. How many members beyond the 60 members of Parliament does it contain? A score? I doubt. The sixty members of Parliament are the wild Repealers, and a few congenial sprites - Mr. Wakley21 I perhaps, or Mr. Roebuck, who is almost as silly a scribbler as the synonymous, anonymous, second letter writer himself.22 i2th.[Charge. - ] That if you were a Tory etc. [when you obtained the letters of recommendation from the Radical leaders, you must have deceived them.] Here again what does the "Second Letterwriter" mean by a Tory? If a member of that club' had informed Warburton that although 'Whigs would not have been regarded as inadmissable ... Radical Whigs or Radicals would have harmonized more in opinion with the majority of persons actually admitted.' 18 In his second letter to The Morning Chronicle (30 Apr 1835) the anonymous Westminster Elector had claimed that D 'had frequented the Club, employed its servants'. 19 An allusion to Cox's claim in his letter of 6 June that, prior to their appearance in pamphlet form, he had published the numerous charges against D in The Sherborne, Dorchester and Taunton Journal. The paper supported a radical Whig position, and was very hostile to D. See 40903. 20 In neither of his letters to D did Cox make use of this statement to prove his case. The 'evidence' that he tited was the two letters from D to the secretary of the Westminster Club reprinted in The Morning Chronicle. 21 Thomas Wakley (1795-1862), a surgeon, is best remembered as the first editor of The Lancet. A Radical, he was returned for Finsbury in 1835 and held the seat until 1852. 22 This characterization of the membership of the Westminster Club does not square with the following statement of the name and objects of the society supplied by Cox: 'The Westminster Reform Club is instituted ... for the purpose of facilitating the social and political intercourse of Noblemen and Gentlemen of liberal principles'. Cox claimed to have extracted this from the rules and regulations of the club. TEXAS^]. This would seem to accord with the official history cited above.
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of a particular party, certainly I deceived "the Radical leaders.", but I was not. These gentlemen were not deceived in the slightest respect. My opposition to the Whigs was as notorious a fact as any then current. My opponent I was not only a Whig, but the son of the Whig Prime Minister, and my first speech at Wycombe, which developed my views respecting a national party, was reprinted in all the London Papers,23 and to my own knowledge was read by some of the writers of those letters. Throughout the whole of that election, I was as fiercely attacked by that oracle of the "Second Letterwriter", the "Morning Chronicle," as during our recent contest. I was daily styled I in its columns a Radical Tory.24 This alone proves that there was no deception on my part. The fact is that Mr Hume, and every individual of the same party, who interested himself in my behalf, were endeavouring at that moment to form a party against the Whigs. But since that time, Mr Hume has declared, that he is ready to "vote black is white" to keep these same Whigs in office: and since that time Mr O'C[onne]ll I has broached the Repeal of the Union to annoy these same Whigs and then swamped this same Repeal, because these same Whigs are now willing to do justice to "injured Ireland." What gross intrigue! And I am to be styled and stigmatised as an apostate, because I wash my hands of such false companions, and will not be the tool of knaves and traitors. The fact is these gentlemen are in Parliamt, and I am out, but the day will come, and we shall see who in that assembly I will dare to repeat these infamous slanders so safe in the anonymous columns of a London newspaper, so contemptible as the echoed lies of a provincial journal. i3th. [Charge. - That if you were not a Tory then, you must be now grossly deceiving us when you tell us that you were one.] The above answers this charge. i4th. [Charge. - That by publishing those letters at Wycombe, if you were really a Tory, you must have sought to deceive the Electors into the belief that you were a Radical.] Repetition of previous charge already answered. i5th. [Charge. - That, on the contrary, if you were not a Tory, you are violating truth when you tell us that you were one.] Mere repetition of the i3th. charge. 16th. [Charge. - ] That your opponents at Wycombe etc [are at this moment endeavouring to prove you a Tory, a decisive evidence of double dealing on your pan.} How! trying to prove a man a Tory I who eight months ago stood a contested election in their town as the avowed supporter of Sir Robert Peel! and to assist whom late Cabinet Ministers have been accused in the House of Commons by Lord Howick of canvassing.25 What wiseacres these Wycombe opponents of mine must be! This is indeed carrying coals to Newcastle! What have I done or said at Taunton, that I did not do or say at Wycombe? 17th.[Charge. - That you must either have deceived the Electors of Mary-le-bone when 23 In fact The Times, The Morning Chronicle and The Morning Post all appear to have neglected to report the speech. 24 The Morning Chronicle then tended to give better coverage to London news than did The Times. However, there is no evidence, in 1832, of any marked interest in D's views and activities. 25 Howick had raised this issue in the Commons on 26 February 1835 during debate on the Address. Hansard xxvi (1835) col 380.
you published your Radical doctrines in "What is he" or you try to deceive us when you declare that you are a Tory, that you ever have been a Tory, and that you have never changed.} Already answered. 18th. [Charge. - ] That you professed etc [your approval of the Reform Bill, of which you really disapproved, merely because "you did not wish to have your head broken"] The Reform Bill was past; and I give the "Second Letterwriter" the full advantage of his literal interpretation of a light expression.26 igth. [Charge. - ] That you asked the support of the Dissenters etc I [here because a Dissenter was on your Committee at Wy combe, and afterwards in your pamphlet you denounce them as a "disaffected dissenting minority," and a "sectarian oligarchy."} I asked the support of the Dissenters of Taunton, because I had ever advocated their just claims; a much stronger plea for their support than the fact of a Dissenter being a member of my Committee at Wycombe, which of course I only incidentally mentioned.27 My general opinion of the political conduct of the Dissenters of the three denominations at this moment need not prevent me from entertaining a great respect for many of them individually, and from obtaining the support of those of their body who disapprove of the conduct of their party in their attempts I to destroy the Church establishment, soth. [Charge. - ] That you stated upon your honor etc [that you had never belonged to the Westminster Reform Club, or to any other political Club, although it was afterwards proved by your own note that you did belong to that Club, and by Mr. Warburtori28 and others, that it was both a political and a Radical Club.] I did state upon my honor that I was not a member of the Westminster Reform Club; and I state so now. 21 st.[Charge. - ] That some of your Election[eerin]g debts etc. [at Wycombe remain in part still unpaid.]29 26 D evaded this issue. As Cox demonstrated, it was D himself who had stated that he gave the Reform Bill his 'frigid approbation' because he 'had no wish to have his head broken.' 409. Whether Cox interpreted D's phrase literally or not was quite beside the point for, as Cox wrote, 'To declare your "approbation" however frigid of a measure you did not approve, and this too for the sake of catching the votes of the Electors, is an awkward confession for a candidate.' Surely, he continued, 'religion and morality would have counselled him to withdraw from the contest, rather than to screen himself by telling a deliberate untruth.' 27 Both E. King, the printer of D's Wycombe Sentinel, and Benjamin King, a long-time supporter of D, were Methodists. Ashford 265. 28 Henry Warburton (1784-1858), Radical MP for Bridport 1826-41 and for Kendal 1843-47. He was chairman of the Medical Reform Committee and took a prominent part in all debates relating to the medical profession. 29 D had denied this charge outright in his first letter to Beadon. In his second letter to D, however, Cox produced another letter, dated 22 July 1835, from his anonymous correspondent at Wycombe. This contained the following statement: 'At the general Election, in December, in the same year [1832] the present Mayor (a liberal) was in office - After the proclamation of the Writ, his Worship, to avoid future dispute, called the Candidates together, to consult as to the arrangements to be made. One of Mr. D'Israeli's agents and HIMSELF attended - On the question of special Constables Mr D'ISRAELI proposed one hundred as a proper number, and it was agreed that they should receive 7s6d a day, and the expenses be equally divided. The Mayor paid them out of his pocket immediately after the Election. The share of each, for Hustings, Con-
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And always will so, if they be unjust and illegal. The refusal to pay the claim in question originated with my agents, not with myself, who for a long time was ignorant of the dispute. I support my agents in a refusal in which they are justified. It is evident, even from the exparte I statement of the "Second Letter Writer's" precious anonymous correspondent, that a tender of what was legally due has been made. My principal agent at Wycombe is a man of such high character, that I have no doubt he has conducted himself in this business in a becoming manner.
22[nd Charge. - ] That you [had] denied etc. [upon your honor the authorship of Vivian Grey.}
Sheer nonsense. 23.[rd,] 24.[th, and] 25.[th Charges.]30 See my letter to the Electors of Taunton.31 I
26.[th Charge. - ] That a few days after etc. [professing your high admiration of Mr. O'Connell to his friend Mr. Ronayne in private, and requesting to be remembered to him you publicly denounce him as "a traitor" and "incendiary."}™ stables, etc., amounted to £51.98.40! and an account was furnished to each party. The sitting members paid theirs almost instantly. No notice having been taken by Mr D'Israeli, about the beginning of April 1834, the Mayor wrote him relative to the non-payment; in the same month, his Agent offered £12.55 which was refused. Here the matter rested until the last Election approached, when some of his friends informed the Mayor that it would be attended to, when the (then) coming election was over. At the last Election the Mayor, who was again in office, left all matters to the Town Clerk, whose father and brother are supporters of Mr D'Israeli, and up to the present time, the charges at that Election also ... are unpaid as regards Mr D'Israeli's share.' This statement does seem to be verified by a letter to D from John Rumsey dated 2 2 February 1836. Rumsey thanked D for his letter 'in answer to my application on behalf of the sum due to Mr. Wheeler, and I shall have much satisfaction in seeing the claim disposed of. Rumsey went on to state that he was sure D would see the justice of the charge for interest. 'Mr. Wheeler had no benefit whatever in making the payments for the various candidates and actually disbursed the several sums charged in the account, such of the Parties who did not refund such advances can assuredly think it nothing but strictly just to pay the usual interest for the advances, and this is the less to be resisted as no excuse can be advanced of not having been supplied with the account, the same having been sent to you on i o January 1833. Mr. Wheeler wrote to you on the 5th of November, but you did not favour him with a reply.' H B/i/A/42. Robert Wheeler (1778?-1853) replaced John Carter as mayor of Chepping Wycombe in October 1832 and Wheeler was again mayor in 1834-5. John Parker The Early History and Antiquities of Wycombe in Buckinghamshire (Wycombe 1878) 82-3; GM xxxix (Apr 1835) 452. In the June election Wheeler and Rumsey - both Whigs - had nominated and supported Grey against D. BG no 1,040 (30 June 1832). In the December contest, D was nominated by the former mayor, John Carter, who was a Tory and a long-time political opponent of Wheeler's. The intricacies of the local politics involved are thoroughly discussed by Ashford 264-6. 30 These three charges were as follows: '23rd. That you were guilty of fearful ingratitude to your benefactor, Mr. O'Connell, by first asking and having his help, and then calling him "a traitor" and "incendiary". 24th. That you were so un-Christian like, as to challenge the son who had never injured you for the offence of the father. 25th That you wrote a letter to him with the following horrible expression of vengeance. You hope that he or some of his blood may attempt to avenge "the unextinguishable hatred with which I shall pursue his existence." ' This last phrase did, indeed, appear in D's last letter to Morgan O'Connell (400). For the background to this series of events see 39602 and 4o6nn8,i i.
31 403.
32 For the reasons for D's alleged description of O'Connell as 'a traitor' see 39602. D's conversation and later correspondence with Ronayne is recorded in 4ognn42,43.
I said nothing to Mr. Ronayne inconsistent with what I said on the hustings at Taunton. 27th.[Charge. - ] That you denied etc [to Mr. O'Connell that you had used those offensive words, though they were heard by half the Electors of Taunton.} I did not use the words in question in an absolute sense,33 for if there were no other cause, the line of argument I was pursuing, wo[ul]d have prevented me. But I use the words in an absolute sense now, and I make the "Second Letterwriter" a present of the admission. And he may apply it to the whole Tail, if he choose. 28th.[Charge. - ] That in your second letter etc. I [you state that the Westminster Club had suddenly dropt its title of Reform Club, which is not true.] I never said the Wr. Club had dropt its title of Reform Club. It never assumed such a title. I asked why it was dropt? i.e. in the controversy, by the "Second letter writer" and other silly people who write anonymous letters in foolish newspapers.34 2gth.[Charge. - ] That you stated that Mr Ronayne etc. [had written to you expressing his regret for having published the letter in the Chronicle, which Mr. Ronayne solemnly denies, stating that he had nothing to regret, as what he had said was quite true.]*5 I stated that Mr Ronayne had expressed his regret that the altercation between myself and Mr. O'C[onne]ll had taken place: and so he has.36 30th.[Charge. - ] That in your letter to Mr R[onayne,] etc I [you stated that your speech had been misrepresented in the newspapers, which was not true. And so it was: scarcely a word that I uttered appeared in the newspapers, gist Charge. - That as you did not wish such misconception to be removed, you requested him to keep your communication strictly private, for a very obvious reason you feared the truth would come out. I have already given the true and more generous reason for this request. - If necessary, I can prove it. 32nd Charge. - That you stated in your first pamphlet, that the Westminster Club was not now in existence, which is false. 33 There is some question as to whether D was being disingenuous here. It is true, however, that reports of his attack on O'Connell at Taunton did vary considerably. See 396112. A report in The Dorset County Chronicle of 30 April (no 746) carried the following account of D's speech: 'Perhaps I may take this opportunity of explaining to that honourable gentleman who seconded my opponent, and who laid so much stress upon my observation that the Whigs had seized the bloody hand of O'Connell. Is it possible that so elaborate a rhetorician as that hon. gentleman can have literally supposed that Mr. O'Connell was in the habit of going down to the House of Commons with his hand reeking of gore, or that the Whig Government crawled upon their knees to embrace it? I meant they had formed an alliance with one whose policy was hostile to the preservation of the country ... Gentlemen, it was the ambition of that weak aristocratic party in the state, which could only obtain power by leaguing themselves with one whom they had denounced as a traitor.' 34 See 409, paragraph beginning 'Must I say ...' p. 65. 35 See 406, paragraph beginning 'My ingratitude ...' p. 48. 36 D did, in fact, state in his address of 13 June that Ronayne had written to him expressing regret at O'Connell's attack. See 406. In his first letter to D Cox had stated that 'Whether Mr. Ronayne may have apologized to you, for publishing a private conversation is not the question.' He had, then, altered the charge slightly, thereby drawing D into an attempt - in his first letter to Beadon - to explain his request that Ronayne keep his explanation of his attack on O'Connell strictly confidential. See 409042.
415 I 85 g Aug 1835
86 I 415 9 Aug 1835
It is in existence. I begin to think that our "Second Letter Writer" is a member of the Westminster club. - The society is quite worthy of him, and he of the society.*]
[The printed pamphlet contains the following footnote: *The "Second Letter Writer" has at length "received
the printed rules and regulations of the Club." They commence, he observes, "as usual" by stating the
name and objects of the Society.
"The Westminster Reform Club etc."
True: But these rules and regulations are only just published, I have every reason to believe since the
Taunton Election - and the very fact that a Club; which has existed two years, should, at this moment, think fit to adopt a new name, and for the first time detail its objects, proves that it is conscious of having assumed a much more definite, if not different character than it originally aspired to. / have documents of the Society in my possession issued since my name was withdrawn, in which it is still stiled "THE
WESTMINSTER
CLUB" The rules and regulations quoted by the "Second Letter Writer" were, I have every reason to believe, circulated for the first time during the month of May 1835. Ingenuous "Second Letter Writer!"]
[And now, I think, with no disrespect to my friends at Taunton, I may venture to say, that, as far as I am concerned, this discussion is closed. If reason and justice are to decide it, that decision I feel certain may be recorded. I claim it from the reasonable and the just in my favor without a fear of its being refused. I am confident that no impartial person, after] this letter, will lend any ear to complaints of my sophistry or evasion. The "Second Letter Writer" has himself drawn up the charges, and I have grappled with them one by one. As for the closing remarks of this charming writer, who seems so delightfully conscious of the honor he is doing to his native town by his lucubrations, in the certainty that I possess the friendship and the confidence of some individuals in the realm, alike illustrious I for their rank, eminent for their talents, and honored for their virtues, I will attempt to find some compensation for having forfeited the respect of the anonymous correspondent of the Sherborne Journal; and in fact, that since our recent contest, I have received applications from four of the most respectable constituencies in the Empire to allow myself to be put I in nomination as their representative at the next, and, as I believe, approaching general election, I will endeavour to find some consolation for the mortifying assurance of the Taunton pamphleteer, that, in consequence of his letters, the gates of public life are now closed against me for ever.37 37 Cox concluded his second letter to D with the observation that he hoped 'the lessons you have so painfully taught will not be lost either upon yourself or upon those who have witnessed the finale of your short but tortuous career. You entered into life with all the advantages of your father's fame and with some talent of your own to help you. Disregarding all fixed principles of action, you at once made your principles subservient to your apparent interest. Whatever offered the fairest prospect of serving your purpose for the moment ... that was your profession. Consistency, common sense, reason, fact - all were set at defiance when they interfered with the object you had in view ... You must long ago have found how dangerous, without principle to steady it, is that "Vaulting ambition which overleaps itself I And falls on the other side. - " '
The gentleman, I perceive, has terminated one of his addresses with a quotation that assures us, that he is I "loyal, true, and harmless"** Of his loyalty, the people of Taunton, who, thank Heavens, know him better than I do, are doubtless sufficient judges: as for his truth, this controversy may throw some light on his character for veracity: that he is perfectly harmless, is the sincere conviction of one, who, with great sincerity, is, My dear Sir, Your obliged and faithful Servant, B. Disraeli
416 I 87 11 Aug 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
^.iQ
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli A14
[London], Tuesday [i i August 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 40-1, dated 12 August 1835, paragraph one and two, with substantial alterations and omissions; M&B I 304, dated 12 August 1835, extracts from LBCS version EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the context establishes the date as Tuesday 11 August 1835. At the foot of page one in Lady Sykes's hand: 'I have but a little space dearest Miss Disraeli. I hope the letters...'. The lower right corner of the fifth page of the MS is missing. Sic: Xeamine.
Tuesy Dearest, I ought to have written before to tell you that Saturday and Sunday nursing brought our friend Ld L[yndhurst] quite round, tho' on Saturday I thought him very ill indeed; and the physicians thought he was going to have a fever which frightened me out of my wits, as I everything now entirely depends upon him. The Duke has formally resigned to him the leadership of the House of Lords;1 and there is every probability of his being Prime Minister.2 Indeed his own disinclination alone stands in the way. He says there are only three things certain, that the Tories will be in before we are many moons perhaps weeks older, that Parliamt. will be dissolved and that I my seat is secured. I do not choose to Xeamine [cross-examine] him on this latter score, but I hold him to his voluntary promise. He says he has arranged it. Now as he is very cautious and chary in promises, and quite to be depended on I indulge the belief that all is at last right. 38 Cox had concluded the preface to his second letter with the following lines adapted from 2 Henry vi (in which the original 'crimeless' was changed to 'harmless'): - Forbear; thou aimest all awry: I must offend, before I be attainted. And had I twenty times so many foes And each of them had twenty times their power, All these could not procure me any scathe So long as I am loyal, true and harmless, [il, iv, 58-63] 1 See 4i3n5. 2 The attack by the Tory peers against the principle of municipal reform had brought Lyndhurst into collision with Peel and his followers in the Commons, and had threatened to split the party. Peel had made it clear that he would not form a ministry if Melbourne were defeated on the issue, and for some days Lyndhurst was spoken of as a likely alternative. For an account of Lyndhurst's role in the preparation and passage of amendments to the Municipal Corporations Bill see apps iv and v.
88 I 417 14 Aug 1835
Tomorrow the war begins in the Lords.3 The speeches of counsel made a great impression, the evidence was capital, the Lords are united and I L. has with his own hand drawn up their counter project. He cd. get nobody to assist him. His private Sec[retar]y turned out an Ass: then he sent instructions to Merewether.4 The result of M's labors, who has studied the subject all his life, arrived when I was with L. They were put in the fire, or rather fireplace, about ten minutes afterwards, and Merewether was damned for an intense fool, which L. always thought him. Time pressed and L. literally had to draw every clause himself. This with having to manage their agitated meetings, and to sit and watch the examination of witnesses from ten I in the morning until 12 at night knocked him up, but he is quite himself again, and full of force and spirit. But for him, all wd. have been lost, and now every body praises the stand the Lords have made, and the Whigs have entirely failed in getting up a crisis[.] Lady Sfykes] is not a great letter writer and as [on] the accompanying sheets 2 lines have been written [in] as many days, I will wait no longer, but send them nevertheless. I have ventured on a little detail as this does not go by fir[s¿ post]. Lov[e D]
417
T0
RICHARD CULVERWELL
ORIGINAL: QUA 29
Richmond, [Surrey], Friday [14 August 1835]
COVER: Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marylebone Street I Marylebone. POSTMARK: (i) In packet: T.P i Park St.[G.s.] (2) In oval: 4.EVEN.4 I A[U].i4 I 1835 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: in the late summer and the autumn of 1835 D appears to have stayed in Richmond where the Sykeses kept a villa. He rode to London each day and returned in the evening. See 449. He used the Richmond address when writing to creditors, and, to reinforce the impression of his inaccessibility, sometimes claimed to be ill or disabled. This is the explanation for the apparent contradiction which seems to emerge from some of the letters of this period, which, dated on the same day, such as this one from Richmond and the one to Sarah from London (418), gave such very different impressions of his activities and his state of health. See also 4«oec.
Richmond. Aug. I Friday morng.
Dear Sir, I have not received, thro' some mistake my letters from town since Tuesday night; I therefore do not know whether you have written to me, since I last 3 On Monday, 10 August, a large number of Tory peers again had met at Apsley House to consider their tactics. The Duke of Wellington had said he was anxious for the bill to go into committee, and Lyndhurst had presented his amendments (among them a provision for aldermen appointed for life to constitute a quarter of town councils). Emphasis had been on party unity, and it had been agreed that the bill be brought into committee on Wednesday 12 August. It stayed there until 27 August. Between 28 August and the prorogation of Parliament on 10 September a further crisis ensued which threatened a renewed Tory split and a further confrontation between the Lords and the Commons. 4 Henry Alworth Merewether (1780-1864), serjeant-at-law and later town clerk of London. In 1835 he published his History of the Boroughs and Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom and this was presumably the subject on which Lyndhurst sought his expert knowledge.
communicated with you. I write this to say, that I have little doubt of being able to return to town tomorrow or Sunday, when I will instantly attend to your affairs. Tell Mr. I Reynolds that I will compensate to him liberally for this disagreeable affair, which would not have happened, had I been able to get about. I have not heard from my Solicitor, to whom however I write by this post. Yours truly B. Disraeli I entirely depend upon your I friendliness to satisfy Mr. Reynolds that I will instantly and fairly attend to him, and I will take an early opportunity of showing how sensible I am of your obliging conduct.
418 I 89 14 Aug 1835
TO SARAH DISRAELI
^.iS
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli A15
[London], Friday [14 August 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe
POSTMARK: (i) In circle: M i AU 14 I 1835 (2) In oval: 7.NIGHT.7 I AU. 14 I 1835 (3) In rectangle: NEW
BOND ST[?]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 41-2, dated 14 August 1835, presents a version of most of the text, except the postscript, and ends with the following sentence from an original which has not been located: 'After all this is over, Lyndhurst will like to come down with me for a quiet week at Bradenham.' EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: tipsey.
Friday Dearest, We had a very sharp engagement in the House of Lords last night. Melbourne is evidently so annoyed, that I cannot help fancying he will come down to night and withdraw the bill.1 The newspaper will give you the division.2 It is quite overwhelming; and proves that it is utterly useless to talk of swamping the House of Lords anymore. Why I think I that Melbourne will not proceed with the bill is the evident mortification he expressed in countenance at the majority, and his refusal to divide again, on the more important clause too: Yet this majority he will have to face every night. Brougham was gloriously tipsey. He foamed and shook his fist at Lord Wicklow,3 and quoted Ciceronian braggadocios. When he sat I down he seemed to me quite maudlin; and all about nothing, for L[yndhurst] spoke of him very gingerly, as he was absent,4 and he cd. not reply to him the night before, for Brou[gha]m always speaks to 12 o'ck, after which the House will listen to no one. It is wished that the Whigs shd. not resign on this bill, but on the Church question; which is the reason that makes me think they will go out on the 1 The Municipal Corporations Bill was not withdrawn, but the Lords continued to pass amendments to it against the wishes of the government. 2 The division was 130 to 37. 3 William Forward-Howard (1788-1869), 4th Earl of Wicklow. 4 Greville (in 233), however, felt that Brougham had reason to be angry at an attack which Lyndhurst had made upon him when he was not in the Lords.
go I 419 17 Aug 1835
^IQ
Corporations.5 Courage! D T.O. I I am sorry to say that Barnes has had a fit, this month past6 . You have missed, I am sure, the usual vigor of the Times. Mrs. Norton has had a brain fever; but is better and out of townf.] T0
SARAH DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: PS 53
[House of Lords, Monday 17 August 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 306 (Mar-Apr 1913) item 817, extract EDITORIAL COMMENT: The catalogue describes the letter as: 'A.L.S. "D." to his Sister Sarah. 3 1/2 pp., 410. House of Lords, Aug. i7th, 1835.' Sic: Sidebothams.
....To night will be a greater and more important fight, of course victory, than all.1 The state of affairs is marvellous. Melbourne seems completely deserted by his own party. There he sits attended only by the ministers, a few officers of the household, and a few Lords he himself and Lord Grey made. There are only 8 or 9 independent peers.... It is this mortifying circumstance which makes him submit, tho' he cannot conceal his mortification. Had the Whigs rallied round him, he wd. have bullied, and given up the bill. The defection of the Duke of Portland,2 the Marquis of Northampton, 3 and Lord Segrave4 also is most galling.5 The meetings throughout the country also have been total failures. None have come forward, except the old hacks, the regular parish supporters of sedition on all occasions. The opposition to this bill is one of the greatest cards the tories ever played, and has quite revived the House of Lords. Yet Peel threw this card away, and so completely trammelled his party by his admissions,6 that 5 Melbourne did give up on the Irish Tithe Bill, and withdrew it from the Lords on 24th August. If the government were to resign, and if a dissolution were granted, the Tory peers wanted an election to be fought on the Irish tithes rather than on the reform of municipal corporations. 6 Thomas Barnes, the editor of The Times, does not seem to have been permanently disabled. There are no other reports to confirm D's account, though Barnes's biographer, Derek Hudson, dates his deteriorating health from about March 1836. Hudson 101. 1 On 17 August the Municipal Corporations Bill was passed by the Commons; but in the Lords Lyndhurst moved an amendment which passed by a majority of 87. The Times (18 Aug 1835). 2 William Henry Cavendish-Scott-Bentinck (1768-1854), 4th Duke of Portland; Tory MP for Petersfield 1790-1, for Bucks 1791-1809, lord of the Treasury 1807, lord privy seal 1827, lord president of the Council 1827-8. 3 Spencer Joshua Alwyne Compton (1790-1851), 2nd Marquess of Northampton; Whig MP for Northampton 1812-20. 4 William Fitzhardinge Berkeley (1786-1857), after 1831 ist Baron Segrave (of the second creation), after 1841 ist Earl Fitzhardinge; Tory MP for Gloucester 1810-11, lord lieutenant of Gloucestershire 1836-57. 5 On 13 August, when Lyndhurst had moved an amendment to the Municipal Corporations Bill, Lord Segrave stated that although he approved the principle of the bill he saw the need for considerable change in its details. Similarly the Marquess of Northampton spoke in favour of Lyndhurst's amendment. The Duke of Portland voted with his two colleagues against the government. Hansard (1835) XXX cols 450-1, 453-4, 456-7. 6 Peel had admitted on 5 June that he supported the substance if not the details of the Municipal Corporations Bill. See 4isn6.
but for the boldness of one man, nothing wd. have been done. It has cost me many sleepless nights and days of unremitting labour What the Whigs will do I pretend not to divine. Go out they must, but how or when is doubtful. We think however, before a fortnight passes. The domestic tragedy of the Sidebothams is appalling.7
421 I 91 20 Aug 1835
TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL]
42 O
Richmond, [Surrey], Wednesday [19 August 1835?]
ORIGINAL: QUA 1
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: 365 and 366 make it clear that D suffered his 'broken shin' in January 1835; however, the contents and the Richmond address are not compatible with January, whereas they are appropriate to the Culverwell sequence of August 1835. It is evident, therefore, that the broken shin is an affliction of convenience (see 4i7ec) resurrected eight months after its real occurrence.
Richmond - Wednesday.
Dear Sir, I am confined to this place by a broken shin. I am perfectly confounded by your notes and that of Mr. Reynolds].1 I thought by this time to have an immense balance at my bankers. Tell Mr. Reynolds with my best compliments, that I will and have attended instantly to the business, but I cannot move. I will take care that he shall not be a loser, I but pay him interest at the rate of the bill. I hope tomorrow affairs will be settled. In haste, BD TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 11
[London, Thursday 20? August 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 42-3, dated 2O August 1835
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the earliest of the articles in The Morning Post appeared on Saturday 22 August 1835. This is possibly an amalgam of two letters; the first paragraph perhaps 20 August, as dated; the second, about a week later. August 20, 1835.
There will be a division on Monday on the appropriation clause, when I suppose the Government will resign.1 I am strengthened in this supposition by the extraordinary fact that the King has just asked all the Ministers to dine with him, which is the only time he has done it since they have been in office. He evi7 The Bucks Herald (no 190) for 22 August 1835 reported the accidental death by drowning of the three youngest sons of Alexander Radcliff Sidebottom, a barrister, who had recently moved from London into the Kingsbury district. 1 Probably Vincent Stuckey Reynolds; see (vol i) 2o8n2. D's solicitude for this creditor is consistent with a family connection, for Reynolds had married a daughter of George Basevi Sr. For some reason Sarah thought Reynolds might have voted against D during the Taunton election in May 1835, f°r she hac* asked in a letter of 5 May 1835 'was Reynolds against you?' H A/I/B/552.
1 On Monday 24 August 1835 the Lords carried, against the government, the deletion of the 'appropriation' clauses from the Irish Tithe Bill. The government withdrew the bill, but did not resign.
4^ *
92 I 422 20 Aug 1835
422
dently, for he is very cunning, does not wish them to say when out that they were never once asked, during the whole administration, to the royal table. I have sent you the 'Morning Post' every day, which is the only paper now read, and in whose columns some great unknown has suddenly risen, whose exploits form almost the sole staple of political conversation,2 and all conversation is now political. The back numbers for the last week cannot be obtained for love or money, and the sale has increased nearly one-third. All attempts at discovering the writer have been baffled, and the mystery adds to the keen interest which the articles excite. To form any idea of our movements in this great 'crisis' is very difficult. It was whispered the Whigs meant to swallow the Corporation leek,3 not resign, and prorogue on Thursday; but the Radicals and Repealers will not bate a jot, and are as firm as the Lords. Should they continue intractable, Melbourne will immediately resign. D TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] O R I G I N A L : QUA 2
Richmond, [Surrey], Thursday [20 August 1835?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: see 42oec.
Richmond I Thursday night. Dear Sir, I have only this moment received a letter from my Solicitor. In consequence of a mistake in signing the deeds in the County, the executors would not pay the money, but the deeds are expected on Monday morning, and the money will be paid immediately, and I will then give you an order, for I am I too unwell to move. Give my complimts. to Mr R[eynolds] and tell him that I wd. write, but am so unwell. Show him this. Tell him how distressed I am at what has happened, and that I will pay him interest at our accustomed rate. He may renew the bill if he likes, but I do not want it. Yours truly B. Disraeli I If I had been aware of all this and well, I cd. have prevented it, but I was told positively the money wd. be paid into Drummonds. 2 D's leading articles in The Morning Post (22 Aug to 7 Sept 1835) are reprinted in Whigs and Whiggism (42-111) under the title 'Peers and People'. 3 To accept amendments to or the withdrawal of the Muncipal Corporations Bill. In the event, the bill received second reading on 10 September.
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: PS 42
[London?, Saturday 29 August 1835?]
4^3
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Clarence I. Freed 'A New Sheaf of Disraeli Letters' American Hebrew cxx (15 Apr 1927) 836 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Fragment of an original not located: quoted and dated by Freed.
If I could only find myself in Parliament when the crash takes place, an office of great honor, responsibility and emolument will be placed at my disposal. TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] ORIGINAL: QUA 4
[Richmond, Surrey?], Saturday [29 August? 1835]
4^4
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: based on three hypotheses: first, that 425 was to Vincent Stuckey Reynolds; second, that this was the letter which accompanied it; and third, that the arrangement for Lyndhurst's custom was a preparation for the loan which D was to request later in 427.
Saturday morning. Dear Sir, Your letter has just reached me. I enclose one for Mr. Reynolds which I hope will be satisfactory, and leave it open for your inspection. I have recommended you to Lord Lyndhurst, and you are to call upon his Lordship in George Street, I Hanover Square1 on Monday morning at one o'ck: In haste BD I shall be in town, I hope, on Monday. I have been very ill. I have sealed the letter to Mr. Reynolds by mistake. TO [VINCENT STUCKEY REYNOLDS?] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 37502 ff4O-l
Richmond, [Surrey], Saturday [29 August? 1835]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand on the first page of the MS: '1835 ' See watermark'. See dating note to 424.
Richmond I Saturday Dear Sir,1 I am very much obliged to you for your courtesy in the affair of this bill which has been so unexpectedly dishonored. If you wish and absolutely require your money, you shall have it DIRECTLY, but my situation is simply this - I must receive between two and three thousand pounds I almost immediately, perhaps in 1 According to Lyndhurst's biographer, the Copleys moved to 25 George Street, Hanover Square, early in the century. In 1815, when his father died, it became Lyndhurst's property, and he lived there until his death. Martin 17. 1 Recipient named by comparison with 424.
425
94 I 426 7 Sep 1835
426
a few days: but I am at this moment engaged in the most important public business,2 and do not wish to be troubled with any commonplace business whatever, or to be embarrassed in my affairs. I sho[ul]d like therefore to renew the bill for a single month, and I if this proposition meet your wishes, I will send you a dr[af]t on Drummonds for £24; the interest due for the current month and the ensuing. I write in haste; let me know your desire. I shall feel personally obliged by your complying with my wish. Dear Sir Your obed S[ervan]t B Disraeli TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: PS 21
[London], Monday [7 September 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Whigs and Whiggism 41, undated. A facsimile of the letter is included in this published source. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the prorogation of Parliament, the appearance of the articles in The Morning Post and correspondence with Pyne and Sarah all serve to fix the date. See 428 and H A/i/B/565.
Monday Darling, I write to say that nothing on earth shall prevent me being with you tomorrow as early as I can. I had intended to have been at Bradenham to day, but have just reed, a note from Ld Lyndhurst to request me particularly to dine there to day and meet Chandos1 and Parker's London Committee.21 fear we shall hardly be able to drink his success I with very good heart. I did not receive a line from you to day, as I had hoped. In case a dissol[uti]on of Park, do not occur, I understand that means will be taken to ensure me a seat for next session. I am informed this from the highest authority Lisburne3 was mentioned. Ld Lowther4 subscribed 5o£ to my election. 2 Parliament sat until 10 September 1835 and to creditors D made the most of his role as Lyndhurst's assistant. 1 Chandos was soon asked to become president of a new general agricultural association; he refused. The Farmer's Magazine IV (Jan 1836) 25; David Spring 'Lord Chandos and the Farmers 1818-1846' The Huntington Library Quarterly xxxm (May 1970) 257-81 at 270. 2 The meeting probably had to do with the effort to merge the activities of the various county agricultural associations. The Royal Bucks Agricultural Association met later that month and discussed the issue of a common front for the farmers. 'Parker' was perhaps Christopher Comyns Parker (1774-1843), a prominent Essex farmer who was active in the agricultural interest. William Parker of Wycombe and his son John (1801-1880), later town clerk, are less likely candidates since they appear to have been associated primarily with Lord Carrington. The Oxley Parker Papers (Colchester 1964) 139; The Farmer's Magazine ill (July-Dec 1835) 5 1 » 37^5 Iwk* °f Obituary Notices for the Year 1880 Index Society Publications IX (1882) 70; R.W. Davis Political Continuity and Change, 1760-1885: A Buckinghamshire Study (Newton Abbot 1972) 152. 3 A borough in Ireland, which continued to be represented until 1847 by Captain Henry Meynell (d 1865), a cousin of the 3rd Marquess of Hertford. 4 William Lowther (1787-1872), Viscount Lowther, after 1844 2nd Earl of Lonsdale. He had been treasurer of the Navy in Peel's first government 1834-5.
BD I do not know what you think of the Morn[in]g Post but Fitzgerald5 says they drank my health in a bumper at Sr. H. Hard[in]ge6 on Saty. and said "He is the man"[.]
428 I 95 11 Sep 1835
TO RICHARD CULVERWELL
4^7
ORIGINAL: QUA 22
[London], Monday [7 September 1835?]
COVER: Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marybone Street I Marybone
POSTMARK: (l) In OVal: 2.A.N[OON].2 I SP-7 I 1835!?] (2) In packet: [T.P I Park]St.G.S.
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the final digit of the year on the postmark looks more like 6 than 5; however it could be either, and 1835 is compatible with the sequence of letters dealing with Reynolds's bill. Sic: [cover] Marybone.
Monday. Dear Sir, I enclose you the bill, and a note for Mr. Reynolds. If you will pay him the £24. for me, I shall feel additionally obliged to you, and you may rely upon having the money in the course of the week, the moment Parliament is up. I mislaid the bill with some letters or papers I at the House of Lords, and have been so extremely engaged that I have postponed it every day. yours truly BD TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Bl
34 Upper Grosvenor Street, [London], [Friday] 11 September [1835]
COVER: immediate I William Pyne Esqr. I 50 George Street I [In other hands]: (i) Disraeli I Vs I Mash I Correspondence I 1835 (2) B. Disraeli Esqre. I 11 Septr. 1835. EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand across the top left corner of the first page of the MS: 'Disraeli. Sic: past.
34 Upper Grosvenor Street1 I Septr. 11.
William Pyne Esqr. My dear Sir, I did not receive your note of last night until four o'ck: today. There is no difficulty in my assenting, with the utmost confidence and cheerfulness, to the excellent arrangemt. which you have made in my behalf with Mr. Mash,2 but there is 5 Probably William Vesey Fitzgerald. 6 Sir Henry Hardinge (1785-1*856), secretary at war 1828-30, 1841-4, chief secretary for Ireland 1834-5, Tory MP for various constituencies 1826 to 1844, when he was appointed governor general of India. He was created ist Viscount Hardinge in 1846. In 1835 he lived at 11 Whitehall Place. 1 The London address of Sir Francis and Lady Sykes. 2 Thomas Baucutt Mash (1767?-1840), comptroller at accounts and gentleman usher to William IV. English Registry (1834); AR (1840) app 156. He had previously brought an action against D for a debt of £2000, incurred in October 1832. H A/V/G/2.
^S
go I 429 15 Sep 1835
429
difficulty, and very considerable, in my expressing my deep I and heartfelt sense of your generous behaviour to me. I shall live in the hope that deeds, and not words, may, some day, attest my sensibility of your friendliness, and I am sure that myself, and all those interested in my welfare, must, and will ever, recognise your claim to their kind feelings. I You may rely upon the money being at all events forthcoming on the appointed day: if, as I hope, it may be convenient for me to discharge the claim before, I will do myself the pleasure of consulting you. When our friend, Mr Howard, originally expressed his annoyance that circumstances prevented him assisting me in this business, and mentioned your name as that of the only gentleman I whom he confidently believe[d] could effect it, I refused to authorise him to make an application to you, for it was one I did not feel justified in sanctioning to a stranger. Circumstances have made us no longer strangers to each other, and after what has past, you will I hope permit me to subscribe myself, your obliged friend and obedt. hble Ser[van]t B. Disraeli I I write in great haste. Pray let me hear of your movements occasionally; and particularly when you return to London. I shall remain at Bradenham House nr High Wycombe[.] TO RICHARD CULVERWELL ORIGINAL: QUA 12
Bradenham, [Tuesday] 15 September [1835]
COVER: postpaid I Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marybone Street I Marylebone I [In another hand]: Paid POSTMARK: (i) In double tombstone: F i PAID I i6sEi6 I 1835 (2) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (3) In rectangle: No. i (4) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand, at the top of the first page: 'B. Disraeli Esq I Bradenham Ho I High Wycombe I Bucks.' There is a small hole in the third page of the MS. Sic: [cover] Marybone.
Dear Sir, I will make every exertion to let you have £ -27 .. 2 .. 6
Bradenham House I Sept. 15.
-24 51 2 . . 6 by Saturday morning, and have little doubt of success.1 I am sorry to say that I fear it will be impossible for me to take up the £92. tomorrow; in consequence of the repeated delays that have I taken place in the receipt of my money, and 1 D had contracted a number of small loans either directly from Culverwell or from principals for whom Culverwell acted as agent. It was as much as D could do to pay the interest as it fell due, and the point of the sums in this correspondence is to indicate which of the debts he was keeping current.
which obliged me before I left town to place the business in the hands of my father's solicitor,2 who went down to Warwickshire in consequence on Friday night. I hope you will be able to assist me in this respect. Before a very short time elapses I must be in receipt of this money, and then my I pecuniary pressure will be quite over. I shall not however forget your good services to me when I stood in need of them, a[s] I will seize every opportunity of showing. yours truly BD
431 I 97 25 Sep 1835
TO RICHARD CULVERWELL [Bradenham], Thursday [24 September 1835] 43° ORIGINAL: QUA 13
COVER: postpaid I Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marybone Street I Marybone I [In another hand]: Paid POSTMARK: (i) In double tombstone: PAID I 2ÔSE26 I 1835 (2) In rectangle: No. i EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: [cover] Marybone.
Thursday Dear Sir, Altho' I have not received a letter from my lawyer, I have no doubt that all is right; as I wrote to him on Sunday, directing it to be forwarded, and requested him, if all were not right, to reply immediately, as I must know definitely. As he has not written, I conclude he is on his way back with the money; indeed I I have no doubt of it. All we want therefore is a little time. Ask Mr. R[eynolds] not to present the bill until he hears from me. I hope all will be right on Monday. I am extremely obliged to you for your serviceable support. yours truly, in great haste, BD TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] ORIGINAL: QUA 3
Bradenham, [Friday 25 September? 1835]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this letter appears to be part of a sequence with 429 and 430. Its note of mounting urgency suggests its place here in the final days of Lyndhurst's visit to Bradenham. Sic: herafter.
Bradenham House I High Wycombe. Dear Sir, I enclose you a note I received last night. Are the parties Solicitors? I will lose no time in attending to it. I wrote to my Solicitor whom I expected from Warwickshire on Friday night to oblige me by sending you £50: on Saturday morning. He has not returned, but I expect him every day or hour, and have I written him again by this post. Until he returns, no money can be paid into Drummonds. The pressure, which I have experienced during the last year, cannot again occur in my life. I request you therefore most earnestly to assist me in this conjuncture, as you have done, and for which I am very grateful. I shall 2 Presumably John Nash.
4^ 1
98 I 431 25 Sep 1835
Bradenham Manor The Dining Room at Bradenham photographs by H.W. Taunt and Co, Oxford
have many opportunities I herafter of serving you, and I will not trench upon your kindness at the present moment too much, or too long. But pray prevent anything unpleasant, as, for obvious reasons, on account of the company now staying here,1 it would be most inconvenient for me to come to town. I hope to be able on Monday or Tuesday to write to you, but pray in the present instance and I also to Mr. Reynolds, keep them quiet until I receive the money. Mr. Reynolds has been so courteous, that I am sure he will study my convenience, if you request him in my name. Yours truly, in haste. BD
432 I 99 4 Oct 1835
TO [LADY BLESSINGTON]
432
O R I G I N A L : PFRZ Misc. Ms. 897
Bradenham, [Sunday] 4 October [ 1835]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Morrison 17, dated Oct 4 [1837]; M&B I 305-6, dated Oct 4 [1835] with omissions; Meynell 301-2, dated 'towards the close of 1837' EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the context confirms Monypenny's identification of the year as 1835.
Bradenham I Oct 4th Dearest Lady, I see by the papers that you have quitted the shores of the "far-resounding sea", and resumed your place in the most charming of modern homes.1 I therefore venture to recall my existence to your memory and request the favor of hearing some intelligence of yourself, which must always interest me. Have you I been well, happy and prosperous? And has that pen, plucked assuredly from the pinion of a bird of Paradise, been idle or creative? My lot has been as usual here, tho' enlivened by the presence of Lady Sykes, who has contrived to pay us two visits, and the presence of Lord Lyndhurst who also gave us a fortnight of his delightful society.2 I am tolerably busy I and hope to give a good account of myself and doings when we meet, which I trust will be soon. How goes that "great lubber" the Public, and how fares that mighty hoax, the World? Who of our friends has distinguished or extinguished himself or herself? In short, as the 1 As early as the middle of August D had suggested a second visit to Bradenham for Lady Sykes and Lord Lyndhurst. Sarah had responded rather warily on 17 August 1835: 'You may be sure that as far as we are ourselves concerned, we shall be very happy to see Lord Lyndhurst here again ...' adding 'With regard to any evils that may arise from a lengthened sojourn here, you are as well aware as me, and know better if it would be a failure ... Unfortunately I sent a letter yesterday to Lady Sykes; but I will write again directly as you suggest.' H A/I/B/5Ô2. After additional prompting, Sarah wrote to Lyndhurst on 21 August and to Lady Sykes the following day. H A/i/B/503. By 11 September 1835 it had been decided they would all come down on Sunday 13 September, although Sarah was still asking anxiously about how long they would be staying and whether they would be bringing servants. H A/i/E/^6^. From the evidence of 432, Lord Lyndhurst and Lady Sykes arrived at Bradenham with D on 13 September but, while Lyndhurst stayed for two weeks, until 27 September, Lady Sykes left at an earlier time and then returned. 1 On 6 September she had left London for a vacation at a villa in Anglesea near Gosport. Connely 238. 2 See 43ini.
ico I 433 23 Oct 1835
433
hart for the waterside, I pant for a little news, but chiefly of your fair and agreeable self. I The Book of Beauty will soon, I fancy, charm the public with its presence. Where have you been? In Hampshire I heard from Lord L[yndhurst]. How is the most delightful of men and best of friends, the admirable Crichton?3 I don't mean Willis, who I see has married;4 a fortune I suppose, tho' it doth not sound like one. How and where is Bulwer? How are the Whigs, and how do they feel? All here who know you send kind greetings, and all who I have not that delight kind wishes. Peace be within your walls, and plenteousness within your palace! Vale! Your affect[ionat]e Dis T0 SARAH
DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: H A/l/B/Sy
[London, Friday 23 October 1835]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (l) In circle: C I OC23 I 1835
EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature. Sic: The Sykes, monies, chasséed.
Dear[es]t Sa, I have been on the way to get at you the whole morning, which is the reason I did not write by coach but it is now 6 o'clock and I am too tired to make any further exertions. I hope tomorrow. The Registr[ati]on for Taunton has turned out unexpectedly well. Beadon talked of gaining perhaps 10. I thought therefore none: we have gained 43. I Pyne has not yet returned, but I expect him daily. I fear I shall not be more than a week at Bradenham; but perhaps I may. The odds are that there may be a repetition of the November plot now: the Whigs were nearly out the other day, but for my own part, I am glad I eno' they are in.2 Ld. Lyndhurst is at the Star and Garter3 with his family; he declines all coun3 This was a familiar compliment to D'Orsay's versatility and is so used in referring to him in, for example, the DNB entry for Lady Blessington. 4 On i October 1835 Nathaniel Parker Willis had married Mary Stace, daughter of Gen William Stace, storekeeper of the royal ordinance at the Woolwich Arsenal. For D's view of the marriage see 433. 1 The registration provisions of the Reform Bill involved a complex process whereby an annual list of qualified voters was published in the fall of the year. The procedure began late in June and concluded with the sitting, from mid-September to the end of October, of the barristers' courts in each constituency to hear objections to the final list. Charles Seymour Electoral Reform in England and Wales (1915 repr Hamden, Connecticut 1970) 104 ff. 2 A repetition of the events of the previous November would have seen another provisional government formed by the Tories, with electoral prospects for D no better than on the previous occasion. For D's judgement on Tory strategy in November 1834 see (vol l) 353. 3 A famous public house in Richmond with a history dating back to 1738. Rebuilt on a large scale in 1780, it began to prosper under the auspices of Christopher Crean, ex-chef to the Duke of York. At this time, it was owned by Joseph Ellis. William T. Shore D'Orsay or the Complete Dandy (New York 1911) 155.
try invitations, but will go to Brighton probably. The Sykes have a villa at Richmond where they go today. Sir Fras is very ill. I have been very well indeed, but I fear I have caught a cold. I called on Lady Bless[ington]; the world is agog for Willis. His wife I is said to have considerable monies, now and in expectancy. The bridegroom is horribly and universally abused, and it is sd. had he not hurried the match he wd have been chasséed, as the fathe[r] in law began to smell a rat. TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] ORIGINAL: QUA 11
[London], Sunday [25 October 1835?]
436 I 101 27 Oct 1835
434
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this letter appears to form a sequence with 435 and 436.
Sunday Dear Sir, If you do not receive the money tomorrow, be not alarmed. It is sure to be paid in a few hours more or less, and I will amply compensate both to I yourself and Mr. Reynolds for the unfortunate delay, yours BD TO RICHARD CULVERWELL
ORIGINAL: QUA 14
[London], Monday [26 October 1835]
435
COVER: Mr Culverwell I 53 Gt. Marybone Street I Marybone
POSTMARK: (l) In oval: 8.MORN.8 I OC.27 I 1835 (2) In packet: T.P I St James's St
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: [cover] Marybone.
Monday Dear Sir, I have been expecting to have been able to call upon you all this day. I have contrived to postpone my departure, and I hope to bring matters to a close, and make a first payment tomorrow. BD TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] ORIGINAL: QUA 26
[London], Tuesday [27 October 1835?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this letter appears to come immediately after 435.
Tuesday Dear Sir, To Bradenham I must go - if only for a day, for my business presses. I have left orders, if possible to send you £150 tonight or I Wednesday. On Thursday I shall be up again, as I am sure nothing will be finished unless I am present. I am very sensible I of your kindness in this affair. You have done me great service at a season of unexpected perplexity, but you I shall not repent it, D
43^
437
T0 WILLIAM PYNE
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 63
Bradenham, [Friday] 30 October [1835]
COVER: William Pyne Esqre I George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: B. Disraeli Esq. I 30 Octr. 1835. POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 310031 I 1835 (2) In rectangle: No. i EDITORIAL COMMENT: The third page of the MS is torn.
Bradenham Octr 30
My dear Sir, I meant to have sent a note to George St. before I left town, but omitted this in the hurry of business. As I understood from your clerks when I last called, that you were expected home at the end of the week, it is as well that I I should let you know where I am. Ld Lyndhurst is at Richmond. I mention this lest you shd. have written to me under cover to his L[ordshi]p, or sent any letter for me to his house, and to account for the consequent delay; but I I heard from him yesterday, and he did not mention having received any. I hope you are not wearied with your toils [and] travels. Yours ever f[aithfu]lly B. Disraeli 438
TO RICHARD CULVERWELL ORIGINAL: QUA 15
Bradenham, Tuesday [3] November [1835]
COVER: postpaid I Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marybone Street I Marybone I [In another hand]: Paid POSTMARK: (i) In double tombstone: F i PAID I 3 NO 3 I 1835 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: in 1835 2 November was a Monday. We have assumed that D meant Tuesday 3 November. Sic: [cover] Marybone, Yours.
Bradenham I Tuesday Nov 2. Dear Sir, Let me know the amount of our private account; and of what is due to Hailstone and Co,1 as something must be added to their account. Make the best terms for me you can, but of course, in consequence of their civility, we must not be illiberal. Also let me know whether I Mr Reynolds will let the £200 go on for another month. If not, I can manage it. Also let me know what time you can allow me for the settlement of these affairs, as I must come up to town to settle them, and I am detained here and have been for some days by the dangerous illness I of my father. looo thanks for all your good services; and comp[limen]ts to Mr Reynolds, to whom I feel obliged[.] Yours obed Ser B. Disraeli 1 Hailstone and Nichol, woollen drapers at 109 Regent Street.
TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] 85 St James's St, [London], 439 Monday [9 November 1835?] ORIGINAL: QUA 25
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 438. Sic: St. James'.
85 St James' St. I Monday. Dear Sir, I have just left my lawyer. I pledge myself that your account shall be settled on Saturday morning next at the latest, I and that I will also enclose you a dr[a]ft for £97. for Hailstone and Co. I hope therefore they will be quiet to that day, as I pledge myself, I which before it has not been in my power to do. Yours BD TO RICHARD CULVERWELL ORIGINAL: QUA 18
[The Albion Club, 85 St James's St, London], Saturday [14 November 1835?]
COVER: Mr. Culverwell I 53 Great Marybone St. I Marybone [Calculations in another hand]: [i] Hailstone 94 24 28 Reynolds 36 j_2 28 Novr i_2 40 1402 7.10 47.10 300
[2] SrFSykes Hailst. [3]
27.2.4 36 93 12
1_2 14013
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 439. The right margin of the MS is torn. Sic: [cover] Marybone, St James'.
Saturday 1/2 pt 2 Dear Sir, I enclose you £150 - gy£ of which you will apply to Hailstone and Co. and the rest to our private account. My affairs are now nearly arranged and [in] the course of the week you will hear again from me. I am obliged by your services. BD Enclose me Hailstone's bill to 85 St. James' Street.
44 2 g
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ££167-8
[London], Sunday [21 August 1836]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with D's letter to Austen of 9 August 1836, in which D promised to pay Austen in ten or twelve days, (by the igth or 2ist of August); and by comparison with Colburn's letter to D of 22 August (H E/VII/D/I i) in which Colburn promised to pay £100 into Willis's. 522 confirms that D was in London on Sunday the 2ist, for he said 'I go to Basildon ... tomorrow.' He had been at Basildon since the i ith (520); hence his remark in the present letter that he had come up to town to receive Colburn's bill.
Sunday My dear Austen, It is with the greatest regret I write to say that I fear the money cannot be paid into yr. bankers tomorrow. I assure you it is not my fault. I have a friend who has I been prepared this fortnight for Colburn's bill,1 which I only came up to town to receive - you know what a difficult man he is to manage. At this moment too he is entirely absorbed with a new arrangement of I his Magazine and the quarrels of rival editors.2 Not having answered my two notes and having 5 Presumably Sykes left again soon after, for he wrote to D from Aachen on 22 September. H A/IV/H/99.
6 Andrew Fountaine. 7 Sir Augustus Frederick D'Esté (1794-1848), progeny of the marriage in 1793 (declared void in 1794) between George ill's sixth son, Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex, and Lady Augusta Murray. 8 Another reference in the Hughenden papers suggests that he was a medical doctor. H A/iv/H/103- Probably this was Joann [sic] Christoph August Franz (i8o7?-i87o), who graduated in medicine at Leipzig and thereafter took up residence in Brighton. He was a specialist in diseases of the eye. The British Medical Directory (1853); ^* Medical Times and Gazette II (1870) 26. 9 A portion of Henrietta Temple. 10 The de Crasto family - also spelled de Castro - were cousins of the D'Israelis, Isaac's father, Benjamin, and Abraham de Crasto both having married Misses Shiprut de Gabay. Isaac served as the executor of the estate of Miss Rachel de Crasto, daughter of Abraham, who died on 20 October 1837. H A/i/E/52. Some letters addressed to her house at 16 Earl's Court Terrace, Brompton, have covers referring to her as 'Mrs de Crasto', while the inside salutation is to 'MÍSS'. H F/II/22.
1 It would appear that Colburn was advancing royalties but only on the assurance of repayment. 2 Earlier in 1836 Richard Bentley, formerly Colburn's partner, had announced his intention to establish a humorous magazine to be called The Wits' Miscellany, but which appeared in January 1837, with Charles Dickens as editor, as Bentley's Miscellany (giving rise to R.H. Barham's famous quip: 'Why go to the other extreme?'). Alarmed, Colburn turned to Theodore Hook, of-
182 I 525 2 Sep 1836
524
called upon him several times in vain, I succeeded in seeing him yesterday afternoon, but I could not get him to fix an I earlier day than Tuesday for the completion of our business. Believe me I regret this much: the moment I have received his bill, the money shall be pd. into Willis's. Yours ever D TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl33~4
[London?], [Monday] 29 August [1836?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the reference to Park Street, which D had left by 1836, suggests an earlier year, but the context does not fit his known movements in August of either 1834 or 1835. The phrase could, therefore, be a reference to Henrietta's address in Park Lane. On 3 July 1836 Austen had written saying 'another month is passing away. In another [in August] I may be leaving town'. BL ADD MS 45908 £124. Sic: bee, Willis.
AugUSt[?] 2g[?] My dear Austen, Your three letters reached me at once. I have not been in town for these three weeks, save for as many hours, when I I once passed thro' to get a coach, and could not even call in Park St. My letters have been forwarded to me, but owing to my movements, and great distance, could not I reach me but once or twice. If your business be not already attended to, it shall. I left instructions for it the 5o£ and int: on it and £12.10 int on £500. I I expect to bee in town on Wednesday night, and if you are gone will pay it into Willis. I am sorry you shd think I had neglected you. With my reg[ard]s to Mrs A. Ever ys BD 525
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: NYPL Kohns [17]
[London], Friday [2? September 1836]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 56-7, dated 2O August 1836, prints most of the third paragraph conflated with an extract from 522. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by D's reference to the review of The Letters of Runnymede in The Monthly Repository. If the mention of 'Dashwood ... on the Bench' refers to his appearance as magistrate on 27 August as reported in The Bucks Herald (no 244) of 3 September, the date of this letter is most likely 2 September 1836. Sic: the Sykes.
Friday Dearest, Dashwood was on the Bench and the meeting altogr. was very amusing, but details must wait till I get down. fering him £400 a year in advance to edit a rival magazine. Samuel Carter Hall, then editor of The New Monthly Magazine, opposed the idea. Colburn later withdrew the offer to Hook, who was not able to repay the advance. Hook offered to work off the debt as editor of The New Monthly Magazine. Colburn agreed, but the uneasy relationship between Hook and Hall finally resulted in Hall's departure from the magazine late in 1836. The first number edited by Hook appeared in January 1837. See M.F. Brightfield Theodore Hook and his Novels (Cambridge, Massachusetts 1928) 154-5; S.C. Hall Retrospect of a Long Life (1883) l&$-4- See also 56701.
Ld L[yndhurst] seems very I disappointed that the Sykes are not coming and appears 1/2 inclined to come by himself; I will write tomorrow I hereon, but at all events we sho[ul]d not come until Monday; There is no news, save a highly eulogistic review of the Author of I Runnymede in the Monthly Repos[itor]y a radical magazine written by Fox the preacher.1 I will bring it. Yours Dis
526 I 183 21 Sep 1836
TO WILLIAM PYNE
5^6
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 89
Bradenham, Wednesday [21 September 1836]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn Disraeli Esqr. I 21 Septr 1836 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 22SE22 I 1836 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: stock Exchange.
private
Bradenham. Wednesday My dear Pyne, I have heard from a very high quarter, that the King of the French is positively buying up the Carlos Loan;1 that 160,000 of the scrip or stock has been purchased for him by one individual. My authority is a political one, not a stock Exchange one. This may be worth your consider[ati]on. Perhaps a great game is going I to be played in this affair. I wish you would put yourself in an Oxford Coach next Saturday, or when you like, and come and dine here and take a bed, and we could talk over these matters. Bradenham is now quite empty. R.S.V.P. Ever yr sincere and obliged Dl Here are coaches at all hours, and you can get up to London when you please. I believe one passes our gates as early in the morning as 7 or 8 o'ck. I ought to tell you, by the bye that Hitchcock2 met me as I was about to leave town, and talked rather menacingly.
1 William Johnson Fox had purchased The Monthly Repository in 1831. Until that time it had served as an organ for the Unitarians. A review of The Letters ofRunnymede, signed 'f', appeared in X (Sept 1836) 540-6. 1 Clearly the French government had lost its patience with Queen Christina's cause - they very much disapproved of the new revised constitution. A rapprochement with Don Carlos had been considered as late as 6 September, but there is no evidence that the French bought up the Carlist bonds. J.B.H.R. Capefigue L'Europe depuis l'avènement du roi Louis-Philippe (Paris 1846) IX 129-30. 2 There was a William Henry Hitchcock, stockbroker, at 23 Threadneedle Street, and he may have been the creditor referred to here. A List of the Brokers of the City of London at Michaelmas 1836(1836).
527
T0
WILLIAM PYNE
O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli BlO
Bradenham, [Sunday] 25 September [ 1836]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 25 Septr 1836 POSTMARK: (i) In circle: F I 2ÔSE26 I 1836 (2) In rectangle: No.i PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 351, dated 25 September 1836, prints the first two paragraphs.
private
Bradenham I Sept. 25 My dear Pyne, Your letter rather alarms me; I scarcely think it safe to remain here; as any proceedings of the kind here would be confusion. I have not left this house exc[ep]t for County business occasionally, working unceasingly at my forthcoming book.1 I have no pecuniary cares for the next three months, and I wish if possible to reap a great harvest in this serene interval, and finish, or nearly so, a second novel for Jany,2 I getting the forthcoming one out in the very early part of Novr. I am annoyed at the state of affairs in the city.3 Do not think of the balance at present. In this crash, you ought to have made a little fortune. We were well warned about Portuguese; and it is vexatious, when on the right scent, we shd. miss the game. It was my intention in about a week to be in town again for a short time, but I wait your letter and advice as to Mash. Shall I go to Paris? I Think in this affair only of your own convenience. Ever my dear Pyne, your obliged and faithful D Tomorrow I must attend the dinner of the South Bucks Agrie. Associ[ati]on of which I am Vice President - at Salt Hill;4 but I shall return in the evening; unless a letter from you by the Windsor coach or rather any coach Salt Hill road reaches me at Mr. Bothams Hotel, Salt Hill before nine o'ck.
1 Henrietta Temple. 2 Venetia was not published until May 1837. 3 According to a report in The Times of 26 September, there had occurred on Saturday 'a sudden fall' in both Spanish and Portuguese shares: '... the failure of a member of the Stock Exchange which was announced in the course of the day, seems to have been the occasion of the sudden depression ... as it was apprehended he had a large amount of stock open.' A 'partial rally' on the same day was followed, later in the same week, by a steady recovery in the price of the stock. 4 The third annual meeting of the South Bucks Royal Agricultural Association was held on 26 September at the Windmill Inn, Salt Hill. At this time the president was Lord Montagu and the vice-presidents were the Earl of Orkney and George Simon Harcourt. Not only was D then not a vice-president but his name does not appear on the list of the twenty-one-member committee of the association.
TO HENRY COLBURN
Bradenham, Sunday [9 October] 1836
ORIGINAL: HARV [3]
5^8
COVER: Henry Colburn Esq I Great Marlboro Street I Regent Street POSTMARK: (i) In rectangle: No i EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this is in answer to Colburn's letter of 6 October 1836 (H E/vn/D/ia).
Bradenham I Sunday I 1836 My dear Sir, The title of my book is the one inserted in our agreement1 HENRIETTA TEMPLE, A LOVE STORY BY
THE AUTHOR OF VIVIAN GREY.
a title which I think attractive, and which I is also correct, for it exactly describes the work, and I trust the second title "A LOVE STORY" will not be sacrificed in the advertisemts to the ponderous tomes of "LOVE" with which you threaten us.2 I shall be in town on Wednesday, when I shall bring up the remaining MSS. Yours D TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: NYPL Kohns [32]
[London, Friday 14 October 1836]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham House I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In Maltese cross: V[.]S I 1400(14] I [illegible] EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the Pery-Villebois marriage had taken place on 8 October 1836. Sic: license, Grey.
Dearest, The marriage1 occurred on Saturday, and is in some of the papers I have met, among the paragraphs: it was by special license by Grey, Pery's brother in law. On arriving in town yesterday I found that I was expected at a great dinner in Park Lane and that the festivities of the noce were not over.2 I cd. not manage the dinner, but went in for 1/2 an hour in the evening; there was rather a large 1 No memorandum of agreement with Colburn for the publication of Henrietta Temple has been located, but a note on an agreement for the publication of Venetia states that the date of the former memorandum was 28 June 1836. H E/vn/D/yy. Colburn had written to D on 6 October asking for the title of the work. Although Henrietta Temple was not published until i December, Colburn's letter makes it clear that both he and D were expecting its appearance Very early in November'. H E/vn/D/i2. 2 The Times of 6 October had carried an advertisement by Colburn announcing the forthcoming appearance of Love, a novel by Lady Charlotte Bury, as well as 'a new work by the author of Vivian Grey.' 1 The Pery-Villebois marriage. See 51602. 2 Henry Gray (d 1864), vicar of Almondsbury, Gloucestershire, was the son of the Rt Rev D. Robert Gray, bishop of Bristol. In 1835 Gray had married Emily Caroline (d 1888), Pery's sister. Lady Sykes was obviously acting as hostess in her Park Lane house for the celebration of her sister's wedding.
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i86 I 530 15 Oct 1836
53O
party, the Duke of Brunswick3 was there, who did I not seem to me a bit more mad than Sir Francis, and something like him in vain braggart rattle, restlessness, animal spirits and universal accomplishments. The bridesmaids were Sa Copley and Miss Pery.4 Among other revol[uti]ons Sa has been really sent to school, with five young ladies for her companions in the Regent's Park and only came home for the wedding. I Ld L[yndhurst] is still at Paris,5 and finds it very pleasant. He dined with Peel - there is also there Ld Canter[bur]y, Pozzo and very many of his friends. There is no news, ex[cep]t that Spanish affairs are going well for us and the dividends will certainly not be paid.6 I cannot get a frank. I see Henrietta] T[emple] a love story advertised everywhere "m a few days". The Coach was a great failure; we were not in town until 1/2 past 6. In haste, no frank D TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
ORIGINAL: PS 14
[London], [Saturday] 15 October 1836
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 57-8, dated 15 October 1836, prints the first paragraph followed by 540; Maggs catalogue 320 (Jan-Feb 1914) item 44 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Where the Maggs version of the text differs from that in LBCS the Maggs version has been used.
October 15, 1836. ... News has arrived this morning and appears in a second Edit, of the Times, from which it appears that it is at length all over with the Liberals. Gomez, so often defeated, has entered Cordova, has been joined by an immense force of the old Royalist Volunteers of the time of Ferdinand, and at the head of an irresistible army, is now marching straight to Madrid with[ou]t any idea of opposition1... I learned that 'God of my idolatry' is in the passionate garden scene in Romeo and Juliet.2 So much for Ayscough3 and historians of English Lit.! 3 Karl ni Friedrich August Wilhelm (1804-1873), nephew of Queen Caroline. Although he had been deposed as Duke of Brunswick in favour of his younger brother Wilhelm Maximilian in 1830 and exiled to England, he was still known by his former title. He is described by Lady Longford as 'a Byronic desperado'. Elizabeth Longford Victoria R.I. (1964) 52. 4 This could have been one of Glentworth's three unmarried sisters: Mary Georgiana, Cecilia Annabella or Augusta Maria. 5 Lyndhurst had left for Paris on 26 September and did not return until mid-January 1837. 6 After the Queen Regent's promise to return Spain to the constitution of 1812, Spanish bonds dropped sharply on the London market, falling from 4g/- in April 1836 to 2g/- in September. Raymond Carr Spain, i8o8-ig$g (Oxford 1966) 17in. 1 The Times of 17 October 1836 carried an extensive report of the entry of the Carlist general Miguel Gomez into Cordova. Included was an account with the heading 'published in the 2nd edition of The Times on Sat 15 October 36'. By 18 October, however, The Times reported that Gomez had succeeded in taking only part of Cordova, and that the defenders had caused him to retreat to the south-east. 2 'Swear by thy gracious self, I Which is the God of my idolatry.' Romeo and Juliet II ii, 111-12. 3 Samuel Ayscough (1745-1804), librarian and index-maker, who, in 1790, produced the first
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl8l-2
85 St James's Street, [London], Monday [17 October 1836?]
5^1
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the letter best fits the circumstances of 17 October 1836. Sic: St James'.
85 St James' St I Monday night Dear Austen, I understood from your letter that your purposes would be answered if the money were paid into your bankers i.e. £62.10 by the 24th Inst. I I certainly did not intend to avail myself originally of this inferential indulgence, but circumstances occurred which rendered it of importance to me, as I have been obliged to deposit a considerable sum at a bankers I during a negotiation important to my interests. I came up to town on Friday solely to secure the money being paid by the 24th. and I shd. have returned to Bradenham yesterday, had it been accomplished. You may rely I upon its being done by the 24th, if not before as I believe; and I have little doubt of being duly prepared with the other moiety of yr. kind loan. I am sorry your long vacation brought its accustomed illness: you are very unfortunate in your travels. Pray make my Complimts. acceptable to Mrs. Austen and believe me Yours ever obliged and truly B. Disraeli TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND Bradenham, [Thursday] 20 October [1836] FARMERS OF THE COUNTY OF BUCKS ORIGINAL: H B/I/A/43
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Bucks Herald no 251 (22 Oct 1836); The Times (24 Oct 1836) EDITORIAL COMMENT: In the printed source, two commas follow the word 'political' in the fifth paragraph. Sic: sourse, encouragment, recaí, disfrachisement, clause?, statemen, instal.
Bradenham, Oct. 20. TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND FARMERS OF THE COUNTY OF BUCKS. GENTLEMEN, The various meetings of the Agricultural Association of our county, during the summer, have occasioned the expression of certain opinions, even among those whose devotion to your welfare cannot be doubted, which I believe to be extremely injurious to your interests, and which appear to me to have their origin in that constant and fruitful sourse of error, - a confusion of ideas. As they have given rise to considerable controversy not only in this but in neighbouring counties, and as some words that I have used have been the immediate cause of precipitating considerations which could not be long deferred, you will not, I trust, concordance to Shakespeare's dramatic works. Ayscough does not list the quotation under 'god' or 'idolatry' but under 'self. Perhaps D had not been able to find it. Rev Samuel Ayscough An Index to the Remarkable Passages and Words made use of by Shakespeare (1790) 1593.
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i88 I 532 20 Oct 1836
deem me open to the charge of arrogance in thus addressing you.1 The Agricultural Association of Buckinghamshire, the parent society of so many similar combinations, and which has been since honoured by the royal patronage, was instituted in the year i832,2 for 'the protection and encouragement of Agriculture.' It has until the present period prosecuted these objects with considerable and laudable energy. In pursuance of its first purpose, among other modes of obtaining it, a sub-Committee, of which I had the honour of being the Chairman, was appointed by the general-Committee, in 1834, to prepare a petition to Parliament for the relief of Agriculture, which petition, in the ensuing Session, was presented by our noble representative.3 In pursuance of its second purpose, among other modes of obtaining it, the general Committee resolved to institute prizes for skill in husbandry, and for faithful service, by which it was wisely supposed that the reciprocal good feeling between the landlord, the occupier, and the peasant in every view so desirable, might be revived and cherished. The best effects have resulted from these exertions. A spirit of industry and emulation has been created among all classes in the county, to which some years ago it was a stranger. At the meeting which took place in South Bucks, on the 26th ult., in acknowledging an honour, of which I was deeply sensible, while I congratulated the society on the gratifying proceedings of the morning which tended so effectually to the encouragment of Agriculture, I thought it my duty to recaí its attention to its not less important object, the protection of Agriculture, which from a nervous and indefinite apprehension of disturbing the unanimity of our meetings, it has been, of late too much the fashion to overlook.4 This intentional neglect has ari1 On 20 September the Royal Bucks Agricultural Association had met at Beaconsfield and on 26 September the South Bucks Royal Agricultural Association (a branch of the county association) had held its third general meeting at Salt Hill. At the Salt Hill meeting D had made a speech in which he denied the assertion made in the course of the evening that 'the meeting had nothing to do with politics.' He had gone on to argue that 'The objects of the Agricultural Association were neither the objects of party, nor were they factious, but they were political. It was to no purpose to bestow rewards ... if the great principle of the Agricultural prosperity of the empire was not kept in view.' BH no 248 (i Oct 1836). This statement was followed, on 8 October, by a leading article in The Bucks Herald denying the political nature of the county association and defending Lord Chandos against the charge that he had turned it into a tool for his own political purposes. BH no 249 (8 Oct 1836). 2 Originally proposed at a farmers' dinner at Aylesbury on 22 September 1832, the Royal Bucks Agricultural Association held its first formal meeting on 23 January 1833 with Chandos as president. BH no 39 (29 Sept 1832); no 56 (26 Jan 1833); see a^so David Spring 'Lord Chandos and the Farmers' The Huntington Library Quarterly 33 (May 1970) 257-81. 3 During the autumn of 1834 Chandos was actively agitating throughout the county for repeal of the malt tax and urging local farmers to petition Parliament on this matter. BH no 144 (4 Oct 1834). According to D his friendship with Chandos at this time was solidified by Lyndhurst's determination to join forces with the agricultural interest in bringing down the government: 'I went into the county therefore to attend some meeting of our agricultural committee. We agreed to petition Parliament on the Malt Tax and I was requested to prepare the county petition to the House of Commons, which I did.' H A/iii/D/2; reprinted in M&B I 262-5. Chandos had presented his motion to repeal the malt tax early in the 1835 session and was soundly defeated. See Spring, n2 above. 4 Clearly D wished to discourage the impression that the county association was an adjunct to the Tory party.
sen among most in nothing worse than a thoughtless confusion of ideas, but it has been cherished by a few designing persons for mischievous purposes. Conscious that a party feeling, neither impelled, nor ought to impel, our conduct, we have of late fallen into the fatal error of declaring] that our purposes were not political. If our purposes are not political, why did we petition Parliament to relieve us? Was not that a political act? If our purposes are not political, how can our exertions ensure the protection of the State? We do not meet indeed to support the electioneering interests of any family or individual, or to toast the supremacy, or the return to power, of any particular individuals. These would indeed be party objects; but it is our duty, if we adhere to the purposes for which we were established, to watch the progress or proposition of all laws affecting the land, and to assist or oppose them as we deem expedient, and such conduct is essentially political. It does appear to me that much has occurred during the last Session of Parliament which it is the bounden duty of Agricultural Associations not to pass unnoticed, which indeed if they do pass unnoticed they resolve themselves into insignificance, reject the original principle of their union, and become traitors to that trust which they at first voluntarily assumed, but which has since been sanctioned by the active support and sympathy of the whole rural population.5 There are I think more than intimations of an impending and very hostile attack upon the agricultural interest of this country. As I wish rather to state facts than indulge in arguments for your consideration, I shall proceed to notice some of the most important circumstances that have induced me to come to this conclusion. In the first place, there is a notice on the order book of the House of Commons for the disfrachisement of a considerable and important section of the Agricultural Constituency by the repeal of the £50 tenantry clause?6 Do you approve of this project? Do you wish the State to infer from your silence that you are indifferent to this meditated revolution? Will you, from the fear of your conduct being stigmatised as political,, refrain from expressing your decided disapprobation of their change? In the second place, there has been a motion made during the late session in the House of Commons to change the law of landed inheritance, and destroy the principle of primogeniture by a sidewind.7 The attack has failed, but it is to be repeated. Will it be repeated with less chance of success, if the proposer can 5 An allusion to the unsuccessful attempt by a select committee to report on its enquiry into the cause of agricultural distress. The committee was appointed in February 1836 but, when a draft of its report was completed in July, it was rejected by most of the committee members, including Chandos. According to Chandos, the report, if accepted, would have inflicted greater injury on the agricultural interest than any other conceivable measure. AR (1836) 2241 Spring 270-1, n2 above. 6 On 2 August John Wilks had entered a notice on the Order Book of the House announcing his intention to move repeal of the £50 tenantry clause - commonly called the Chandos clause early in the next session. BH no 240 (6 Aug 1836). 7 On 12 April William Ewart, Radical MP for Liverpool, had moved a change in the law of inheritance of landed property to provide for equal division in cases of intestacy and in the absence of settlements. The motion was defeated 45-29. Hansard xxxu (1836) col 915.
532 I 189 20 Oct 1836
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triumphantly appeal to the numerous agricultural meetings that have occurred throughout the country, during the recess, without even a murmur against the proposition? Do you approve also of this change? Are you prepared to hail the alteration of this great law? Have you well considered its effects both in a moral and a financial point of view? Are you prepared to witness without a pang the gradual extinction of the landed gentry? Have you considered the consequences of the equal division of property in general upon that accumulated capital to which we have hitherto been led to attribute our vast superiority over the rest of the world in the pursuits of Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures? Have you contrasted the agricultural skill of our neighbours, who have adopted the change in question, with our own? Is the agriculture of France superior to that of England? Is it not, with all the ingenuity and enterprise of its inhabitants, much inferior? And is not that inferiority mainly to be attributed to the want of accumulated wealth under which France languishes? A want solely to be ascribed to the alterations in the law of inheritance that have taken place in that country during the last half century. The moral effects of such a change lead me to the third point which I wish to bring under your consideration - and that is the hostile spirit which is now evinced by a certain party in the State against the local authority of the country Gentlemen. The cry of 'county Reform' has been raised; a late and learned member of the Cabinet has even menaced us with the infliction of stipendiary Magistrates;8 the bill is even said to be prepared; though I should hope well secured in that limbo of abortive Legislation to which our enlightened statemen of late years have so lavishly contributed. Well! would this arrangement meet your wishes? Are you such simple sheep as to be content to renounce your faithful guardians at the suggestion of the wolves? Is the country to be deprived of all its elements of authority and influence? Is the agricultural population to be left without leaders? Are the hired functionaries of a metropolis bloated with patronage to instal themselves in our high places, and 'execute justice and maintain truth' according to the gross interpretation of the corrupt commentators of London? Are we to be the slaves of a bold metropolitan minority, maintaining themselves in rigid and unfeeling power by the compact and irresistible tyranny of centralisation? I confess, Gentlemen, when I take into consideration these points that I have submitted to you, and they are but a specimen of many which the fear of tediousness alone prevents me from adducing, I was scarcely surprised that a Noble Lord, one of his Majesty's Ministers, should rise in his seat in Parliament, and extolling the superiority of what he is pleased to style the Urban population of 8 The attempt to supplement the existing justices of the peace with stipendiary magistrates had begun as early as 1813, when Manchester became the first industrial town to receive a legally qualified magistrate who was to be paid 'some competent remuneration for his trouble.' From 1835 on, any borough could petition the home secretary for the services of a stipendiary; others were appointed as the result of acts of Parliament. Although the' fact that the stipend had to be paid from the local rates did arouse hostility in the provinces, opposition to the move was greatest in London where the magistrates' role was not formalized until 1839. For a history of the stipendiaries see Frank Milton The English Magistracy (1967) ch 2, esp 36-7.
the realm in intelligence and influence over the inhabitants of the Rural districts, should boldly announce that as long as he and his colleagues were supported by the first, they entertained little fear of resigning that power of which they have contrived to possess themselves by so dignified a process! It is not a part of our political creed, that the interests of the Urban and the Rural population are adverse to each other; on the contrary, we hold that they are inseparably united. But such, you perceive, is not the belief of your opponents. I trust I have now stated sufficient to prove, that it was no indiscretion on my part, recently, to recaí the attention of the Agricultural population to their precise situation in the country. It is one of peril; and, for my own part, while I deprecate so unwise and so unnatural a rivalry, I have long perceived that it is the intention of a certain party in the State, to resolve all political differences into one great contention between TOWN and COUNTRY. A considerable portion of your numbers threatened with disfranchisement your natural leaders menaced, not only with the deprivation of their ancient and constitutional power, but even with positive extinction, and the whole rural population treated by one of the King's ministers with open contempt, we, who have united together for self-protection, are counselled to be silent. Why! - gentlemen, what is to be the signal for our efforts? Your disfranchisement? Or the abolition of the Quarter Sessions? I enquire for instruction. If the Agricultural population of England be aware of their danger, there is little fear that it may be averted; but, believe me, the way to avoid that danger is not by shutting your eyes to it, nor allowing yourselves to be the dupes of a few artful persons, who only mix in your councils in order to betray them, and deprecate with affected candour your political interference, merely that they may ensure their own party triumph. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your obliged and faithful servant, B. DISRAELI
533 I 191 23 Oct 1836
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
533
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ff 135-8
Garitón Club, [London], Sunday [23 October 1836]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 274, extracts dated 'towards the end of October' EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Austen replied to this letter on 25 October 1836: 'I received your's [sic] yesterday, but shall not attempt an argument whether my view of what has occurred is a perverted one or not'. BL ADD MS 45908 £139.
Garitón Club I Sunday. private My dear Austen, Before I enter into business permit me to say, with[ou]t any offence to you, which I always wish to avoid, that you have throughout this transaction, contrived to take a very perverted view of my conduct. You have always taken it for granted that there was an unwillingness on my part to discharge my debt, and never given me credit for inability to do so. Now, I were it only to free myself of
iQ2 I 534 24 Oct 1836
a correspondence so painful as the present, independent of all other feelings on the subject, I sho[ul]d have a very sufficient inducement to terminate the business. I declare that I have made every possible exertion for that end, that I have never made you a false representation, as indeed I have partly proved, and that the non-fulfilment of my engagement can only be ascribed to a combination of circumstances which no human prudence co[ul]d foresee or baffle. I My pecuniary disappointments and delays, during the last two years, have been far greater than any you could have experienced, and what few men, I believe, co[ul]d have withstood. Yet I have borne up against them, from the sole wish of doing justice principally to yourself, and when, from the strange aspect of the money Market, any immediate prospect of a favorable nature grew desperate, I engaged in an intellectual effort, painful at all times, under such circumstances, I a very terrible exertion in order if possible to meet your views on the 27th. of this month as ment[ione]d in one of yr letters. When this work is published, I shall pay into your bankers a further sum; if it be £200, it will be all I shall receive on this edit: in addition to the £100 paid in. And if the result be such as my publisher anticipates, I shall discharge the balance at Xmas. I can do no more; I feel under all the circumstances that howr. you may have cause I to regret the mutual situation in w[hi]ch we are placed, there is not so much reason as you express to complain of my conduct. It has been at least uniform, and has always tended to one object, the discharge of your claims. The Interest has been paid, and half the principal has been cancelled; and I have several times during the last 12 months been on the point of closing the affair I altogether. That I have not done so is my misfortune, not my fault, and the same cause that has prevented me from paying you, has also deprived me of large sums, to which I am as much entitled, both in law and honor, as you are to the debt w[hi]ch I have never questioned. Tomorrow I return to I Bradenham, which I only left on Friday evening. Any communication from your lawyer will find me there. I am yours tr[u]ly B. Disraeli
534 TO WILLIAM PYNE [London], Monday 24 October [1836] ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Bl 1
COVER: [Endorsement in another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Eqr. I 24 Octr. 1836.
private
Monday Oct 24 My dear Pyne, I am now off for Brad[enham]. I wrote you a note some days back, but you were off for Brussels, as I half supposed. I only scribble this to say that my father who was in town receiving his dividends happened to I make me a most unexpected tip which allowed me to settle everything in the most satisfactory and complete manner, and hand over the balance. I have a very odd parliamentary propos[iti]on, but they want a deposit before
it is I revealed, which looks odd. I have reason to suspect it is Evesham;1 but my father has agreed to make the deposit also, and I have left it in the hands of a friend. But I wd. sooner get Halse. Yrs ever D
535 I 193 27 Oct 1836
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
535
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl4O-l
Bradenham, Thursday [27 October 1836]
COVER: private I Benjamin Austen Esqr I Raymond Buildgs I Grays Inn POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 280028 I 1836 (2) In rectangle: No i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 276, extracts dated 27 October 1836 EDITORIAL COMMENT: A section of the third page of the MS is scuffed.
private
Bradenham I Thursday
My dear Austen, I really was anxious not to trouble you with any further correspondence upon this subject but it seems that the expression of my sentiments is very unfortunate. I should have thought it quite impossible for you to misconceive the spirit of my last letter, but I am very willing to believe that the fault is mine. You seem exceedingly offended that I said a letter from your Solicitor wd. find me here. I thought in doing so, I was only doing what was my duty. You wrote me a letter saying that unless the money was paid on Monday morning, you shd. put the affair in the hands of a third person. It was impossible for me to let you have an answer till Monday morning, and as I co[ul]d not then send the money,1 I could not under the circumstances of the case, apply for fresh indulgence. I put the circumstances before you frankly that you might exercise your will and judgment, and then, in order that your Solicitor might know where I was and not suppose that I wras keeping out of the way, and in order that I we both might be saved expense and inconvenience, I said a letter from him wd. reach me here. In so doing I imagined that I was acting in the only becoming manner and not receiving your intimation in a hostile spirit. I gave you a general report of my resources and views and conduct; and with[ou]t putting you in the disagreeable position of refusing a request, I gave you the option of complying with my proposition, and if refusing, of immediately communicating with me as you proposed through a third person. This is the real state of the case, and if my language conveyed any other impression, I regret it. It was certainly unintentional. As to raising the money, I have already tried to do that in the way in which in ordinary times I suppose money cd. be raised, but altho' some hopes were held 1 One of the members for Evesham, Sir Charles Cockerell, died early in 1837. D knew him and may have been aware of his state of health. Lord Marcus Hill was also reported to be interested in the constituency, and The Age (15 Jan 1837) commented cryptically that Peter Borthwick, who was the other member for Evesham, remained alive and well. 1 In the light of his comments to Pyne in 534, D obviously did not assign a high priority to repaying Austen.
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out to me
» tne state of the money market has blighted them. I shd. of course at the tenth hour and in sight of port be loth to apply to my father, but I wd. not shrink from this if it wo[ul]d effectually attain our end. But altho' I I hope and believe that my father wd. not refuse to discharge this claim at my request, still it is not in his power to do it with[ou]t coming to town and at this moment he is confined to his sofa by severe gout. He wd. also under the circumstances of the case, I mean his being suddenly called upon to defray a claim of some standing, naturally expect that his convenience sho[ul]d in some degree be studied, and think that he did all that was necessary if it were paid at Xmas. Now before Xmas I shall be able to pay it myself, to say nothing of discharging nearly a moiety in all probability in the third w[eek] of Novr. if not before. I cannot help hoping that on reflection you may be satisfied with this scheme of paying the sum in two portions by Xmas. But I will not press this proposition. You are entitled in this business to act as you think proper, and it is delicacy, not as you treat it a hostile feeling, that forbids me to deprecate the proceedings you meditate. I shall subscribe myself as before Your obliged and faithful Ser[van]t B. Disraeli TO COUNT D'ORSAY
ORIGINAL: GRAM 4
Bradenham, Sunday 27 November [1836]
COVER: The I Count D'Orsay I 4 Kensington Gore I London POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 28NO28 I 1836 (2) In anvil: IO.FN.IO I NO28 I 1836 (3) T.P i Rate I 2d.
Bradenham Manor I High Wycombe I Sunday Nov 27. My dear D'Orsay, You will receive tomorrow or next day, the first copy of my book. There is one page in it which I hope may interest you; the dedication which I have ventured to inscribe to yourself, as some slight, and I hope not unpleasing, recognition of that friendship, which has been to me always a pleasure, often a consolation.1 On the gth. Deer. Friday, there I will be a Grand Conservative Dinner of the whole County of Bucks in the County Hall at Aylesbury.2 It will in all probability be the most important gathering of the kind that has yet taken place. The Ld. Lieutenant, the High Sheriff, four peers, two privy councillors, eight baronets and fifty magistrates, of which I am one, are the stewards.3 There will be a thousand guests. I shall take a principal part in the proceedings and move one of the most important toasts.4 I I wish you wo[ul]d come down to Bradenham and let 1 D dedicated Henrietta Temple to Count D'Orsay. 2 The Bucks Conservative Association held a dinner at Aylesbury on 9 December 1836. D was one of the speakers. 3 D had been sworn in as a JP on 5 August 1836. H A/i/misc. See also (vol i) 35oni. At this time the lord lieutenant was the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos and the high sheriff was T.T. Drake. Among the patrons of the dinner were the Marquess of Chandos, Sir W.L. Young, Sir T.F. Fremantle, Bart, J.B. Praed and Col Hanmer. In addition to D, the stewards included T.N. Allen, W. Bailey, G. Carrington, J. Carter, C. Scott Murray, G. Grenville Pigott, J. H. Talbot and Herbert Wykeham. A complete list appeared in The Bucks Herald no 259 (17 Dec 1836). 4 D delivered a lengthy speech praising the House of Lords as 'not the least beneficial influence
me take you over to Aylesbury with me. It will be a grand and interesting spectacle, and one to which you are perhaps strange. I think indeed you would be highly gratified and you wo[ul]d be placed where you might see and hear everything to the greatest advantage. Come and renew your acquaintance with the jolly Bucks yeomen. My kind regards to my kind friend Lady B[lessington] who is [I] hope very well. Your f[aithfu]l Dis
537 I 195 27 Nov 1836
TO WILLIAM PYNE
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ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B12
Bradenham, Sunday [27? November 1836]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Sq I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I - Now. 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 351-2, dated November 1836 EDITORIAL COMMENT: A portion of the last page of the MS is damaged. private.
Bradenham I Sunday. My dear Pyne, The letter which I received from you today, fills me with great disquietude. The idea that I am involving Ct. D'Orsay1 and yourself, my two best friends, and especially hampering you, is so insupportable, that there seems to me hardly any explanations and crisis which I wo[ul]d not encounter sooner than the present state of affairs. My situation is simply this. I have taken advantage of the temporary repose for which I am indebted to you, and with the exception of county business, I have not quitted my room for the last ten weeks. I have now written five octavo volumes; i.e. the I novel about to be published, and two more of another,2 which I calculate finishing by the end of the year. If affairs can be carried on, I then purpose commencing a third, but, as you can easily comprehend, such, almost superhuman, labors, though practicable with a serene mind and unbroken time, are impossible under opposite circumstances. A serene mind I never expect to have, but hitherto my time has been little disturbed. If the results are what my publisher anticipates, and I am able to complete this engagement, I think bet[wee]n £3000 and 4000 might be poured into my coffers by May, but the ships, though built and building, are not yet launched, and as I
upon our social progress' and attacking O'Connell as a 'paid agent of the papacy' whose recent denunciation of the House of Lords was as natural as it was 'for a robber to cry out "Down with the gallows". Both are national institutions very inconvenient to their respective careers.' D concluded his speech with a toast to 'the health of Lord Lyndhurst and the House of Lords.1 BH no 259 (17 Dec 1836). 1 This is not the only indication that D had involved D'Orsay in his financial problems. An undated letter from D'Orsay suggests that D had prevailed on his generosity on several occasions: 'I swear before God I have not six pence at my banker now having lost the night before last 325£ ... if you find that I could be of any use to you in the way of security I will do for you what I would not do for any other.' H B/xxi/D/2g2. The favour was returned, however, for in 1842 there is evidence that D endorsed a note for D'Orsay. H A/v/B/45. 2 The first was Henrietta Temple, and the second was Venetia.
9& ' 539 14 Dec 1836 1
538
have some difficulties, with I which you are not mixed up, still to contend with, I doubt whe[the]r on our present system I can hope effectively to assist you before the Spring. Do you think the present system can be maintained? That you will "do your best" I want no assurance; but I am loth to strain a generous steed to whom I [am] indebted for such great services.] I am always afraid that a feeling of false delicacy may prevent you being as frank with me as your interests may require, and that you may imagine that you are in some degree cancelling your unparalleled services to me, by reminding me that they I must necessarily have a limit. This never can be the case, and I hope, therefore you, will write to me your wishes, for howr. disagreeable at this moment may be a family exposé, I shd. prefer it infinitely to your injury. Ever yours D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 813
Bradenham, Monday 5 December [1836]
COVER: private 12.7.10 I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square. I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqre. I 5 Deer. 1836. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: F I 6 DE 6 I 1836 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 352, extract dated 5 December 1836.
Bradenham I Monday 5 Deer.
My dear Pyne, Our County Conservative Dinner, which will be the most important assembly of the kind yet held, takes place on Friday the gth Inst. I have been requested to move the principal toast "The House of Lords." I trust there is no danger of my being nabbed by Mash,1 as this wo[ul]d be I a fatal contretemps, inasmuch as in all probability, I am addressing my future constituents. I am rather nervous on this score and sho[ul]d be glad to be assured that all was right. I shall be in town on the following day the loth. I ordered one of the first copies of my new work to be forwarded to Mrs. Pyne in Geo. St., which I trust she received. Ever Your obliged and ijaithfu]! D 539 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Wednesday [14 December 1836] ORIGINAL: ILLU xB 636561 Card 2
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 59-60, dated December 1836, includes most of the last paragraph conflated with parts of 459 and 543. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Sarah answered this letter on Friday 16 December. H A/l/B/588. Sic: firstrate, Checquers, Thirske, Bistre, tete á tete. 1 See 4«8n2.
Wednesday My dearest, I suppose you are tired of hearing of the speech. Sir Edward Sugden came up to me to day, fresh from Surrey, and said "The whole country must be grateful to your father for his magnificent oration!"1 Mitchell told me to I day that he had 25 copies of Henrietta] T[emple] in reading; he said it wd. ruin the circulating libraries and he was obliged to buy two copies yesterday.2 He showed me a letter from Mortimer Ricardo3 and the list of the present readers of his 25 copies. They all were persons we know; among them several women I and Massy Stanley, H[enry] Baillie, and Chesterfield. I always forget to tell you the most curious thing; I found a note on my table which my landlady said came from Mr. Bulwer. It was from D'Orsay and had been lying on my table ten days. It was a very kind one of course and signed Votre affectioné ami. I called on Bulwer for an I explanation but he knew nothing; but on X[cross-]examin[ati]on, it turned out that it was sent to Bulwers to be franked and being out of town, his servant brought it to my lodgings. I have had an application from an Edinburgh bookseller4 to write a vol. like the Pilgrims of the Rhine;5 I think it may lead to something I very considerable; howr. I shall soon know, as I have sent my answer requiring £500; and requesting that if the proposition did not meet their approval, that they wd. make me no other offer. It must be a story of modern Greece; the plates are firstrate, and were intended to have been published in Nos. I You perceived the death of Sir R[obert] Russell.6 He has left Checquers7 to Sir Robt Frankland of Thirske,8 a Whig who has become Conservative. Col. Fitzger1 A cruel cut. 2 John Mitchell of 33 Old Bond Street was both a bookseller and the proprietor of a circulating library. His complaint draws attention to three factors which were often cited as endangering such libraries: the high price of first editions of popular works, usually in three volumes, sold at 31/6; the sudden simultaneous demand by subscribers for popular new works, which required substantial investment to satisfy promptly; the comparatively short life of this demand as one best-seller was supplanted by the next. Colburn and Bentley had begun in 1831 to produce cheap one-volume reprints of novels, but Henrietta Temple did not appear in that format until 1853. Richard D. Altick The English Common Reader (Chicago 1957) 274. 3 Third son of the famous economist. 4 Possibly Robert Cadell (1788-1849), Edinburgh publisher and partner of Archibald Constable until the collapse of the firm in 1825-6; later publisher of the works of Sir Walter Scott as well as Scott's close friend and confidant. Cadell's edition of The Waverley Novels published in 182733 had established his reputation as a publisher of ambitious illustrated works. 5 A work by Bulwer, published by Saunders and Otley in 1834. It is an illustrated volume of poetry and prose, dealing with the travels of fictional characters. 6 Sir Robert Greenhill-Russell (c 1763-1836), ist Baronet, Whig MP for Thirsk 1806-32, had died on 12 December. AR (1837) app 162. 7 Chequers Court, the Russell family estate in the Chilterns, about three miles from Princes Risborough. 8 Sir Robert Frankland (1784-1849), 7th Baronet, had been Whig MP for Thirsk 1815-34. Unhappy with the Reform Bill, which had reduced Thirsk from a two-member to a single-member constituency, he absented himself from all divisions on that measure, and resigned his seat two years later. He inherited Chequers from Sir Robert Greenhill-Russell, and in 1837 took the name of Russell by royal sign-manual. The Franklands and the Russells were distantly related. BP(iS&4).
539 I 197 14 Dec 1836
igS I 540 15 Dec 1836
aid expected the estate. Will he be consoled with the £20,000 legacy which Sir R.G.R. has left him?9 Also a I legacy of £5000 to his Surgeon, Davis of Bistre.10 Write me some news. I dined tete á tete with Bulwer yesterday who thinks my speech the finest in the world, and my novel the very worst; but he made me promise not I to mention that he said this, as he wd. not have ventured to say so to me had it not been successful, and of course praises it to the world. I boldly defended it, and he says he will read it again, for he read it at night and all 3 vols, at once. Yrs affec D
54O TO [SARAH DISRAELI] [London, Thursday 15? December 1836] ORIGINAL: PS 36
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 57-8, dated 15 October 1836, preceded by the first paragraph of 530; M&B I 334 prints the third paragraph; M&B I 344 prints the second paragraph; both are dated 15 December 1836. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: at least four reviews of Henrietta Temple appeared on 10 December, including one in The Athenaeum. However, this text is reprinted from RD and so is, in all probability, a conflation of several letters. It would have been quite impossible for Irish papers to have received the text of D's speech of 9 December, for them to have commented upon it, and for copies to have returned to London before 14 December. The fastest London-Dublin mail service in 1836 took thirtyfour hours. From the context, a date of 15 December appears reasonable for the bulk of this text: however, the paragraph referring to the reviews is probably an extract from a letter of 11 December, and the comments about O'Connell in the first paragraph, which could be references to a speech which he made in Dublin at the Corn Exchange on 15 December, would seem to come from a letter written later in the month. Sic: Strathfieldsaye.
Peel is in town, but Lyndhurst still at Paris. O'Connell makes no reply; all the Irish papers taunt him. The 'Warder'1 says 'he can find time to attack Fraser,2 O'Connor,3 and D.W. Harvey,4 and to call Mr. Lascelles5 a blockhead, but why does he not answer Disraeli? "Will not the dog dissected alive give another 9 Edward Thomas Fitzgerald (d 1845), lieutenant colonel in the 12th Foot. He and his wife Elizabeth received £30,000 (not £20,000) from Sir Robert Greenhill-Russell's estate. Army List (1836 and 1845); will, Somerset House. 10 By Greenhill-Russell's will £500 (not £5,000) was left to Thomas Davis, surgeon, of 24 George Street, Hanover Square. 1 A Dublin weekly, strongly Tory in loyalty, The Warder assailed O'Connell in almost every issue. The quotation cited by D has not been located anywhere in its pages. 2 James Fraser (d 1841) of 215 Regent Street, publisher of Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country. Eraser's had attacked O'Connell in the numbers for November (528) and December (693). See also 52in6. 3 Presumably Feargus O'Connor (1794-1855), Chartist leader and Radical MP for Cork 1832-5. He had recently published a series of letters addressed to Daniel O'Connell attacking his conduct during the agitation over the question of Catholic Emancipation. 4 Daniel Whittle Harvey (1786-1863); Radical MP for Colchester 1818-20, 1826-34, and Southwark 1835-40, commissioner of the London police 1840-63. For a summary of the prolonged altercation between Harvey and O'Connell see The Times (26 Dec 1836). See also 67gni. 5 Presumably William Saunders Sebright Lascelles (1798-1851), third son of the 2nd Earl of
howl?'"6 All the country papers are full of it. Lord Strangford, who came up from Strathfieldsaye last night, began, 'You have no idea of the sensation your speech has produced at Strathfieldsaye.' I said, 'Oh, my lord, you always say agreeable things.' He took me aside and said, 'I give you my honour as a gentleman that the Duke said at the dinner-table, "It was the most manly thing done yet; when will he come into Parliament?" ' Strangford said he had not yet seen my novel ('Henrietta Temple'), and there was only one person at the Duke's who had read it - Lady Wilton. She said she had cried so much that she had excited all their curiosity. Bulwer tells me that at Lady Charlotte Bury's the other night he only heard one report, Tears, tears, tears!' so he supposes I am right and he is wrong. Colburn is in high spirits about 'H.T.' He says he shall not be content unless he works it up like Telham.'7 There were many reviews yesterday.8 You have of course seen the 'Athenaeum;' they were all in that vein, but highly calculated to make people read, if that were wanted, but it is not. The 'Spectator' said of the Bucks meeting, that the 'speaking, on the whole, was as stupid as usual, except Mr. Disraeli, who, after a little of his usual rhodomontade about the Peers being the founders of liberty, grew abusive and amusing,' and then quoted the Shakespearean passage.9 TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
ORIGINAL: PS 67
[London, Saturday 17? December 1836]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 439 (Summer 1923) item 356 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The Maggs catalogue describes the letter as: 'ALS (initials) to Sarah 8pp., 8vo ND.' Dating: the 'Open Question question' identifies the week as probably that of 11-18 December, and the reference to the Irish papers places it late in that week. See also 54oec.
... For domestic affairs, what is called 'the Open Question question'1 commands Harewood. A Tory who later became a Whig, Lascelles represented Northallerton before the passing of the Reform Bill, and afterwards sat for Wakefield 1837-41, 1842-7, and for Knaresborough 1847-51. His speech to a dinner at Wakefield on 5 December had warned against the increasing intimacy of Whigs and Radicals. This seems to have provoked O'Connell. The Times (8 Dec 1836). 6 In his Aylesbury speech D had been contemptuous of O'Connell's threats: 'When I listen to them I am reminded of what the great Dean Swift said of a gentleman who was almost as anxious to plunder the people of Ireland as Mr. O'Connell himself, though not quite so successful - I mean William Wood, who tried to impose on them with brass farthings. "These are the last howls of a dog dissected alive." ' The Times (10 Dec 1836). 7 Bulwer's novel published by Colburn in 1828. 8 The following reviews of Henrietta Temple all appeared on 10 December 1836: cj no 398 795-6; The Spectator no 441 1186; The Athenaeum no 476 867-9; The Atlas no 11 790-1. 9 D paraphrased the report of the Bucks dinner more or less faithfully. In the 'Shakespearean passage' he likened the Whig ministers to the recruits Mouldy, Wart, Feeble and Bullcalf in 2 Henry IV. The Spectator no 441 (10 Dec 1836). 1 The 'Open Question question' was the name sometimes given to Melbourne's embarrassment over the issue of the ballot. Trapped between the Radical demand for the ballot and the hostility of his more conservative supporters to any such measure, Melbourne was supposed to have contemplated a free vote to maintain harmony in his government. The Examiner no i ,506 ( 11 Dec 1836) 792; no 1,507 (18 Dec 1836) 801.
541 I 199 17 Dec 1836
54 *
200 I 542 18 Dec 1836
542
all attention. Whichever way the Whigs decide, it is supposed they must smile. If they be firm, the English Rads leave them; if they concede the open questions so that the Rads may take office, the Aristocratic Whigs leave them .... All the Irish papers have come over and all give abridgmts of the Aylesbury affairs, but my speech at length.2 One says 'Let O'Connell answer that. Bitterly must he regret his attack on Disraeli, who is his inferior3 in every respect.' Colburn smiles about H.T. and is very sanguine but that is all. The fact is it is too soon to judge of the second demand which is after all the crisis. TO COUNT D'ORSAY O R I G I N A L : GRAM 5
Garitón Club, [London], Sunday [18 December 1836]
COVER: private I The Count D'Orsay I 4 Upper Kensington Gore I D POSTMARK: (i) In anvil: [IO.FN.]IO I DEIQ I 1836 (2) In packet: T.P i Oxford Street (3) Large numeral: 2
Garitón I Sundy. Confidential My dear D'Orsay, You will have thought my conduct very strange, but I am sure your goodness will have put the most charitable construction on it. I will now confess to you what I can confess to no other person, that I am overwhelmed I with some domestic vexations which it is out of the power even of your friendship to soothe. Your quick, but delicate, mind will make you comprehend what I cannot venture to express.1 As a man of the world, you will perhaps laugh at me and think me very silly for being the slave of such feelings, when perhaps I ought to congratulate myself that an intimacy which must have, I suppose, sooner or later concluded, has terminated in a manner which may I cost my heart a pang but certainly not my conscience. But it is in vain to reason with those who feel. In calmer moments, I may be of your opinion; at present I am wretched. I have been nowhere, since I was in London and seen no one, except Bulwer. It seemed to me that some suspicions were lurking in his mind. I could not bear to hear a person spoken lightly of to whom I am indebted for the happiest years of my life and whom I have ever found a faithful I friend, therefore I spoke of her in that way that I have entirely misled him. 2 The Aylesbury meeting did attract great interest in the Tory press of Dublin, with D's speech receiving special prominence. However, there is no trace in any of the papers of the remarks quoted here. For examples of the coverage see The Dublin Record no 131 (15 Dec); Saunder's News-Letter no 29,690 (13 Dec); The Evening Packet no 1,413 (13 Dec); The Dublin Evening Mail no 2,147 (12 Dec); The Warder no 787 (17 Dec). 3 An accurate reprint of what must be a suspect transcription. 1 The affair with Henrietta Sykes had come to an end. In his 'Mutilated Diary' referring to the autumn of 1836, but written at least a year later, D wrote: 'Parted forever from Henrietta'. H A/iii/c/4; Blake 136-8. See app HI.
I have not spirit at this moment to venture to call at Kensington Gore. Try to say something to Lady B[lessington] to account for my strange conduct. These pangs, like everything human will, I suppose pass away, nevertheless they are sharp. Yours ever My dear D'Orsay, Dis
543 I 201 19 Dec 1836
TO SARAH DISRAELI
543
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli A2O
[London, Monday 19 December 1836]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 59-60, dated December 1836, has an altered version of the third paragraph and of the postscript, with extracts from 459 and 539. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Sarah received this on the morning of Tuesday 20 December 1836, and replied to it the same day. H A/i/B/588.
Dearest, I saw Colburn yesterday who met me with a smiling face. The sale is very brisk and increases. Longman1 who subscribed for 50 have sent for more. He is in excellent spirits and says if I can I only manage to get out another book this season, of a deep and high interest, he thinks I shall have regained at a bound all the lost ground of the last 3 years in this sort of I work. He has offered me 6oo£ for a novel by the ist. of May, and wishes it to be serious and pathetic. The Scotchman has not said nay.2 I saw him today. He says the specul[ati]on will not bear the £500 I but will turn it in his mind. He is a candid and fair seeming person. There is no news. I called for Ralph but cd. not see P.3 Ld. Henniker marries Miss K[errison] Lady Mahon's sister.4 D I hope to be down on Saturday 1 The bookselling firm of Longman, Orme, Brown and Green at 39 Paternoster Row. 2 See 539&n4. Of these plans Isaac wrote: 'If your proposed engagement takes place it will not be difficult to enlarge your former Sketch of Greece with many fresh Reminiscences. You will have chiefly to draw on your imagination.' H A/i/c/yo. No such work by D ever appeared. 3 Presumably Pyne, in his capacity as solicitor to the sugar beet company of which Ralph was a director (see 49902). On 13 December Ralph had written to D: 'I had a letter from Davis yesterday asking me to attend today and wishing me to propose Pyne's brother for a Directorship] in room of a Dr Humphrey who has signified his resignation. I know nothing of Pyne's frère, he never asked me anything and I do not particularly think another Director unless he be a monied one is desirable.' H ^1/6/587. 4 John Henniker-Major (1801-1870), 4th Baron Henniker, Tory MP for East Suffolk 1832-46, 1856-66, married in 1837 Anne Kerrison (1813-1889), daughter of Maj Gen Sir Edward Kerrison. Her younger sister, Emily Harriet (1815-1873), had married in 1834 Philip, Viscount Mahon, later 5th Earl Stanhope. For the announcement of the engagement see cj no 401 (31 Dec 1836) 841.
544 T0 EDWARD LYTTON BULWER [London], Thursday [22 December 1836] ORIGINAL: HERT D/EK/C 5/32
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Life, Letters and Literary Remains of Edward Bulwer, Lord Lytton: by his Son (1883) II 325, extracts undated but assigned by implication to 1832; The Life of Edward Bulwer, first lord Lytton by his grandson the Earl of Lytton (1913) I 370, undated; Blake 137-8, dated 22 December 1836 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this letter appears to be from the same period as D's letter to D'Orsay (542) of 18 December 1836. Bulwer's to D (H B/xx/Ly2g) of 24 December 1836, in which he said that he was 'pained sincerely at the affliction you have undergone', appears to be in answer to this present letter.
quite private
Thursday My dear Bulwer, When I wrote to you the other day certain domestic annoyances that had been long menacing me, and which I trusted I might at least prevent from terminating in a disgraceful catastrophe, had burst upon my head with triple thunder.1 I fled to a club2 I for solace and then, from what I heard, it seemed to me that all the barriers of my life were simultaneously failing, and that not only Love was vanishing but Friendship also. You have unfortunately been a sufferer; you will therefore sympathise with one of too irritable a temperament, and whose philosophy arrives generally too late. I confess to you my dear fellow, that I am, and have been for I some time in a state of great excitement. I am ready to take the rooms3 when you please and am obliged by all yr. kindness. Write when you wish me to settle the business. I shall be glad to be there as soon as possible, but wish you entirely to consult your own convenience. My dear ELB. Our friendship has stood many tests. If I analyse the causes I would ascribe them in some degree to a warm I heart on my side and a generous temper on yours. Then let it never dissolve; for my heart shall never grow cold to you, and be yours always indulgent to your affectionate friend Dis 1 Bulwer annotated this letter many years later to the effect that D was referring to his discovery of the affair between Henrietta Sykes and Daniel Maclise. However, it seems obvious that D is referring to his own parting from Henrietta. 2 Presumably the Garitón, from which 542 was written, and to which Isaac and Sarah addressed a letter (H A/i/c/6g) on 23 December 1836. 3 In 1835 Bulwer had taken rooms in the Albany, Piccadilly, which contained suites rented to any gentlemen who did not 'carry on a trade or profession in the chamber.' Henry B. Wheatley London Past and Present (1891) I 12-13. A complete list of the tenants of the Albany during the nineteenth century is found in Harry Furniss Paradise in Piccadilly (1925) 189-223. In the event, D did not take the rooms.
TO COUNT D'ORSAY [London], Friday [23? December 1836] 545 O R I G I N A L : GRAM 1
COVER: The I Count D'Orsay I 4 Upper Kensington Gore POSTMARK: (i) In anvil: Illegible (2) In packet: T.P I Piccadilly (3) Large numeral: 3 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 546 and 547. D reached Bradenham just in time for Christmas.
Friday My dear D'Orsay, The Champagne had not unfortunately so favorable a physical effect as I hope the philosophy may exercise a moral one. For I did not sleep a single wink, and heard every hour strike. I I am this morning so exhausted that I am absolutely obliged to postpone my departure; but I shall be off tomorrow. I have received this morning the most I affectionate letter from L[d]. Lyndhurst about the Buckinghamshire speech;1 but I must take it to Bradenham, or I would send it to you. All is right, nothing can be better as far as he is concerned, and I shd. think my letter I of today to him will lay all doubts, if any remain as to her2 influence. She has written to him recently, he says, a short note. My kind regards to Lady B[lessington]. Yours ever Dis TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl53~4
[London, Friday 23 December 1836]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 282, extract dated January 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 547 and 554.
Dr A[usten], I write in haste, for domestic afflictions threaten me, tho' not of that appalling character which distinguishes yours. That is a domestic tragedy, and I wait with impatience the result.1 My father is seriously unwell, I and I must go down to Brad[enha]m instanter. The bill was sent off last night to a Scotch bank, a client of Mr. Pyne. I have written to him, but I have no intimacy with him and scarcely think I I am authorised to accept his somewhat languid tho' courteous offer. For he has not misled me. It was the delay of Colburn,2 his constant fault, that drove to Xmas what ought to have been concluded at the I latest on the nth. At any rate the whole acct. will be cleared next month, and I hope the £200 not later than the ist. or 2nd at the very worst. Try to manage. Ever yrs in haste D 1 No such letter from Lyndhurst has been located. 2 Henrietta Sykes. 1 Benjamin Austen's nephew, Augustus Austen, had tried to commit suicide. Apparently he succeeded in doing so in 1842, when he was in his mid-twenties. Jerman agg&n. See 554. 2 In paying for Henrietta Temple.
54^
547 T0 WILLIAM PYNE Bradenham, [Monday] 26 December [1836] ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 815
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 26 Deer. 1836. POSTMARK: ( l ) In double circle: F I 28DE28 I 1836 (2) In rectangle: No 1 (3) [H]WYCOMBE I Penny Post
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 352-3, dated 26 December 1836, prints the first paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Both pages of the MS are torn. Sic: monies
Bradenham. 26 Dec. My dear Pyne, This is really Xmas. I arrived just in time, for what with the fall and the snow drifting from the hills, our road is really blocked up, in some parts as high as a mans breast, and I doubt almost whe[the]r this may reach our post which is two miles distant. I assure you when I reached the old hall and found the beech blocks crackling and blazing, I felt no common sentiments of gratitude to that kind friend whose never tired zeal allowed me to reach my home, and is some consolation for the plague [of\ women, the wear I and tear of politics and the dunning of creditors. We are now howr. comparatively in still waters, thanks to your pilotage, and I am at work again animated by success and by the greatness of future results. Mistress Rolph1 most particularly requests me to call your attention to her dairy fed pork. From her account I shd. suppose it must be a guinea pig. The fact is I received a gy.[twopenny] letter as I was going off, which requested me to say something on the subject and Mistress Rolph who is a very par[ticu]lar person, seems [oi/Oraged that I did not, I so I promised her this paragraph. You will of course advise me as to monies being paid in. I have promised my principal claimants that all wd. be right on the second or third Jany. Austen growled, but I went out of town notwithstanding. I [wish] if I possibly can, to remain here undisturbed, until Ld. L[yndhurst]'s return summons me to town.2 Let me know if anything occurs in Park Lane. I shall write from here to Sir F. perhaps today. I wish you and Mrs. Pyne in old Etonian phrase "multos et felices annos". Ever Yrs Dis T.O. I My brother is in Worcestershire, but has written to me about the Beet. He has received a Ire [letter] from Mr Davis3 and fears his absence has inconvenienced you. 1 'Mistress Rolph' was a term which, after her celebrated visit to England as the wife of John Rolph, had briefly been applied to Pocahontas. But, if this is the allusion, the characteristics of the Bradenham cook which gave rise to it must have been intriguing. 2 Lyndhurst was to be away for another three weeks. 3 One J. Davis was among the directors of the United Kingdom Beet-Sugar Association. The Times (5 Mar 1836). See 543^.
TO WILLIAM PYNE O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 814
[Bradenham], Monday [2 January 1837]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. - Deer. 1836. POSTMARK: (i) [Mostly illegible]: In double circle: F i [?# (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by D's reference to the Quarter Sessions at Aylesbury. Sic: quarter Sessions, Chandos', Restauranteurs.
Monday My dear P[yne], I am most anxious to pay £300 on Wedy. morning. I have- £150; and if by any possibility you can, with[ou]t absolute inconvenience, pay in £150 to Drummonds on that day, you wd. greatly oblige me; but if you can't, why you can't. Tomorrow are our quarter Sessions at Aylesbury which are the most important in the year and which I must attend.1 I shall probably pass the three days at Wotton, Lord Chandos', but any letters will reach me. I heard from Ld L[yndhurst] on Saturday I a very long and confidential Ire [letter] of two sheets. He is of opinion, from what he hears from thp King of France and his ministers, that the Whigs even now may not meet Parliamt. He tells me that he is going to dine that day with Edwd. Ellice,2 Lowther and ThiERS3 at a Restauranteurs; an odd quartette,4 but desires me not to mention this to anybody connected with newspapers. I get on here pretty well I and try to forget my chagrin in compos[iti]on. The Muse is, after all, the best of mistresses, and brings you money as well as pleasure. Ever Yrs Dis 1 The Epiphany Quarter Sessions opened at Aylesbury on 3 January 1837. 2 Edward Ellice (1781-1863), Whig MP for Coventry 1818-26, 1830-63, founding chairman of the Reform Club, and a member of Grey's government 1830-4. 3 Louis Adolphe Thiers (1797-1877) was then leader of the opposition. The downfall of his first ministry had been caused by his Spanish policy, which was much more acceptable to the English Whigs than were the pro-Carlist inclinations of the new government. Lyndhurst and Lowther could not logically have sympathized with Ellice's efforts to restore Thiers, who did not become President of the Council again until 1840. 4 On the face of it the quartet was an odd one - Lowther, a Tory elder statesman and former colleague of Lyndhurst in Peel's cabinet, wielded considerable influence among the older members of the party, but Edward Ellice was a lifelong Whig. Greville, however, notes on 19 January 1837 that he met Lyndhurst in Paris and found out that during his four months' stay 'Lyndhurst and Ellice have been great friends here'. Madame de Lieven told Greville, later the same day, that Ellice had come to Paris 'for the purpose of intriguing against the present Government' (of comte Mole, who had succeeded Thiers as president of the Council in September 1836), 'and trying to set up Thiers again, and that he had fancied he should manage it. Mole was fully aware of it, and felt towards him accordingly.' Greville in 337-8.
54«
549 T0 BENJAMIN AUSTEN Bradenham, Thursday [5 January 1837] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 £185
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 276-7, dated November 1836 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 548, in which D said he would be at Wotton for the next three days.
Bradenham I Thursday My dear Austen, I have been at Wotton this last day or two which prevented me receiving your letter. The moment my book is fairly out,1 I will pay £200 into yr. bankers, and will take care that I the balance is paid either by myself or my father before the end of January. You have behaved with great kindness and generosity throughout this affair. Believe me very sincerely, your obliged B. Disraeli 550
TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] ORIGINAL: QUA 21
Bradenham, [Sunday] 8 January [1837?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the year can be established as 1837 by reference to D's known movements at this time.
Bradenham House I 8 Jan Dear Sir, I intended to have been up in town on Saturday, but business of the utmost importance renders it of great consequence that I should remain here until the 20th. I cannot do so with any satisfaction unless I have some money paid into my bankers on I Saturday - or Monday at the latest. Now if you will do this for me, I will myself, if you like, repay you the money, the day after I come to town, say the 2ist: In doing so, you will, for peculiar reasons, do me a very great service indeed. Pray let I me count upon that zeal, which I have experienced for so many years. The money shall be repaid the day you name most punctually. I repeat that on account of a particular cause, the service will be one of GREAT IMPORTANCE. Yours truly D 551
TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Bl6
[Bradenham], Sunday [8 January 1837]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Sqr I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 8 Jany. 1837. POSTMARK: (i) In circle: F I 9 JA 9 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 353, dated 8 January 1837, omitting the third paragraph. 1 Henrietta Temple was already out, but D must have been thinking of returns from sales.
Sunday. My dear Pyne, How goes on the damned coin? I am ashamed to bore you, but am beset with as great duns as myself. I am in good health, considering I have never left my rooms; and have been in worse spirits. But the quantity I have written, and am pouring forth, is something monstrous.1 I find it a relief, and now that I have nothing else to distract my thoughts, I am resolved to ruin Colburn. All about Miss G is not only humbug; it is a hoax. He has been married to four or I five persons since he was there, but returns unfettered and unscathed; only very much amused.2 I suppose I shall be in town about the i5th: I am in treaty for Lord Althorp's rooms in the Albany,3 once Byrons, and now Bulwers; a curious co-incidence of Successive Scribblers; the spell I suppose growing weaker every degree, and the inspiration less genuine; but I may flare up yet and surprise you all. I find they won't be dearer than wretched I lodgings and infinitely cheaper than the worst hotel; and then I shall be lodged in a way that suits me; gloomy and spacious, with room to stroll and smoke, and able to spout occasionally with[ou]t being overheard by any damned fellow who steals all your jokes and sublimities. I am on the whole savagely gay, and sincerely glad that I am freer of encumbrances, in every sense of the word, than I was this time last year. Ever thine D
552 I 207 11 Jan 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE
552
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli Big
[Bradenham], Wednesday [i i January 1837?]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr I 30 - George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I lajany. 1837. POSTMARK.- (i) [illegible] (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (4) Crown EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: from the endorsement of Pyne's clerk. Sic: Checquers, Thirk, tete á tete.
1 D was at this time writing Venetia, which was to be published by Henry Colburn in May. 2 The object of D's comment is clearly Lyndhurst, who wrote to D on 6 January: 'This affair of Miss G is ridiculous enough ... I have walked with her two or three times in the course of three months and given her a bouquet or two. Voilà tout!' H B/xxi/L/458. Lyndhurst married Georgiana Goldsmith in August 1837, but is said to have met her only in the month before the wedding. 'Miss G' might be either of the glamorous cousins Giulia and Carlotta Grisi, whose names were frequently linked to well-known men of the day. See 5Oin7. 3 John Charles Spencer, Viscount Althorp, had become 3rd Earl Spencer in 1834, but his brother, heir presumptive to the earldom, did not bear the Althorp title. D continued to refer to Lord Spencer by the name under which he had become famous as the leader of the House and chancellor of the Exchequer in Grey's ministry. Althorp had occupied rooms in the Albany in 1814 and again in the period 1820-30. Apart from some minor articles on agricultural subjects, he seems to have done no writing which might justify his inclusion in a sequence of 'Successive Scribblers.' See 54^3.
2o8 I 552 11 Jan 1837
Wednesday private Most Worthy Conus ( - which is as near the Latin of Pine-apple as can be afforded by the language of a people who unluckily had not the fruit, but Conus means something else, which has often tumbled on my head in a canter thro' an Italian forest) if you get the Colburnian coin,1 keep it for yourself, my rascals must wait and be damned to them - unless you can pay in £150 for I have drawn, or rather overdrawn a draft to that amount, but which is not in dangerous, tho' ungracious, hands. But think of y[ou]rs[el]f, as I have no idea of inconveniencing my best friend for a parcel of shabby acquaintances who only do you a chance service, that they may remind you of it ever after[war]ds. I I repeat it therefore, think not of me, but pay the stuff into yr own balance at Wrights2 which I trust "labitur et labetur in omne".3 But at all events don't be worried and lowspirited (unless you have got the influenza, which I understand everybody hath) or what will become of all those damned good fellows and else distressed, who are your clients from L.W.P. Lx[?]4 to yr h[um]ble se[rvan]t. So much for buffoonery; now for business. Sir Robt. Greenhill Russell Bart of Checquers Court in this C[ount]y, deceased some month back, and left his estate to Sir Robert Frankland Bt. of Thirk Yorks.5 I am informed that sd. estate is to be sold, and we here wish to purchase. Do you know, or can you find sd I Frankland's Sol[icito]r, and if so, and he is agreeable, how much? I shd. suppose not under 4O,ooo£, perhaps io,ooo£ more, as there is timber; but at any rate I sho[ul]d like to leave half the purchase money in m[or]tg[ag]e, if practicable; if not, we must manage some o[the]r way. I had a letter from Ld L[yndhurst], this morning dated the 6th.6 He leaves Paris on Monday the i6th. and "counts on the luxury of a tete á tete before he sees the multitude" and comes back to carry on "ferocious war". I shall therefore, the Parsee7 permitting, be in town on the loth, myself, to see the gentles and simples 8 and hear all about nothing before the betrothed of Miss G and myself settle the affairs of the nation over copious lib[ati]ons of claret. Be of good cheer; the Spring is coming and will bring us all good fortune - I am "bobbish" as Horace says, or someone else, and my fellow is putting on my spurs I preliminary to an inspiring canter.9 Lt. has sent me an agreeable present, 1 This presumably refers to Henry Colburn's payment for sales of Henrietta Temple. 2 Wright and Co, bankers at 5 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden. 3 'Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevunY (Horace Epistles I ii 43): 'but it still runs, and as it runs, for ever will run on'. Horace's image of the countryman waiting by the riverbank for all the water to run by has a wry appropriateness when applied to D's hopes for Pyne's bank account. 4 Probably Lord William Pitt Lennox. 5 See 539n8. 6 H B/XXI/L/458.
7 In this context a money-lender; an allusion to the commercial prominence of the Parsee minority in British India. 8 See 55in2. 9 'In good health and spirits'. If D was remembering his Horace, he might have applied to the composition of Venetia the exhortation 'to spur on bards to seek with greater zeal Helicon's ver-
Henrietta] T[emple] reprinted in Paris and sold for 5 francsl10 Fame and Ruination - Nevertheless Colburnius, alias the Great Marlboro',11 has written and made me tempting offers. £800 for the next the 5Oo£ placed to account, and will make up 800 for H.T. i.e. the copyright of it: but I say nothing till I come up. Viva.! Dl P. S. / enclose the blasted bills.
554 I 209 12 Jan 1837
TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] Bradenham, [Wednesday 11 January 1837?] 553 ORIGINAL: QUA 23
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 550. Sic: accomodation.
Bradenham House I High Wycombe Dear Sir, I hope I have not miscalculated on your zeal and friendliness. The business is of the utmost importance, though the accomodation is required only for a few days. I trust therefore on I Saturday, or Monday at the latest, you will be able to oblige me to the utmost of your ability. Yours truly D TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN Bradenham, Thursday [12 January 1837] 554 ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl51-2
COVER: private I Benj Austen Esqr I Raymond Buildgs I Grays Inn I [In another hand]: 13 Jany I 37 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 13JA13 I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 283, extract dated January 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The last page of the MS is torn.
Bm. Thursday My dear Austen, I have risen to day for the first time since the 4th from my bed. Our whole family and household with the exception of Tita, have been stricken prostrate by an epidemic which literally rages in this neighbour[hoo]d but which I trust has not reached you. I deplore the delay in our business, but it is only delay, and delay which every day will cure. At any rate these are the bills, property eno' to clear you, tho' the state of the money market and I the unfortunate time of the year have hitherto confounded all my arrangements, and I worked hard to ensure their fulfilment. dant lawns.' Epistles il i 214-19. Sir Walter Scott is credited with having first used 'bobbish' in this sense, in 1813. 10 An edition of Henrietta Temple in English was published in Paris by A. and W. Galignani in 1837. It was a common occurrence for popular English novels to appear on the Continent, soon after their publication, in pirated editions sold to English travellers at a fraction of their English prices. Henrietta Temple was being sold in England at £1.11.6 while the pirated edition was being sold at five francs - at that time just over four shillings. 11 After his partnership with Richard Bentley was dissolved in 1832, Colburn opened a publishing house at 13 Great Marlborough Street.
210 I 555 12 Jan 1837
555
I must come up to town to settle all these, and shall move the moment I have poured down suff[icien]t quinine to set me on my legs. The early part of next week will find me in town, D.V., for he disposes, howr. we may propose. I This is a Lazar house, and yours I fear from your accounts is still more gloomy. I feel for Mrs. Austen, but her energy will I trust support her. I am anxious, I will not [say] curious, to know the cause of yr. nephews act.1 It is unusual for a boy, especially in the well ordered classes of this country. Ever yrs D The bills are of a terrible long date', and it is not easy to get them discounted at 5 pr Ct tho' this has been promised. T0 LADY
BLESSINGTON
ORIGINAL: PS 8l
Bradenham, Thursday [ 12 January 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 354-5, dated 12 January 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The NYPL Berg Collection contains a copy, not in D's hand, of large parts of this letter, with alterations, and dated 13 January 1830. Dating: by comparison with 554. Sic: poeshie.
Bradenham, I Thursday.
MY DEAR LADY, We have all here been dying of an epidemic; Tita and myself being the only persons who have escaped. I trust that it has not reached K[ensington] G[ore]. All this district are prostrate. I fear for you; D'Orsay I know - immortal youth is never indisposed. I ascribe my exemption to a sort of low, gentleman-like fever that has had hold of me ever since I came down here, and which is not very inconvenient. I have in consequence never left the house, scarcely my room, and it has not incapacitated me from a little gentle scribbling. I am about something in a higher vein than the last; what you and E.L.B. would call 'worthy of me,' alias unpopular. I am sorry about B's play;1 I would not write to him as I detest sympathy save with good fortune; but I am sorry, very, and for several reasons: ist, because he is my friend; gndly, because he is the only literary man whom I do not abominate and despise; 3rdly, because I have no jealousy on principle (not from feeling) since I think always the more the merrier, and his success would probably have assisted mine; 4thly, because it proves the public taste lower even than I imagined it, if indeed there can be a deeper still than my estimate; sthly, because, from the extracts which have met my eye, the play seems excellent, and far the best poeshie2 that he has yet relieved himself of; 6thly, because there seems to have been a vast deal of disgusting cant upon the occasion;3 7thly, because he is a good fellow; and Sthly, - I forget the 8th argument, but it was a 1 See 546n i. 1 Bulwer's play The Duchess de la Vallière had opened at Covent Garden on 4 January to a very mixed reception. See n3- M&B incorrectly identifies the play as The Lady of Lyons. 2 This word is omitted in the text of the copy in the Berg Collection. 3 There had been an extensive and sympathetic review in The Examiner which praised both the characterization and the construction. However, it became defensive in its praise when it dealt
very strong one. However, the actors of the present day are worse even than the authors; that I knew before, but E.L.B. would not believe it and I could pardon his scepticism. As for myself I have locked up my mélodrame4 in the same strong box with my love letters; both lots being productions only interesting to the writer. I have received several letters from Ld. L[yndhurst], who has sent me Henrietta] T[emple] from Paris price 45. and gd.;5 an agreeable present proving the value of our copyrights to London publishers. It is a vile trade, but what is better? Not politics. I look forward to the coming campaign with unmitigated disgust; and should certainly sell out, only one's enemies would say one had failed, to say nothing of one's friends. The fact is, I am too much committed to the fray to retire at present - but oh! that I had the wings of a dove, etc. Ld. L. will be with us in a week. I feel interested in his career, more than in my own; for he is indeed the most amiable of men, though that is not very high praise, you will say.6 Ah! mechantel I see the epigram on your lips! I really grieve if I said anything which deserved the lecture you gave me, though I am almost glad I merited it if only for its kindness.7 I was rather harassed when I was last in town as you know and have a disagreeable habit of saying everything I feel; but I love my friends and am not naturally suspicious or on the alert to quarrel about straws. I am here pretty well and have my rooms and my time to myself, but still there is a family, though an amiable and engaging one; and the more I feel, the more I am convinced that man is not a social animal. Remember me to D'O. and E.L.B.; to nobody else and believe me Yours, Dis
with what appeared to be the key question, of the play's morality: 'the very persons who object to the immorality of this masterly play would probably be the very first to mistake the gross indecency of a Drury Lane farce for wit.' The reviewer suggested that the mixed reception that the audience had given to the play was the result of the presence of a number of Bulwer's enemies. The Examiner no 1,510 (8 Jan 1837) 20-3. Other publications made strong personal attacks on Bulwer and on his play: 'The play-going public were probably never so grossly insulted as by the exhibition of Mr. Bulwer's Duchess de la Vallière. It is not only a piece of vapid inanity, but it is a most barefaced representation of undisguised profligacy. We are happy to say that the play - we must call it so - was unequivocally condemned by a remarkably patient audience'. The Age (8 Jan 1837) 13-4. 4 It is tempting to speculate that this might be the MS of Cherry and Fair Star of 1822. See (vol l) 304111. 5 See 55«nio. 6 Lady Blessington had written to D on 26 December 1836: 'I am glad you have written to Lord L and I trust you will never permit anything to make a division between him and you as nothing could have a worse appearance before the public or be more likely to give rise to reports injurious to you both.' H B/xxi/B/58o. 7 Lady Blessington had also said: 'Be more just to yourself and to your friends than to listen to those parts of society who desire nothing so much as to make mischief and who go about I giving exaggerated reports of conversations that you, were you a listener could find nothing to give offense [sic] in. Have confidence in yourself, and in your friends, for you have some true and sincere. Perhaps the best proof is the candour with which Alfred and myself admitted to each other that we were disappointed with your last book. But why? We expected something very great from you and that which delights the general class of readers who do not know you disappointed us who do because we know what you are capable of writing. There are charming personages in the book but you can and will write something more worthy of you. If I thought less highly of your Genius I dare not risk telling you this.' H B/XXI/B/58O.
555 1211 12 Jan 1837
556
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN Garitón Club, [London], Tuesday [17 January 1837?] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 £178
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 566.
Cn Cb. Tuesday Dear Austen, I have been detained in the County by some public business, but came up as soon as it was in my power to attend to your business. I hope Monday I next will not be too late for you at Willis's; but I will try to do it sooner. In haste your obliged B. Disraeli 557 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Tuesday [17 January 1837] ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/1O4
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: x i JA17 I 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The third page of the MS is torn. Sic: Ciceronian.
Tuesday
My dearest, I doubt from a letter from Ld. Lowther to Sir J. Beckett1 which arrived yesterday whe[the]r Ld L[yndhurst] will arrive before Friday.2 He waits for the discussion on the address and the debate is protracted; you have already seen that the French Govt has been twice defeated.3 I understand that the King of France's health breaks; he is much shaken by this last attempt and the revel[ati]ons made by the assassin.4 He now will not permit any indiv[idua]l to enter his private chambers but his confidential serv[an]ts. Cromwell even sank under these attacks. Peel's speech5 has done much I good from its firm and uncompromising tone; as a compos[iti]on it appears to me both solemn and tawdry; he cannot soar, and his attempts to be imaginative and sentimental must be offensive to every man of taste and refined feeling. But fortunately the Radicals are not versed in 1 Sir John Beckett (1775-1847), 2nd Baronet; Tory MP for Cockermouth 1818-21, Haslemere 1826-32 and Leeds 1835-7. 2 Although Lyndhurst had written to D stating that he would leave Paris for London on Monday 16 January, The Times of 21 January reported that he had left on Wednesday the i8th. H B/xxi/17458. 3 On 14 January the French Chamber of Deputies met to discuss the proposed address in answer to the King's speech. The chamber dealt with the speech paragraph by paragraph and on two items - one concerning Poland and the other the affair of Conseil (a spy in Switzerland) - the ministers were defeated. The debate finally ended on 20 January. 4 One Pierre Meunier had attempted to assassinate Louis Philippe on 27 December. The Times (31 Dec 1836). After investigation, it was reported: 'There was little doubt that Government had attained to the painful certainty that in the intention to assassinate the King entertained by MEUNIER very many of the Republicans sympathized, and that, in fact, the threads of a regicide conspiracy on a large scale had been seized by the Government.' The Times (17 Jan 1837). 5 Delivered on 13 January at a banquet held in his honour in Glasgow, Peel's speech focused on a defence of his party's conduct and on the proposed reforms of the House of Lords. The Times (16 Jan 1837).
belles lettres and have the respect of ignorance for a scholar. They are overcome by the Ciceronian passages and the Homeric line, and the Tories who see the weak points or are capable of doing so, are either blinded by party, or too subtle to bewray their own nest. The demonstration itself was great and the effect must I be good. I shd not be surprised if the spirit it raises finishes the present incapables. And indeed it is wonderful that the greatest conservative assembly that has yet occurred shd take place in the Manufacturing and Radical Ca[pital] of Scotland.6 I saw Colb[urn]. Of Henrietta] Tjemple] nearly 1100 have been sold and it moves yet briskly - he seemed to bite at yr. propos[iti]on and I am to see him further upon it.7 I saw D'Orsay and also Bulwer, who gave me his play, about which I had not ventured to say anything. Colburn talked also about the Diary and Letters; but he has not reed, the expected letters yet. He said he cd. not give more than 3o£ for the trans[la]t[i]on of the MS. I What news of the County. I have written to Chandos by this post and to Ryde8 to sign the requis[iti]on for me, suppos[in]g Jem is too ill to get about. your affectionate] D
558 I 213 19 Jan 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
55^
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/l8o
[London, Thursday 19? January 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by context and by comparison with 557. Sic: by the by, Edinburg, of Conyngham.
Dearest, Janry. There is no news; I wd. have written a line yesterday, but could not get a frank and had nothing to say worth postage. ' Tis said Grote1 is much shaken and that if the Bank had not assisted Esdaile,2 he must have gone. He will go some day; I always heard it was a weak house. George Dawson most warmly congratulated me on my speech,3 which he sd "was out and out the best of all during the recess." By the by I forgot to say that Peel's defence of the Lords was cribbed from a book we know, but you found it out.4 6 The banquet was intended to celebrate Peel's recent election as lord rector of Glasgow University; over 2,400 guests attended. The Times (10 Jan 1837). 7 See 5&4n i. 8 Henry Thomas Ryde, of Brook Cottage, Aylesbury. He was editor of The Bucks Herald and, according to Sarah, printed portions of D's The Crisis Examined as leading articles. H A/l/B/575. 1 George Grote (1794-1871), the historian of Greece, Radical MP for the City of London 1832-41. On the death of his father in 1830 he became a full partner in Grote and Prescott, bankers in Threadneedle Street. 2 Of Esdaile, Hammet and Co, bankers at 21 Lombard Street. William Esdaile (1758-1837) had retired in 1832, and therefore D was probably referring to one of his two sons. According to a report in The Times of 17 January, Esdaile's temporarily stopped payment on 15 January 1837. 3 To the Bucks Conservative Association dinner on 9 December 1836. 4 Peel had indeed used, in his speech of 13 January, many of the same arguments advanced by D in Vindication chs 23 and 24. See 557^. Both Sarah and Isaac were to comment that they had traced D's ideas in several recent speeches by other people. H A/I/B/591.
2
H'559 21 Jan 1837
559
Bulwer is anxious about the hist[o]r[ie]s5 which he has obtained leave from the Edinburg to review. We must get out three vols as soon I as we can; it is asked for. I trust by this time year it will be out; but it shd be announced, immed[iate]ly. There are few people here or, at least visible; all are ill. I meet Hardinge,6 Ld. Wharncliffe,7 Sterling,8 Ross,9 Bonham, Dawson and Holmes,10 Mahon, Dick.11 D'Orsay gave me the enclosed from the Marq[uess] of Conyngham,12 which may amuse you. The date is goth. Deer. I dined and slept at D'Orsays last night and shall tonight. Tomorrow I suppose will bring Ld Lyndhurst. My love to my mother and all. D T0 SARAH
DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/1O5
[Garitón Club?, London], Saturday [21 January 1837]
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycomb POSTMARK: (i) In circle: EX I 21JA21 I 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no signature. In this period Sarah sent letters to D to the Garitón Club. Sic: a tete á trois, a là fourchette, phesants.
Saturday My dearest, There is not the slightest news that I can hear of. An impenetrable fog has hung over London every day with the exception of this w[hi]ch howr. is gloomy eno' yesterday I did not even come to town but remained at K[ensington] G[ore] where I wrote ten pages.1 No life can be more easy and agreeable than Mirabels2 and the adjoining establish[men]t. Everything so perfectly appointed and conducted with such admirable I taste and finish in all the details. We dine with Miladi a tete á trois. 5 Presumably Isaac D'Israeli's history of English literature, which he was still writing. Although the original ambitious project was never completed, he did publish in 1841 under the title Amenities of Literature three volumes of the materials he had collected dealing with English literary history up to the time of Cromwell. Ogden 175. 6 Sir Henry Hardinge. 7 James Archibald Stuart-Wortley-Mackenzie (1776-1845), ist Baron Wharncliffe; Tory MP for Bossiney 1802-18 and for Yorkshire 1818-26, lord privy seal 1834-5, lord president of the Council 1841-5. 8 Probably Edward Sterling (1773-1847), leader-writer for The Times. His son John (1806-1844) is a less likely candidate. 9 Presumably Charles Ross (i8oo?-i86o), assistant Tory whip and MP for Oxford 1822-6, St Germans 1826-32 and Northampton 1832-7. 10 William Holmes (1778-1851); Tory MP for Grampound 1808-12, Tregony 1812-18, Totnes 1818-20, Bishop's Castle 1820-30, Haslemere 1830-2 and Berwick-on-Tweed 1837-41; he was best known in his role as Tory whip, a position which he held for most of his parliamentary life. 11 Quintin Dick. 12 Francis Nathaniel Conyngham, 2nd Marquess Conyngham. 1 Of Venetia, which D had begun at Bradenham in the late autumn of 1836. He made use of his visit to Kensington Gore (where he was staying to elude both his creditors and the influenza) to consult with Lady Blessington on her first-hand knowledge of Byron. 2 Count D'Orsay is portrayed in Henrietta Temple as Count Mirabel.
Dejeuner a là fourchette at 1/2 past one; before that tea and admirable pipes and my own room, which has every luxury of writing materials; so you see this is my own life and the second breakfast bell sounds just at the time the lion wishes to feed. Ld L[yndhurs]t is expected to night or tomorrow. I have taken twice I medicated air baths at D'O[rsay's], I find them renovating and if possible will go through half a doz:3 I shall probably see Colburn on Monday and am sanguine about your book.4 He seemed very willing. I wish you wo[ul]d send a couple of brace of phesants to Lady B[lessington] from Bradenham. You may purchase them and my mother will pay for my acct. and let the carriage be paid. I fear I shall not get a frank, but you will hardly like the post tomorrow I not to bring a line, tho' it is worth nothing. Sykes wants some of his drawings for a picture he is doing; it wo[ul]d be better to send them all.
560 1215 23 Jan 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI [Kensington Gore, London], [Monday 23 January 1837] 560
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/lo6
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 61-2, dated 6 February 1837, prints some parts of the first, third and sixth paragraphs conflated with extracts from 562, 572 and 573. EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'Jan 23. 1837'. Dating: by context. Sic: Glocester.
My dearest, I had a letter from Ld L[yndhurst] today dated Beau vais; therefore he may be expected daily or hourly. A friend saluted me, but having his hat on and the room being dark as pitch, I did not know him, howr. in time I asked him for this frank; he was very cordial indeed. I People die here by dozens. I have just heard a report that the young Lady Glengall is dead.1 D'Orsay and myself however defy the disorder with a first rate cook, a generous diet and medicated vapour baths. It is so'dark that I am obliged to order candles. The I D[uche]ss of Glocester2 is quite mad. 3 David Urquhart is credited with having brought back from Turkey the idea of hot air baths, and with having popularized them in England in 1850. However, D'Orsay's use of one shows that it was already fashionable. Unlike the later 'Turkish bath' or sauna, the medicated air bath used no steam, but heated very dry air in a chamber within which a variety of herbs had been placed. The object for the participants was to induce not perspiration but desiccation. However, D's reference to 'medicated vapour baths' in 560 suggests the possibility that D'Orsay's equipment did use steam. 4 See584ni. 1 A sudden epidemic of influenza (also referred to as 'catarrhal fever') hit London in January 1837. Commenting on the outbreak, The Times (23 January) quoted from the Medical Gazette that the incidence of the disease was 'worse than cholera among the upper and middle classes'. D's report here, however, was wrong. Margaret Lauretta Butler, née Mellish, wife of Richard Butler, 2nd Earl of Glengall, lived until 1864. 2 Mary (1776-1857), Duchess of Gloucester, was the fourth daughter of George HI. In 1816, she had married her first cousin, William Frederick, Duke of Gloucester.
2i6 I 560 23 Jan 1837
L.E.L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon) by Daniel Maclise
L[etitia] E. L[andon] is at last really going to be married, but to an obscure man whom you never heard of and whose name I don't know. He has some foreign appointmt. whence he will take her.3 I reed, a letter from I Chandos this morning with Harcourts address.4 The H[ouse] of C[ommons] will kill him in a Session or two. Today is the great dinner; report says that the Whigs and the Radicals are all at 6 and 75 quarrelling ab[ou]t the toasts; the Duke of I Norfolk5 asked to give "the sovereignty of the people" and telling them to be damned etc.; some say it has ended by the leaders of the Radicals, Molesworth[,]6 Roebuck etc. withdrawg. their names. We shall see in a few hours.7 The Examiner I about Peel very good;8 all the Radical papers take the same cue and call him the Slave of L[yndhurs]t. etc etc. Old Millingen the antiquarian] is dead;9 his death was notified in London by a letter from himself to someone at the British Museum; on which his serv[an]t had I written "sorry to say that since this was written, my poor master died." Yesterday Bulwer dined at K[ensington] G[ore]. The failure of his play10 has really given him a bilious and nervous attack of the most extraordy. kind. He seems half dead and dreadfully sensitive. I Pray write and give me a full report of your popul[ati]on; I shall not come up to morrow unless I hear from Ld L. and I have begged them not to send to me if he arrive late. D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B17
Carlton [Club, London], Monday [23? January 1837]
COVER: [Endorsement in another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqre. I - Jany. 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by context.
Carlton Monday. My dear Pyne, Frightened by the gloom, the disease, and impending death of London, I have fled to the Counts,1 these four or five days back, where we are very jolly. So I 3 Letitia Landon married in 1838 George Maclean, governor of Cape Coast Castle (Gold Coast). She arrived in the colony in August, and died mysteriously (reportedly from a dose of prussic acid) in October. Maclean died in the colony on 22 May 1847. 4 Presumably George Simon Harcourt's election address. He defeated George Henry Dashwood, the Whig candidate, at a by-election for Buckinghamshire, held 13 February 1837. 5 Bernard Edward Fitzalan Howard (1765-1842), 12th Duke of Norfolk. 6 Sir William Molesworth (1810-1855), 8th Baronet; Radical MP for Cornwall East 1832-7, Leeds 1837-41 and Southwark 1845-55. 7 The Times of 24 January reported a dinner, sponsored by the Middlesex Reform Association and attended by Whigs and Radicals, at which Lord William Russell proposed 'The sovereignty of the people'. The report made no mention of the presence of Molesworth or Roebuck. 8 'Sir Robert Peel the Satellite of Lord Lyndhurst'. The Examiner no 1,512 (22 Jan 1837). 9 Another premature death notice. James Millingen (b 1774), classical antiquarian, died in Florence on i October 1845. 10 See 555. 1 Count D'Orsay's.
561 I 217 23 Jan 1837
561
2i8 I 562 25 Jan 1837
did not get your letter I about Feary.2 I do not know him, but I believe he is a very respectable man, but a little mad. He is brother in law of Mr Archibald White for whom he discounted a bill for my conven[ienc]e (at five pr Ct I believe). I I had funds to take it up when due, but requiring them for other purposes, I enquired of Mr W. whe[the]r it was necessary to attend to it. He answered not at all, but that I might do it when I went to town, tho' as it was in the poss[essi]on of his brother in law, I I had better write to him. This I did and that it shd be paid when I came up. On seeing you, I put him off ano[the]r week, and he lost his head, but the moment he received a letter from Mr W. was quite quiet. I must pay him on Wednesday howr. I shan't I be in town tomorrow. Ever D
562 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Wednesday [25 January 1837] ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/1O7
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 61-2, dated 6 February 1837, prints the fifth and seventh paragraphs conflated with extracts from 560, 572 and 573. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the 'Grand Dinner' had taken place on Monday 23 January 1837.
Wednesday My dearest, Ld L[yndhurst] arrived late last night, but I shall not see him until dinner time, as he was obliged to go out very early this morning. The Grand Dinner1 was worse than a failure. Everybody laughs at it. Not a single peer attended or sent an excuse. I Southey is in town and has been here two or 3 days. I have received a letter from Halse, which, tho' very obscure I suppose means something. I have replied to him and await his answer with some anxiety. My father sho[ul]d read Chateaubriand. I With all his want of knowledge, coxcombry, and book making, there are many fine and curious passages: in reference to the great subject.2 I am anxious to hear you are all well, as people die here by dozens. Strangford, (did I I tell you?) came up from Alnwick for the Kentish meeting,3 and on his arrival in town was instantly seized with the Grippe and confined for 8 days to his bed. On dit the King's speech is to be very radical.4 D 2 Possibly James Feary, listed in directories of the time as a grocer at i Park Street, Limehouse. 1 The Middlesex Reform dinner. See 560^. 2 The 'great subject' was Isaac's history of English literature. Bulwer had reviewed Chateaubriand's Essai sur la littérature anglaise in The Edinburgh Review LXIV (Jan 1837) 506-36. Sarah had reported to D on 17 January (H A/I/B/574) that the review 'has frightened Papa into writing to Longman to advertise his book.' 3 The West Kent Conservative dinner, held on 18 January at Maidstone. The Times (19 Jan 1837). 4 A report in The Times of 30 January 1837, which claimed to be taken from a 'prospectus' in a
TO WILLIAM PYNE O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli Bl8
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?, Wednesday 25? January 1837]
COVER: immediate I William Pyne Esqr I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I - Jany. 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The last paragraph suggests that, on finding Pyne away from his office, D wrote this letter there and left it for him. Dating: by comparison with 561 and 565. The reported closing of Medley's at Uxbridge on 26 January (see n4) poses the problem of how D could have known about it on the 25th, but the context of the firmly dated letters which follow raise additional anomalies if this letter is assigned to a later date. Sic: straights.
My dear P[yne], You must see the Count1 about the affair of Buncombe.2 He has called twice about it. I have no doubt he will put all right. I regret much you have not seen him. He has offered to take it up personally. I have explained everything to him, but he must see you, and it will be well for you to make no overtures or arrangements until you have consulted him. I have reed, this morning a most distressing letter from Mr White 3 . He writes to me in a temperate and respectful I tone, but it is too evident that he is astonished at my conduct, because he must think I have intentionally made him a false representation. Feary writes the most violent letters and says he is made a fool of, and will arrest Mr White instantly. If I had not misled W. by giving him "my honor as a gentleman that the money was ready," he wd. have got it himself by this time, sooner than be arrested. An arrest will be fatal to him, and he really is a most respectable man; I besides I can no longer count on his good services, unless I am put right with him. I am now going to the Garitón which I shall not leave exc[e]pt to call here, as I must write to him by this post. Yours ever D White's dir[ecti]on is Great Missenden Bucks[;] Medley's house at Uxbridge, his banker[,] has stopped;4 therefore he is quite in straights. 'weekly paper', suggested that the Speech from the Throne (which in the event was not delivered by the King) was expected to be anything but radical. 1 It is possible that D'Orsay was offering to guarantee D's debt to Buncombe, who was pressing hard for repayment. He had expressed his desire to help D earlier (see 537&m), and was later to become entangled when he guaranteed one of D's bills to another creditor. See 6o2&m. 2 Thomas Slingsby Duncombe. See 587. 3 Archibald White. 4 'The Uxbridge and Windsor Bank of Messrs. Medley and Co. stopped payment on Thursday morning [26 January]'. MP no 20,636 (28 Jan 1837). See also 566ni and 57605.
5^3
564 TO SARAH DISRAELI Garitón Club, [London], Friday [27 January 1837] O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/lo8
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 62-4, dated February 1837, prints part of the first paragraph as the last paragraph of a composite letter, with extracts from 568 and from 575. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by context, following 562. Sic: fetéd, quarrée, phaesants.
Garitón Cb. I Friday
My dearest, Some terrible symptoms of the epidemic came over me on Wednesday, and I felt very ill at dinner. I went home as early as I cd. and very drastic medicines and the air bath completely baffled the enemy, but I did not venture out yesterday and if you have written to me, I have not got your letter, which with some others were sent on to Down St. where I have not called to day, and have just come to town. I found Ld. L[yndhurst] gay and spirited as usual and full of his adventures of four months.1 He has seen every I one of note and distinction of every party and class, literary and political, Carlist, Constitutional, Republican. He was greatly feted - and enjoyed himself much. But details must be left for conversation. Yesterday he dined with us at K[ensington] G[ore] partie quarrée. I had rallied and formed one, tho' not quite as well as I am to day; at 1/2 p[as]t 10 he went to the Duke's; and I shall know the result of that meeting and of another which was to take place I this morning in the course of an hour when I call in Geo St. Pyne informs me that the success of the Beet is complete.2 The Review of Chateaubriand] in the Edinburgh Review] is by Bulwer. Henrietta] T[emple] is in or about to be in a 2nd Edit. 1250 having been sold.3 Today L. dines with the Duke and Peel at Sir H. Hardinges.4 I have just got yr letter; never mind the phaesants.5 In haste D 565
TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B2O
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?], Friday [27 January 1837]
COVER: [On slip, in another hand]: Benjn Disraeli Esqre. I - Jany. 1837. EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 56360. This also was probably written in Pyne's office. At the top of the first page in Pyne's hand: Td. £100 I 28 Jany 1837 I to Mr. Feary.' The second page of the MS is torn. 1 2 3 4 5
Lyndhurst had just returned from Paris. See 562. See 49902. Henrietta Temple did not go into a second edition. At 11 Whitehall Place. On 25 January Sarah had written: 'I am sorry to say that we cannot procure any pheasants ... Can you think of anything else? Mamma is going to make some Cocoa sweetmeat and some chips of orange for D'Or.' H A/I/B/5Q2.
Friday My dear Pyne, I am indeed in a very painful predicament with Arch: White who is a most respectable man; for I wrote to him that the affair I was settled with Feary and pledged myself that the money wd be paid as of last Tuesday. This not being the case Feary is furious, for which I I care nothing but White dou[e]ts and distrusts me as I never broke a pledge to him and this grieves me much. Feary swears for certain that writs will be issued against myself and White tomorrow I - now sooner than such an unexpected result of his service to me W. wd. have himself got the money. Try, my dear Pyne, what you can do for me; and if you can, send to Feary, tomorrow morning. I wrote to him the money was positively waiting him at yr house, so I cannot write again. Yrs Dl I shall not be in town until Monday.
566 I 221 30 Jan 1837
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN Kensington [Gore, London], 566 Monday [30 January? 1837] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ff!55~6
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 283, extracts dated January 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by context.
Kensington I Monday My dear Austen, I came up to town on the i6th: expecting to settle your affair instantly and for that purpose only, as I was far from recovered. I found that the quarter on which I entirely relied (as I had reason) was wanting from the failure of a banker in London. Not knowing what to do I made an application to the house of Medley who within these few years have established banks in various parts of Bucks and I who I understood were not disinclined to such transactions. I made this application through an influential man of business, who from his acquaintance succeeded in obtaining a letter from them, equivalent to an order to the house of Medley Scott and Co. in Lombard St. and I considered the affair again arranged. Some delay was occasioned by my illness, but when the application was made in Lombard St, the house had stopped payment.1 The bill is for £500 at 12 months I from the latter end of Dec 1836. I am sorry to say that the necessity of moving about in this diseased weather with a very ailing frame has so knocked me up that I have accepted the offer of 1 Medley, Scott and Co had their London offices at 80 Old Broad Street in the Lombard Street financial district. They stopped payment there on 27 January. The Spectator no 448 (28 Jan l8 37) 79- See 563n4
222 I 567 30 Jan 1837
Ct. D'Orsay to stay with him here in order that I may take the air baths: but altho' I am confined to my room, I assure you I have lost no time or scarcely any in attending to business and that I even now hourly expect an answer from another party which will in all probability permit me I to pay in £400 on the ist. and the balance a very few days afterwards. I trust your invalid is relieved. With my compliments to Mrs A. believe me Ever yours faith[ful]ly B. Disraeli
567 TO SARAH DISRAELI 4 Kensington Gore, [London], Monday [30 January? 1837] ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/114
COVER: Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 62-4, dated February 1837, prints the third sentence of the first paragraph, and the third paragraph, in reverse order, as the opening of a composite letter with extracts from 564 and 568. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by reference to 564. The last sheet of the MS is torn. Sic: phaesants.
4 Kensington Gore I Monday My dearest, I have not left this since Friday. Ld L[yndhurst] asked me to dine with him yesterday but the weather (it snowed all day) was so ungenial that I excused myself. All that can be done at present in politics has been arranged; we wait for events. In the meantime, I must absolutely yield to the representations of Colburn, and write. He cannot receive too much of my writings now he says or too speedily; but I know I this only by his letters, for I have not seen him of late, nor shall I until the Magazine is out;1 when I will settle about yr book. In the meantime I trust you have lost no time in proceeding with the Index, as in all probab[ilit]y the MS. will be required.2 I propose if fine to be in town on Wednesday morning; when the debate will have occurred. I managed about the I phaesants here. They were very graciously received. Send to D'Orsay what you like; little attentions please him much. I wish if ever you light upon one of our old tongues or hams, you wd. send him a specimen, as he is [most] particular in the flavor of the[s¿] articles. I have entirely baffled the Influenza by the medicated air bath; otherwise I shd. have had a most severe attack I am certain. Adieu my sweet and give my love to all. BD 1 The New Monthly Magazine had received a new look and a new title: The New Monthly Magazine and the Humorist. The first issue had appeared in early January 1837 with Theodore Hook as editor, and was intended to compete with Bentley's Miscellany, which also began publication in the same month. Throughout the issues of 1837 the magazine was divided into two, roughly equal, parts, the second of which was entitled The Humorist'. With the January 1838 issue the second section was dropped, although the new title was retained until the end of 1852. See also 5«3n2. Colburn was, presumably, busy with the production of the February issue. 2 See584ni.
TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : BEA [2]
[Kensington Gore, London], Wednesday [i? February 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 62-4, dated February 1837, prints most of the first three paragraphs conflated with extracts from 564 and 567. M&B i 355-6, dated February 1837, prints extracts from the LBCS text. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Grammonts, Augustus, Grammont, Crockey's.
Wednesday My dearest, The Whigs and Tories watch each other like a cat and a dog, and neither will make the first move. The Duke is for the tactics of the last Session1 and I think under the circ[umstanc]es he is right; Melbourne is pledged to bring the Irish Question immed[iate]ly forward and if again defeated, as is certain, he will dissolve or resign. This is exactly the state of affairs. But there is not the slightest doubt that when L[yndhurst] wrote to me from Paris that M had re[s]igned etc.2 it was true. His informant was Ellice and I have since learnt from an unquestionable quarter that the inform[ati]on was authentic. Through the whole recess there has scarcely been a single Cabt Council in consequence of I the dissensions in the Cabinet, but Melbourne saw bodies of the Ministers at his own office. He yielded to the representations of Ld John in maintaining his part, as Ld J. is of opinion that if the Whigs go out of office, they sho[ul]d contrive to go out with a claptrap and not quietly resign from difficulties during the prorog[ati]on. This will show you on what a frail tenure the whole hinges, and what may be expected. I am very well indeed, but with the exception of seeing L. occasionally, I shall devote myself to the fair Venetia. I write well here, as the life suits me and am at hand if wanted. As we dine late, there is a long morning, and the air bath, which is wonderful, renders exercise unnecessary, and does my head much good. It certainly baffled the Influenza, of which poor Lady Combermere has died, surviving i her father, old Greville but a few days.3 When D'Orsay does not dine out, which is generally every other day, there is usually one or two persons at dinner here. On Monday Ossulston dined en famille here and gave us a very agreeable account of the Grammonts whom he had been visiting at Versailles. The Duc de Gram is D'Orsays brother in law4 1 During the 1836 session the Tories had successfully crippled several government measures most notably the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill and the Irish Tithe Bill - by proposing numerous amendments which failed in the Commons but which were then adopted by the Lords as the precondition for their passing the bills. 2 In his letter of 6 January Lyndhurst had indeed reported: 'They tell me here that Melbourne is going out - but all my letters are silent so I presume the report is premature.' H B/xxi/L/458. 3 Caroline Stapleton-Cotton, daughter of William Fulke Greville, who in 1814 had married ist Viscount Combermere, had died on 25 January 1837. Her father had died on 14 January, aged eighty-seven. 4 Antoine Héraclius Geneviève (1789-1855), duc de Gramont, was married to D'Orsay's sister Ida. 'Grammont' was an accepted alternative spelling of the name.
5^^
224 I 568
i Feb 1837
Count Alfred D'Orsay (1833) from a drawing by RJ. Lane
and Oss's uncle.5 Since the glorious days the Gs have retired from Court and keep themselves aloof, the Duke devoting himself entirely to the educ[ati]on of his three sons.6 The first, Agenor, the Duc de Guiche, is quiet with great talents, and at 14 has just passed the examin[ati]on of the école polytechnique] one of the severest in the world; the second Augustus the Marquis de Grammont, is a complete soldier; the third Alfred the Count de Grammont is only 8 years of age, but tho' brought up in so domestic and even severe a style, is as great a roué as his illustrious ancestor;7 he does nothing but laugh, shrug his shoulders and run after the maids, who complain bitterly of his rudeness. Majendie8 is not and never was a member of Crockey's9 and never was heard of. D'Orsay laughs I at the whole story, and says it is impossible for an inconnu to lose 40,000, or even 4000. It is all stuff. It wo[ul]d have been known every where. He must have been gambling in the funds. Miladi here writes ten hours a day; and makes 2OOo£ pr. ann. This is true, for she showed me her agreements. Her novels do not sell very much. She only gets 4Oo£ for one; copyright and all. But she has a guinea a line for her poetry of which she is very proud and receives from Heath10 altog[ethe]r £1000 pr. ann. She is not entirely free from the irritability of genius, but what can be expected from such severe labor. But she is a goodhearted woman and a warm friend. I could tell you much of her that wd. amuse and interest you. She allows her father11 2Oo£ a year and has twice paid his debts, and has three or four nephews, young Powers at school and at very expensive ones, who are no favorites with her and not very engaging but she acts from principle. One is here, just come over from N[ew] Brunswick I where his father has an appointmt.12 This lad is to be sent out to India, as cadet, all by Lady B[lessington]. Lady Cant[erbur]y13 will do nothing, and turns up her nose at old days of which her sister is not ashamed. D 5 Charles Augustus Bennet (1776-1859), 5th Earl of Tankerville, had married in 1806 Corisande Armandine, the duc de Gramont's sister. Thus their son, Charles Augustus Bennet, Baron Ossulston, after 1859 6th Earl of Tankerville, was the Duke's nephew. 6 The Duke's three sons were: Antoine Agénor (1819-1880), duc de Guiche, who succeeded his father in 1859 as duc de Gramont; Auguste de Gramont, duc de Lesparre; and Alfred Onérius Théophile, comte de Gramont. The eldest was evidently four years older than D had reported. He eventually became foreign minister, and was thought by many to have contributed substantially to France's disastrous declaration of war on Prussia in 1870. The other two became army officers. 7 Philibert, comte de Gramont (1621-1707), author of the famous Memoirs of the Court of Charles IL 8 Ashhurst Majendie (1784-1857?), son of Lewis Majendie of Hedingham Castle, Essex, became in 1832 an assistant poor law commissioner. Sarah had reported news of the family as early as 9 10 11 12
1831. H A/IV/E/14.
Crockford's. Charles Heath (1785-1848), publisher of The Book of Beauty. Edmund Power (1767-1837). The nephews were the sons of Lady Blessington's brother Robert Power. Lady Blessington had used her influence with Durham to get her brother a post in New Brunswick. 13 Lady Blessington's sister, Ellen Manners-Sutton, Viscountess Canterbury.
568 I 225 i Feb 1837
569
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 £150
[London, Thursday 2 February 1837?]
COVER: private I Benjamin Austen Esq. I Raymond Bigs I D. Grays Inn EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'Jan. 1837'. Dating: by comparison with 566.
My dear Austen, Let me know what you wish to be done? The writer is not more dismayed than I am or bitterly disappointed, as I assure you I had worked hard to accomplish all you wished. My C[om]p[limen]ts to Mrs. A and thanks for her letter to which I will reply. In g[rea]t haste D 57^
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/11O
Garitón Club, [London], Friday [3 February 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: In another hand: 'Feb 3 1837'. Sarah had written on 2 February 1837 (H A/i/B/593) that she had sent D some pheasants. Sic: Darling.
Cn Cb. Friday My dearest, Send me daily news of the invalids, as I am nervous. I am glad my mother has re-appeared to assist you, and will yet hope that my father may escape. The birds arrived yesterday. What has Basevi gained? I have heard nothing of Miss Blake?1 Tell me what you mean. Sykes is very ill in a dark room with a complaint in his eyes. That damned scoundrel, Halse, has not answered me. Neither Dilke nor Wentworth write I or can write a line.2 The author of the Bulwerian reviewal is one Darling himself a damned dramatist. I thought it sound and fury and signify[in]g very little; Hazlitt run to seed, or rather run mad.3 I will finish Sindbad,4 but I can think only of my new book,5 which entirely engrosses my mind. We have sold 1250 of Henrietta] T[emple] and the remainder will appear as a 2nd Edit: 1 This may have been Louisa, youngest daughter of Joseph Blake of Gloucester Square and South Carolina, whose engagement notice describing her only as 'the lovely Miss Blake' had appeared in The Court Journal no 405 (28 Jan 1837) 57. Sarah enquired on 2 February: 'Who is Miss Blake? Honoria?' H A/I/B/593. 2 A mild joke. Charles Wentworth Dilke (1789-1864) was an antiquary, critic, civil servant in the Navy Pay Office and editor of The Athenaeum 1830-46. He later managed The Daily News. 3 George Darley (1795-1846), a poet and playwright and the drama critic of The Athenaeum. Charles Collier Abbott The Life and Letters of George Darley: Poet and Critic (1928). A review of Bulwer's Duchess de la Vallière appeared in The Athenaeum no 482 (21 Jan 1837) 41'34 Between 15 December 1836 and 10 February 1837 D published in The Times a series of eleven articles entitled 'A New Voyage of Sindbad the Sailor, recently discovered'. The series was not a success, and Sarah had asked 'Why have you not put an end to Sindbad?' H A/i/B/593. 5 Venetia.
Roebuck's speech6 was very good with ideas; there is a complete pause in politics, but there will soon be I a storm. The Whigs are very downcast. L[yndhurst] is well. Send under cover to him, my eyeglass which I think you will find on my table. Savage Landor7 is out of town, or he wd. bring Southey here; Lady B[lessington] does not know him. You must read the art[icle] on the Thugs in the new Edinburgh;8 everybody is talking of it. Wilkinson9 dined at K[ensington] G[ore] the other day. On Sunday I believe[,] Ld. L.[,] Ld. Cant[erbur]y and Abinger etc. I am very comfortable there and send up my letters by D'O[rsay] who gets them I franked at Crockfords but today the franker is more respec[ta]ble my Lord Prig, who gives me the cover with a bow, and hopes I may soon do the thing for myself. The Govrs. Lit[erar]y Hist[or]y shd be announced generally and advertised. There is no news here of any kind. My love to all, my mother on her recov[er]y and write; you may as well direct to K.G. E[ve]r D Oh! the most important. I saw Colburn to day, who wants yr. MS. to see how much it will make.10
5711 227 4 Feb 1837
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
£^ 1
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl57~8
Kensington Gore, [London], Saturday [4 February? 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 283-4, extracts dated early February 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: in logical sequence with 566 and 569. It is possible that this letter was written a week later, on 11 February; D left Kensington Gore on 16 February.
Kensington Gore I Saturday
My dear Austen, I have written to my father; a very good letter with[ou]t anything disagreeable in it, mentioning no names and merely saying how I was situated with an 6 The speech in question was delivered in the House on 31 January during the Throne Speech. It was reported at length in The Times ( i Feb 1837). 7 Walter Savage Landor (1775-1864), the writer. 8 A review article by Charles Trevelyan with the running head 'The Thugs; or, Secret Murderers of India' appeared in The Edinburgh Review LXIV (Jan 1837) 357-95. In it he made known to the British public for the first time details of a volume of collected official papers published by the Indian government for the information of its own officers, entitled Ramasseeana, or, a Vocabulary of the peculiar language used by the Thugs. See also 48ini. 9 Probably John Gardner Wilkinson. In 1837 he published his Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. 10 See 584ni.
228 I 572 6 Feb 1837
572
oblig[ati]on of honor as well as law, and that I had the means tho' not the funds to discharge it etc. I have got an answer this morning not from him but my sister, as my father is at present confined to his bed, having yielded, tho' the last to the complaint which I for the last 6 weeks has run thro' our home and very severely.1 He says that he will do anything I wish, and that it was his intention to have been in town on the loth, of this month and that he shall be there as soon as possible. Don't you think Willis wo[ul]d discount the bill and be very glad to do it? I am assured that it is one of the best names in the market and that nothing but the pressure of the I time has prevented it being cashed at once and at 5 pr Ct. and that if it were taken to a city banker where an acct. were kept, he wo[ul]d consider it a good piece of business. It is for £500; say for our acct 47s£ which wd. nearly discharge all and I wd. pay the balance immed[iate]ly. I suggest and do not press this; indeed it has occurred to me before, but I thought it indelicate I to urge, what you if agreeable might offer. Send a line to the Garitón. I shall be in town on Monday to see if I can settle our business at all events. Your very obliged D TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/111
Garitón Club, [London], Monday [6 February 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 6i-2, dated 6 February 1837, prints the first paragraph and the first sentence of the second paragraph as the opening of a composite letter, with extracts from 560, 562 and 573. EDITORIAL COMMENT. Dating: by the announcement of Gaselee's resignation. Sic: Wylde.
Cn Cb. I Monday
Dearest, There is no news except intrigues of Ld. Grey and Co to join the Tories; the thing will crawl on a little longer I think and dissolve of itself. Ld Harrowby is sd. to be dangerously ill; which will be awkward I for Liverpool.1 Gaselee has resigned2 and on dit Rolfe to be Judge3 if he can secure
1 On 2 February Sarah had written to say that Maria and all the maids were sick but that Isaac and Tita were still well, although 'today Papa is complaining a little'. H A/i/B/593. No mention was made in this letter of Isaac's willingness to help D financially, and it is indeed doubtful whether D did approach Isaac at this time. Firmer evidence that the date of the revelation was delayed until early March appears in 587 to Pyne. 1 Dudley Ryder (1798-1882), Viscount Sandon, the son of ist Earl of Harrowby, was at this time Tory MP for Liverpool. His father's death would, of course, have meant his elevation to the peerage. In the event, Lord Harrowby lived until 1847. 2 Sir Stephen Gaselee (1762-1839), justice of the Court of Common Pleas 1824-37. His resignation was announced on 6 February. 3 Sir Robert Monsey Rolfe (1790-1868), after 1850 ist Baron Cranworth; Whig MP for Penryn and Falmouth 1832-9, solicitor general 1834 and 1835-9, lord chancellor 1852-8. Rolfe did not become a judge until 1839.
his seat to ano[the]r and Wylde solicitor;4 but I believe we sho[ul]d win both at Penryn and Newark5 which may stop the appointmts. I I will conclude the invalids better, as I have heard nothing this morning. Bulwer is staying at K[ensington] G[ore]. Today I dine with L[yndhurst] and tomorrow he dines at K.G. with Ld Canterbury etc etc. Halse does not write I nor has he come up to town. I have written ano[the]r chap[te]r of Sindbad w[hi]ch probably will be in tomorrow. I am very well. We are in our old house which is much improved; indeed is now finished. My love. Write D
573 I 229 7 Feb 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
573
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/112
Carlton Club, [London], Tuesday [7 February 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 61-2, dated 6 February 1837, prints a version of the seventh paragraph conflated with extracts from 560, 562 and 572. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by the notice of Cervetto's death in The Times. Sic: tete á tete, the times.
Cn Cb I Tuesday My dearest, I reed, your Ire [letter] and glass at dinner yesterday. We were tete á tete. I see by the times Cervetto is dead. I make little doubt we are choused1 out of our Consols2 Lady Cork is also gone aged the same; go.3 Southey has departed into Suffolk and will not return until the i6th. I I am very well indeed and so is Ld. L[yndhurst]. I will attend to your MS.4 Today is a great dinner at K[ensington] G[ore] to welcome Lord Canterbury. It is supposed that the debate on Ireland that commences this evening I may last three nights. Cad[urcis]5 has gone to Eton; I am in the middle of the second and the most difficult book, but it is very good indeed, and I think I have overcome all difficulties. 4 Thomas Wilde was not appointed solicitor general until 1839. 5 Newark was a two-member constituency, at that time held by Gladstone as a Tory and by Wilde as a Whig. Neither by-election materialized. 1 Cheated. 2 The Times of 7 February carried an obituary notice for James Cervetto, the celebrated cellist, who died on 5 February aged ninety. He was related to the D'Israeli family through the Basevis. For further discussion of D's comment that he expected his branch of the family to be cheated of their Consols see 576nio. Sarah's response to D's remark was prompt. She wrote on 8 February: 'If they have choused us, we will certainly put them into the Crown Court.' H A/i/B/594. 3 A premature report of the death of Lady Cork appeared in The Morning Post no 20,644 (7 Feb 1837). See 574. 4 See584m. 5 A character in Venetia generally believed to have been modelled on Byron.
23° ' 574 9 Feb 1837
574
Give my I love to my mother who I hope is better. You yourself do not appear to have suffered very severely. Write to me at D'Orsay's. It is a good plan, but if I do not call at the C[arlto]n by 3 o'ck: my letters are sent to me by the gy [twopenny] p[os]t. Yrs affec D T0 SARAH
DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/1O3
Kensington Gore, [London], [Thursday 9 February 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by reference to the dinner for Lord Canterbury. See 573.
K.G. I Thursday My dearest, I have no doubt your MS. is all right. I wrote to Colburn desiring him to acknowledge the receipt and informing him of its intended arrival. He has not done so, but that need not alarm you. I shall write again to him today by a messenger I who will wait for his answer, as I am not going to town.1 There is a report that Lady C[ork] is not dead after all;2 but the supposed fact is not contradicted in the Morning Post which first formally announced the news. Her L[adyshi]p was in the country. A pleasant dinner here I on Tuesday. Lyndhurst, Abinger and Strangford Canterbury, very pompous in a star and red ribbon, not usual in such private society, and using little French phrases with a sonorous and measured tone as if he were crying "Order, Order." There also was his second son, Henry,3 and his semi son in law Fairlie,4 a mild goodlooking amiable man. I L. was very gay and pleasant. The political lull is over, and the Tories have gained laurels in the late debate.5 I never saw anyth[in]g about O'C[onnell] and the dog.6 The other night about 8 o'ck. a parcel was left here for Lady B[lessington] enclosing a diamond ring of very great value with an anonymous letter expressing admir[ati]on of her lit[erar]y talents. There is no clue to the donor. The handwriting, style, superscription and seal, all very vulgar and Miladif,] learned I in 1 Sarah had written the day before: 'Touching my M.S. its value has greatly risen in my eyes during these twenty-four hours that I have lost sight of it. I hope therefore that Colburn will not mislay it, or let anyone else take the title.' H A/i/B/594- See also 58^1. 2 See 573. Lady Cork lived until 30 May 1840. 3 John Henry Thomas Manners-Sutton (1814-1877), after 1869 3rd Viscount Canterbury; Tory MP for Cambridge 1841-7, an undersecretary for the Home Department 1841-7. 4 John Fairlie was the husband of Louisa Fairlie (née Purves), the step-daughter of Lord Canterbury and the niece of Lady Blessington. 5 The Irish Municipal Corporations Bill had been re-introduced by Lord John Russell on 7 February. Hansard XXXVI cols 206-40. 6 D was responding to Sarah's comment: 'When O'Connell talked of a dog dissected alive and the house cheered they must have thought of you.' H A/I/B/594. D had applied the phrase to O'Connell in his speech of 9 December at Aylesbury. See 54on6.
jewellery[,] says the setting of the ring is city; but H[owell] and James7 valued the diamonds at 75 gu[ine]as. Adieu and love D
575 I 231 9 Feb 1837
TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN
575
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ff 174-5
[Kensington Gore, London], Thursday [9 February 1837?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by internal evidence, as sequel to 571.
Thursday My dear Austen, I am very obliged to you for forwarding the bill - and am sorry that I omitted to inform you that the I money had been paid into your bankers which I intended. Let me however not lose this opportunity of expressing my sense of your generous confidence in me, I a confidence which I highly prize, and hope never to forfeit. I meant to have sent this morning to you, to know whether you were dining en famille today, but I I am very unwell. We shall however soon meet. In the meantime my kindest regards to Mrs Austen. Yours ever and f[aithfu]lly B. Disraeli. TO [SARAH DISRAELI] Garitón Club, [London], [Thursday 9 February 1837]
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/l86
EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is no salutation, and no signature. The letter is clearly intended to be a postscript to 574 which had been dispatched earlier in the day. Dating: by context and by comparison with 574.
CnCb. Since I wrote to you I have come up to town. Great excitemt. at the Garitón as the debate of last night and preceding one1 is considered one of the most smashing defeats a Governmt. ever received; as they chose I their own ground and provoked the discussion. O'C[onne]ll quite failed, but his defeat forgotten in the breakdown of Hobhouse, who some thought was drunk. 2 Peel unusually 7 Howell and James, jewellers in Regent Street, to whom Lady Blessington was in debt for the adornment of Gore House. Sadleir Blessington-D'Orsay 323. 1 The debate on the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill had opened on 7 February and continued the next day. 2 O'Connell spoke on the first night, and Hobhouse and Peel on the second. Hobhouse was repeatedly interrupted by challenges from Peel and Graham. The debate continued all night, with the House adjourning at 9.30 a.m. on 9 February, and ranged widely over the basic principles upon which Ireland was governed. At its conclusion, Lord John Russell announced that the government would not bring in the bill as early in the session as it had intended. D and the Tory press were in agreement that this concession involved considerable loss of face for the ministry. The Times (8, 9, 10 Feb 1837).
575 A
232 I 576 13 Feb 1837
57^
animated. He is in the room here I and came up and welcomed me with great cordiality. I am now going to Colburn, but hardly know wh[ethe]r I shall be able to keep this open. TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: HA/I/B/lig
[Kensington Gore, London], Monday [13 February 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by the appearance of the Runnymede letter to Mulgrave in The Times. Sic: De Roos.
Monday My dearest, The Runnymede of today1 is thought the most wonderful that has hitherto appeared. I wrote it at the request of Hardinge and very quickly. He gave me the idea, saying "if I knew the author of R. I wd. say this to him etc." There are one or two misprints howr. I from its not being copied, as for instance "communicat[in]g" instead of "consummating".2 There is no news. The Whigs if possible talk even more of the breakup of the government than the Tories. I give them two months purchase. There is a report I that Dashwood starts; but I suppose a show of hands will satisfy him. Grimston3 expects that Muskett4 will follow the example of Medley; so tell Jem to beware.5 Yesterday at K[ensington] G[ore] dined Charles Kemble,6 Trelawney,7 and Wm. Cowper,8 Ld Mel[bourne]'s priv[ate] sec[retar]y I it was agreeable. I find my constit[ut]ion wonderfully renovated by the air baths; the 1 Of 11 February 1837, to the Earl of Mulgrave, lord lieutenant of Ireland, published in The Times on 13 February. See app 11. 2 The mistake was not corrected in subsequent reprints. See app II. 3 Edward Harbottle Grimston (1812-1881), second son of the ist Earl of Verulam; Tory MP for St Albans 1835-41. He took holy orders and in 1841 became the rector of Pebmarsh in Essex. 4 George Alfred Muskett (1785-1843), banker. In July 1837 he was elected Whig MP for St Albans and sat until 1841. 5 William Medley was a Bucks Tory and the head of the house of that name, prominent bankers of thirty years standing. The house had been caught in the failure of Esdaile and Co, and on 27 January Medley had announced that he was winding up the affairs of the bank and hoped to pay his debts in full. He had taken the occasion to blame the Bank of England for his troubles. In 1834-5 he had published pamphlets addressed to the agriculturalists of Bucks in which he complained of mismanagement of the 'money question'. BH nos 264-5 ( 21 and 28 Jan 1837). It is not clear how Jem would have been affected by Muskett's financial troubles. 6 Charles Kemble (1775-1854), actor, father of the more famous Fanny Kemble. 7 Edward John Trelawny. As D was at this time writing Venetia, which draws heavily on the lives of Byron and Shelley, he may have been making use of Trelawny's first-hand knowledge of the poets. 8 William Francis Cowper, then Whig MP for Hertford. He held numerous posts in subsequent Whig and Liberal governments.
circul[ati]on is rapid, and the nerves and vessels of the head are braced and dilate. I anticipated the terrible catas[troph]e of De Roos.9 It has howr. occasioned a most painful interest. I think if the codicil10 be executed a third £500 may yet appear. Ever D
577 I 233 15 Feb 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI Garitón Club, [London], Wednesday [15 February 1837]
577
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/137
EDITORIAL COMMENT: The top portion of the second leaf of the sheet of the MS was torn off before D began to write. He wrote around the tear and apologized for it in the postscript. Sic: De Roos'.
Cn Cb. I Wedy
Dearest, I must go and vote at Ayl[e]s[bur]y tomorrow^]1 Ld Chandos takes me and we shall be in town again for dinner. I was not in London yesterday and have not therefore seen Ralph, whose packet I have only I just received. I have scarcely any doubt of making a very good arrangemt. with Colburn. There is no doubt of De Roos' guilt.2 D'Orsay has always fought shy of him, as he was blown years ago at Paris, and D'O refused the o[the]r day to go to his fete and even to dine with him. Indeed it was very notorious among a certain circle. I The result is appalling. He was the most accomplished man in England; and very popular with the ladies. There was a pretty Mrs. Cadogan some years ago of whom he was a great favorite.3 She was brought to bed at Paris, and Henry Fox4 a great wit wrote home. "Mrs. Cadogan was brought to bed yesterday; a charming child I and just like his father: light hair and blue eyes and the four big honors in his hand." 9 Henry William de Ros (1793-1839), 22nd Baron de Ros, who had been publicly accused of cheating at cards. De Ros, in turn, brought a libel suit against John Gumming, his accuser, which was heard in the Court of King's Bench on 10 and 11 February. De Ros lost his case. The Times (11 and 14 Feb 1837). 10 A reference to the provisions of the will of James Cervetto; see 573n2. In answer to this letter on 14 February, Sarah reported to D that George Basevi, who had been named executor and residuary legatee, claimed that 'the "Thrums" have done him. He says that it was he who persuaded Mr Cerfvetto] on Aunt Matilda's death to give them her portion, and that afterwards the "Thrum" got Cerv[ett]o to increase that 500, and to leave it all free of legacy duty; so that they will get as much as he does.' H A/l/B/595. The 'Thrum' (slang for a threepenny bit) appears to have been a private nickname Sarah used for Ephraim Lindo, and 'thrums' a collective term for his children. Cervetto's will, probated on 15 February, left £1000 to Maria D'Israeli. Cervetto also made bequests to the children of Ephraim Lindo. There was no codicil to the will. 1 A by-election was held on 16-17 February to fill the vacancy created by the death in January of James Bakewell Praed, one of the three Tory members for Bucks. George Simon Harcourt (1807-1871), a Tory, was elected, overwhelming the Whig, George Henry Dashwood, by 2,233 to 982. 2 See 576n9. 3 Honoria Louisa Cadogan, née Blake (d 1845), married Adm George Cadogan in 1810. According to Greville (i 7on) she had been the mistress of Lord de Ros. 4 Henry Edward Fox (1802-1859), after 1840 4th Baron Holland, then in the diplomatic service.
2
34 I 578 16 Feb 1837
578
Pray direct the cocoa to D'O with my mother's complimts.; otherwise it is no attention. There is no news; the Whigs get a rub every night. Stafford for instance and Longford, which White will not accept from fear of a dissol[uti]on.5 Ev[er] D I I did not see my sheet was torn till too late. TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B21
Buckingham House, Pall Mall, [London], Thursday [16 February 1837]
COVER: private and immediate I William Pyne Esqr I Solr I 30 George Street I Hanover Sq. I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I - Febry. 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: polling in the Aylesbury by-election began on 16 February.
Buckingham House1 I Pall Mall I 1/2 past three o'ck I Thursday morng. My dear Pyne, You have perhaps heard that a fierce and unexpected contest has arisen in our County.2 Our party, tho' much the strongest, are taken by surprise and have lost their wits in the absence of their leaders. In consequence of a dispatch I received at four o'ck: Wednesday afternoon, it became absolutely necessary that Lord Chandos and myself shd. immediately proceed to Aylesbury, not only to vote the first day, but to restore order in our ranks. I have not been to bed, and the carriage is now at the door. No other reason cd. possibly prevent me calling upon you as I you request; but supposing from your letter that you are inconvenienced, not to say distressed on my account, I beg to say, that if I succeed in putting Harcourt at the head of the poll the first day, I will come up to town this evening - on that you may rely: and I beg you not for a moment to suppose that from the tone of this letter or from not complying with your request to call today, I am indifferent to your position. But I the business in which I am engaged is one of paramount importance. Our defeat at this moment would be a fatal blow to the Tory party. I am trying to keep my head cool, being already 5 In May 1835 Sir Francis Holyoake Goodricke, a Tory, resigned his seat for Stafford to run for Staffordshire South, where he was elected. No new writ for a by-election in Stafford was issued during the following twenty-one months, and not until February 1837 was a motion introduced to do so. After much debate the motion was passed on 13 February by 152 to 151. On 21 February, Robert Farrand was elected unopposed for the Tories. The Times (22 Feb 1837). Upon the death of Lord Forbes a by-election had been held for Longford on 30 December 1836, and Luke White, a Whig, was elected. However, after a petition was presented against his election, he chose to resign, rather than fight a battle which would have to be fought again almost at once if the expected dissolution occurred. The Tory candidate, Charles Fox, was declared seated in his place on 5 May 1837. In the July general election Luke headed the poll and Fox came last of the four candidates. 1 The town house of the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. 2 The contest had been precipitated by the last-minute entry of George Henry Dashwood, former Whig member for Bucks, as an opponent to Harcourt. See 577ni.
jaded by want of sleep, and probably having great exertions to encounter in the course of a few hours. I trust therefore I shall be with you for certain on Friday morning, and that that will not be too late for your purposes, which I try to believe at this moment are I not so painful as I fear they are. Ever Yrs D This affair has alone prevented the completion of my business with White who is Mr. Harcourts agent and consequently is scarcely out of his saddle. I If pressing anything will reach me at the George Inn Aylesbury.3
579 I 235 24 Feb 1837
TO COUNT D'ORSAY
579
O R I G I N A L : GRAM 6
COVER: The POSTMARK: T.P. i Rate I 2 EDITORIAL
Bradenham, Friday 24 [February 1837]
I Count D'Orsay I Kensington Gore I Kensington (i) In anvil: IOFNIO I FE25 I 1837 (2) In double circle: F I 25FE25 I 1837 (3) In rectangle: (4) In rectangle: No. i (5) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post COMMENT: Sic: Vavanas.
Bradenham House I Friday 24 My dear D'Orsay, As you do not write to me, I am afraid that you are offended, and that I have done or written something which has displeased you.1 This would make me very unhappy, if I could believe it. I can scarcely believe that you imagine I undervalue your hospitality because I did not venture to accept its renewal. You know well that time for me never passes so agreeably as at Kensington Gore; but for all things there is a limit; there should I even be to your friendship; and I can't help feeling that I have trenched upon that rather unwarrantably. Pray, my dear, dear D'Orsay, do not quarrel with me, for if you do, I shall feel very much like a chilly person when a cloud steals over the Sun, and begin to shiver. I shall be in town tomorrow, and have written to Down Street to be ready in case I arrive, but if it would indeed not trouble you to receive me again, I I should be delighted to resume my old quarters for a day or two. So let me find a line at the Garitón, where I shall call on my arrival, to tell me what to do, for you know I like to be directed in everything. I find they send up from hence tomorrow to Lady B[lessington] (to whom my best love) some dairy-fed pork; with an experimental tongue, as I know you are curious in that particular. I have added for you three or four pounds of uncut tobacco, real Vavanas; and I am sure there is no other in I the country, tho' a great deal of counterfeit. Adieu! dear D'Orsay, and smile when we meet on Your affectionate, Dis 3 On the evening of 16 February in Aylesbury D suddenly collapsed and, after treatment, was taken home to Bradenham where he remained out of action for ten days. See sSong. 1 See 6o2ni for a possible reason for D'Orsay's coolness.
580 TO SARAH DISRAELI Garitón Club, [London], Monday [27 February 1837] O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/lOg
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: established by the single performance of this production of Richard HI. Sic: Grenville Pigot, Freemantle, Maxes, Forest.
Cn Cl Monday My dearest, I arrived very well; at 4 called on Ld L[yndhurs]t and sat an hour with him, he was complaining of cold, but dined out nevertheless at Ld. Reay's1 and cured the threatening influenza. The C[arlto]n was very full and I received a levee; there were I sho[ul]d think from 250 to 300 members as there had been a meeting of M.Ps in the upstairs room in the morning and the remains lingered downstairs. Sir Chas. Wetherell2 enquired much; believed the attack I was influenza from which he had suffered severely; then came Best,3 Pigot M.P.4 Ld Abinger, etc etc. Apparently the hare had many friends,5 but it wo[ul]d fill a sheet to enumerate all. Grenville Pigot6 came up and seemed astonished at my renov[ati]on, as he had seen me at the worst. He is amicable. Freemantle told me he was knocked up also by the nocturnal excursion and Chandos, whom I saw yesterday, has the influenza very bad. Harcourt has just come up to me to congratulate. I found the K[ensington] G[ore]s a-going to I the Opera, which I cd not stand, but I dined with them and retired early. I do not feel at all like an invalid. Yesterday I was here late; very full. Today I dine with the Maxes7 and go to the play to see Forest in Rd. Ill;8 otherwise I wd. have got to Colburn, but K.G. is so far that I fear I shall not be able. There is no news: things seem much the same, and yet I I seem to have heard a great deal: but I have so many letters to write and so brief a space to write them in, that I cannot afford to try to remember them. 1 Eric Mackay (1773-1847), 7th Baron Reay. At this time he lived at 16 St James's Place. 2 Sir Charles Wetherell (1770-1846), Tory MP for various constituencies until 1832, attorney general 1826-7, 1828-9. 3 William Samuel Best (1798-1869), after 1845 2nc^ Baron Wynford. He was Tory MP for St Michael 1831-2, and unsuccessful candidate for Shaftesbury in 1835. 4 Robert Pigot (1801-1891), after 1841 4th Baronet; he was Tory MP for Bridgnorth from 1832 to 1837, and from 1838 until 1853 when he was unseated for bribery. 5 Possibly hare to his creditors' hounds. 6 George Grenville Wandesford Pigott (1796-1865), Tory MP for St Mawes 1830-2. 7 James Maxse (1792-1864), son of John Maxse of Brislington, Somerset, married, in 1829, Lady Caroline Berkeley (1803-1886), daughter of the 5th Earl of Berkeley and sister of the notorious Grantley Berkeley. 8 Edwin Forrest (1806-1872), American-born actor who made his London debut on 17 October 1836. He played the Duke of Buckingham in a single performance of Richard III produced at Drury Lane on 27 February. William Davenport Adams A Dictionary of the Drama (Philadelphia 1904) I.
Adieu, my darling sister,
582 I 237
D
I forgot to say I met Quin the Hom[oeopathic] M.D. who says it was not epilepsy and not a fit at all; but a bilious swoon and that I ought not to have had even leeches.9 TO MARIA DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 59887 f$
[London, Monday 27 February 1837]
28 Feb 1837
5$ 1
COVER: Mrs Disraeli EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the use here of phrases identical to those in the conclusion of his letter to Sarah of 27 February 1837 (580) suggests that D wrote this note to his mother at the same time, and enclosed it in a small envelope within the cover of the letter to his sister.
My dearest mother, I write you a line to tell you that I am particularly well, and to give you my best love. Dr Quin maintains it I was no fit at all, but a bilious swoon; and that a Seidlitz powder or some magnesia wo[ul]d have been better than leeches; and Lord Eliot assures I me that he has experienced the same catastrophe, and fell lifeless in his Cornish wanderings. Your affe[ctionate] D TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/IÔQ
[London], Tuesday [28 February 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: from the description of social events, this clearly was written the day after 580. Sic: Maxes, Ellis', Forest, Maxe.
Tuesday My dearest, It seems to me that from the particular state of affairs at present, the Govt. will probably arrange that no business of importance shd occur before Easter; so that they may have time to intrigue and negotiate for some compromise, which I hope, and believe, they will fail in obtaining. I I have therefore made up my mind to return to B[radenham] and shd have done so on Thursday but that Ld L[yndhurs]t wishes me to remain for a day or two, as there is some business going on. It is howr. very likely that I shall reach B. at the end of the week. Peel gave a dinner to Stanley, Graham, F. Egerton1 I and the whole clique and 9 According to a report in The Times of 17 February, D had been standing in front of the George Inn at Aylesbury on the evening of 16 February 'when he suddenly fell down in a fit, and in that state was carried to the inn, where he was bled and put to bed. He had been up all night, and had travelled through a great portion of the county, canvassing for Mr Harcourt.' A further report the next day, however, stated that D's attack had been one 'of mere momentary giddiness.' See also M&B I 357 and Blake 144. 1 Lord Francis Egerton (1800-1857), second son of the ist Duke of Sutherland, after 1846 ist Earl of Ellesmere. To comply with a condition for inheriting property from the 3rd Duke of Bridgwater, he changed his surname in 1833 from Levison-Gower to Egerton. He was Tory MP for Bletchingley 1822-6, Sutherland 1826, 1830 and S Lanes 1835, 1837, 1841-6. He had literary interests and translated a number of French and German plays into English.
5$ 2
238 I 584 i Mar 1837
583
asked L. who accepted and was the only ultra there - all very friendly.2 Yesterday I dined with the Maxes at 6 at Ellis' Hotel and went to the theatre to see Forest in Rd third. Lady Caroline is amiable and cleverish, tho' with no personal charms. Maxe a truly worthy fellow and very rich: they have long sought my acquaintance and I asked me very earnestly to visit them in Sussex.3 I saw Ralph today who breakfasted at K[ensington] G[ore]. I hope all continue well and that we shall soon meet. I am now going to Colburn but shall not see him until 6 and therefore write this at once. Yr Aff D TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN O R I G I N A L : BL ADD MS 45908 ££163-4
Garitón Club, [London], Tuesday [28 February 1837?]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 286, extract dated April 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: this seems to have been written the day after 580.
Ca Cb I Tu[esda]y Dear Austen, On calling here yesterday for the first time since my illness I found one note from you; and today ano[the]r and a very cross one. My illness has I been of that character that it wd. have been impossible for me to answer your note had it been forwarded to me. The attack was I severe. I will send you the balance, the moment my banker will honor a dr[af]t to the amount. At present he I will not, for I have done nothing but pay, pay, pay, for the last four months. I will attend to it. Yrs D 584
TO SARAH DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/liy.
[London], Wednesday i March [1837]
Wedy I March ist. My dearest, I have settled with Colburn £100 for the copyright and £50 - add[iti]onal if it 2 Peel's Glasgow speech proved very attractive to Stanley and Graham who had long expressed their dissatisfaction with their Whig colleagues. Reporting to Stanley on Peel's 'liberalised tone, and avowed abandonment of the High Tories', Graham commented: 'I collected that he was resolved to risk the displeasure of the High Tories, and to hold out the hand of fellowship to all Reformers who, with him, are willing to resist the democratic influence.' Charles Stuart Parker Life and Letters of Sir James Graham (1907) I 251. Peel's intimacy with the two deepened during the session as they adopted a common front on the handling of the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill. Kitson Clark 339-43. See also (vol I) 3«4ni. 3 The Maxses had a country house, Woolbeding, in Sussex, which D visited eight months later. See 666.
succeeds, and there is a second edition: the £100 to be paid on the day I of public[ati]on, which is to be as speedy as possible, by a bill at a short date.1 I could not do better as the book will be very expensive in printing I and must be sold at a very cheap rate. I still adhere to my purpose of returning immed[iate]ly to B[radenham] but whe[the]r it will be Friday or I Saturday, I can't exactly say. My love to all D L[yndhurst] was charmed with the pork and bade me part[icul]arly remember it.
585 I 239 5 Mar 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE
5^5
O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 824
[Bradenham], Sunday [5 March 1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 6 March 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 6 MR 6 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 359, dated early March 1837, prints part of a sentence. EDITORIAL COMMENT: The last page of the MS is torn.
Sunday My dear P[yne], The same post that brings your fatal letter, bears me one also from Davis and Son,1 very civil but I fear hopeless. I have however written to them. I enclose a letter to the holder of the bill,2 whom I don't know, but you will have the kindness to give it him. If he have not a heart of stone, I am in hopes it may mollify it. Therein I have informed him that I arrived here last night, and that I must be at the Assizes tomorrow, and therefore it is not wilful neglect of his business that I do not comply with his request (Sunday being a completely blank day here) for which, "doubtless from misapprehension" I have assured him I was unforseen by me. Independent of this, I have informed him that my 1 D conducted protracted negotiations with Colburn over Sarah's MS. On 2 March she wrote to D thanking him 'for all you have effected for me. You know from what I have always said how satisfied I must be with the arrangement, which is more than you talked of, and therefore much more than I expected. The only thing that makes me nervous is trusting to C[olburn] for the day of publication, which with his usual delaying tendencies may be postponed for months; but that we cannot guard against, and must hope for the best, which is a radical improvement in his character.' H A/i/B/596. Sarah's misgivings about Colburn's tardiness may well have been justified. An anonymous work in two volumes, consisting of biographical sketches and entitled Madame de Sévigné and her Contemporaries, was published by Colburn in December 1841. Sarah had written to D on 19 January 1834, after she had sent off the MS of Hartlebury, telling him that she was working on an article on 'Madame de Sévigné and her friends', and suggested that Colburn might be interested in it for The New Monthly Magazine. H A/I/E/^O^J. See also 573 and 574ni. 1 Probably either Davis and Son, wine merchants at 3 Red Lion Square, or Davis and Son, wine and brandy merchants to the Queen at 97 New Broad Street. For evidence that the firm was in London see 591. They held some of D's discounted bills. 2 Collins, the creditor. See 586.
240 I 586 5 Mar 1837
586
present visit to B[radenham] was principally occasioned by arrangements long pending with my father for an advance which my arrest will entirely destroy, and that a hurried applic[ati]on to him for money on my arrival will, from the representations I have been justified in making to my father, terribly procrastinate, if not finally prove fatal to, them.3 Finally, if my hopes of indulgence from him are doomed to be frustrated, I have begged the favor of his not arresting me in Bucks, of which entres nous, the result wd. be very disastrous, but have given him my word of honor as a gent[lema]n that the I moment I receive an intim[ati]on from him to that effect, I will repair to town and surrender myself as he wishes; I have also added that you wd. guarantee, even in the necessary amount, this conduct on my part. I trust I have not [ta]ken too great a liberty in thus using [your] name, but of all things in the world pray preserve me from a Sheriffs Officer in my own county. In consequence of this affair, I shall not sleep at Aylesbury as I intended but return in the evening, so to receive with[ou]t loss of time your letter on Tuesday morning. I have written to Mr. White to call upon me tomorrow morning at 9 o'ck: but I am in no great hopes of immediate succour from him, as he has just arranged for the i5o£ I bill for me, which is to hold over for a time with[ou]t continu[ati]on, and which he is [to] take up. Ever Yours D TO MR COLLINS
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B23
Bradenham, Sunday 5 March [1837]
COVER: - Collins Esqr I Disraeli I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr, ! 5 March 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: This is the enclosure referred to in 585. Sic: accomodate.
Bradenham Manor I High Wycombe I Sunday 5 Mar. -Collins Esq.1 Sir, I only arrived here last night, and tomorrow morning I must attend the Assizes at Aylesbury, being summoned on the Grand Jury. 2 I am therefore taken com3 Probably the majority of D's creditors (as Austen's letters attest) felt that D had only to inform his father of the magnitude of his debts for them to be paid. They felt that D's urgent insistence that any approach to Isaac had to be carefully prepared was only further procrastination. Many subsequent critics have adopted the same point of view. However, there is good reason to suppose that D was justified in his belief. Isaac had a moral horror of debt and of extravagance, and long before he knew the full extent of D's financial troubles (if he ever did) he continued a life-long practice of warning his eldest son against their dangers. D's particular fear of being arrested in Bucks, instead of in London, was perhaps not so much because this would damage his political plans, but because he knew that Isaac might never forgive him for disgracing the family name in the county of his adoption. See 489^. It is ironical that, mixed with all D's other evasions, this one was probably true. See 587 and 591 for details of the tactics which D felt it necessary to use with his father, even at this time of desperate difficulty. 1 The practice of discounting notes often created situations in which debtors 'did not know the identity of their creditors. See 585, 591, 594 and 596. 2 The Lent Assizes opened at Aylesbury on Saturday 4 March and the grand jury was selected on
pletely by surprise by the letter from Mr. Pyne reed, this morning for which, doubtless from a misapprehension, I was completely unprepared. I write this merely to show you that I am not wilfully neglecting your business, but I really have not an hour to turn in, Sunday being a completely blank day in the country. Independent of all this, the principal I reason of my present visit to Bradenham is to conclude an arrangemt. with my father for a considerable advance. My arrest at this moment, especially in the county, will entirely put an end to this most vital affair, which has been for some time pending; even a hurried application to him for money on my arrival, from the representations I have been justified in making to him, must certainly terribly procrastinate, if not finally endanger, it. It is therefore not merely an affair of 2 or 3oo£ with me at this moment, but one far more important. As I have not the honor of I your acquaintance, I feel I am not entitled to ask of you a personal service, but I tell you my situation with the utmost frankness, and I will add that, if under the peculiar circumstances of the case, you will accomodate and assist me, I shall be prepared and prompt to acknowledge so great a favor in any way and at any time you require. If however all my hopes are doomed to be frustrated, and at the very moment I had reason to believe that my difficulties were about to be removed, I am destined to be overwhelmed by them, let me request of you to issue no process in Bucks. The moment I receive your intimation to that effect, / give you my honor as a gentleman, and Mr. Pyne will I am certain guarantee my word to the necessary amount, I I will immediately repair to town and surrender myself to those you appoint. Trusting however that this candid appeal to your indulgence may not be fruitless I have the honour to remain Sir your obedt Ser[van]t Benj Disraeli
587 I 241 7 Mar 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE [Bradenham], Tuesday [7 March 1837] 587 ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 825
COVER: William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn Disraeli Esqr. I 8 March 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 8 MR 8 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post.
Tuesday My dear Pyne, It never occurred to me when I wrote on Sunday that you were in all probab[ilit]y or rather of course responsible for the sum as well as myself. I trust you will attribute this to inadvertence and not to indifference, and not think me as bad as Buncombe. Not merely from principle, but from feeling, your interMonday 6 March; reports do not list D as a member. BG no 1,288 (i i Mar 1837). He may have been called but not selected.
242 I 588 13 Mar 1837
588
ests must ever be the first thing to be considered by me. If therefore nothing else can be done, one course alone remains, and I shall make the applic[ati]on, the moment I hear all other means are hopeless. You will however I have the kindness to make the best arrangement with Collins as to time and pray preserve me from an arrest which I hourly expect, and shall, until I hear from you. Things here are pretty well; my father brought up the subject on Saty. night, and you will smile when I tell you when, after all, Lady B[lessington]'s letter may do good. Being then very easy, I repeated to him that everything was settled "except" he replied "this annuity". I sd. it was in yr. hands, and negotiations were pending. He demanded the I exact amount. I sd. it was difficult to say, as it depended on cir[cumstan]ces. At last I ventured to say that £2000 might be required. He looked blue, but said it must be settled. I told him he might consult his convenience and that it did not press and said everything I cd. to soothe, not with[ou]t effect. On the whole very satisfactory. I need not tell you that I am anxious, if possible, not to press him suddenly about anything else; but we must not think of this. You will do what you can with Collins, and let me know the result. Only take care of County arrests. I reed, an answer from Davis and Son this morning; no hope. Ever yrs D TO COUNT D'ORSAY O R I G I N A L : GRAM 9
Bradenham, Monday [ 13 March 1837]
COVER: The I Count D'Orsay I 4 Kensington Gore I Kensington I London POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 14MR14 I 1837 ( 2 ) In anv^: IOFNIO I 14MR I 1837 (3) In rectangle:
No i (4) In rectangle: T.P i Rate I 2d (5) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Foster.
Bradenham I Monday My dear D'Orsay, I sent the letters yesterday under cover to Bulwer; the frank was so heavy that I was afraid to enclose one to yourself. I write now though I have little to say, that you sho[ul]d not think I am insensible to all your kindness, or not grateful for your letters, which give me the greatest pleasure. My sister was amused enough with the Maidenhead epistles;1 naturally we can throw no light upon their strange writer. I Here affairs are more serene. Things I suppose are taking their usual course under such circumstances, and a damned disagreeable one it is. In plays and novels, they run more smoothly, for the curtain descends, or the volume closes, 1 D'Orsay had sent D a series of letters - perhaps taken from newspapers - described as being 'from Maidenhead'; he hoped that they would amuse the D'Israelis, and at the .same time asked whether D knew their author. D'Orsay's letter is in the Hughenden papers (B/xxi/D/2g6), but the enclosures have not been traced.
and so all's well; but in real life there is a dull and degrading detail, that keeps the wound open, like a set-on, and "labitur et labetur in omne volubilis";2 which may be translated, "Jaw succeeds jaw with never-ending row" Jaw and row in school dialect being a paternal lecture. I quite agree with you about imagination, the possession of which I deem the I greatest curse that can befall a human being. However I am yet young enough to turn into a man of business and a Screw; and that will be positive enough.3 All your advice is good, and will be acted on by me; but it must be a longer affair, I suspect, than you suppose. I grumble, for I have no youth to waste, not having your constitution and immortal freshness. When I get a little more composed, I shall write to Lady B[lessington] and tell her how I proceed in literary affairs. We often mention you here, and I am sure always with kindness. I trust that Mrs. Fairlie has quite recovered and that Bella, unlike her confounded sex, is faithful to you.4 If ever you can spare time to write me a line, you will do me a great favor. I am sorry about Foster,5 because I am afraid that E. L. B[ulwer], whom I had no opportunity to caution, from the ill-timed entrance of I his brother, may say things which will of course be repeated to all the Scribleri of the town, who hate me, and God knows, I hate them. Except from Chandos, who though stern and reserved, has a kind heart, I have never heard from any London friends ("naturally"), tho' I suppose much is going on. I have howr. no share in it and so Farewell and let us still believe that God is great. I wish he wd. work a miracle tho' in the favor of your friend Dis
589 I 243 18 Mar 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE
5^9
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli B2Ô
[Bradenham], Saturday [18 March 1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 18 March 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: In Pyne's hand at the top of the first page: 'Disraeli I 18 Mar 1837 I Attd. White and Davis.' Sic: tranquillising, Source. 2 Another variation on Horace. See his version to Pyne on 11 January (552). 3 D'Orsay had warned D not to allow his life to imitate his art: 'Je suis bien aisé pour votre intérêt présent et futur que vous vous soyez décidé à avouer à votre père, l'Etendue de votre Scrape car les Plasterings over se démolissant toujours et vous en auriez été Victime Continuellement. Votre imagination vive et brillante, vous fait I bâtir des Châteaux en Espagne. Tout cela est bel et bon pour les Wonderful Tales of Alroy mais pour la Matérielle vie de l'Angleterre le positif bat l'imaginaire. Tenez moi au Courant de vos affaires car je m'intéresse beaucoup à votre Welfare' H B/XXI/D/296.
4 Isabella Fairlie (d 1843) was *he daughter of Louisa Fairlie and thus Lady Blessington's grandniece. A deaf mute, she was the subject of some lines of verse by D which were published in 1855. In a letter to D dated 27 March 1837 Lady Blessington commented: 'Bella is as beautiful as ever and more than ever attached to Alfred.' H B/XXI/B/584. 5 John Forster (1812-1876), historian, biographer and long a close friend of Bulwer. D'Orsay had reported that Forster was going to take over Bulwer's rooms in the Albany. H B/XXI/D/2Q6. Both D and D'Orsay spell the name 'Foster'.
244 I 59° 21 Mar 1837
Saturday My dear Pyne, Before I received your letter, White must have been in town. I hope he will effect all you desire. I thank you for your hint, but I rather suspect that his L[ordshi]p leaves town on Monday.1 I am not at all surprised, for women are either angels or devils. I have had a very harassing fortnight here, and have not found the quiet which composition demands; but I I have endeavoured to steel my mind. I reckoned too rashly on a calm March and April, otherwise I shall not be able to come up to the scratch with Colburn. As yet they have been very tempestuous, and my health sinks under it: but I still hope that White will bring tranquillising intelligence from town. I cannot express to you how deeply I feel your goodness. My acquaintance has hitherto been only a Source of trouble and mortific[ati]on to I you; but in despite, even of woman, let us, if possible, still believe in a happy destiny. That damned H[als]e! If he wd. only smile upon us, I wd. defy alike ungrateful Statesmen, and malignant mistresses! Ever, my dear Pyne, Your obliged friend D
59O TO LADY BLESSINGTON Bradenham, [Tuesday] 21 March [1837] ORIGINAL: PFRZ Misc. Ms. 894
COVER: The I Countess of Blessington ! Gore House I Kensington
POSTMARK: (l) In double circle: 22MR22 I 1837 (2) In anvil: lOFNlO I MR22 I 1837 (3) HWYCOMBE I Penny
Post (4) In rectangle: No i (5) T.P i Rate I 2d. PUBLICATION HISTORY: Morrison 16, extract dated 21 March 1837; Madden II 219, extract dated 21 March 1837. M&B I 360, extract dated 21 March 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Lady Blessington's reply is in H B/XXI/ 6/584. Sic: Macintosh.
Bradenham Mar 21 My dear Lady, Altho' it is little more than a fortnight since I quitted your truly friendly society and hospitable roof, both of which I shall always remember with deep and lively gratitude - it seems, to me at least, a far more awful interval of time. I have waited for a serene hour to tell you of my doings, but serene hours are rare, and therefore I will not be deluded into waiting any longer. In spite of every obstacle in the shape of harassed feelings and other disagreeable accidents of life, I have not forgotten the fair Venetia, who has grown under my paternal care, and as much I in grace I hope as in stature, or rather dimensions. She is truly like her prototype "-the child of love
Tho' born in bitterness and nurtured in convulsion''1
but I hope she will prove a source of consolation to her parent, and also to her godmother, for I consider you to stand in that relation to her. I do not think 1 Lyndhurst went to Paris in late March 1837. See 59402. 1 From Childe Harold's Pilgrimage ill cxviii.
that you will find any golden hint of our musing strolls has been thrown away upon me, and I shd. not be surprised, if in six weeks, she may ring the bell at your hall door, and request admittance, where I know she will find at least one sympathising friend. I I watch for the appearance of your volumes;2 I suppose now trembling on the threshold of publicity. In a box of books from Mitchell that arrived lately down here, in the life of Macintosh,3 I was amused, and gladdened, by the sight of some pencil notes in a familiar handwriting. It was like meeting a friend unexpectedly. I have of course no news from this extreme solitude. My father advances valiantly with his great enterprise,4 but works of that calibre are hewn out of the granite with slow and elaborate strokes. Mine are but plaster of Paris casts, or rather statues of snow that melt as soon as they are fashioned. D'Orsay I has written me kind letters, which always inspirit me. How are my friends, if I have any? At any rate, how is Bulwer. I can scarcely expect you to find time to write to me, but I need not say what pleasure your handwriting wd. afford me, not merely in pencil notes in a chance volume. This is all very stupid, but I wd. not be quite silent. Ever Your Dis TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 827
Bradenham, Thursday [23 March 1837]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I London I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 24 Mar. 1837. POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 241^24 I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 359, dated March 1837, quotes part of the first sentence. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: monied.
Bradenham. Thursday My dear Pyne, In spite of all your devotion, for which, whatever may be the result, I shall ever feel the liveliest gratitude, and feelings of friendship the most profound; and in spite of all my own exertions, which I assure you have of late been almost supernatural, I fear it is no longer possible to prevent a disgraceful catastrophe in this quarter, and that too attended by every injurious and humiliating circumstance. This morning's post brought to our Sheriffs Officer1 at Wycombe a writ from Davis, and what was worse the London coach soon after brought Mr Davis Junior himself, who I believe not content with the immediate mischief he had in hand, has added by his tongue as much additional injury that he could. 2 Lady Blessington's novel The Victims of Society, 3 volumes, was published in April 1837 by Saunders and Otley. 3 Robert James Mackintosh ed Memoirs of the Life of Sir James Mackintosh (1835). 4 His history of English literature. 1 John Griffits, saddler and harness-maker, of Queen's Square, High Wycombe, was also the sheriffs officer at this time. Pigot.
5911 245 23 Mar 1837
59
1
246 I 592 30 Mar 1837
592
Having received no letter from them, not even being aware that they were the holders of the bills, and flattering myself moreover that the bills were arranged, I can assure you it required all my nerves, a little more steeled to and practised in such calamities than heretofore to maintain myself. Fortunately, tho' Market I Day, it was not Magistrates day, and I was therefore not "executing justice and maintaining truth" on our bench, where I believe the rebellious tribe of Davis anticipated nabbing me. By the friendly intimation of the Sheriffs Officer here who is a partizan of mine, and moreover a monied man, who in the unexpected disappointment the other day, did me some service, which I sho[ul]d be surprised were he ever to repeat, by the energy of White and the kindness of my younger brother, who was at Market and who signed a bail bond for me, not a little astonished, as you may suppose, at the applic[ati]on, I still have the pleasure of dating from Bradenham House; but what tomorrow may bring I can't say, for I know nothing of the bills, when they are due or who holds them. Now, my dear friend, what is to be done? I am remaining here merely to write - I have only one month left to deliver my second novel to Colburn, on which you know much in every sense of the word depends. I can come to time if I am not disturbed, I but that is all: for writing, and writing so much as I am obliged to do requires a composed mind, tho' with that the labor tho' great is pleasant eno'. As for my father, I need not say that if it be thought necessary to give up all our plans, and alter the view we had taken of affairs, an application to him should not be suddenly induced by such a disgraceful situation as I was nearly in this morning. I really believe he never wd. forgive me. Indeed I do not think my family cd. hold up their heads under the infliction. They are so simple and unused so utterly to anything of the kind. A sacrifice of property to maintain character wo[ul]d be intelligible, but a sacrifice of property and character and credit first destroyed, my father wo[ul]d indeed have every cause to view me with bitterness. I confess this conduct of Davis, considering that he exults in his conviction that the money is always safe in the long run, and considering what he pockets in the interim, appears to me most harsh, brutal and unfair. As he affected to be offended by a letter I wrote him the other day, I have written to him since, and I need not assure you a most courteous communication. Tell me, my dear Pyne, what I ought to do. I I must take care of my brother of course. I have not yet seen him as he has not returned. Let me hope you will be able to answer by return, as I am naturally in a state of great and indeed insufferable anxiety. Ever Yrs, in haste D TO JOHN NASH
ORIGINAL: H H/3O2/21Q
[Bradenham], Thursday [30 March 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Copy sent to Monypenny and preserved among his notes, written on letter paper headed 'Winsford, Upton, Slough', which has been crossed out. Dating: the copy is endorsed: 'reed 30. Mar: '37 in the evg.' Sic: past.
Thursday. private and confidential. My dear Nash, I am sorry I missed you, as I wished to see you very much; and I understand we shall X [cross] on the road as I am going to London. I am rather awkwardly situated, tho' not very seriously. The old gentleman has agreed to go up to town on the igth. to settle my business, which can't be done with[ou]t his going up.1 I have kept everything as I thought quiet until that time; I but one infernal fellow is very troublesome and is going to issue a writ. Can you by any chance carry me over until the settlement takes place - I want £300.2 I am anxious as you may easily suppose not to bring up the subject again at Bradenham, having concluded it so favourably, and having asserted, as I was authorised to do, that there was nothing pressing. I cannot go into all the reasons which make me very desirous not to bother my Father now until the appointed day, but you who know his character so well, can easily fancy them. He is of the old school and would be more annoyed by such an applic[ati]on after having behaved so I well as he has done, and made all his arrangements, than by the original statement.3 Have the kindness at all events to send me a line to night at the Garitón. I feel assured from all that has past that you will be delighted to oblige me if you can: and if you do not, I shall know that it is not in your power. Nevertheless if you can arrange this, do and depend upon it that the month of April shall not elapse with[ou]t the money being repaid. Ever yrs. D
593 I 247 i Apr 1837
TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
5Q$
ORIGINAL: PS 86
[London?, Saturday i April 1837?]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: James Tregaskis catalogue 758 (27 Apr 1914) item 794 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The catalogue describes the letter as being to Sarah, '1837, 3pp.' Dating: a conjunction of ministerial changes in France and Tory hopes for the resignation of the Whigs suggests late March or early April of 1837. D was in Bradenham for most of this period and thus was not writing to Sarah; however, while the date remains conjectural, it is possible that he wrote home during a brief visit to London.
The ministers have resigned in France because they were outvoted1 .... This ex1 Isaac DTsraeli presumably intended to go to London on 19 April to arrange for D's advance. See 587. 2 He seems to have received £100. See 596. 3 D had not yet disclosed to his father either the magnitude or the pressing nature of his indebtedness. See 585^ and 587. 1 Mole's government was defeated on the so-called Disjunction Bill on 7 March. A growing rift
248 I 594 3 Apr 1837 594
traordinary reason surprises all us English, and we hope the precedent will become a practice, and may bring resignation into practice at home,2 .... TO WILLIAM PYNE O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 828
Bradenham, Monday 3 [April 1837]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr, I 4 ApL, 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 4 AP 4 I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Davis'.
Bradenham - Monday 3. most confidential My dear P[yne], The Sheriffs Officer has been enquiring of Mr White whether I should be at the Quarter Sessions1 on Thursday, and where indeed I ought to be. The general idea now is that I am in London. I have reason to believe that a writ came down on Sunday against me and for no less a sum than between 8 and goo pounds. Of course this cd. only come from one quarter. There is certainly something about Davis' conduct which is very extraordinary; some secret impulse which I cannot pretend to comprehend. I shd feel obliged by your throwing any light upon it that you can; as from what you told me I when I last saw you on Friday, I cannot help fancying that he is deceiving and misleading you as much as myself. I shall not attempt to express what I think of his conduct. If I had any claims on such a ruffian, which perhaps I have, I should not after what has occurred, pretend to assert or urge them; but I wish to know how he reconciles this behaviour with his pretended feelings towards you. Were you aware of this business when I was in town; I wd. not have returned here, had I known it. I need not say how anxiously I expect I your reply; for in the present state of my harassed mind, I cannot work here, and if nothing else be done, I wd. go where I cd. work, for every minute is golden. I am so ignorant of all these bills, that I am of course unprepared for the knowledge that one is dishonored, until I hear of it from the Sheriff. This morning brought me a letter from Ld. Lyndhurst, very long and very kind.2 A guarded observ[ati]on in my last letter has elicited from him the most satbetween Mole and Guizot had led, by the end of the month, to the general assumption that one or other would form a new ministry. Indeed, there were several premature reports that a new ministry was, in fact, being formed. MC no 21,025 (30 Mar 1837); The Times (3 Apr 1837). The new ministry, without Guizot, was not finally in place until 15 April. There was thus no simple resignation, as D suggested, but rather a prolonged reshuffling of the French government. 2 Speculation about a possible resignation of the Whigs was at its height on 31 March. On that day Greville recorded the rumour that the Lords would throw out the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill and that the Melbourne ministry would then resign. Greville, ill 359. But, from the time of assuming office in 1834 until March 1840, the Whigs survived fifty-eight defeats in the Commons and forty-nine in the Lords. Sir Ivor Jennings Cabinet Government (1961) 493. Convention did not, of course, dictate automatic resignation, even on a vote of non-confidence. 1 The Quarter Sessions opened on Tuesday 4 April, but the issues in which D was particularly interested did not begin until Thursday 6 April. BH no 275 (8 Apr 1837). 2 Lyndhurst's letter dated i April [1837] from Paris is in the Hughenden papers. D apparently
isfactory expression of feeling. I will show you the letter when I see you. The breakup of the governmt. is expected at the end of this month.3 My brother is with you today: anxiously expecting an answer, I am yours D
596 I 249 4 Apr 1837
TO JOHN NASH [London?], Tuesday [4 April 1837?] 595 ORIGINAL: H H/3O2/2l8
EDITORIAL COMMENT: A copy sent to Monypenny, and kept among his papers in the Hughenden collection. Lyndhurst's letter of i April (see 594na) would have given D reason to expect Lyndhurst's return from Paris by 4 April. Newspaper reports of 19 April stated that Lyndhurst had been detained by the serious illness of his daughter. MP no 29,704 (19 Apr 1837). He returned briefly between 22 and 28 April (see 6o4n9) but was then back in Paris until the middle of May. MP no 20,729 (18 May 1837). During this time D was making day trips between Bradenham and London and sometimes wrote letters from each place on the same date. Dating: this is probably the letter mentioned in 596, to Pyne, written later the same day. Sic: accomodation.
Tuesday. Dear Nash, I found your card at the Garitón. I cannot reach you to-morrow as I have an appointment with Ld. Lyndhurst at ten. I have now no need of the accomodation I requested and which I know from experience you are always ready to grant when necessary. Return me my draft here. Yours ever. D TO WILLIAM PYNE O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli B2g
[Bradenham], Tuesday [4 April 1837]
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street I Hanover Square. [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr I 5 Apl 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 5 AP 5 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B i 359, dated early April 1837, prints an extract from the last paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: There is a hole in the third page of the MS.
Tuesday My dear Pyne, I cannot command a return of post with White. He lives at some distance, and his active pursuits seldom allow me to find him at home.1 I am unfortunate to day, had asked Lyndhurst to intervene in a dispute, perhaps with D'Orsay, for Lyndhurst replied: 'I have never interfered in the misunderstandings or differences between my friends ... If you desire it I will do so in this instance'. In addition to providing D with recent political gossip, Lyndhurst reassured him that he had spoken to Henry Fitzroy about the possibility of obtaining a seat for D in the next parliament. H B/XXI/ 17459. 3 Lyndhurst had added that, according to Lord Canterbury, Melbourne's government was expected to fall by the 23rd of the month. 1 Archibald White had his business in the High Street, Wycombe, but lived at Great Missenden near Aylesbury. See 563.
506
25° I 59e 4 Apr 1837
but you will receive the bills tomorrow. You will also receive a dr[af]t from Nash on Barclay for £100. There has been no difficulty about this, and therefore don't think I have been evading it. But I was so overwhelmed with the intelligence which reached me on Sunday morning, that I have not been able to write even a letter. I wrote him this morning, and tomorrows post from Wycombe will bring the check; of this I can have no doubt as he never misled me - and I know him to be at home. Perhaps by this time you have penetrated I the fatal mystery of the new writ. There ought certainly to be no mistake about such a sum - bet[wee]n 8 and 900. My official friend here, who has heard of your intimate relations with Davis, and who of course is ignorant of your character or the feelings that subsist bet[wee]n us, is nervous lest his kindness to me may bring him into a scrape. I of course answered for you with my life, and I only mention it to impress upon you the importance of discretion. I understand from the person through whom I communicate with him, that the name of the issuer of the writ is Green. I never had any dealings with any person of that name.2 I repeat to you that I have no bills due or becoming due, and never had I believe a bill in my life above £150 or £200 except those you are acquainted with. What a situation to be in! To have such a claim hanging over ones head with[ou]t any of us even knowing whence it comes. Nothing can I persuade me it is not Davis in disguise. For it can be no one else. I fear he is playing a deep game and greatly deceiving you. What do you think of his writing a letter to the official here and urging him to call upon my father with the writ and bully him for the money? It is a fact tho'. The worst of this blow is that it shakes even my hold on White, even on my brother. It is such an immediate and flagrant contradiction of all my repres[entati]ons and most recent statements. It is curious that this Mr Green has written the [strange kin]d of letter and mentions that he knows I [was in] town on Friday, but believes I retur[ned.] It is most unfortunate that I did return. Thursday is Quarter S[e]ss[ions] with two great motions; one for a new polling place for the County and another for moving the Summer Assizes from Buckingham to Aylesbury. Lord Chandos, who is detained in town by Parliamnt., has written to me from Avington to lead our party in his absence.3 This of course I cannot do. I must be taken ill at the last moment. Seged, King of Ethiopia, who was resolved to have a day of happiness4 was 2 Another unidentified creditor. See 586n i. The practice of discounting notes had the additional unfortunate result of leaving the original lender unhappy about the loan since he would not have recovered the full amount of principal and interest. 3 Chandos had indeed written to D, but not to ask him to 'lead our party' in his absence. On the contrary, he had written on 3 April: 'I returned here [to London] yesterday from Hampshire too late to reply to your letter. I shall be at Aylesbury on Thursday to oppose the Chesham job as well as to oppose the removal of the Assizes.' H B/XXI/B/I 145. The two issues mentioned here involved a presentation by Sidney Taylor of a petition from the inhabitants of Chesham for their town to be made an additional polling place for the county, and a proposal - repeated annually - by Raymond Barker to move the summer Assizes to Aylesbury. They were then held in the town of Buckingham. BH no 275 (8 Apr 1837). 4 Samuel Johnson, The Rambler No 204 (29 Feb 1752) 368-73. King Seged's desire for one day's happiness was never fulfilled; despite all his preparations all he was left with at the close of each day was the hope that he would find it 'on the morrow'.
not more unfortunate than I have been with my month of quiet! The blows have been rapid and violent as unexpected; and indicate I think a conspiracy. yrs D
598 I 251 5 Apr 1837
TO JOHN NASH Garitón Club, [London], Wednesday [5 April 1837?] 597 ORIGINAL: H H/3O2/217
EDITORIAL COMMENT: A copy sent to Monypenny, written on letter paper headed 'Winsford, Upton, Slough', which has been crossed out. Dating: the Easter Quarter Sessions opened in Aylesbury on 4 April 1837. Sic: unforseen.
Garitón Gib. I Wednesday My dear Nash, I am sorry to say your money was paid too late and I am in consequence in a considerable scrape as the person who held my dishonoured cheque was to have discounted on Friday all Mr. Colburn's bills,1 and now refuses. His letter to me reached Bradenham yesterday as it had been lying at the Garitón. I immediately put myself in a coach, but it turned out to be the cursed Royal William and did not get to town until 1/2 past 6, and co[ul]d do nothing nor write. You may depend upon my utmost exertions I but the times are bad for an instantaneous operation of this kind, and this misconception most vexatious and unexpected as the man, if all had been well, at Drummonds co[ul]d have been depended on at all times. In the meantime let me know here whe[the]r you have the dr[af]t at Wycombe or wh[ether] it is in London. This unforseen botheration may prevent me getting to the Q[uarte]r Sess[io]ns but nothing shall prevent me being at Wycombe on Friday week for Rumsey's business.2 In haste Ever Yrs, D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 830
[Bradenham], Wednesday [5 April 1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 6 Apl. 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 6 AP 6 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post. 1 Presumably payment for Henrietta Temple, which Colburn had published the previous December. 2 John Rumsey, of Nash and Rumsey, attorneys, Crendon Lane, Wycombe. Pigot. Rumsey had written to D on 22 February 1836 (H B/I/A/42) acting as the agent for Robert Wheeler, Wycombe returning officer, to whom D owed money.
59^
252 I 599 9 Apr 1837
Wednesday My dr P[yne], I sent you the £100 in haste this morning, it having arrived as my brother was departing. If by any chance, with[ou]t absolutely inconveniencing yourself you can pay my subscription to the Garitón (£10.10) until I can turn round in a few days, I shall feel obliged. It is long overdue; and I have just been cleaned out of thirty guineas ready money by these infernal writs this week for secret service',1 I have therefore at length drawn Drum[mond]s till within 7 or 8£. I care for no o[the]r club but this. Enclose bills. In haste D
599 TO BENJAMIN AUSTEN Bradenham, Sunday [9 April 1837] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ff 159-60
COVER: private I Benjamin Austen Esq. I Raymond Bigs I Gray's Inn POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I lOAPio I 1837 (2) In small rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 285-6, dated 9 April 1837, omits the third paragraph.
Bradenham. Sunday. My dear Austen, I assure you I have not neglected your wishes for an instant. I think upon reflection you must feel assured that I cannot be less anxious than yourself to terminate our business so nearly concluded. Absolute inability has alone prevented me. Whether it be my illness which was so exaggerated in the papers, or my prolonged absence from town, I know not, but every possible claim that co[ul]d be made upon me, has poured in during the last two months. Altho' I have relieved my I estate lately of several considerable claims, having paid upwards of £1500 off of debts since December, these efforts have exhausted me, and, as I can have no delicacy on this subject to you, I confess that I never have been so distressed, though for comparatively small amounts. I have not even paid the subscriptions to my clubs. Yours is the first on my list and the first thirty pounds I can command will be paid into Willis and Co. - The amount I is certainly very small, but it is only one of a host,1 and I fear we must wait for the next novel,2 but it is to be published on the first of May, and therefore the delay will not be very long. It is easy to find fault, and those who are under pecuniary favors must not be 1 Possibly bribes paid to the sheriff's officer at High Wycombe for the considerable 'service' of delivering writs in private - thus protecting D's reputation - or for warning of the arrival of further writs. The cost, if this is what it was for, was high, but the sheriff's officer had ample grounds for requiring 'ready money'. 1 Blake (144) emphasizes the disastrous flood of D's creditors (who now include Austen as only 'one of a host') pressing for payment following the newspaper reports of his 'fit' on 16 February. See 58009. 2 Venetia.
too irritable; but I regret much the facility with which you ascribe my conduct to neglect and indifference to your interests. This, I assure you, is not the case. Ever your obliged B Disraeli
600 I 253 11 Apr 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE
OOO
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 831
Bradenham, Tuesday [i i] April [1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. \i2Apl 1837 POSTMARK: (l) In double circle: F i 12AP12 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. 1 (3) HWYCOMBE I Penny Post
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In Pyne's hand at the top of the first page: 'Disraeli I 12 Apl. 1837 I Attd. your Brother and Davis as to Both I actions'. The third page of the MS is torn.
Bradenham; April - Tuesday My dear Pyne, This letter is very important, and I hope therefore you will read it. Mr Nash has been over to Bradenham to me to day, and the state of affairs is such, that it is quite impossible that it can any longer be trifled with by me. I only regret that my situation is now such, that I cannot any longer rely upon the support of my family, since it appears that during the last two or three weeks, I have put myself in such a false position, that I can scarcely believe that my father will ever be induced to look upon it with the charity he might otherwise have done, since I have contrived to realize all those results, which he has long taught me to look upon with the greatest apprehension and mortification. Mr. Nash received process against my brother on Thursday last, he being appointed by you to be at your office on the following day (Friday), where he attended, and learnt that the business was again postponed. Can you explain this? You will observe that at the very time Davis was I affecting to negotiate with you, process was already in Wycombe. An intimation has reached me from the proper quarter that a writ to take the person has this day arrived in Green's business.1 Any further indulgence or assistance on the part of authorities here is impossible. I am informed that Green's bills were endorsed to him by Davis. This howr. does not, if I recollect right, tally with the facts of the case, as I heard them from you. There is however I believe no doubt, that Green was impelled by Davis, and that Davis acts from the belief my father will pay instantly writs are issued. This is the last thing he will do. The more cause there is for alarm, the more slowly and suspiciously he wo[ul]d act. All this bursts upon me, as you well know, in a manner most cruelly unexpected. I Acting upon the conclusions of our last interview, I have daily worsened my domestic position. My credit has received a shock in more than one 1 Writs issued in this period were not long preserved. Thus no detailed evidence of these transactions can now be traced. Until 1869 a writ of capias ad satisfaciendum entitled a judgement creditor to obtain the imprisonment of his debtor. The execution of such a writ at this time would have seriously jeopardized D's parliamentary ambitions.
254 I 6Q1 16 Apr 1837
6O 1
important quarter of the County: at Aylesbury as well as Wycombe, and among many individuals. I know well how much may be expected from your energy and friendship, because I have experienced them: but zeal and generosity of temper may mi[,s]l[m]d as well as stimulate. Acting upon your kind letters, I went to the Assizes and I made a speech: there is an abridgment of it in the Times,2 and I fear this demonstration has produced the threatened caption of the person by Green. Your silence this morning was a great disappointment; but I conclude it was inevitable. I shall not attempt to describe to you the pain and anxiety I experience. With some hope that tomorrow's post may yet dispel this menacing tempest, I remain, as Ever yours D TO WILLIAM PYNE
O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli B22
[Bradenham], Sunday [16 April 1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I London. I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I ijFebry. 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 17AP17 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE (4) HWYCOMBE I Penny Post (5) Crown
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 358, dated 19 February 1837, omits 'and K.B.' in the fourth paragraph; Jerman 284-5, extract dated 19 February 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Pyne's clerk was usually reliable in the date with which he endorsed D's letters. In this case, however, the postmark on the integral cover is clearly April and not February. Sic: harass, spunging, etherial.
Sunday My dear P[yne], I enclose the bill, which I hope will be all right. Your letter is gloomy, but yesterday was Spring and today is Winter, and Tuesday may therefore bring sunshine both moral and physical. I assure you the trouble, the harass and anxiety, which you must experience in all this, is not the least part of my afflictions: and indeed I know not how I can repay you. I have only 150 pages or less of my book to finish, which I ought to canter through in the remainder of the month with ease, but I find it difficult to command the Muse amid all these vexations. The form of Davis, or the unknown visage of I Green, mix themselves up, by some damnable process, with the radiant countenance of my heroine, and tho' visions of spunging houses1 2 On Thursday 6 April D had spoken against the proposal to make Chesham an additional polling place. Arguing that he did not consider the motion 'to be in accordance with the principle of the reform act', D had added that 'Order and economy were precious things, which would be best studied by adhering to the present system.' The Times (10 Apr 1837). 1 'Sponging houses' were bailiffs' houses for the temporary lodging of arrested debtors, where they might, if possible, come to an agreement with their creditors before being consigned to an official prison.
and K[ing's] B[ench] might have been in keeping with the last vol. of Henrietta Temple,2 they do not accord quite so well with the more etherial scenes of the fair Venetia. Nevertheless I have contrived to write, and I hope my inspir[ati]on has not been much diluted by these distractions, but I am a little nervous.3 I long to be in town for many reasons. I have a letter from Ld L[yndhurst] this I morning from Paris where he has been detained by the dangerous state of his dau[ghte]r; now happily ceased, and he writes to me, as if he half thought he sho[ul]d be Ld Ch[ancello]r before he reached Dover. I think there is something in the wind. Vale D
602 I 255 19 Apr 1837
TO WILLIAM PYNE
6O2
ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 632
[Bradenham], Wednesday [19 April 1837]
COVER: William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square, I London I [In another hand]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 2oApl. i&tf POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 2OAP2O I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: at at, dcvelope.
Wednesday My dear Pyne, I fear my eternal handwriting will give you no pleasure. Mr. Bond by a letter received from him this morning, informs me that he will see you today and that he has only just arrived in town. God knows if this be true; one clings to hope. I have received a most painful letter from the Count on the subject of the bills;1 Houlditch2 having issued a writ against him. I conclude therefore that another writ has arrived by this post also to my friend, Mr Griffits,3 who has cer2 Fraser claims: 'Mr [Henry] Baillie told me that the scene in the "sponging house", in "Henrietta Temple", in which the hero is rescued by a foreign friend, Count de Mirabel, was witnessed by himself. The hero of the adventure was Disraeli; who found himself in this disagreeable predicament. The rescuer was Alfred Count d'Orsay.' Sir William Fraser, Baronet Disraeli and his Day (1891) 176. There is no other evidence for this, but, as Henrietta Temple was already published, Baillie may have mistaken the sequence. If D'Orsay did perform the service alleged, it would indeed have been a case of life imitating art. See 588^. 3 Monypenny quotes D as having told Pyne 'on the eve of publication': 'My book bears marks of the turbulence of the last two months.' M&B I 365. 1 D'Orsay had guaranteed one of D's bills. Monypenny's notes in the Hughenden papers include the following excerpt from a letter sent by D'Orsay to Pyne on 14 April 1837: 'You must let Mr. D know directly to what he is exposing me by not paying due attention to the renewal of his bills.' H H/3O2/231. Four days later D'Orsay wrote to D informing him that he had 'received a very disagreeable letter concerning one [bill] which is in the hands of Mr Houlditch ... I found yesterday that there was a writ delivered against me.' H B/xxi/D/297. 2 Probably a member of the firm of John and James Houlditch, coach-makers at 93 Long Acre. Captain Gronow refers to Houlditch as one of those tradesmen catering to the nobility who were themselves compelled to seek out money-lenders because their fashionable clients failed to pay promptly. Gronow 186. 3 The sheriffs officer. See 591111.
256 I 603 23 Apr 1837
603
tainly now a very curious collection. If anything can be done, you will of course attend first to the Count, with whom I fear there will be some alienation of feeling, as he seems vastly I vexed; but God is great! As I suppose the action of Davis must now proceed I shall be obliged to you to do the needful for my brother. The process was served on him and Mr. White last Friday, and I believe eight days are allowed. Mr. White requested me to attend to it, but this will trouble you, and I shall therefore write by this day's post to him to desire Mr. Goddard4 to appear for him. And now God speed you! "When things are at at the worst, they say, they mend." I think they can't now be worse. Time will develope whe[the]r they will mend. Ev[er] D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 833
Bradenham, Sunday 23 April 1837
COVER: private I William Pyne Esqr. I 30 George Street I Hanover Square I [In another hand]: Benjamin Disraeli Esqr. I 2$ApL 1837 POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 24^24 I 1837 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 359, dated 23 April 1837, prints from the beginning to 'had no control.'
Bradenham Sunday I Apl. 23/37
My dear Pyne, I conclude from your silence, that the game is up, and that our system has failed.1 I assure you that the only feelings that I have at this moment are respect for your unavailing exertions, which I feel no professional remuneration can compensate, and gratitude for the generous zeal with which you have served me for the now not inconsiderable period of our acquaintance, and of which I believe few men were capable, and certainly no other lawyer. I am sure that your kind feelings and your matchless energy have effected all that was possible, I and that you have been baffled only by circumstances which could not be foreseen, and over which you had no control. It is now necessary for me to come up to London for the advantage of your advice in the position I now find myself; its difficulties have certainly been increased by recent circumstances, but with your good counsel, and, the necessary exertions, I will still anticipate a satisfactory termination of them. There is one question to which however I beg your kind and immediate attention, and I I shall feel gratified by an immediate answer if possible to it. Can I remain here for one week with safety and propriety?* By safety, I mean freedom from 4 William Henry Goddard, solicitor, who had offices at 28 New Bridge Street, Blackfriars. For reminiscences of him see The Memoirs of the Right Honourable Sir John Rolt ... 1804-1871 (1939) 39-401 There is no clear evidence to show what the 'system' had been. It clearly involved a complicated balancing of debts, new loans, income and help from Isaac, while trying to keep sufficient confidence in D's eventual solvency to prevent all demands from being made at once. See also 65904. 2 It is possible that D required the uninterrupted week to break to Isaac the extent of his most
arrest; by propriety, I allude to my position with Count D'Orsay. I have not replied to his letter, because from your silence it was not in my power. Your reply to this query will much oblige me. Believe me, my dear Pyne, in the meanwhile and ever, with sincere regard Yours D
604 I 257 2 May 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI [London?], Tuesday [2 May 1837] 604 ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/37Ô
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 64, dated April 1837, prints part of the first paragraph as a separate letter. LBCS 64-6, dated May 1837, prints the second-last paragraph with extracts from 606, 612, 616, 618 and 649. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by D's reference to the expected publication date of Venetia. Sic: a la française, ffitzroy.
Tuesday My darling, The book is really to come out on the nth. 1 I made the arrangemt about the proofs with Fancourt2 who is in bed and nearly dying; but last night I did not receive double proofs and therefore co[ul]d not send them to you; and now, from what I heard from Colburn to I day I sho[ul]d suppose the printing will proceed so quickly that there will be no good in forwarding them to you, as I hope to see you on Saturday. The book is advertised in every paper for the nth: Colburn seems very sanguine and determined to omit no step that will ensure success. I Fancourt has been really dying. I found a note from him, requesting me to come to his rooms in Charles St. Grosvenor Sq3 and take potage and poulet. I pressing debts, for even in such straits, as his continuing obligations from this period show, D did not dare to tell him all of them. On 30 March D had promised Nash that Isaac was going to 'settle my business' in London on 19 April. Isaac's visit had obviously been delayed, probably to 2 May when D reported to D'Orsay (605) that his father was in town, both 'gouty and grumpy'. 1 The Morning Post no 20,714 (i May 1837) printed Colburn's advertisement that Venetia would appear on 11 May. 2 Charles St John Fancourt (b 1803 or 1804), Tory MP for Barnstaple 1832-7, superintendent of the colony of British Honduras 1843-51. After an early career in the army, Fancourt sold his commission in 1832, while a major in the 73rd Foot. On the death of William IV he went with the Duke of Cumberland as his equerry and military secretary when the Duke assumed the throne of Hanover. His letters to D reveal that he was back in Germany (Wiesbaden) in 1858, having married 'an heiress', the daughter of John Browne Bell, the founder of the News of the World. The supplement to vol il of Boase gives the date of his death as 1875, adding that the death is not registered at Somerset House. However, Fancourt's last letter to D is clearly dated 18 April 1877. Searches at Somerset House for the 1875-90 period confirm that his death is not registered there; neither does it appear on the return of registrations of deaths of British subjects dying abroad, which began in 1859. There are over fifty letters to D from Fancourt in H B/xxi/F/12-48 and B/I/A. D's letters to him have not yet surfaced, although Fancourt, in a late letter, told D that he had kept them all. 3 Fancourt's address, according to a directory dated February 1837, was the Garitón Club. However, he moved frequently.
258 I 604 2 May 1837
found him there in a very nice house which he and Geo Herbert4 have taken and furnished a là française. It is over a shop, a carver and gilder, I but nothing can be more delightful. I found too good a dinner, for it was melancholy to feed while Fancourt was rolled in on a sofa. It was dressed by his valet La Vie, who is a capital cook. He has also a regular nurse and indeed I have very great I doubts of his recovery which I much regret, as with all his imprudencies he is a most amiable person. Being of a very delicate constitution, the continual East winds5 and consequent Influenza have entirely prostrated I him and produced at length an abscess in his ear, which for some time it was feared wd. reach his brain. He looks quite like a corpse, being always very pale and pensive; but in good heart and I spirits. I need not say he did not write "the article" of which every body talks. It was written howr. by some one who had often listened to his views of the case in question6 and who that person is you can easily divine; no doubt Tibby7 himself, who I by putting "from a correspondent" has mystified everybody. They8 have capital apartments in Jermyn St. much the nicest they have yet had - I dine with them today. Chandos is in a fury about the Lords, and I think mortified about I Lyndhurst, whose absence is indeed most unfortunate. 9 Do you think I can dedicate the book to him?10 Whether Susan live or not?11 The only thing talked of in town is the Westminster Election.12 I I think I must now stop this stupidity; every body is or seems very happy to see me - and town is quite full. 4 One George Herbert, described as a 'gentleman', can be traced in the London directories of this period. But it is possible that D meant Sidney Herbert, like Fancourt a Tory MP and at that time a bachelor. They had been neighbours in Grafton Street, Bond Street, in 1835. 5 The east wind was generally regarded as a threat to health, and D consistently held this view. See (vol i) sssns. 6 The Times of 24 April had carried a very hostile review - signed 'from a correspondent' - of Lady Blessington's novel The Victims of Society. The 'case in question' would appear to involve Lady Blessington's attack on the upper classes which, according to the reviewer, was 'the most revolting feature of the work' and attributable to the influence of Bulwer. See also 6o5n6. 7 'Tibby' was probably Thomas Barnes, formed from his initials. In a later letter to D Fancourt used the nickname, obviously referring to Barnes. H B/xxi/F/i6. 8 Presumably D meant Barnes and his common-law wife, Dinah Mary Mondit, née Dunn. Barnes's biographer records a move in March 1836 to Soho Square, but makes no mention of Jermyn Street. Hudson 99. 9 To preserve party unity, Peel was anxious for a moderation in the Lords' rigid opposition to the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill. Despite the illness of his daughter, Lyndhurst was recalled from Paris. He arrived back on 22 April and returned six days later. During his stay presumably he was persuaded to agree to 'the cause of concession' and his compliance was instrumental in persuading the Lords to grant second reading on 25 April. His departure on the 28th, however, prevented him from being able to persuade Chandos of the wisdom of this strategy. Referral of the bill back to the Commons was successively delayed until the end of the session. Kitson Clark 350-1. 10 Venetia is dedicated to Lord Lyndhurst. 11 Susan Copley died in Paris on 9 May. 12 Sir Francis Burdett had resigned his seat as Radical MP for Westminster on 27 April and was reelected as a Tory on 11 May. The Times (12 May 1837). See 6o6ni.
And so goodbye. D
I have seen ffitzroy.13 As for Easthope's eloquence he says always "ouse of Lords" and many things much worse.14
605 I 259
2 May 1837
TO COUNT D'ORSAY [8] Down Street, [London], Tuesday [2 May 1837] 605 ORIGINAL: GRAM 7
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: D's letter to Sarah (604) of 2 May 1837 also recounts Fancourt's illness and D's dinner with him. Sic: papers.
Down Street. Tuesday night I 11 o'ck. My dear D'Orsay, I have just returned here and got your letter. I do not know who has been so kind as to inform you that I have been in town two or three days, but I advise you never to bet on his information. I arrived in town yesterday at 6 o'ck precisely, having previously written to Major Fancourt to meet me at the Garitón at that hour. On arriving there I found a note informing me that he had really been nearly dying, and was still confined to his room, nevertheless as he had not I seen or heard of me for several months, he had ordered potage and poulet at 1/2 pt. 6. So of course I went, and was therefore dining at his rooms within an hour of my arrival in London: but his illness was no exaggeration, as he was unable to quit his sofa, and indeed to me looked like a corpse. My object in seeing him was to enquire about your point; when we meet I will enter into details; it is enough for me to say now, that I am certain he knows as little of the article as ourselves, indeed not as much, for I really believe that he had not even read it. i All this day I have been toiling at business which could not be neglected, and afterwards I had to dine with my father who is in town, and very gouty and grumpy. I have just left him, as he is too unwell to get out at night, and sits at home reading the Pickwick papers1 and bullying his sons. I was however at the Garitón at about 1/2 pt. 5, when I saw Sterling2 and had 13 Henry Fitzroy had recently won a by-election at Lewes, defeating John Easthope. The Times (21 Apr 1837). D'Orsay had written to D on 25 April asking what he thought of Fitzroy's success. H B/XXI/D/2g8.
14 John Easthope (1784-1865), after 1841 ist Baronet; proprietor of The Morning Chronicle, a director of the Canada Land Company, and chairman of the Mexican Mining Company; Whig MP for St Albans 1826-30, Banbury 1831-2 and Leicester 1837-47. Alexis de Tocqueville also commented on Easthope's insensitivity. In describing Easthope's reaction on being lionized in the Paris of 1845 solely because of his known friendship with Palmerston, he observed: The good man, they tell me, takes all this for himself... It is the fable of the ass over again, who when carrying the relics, thought they were adoring her.' Rev A.H. Johnson ed The Letters of Charles Greville and Henry Reeve, 1836-1865 (1924) loin. 1 The Pickwick Papers was half-way through its initial appearance in twenty monthly parts. There is a certain irony in Isaac reading at this time the work which, more than any other in the century, dramatized the nature and conditions of the type of prison to which debtors were sent. 2 Edward Sterling.
2Ôo I 606 3 May 1837
a confidential conversation with him. He knows as much about the affairs of "the Times" as Lord Lyndhurst. Of this you may be sure. Barnes has not written to me, but he is so close, that I I have no hope of seeing him. I do not at all agree about Fitzgerald3 and Hay ward.4 The first with all his faults has an Irish heart, and wo[ul]d scarcely malign those whose salt he had eaten: the second is base eno' for anything, but he writes a style, which the Reviewer does not. For my own part I now despair of detecting the author;5 it is a new hand in my opinion, and so I thought from the first, and perhaps somebody who may never write again. I do not think it is any person we know. I think it is more ag[ain]st Bulwer.6 I must be out early tomorrow again, but if I can get business over to be with you by one or 1/2 pt. I will. I am rather offended with the tone of yr. letter, as I require no prompting to do my duty to my friends, and have done all I could. Ever D
606 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Wednesday [3 May 1837] ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/ll8
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 64-6, dated May 1837, prints a version of the first two paragraphs conflated with extracts from 604, 616, 618 and 649. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: D became involved in the Westminster election on 3 May (607). Sic: Bridgewater.
Wednesday My darling, My mother seems anxious for your appearance, but I have not seen her to day, as I am on Burdett's Comm[itt]ee and am obliged to canvass. I called howr. and found that they had gone to Kensington. I think the Burdett I prospects are promising, but we shall know more in a 3 Possibly Peter George Fitzgerald (1808-1880), after 1849 igth Knight of Kerry, and created ist Baronet a month before his death. He was a contributor of numerous articles to The Times in defence of Irish landlords. Edward Fitzgerald (1809-1883), poet and translator, was living in London at this time but his Irish connections were somewhat attenuated. 4 Abraham Hayward (1801-1884), essayist. His translation of Goethe's Faust in 1833 had given him an entrée to society, and he became a frequent contributor to reviews and periodicals. D's dislike of Hayward was reciprocated. Henry E. Carlisle ed A Selection of the Correspondence of Abraham Hayward ... 1834-1884 (1886) I 181-2. 5 In 604, to Sarah, it is clear that D strongly suspected Barnes of being the author of the review of Lady Blessington's book. 6 The Times review on 24 April had said: 'In all that relates to what is called exclusive society, Lady Blessington must be acquitted of the demerit of originality, for she copies, almost literally, from that very shallow work, England and the English, by Mr. E. L. Bulwer. There may be some excuse for this, as it is impossible that the writer of the Victims of Society can have any personal knowledge of the matter treated of. But quite as little of such knowledge is possessed by Mr. Bulwer. In the self-same spirit of morbid and mortified vanity which led that gentleman to sneer at Parliamentary eloquence as soon as he had fallen to an unflattering level in the Senate, he indulged in sarcasms against the highest ranks of the aristocracy, when he found that the authorship of some half-dozen novels was not sufficient to make him the observed of all observers in a society which is too well-bred to countenance the farce of lionizing.'
day or two. My district which is Bolton St., Clarges St. etc etc. is all right, tho' curious enough Mr. Leader is one of my list.1 Bring my pen-knife with you; it is on my writing table, and I take care of Walstein2 which I left on the drawing room table. We are p. 240 of the 2nd Vol and the MS. 109 - but the convers[ati]on bet[wee]n Cad[urcis] and Venetia after dinner has not commenced and therefore I think we shall have a very good vol.3 I We shall win Longford, but Carlow is doubtful. 4 The accounts however are excellent from Huddersfield,5 where Oastler is doing wonders and has achieved a compact alliance bet[wee]n Tories and Radicals. Stewart Marjoribanks having failed, there will I be a vacancy at Hythe;6 and Broad wood they say will carry Bridgewater.7 But all is of a faint interest compared with Westminster. My colleague in canvassing is Pigot M.P.8 whom I like very I much. He lives in Chesterfield St. Burdett has arrived. 1 Sir Francis Burdett, who had been elected MP for Westminster as a Radical, had become a Tory, and he resigned his seat to allow his constituents to judge whether they still wanted him to represent them. John Temple Leader (1810-1903), the Radical MP for Bridgwater, resigned his seat to oppose Burdett in the Westminster by-election. As Greville noted, 'all Brooks's moved heaven and earth for Leader, and until the day of nomination they were confident of his success.' (Ill, 398). The Garitón Club worked equally hard for Burdett, systematically dividing the constituency into districts to be canvassed by teams of younger members. One historian has noted, 'Disraeli along with others was allotted to the Mayfair area and so was "obliged to canvass" in the curious colony of servants, grooms, and cooks which he later described in the first chapter of Tancred' Gash Politics 400-1. Monypenny and Buckle (i 368-70) reprint a sketch written in 1863 by D about Burdett, and suggest an analogy between the evolution of Burdett's political beliefs and those of D. Burdett won the by-election by a majority of 515, and the Tories also won Leader's vacated seat at Bridgwater. In the 1837 general election, however, Burdett moved to North Wiltshire, which he represented until his death in 1844, and Leader was elected for Westminster, where he remained as MP for the next ten years. 2 The manuscript of 'Walstein; or, A Cure for Melancholy', published in The Court Magazine III (July 1837) 3-8. 3 In the course of reading the proofs for Venetia D evidently had become aware of how the volumes would divide the text. 4 On 5 May as the result of a petition, the Tory, Charles Fox, replaced Luke White, the sitting Whig MP for Longford. The position was reversed at the general election in August. The result of a by-election held in Carlow County in February had also been contested. On 26 April a petition was presented to the House accusing Nicholas Aylward Vigors, the successful Whig candidate, of using intimidation and threats in the campaign. The Times (27 Apr 1837). The petition failed. 5 A by-election for Huddersfield was held on 8 May. The Whig candidate Edward Ellice the younger defeated Richard Oastler (1789-1861), known, through his involvement in factory legislation, as 'the factory king'. 6 Stewart Marjoribanks (1774-1863) was the Whig MP for Hythe 1820-37 and 1841-7. He did not offer himself for re-election in 1837. 7 Henry Broadwood (1793-1878) was elected Tory MP for Leader's vacated seat at Bridgwater in the by-election of May 1837, and represented it until 1852. 8 Robert Pigot. See 580^.
606 I 261 3 May 1837
262 I 608
5 May 1837
607
God bless you D
V[enetia] is universally advertised for 11 May, and Colburn is most sanguine and energetic. TO COUNT D'ORSAY ORIGINAL: GRAM 8
[London], Thursday [4 May 1837]
COVER: The I Count A. d'Orsay I 8 Kensington Gore I Kensington I D. POSTMARK: (i) In anvil: IOFNIO I MY5 I 1837 (2) In packet: T.P I Piccadilly.
Thursday evg. My dear D'Orsay, After I left you yesterday, I got involved in the Westminster Election. I could not refuse the post with honor or a clear conscience, and so have got a district allotted to myself and Mr. Pigot the M.P. for Bridgnorth, a very good fellow. I I have now been working eight hours today, from 10 to 6; and am quite exhausted, having as you know, started somewhat lame. I am most anxious to know how affairs proceed with you. I have not called on I Major Fancourt, because, under the circumstances of the case, I sho[ul]d in that case be acting, howr. unintentionally, the part of a go-between, always disagreeable, and often dishonorable. I I am howr. anxious beyond expression to know what you have done, and trust you have been as wise and considerate for yourself as you always are for others. Ever yrs Dis 608 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London, Friday 5? May 1837] ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/11Q
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: after 606, 3 May 1837, in which D first told Sarah he was canvassing for Burdett, and before 11 May, the date of the by-election. With the proofs of one volume of Venetia still to correct, and with the publication date less than a week away, the earlier portion of this period seems the more likely. Sic: tho.
Dearest, I seize a moment tho it is early in the morning to write a line. The Election now engrosses everything. I have been very successful in my canvass, but I cannot judge of the result from I that, as mine was an aristocratic division. I have gained great credit as a canvasser; when the gentlemen are out, I always ask for the ladies. Bonham made a speech I am told at the Comm[itt]ee yesterday, and said that if all had I exerted themselves like Cecil Forester1 and Disraeli, we shd have beat in a canter. 2nd Vol. nearly 380 pages. Yrs D 1 George Cecil Weld Forester (1807-1886), who succeeded his brother to become 3rd Baron Forester in 1874. A Tory MP for Wenlock 1828-74 and comptroller of the Household in 1852 and 1858-9, he rose to the rank of general.
TO [RICHARD CULVERWELL] 8 Down Street, [London], 609 Monday [8 May 1837?] O R I G I N A L : QUA 24
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: internal evidence indicates that this letter was almost certainly written in 1837 and that the most probable time in this year was early May, after D had returned to London. Sic: Reynolds'.
8 Down Street I Monday Dear Sir, I am excessively hurt at the letter which I have just received from you. It is very true that owing to my severe illness at the beginning of the year and not having been in town consequently this season, I may not have given you as many orders as you might have expected, but it wo[ul]d have come to the same thing at the end of the year, and if not, you must have known me sufficiently well to feel, that no just and I liberal remuneration wo[ul]d have been wanting on my part. I told you when Reynolds' claim was paid, that all my affairs would be settled this season; and it is only to complete some arrangements with my lawyer that I am now in town. When your claims were paid off you would have found that I did not forget an honest man who had served me zealously like yourself, and that my custom would have remained with you, altho' I required no pecuniary I assistance. I am sorry that at the tenth hour, having served me for some years you sho[ul]d see fit to withdraw your aid, when I was on the point of no longer requiring it. I enclosed you the acceptance merely to provide for your bill just becoming due. It was stated in your first note that it is due on the 22nd; to day you say the 2ist. It certainly at this moment is exceedingly inconvenient and injurious to me to have to take it up, and will retard and inconvenience my other arrangements. After the note howr which I I have received from you to day, I can only beg you to call upon me tomorrow morning at 12 o'ck: with a statement of your accts. in order that I may take steps for their immediate settlement, and much regretting the line you have throught proper to pursue. I am, dear Sir, your obedt Ser[van]t B. Disraeli TO RICHARD CULVERWELL ORIGINAL: QUA 8
Carlton Club, [London], Monday [15 May 1837?]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: This is the last of the Culverwell letters. Dating: by comparison with 609.
Carlton Cb I - Monday Mr. Disraeli begs to refer Mr Culverwell to his last communication. Mr Disraeli regrets that inevitable circumstances sho[ul]d I have occasioned any delay in the settlement of Mr Culverwell's account, but Mr. C. will receive the communication Mr. I Disraeli mentioned in due course. D
6 10
6 11
TO SARA AUSTEN
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ffl6l-2
Garitón Club, [London], [Wednesday] 17 May [1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 286-7, dated 17 May 1837, prints the first paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Montagu.
CarltonCb I May 17 My dear Mrs. Austen, My sister has written me a note to say that you have not your copy of "Venetia". You ought to have received it on Monday night and I am I sure that Colburn has not neglected it, as the other two copies which he sent out, have duly arrived; besides he required no injunction from me to attend to you. I therefore conclude I that he is unaware of yr. change of residence, and I have just shot him off a note to that effect. I have only been in town a few days, and have been so engaged with the I Westminster El[ecti]on that I have not been able to pay my respects in Montagu Place,1 from which I anticipate great pleasure. Ever yrs D 6l2
TO [WILLIAM BECKFORD] ORIGINAL: BECK [4]
Garitón Club, [London], [Wednesday] 17 May [1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Melville 341, dated 17 May 1837.
Garitón Cb., I May 17.
My Dear Sir, To prevent any mistake I write to say I have ordered a copy of "Venetia" to be sent for you under cover to Mr. Bentley of New Burlington Street. I I have reason to believe that some confusion may have occurred about my last book, which between Mr. Clarke1 who cd. not be found and Mr. Bentley to whom it was afterwards forwarded, I may not have reached you.2 I shd be sorry for this, tho'
1 The Austens had moved in August 1836 to 6 Montague Place, near Montague House which was then the British Museum. See BL ADD MS 45908 ff 125-6. 1 George Clarke. 2 Beckford replied: I not only received, but admired Henrietta Temple - and expressed my thanks in a few lines which it appears never reached their destination. Most spells of a delightful kind are dissolved, or dissolving - those of a contrary nature are still in force and have I hitherto prevented "Venetia" from reaching me. This morning I wrote to Bentleys to enquire after her, and received for answer that she had not appeared - at least for me. This was miffing, for I long to see I her - and am with the warmth of sincere regard Most gratefully Yrs W.B. Dover St Friday 19 May 1837. [BECK 5]
the book was not worth reading. The present is more in our way, tho' adulterated enough with commonplace I I hope, to be popular. I am always, Yours faithfully D
614 I 265 29 May 1837
TO SARA AUSTEN
613
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 45908 ££165-6
[London], Tuesday [23? May 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Jerman 287, dated mid-May 1837, prints the first paragraph.
Tuesday My dear Mrs Austen, I have really had so much business to attend to, since I have been in town, that I am ashamed to say I have not called on even a relative - and of course on no one else. I have had your I name first on my list everyday; and it is now lying before me. I am very glad you like "Venetia"; but for myself I have not had time to look her over since her appearance, or even I to glance at a single review. I hope she will make her way, but I have never seen my publisher1 since her birth. I will write him a note about the dedication which I by some means or other shall be obtained. The om[issi]on occurred, I hear, in several of the first copies, for cir[cumstan]ces induced me to alter the original dedic[ati]on.2 My regards to Austen. This weather shd cure you. Yours ever D TO WILLIAM PYNE O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 635
Garitón Club, [London], Monday [29 May? 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I -June 183?. This is the first letter to Pyne to be located since the despairing one of 23 April. It is not clear who had paid D's most pressing debts. Probably Isaac did. Dating: by comparison with 615.
Garitón Club. I Monday My dear Pyne, I can give you no idea of the canvassing that has long been going on about this railroad.1 I find that every member has been applied to, and Henry Ashley2 says 1 Henry Colburn. 2 In its final form, the dedication to Lyndhurst alluded to the recent death of his daughter Susan. 1 The construction of the Brighton railway was the subject of a long and bitter dispute. Four companies had come forward with proposals for the line, but the principal contestants were George and Robert Stephenson, and Sir John Rennie. The latter favoured a direct line which involved considerable engineering work and the former a longer but less costly route. L.T.C. Roth George and Robert Stephenson; The Railway Revolution (1960) 254-5. 2 Henry Ashley Cooper.
614
266 I 615 30 May 1837
615
that he has received no less than twenty letters for Rennie3 and that they are knocking at his door all day long. I think the odds are decidedly in favour of Rennie, but it will probably be I a near run. I effected yesterday the neutrality of four members for Stephenson,4 and obtained two votes from men who had made up their minds not to interfere. This is pretty well, as the four I have neutralised are all men of great consequence and would undoubtedly have voted, but refrain as an extreme personal service to me. Tomorrow morning, at 12 o'ck: if convenient I to you, I will bring you a circumstantial list, with the names, and I shall not leave this place to day, and shall probably be able to do a great deal. I dine with the Duke and Peel, and a party of fifty or sixty members of both houses; and shall probably be able to do something there. Have the kindness to let me know about the estate5 if you have heard, so that I may write into Bucks. Yours ever D TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 637
House of Commons, Tuesday [30 May 1837?]
COVER: [Calculations in Pyne's hand on the fourth page]: 98. 15 o — 8. — 5. o. o. 2.
9-
O
i. 3. 6. 107. 15. 6. [Endorsement in another hand on the fourth page]: Benjn. Disraeli Esqr./ -July 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating; on 30 May 1837 the committee enquiring into the relative merits of routes for the Brighton railway reported to Parliament. Pyne's clerk must have dated this letter well after its receipt.
3 Sir John Rennie (1794-1874), civil engineer, completed his father's work on London Bridge in 1831, and was knighted the same year. 4 Robert Stephenson (1803-1859), civil engineer and principal advocate of the longer line to Brighton. His father, George Stephenson (1781-1848), by this time a world- renowned railway engineer, was less directly involved in this particular project. When D says that he rendered neutral 'four members for Stephenson' he should be taken to mean that he changed the minds of four Rennie supporters, thus helping Stephenson, in whose cause he was lobbying. 5 Perhaps a reference to negotiations for the purchase of an estate incorrectly called 'Mill Hill' by Sarah in a letter dated 14 June 1837 (H ^1/8/598). It appears in fact to have been an estate of 823 acres, including Mill End Farm, near High Wycombe. BG no 281 (20 May 1837). It is typical of D that, with the immediate financial pressure apparently relieved, he should at once cheerfully envision the purchase of an estate. See (vol i) 7«n2 and 74ec.
Tuesday night I H of Commons My dear Pyne, We have won it by 7 in an immensely full house for I a Private bill. It was won entirely by my exertions, as you must know. The numbers I I believe are 176 169 or something like it.1 In great haste and very tired D
616 I 267 12 Jun 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
6 16
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/121
London, Monday 12 June 1837
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 64-6, dated May 1837, prints the first sentence and part of the fourth paragraph conflated with extracts from 604, 606, 618 and 649. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: goodnature, toadey.
London June 12 1837 I Monday Dearest love, I suppose that the King has really rallied, as I met Tom Young who affected that he had never even been in danger. We had a very agreeable p[ar]ty at the L[ondonderry]'s. The Marq[uess] and Ma[rchione]ss and many people whom I dont know; but I sat next a charming person, Lady Grey Egerton.1 G[renville] Pigott was also there. The Duke of Bucks arrived in town on Saty. and is very well. He I is going to Stowe. Six servants in livery in the Hall announced his arrival to me, and endless grooms of the chamber signified mine to Lady C[handos] yesterday, who received me with her usual courtesy and goodnature.2 Yesterday a very odd party at Mackinnons.3 Miss Porter is staying in his house and her toadey Miss Pardoe at her side. Then came Bonham and then Lady Cork and then Mr. D'Eyncourt whom I I called Mr Tennyson.4 There was a 1 The House of Commons vote on the contentious railway bill took the form of an amendment to the committee report. This amendment, favouring the Stephenson interests, was carried 164 to 157. The rivalry between Rennie and Stephenson continued for some time and a compromise was finally agreed upon. The Times (31 May 1837); Herapath's Railway Magazine ns II no 2 (Apr 1836) 68-85; no 4 (June 1836) 143; no 7 (Sept 1836) 284; III no 17 (July 1837) 59. 1 Probably Anna Elizabeth Grey-Egerton, née Legh (d 1882), who in 1832 married Sir Philip de Malpas Grey-Egerton, loth Baronet. 2 The Duke of Buckingham and Chandos had come from Stowe, his country seat in Bucks, to Buckingham House, his town residence, to find D already there visiting his son Lord Chandos. In 1819 Chandos had married Lady Mary Campbell (d 1862), youngest daughter of the ist Marquess of Breadalbane. 3 William Alexander Mackinnon, at this time Tory MP for Lymington, had married in 1812 Emma Palmer (d 1835), daughter and sole heir of Joseph Budworth Palmer of Rush House, co Dublin. The Mackinnons lived at 4 Hyde Park Place, Oxford Street. Sarah complained in a letter of 14 June: 'You did not tell me half enough about MacKinnon's very odd party. Lady Cork must have said something; was she savage or civil?' H A/i/B/598. 4 Charles Tennyson D'Eyncourt (1784-1861), Whig MP for various constituencies 1818-52. At this time he represented Lambeth. Two years earlier he had added the surname of D'Eyncourt. He was Alfred Tennyson's uncle.
268 I 617 14 Jun 1837
6l7
place vacant but soon filled up by Mr Roebuck!5 I forgot Sir Jno Hanmer the youthful M.P. for Shrewsbury and his pretty wife.6 Curious eno' Sir John was the very Member who moved the expulsion or something like it of Roebuck from the House this year on acct of his Canadian agency.7 This is what Mackinnon who is I a dreadful [man] calls the pleasures of society and a blending of parties. I was howr. amused, and glad to make Hanmer's acquaintance who is full of talent and literature and so enthusiastic an admirer of mine, that he had absolutely read the "Rev[olutionar]y Epic." Miss P. was dreadful; more vulgar than you can possibly conceive. I sat next to Miss Mackn. très jolie et jeune and wishes V[ivian] G[rey] to be finished and all that, love to all D A very suspicious bulletin from Windsor has just arrived.8 TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/122
[London], Wednesday [14 June 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'London June 13, 1837'. Dating: by reference to the Bridgewater House concert held on Wednesday 14 June. MP no 20,744 (16 June 1837). D may have forgotten that the concert was actually to be held that night.
Wednesday My dearest, The bulletin is the same as yesterday; but the general impression is more gloomy. We did not divide very well last night, but all minor points are merged I in the question of the King. Yesterday I dined alone with the London[derr]ys. She is very unwell. There was no one there except a Russian Prince, who has just come over and who is staying with I them.1 I have an invit[ati]on to night from Lady Stepney, but I dont think I shall go. 5 John Arthur Roebuck. 6 Sir John Hanmer (1809-1881), 3rd Baronet, after 1872 ist Baron Hanmer, was then the Tory MP for Shrewsbury; he later sat as a Liberal. In 1833 he had married Georgiana Chetwynd (d 1880), youngest daughter of Sir George Chetwynd, 2nd Baronet. 7 In 1836 Hanmer had asked the House to affirm 'that it is contrary to the independence, a breach of the privileges and derogatory to the character of the House of Commons for any of its members to become the paid advocate in Parliament for the conduct there of either public or private affairs of any portion of His Majesty's subjects.' The motion was defeated 178 to 67, on 30 June 1836. Hansard xxxiv cols 1107-11. The occasion for Hanmer's complaint was Roebuck's acting as agent in Great Britain for the House of Assembly of Lower Canada. 8 About the King's illness; he died a week later. 1 Although Lord Londonderry had been appointed ambassador to St Petersburg in 1835, opposition from the Radicals had forced him to decline the post (see 38gn5). However, the Londonderrys had passed a year in Russia (returning in May 1837), and in England entertained numerous Russian princes, including Alexander Nicholaievich, later Czar Alexander n. Two Russian princes - Prince Paul Lieven and Prince Soltik - were then prominent on the London social scene, having arrived on 12 May. Edith, Marchioness of Londonderry Frances Anne (1958) 182, 203; MP no 20,724 (12 May 1837); no 20,732 (22 May 1837).
And tomorrow to a concert at Bridgewater House; I was rather surprised at being asked, but Lord I F[rancis] E[gerton] came up to me yesterday and asked me and with great courtesy; so I shall go, as the pictures are lit up. I have a dinner on Sunday at Sir Jno Tyrrells2 and also an invit[ati]on for that day from Dick which I must refuse. How is my mother? D
619 I 269 16 Jun 1837
TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
6 18
O R I G I N A L : PS 44
[London, Thursday 15 June 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: An amalgam taken from two published sources: (a) the first and last paragraphs are from Clarence I. Freed 'A New Sheaf of Disraeli Letters' The American Hebrew vol 126 (15 Apr 1927) 854; (b) the second paragraph - merely summarized in The American Hebrew (854) - was printed in LBCS 65-6, dated May 1837, conflated with extracts from 604, 606, 616 and 649. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 617. Sic: St. James.
It is generally supposed that the King will die in four and twenty hours. The party at Bridgewater House last night turned out to be a grand concert, and the best assembly that has been given this season. There were about one thousand persons, and the suite of apartments, including the picture gallery, all thrown open and illuminated, and I enjoyed myself excessively. [Freed summarizes (854): D 'also tells of dining with Walpole at the club and attending a splendid banquet'.] We are all thinking of the Dissolution (of Parliament). I went to see the Bulletin today at St. James; it is an inspiring sight.1 How is [my] mother? TO SARAH DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/^G
[London], Friday [16 June 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT. Dating: by the balloon ascent from Vauxhall Gardens.
Friday My dearest, Now Lord Munster1 has just come from Windsor, and says the King is progressing rapidly; he does not consider him any longer in "peril". Old Lord Carhampton2 I said of the Guelphs that they were "a race of profligate giants"; 2 Sir John Tyssen Tyrrell (1795-1877), 2nd Baronet, Tory MP for Essex 1830-1 and for North Essex 1832-57. 1 D had been impressed by the number of those present to view the bulletin on the King's health posted outside St James's Palace. 1 George Augustus Frederick Fitz-Clarence (1794-1842), illegitimate son of William iv, created Earl of Munster in 1831. 2 'Old Lord Carhampton' could have been any one of the three Earls of Carhampton between the creation of the title in 1785 and its extinction in 1829. Anne Horton, née Luttrell, eldest daughter of the ist Earl of Carhampton, had married the Duke of Cumberland, brother of King George in. Thus the Carhamptons were better situated than most to comment on the royal family.
6 19
270 I 620 17 Jun 1837
620
we shall see whe[the]r their stamina will stand them in stead now.3 I There is no news to day: every thing is rather flat and the room is thin as the world have gone to see the monster balloon rise from Vauxh[a]ll.4 Tomorrow will perhaps I bring me a letter from you, which I hope will say my father is busy and my mother mending. Love to you and all, D TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/12O
[London], Saturday [17 June 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the Carlton's Waterloo Dinner was held on Monday 19 June. Sic: Brobdinagrian.
Saturday Dearest, Notwithstanding the private accounts which have of late been more favorable from Windsor, I believe myself, from what I has reached me this afternoon, that there is no hope. There is a Grand Waterloo Dinner at the Garitón on Monday: I Ld Lyndhurst in the chair; I doubt whe[the]r it will come off.1 I dine today at Lady Charl[otte] Bury's. You remember a brown carriage and liveries with the I arms emblazoned in Brobdinagrian prop[orti]ons; and I cd. not answer your enquiry whose it was. Tis Lady C's, who has also a very fine house; but how and how long is doubtful.2 Love to all. D 3 The House of Hanover claimed descent from the Guelphs. 4 Although many balloon ascents were made from Vauxhall Gardens, the most prominent balloonist was Charles Green, who, during his career, made 527 ascents. On 7 November 1836, he and two companions had set out from Vauxhall to make the second balloon crossing of the English Channel (the first, in 1785, had been only from Dover to Calais). In an uneventful voyage of seventeen hours the balloon travelled 480 miles and landed in Weilburg, Nassau. John Ashton When William iv was King (1896 repr Detroit, Michigan 1968) 232-4. 16 June 1837 was set aside as a 'Grand Fete Day' in Vauxhall Gardens to celebrate Green's achievement, and ascents were offered to paying customers at the astonishing rate of twenty guineas for men and ten guineas for women. The occasion attracted unusual attention. The Times for 17 June, after describing the massive traffic jam, commented: 'It is, indeed, some time since so great an assemblage has been gathered together in London for the mere purpose of curiosity and amusement.' After an introductory lecture on ballooning, which few could hear, Green and six companions entered the basket and 'the stupendous machine' sprang into the air and disappeared in the general direction of Uxbridge. 1 The anniversary of Waterloo was celebrated on schedule on 18 June (see 622). The Carlton's Waterloo Dinner took place the following day. The King did not die until early Tuesday morning, 20 June. 2 When her first husband died in 1809 Lady Charlotte was left with nine children and little money. It was at this time that she took up her career as a writer. Her second marriage, in 1818 to Rev Edward Bury, failed to improve her situation. Her second husband's death in 1832 left her with two more children and even less money. She was forced to resume her literary activities. She retained the right to use the arms and livery as the daughter of the 5th Duke of Argyll, a family connection which obviously she allowed no one to forget. Lady Charlotte Bury The Diary of a Lady-in-Waiting ed A. Francis Stewart (1908) I vii, ix.
TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 634
[30 George Street, Hanover Square, London?, Monday 19? June 1837]
62 1
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Endorsement on the first page in another hand: 'Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I -June 1837.' The address of the lawyer, Blake, which D cites at the end of this letter, is that of the house in which D was born. It would seem from the context that the letter was written at Pyne's office and left for him. Dating: William IV died on 20 June 1837.
My dear Pyne, Prepare for an immediate dissolution: the King is given over and it is supposed will not live 8 and 40 hours. I have arranged with Mash and well; tho' with extreme difficulty. I have got to Wedy. I with Barber. I shall call again late, as I wish to see you on several points. Having found, after I left you the other day, a letter from Nash asking I for a settlemt of his account, I would say nothing to him about his relative's claim, and I have done nothing therein. My brother in a Ire [letter] about Bulstrode1 this morning, reminds me of it: the writ was left at Brad[enha]m I last Saturday I believe. But if that be not a legal service, we need not trouble ourselves about it; the London lawyer is Blake2 6 Kings Road Bedford Row. D TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 15
[London, Monday 19 June 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 66-7, dated igjune 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the King was given the flag on Waterloo Day, Sunday 18 June (Greville ill 371-2).
June 19, 1837. There was an agreeable party at Madame Montalembert's; but whether la Comtesse had taken an extra glass of champagne, or what might be the cause, she lionised me so dreadfully that I was actually forced to run for my life. She even produced 'Venetia' and was going to read a passage out loud, when I seized my hat and rushed downstairs, leaving the graceful society of Lady Egerton, much to my vexation. There have been several reviews of my book, chiefly in Radical papers, but all very laudatory. Traser' gave the tone to the 'Sun,'1 etc. I shall keep this open for news of the King. 1 The name was not a common one. Not one Bulstrode is listed in Robson's Guide, and only one in the commercial directory: C. Bulstrode, cabinet-maker, at 50 Paddington Street, Marylebone. 2 Francis Blake, solicitor. Law List (1835); Boyle's (1835). 1 In praising Venetia for the author's profound insight into character, The Sun no 13,964 (15 June 1837) agreed with the favourable review in Fraser's Magazine XV (June 1837) 773-89.
022
272 I 624 21 Jun 1837
623
5.30 P.M. - I have just seen a very interesting letter from Munster, dated 11 last night. The King dies like an old lion. He said yesterday to his physicians, 'Only let me live through this glorious day!' This suggested to Munster to bring the tricolor flag which had just arrived from the Duke of Wellington, and show it to the King. William IV. said, 'Right, right,' and afterwards, 'Unfurl it and let me feel it,' then he pressed the eagle and said, 'Glorious day.' This may be depended on. He still lives. D. TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: BEA [1*1-3]
Garitón Club, [London], [Tuesday] 20 June 1837
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 67, extract dated 20 June 1837; M&B i 371, dated 20 June 1837.
20 June 1837 I Cn C Dear[es]t, I write in the midst of 3 or 400 persons and in a scene of great excitement. The battle now approaches;1 what will be my fate I pretend not to foresee. They tell me Ashburton is safe and I it has been offered me, but I have refused it,2 as I sho[ul]d have had to leave town tonight. I suppose in the course of 2 or 3 days I shall be able to speak more definitely. The King died in the middle of I the night. Ld Lynd[hurs]t attended the privy council at K[ensingto]n and kissed the young Queen's hand which all agreed was remarkably sweet and soft. She read her address well and was perfectly composed tho' I alone in the council chamber and attended by no women. As yet there are not even rumors; all is tumult and like a camp. Ever D 624
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: HA/I/B/123
[London], [Wednesday] 21 June 1837
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 67-8, dated 23 June 1837, prints a version of the first sentence as the opening of a composite letter, with extracts from 635 and 636.
21 June 1837 My dearest, Her Majesty was proclaimed this morng and appeared in the balcony of the palace, but her presence did not excite much enthusiasm. There is no news. The Electioneering prospects I of our party are I think very favorable; tho' we do not vaunt. I have not yet quite arranged my own affair, but I think I may venture to say that there is little I doubt now of my return. Parliamt. it is supposed will be dissolved in the course of a month. 1 A general election traditionally followed a monarch's death. 2 D was wise to be sceptical. Far from being a Tory stronghold, this Devon borough returned a Whig or Liberal to every Parliament between 1832 and 1852.
My love to all. D H[astil]y [?] TO SARAH DISRAELI
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/124
625 I 273 23 Jim 1837 [London?], Friday [23 June 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 67-8, dated 23 June 1837, prints part of the first paragraph, and the third paragraph conflated with extracts from 624 and 6a6. EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: '23 June 1837'. Dating: by context, and by comparison with 624.
Friday Dearest, I only write lest you shd be alarmed by my silence. The excitemt. here is so great that it is utterly impossible to do anything; we live in an atmosphere of agitation. The dissol[uti]on is expected in the course of 3 weeks. My own prospects are bright and by I Monday or Tuesday I hope to inform you that they are settled. There is no news. I met Geo Dashwood to day who starts for Wycombe and after that Chas Grey who informed me that he had just transmitted his I resignation to that place.1 Did you ever hear that the two Praeds the late M P. and his brother, who were so alike that it was almost impossible to distinguish them, were called at Eton Noodle and Doodle which names have stuck to them in life and I death. Noodle, as you know is no more, but Doodle remains.2 Sir Jo[hn] King [?]3 rather alarmed me by some rumors about my father and leeches, but as I have not heard from you I conclude there was nothing serious. Ever and love D 1 George Henry Dashwood, after 1849 5th Baronet; he had been a Whig MP for Bucks 1832-5, but was defeated in 1835 and again in a by-election in February 1837. Charles Grey, who had been appointed to the Queen's household as an equerry, announced that he would not stand again for High Wycombe. Dashwood (who did not, as his father did, use the additional surname of King, see n3) decided to stand in his place. He was elected in July 1837 and continued to represent Wycombe until his death twenty-five years later. 2 The late MP' must have been James Bakewell Praed, Tory MP for Buckinghamshire, who died aged fifty-seven on 13 January 1837. He had two brothers - Humphrey Praed (d 1837) and William Tyringham Praed (1781?-1846), the London banker. All three had been together at Eton. H.E.C. Stapylton The Eton School Lists (1864) 16, 17, 22. 3 D wrote this letter very quickly but the reading given fits both the calligraphy and the context. Sir John Dashwood King (1765-1849), 4th Baronet, was Whig MP for Wycombe 1796-1831. His estate, West Wycombe Park, was close to Bradenham. The 3rd Baronet had added the surname King and contemporary reference works list the family under that name. Subsequent generations reverted to Dashwood, and D tended to use both names. See 374.
6^5
6g6
TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : NYPL Kohns [30]
[London], Monday [26 June 1837?]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 67-8, dated 23 June 1837, includes part of the last paragraph with extracts from 624 and 625. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Sarah had written on 24 June: 'I fear ... you are still kept in most wretched suspence [sic].' H A/i/B/5gg. On 23 June D had claimed that his election prospects would be settled 'by Monday or Tuesday.' 625.
Monday Dearest, I received yours1 this morning; My business2 is all but settled; nor is there any apparent hitch, but the delay has been occasioned merely by the absence of I individuals. Perhaps this day will terminate it; I don't well see how it can fail. There is no news, or rather in the extraordinary bustle and excitement of I this eventful moment, everything is disregarded. I find difficulty even in writing to you. The Garitón is full from the hour it opens to long past midnight - deputations I from the country, permanent committees, places that want candidates and candidates that want places. Love D 627
T0
SARAH DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/12Ô
[London, Friday 30 June 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Burdett's retirement was announced on 30 June.
My dearest, I have struggled to write to you every day, but the suspense is so harassing and engrossing, that I have found it utterly impossible. To day they say that Parliamt. will be dissolved on the I 14th.1 and yet nothing on my part is settled. Perhaps this evening may however bring affairs to a happy conclusion. Burdett retires2 - Murray stands;3 general prospects promising. Sweet love D 1 See ec. 2 Finding a constituency.
1 Parliament was in fact dissolved on 17 July. 2 Sir Francis Burdett, who had previously represented Westminster, announced on 30 June that he would not stand again. Instead, he sought re-election in North Wiltshire. MC no 21,102 (i July 1832). See 6o6ni. 3 Lt Gen Sir George Murray (1772-1846), governor of the Canadas 1814, Tory MP for Perthshire 1824-32, 1834, colonial secretary 1828-30. He unsuccessfully contested the seat vacated by Burdett.
TO SARAH DISRAELI
[London], Friday [30 June 1837]
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/135
628
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 68, dated 'Friday', prints part of the first paragraph, and the second paragraph, together with the last sentence of 633. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 629 and with 630. See ng. This was written some hours after 627.
Friday My darling, The clouds have at length dispelled, and my prospects seem as bright as the day. At 6 o'ck this evening I start for Maidstone with Wyndham Lewis, who I tells me that he can command 750 plumpers1 alone out of the 1400 votes. I suppose by Wednesday I shall have completed my canvass. I I write in the greatest haste2 and with my love to all. I am yr D TO THE FREEMEN AND ELECTORS OF MAIDSTONE Maidstone, [Kent], [Saturday] i July 1837 O R I G I N A L : H B/I/A/Q7
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Printed by J. Smith, Week Street, Maidstone EDITORIAL COMMENT: Broadsheet preserved in the Hughenden papers. TO THE
Maidstone, July ist, 1837.
FREEMEN AND
ELECTORS OF THE
Borough of Maidstone.
GENTLEMEN, IN compliance with an Invitation from a very numerous body of the Constituency of the Borough of Maidstone, I offer myself as a Candidate for the honor of representing it in the impending Parliament. I solicit your Suffrages as an uncompromising Adherent to that ancient Con1 D must have had confidence that Lewis's former plumpers could be prevailed upon to exercise their second vote for him. For the use of'plumpers' see (vol l) 223112. 2 It is clear that earlier in the day D had no plans to contest Maidstone, where the campaign was already under way. The local Tories had intended to present only one candidate, Wyndham Lewis, but a strong showing of support after their first canvass, coupled with reports that the second member (a Whig) would not be running, caused them, according to Monypenny, to send a hurried deputation to the Garitón Club in search of a second candidate. Doubtless on Wyndham Lewis's recommendation, D was selected. M&B I 372. Perhaps reluctant to burn his bridges, D did not at once withdraw from his candidacy at Barnstaple. See 62901. For Mary Anne's account of her influence in having D selected see 643n6.
62 Q
276 I 630 3jul 1837
630
stitution, which once was the boast of our Fathers, and is still the Blessing of their Children. I wish to see the Crown enjoy its Prerogative, both Houses of Parliament their equal Privileges, and the great body of the Nation that unrivalled and hereditary Freedom which has been the noble consequence of our finely balanced scheme of legislative power. Convinced that the reformed Religion, as by Law established, in this Country, is at the same time the best guarantee for religious Toleration and orthodox Purity, I feel it my duty to uphold the Rights of our National Church, that illustrious Institution to which we are not less indebted for our civil than for our spiritual Liberties. Resident in an agricultural County, and deeply interested in the Land, I will on all occasions watch with vigilant solicitude over the Fortunes of the British Farmer, because I sincerely believe that his welfare is the surest and most permanent basis of general Prosperity. Assuring you that you will find me at all times a sedulous Guardian and energetic Champion of your local Interests. I have the Honor to remain, Gentlemen, Your very faithful Servant, B. DISRAELI.1 TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 636
Maidstone, [Kent], Monday [3 July 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B i 374, dated July 1837, prints the last sentence of the second paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Endorsed on the first page, in another hand: 'July 3rd,/ 1837'; on the fourth page in another hand: 'Benjn. Disraeli Esqre. I 3 July, 1837'.
Maidstone I 8 o'ck. Monday My dear Pyne, Every thing here goes swimmingly: as far as I have hitherto proceeded my canvass even exceeds the prospect held out by the Deputation and Wyndham Lewis. I don't suppose I shall be in town until Thursday night. I am very nervous about Whitcombe's I bill,1 never having received it from you, and I fear White may be absent from Missenden as he sometimes is for a day or two and that the affair may go wrong. For God's sake take care no writ comes 1 At the same time that D was issuing this address to the electors of Maidstone he was involved in negotiations to stand for Barnstaple, for which his friend Charles Fancourt was a sitting member. Correspondence between Fancourt and Mr Bremridge of Barnstaple suggests that as late as 3 July it was assumed that D was a serious candidate (H B/i/A/72). Fancourt had been appointed an aide-de-camp to King Ernest of Hanover, and by 8 July it was clear that neither Fancourt nor D would be running for Barnstaple. On 10 July Fancourt warned D that 'there is the deuce to pay at Barnstaple, Bremridge being furious at your non-appearance.' H B/i/A/78. 1 According to a Shrewsbury newspaper of 1841, D had been in debt to one James Whitcombe, identified as a resident of Middlesex. This was probably the wine merchant of Upper George Street, Bryanston Square, London. The Shrewsbury News and Cambrian Reporter no 176 (3 July 1841).
down from I him. I was glad to find the Sheriffs Officer here among my staunch supporters; I suppose gratitude.2 I have now had two days canvass and perhaps tried about a third of the constituency: as I now should calculate my majority over Robarts I will certainly not be less than 200 - if he stand, which is doubtful. 3 I am now going to make a speech at a public meeting at the Corn Exchange, therefore I must stop. In haste D
631 I 277 4 Jul 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI Maidstone, [Kent], Tuesday [4 July 1837] 631 ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/128
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 68, dated Tuesday', prints extracts conflated with part of 636; M&B I 373, dated 4 July 1837, prints part of the LBCS text. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 628 and 630.
Maidstone I Tuesday Dearest, I snatch a hasty moment to say that from all I can judge, my seat is secure here. Indeed there is no opposition at present, Robarts having declined to interfere and having written I an address to his constituents, declaring he will not canvass or trouble himself, but they may elect him if they like. It seems to me that all the strength and property of the Boro' are on our side, and opposition to the I Poor Laws makes us popular with the multitude.1 Saturday and Monday I canvassed on the strength of W[yndham] L[ewis]'s personal influence which from his influence2 and munificence is very great. On Monday last night there was I a public meeting and I think I made the best speech I ever made yet,3 as well maintained as the Aylesbury one4 and more than an hour in length; so today I canvassed on my own influence. I expect to be in town on Friday and you had better direct to me at the Garitón. My love to all D 2 Sheriffs officers, who received a commission on each writ which they served, would, as a class, have had reason to be grateful to D. 3 Abraham Wildey Robarts (1780?-1858) had been Whig MP for Maidstone from 1818 to 1837. He did not seek re-election in the July general election. See 637. 1 Tories and Radicals were united in their opposition to the Poor Law of 1834, and it was even suggested in some quarters that their agreement on this issue might form the basis for a coalition between them. N.C. Edsall The Anti-Poor Law Movement, 1834-44 (1971) 77. 2 The term 'influence' is used here in two slightly different senses. Lewis's influence in the broader sense was what an eighteenth-century writer would have called 'interest' - that combination of factors, including local connections, party support and personal appeal, that made for political success. 3 On Monday 3 July D delivered a lengthy speech at the Corn Exchange in Maidstone. 4 The speech of 9 December 1836.
632
TO THE FREEMEN AND ELECTORS OF MAIDSTONE Maidstone, [Kent], [Saturday] 8 July 1837 ORIGINAL: H B/I/A/QO
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The M aidstone Journal and Kentish Advertiser (i i July 1837); also printed separately by J.V. Hall and Son, King's Arms Office, High-Street, Maidstone. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Transcribed from a newspaper cutting preserved in the Hughenden papers.
Maidstone, July 8th, 1837. To the Freemen and Electors of the Borough of Maidstone. GENTLEMEN,
Having now completed the Canvass of the Borough, and received promises of support from yourselves which render our return as your Representatives in the ensuing Parliament, as far as human causes can operate, no longer a matter of doubt, we beg to offer you our cordial acknowledgement of the generous reception which we have experienced, and to express our readiness and resolution to afford you, at the proper time, an opportunity, if necessary, of recording your suffrages. We have earnestly endeavoured to pay our personal respects to every Elector, and if we have not always been successful, we trust we shall be more fortunate before the day of election arrives. We solicit your confidence as upholders of that Protestant Constitution to which we are indebted for the civil and religious liberty which has long been the boast of Britons, and as opposers of that heartless system of legislation which would degrade the still free, though humbler, subjects of the realm in the scale of society. It will be our object to resist that Liberalism in politics, which it seems, is only another phrase for an attack upon the Protestant Religion and the English Poor. Although, we trust, our loyalty to our Sovereign will never be questioned, we deem it our duty explicitly to state, that we have no confidence in the weak and inefficient Ministry with which circumstances have trammelled our Queen. They have contrived at the same time to derange the credit, to sully the honor, and to disturb the order of the realm, and are now avowedly leagued with those who aim at its subversion. ELECTORS OF MAIDSTONE! The struggle is rapidly approaching. The glory of the country and the prosperity of all classes of her Majesty's subjects depend upon the result. Who, then, can doubt its character? You, among the rest, will do your duty, and we shall endeavour to do ours. We remain, Gentlemen, Your obliged and faithful servants, WYNDHAM LEWIS. B. DISRAELI.
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/134
[London?], Saturday [8 July 1837]
633
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 68, dated 'Friday', prints the last sentence conflated with part of 628. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 630 and 631.
Saturday I 1/2 pt 5 Dearest, I have JUST returned, having completed a most TRIUMPHANT CANVASS. I can only write this line. I doubt whe[the]r there will be a contest. Love D TO SARAH DISRAELI [London?, Tuesday 11 July 1837] 634 ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/139
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the article cited appeared in The Times of 11 July 1837. Sic: Marlbro', Pt Arlington.
My dearest, I write, that my silence may not alarm you; but it is really impossible to fill a sheet with chit chat in this state of universal excitement. Parliament will I be dissolved on Tuesday the i8th. at the latest; perhaps on the previous day. I calculate that the Maidstone Election will be on I the Monday or Tuesday following. I have no cause for any apprehension, but of course one must feel nervous until the result. I hope you are all well. I am exceedingly I so. In case of my return I shall be present at the County Nomination which I have promised Chandos.1 The noble characters alluded to in the Times to day are Ld Bruce The D[uke] of Marlbro' Ld. P[or]t Arlington2 Love D 1 The nomination meeting for Bucks county was held on Saturday 29 July. Chandos, George Simon Harcourt and Sir William Young were eventually elected. BH no 292 (5 Aug 1837). 2 The Times of 11 July printed a leading article attacking some of the concessions which the Whig government was alleged to have made to the O'Connell faction in order to remain in office. The leader referred to 'a certain Marquis, high at least in office, if nothing else', who 'pressed a young nobleman, the heir of another Marquis, to stand for one division of a southern county, promising that he should be supported by the entire influence of the Treasury if he would only join a faction which his whole family abhor, and vote in the teeth of his own father.' The 'young nobleman' was George William Frederick Brudenell-Bruce (1804-1878), Earl Bruce, after 1856 2nd Marquess of Ailesbury. He did not seek election to the House of Commons, but entered the Lords in 1839 m ms father's Barony of Bruce. Reference was also made to correspondence with 'the heir of a certain spendthrift and pensioned Duke, of which the object is said to have been to buy the interest of the son in a borough and county where there must always exist some local family influence, by the promise of an immediate peerage^ George Spencer-Churchill (1793-1857), Marquess of Blandford, after 1840 6th Duke of Marlborough, exerted the family's strong influence in Oxfordshire in general, and in Woodstock in particular. His father, the 5th Duke of Marlborough (1766-1840), was, The
635
T0 SARAH
DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/14O
[London], Wednesday [12 July 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by the dissolution of Parliament on Monday 17 July.
Wednesday My dearest, The Dissol[uti]on is not settled whe[the]r Monday or Tuesday; the general opinion inclines to the latter day, but the Ld. Cthancellojr1 told Ld. L[yndhurst] yesterday that he thought Monday. I am in expectation of a daily summons to Maidstone, I but possibly may postpone my departure for a week. I have as little reason for apprehension as any candidate in the field, having a majority over Robarts of 230; but of course I shall never be satisfied until the return. I There is no fund at the Garitón, for it was always jobbed, but there is a fund somewhere else and I hope to get a slice of it. It does not appear to me that Young has the slightest claim for assistance, which sho[ul]d be afforded certainly I in the first instance to those candidates who unseat Whigs. N.B. There was no fund at the Garitón last election nor has there been since the Reform. The assistance has come hitherto from a comm[itt]ee of which the D[uke] of W[ellingto]n was the head.2 The general complexion of the Elections is extremely favorable to us. I shall write tomorrow. Love D I I dined on Sunday at Colonel Baillie's.3 Times said, 'distinguished for the magnificence and expense with which he indulged his taste.' He was especially famous for his purchases of rare books - including the Bedford Missal - and particularly for Valdifer's edition of Boccaccio's Decameron, for which he had paid £2,260. AR (1840) app 155. Thirdly, the article referred to a proposal which had been made 'to the resident Irish Earl of P , who is known to have much family influence with the constituency of the borough of P , in a central county of Ireland, tendering to him the net sum of £5000 - if what? If now, on the eve of a general election he would secure the seat for the borough to a supporter of the O'CONNELL Ministers, turning out his own Conservative brother.' From 1835 *° 1^47 tne constituency of Portarlington was held by the Tory George Lionel Dawson Damer (1788-1856), brother of the 2nd Earl of Portarlington (1781-1845). 1 Lord Cottenham. 2 D had been a beneficiary of the Tory central election fund in January 1835 (see 363^ and 37gn6), although not at Taunton in April (see 39004). Sir William Lawrence Young was one of three sitting Tory MPs for Buckinghamshire, and not in any real danger of defeat. Chandos, Harcourt and Young were all elected in August. Sarah had written on the previous day: 'Sir Wm and Harcourt both say that there are no funds this time, I do not think Sr Wm. had ever any right to any. He seems uneasy, as if he wished he were out of the scrape though he says that Smith will not go to the poll'. H A/i/B/6oi. For a discussion of the organization of party election funds see Gash Politics app C 434-7. 3 Col Hugh Baillie lived at 34 Mortimer Street.
TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Thursday [13 July 1837] 636 ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/127
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 68, dated Tuesday', incorporates the second sentence into a version of 631EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand on the first page of the MS: 'July 13'.
Thursday My dearest, I have seen my father who is quite delighted at my exposition of the state of affairs, and full of confidence and satisfaction. Indeed I do not see how we can be defeated, but I have said little about I the affair generally, as when one feels assured, it is best to be quiet. I heard from Maidstone this morning; and nothing could be better. I got my father a bed at Dunns. I The Prorogation is on Monday and the dissolution the following day.1 I suppose I shall be off on Monday. Yesterday I dined at Rosebank2 with the Ravensworths, Strangfords, Lady Salisbury,3 Ld. Eglinton4 and Ld. Hardwicke5 - a I very agreeable day and capital dinner: a banquet of fruits and flowers and other good things more substantial. My love to my mother, who I am glad to hear is well and to all. E[ve]r D TO ISAAC D'ISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/C/6
Garitón Club, [London], [Tuesday] 18 July [1837]
COVER: I. D'Israeli Esqr I Bradenham I High Wycombe POSTMARK: (i) In circle: v ijviS I 1837 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 69, dated 18 July 1837, with the second sentence omitted EDITORIAL COMMENT: RD includes this in LBCS as a letter to Sarah. In addressing the cover, D de1 This was the normal procedure at election-time, the dissolution coming shortly after a prorogation had put the formal end to a session. On this occasion, however, the two events took place on the same afternoon. The Queen visited the House of Lords to prorogue Parliament and, on leaving the Lords, proceeded immediately to hold a Privy Council which then issued a proclamation dissolving Parliament and summoning a new one. 2 The Londonderrys' villa on the Thames near Hammersmith Bridge. 3 Lady Salisbury made the following entry in her diary for 12 July 1837: 'Dined with the Londonderry's [sic] at Rose Bank. The Ravensworths, Lord Strangford, Lord Eglinton and D'Israeli. I never met him before. He bears the mark of the Jew strongly about him, and at times his way of speaking reminded me so much of Lord Lyndhurst, I could almost have thought him in the room. He is evidently very clever, but superlatively vulgar'. C. Oman ed The Gascoyne Heiress (1968) 248. 4 Archibald William Montgomerie (1812-1861), 13th Earl of Eglinton, and after 1859 ist Earl of Winton of the second creation. He was lord-lieutenant of Ireland 1852, 1858-9. In 1839 he was to spend over £30,000 on staging the famous Eglinton Tournament which D describes in Endymion (vol il ch xxiii). 5 Capt Charles Philip Yorke, 4th Earl of Hardwicke, RN.
637
282 I 639 2O Jul 1837
parted from his usual practice and reverted to his father's spelling of his surname. See (vol I) goec. In another hand on the cover: i i — 8 4 6 3 i 15 7
Garitón Club I July 18 My dear father, Robarts retired from a fruitless struggle yesterday morning,1 the very day on which his Committee had pledged themselves he should attend a meeting of the Electors. He has retired because his friends I could not ensure his return and when his horses were ordered for his departure to Maidstone [he sent them away].2 His party are exposed and confess they are utterly beaten. I write in great haste. D
6 38
TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 83
[London?, Tuesday 18 July 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Anderson Galleries catalogue 2099 (New York 1926) item 17 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: prorogation took place on 17 July 1837.
Yesterday I attended the prorogation ... the day most brilliant - everything gay and splendid, but no cheering.1 I fear the prestige in favour of royalty is confined now to the possessors of property....
639
TO LADY BLESSINGTON ORIGINAL: PFRZ Misc. Ms. 904
Garitón Club, [London], Thursday [20 July 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Morrison 17, undated; Madden II 217-18, undated EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Lady Blessington replied to this letter on 21 July 1837 (H B/XXl/B^Sg).
Cn C I Thursday
My dear Lady, I have not forgotten for a moment either you or Mrs. Fairlie,1 but from the evening I saw you last, I have lived in such a state of unpoetic turmoil, that I could not bring my mind to the charming task. I have seized the first unbroken I hour this morning to write the enclosed; and if Mrs. F. think them worthy of her acceptance, she can put to them any heading she likes.2 1 See 63on3. 2 Although the writing is quite clear, in his haste D has obviously omitted a phrase which would make sense of this sentence. 1 The Times of 18 July only partly confirmed D's account. It reported: The procession shone in more than its usual brilliancy. It is on such days that the magnificence of the capital is most dazzling.' But it also noted 'deafening acclamations of the mass which lined the streets.' 1 Louisa Fairlie, Lady Blessington's niece. 2 Lady Blessington had asked D to contribute to a series entitled Portraits of the Children of the
I sho[ul]d be mortified if the Book I of Beauty appeared with[ou]t my contribution howr. trifling. I have something on the stocks for you, but it is too elaborate to finish well in the present tone of my mind; but if I you like a Syrian sketch of 4 or 5 pages, you shall have it in 2 or 3 days.3 I am in town only for a day or two and terribly busied, but I hope to get to K[ensington] G[ore] before the Election. Ev[er] Yr Dis
641 I 283 25 Jul 1837
TO [SARAH DISRAELI] [London, Saturday 22 July 1837?] 640 ORIGINAL: PS l6
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 69, dated 22 July 1837; Robson and Co, autograph catalogue 95 (c 1915) item 295 (i), undated extracts EDITORIAL COMMENT: Where the LBCS and Robson texts conflict we have used the Robson version and have indicated Ralph's additional material within square brackets. Sic: Robarts'.
July 22. The accounts from Maidstone continue [as] favourable [as ever. Several of Robarts' supporters have come over to me since his secession. I believe I am the only new candidate of our side who has not an opposition.] It was thought impossible in these times that a man cd enter P[arliamen]t for the first time [and] for a Boro' in such a mannerf....] So much for the "maddest of all mad acts," my uncle G's1 prescience, and B.E.L.'s unrivalled powers of Encouragement.... [The nomination day is fixed for the 25th.]21 go to M on Monday aftn. TO [SARAH DISRAELI]
ORIGINAL: PS 84
[Maidstone, Kent, Tuesday 25 July 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Robson and Co autograph catalogue 95 (c 1915) item 295 (ii) EDITORIAL COMMENT: The catalogue describes the letter as '3 pages, 410, addressed on the fourth page, with black seal. Written from Maidstone, Tuesday (July 25, 1837).' Dating: nominations were held 26 July.
Nobility which Louisa Fairlie was editing, and which appeared in three volumes between 1838 and 1841. D's verses on Lyndhurst's three daughters appeared in the 1838 volume. Stewart Writings 519. 3 D's 'A Syrian Sketch' appeared in The Book of Beauty for 1838, 249-51. 1 George Basevi. 2 The nomination meeting was, in fact, held at Maidstone on 26 July.
64
1
284 I 643 29 Jul 1837
642
Tomorrow is nomination day1 .... On Sunday appeared here that notorious bore Colonel Thompson2 ... avowing his readiness to serve the Electors... TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : PS 17
Maidstone, [Kent], [Thursday 27 July 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 69-71, dated 27 July 1837, conflated with extracts from 646 and 648; Robson and Co autograph catalogue 95 (c 1915) item 295 (iii), extracts dated 27 July 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Robson's text adds 'God bless you all' above the signature which is confirmed as 'Dizzy' - the earliest letter to be located in which D used this form. Dating: the poll was held on 27 July. A copy of the poll-book is preserved in the Hughenden papers (B/i/A/93).
DEAREST,
Maidstone: July 27, 1837, 11 o'clock.
Lewis 707 Disraeli 616 Colonel Thompson 412 l The constituency nearly exhausted. In haste, DIZZY.
643
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/Q
[London], Saturday [29 July 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: in 644 D describes his return to High Wycombe on 29 July. Sic: Brookes', a April wind.
Saturday My dear Mrs. Wyndham, I am off for Bucks. I shall get to Bradenham for dinner; it will be rather an exciting meeting. I shall stay there until Tuesday morning when I shall I go to 1 A contemporary has recorded the following description of D on nomination day: I well recollect Disraeli addressing the mob from the window of his committee-room, at the Bell Hotel. I was standing close to him. He said: "This is the (I think) fourth contested election I have had. On each previous occasion I have been successful at the nomination, but have been defeated at the poll. To-day I have been beaten at the nomination, but I am sure I shall be successful at the poll to-morrow." And so he was. He was not popular with the mob. They offered him bacon, ham, etc., and repeatedly suggested that he was a Jew; but he was very ready in replying to them. His appearance was very remarkable - long black hair in curls - and he was dressed in what appeared to be an extraordinary way, the extreme, it may be supposed, of fashion. Nothing like it had been seen in Maidstone before ... He was then chiefly known as the author of "Vivian Grey," and no one for a moment thought he was likely to be one of the leading statesmen of the century, or Prime Minister. It was generally supposed that his success at Maidstone, where he was second on the poll, was to be attributed to lavish expenditure by his colleague and others, rather than to any impression his eloquence had on the electors. Sir John Hollzms Jottings of an Old Solicitor (1906) 7-8. 2 Lt Col Thomas Perronet Thompson (1783-1869), joint proprietor (with John Bowring) of The Westminster Review, author of The True Theory of Rent and A Catechism on the Corn Laws, Radical MP for Hull 1835-7. For his later electioneering adventures see 648n6. 1 The final standings for the Maidstone poll were: Wyndham Lewis 782, Benjamin Disraeli 668, Thomas Perronet Thompson 559, Thomas Erskine Perry 25.
643 I 285 2gjul 1837
Mary Anne Lewis (1829) from a miniature at Hughenden by Rochard
286 I 644 30 Jul 1837
644
Aylesbury, vote,1 and if practicable, return to town the same evening. I was gratified to find in Down Street2 last night your kind recollection of my sister; I shall bear her our colors3 with as much pride as pleasure. On I the whole, our members are in good if not high, spirits, and there are certainly very long faces at Brookes'. Our redtapers and second rate officials have been scattered like cherries in a April wind; Bonham, Ross, Grant; and Sir G. Clerk expected;4 but altogether our I party will be increased and far more decided and compact.5 I will write you a line from Bradenham. My kind regards to my friend and colleague and Believe me ever yours faithfully Dis6 TO MARY ANNE LEWIS ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/2
Bradenham, Sunday [30 July 1837]
COVER: Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane. I D POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: F I 3^3! I 1837 (2) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (3) In small rectangle: No. i PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 376-7
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: multidude.
1 The Bucks poll was held on Tuesday and Wednesday, i and 2 August. 2 D'S lodgings at 8 Down Street, Piccadilly. 3 D's campaign colours had been pink and white during the High Wycombe campaigns, but at Maidstone he was identified with the purple of Wyndham Lewis. 4 All four Tories had been defeated in the election: F.R. Bonham, the assistant whip, in Harwich; Charles Ross in Northampton; Sir Alexander Cray Grant (1782-1854) in Honiton (see 682ni); and Sir George Clerk (1787-1867), 6th Baronet, the chief whip, in Edinburghshire. 5 Greville had said essentially the same thing in a letter to Thomas Raikes the day before: 'One enormous gain the Tories have accomplished ... in exchanging Bonham and Ross for Planta and Billy Holmes. Whatever the pack may be, they will be better whipped-in.' Harriet Raikes ed Private Correspondence of Thomas Raikes with the Duke of Wellington and other Distinguished Contemporaries (1861) 69-70. The Tories had elected 309 members, a gain of 34, against 349 for the Whigs and their Radical allies. See 646n2. There was general satisfaction in the party that the Tories defeated tended to be among the less committed, and that these were more than compensated for by the calibre of the new members. 6 On the same day Mary Anne wrote to her brother, Major Viney Evans, telling of the election: Wyndham is not only return'd again himself for Maidstone but has succeeded in bringing in another Conservative with him - his friend Mr. Disraeli - one of the greatest writers and finest orators of the day - age about 30 - I cannot explain to you the tumult of joy and bustle we have all been in. Wyndham's great popularity from giving so largely to the poor etc etc Mr. Disraeli's being so fine a speaker joined to my humble worth I carried everything before us ... I ... My head is still dizzy with the noise we have been in and I am so tired - cannot you fancy me driving about the town - encouraging our friends and playing the Amiable to a pitch of distraction. Some of the women fell down on their knees ... in the streets and many of them clasp'd Wyndham in their arms and kissed him again and again in spite of his struggles - which set Mr. Disraeli and your Whizy in screams of laughter. Our colours are purple. I Mark what I say - mark what I prophesy - Mr. Disraeli will, in a very few years be one of the greatest men of his day - his great talents back'd by his friends Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Chandos with Wyndham's power to keep him in Parliament will ensure him success. They call him my Parliamentary Protégé ... Your own happy and affectionate Whiz [H 0/1/0/137]
Bradenham I Sunday My dear Mrs Wyndham, You may conceive my astonishment yesterday on entering the County of Bucks to find the walls of every town plastered over with pink (my color at Wycombe) placards "Maidstone Election; State of the Poll; Lewis and Disraelil" etc etc. It was curious to meet our united names thus unexpectedly, and as I had been dozing in the post chaise, I really thought on waking, that I had been dreaming all the while of home and Buckinghamshire, and that I was still by the waters of the Medway1 and among the I men of Kent. All doubt however was dispelled on my arrival at Wycombe, where I found that on the previous day there had been a great festival spontaneously and suddenly celebrated by my neighbours in honor of our victory. Friday was market day at Wycombe, which is the greatest corn market in England, and the news arrived there about noon. Immediately all the bells were set a-ringing, a subscription made at the market tables to illuminate the town in the evening and the band called out, parading long after midnight.2 At Aylesbury twelve miles further on, the news I was known earlier, and was announced from the hustings by Lord Chandos, whereupon the multidude gave three times three for Lewis and Disraeli; and cards were printed by Praed's committee,3 circulating the intelligence. I thought all this would amuse you, and indeed I was rather gratified by finding that those among whom I lived, and who after all, in this world, must know me best, felt such genuine satisfaction in my success. We all here wish very much that Mr Wyndham and yourself would come and pay us a visit among our beechen groves. We have nothing to offer you but simple pleasures, a sylvan scene and an affectionate hearth. I I hope to get to town on Tuesday evening after polling. I am rather nervous about our County Election; our third man lost the show of hands on Saturday,4 which they are pleased to say wo[ul]d not have occurred had I spoken. I suppose my colleague is in Glam[organshir]e.5 My kind regards are his and yours. Dis
645 I 287 4 Aug l837
TO WILLIAM PYNE [London], Friday [4? August 1837] 645 O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 638
EDITORIAL COMMENT: On the fourth page, in another hand: 'Benjn. Disraeli Esqr. I 5 Augt. i8$¿. On the first page, following 'Friday' and probably in another hand: '5 Augt I 1837'. 1 The river on which Maidstone stands. 2 A report in The Bucks Herald no 293 (12 Aug 1837) recorded that 'the intelligence of Mr D'lsraeli's triumphant return for Maidstone arrived in Wycombe on Friday week! ... The bells rang merrily, the pink flags were again unfurled, and Wycombe seemed, as formerly, to be a blaze of pink and white. A subscription was entered into to celebrate Mr. D'Israeli's return. Bands of music, with flags flying, paraded the town, and in the evening many of the houses were illuminated.' 3 Winthrop Mackworth Praed had just been elected for Aylesbury. 4 George Simon Harcourt had lost on nomination day and then demanded a poll, which was declared on Friday 4 August. Harcourt was elected as the third Tory in the three-member constituency, defeating the Whig, George Smith. BH no 292 (5 Aug 1837). 5 Site of the Dowlais iron works, of which Lewis was one of the proprietors.
288 I 646 i Aug 1837
Friday My dear Pyne, I have got an order for £400 - (2Oo£ being for you) but the person who is to pay it is polling in South Notts.1 He is expected home every hour. I have just I come from the City about it. It will be sent on to me the moment he arrives, and I cannot doubt therefore I shall get it tomorrow I morning. I hope under all circumstances Whitcombe will think I have redeemed my pledge. In these times it is really I impossible to keep one's engagements rigidly. In great haste D
646 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London, Tuesday 8 August 1837] ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 37502 ff42~5
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 69-71, dated 27 July 1837, prints an extract conflated with 642 and part of 648; M&B i 377, extract dated 5 August 1837. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by press reports of the election results and of Lyndhurst's marriage, Sic: Perceival, o'Ck, Floyed.
Dearest, The government talks of breaking up: 1 Ld. Melbourne really said that he could not carry on the thing with "Irish Boroughs against English counties."2 The Whigs now confess that they are I beaten to pieces; H[enry] Baring3 came up to day from Goodwood4 where he has been staying some days. Lichfield,5 Geo Byng,6 Uxbridge,7 and some others of the most violent Whigs there. They sd. then I "we have been well beaten; but if you gain Midd[lese]x and Perthshire, we must resign."8 1 The only recognizable friend of D whose name appears on the voters' register is Thomas Slingsby Duncombe. There was, in fact, no poll in South Nottinghamshire in the 1837 election, but Duncombe would not have known this until nomination day. Duncombe resided in London, but owned land in the Coddington hundred of the constituency. A Register of Persons entitled to vote in the election of Knights of the Shire for the Southern Division of the County of Nottingham for the year commencing first of December 1836. 1 The Whigs and Radicals had lost 34 seats and returned with a majority of 40. 2 Since the mid-18305 the Whigs had been forced increasingly to rely on the support of Irish members in order to stay in power. The national returns in 1837 were: Whigs 349 (England 232, Scotland 33, Ireland 73, Wales 11); Tories 309 (England 239, Scotland 20, Ireland 32, Wales 18). See also 647^. 3 Henry Bingham Baring. 4 The Duke of Richmond's seat near Chichester. 5 Thomas William Anson (1795-1854), 2nd Viscount Anson and ist Earl of Lichfield. He had succeeded Lord Conyngham as postmaster general in May 1835. 6 George Byng (1764-1847), Whig MP for Middlesex 1790-1847. 7 Henry Paget, Earl of Uxbridge. Whig MP for Anglesey 1820-32, a lord-in-waiting 1837-9. 8 Middlesex, a two-member constituency, returned George Byng and a Tory, Thomas Wood, who defeated Joseph Hume. In Perthshire the Tory, Viscount Stormont, defeated the Whig, Fox Maule.
To day we hear Perceival is at the head of the Poll for W. Surrey9 at one o'Ck. We expect to gain many I more counties. In Ireland O'C[onne]ll and Hutton are in, but will be petitioned against;10 we hear that Gibson and Tennent are returned for Belfast11 We have gained Newry and lost Sligo;12 have retained unexpectedly Carrickfergus and Coleraine,13 I but the stronger, the government are in Ireland, the weaker they must become in England. We shall hold our own in Scotland; perhaps gain a vote or so. I dined with Munster, Strangford, Shaftesbury,14 Exmouth,15 and Loftus16 at the C[arlto]n the day that Hume was thrown out.17 It is a I fact that the little Queen clapped her hands when she was told that Hume was out. Yesterday I dined at the W[yndham] L[ewise]s. The Clarendons,18 Prince: and P[rince]ss Poniatowski,19 Mrs. C[harles] Gore, Lady Floyed,20 Mrs. Dawson,21 Parnther,22 Beauclerk23 and myself. A fine dinner, well I cooked, and gorgeous service; very friendly, more friendly everyday; certainly W.L. is one of the oddest men that ever lived, but I like him very much. What do you think of Lyndhurst's marriage? I had long heard, but never 9 George James Perceval (1794-1874), after 1840 3rd Baron Arden, after 1841 6th Earl of Egmont. He was a nephew of Spencer Perceval, the prime Minister who was assassinated in 1812. In the 1837 election he was returned for the two-member constituency of West Surrey with William Joseph Denison, a Whig. 10 Daniel O'Connell and Robert Hutton (1785?-1870) were elected for Dublin, narrowly defeating the Tory candidates. The petition was unsuccessful. 11 The Morning Post of 8 August reported James Gibson (d 1880), a Whig, and James Emerson Tennent (1804-1869), a Tory, as leading in Belfast. Subsequently the other Whig, George Hamilton Chichester, Earl of Belfast, defeated Tennent. In 1838, on petition, the decision was reversed and the two Tories were seated. 12 Newry returned the Tory, John Ellis, and Sligo the Whig, John Patrick Somers. 13 Carrickfergus returned Peter Kirk and Coleraine elected Edward Litton - both Tories. 14 Cropley Ashley Cooper, 6th Earl of Shaftesbury. 15 Edward Pellew (1811-1876), 3rd Viscount Exmouth. 16 John Henry Loftus (1814-1857), Viscount Loftus, after 1845 3rc^ Marquess of Ely; he was elected Tory MP for Woodstock in 1845, nve months before his elevation to the House of Lords. 17 The news of Joseph Hume's defeat in Middlesex was reported in The Times on 5 August. 18 John Charles Villiers (1757-1838), 3rd Earl of Clarendon, and his wife Maria Eleanor Villiers. Clarendon had represented various constituencies, but when he succeeded to the earldom in 1824 he ceased to take an active part in politics. 19 Prince Joseph Michel Xavier Francois Jean Poniatowski (1816-1873), Polish-born diplomat and politician. In 1849 ne was appointed the Tuscan minister to Paris and later to London and Brussels. His wife was Princess Louisa, daughter of comtesse Le Hon. Frédéric Loliée Women of the Second Empire (1907) 86. 20 Probably Anna Floyd. She was the stepmother of Sir Robert Peel's wife Julia and a close friend of his sister, Mrs Dawson. 21 Mary Dawson, sister of Sir Robert Peel. 22 Probably Robert Parnther (1774-1858), well known in London society for his entertainments at his house in 5 Grafton Street. He had a brother, Michael Smith Parnther (1777?-1850). One of them, described only as 'Mr Parnther', figures in anecdotes about Lady Cork. It seems that she was capable of inviting people to dine with Parnther and then neglecting to inform him. GAÍ ccviii (Sept 1858) 318; Edward Heneage Dering ed Memoirs of Georgiana, Lady Chatterton, with some Passages from her Diary (1878) 84-5. 23 George Robert Beauclerk (1803-1871), usually described as having been Mary Anne Lewis's lover in the early 18305. Hardwick 65-8.
646 I 289 8 Aug 1837
290 I 647 10 Aug 1837
credited it. It is a bad business I fear, but he is so lucky, I he will fall on his legs.24 I am very well and begin to enjoy my new career. I find that it makes a sensible difference in the opinion of one's friends. I can scarcely keep my countenance. I reed, my fathers letter, for which I send my love and to all. Dis
647 TO JOHN MONCKTON 8 Down Street, Piccadilly, [London], [Thursday] 10 August 1837 ORIGINAL: H m/A/ll$c
COVER: [In another hand]: 1837 I London August 10 I Jno. Monckton Esq I Maidstone I B. Disraeli EDITORIAL COMMENT: A manuscript copy, apparently sent by Monckton's son to Sir Philip Rose on 8 July 1882, together with a short account of the election given by John Monckton, who had seconded Lewis's nomination (H B/i/A/ii3a, b). On the third sheet in another hand: '10 Augt 1837 I Copy I of I Mr Disraelis letter I (with the Original)'. Sic: metal.
loth. August 1837 I 8 Down Street I Picadilly My Dear Sir,1 Whatever might be the aspect of public affairs when we last talked together, I think there can now be no doubt as to the line which England will take in the coming struggle. I doubt whe[the]r since the time of Walpole, the counties have made a more magnificent demonstration and I feel assured that no ministry can stand by playing Irish Boroughs against the ancient shires of Albion. I calculate on 320 conservative members in the house; but the numerical increase is nothing as compared to the increased metal of the corps. We shall have a majority of 33 members in England; 22 in Great Britain. The inference is obvious, and the people of England will not fail to draw it.2 I hope you have not suffered by your invaluable exertions in our recent struggle. I We owe you much. Pray believe me with great sincerity your oblgd and faithl. Svt B. Disraeli 24 The Morning Post had reported on 7 August that two days earlier in Paris Lord Lyndhurst had married Georgiana Goldsmith (1807?-1901), daughter of Lewis Goldsmith. As it appeared to many of Lyndhurst's friends that the lady possessed neither beauty nor fortune, the marriage seemed to surprise them. See also 65*114. 1 John Monckton (d 1886), of 70 King Street, Maidstone. The P.O. Directory for the six Home Counties (1874); Law List (various years); will, Somerset House. 2 See 64602 for the election results. The Whig-Radical majority of 39 in Ireland made the difference between the result in Great Britain and that in the United Kingdom as a whole. D and others who opposed the restoration of Irish independence saw no illogicality in holding that the votes of the Irish members should be ignored. The 'inference', of course, was that the Tories had really won the election.
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: BEA [Rl-4]
[London, Friday 11 August 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 70-1, dated 1837, prints extracts from the first four paragraphs conflated with extracts from 642 and 646; M&B I 377-8, excerpts dated 12 August 1837. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the Flintshire election result was published in The Morning Chronicle on 11 August. Sic: Barnes, Dupre.
Dearest, I did not see the Herald;1 but I find my advent canvassed in many papers; among them the Spectator2 who puts Holmes3 Sugden and myself as men whom the Whigs wd. anx[iousl]y have kept out; but says they have no doubt I fancy I shall be the terror of the Treasury Bench, but they shall be "agreeably disappointed I if I turn out anything better than a buffoon". This must come from Col Thompson and Co. who did not particularly relish my nomination jokes.4 Clear your head of all nonsense about scrutinies, petitions etc etc.5 There is not a safer seat in England than mine. They have not a shadow to work I upon. Thompson must know this, as he is making an advance to Lambeth in anticip[ati]on of D'Eyncourts peerage, which I fancy will not appear.6 I franked your letter. To day the murder is out and after all the lies of the Government Press, the Chronicle coolly announces that after I a careful examin[ati]on of the returns, they must confess they stand thus Reformers] Tfories] 306 304 and that from the prospects of the undecided elections there is no doubt there must be 318 Tories in the house, one election only remaining undecided in Eng1 Sarah had written to say that 'a few days back The Morning Herald said something of two men being returned to this Parliament of whom great things were expected. Who is the Second?' H A/I/B/Ô04.
2 The Spectator no 475 (5 Aug 1837) 721. 3 William Holmes. 4 In the course of his nomination speech delivered at Maidstone on 26 July D had directed the following comment at Thompson: 'I dare say you have all heard of an honest tar who stuffed his yard of clay with gunpowder and setting fire to it, nearly blew off his head. On going to the doctor he was asked "Jack, how came you to do this?" "Why", said he, "you see we must have a shy sometimes." Now gentlemen, this is Colonel Thompson's shy. He has stuffed his pipe with gunpowder; tomorrow he will light it and where his head will be I can't say.' The Maidstone Journal and Kentish Advertiser (i Aug 1837) in H B/i/A/io3. A hostile account of D's nomination is to be found in The Maidstone Gazette and Kentish Courier no 2,052 (i Aug 1837). 5 In the same letter Sarah had reported: 'They say at Wycombe that you are certain to have a scrutiny. Have they any foundation for this or only Spite?' Sarah's concern over the safety of D's seat may have stemmed from the fact that a show of hands vote had favoured Lewis and Thompson. As a result, D had demanded a poll which was held on 27 July. In addition, a local journal had commented that 'the present contest is, however, not yet quite decided. Several gross cases of bribery have come under our notice and are not likely to be lost sight of... We may yet have the gratification of ousting both Wyndham Lewis and the representation of his cash-box.' The Maidstone Gazette (i Aug 1837); repr in Beeton 275. 6 Lambeth had returned two Whigs: Benjamin Hawes, and Charles Tennyson D'Eyncourt. The peerage did not materialize, and Col Thompson (Radical MP for Hull 1835-7) had to continue for ten years his search for another constituency that would elect him. He was defeated on five more occasions (Marylebone 1838, Manchester 1839, Hull and Cheltenham 1841 and Sunderland 1845) before being elected for Bradford in 1847.
648
292 I 649 12 Aug 1837
649
land and that they add probably liberal - to wit Flintshire,7 which we learn this morning is decided in our favor by I a majority of 37; so that makes 319, and I shall be rather surprised if we dont pick up a few more. In short the government is done, and I doubt whether they will meet Parliamt. Lanarkshire the largest and most radical county in Scotland, being the seat of their principal manufactures is gained by Lockhart by I a majority of one\lls There is no doubt of the fact of his return, for he has notified it to the Garitón this morning by his frank', as well as Bateman for Tralee, whose signature was very welcome, as this is a Boro' rescued from O'Connell's gripe.9 The Whigs are more than low I spirited; they are in extremis; they give the affair up. Peel says he can carry on the government with the present Parliamt., not the slightest doubt, so I hope we are sitting for seven years. What fun! And how lucky after all I should esteem myself! I went to town from I Beaconsfield in an electioneering carriage with three out voters for the C[ount]y who all asked me for franks. There is no chatter to tell you. I dine to day at Peter Borthwicks!10 What do you think of that? Tomorrow at Barnes who has taken Haviland Burkes11 house at Hampstead I for the summer; Sunday at the W[yndham] L[ewise]s and Monday at D'Orsay s ; therefore I hope something may turn up. I suppose in a week I shall be at Bradenham. The foreign letter you sent me was a hieroglyphical congratulations from C. Dupre;12 1/2 a dozen drunken I lines from Aix la Chapelle which apparently cost 2/11. My love to all. D TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/142
[London, Saturday 12? August 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 64-6, dated May 1837, prints most of the second paragraph conflated with extracts from 604, 606, 616 and 618. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: immediately after 648. Sic: Bannfshire, Marybone.
7 In Flintshire Sir Stephen Richard Glynne had defeated Edward Mostyn Lloyd Mostyn, a Whig, by 945 votes to 905. 8 Alexander Macdonald Lockhart (1806-1861), the Tory, defeated Charles Augustus Murray, the Whig, 1486 to 1485. 9 Maurice O'Connell, son of Daniel O'Connell, had been defeated by John Bateman in Tralee. However, on petition the result was reversed, and O'Connell was declared elected on 12 March 1838. 10 Peter Borthwick (1804-1852), Tory MP for Evesham 1835-8, and 1841-7; elected in 1837, he was unseated on petition the following year and his Whig opponent was declared elected. In 1850 he became editor of The Morning Post. 11 Thomas William Aston Haviland Burke (1795-1852), nephew of the statesman. He was a barrister and a noted collector of prints. 12 Caledon George Du Pré (1803-1886), Tory MP for Buckinghamshire 1839-74. His estate, Wilton Park, was one of the most important in D'S part of Bucks. When Chandos succeeded to his father's dukedom in 1839, Du Pré was chosen to inherit his parliamentary seat. After D was elected for Bucks in 1847, Du Pré remained a fellow-member for the county for the next twenty-seven years.
Dearest, There is no news; we have lost Bannfshire; 1 the plot howr is nearly over. I send you a letter sent me by Mrs. W[yndham] L[ewis]. I suppose it will not tempt you especially I at this time of the year. P[eter] B[orthwick] is the most wonderful person in the world. He lives in one of the most expensive houses in Portland Place; many servants in livery, a handsome wife2 I ornately dressed, children in fancy dresses tumbling on ottomans, one swearing he is a tory, the other a radical etc. The least expenditure not under £5000 pr ann: and no one is the least aware of I his means.3 The party was very stupid; a few Garitón men[:] Twiss,4 Sir Jno. Reid,5 Ernest Bruce6 and myself, mixed up with some Marybone and Bloomsbury slipslop; but I like to go to a house for the first time. I hope I to be down permanently in the course of next week. D
650 I 293 14 Aug 1837
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS [London, Monday 14? August 1837] 650 O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/^O
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 663 and by D's known movements. This letter was written before he left town for Bradenham on 21 August.
My dear Mrs Wyndham, I am very busy and bored, and fear there is little chance of calling in Grosvenor Gt today. I send this up to know whether you want franks; 1 if so, send your letters I by the bearer, and I will take care to call in at the Garitón before Post Time and attend to them. I hope you are I very well and not exhausted by the multiplied diversions of yesterday, a volcano, a rural fête, the guitar and private theatricals! To I say nothing of the roaring of Numidian lions.2 Ev[er] Dis 1 The Tory candidate in Banffshire, Capt George Ferguson, had been defeated by the Whig, James Duff. 2 In 1827 Peter Borthwick had married Margaret, daughter of John Colville of Ewart, Northumberland. 3 Borthwick's prominence as a spokesman in favour of the retention of slavery was alleged to have brought tangible expressions of gratitude from those who felt as he did. 4 Horace Twiss (1787-1849), wit and politician; Tory MP for Wootton Bassett 1820-30, Newport I.W. 1830-1 and Bridport 1835-7. He had been under-secretary of war and colonies 1828-30, and was a vehement opponent of the Reform Bill. He had been defeated in Nottingham in the recent general election. 5 Sir John Rae Reid (1791-1867), 2nd Baronet; Tory MP for Dover 1830-1, 1832-47. 6 Lord Ernest Augustus Charles Brudenell-Bruce (1811-1886), MP for Marlborough from 1832 to 1878, when he succeeded his brother as 3rd Marquess of Ailesbury. Initially a Tory, Bruce was a Peelite from 1847 to 1^59» when he joined the Liberals. 1 Wyndham Lewis seems to have been in Wales and thus unable to use his own frank for his wife's convenience. See 644. 2 Probably they had visited Vauxhall Gardens, an entertainment park founded early in the eighteenth century, and frequented by 'the upper ten thousand' well into the nineteenth century. The Gardens were the site of musical concerts, exhibitions of wild animals, and balloon ascents (see 6ign4); firework displays were often held there.
651
TO [CHARLES SCUDAMORE] O R I G I N A L : NYPL Montague [2l]
8 Down Street, Piccadilly, [London], [Tuesday 15? August 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 647 and by reference to D's known movements. Sic: fatiques, owe you.
8 Down Street I Piccadilly My dear Sir,1 I envy you the enjoyment of this golden season in your beautiful county. I remember with a sigh the gardens of Maidstone in the dusty regions of Pall Mall I and Piccadilly. I hope however to escape at the end of the week to my Buckinghamshire beeches which, tho' they will not compare with your oaks, are still sylvan and serene. You have I suppose by I this time recovered from the fatiques of our contest and remember only the triumph. We all owe you a great deal to your energy. On the whole, the result of the geni, election must be gratifying to our party: I there are many phases however which the political horizon must assume before the state is established on "the best and surest foundation." Pray make my compliments acceptable to Mrs Scudamore and your sister and believe me truly yours B Disraeli
652
TO LADY LONDONDERRY ORIGINAL: DURG D/LO/C53OCg9
Down Street, Mayfair, [London], [Wednesday 16 August? 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Marchioness of Londonderry ed Letters from Benjamin Disraeli to Frances Anne Marchioness of Londonderry, 1837-1861 (1938) 5-8, dated August 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'August 1837'. Dating: by the death of Lord Cardigan. Sic: May ffair, ideot.
Down Street I May ffair
Dear Lady, My absence from town has prevented me from sending you any bulletins, but I am very grateful for yours, which are always sparkling and gay. Everything here is now very flat; a few Irish Elections still linger, but notwithstandg. I our unexpected triumph in Kerry,1 the post brings but gloomy intelli1 Charles John Scudamore (1815?-1856), Maidstone solicitor, mayor of Maidstone 1849 council member until his death. CM 200 (Mar 1856) 324.
anc
^
1 Since 1832 this two-member constituency had returned Whigs. Morgan John O'Connell (18111875), nephew of Daniel O'Connell, had been re-elected as expected. The surprise was the return of the Tory, Arthur Blennerhassett.
gence from that country.2 Ld. Lyndhurst will arrive this day I sho[ul]d think at Baden.3 He has written to no one, I believe, since the catastrophe,4 but in a letter from Paris the I day before, in which not the slightest allusion was made to the impending change, he sd. he was "going to amuse himself for a couple of months, and sho[ul]d certainly be at home in the first week of November." I shd. be delighted to visit Ireland and your I Lady[shi]p, but I fear I cannot indulge this year in so great a gratification. I suppose you have seen the death of Lord Cardigan.5 It was lucky that it did not occur sooner by a few months, for we sho[ul]d then have had two contests for the I county of Northhampton. 6 The only news I have is that Lord Sefton is nearly in the state of Lord Cardigan; his life is perilous, and Henry Baring tells me he doubts his living through the week.7 Have you heard that Lady Conyngham I is mad, and confined? This is news to me, but perhaps not to you. I mean the youthful Marchioness.8 Have you heard that Lady Harriet D'Orsay9 call[e]d the other day on Mrs. Norton with whom she has become great friends, and complained bitterly of the scandal I of which they were both the victims.10 They compared notes in this 2 The Tories had elected in Ireland only twenty of a possible sixty-four county members, and twelve of a possible forty-one for the boroughs and universities. 3 Lyndhurst had told Lady Blessington after the election that he intended to go to the Continent for a short time. John Singleton Copley Letters, Pforzheimer Library (Mise MS 2,536). 4 Lyndhurst's recent marriage? Sarah had described it in similar terms: 'The marriage of milord was quite a thunderbolt to me yesterday at Wycombe. As a domestic calamity it is surely unmitigable.' H A/I/B/605. 5 Robert Brudenell (1769-1837), 6th Earl of Cardigan, died on 14 August. 6 James Thomas Brudenell (1797-1868), Baron Brudenell, son of the 6th Earl of Cardigan, was the sitting member for Northampton North when Parliament was dissolved for the election. Had his father died before the dissolution on 17 July Lord Brudenell would have entered the House of Lords before the election. 7 William Molyneux, 2nd Earl of Sefton, survived until 20 November 1838. 8 Jane Conyngham, wife of Francis Nathaniel Conyngham, 2nd Marquess Conyngham. According to a press report published the following year, the Marchioness had 'been suffering ... under a malady which has attacked her with increasing virulence immediately after the birth of each child, and which in the last instance of her confinement presented appearances of so serious a character as to render restraint and a change of residence absolutely necessary.' The Satirist (10 June 1838). Lady Conyngham had borne a daughter on 25 December 1836. 9 Lady Harriet D'Orsay, née Gardiner (1812?-1869), was the step-daughter of Lady Blessington. Under the terms of Lord Blessington's will, D'Orsay had been named executor and a substantial beneficiary on condition that he marry one of Lord Blessington's two daughters. D'Orsay had accordingly married Lady Harriet Gardiner on i December 1826 in Naples. Following Lord Blessington's death in 1829 D'Orsay continued his liaison with Lady Blessington who was also his step-mother-in-law, virtually ignoring his young wife. Lady Harriet left her husband in 1831, and soon after was said to have embarked on a series of affairs of her own. She instituted legal proceedings against both D'Orsay and Lady Blessington in dispute of her father's will, and obtained a legal separation from D'Orsay in 1838. Less than a month after D'Orsay's death in 1852 she married Charles Spencer Cowper. Sadleir Blessington-D'Orsay ii4ff, 161; Connely 111, 132, 173, 561. 10 Mrs Norton was said to have been the mistress of the prime minister, Lord Melbourne. See 510. By this date it was also rumoured that Lady Harriet was the mistress of the Duc d'Orléans, heir to the French throne. Sadleir Blessington-D'Orsay 180-1.
652 I 295 16 Aug 1837
296 I 654 22 Aug 1837
653
wise. "I suppose, my dear Mrs Norton, they say you are in the habit of going into the country for etc. etc. etc." "Certainly" sd Madame N. "And they say this and that?" "Of course." "But do they say of you besides" sd. I la belle Harriette "That you are quite an ideot." "No, they never say that" sd Mrs Norton. The story was very good when told to me by a good story teller, Mrs. Chas Gore, but it depends upon the details and I cannot venture to give them to you; at least not now. Your imagination however will fill up the I sketch. I leave town on Monday and shall not return until Park, meets;11 but I will write to you before I depart, and tell you of my whereabouts, in case you will continue to condescend I occasionally to notify your existence to your faithful Ser[van]t Dis TO WILLIAM PYNE
[London], [Monday] 21 August [1837]
O R I G I N A L : FITZ Disraeli 839
COVER: William Pyne Esqr I 30 George Street i Hanover Sqr EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand at the bottom of the page: 'Reed J[?] Hibon'; in another hand along the right margin: '21 August 1837'.
August 21
My Dear Sir, Have the kindness to pay Mr. Hibon of Down Street1 ten pounds, and place the same to my account. B. Disraeli
654
TO WILLIAM PYNE ORIGINAL: FITZ Disraeli 640
[High] Wycombe, [Bucks], [Tuesday 22 August? 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Endorsement in another hand on the fourth page: 'Benjn Disraeli Esqr. I Octr. 1837'. Dating: despite the endorsement, the reference to Hibon suggests that this letter was written soon after 653.
Wycombe My dear Pyne, 111, hot and pressed to death by my family, I have bolted from town, but have left all things unarranged, and I fear I must just I return again. But tomorrow, when I am somewhat more composed, I will write to you, and we shall see. I have given orders to Mitchell1 I for 4o£ which you have been kind enough to 11 Parliament met on 15 November. 1 D was at this time lodging at 8 Down Street and John Hibon, a chemist, appears to have been living at 12 Down Street. The present letter, an order to Pyne equivalent to a cheque, was probably given to Hibon for presentation at Pyne's office. 1 Probably John Mitchell, the bookseller. See 375ni and 539.
pay and to Mr. Hibon of Down St. io£ - which pray be kind enough to attend to. White will not trouble you for his; he says he had rather not at present. Just I when I was off for Maidstone, I gave a bill to Lincoln and Bennett2 for 2^£ as they threatened arrest, and I took the liberty of making it payable at yr. place. Pray pardon me. Yours ever D
656 I 297 26 Aug 1837
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS
65 5
ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/3
Bradenham, [Thursday 24 August 1837]
COVER: 1837 I Wycombe August twenty four I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane. I B Disraeli
POSTMARK-, (i) In crowned circle: FREE I 25AU25 I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE.
Bradenham. Your despatch of yesterday frightened me out of my wits, and altho' I think the magic wand does not weigh an ounce, I scarcely venture to enclose it in an envelope. You must come and fetch it: that is settled. My fathers eyes, when I arrived, were worse ! than Wyndhams, but my mother has an infallible specific which cures them always in 4 and 20 hours. She sends it with her compliments, and tho' I am aware no-body ever tries any remedy that is recommended, I wish I he wo[ul]d make the present an exception to that salutary rule. I can myself bear witness to its magic spell.1 I fear that the showers have robbed the orange flowers of their fragrance; and I therefore I will not say, in sending them to Mrs. Wyndham Lewis, like the Queen in Hamlet, "Sweets to the Sweet!";2 but that is the only reason. I am sorry for L.E.L. but people who really wish to die don't dine out.3 Eve[r] Yrs Dis TO MARY ANNE LEWIS O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/1 1
[Bradenham, Saturday 26? August 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Blake 142, dated early August 1837, prints the second paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 655, dated 24 August 1837, and by reference to D's movements.
2 Hatters, of 2 Sackville Street, Piccadilly. 1 Isaac D'Israeli is thought to have suffered from myopic retinal degeneration; by 1840 he was virtually blind. 2 v i 265. 3 In January (560) D had told Sarah of Letitia Landon's engagement to George Maclean. By the summer, rumours of her bohemian past had begun to reach Maclean. His ardour cooled, he did not write for months, and LEL professed herself to be desolate. D.E. Enfield L.E.L. : a Mystery of the Thirties (1928) 139.
656
298 I 658 28 Aug 1837
My dear Mrs Wyndham, I herewith forward a petition to Wyndham,1 which all here entreat you to support, and in fact I have almost promised that you will do so. Therefore do not disappoint us. As I write to you, the Sun peeps from I behind a cloud, and that I take to be a good omen. All here is very quiet and happy. Not a word about the painful subject,2 which, it is tacitly agreed, shall be consigned to oblivion, with the hope that there I may never again be an occasion to recollect it. I hope most heartily that Wyndham will come, if only for a day or two. I would not urge this, if I were not convinced he wo[ul]d not be bored, and if I I did not feel assured, that the families will mutually suit each other. Your stages will be Southall and Gerrards Cross to Bradenham. I hope you are very well. Your obliged friend Dis
657 TO [WYNDHAM LEWIS] Bradenham, [Saturday 26? August 1837] O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/41Ô EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: it seems probable that this is the 'petition' referred to in and sent with 656.
Bradenham I High Wycombe My dear Sir, We all agree here, that the Sun, who deserted us so suddenly yesterday, will never return, unless Mr. and Mrs. Wyndham will pay us a visit. Then we shall believe, that the I rain has only been sent by a fairy to prepare the roads for their journey. It is a very short one, two miles less than Maidstone, and that, you know, we never found very long, and I I am deputed by the united circle to forward this petition from our sylvan solitude for the favor. Pray, pray, grant it, and add to, the many kindnesses I you have already conferred on your affectionate colleague Dis
6 58
TO COUNT D'ORSAY ORIGINAL: GRAM 3
Bradenham, [Monday 28 August 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating-, by context. Sic: pucellage.
1 See 657. 2 Blake, who dates this letter 'early in August', suggests (142) that this refers to the public exposure of Henrietta Sykes and Daniel Maclise. This interpretation is supported by an entry in the 'Mutiliated Diary': 'During the election occurred the terrible catastrophe of Henrietta nearly one year after we had parted.' H A/cAj. See app ill.
Bradenham My dearest D'Orsay, I bolted from town on Monday last, being far from well, and I have been so indisposed since, that I really have not been able to scribble a line even to you. Is not Friday the I ist. of September?1 And is there not here a manor of some fifteen hundred acres, well preserved, of which the pucellage2 is at your service? Pray come. I hope Miladi got I my slender contribution to the B[ook] of B[eauty]3 safe at last. I shall write to her the moment I am well enough, and can get a pen that will mark, which this will not. Ever your affectionate Dis
659 I 299 31 Aug 1837
TO COUNT D'ORSAY
6 59
O R I G I N A L : GRAM 2
Bradenham, Thursday [31 August? 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Licensing Day was held in Aylesbury on 26 August, but the press does not report D as being present there. Each hundred held its own Licensing Day for public houses and, in the smaller centres, combined them with Petty Sessions. In 660 D told Mary Anne that on the day before (31 August) he had served on the bench at West Wycombe and, although no local press reports confirm the session, this was not unusual; 31 August is therefore the most probable date for this letter. Sic: anyway.
Thursday I Bradenham I 10 o'ck
My dear D'O, I have just received your letter, which I answer at the moment, as I am just going to our Sessions, it being Licensing Day, which will employ me until past post time. I received a letter from Lady S[ykes] to the effect of I yours received this day on Tuesday, and by the same post under three covers to Mr Powell of George St.1 I enclosed a statement, which I had drawn up of my first and early acquaintance with Sir F[rancis] S[ykes] and his family; also the last letter which I I had received from Sir F dated Deer. 1836; and also gave him an account of what letters I had found of Sir F. among my papers namely 4: directed to Lady S. and eight to myself,2 and informed him they were at his service the moment he com1 The opening of the partridge season. 2 D apparently intended to use a mediaeval legal term to suggest feudal privileges of an indeterminate nature. The word literally means 'maidenhood' or 'virginity'. It seems to have escaped the compilers of legal dictionaries. 3 'A Syrian Sketch', which appeared in the 1838 edition. See 639^. 1 John Allan Powell, solicitor, of the firm of Williams, Brooks, Powell and Broderips at 9 New Square, Lincoln's Inn. Law List (1838; 1845). Presumably Powell was Lady Sykes's solicitor. 2 The Hughenden papers contain some correspondence from Sykes to D (A/iv/H/8g-io6), although the letter 'dated Deer. 1836' has not been located. They also contain some of Sykes's letters to Lady Sykes (A/iv/H/ioy-i i).
3oo I 659 31 Aug 1837
municated to I me his wish to have them. I suppose he is out of town, and the three letters, which you will recognise, as they are franked by me are lying at his house. I need not assure you, that throughout this wretched business, my only object has been to I assist Lady S.3 As for the monstrous story which I hear for the first time this day,4 all I can say is, that if Lady S. will entrust you with Mr. Lake's5 letter in which he signifies, that I planned or was in anyway concerned or privy with I the affair, I authorise you in my name, and as my friend, to call upon Mr. Lake, or Sir Francis Sykes, or Ld. Henniker6 or any of them, for a most ample explanation or the necessary satisfaction. I entrust you with my I honor with the most perfect confidence, knowing from experience that you will, not be trifled with, and that like myself, in these affairs, you like results. Act as you think proper for me; and I will be with you always I at a few hours notice, but do not send for me to town except for business. You understand. 3 Sir Francis had discovered Lady Sykes and Daniel Maclise in flagrante delicio, and inserted the following advertisement in The Morning Chronicle (no 21,129) on 2 August 1837: NOTICE - Whereas HENRIETTA SYKES the Wife of me, Sir FRANCIS SYKES Baronet hath committed ADULTERY with DANIEL M'CLISE of Russell-place, Fitzroy-square, Portrait and Picture Painter (with whom she was found in bed at my house, No. 20 Park-lane, in the parish of St George, Hanover-square, in the county of Middlesex, on the 4th day of July 1837). This is to give notice, that hereafter I shall not be ANSWERABLE for any DEBTS she may contract or for GOODS which may be supplied to her. Dated this day the 25th day of July, 1837: Witness to Sir F. Sykes's signature, John M. Harwood clerk to Messrs Lake, Wilkinson, and Lake, 10, Lincoln's-inn. London. Sir Francis instituted proceedings for 'criminal conversation' against Maclise, but he ran into difficulties when his solicitors, Pyne and Richards, refused to act, 'on the ground that they apprehended that the result of the proceeding would not be productive to the plaintiff of any great "glory" or advantage'. As a result Sir Francis appointed another firm - Messrs Lake, Wilkinson and Lake. The case against Maclise came to court in June 1838 but proceedings appear to have been settled out of court, for no judgement is recorded. The Times (9 June 1838). During July and August of 1837 Sykes's charges against Henrietta were, as might have been expected, the subject of much discussion. One press comment noted: 'The course of proceeding on the part of Sir Francis was cruel and harsh in the extreme. Not content with placing his servants over her as spies, he permitted them to insult her. In addition to this, a low Bow Street runner is introduced into the house as the representative (!) of the master ... The next act of cruelty was the removal of the three children, whom Lady Sykes has not since been permitted to see. The next, the closing of the door against her at a late period of the night; and the last, though least in malignant feeling, the retention of every article of her wardrobe, her jewels and money.' The Satirist (20 Aug 1837). 4 The 1838 reports of the hearing of Sykes vs Maclise gave prominence to Sykes's contention that Pyne and Richards had paid £2,000 over the sum which he had authorized to be paid to Henrietta during his absences in 1836-7. Pyne and Richards admitted having done so and explained the absence of receipts by their confidence in 'the honour of Sir Francis and Lady Sykes'. The Times (9, 13 June 1838). Jerman (282) suggests: 'This could easily have been the money that saved Disraeli from bankruptcy.' Blake (134) concurs, while emphasizing that there is no conclusive proof. The rumour of such an allegation, spread by Lake, could well be the 'monstrous story' which D here recorded as hearing 'for the first time', and this would account for the alarm with which he exhorted D'Orsay to act for him in the defence of his honour. It might also cast new light on what he had meant by 'our system' in his letters to Pyne. See 63&ni. 5 John Lake, of the firm of Sykes's solicitors. 6 John Henniker-Major, 4th Baron Henniker.
in great haste Your affectionate friend Dis I suspect Mr. Lake has made very free with my name in many respects: I won't stand it.
661 I 301 2 Sep 1837
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS Bradenham, [Friday i September 1837] 660 ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/4
COVER: 1837 I Wycombe September one I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis, I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane I London I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In circle: c I 2SE2 I 1837 (2) TO PAY id ONLY (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (4) In small rectangle: No. i PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 378-9, dated i September 1837.
Bradenham After you went, everything and everybody were most dull and triste. The truth is the visit was too short.1 Yesterday I "executed justice and maintained truth" at West Wycombe,2 where they kept me so late that I I missed the post. Here everything remains the same, save that it is now the memorable first of September and the boys are out shooting. They went out at 6 this morning and have I not yet made their re-appearance. We must ask you for news: you cannot expect it from this sylvan solitude. Not an incident ever occurs here; one day is as like another as fruit on a tree. The weather I has been more favorable, which made us all still more deplore the absence of our recent guests. All unite here in love and affection and compliments to you and Wyndham: I send my quota. Dis TO [ROSINA BULWER] O R I G I N A L : PS 33
[Bradenham, Saturday 2? September 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: [A.W. Thibaudeau ed] The Collection of Autograph Letters and Historical Documents formed by Alfred Morrison (second series, i882-i8g$) (1893) I 169, dated July 1837; M&B I 378, extracts dated 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The printed source ends the letter ' "I am her", etc'. Dating: D told Mary Anne on 3 September that he had written to Mrs Bulwer (662). On 6 September Mrs Bulwer acknowledged its receipt (H B/xx/Ly/2i i).
I have dedicated for the last fortnight the first hour which should find me free from a continual headache, and all the ailments that flesh is heir to, except a pain in the heart, and now, in despair, I must beg you to pardon the stupidity of these lines, which I only send lest, if indeed you remember your kindness in 1 The Lewises had visited Bradenham at the end of August. See 656 and 657. 2 While most of D's duties as JP involved the Quarter Sessions at Aylesbury, he sometimes attended Petty Sessions at West Wycombe, as on this occasion.
661
302 I 662 3 Sep 1837
662
having written to me,1 you should deem me insensible of what I felt, and shall always feel, a most friendly and gratifying recollection. I can assure you it required not the sight of your handwriting to remind me of your existence. I have never forgotten the agreeable hours I have spent under your roof, or the many kindnesses I have received from you. I hope we may yet, and quickly, meet again. It was odd that my electioneering struggle shd terminate in being M.P. for Maidstone. As I am already a believer in destiny, it required not this strange occurrence, and doubly strange from the manner in which it took place,2 to confirm me in my Oriental creed. The Wyndham L[ewise]s have paid us a visit here within these few days, of which the only fault was it was too short. I hope you have not forgotten that you are not a stranger to any beneath this roof. It affords me sincere gratification that my family have had an opportunity of making your charming acquaintance. I wish that circumstances had permitted them to cultivate an introduction which would have afforded them, I am confident, so much delight, and which I once hoped would have ripened from acquaintance into friendship. But we are the children of the gods, and are never more the slaves of circumstances than when we deem ourselves their masters. What may next happen in the dazzling farce of life the Fates only know. Perhaps in the rapid and unexpected change of the scene it may allow me to express to Mrs. Lytton Bulwer how very sincerely and heartily I am her, [D] TO MARY ANNE LEWIS
ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/5
Bradenham, [Sunday 3 September 1837]
COVER: 1837 I Wycombe September three I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane I London I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: c i 4SE4 I 1837 (2) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (3) TO PAY id ONLY (4) In rectangle: No. i.
Bradenham I have written to Mrs. Bulwer - I fear a very stupid letter. I put it off day after day from a sort of languor which always oppressed me when I was alone, and which seems to increase daily upon me. In fact, I have not been well this month I scarcely, and thought that quiet and country air would have done me more good than they yet promise. Women are too quick; you are quite wrong about the bouquet. I therefore send you back the flower, which has served since its return I for the mark of the book which I am now reading. There is no news from this place of course. All is just the same as when you left us. We still talk of your visit and still regret its brevity. As for myself I I keep to my rooms, for the changeable atmosphere is my abhorrence. London, when it 1 Mrs Bulwer had written to D on 13 August congratulating him on his election. H B/xx/Ly/2io. 2 For the circumstances of D's selection as a candidate for Maidstone see 62802 and 64$n6.
is quite empty is 10000 times more full than the country, and therefore I suppose, and hope, you are amused; and somewhat gayer than yours ever Dis
664 I 303 29 Sep 1837
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS Bradenham, [Wednesday 20? September 1837] 663 ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/10
COVER: Mrs. Wyndham EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by context.
Bradenham My dear Mrs. Wyndham, I was very unwell when I wrote to you last, so much so, that this good family insisted on calling in the provincial Esculapius,1 and I must confess, though there is no part of Moliere I love so much as his mockery of physicians, that our botcher of frail humanity has tinkered me very efficiently. I I should not be at all surprised, were you to prefer my silence to the stupid bulletins which must reach you from this rural encampmt. Not an incident ever occurs here, except the occasional capture of a poacher; our harvest home has not even yet taken place, though now near at hand. Mr Jem complains bitterly of the unusual length and expense of the récolte. By the bye, he, strange to say, is also an invalid, from too zealous I a pursuit of the chasse and has nearly shot himself into a brain fever. You, I hope continue as amused as you are amusing; and I suppose contrive to kill the hours skilfully enough with the aid of the comedie and a visit now and then to the suburban villa of a friend. Do balloons yet charm you? Has Vesuvius lost all its horrors? Think of your absent friends with some little touch of sentiment, the next time you gaze on its awful shade, or stir up a Numidian lion with your fan or your parasol.2 Dl Date mei complimenti al signora Eliza.3 TO MARY ANNE LEWIS Bradenham, [Friday 29 September 1837] 664 ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/6
COVER: 1837 I Wycombe September thirty twenty nine BD I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane I Dover I London I B.Disraeli I [redirected in another hand]: Post Office I Dover POSTMARK: (i) In double crowned circle: FREE I goSEgo I 1837 (2) In circle: 1 1 SE-3O I 1837 (3) In double circle: D I 3OSE3O I 1837 (4) In rectangle: No. i (5) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (6) TO PAY id ONLY EDITORIAL COMMENT: The letter was redirected to Dover. 1 William Rose, surgeon of High Street, High Wycombe, was the family doctor. A letter from Isaac in July 1836 refers to Rose's diagnosis of gout. Rose was succeeded in the practice by his son. H G/vi/i-3; A/i/c/66; Ashford 291. 2 See 65002. 3 A member of Mrs Lewis's household, Eliza later became Mrs Riches. For speculation on her status see Hardwick 203-4.
304 I 666 25 Oct 1837
Bradenham My dear Mrs. Wyndham, As you have not given us the promised announcement of your departure from town,1 we begin to believe that you are actually still there. If this be the case, I conclude you have renounced your I resolution; this fine autumnal burst however would have become the seashore. At the risk of troubling you again with my stupid letters, I send this page, like the dove from the ark to collect intelligence; I I hope it will bring back an olive branch. I have written some lines in your album, and if you approve of the suggestion, I will ask my father to inscribe in it also, those verses which I he sent you the other day. Nothing has happened, or can happen here: all send their kindest regards to you and your caro sposo. Yours ever D
665 TO [ROBERT HUME] [Bradenham, Monday 9 October 1837] O R I G I N A L : PS 85
PUBLICATION HISTORY: W.V. Daniell catalogue of autograph letters no 7 ns (1911?) item 502, extract dated 9 October 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: The catalogue describes the letter as: 'A.L.s. 3pp. 8vo. Bradenham, Oct. 9 (1837) to Mr. Hume, respecting a money engagement ...' The Michaelmas Bucks Quarter Sessions opened at Aylesbury on Tuesday 17 October 1837.
[Dear Sir]1 I must attend the Q[uarte]r Sessions on the i7th, as I have not yet taken the oaths to the new crown, and in case of neglect shall incur a severe penalty,2 666 TO SARAH DISRAELI Woolbeding, [Midhurst, Sussex], [Wednesday 25 October 1837] O R I G I N A L : BL ADD MS 37502 ££46-8
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 379-80, extract dated 24? October 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand on the last page: 'Woolbeding'. Dating: on Sunday 29 October D described his visit as having already lasted 'three or four days'. 668. Sic: White Melville.
Woolbeding My dearest, I arrived here yesterday at 3 o'ck: having travelled through a fine country, Esh1 Travel accounts kept by the Lewises suggest that they spent the month of October in Paris. A passport was issued in Paris, on 3 October 1837, to Wyndham, his wife and two servants. H D/II/D.
1 Robert Montagu Hume (d 1853) was a solicitor at 5 Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane. He was to remain a creditor to whom D owed a substantial sum, for his demands were a cause of continuing anxiety at least until 1846. Hume appears in a list of creditors compiled by D in the early 18405. H A/v/c/25; obituary in The Gentleman's Magazine ns XL (1853) 102. 2 D is recorded in the press as having attended the opening. BH 303 (21 Oct 1837).
er, Guildford[,] Godalming, until leaving at that point the high road, I entered a region of picturesque and sylvan beauty I have never seen equalled, in the midst of which, after a hilly drive of 20 miles, I found Woolbeding on the banks of the Rother. This is a house rather old fashioned than antiquated, but I very convenient and compact, covered with Ivy, with the church joining it in the same green garb, and a very fine conservatory. The grounds and gardens are as remarkable for their beautiful forms and rich shrubs as you can conceive, with this river winding all about. This place belongs to Ld. Rt. Spencer's heirs, who are doubtful, 1 and is only used by Maxse as a shooting box. His principal residence is in the West of England, and he only lives here I in the sporting season. He either possesses or rents of different proprietors nearly twenty two thousand acres of the finest cover in the world: He has six principal keepers and 32 watchers out; and I understand that there is no preserving in England at all to be compared to it. You will easily see from this the bent of his mind, but he is very intelligent; an active Magistrate and Chairman of the Midhurst Union where he presides today, and which he never misses. I It rains to day with out ceasing. Here are at present nothing but shooting dandies; Ld. Rokeby,2 Henry Berkeley,3 and White Melville4 - and a Mr and Mrs. Fitzroy the son, I think of Ld. William.5 I am not very fortunate, as the Southamptons6 were here, when I was first asked. The appointments and mode of living are all first rate and easy: we dine at 1/2 past 6 - and there is a constant breakfast, the only rule, as Maxse says, being that it is expected that his guests will endeavour to breakfast before I he dines: there is no end of horses, guns and dogs, and a very large company of London servants. All you have got to do is to give you[r] orders without delicacy. Lady Caroline is amiable and has four beautiful and interesting children to whom she is devoted.7 I rather think that if a friend of yours were as aspiring as Sir Wm. Young, but in reference to another sister, he need not at least in despair be driven to Blanche Norris. But I 3o,ooo£ wd. not do, even there be as much. I see by the Globe of last night that the forthcoming Edinburgh has an article 1 Lord Robert Spencer Churchill (1747-1831), the third son of the 3rd Duke of Marlborough, bought Woolbeding in 1791. On his death in 1831 he left it to his illegitimate daughter Diana Juliana, wife of George Ponsonby. William Page ed The Victoria History of the County of Sussex IV 86. 2 Edward Montagu (1787-1847), 5th Baron Rokeby. 3 Francis Henry FitzHardinge Berkeley (1794-1870), illegitimate fourth son of the 5th Earl of Berkeley and brother to Lady Caroline Maxse. He was Whig MP for Bristol 1837-70. 4 John Whyte-Melville (1797-1883) of Bennochyard, Strathkinness. He was the father of George John Whyte-Melville (1821-1878), the novelist. 5 It is possible that D was confusing the Southamptons with the Graftons, both of whom had the surname Fitzroy. Adm Lord William Fitzroy (1782-1857) was the fifth son of the 3rd Duke of Grafton and Tory MP for Thetford 1806-12. He married in 1816, but his son Francis Horatio was not born until 1823. It is not clear which of the numerous sons and grandsons of the 3rd Duke of Grafton D met on this occasion. 6 Charles Fitzroy (1804-1872), 3rd Baron Southampton, and his wife Harriet (d 1860), daughter of Fitzroy Stanhope. 7 See 66gn5.
666 I 305 25 Oct 1837
306 I 667 28 Oct 1837
on "Disraeli's novels"? I suppose to assist my parliamentary debut. Very kind of the Whigs. I am howr. perfectly callous. I will write, when there is matter for a letter; but if it rains I doubt whether there will be. At any rate, I shall not stay here longer than I can help. In the course of my travelling down, I passed many famous places - Ockham (Ld. Kings)9 Loosely House,10 and Sutton Place,11 but the latter was so embosomed in trees I co[ul]d not distinguish it: all this on the high road. Your affec[tionat]e D
667 TO SARAH DISRAELI Woolbeding, [Midhurst, Sussex], [Saturday 28 October 1837] O R I G I N A L : BL ADD MS 37502 ff49~51
PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 380-1, extracts dated 26 October? 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: in 668, dated 29 October, D told Mary Anne Lewis that he had received her letter 'yesterday'. Sic: L[ewise]s', poneys, thorough bred, quarreé.
Woolbeding My dearest, Your letter to our mother with the two notes enclosed arrived to me this morning; for you must understand that the P.O. will send MPs letters only to one direction, appointed by the members. At present mine go to the Garitón, and so will continue until I signify a change to the Office. I have forwarded I your despatch however by this post. I heard from the W[yndham] L[ewise]s' this morning from Paris; they return in the course of the first week of Novr. Yesterday Lady Caroline drove me to Cowdray,1 Mr Poyntz's,2 in one of the most brilliant equipages I ever witnessed. Her poneys, for such they are styled tho' they are 15 hands high, are thorough bred and worthy of George the fourth, as well as her carriage, I which is of cane on a frame of a peculiarly brilliant and rich green; she has two outriders; and the moment there is the slightest elevation, the poneys break into a gallop of their own accord, to the fear and 8 An anonymous review of Henrietta Temple and Venetia in The Edinburgh Review LXVI (Oct 1837) 59-72. See 669114. 9 William King (1805-1893), after 1833 8th Baron King, and, after 1838, ist Earl of Lovelace. In 1835 ne nad married Byron's only child, Augusta. 10 An Elizabethan house near Guildford built of stone from Waverley Abbey. 11 Sutton Place, built in 1521 by Sir Richard Weston, was one of the most famous surviving Tudor manor houses in England. It was owned in 1837 by John Joseph Webbe-Weston. BLG (1846); Frederic Harrison Annals of an Old Manor-House: Sutton Place, Guildford (1899). 1 Cowdray Park, Sussex, was a manor owned by the Montague family since the sixteenth century. It passed in unbroken succession to George Samuel Browne, 8th Viscount Montague, who died in 1793. The estate then passed to William Stephen Poyntz, who had married Lord Montague's sister Elizabeth Mary. William Smith Ellis The Parks and Forests of Sussex (Lewes 1885) 65-9. 2 William Stephen Poyntz (1769-1840), Whig MP for St Albans 1800-7, Callington 1810-18, Chichester 1823-30, Ashburton 1831-4 and Midhurst 1835-7. He had been re- elected in August but resigned his seat in December. Poyntz had no male heirs, both his sons having drowned on the same day in 1815.
astonishment of all passengers. She is howr. a good whip and knows her cattle and country. Yesterday Sir Charles and Lady Taylor,3 and the Rector, Mr. Bouverie4 joined our dinner. On the whole I am amused. Cowdray I is one of the most magnificent demesnes in England. Poyntz has about 25000 acres. The old Tudor Hall which you approach from Midhurst by an avenue was burnt down many years ago5 and is now only a picturesque ruin; but in the most favored spot of the park, surrounded by the most poetic timber in the world, with a fine view of the South Downs through their tall stems, is the modern residence an irregular cluster of great extent I and presenting no lack of tall chimneys, oriels, and gables, all built at different times and added on as occasion prompted. Mr. Poyntz is away and ill: we called upon Sir Horace Seymour and Lady Clinton,6 but unfortunately they are absent for the whole week. I doubt whe[the]r I shall stay here beyond Saturday; but I find it difficult to get away, being very popular with the women, who are charmed I do I not shoot. I like my friends; they are very good warmhearted people indeed; I am going to Petersfield to see the Jollifies7 to day with a partie quarreé which is not yet arranged. I will write tomorrow. Your affec D My health continues perfect; but I have not taken any Guinness since I left home.
668 ! 307 29 Oct 1837
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS Woolbeding, Midhurst, [Sussex], 668 [Sunday] 29 October [1837]
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/7
COVER: 2d. post I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I i Grosvenor Gate I London I D Cy Gore POSTMARK: (i) In anvil: IOFNIO I [illegible] I 1837 (2) In packet: T.P I [illegible] St. (3) Large numeral : 2 PUBLICATION HISTORY: M&B I 381-2, dated 2Q October 1837, with omissions EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Chandos', are are.
Woolbeding Midhurst I Oct 29 Your letter of the i8th. did not reach me until yesterday, as I have been rambling about. I date this from the Maxses, where I have been staying three or 3 Sir Charles William Taylor (1770-1857), ist Baronet, of Hollycombe, Sussex; Whig MP for Wells 1796-1830. In 1808 he married Charlotte, second daughter of John Buncombe Poulet Thompson of Waverley, Surrey. 4 The Rev John Pleydell-Bouverie (1779-1855), rector of Woolbeding and nephew of William Pleydell-Bouverie, ist Earl of Radnor. 5 Old Cowdray House had burned down in 1793. Richard Wyndham South-East England (1951) 556 Sir Horace Seymour (1791-1851) had married in 1835 Frances (d 1875), daughter of William Stephen Poyntz and widow of the i8th Baron Clinton. 7 Sir William George Hylton Jolliffe (1800-1876), ist Baronet, after 1866 ist Baron Hylton; Tory MP for Petersfield 1830-2, 1833-5 and 1837-8 (unseated on petition), 1841-66. In 1825 ne nad married Eleanor (d 1862), second daughter of Berkeley Paget.
308 I 668 29 Oct 1837
four days and which I leave tomorrow. The house is full of shooting dandies, not much in my way. Until the last fortnight, I have been in Bucks, but on the wing. I stayed a week at Lord Chandos' at Wotton, a few days with Sir Gore Ouseley, and a few days at Newport Pagnell in the extreme north of the County, where we had a great Conservative dinner.1 We have indeed had a brisk campaign in this respect I in our county, and I am quite wearied with after dinner spouting. 2 1 have heard nothing directly from Maidstone, but indirectly I am sorry to say I learnt yesterday, that they are are still very eager about their dinner, which they intend shall take place in November, tho' I sho[ul]d think this were impossible. Tell my colleague he must be in his place by the i5th:3 There is a pressing circular out. What is to happen no one knows, but there is a very active whip. Lord John had the impudence to write to Peel, enquiring whether there would be a division on the Speakership; Sir Robert gave him a caustic reply and now the Whigs protest there will certainly be I a struggle, tho' I doubt it myself.4 My health is excellent - I saw Fitzgerald5 as I passed through town, and drove down with him and slept at his house. He tells me that Mrs. L. Bulwer6 is about to stay with them. Sir Roger Gresley is dead;7 they say, at least in the newspapers, that Castlereagh is going to marry the oldest daughter of the Duke of Richmond, but I do not believe it,8 as I heard from Lady Londonderry a week ago from Mt Stewart,9 and she mentioned that Cas was there and alone, and said nothing of the rumor. Town was empty, but an extraordinary season is expected; at present the only topic of interest is the Queen's visit to the City,10 and all the triumphal arches through which she is to pass before she tastes the orthodox turtle, cooked in the sound of Bow Bells; I as there are to be no toasts given, the affair must be very dull. The Duke of W[ellingto]n dines there, and I hope Sir Robert Peel.11 The Queen and Lord Melbourne are having their por1 On Friday 13 October. The Times (18 Oct 1837). 2 In addition to the dinner at Newport Pagnell, D addressed a farmers' dinner at Aylesbury on i October, and was a steward at a 'Conservative dinner' held at Great Marlow on 16 October. He also attended the Michaelmas Quarter Sessions at Aylesbury on 17-19 October. BH nos 301, 302 and 303 (7, 14, 21 Oct 1837). 3 Parliament met on 15 November. 4 D was right. Lord John Russell wrote to ask Peel whether he intended to oppose Abercromby's nomination as Speaker. Peel sent a reply, which Melbourne described as 'cross and sarcastic', informing the government that he did not intend to oppose Abercromby, but that he had received no notice in 1835 when the Whigs had opposed Manners-Sutton. John Prest Lord John Russell (1972) 122-3. 5 Possibly Maurice Fitzgerald, i8th Knight of Kerry. 6 Probably Elizabeth Barbara Bulwer, ELB's mother; however, Rosina might be intended. 7 Sir Roger Gresley (1799-1837), 8th Baronet; Tory MP for Durham City 1829-31, for New Romney 1831 and for South Derbyshire 1835-7. He died on 12 October 1837. 8 D was right. Lady Caroline Amelia Gordon-Lennox (1819-1890), eldest daughter of the 5th Duke of Richmond, did not marry Castlereagh. Twelve years later she married the 5th Earl of Bessborough. 9 The Londonderrys' seat at Newtownards, co Down. 10 Queen Victoria's first official visit to the City took place on 9 November. 11 The report in The Times (9 Nov 1837) mentions Wellington as one of the guests, but not Peel. Two hundred and twenty tureens of turtle soup were reportedly served; there was, in fact, a series of toasts.
traits taken by Hayter12 at the same time and under the same roof. Melbourne lives only at Brighton,13 the other Ministers work, except Palmerston, who is Leporello to our Donjuán. 14 My kind regards to Wyndham and Mrs. Gore. D
669 I 309 3 Nov 1837
TO LADY CAROLINE MAXSE
660
O R I G I N A L : WSRO Maxse Ms. 6l £4
Garitón [Club, London], Tuesday [3 November? 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 668 from Woolbeding, dated 29 October 1837. The present letter was probably written the following Tuesday. Sic: Edinbro' review, betted.
Garitón I Tuesday Dear Lady Caroline, You will be glad to hear that I was ensconsed safely in the interior of the Chichester Diligence. I found Mr. Gosden1 very I Pickwickian indeed, and more impudently and ludicrously inquisitive even than Maxse had prepared me for. London was very wet and dismal, and I felt desolate and blank after I the fireside at Woolbeding. This morning however is more brilliant, and would have suited Petworth2 admirably, or the bowers of Cowdray.3 I met I Henry Fitzroy yesterday, just returned; but I have not yet ascertained whether he has mastered German. Henry Baring is also here and I think that must I be almost all yr. friends as town is very empty indeed. All the talk is about the Queen's visit to the City; but I expect to get away I on Thursday to Bradenham, and I shall not return until the 15th. I was rather surprised to find the article in the Edinbro' review, which is on I "H. Temple and Venetia" a mild, and even laudatory criticism; considering the quarter, a very favorable one. I took it for granted that it was a savage assault, I preparatory to the meeting of Park; and so did everybody else.4 Ld. Strangford saw it advertised at Walmer, and with this idea betted a sovereign with his son. It is some satisfaction that the money is lost to the I family. 12 George Hayter (1792-1871), portrait and historical painter to Queen Victoria. He was knighted in 1842. 13 In October 1837 Melbourne and Queen Victoria spent some time at the Royal Pavilion, Brighton. It was the Queen's first visit to her uncle's extravagant structure. 'The pavilion is a strange, odd Chinese looking thing, both inside and outside; most rooms low,' she observed. Elizabeth Longford Victoria R.I. (1964) 76. 14 Henry John Temple (1784-1865), 3rd Viscount Palmerston, was at this time foreign secretary. Presumably D cast him as Leporello to Melbourne's Don Juan because it was generally believed that the government's foreign policy was the result of Palmerston's forcing his views on a recalcitrant prime minister and cabinet. Cecil Melbourne 490-9. 1 2 3 4
This name was a common one in Woolbeding and belonged to several local merchants. The seat in Sussex of the 3rd Earl of Egremont. See667ni. The review referred to the 'talent, liveliness, and eloquence' of D's writing, but still expressed the doubt that he could ever be a great novelist, and furthermore drew attention to the 'marks of crudity in the conception' and 'haste in the execution.' The Edinburgh Review LXVI (Oct 1837) 59-60.
3io I 671 14 Nov 1837
670
My kind regards to Maxse; to Ella, the 2 Conquerors and Baby.5 I assure you I miss their society very much. Ever Yours f[aithfu]lly Dis TO MARY ANNE LEWIS ORIGINAL: H A/I/A/8
Bradenham, [Thursday 9 November 1837]
COVER: 1837 ' Wycombe Novr. nine - I Mrs. Wyndham Lewis I Grosvenor Gate I Park Lane I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In crowned circle: FREE I IONOIO I 1837 (2) In circular form: HIGH WYCOMBE.
Bradenham My dear Mrs. Wyndham, Your letter of this morning was a very great and very agreeable surprise. I had not intended to have been in town until the i4th, concluding from your Paris letter that you would not arrive in Park Lane1 until I the 14th. or i5th. I shall however now come up on Monday, being naturally very anxious to see you and Wyndham, and talk over all that has happened. If you dine at home on Monday and are en famille, I should I like very much to join you. I will bring up your Album 2 with me. This is a terrible day for her Majesty and loyal ladies like yourself.3 All here desire their I love and kindest regards to yourself and Wyndham in which joins your faithful Dis 671
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/141
[London, Tuesday 14? November 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 670. Sic: Fitz-gerald, Freemantle.
My dearest, I think the general impression is, that the Queens visit was rather flat. There were few ladies; but the Lady Mayoress1 all agree is a very handsome woman. A Whig told me that the I only burst of enthusiasm was occasioned by the Duke's 5 The Maxses' children: Henry FitzHardinge Berkeley Maxse (1832-1883), lieutenant colonel in the army, served in the Crimea, and was governor of Heligoland 1864-81 and of Newfoundland 1881-3; he was knighted in 1877; Frederick Augustus Maxse (1833-1900) became an admiral; Ella Henrietta (d 1916) married in 1862 Lt Gen Hon Edward Thomas Gage; and Beatrice (d 1928) married in 1866 Maj Gen Robert William Duff. 1 i Grosvenor Gate is on the corner of Upper Grosvenor Street and Park Lane. 2 See 664. 3 The Times that morning had reported the rumour that no other woman would be invited to the lord mayor's banquet for the Queen. 1 Sophia Cowan (d 1845) had married John Cowan in 1810. Shortly after he became lord mayor in 1837 Cowan was made a baronet. Debrett's Baronetage of England (1840); GM xxiv ns (Sept 1845) 323.
671 I 311 14 Nov 1837
The Queen's Visit to the City: the Guildhall Banquet on 9 November 1837 The Observer (12 Nov 1837)
3 i 2 l 672 15 Nov 1837
672
entrance: Lord John Russell, Lord Hill2 and Ld. Morpeth3 preceded him, and there was perfect silence. When his name was announced the cheering was great. I The Queen never spoke to him, tho' so near. Indeed by all accounts she did not demean herself with any remarkable courtesy, to anyone. She was very silent and not gracious to her host and hostess. Throughout the I procession, there was little cheering. The people were cheerful, but not enthusiastic. Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday. Instead of crossing to Dover or Boulogne, he was tempted to go to the Tower and arrived very I sick after a rough passage. Lord L[yndhurst] arrives on the igth. with Lord Cant[erbur]y. Croker has seen Lady L[yndhurst]. "His opinion of a friends young wife under any circumstances must be flattering" sd Lord Fitz-gerald.4 We all agreed that we sho[ul]d like to hear it. I dined I with the Dawsons, and with them only, at the W[yndham] L[ewise]s who are very well. Nothing but politics with Mrs. D. but nothing is known. All sorts of rumors - but the general and most prevalent idea is a Conservative speech5 I and a split with the Radicals. In this case, the Cabt. must break up. I have taken the rooms I mentioned for a week - No. 58 Jermyn St. They are not so large, but far more decorously furnished than No. 45. You had better send my trunk there, I and do not forget my gloves, for I have none; remember also some drawers; a frock or two; there is a new one, that seems black, but is corbeau. The C[arlto]n is not very full, but the MPs. are flocking in this morning. I have not yet been able to get the Observer.6 love Dl Freemantle came this morning by the railroad. TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : BEA [R1-5J
[London, Wednesday 15 November 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 71-2, dated 15 November 1837; M&B u 1-2, dated 15 November 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by the election of the Speaker. The Times (16 Nov 1837). Sic: Shaw Levevre, demeanor.
1/2 pt 4 o'ck
My dearest, I took my seat this morning. I went down to the house with Wyndham at two, and found it very full, the members standing in groups and chatting. About three, there was a cry of "order, order", all took their seats, (myself on the second bench, behind Sir Robt Peel) and a messenger summoned the Comm[on]s. 2 Gen Rowland Hill, ist Baron Hill, had succeeded Wellington as commander in chief of the army in 1828. 3 George William Frederick Howard (1802-1864), Viscount Morpeth, after 1848 7th Earl of Carlisle; chief secretary for Ireland 1835-41, lord lieutenant of Ireland 1855-8, 1859-64. 4 William Vesey-Fitzgerald. See 6461124 and 65^4. 5 The Speech from the Throne. 6 The Observer (12 Nov 1837) contained a detailed and illustrated account of the Queen's visit to the City three days before. Presumably that was why Sarah wanted this issue of the weekly newspaper.
The governmt. party was very strong in I consequence of an article in the Times about two days back, which spread a panic thro' their ranks, but which I think was a hoax;1 - Shaw Levevre2 proposed, and Strutt of Derby3 seconded Abercromby. Both were brief, the first commonplace, the other commonplace and coarse, all was tame. Peel said a very little, very well. Then Abercromby, who looked like an old laundress, mumbled I and moaned some dullness and was then carried to the chair and said a little more amid a faint, dull cheer. To me of course the scene was exciting enough, but none could share my feelings except new members. Peel came to the Garitón yesterday and was there a great deal. He welcomed me very warmly, but all indeed noticed his cordial demeanor etc.; he looks very well and shook hands I with me in the House. He asked me to join a small dinner at the Garitón on Thursday "a house of Commons dinner purely" he sd," by that time, we shall know something of the temper of the house." O'Connell came in very late; many members on both sides arrived only this morning. I did not recognize Bulwer, but as he is in town, I think he must have been there. My love to all Dl Sir Ed.4 very flattered that you want his frank; begged me to say so.
673 1313 16 Nov 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
673
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 37502 ff52~5
[London, Thursday 16 November 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 76-7, dated 5 December 1837, prints an extract conflated with parts of 674, 675 and 683. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: written the day after 672. Sic: Exception, to Xmas.
5 o'ck: Dearest, There is no news. I have just come from the House where I went to be sworn. It was something like Q[uarter] S[essions] on a great scale. I The dinner to day1 is merely a house dinner of 14: all our great men, with the Exception of Lord Ramsay2 and I myself, the only 2 new members. It has cre1 A leading article in The Times (13 Nov 1837) had suggested: 'If, indeed, the Conservatives should be disposed to give battle at the earliest moment, they cannot want a pretext for it upon the choice of a Speaker.' 2 Charles Shaw-Lefevre (1794-1888), after 1857 ist Viscount Eversley; Whig MP for Downton 1830-1, for Hampshire 1831-2 and for North Hampshire 1832-57, Speaker of the House of Commons 1839-57, succeeding James Abercromby. 3 Edward Strutt (1801-1880), after 1856 ist Baron Belper; Whig MP for Derby 1830-47, for Arundel 185!, and for Nottingham 1852-6. 4 Sir Edward Sugden. 1 The 'small dinner at the Garitón' mentioned in 672. 2 James Andrew Ramsay (1812-1860), Baron Ramsay, after 1838 loth Earl of Dalhousie, after 1849 lst Marquess of Dalhousie; Tory MP for Haddingtonshire 1837-8, president of the Board of Trade 1845-6 and governor general of India 1847-56.
314 I 674 17 Nov 1837
674
ated some jealousy and surprise; but W[yndham] L[ewis] is delighted and says "Peel has taken him by the I hand in the most marked way." M[oses] L[indo] Junr. aged 77 is dead3 and B.E.L. gone to Brighton, having offered me his house. I I suppose my box may arrive this afternoon, but if you have not sent it, don't delay, and remember my penknife, which I forgot. I I have got a long letter from Lady Londonderry and a letter from Westmeath,4 asking me to come over to Xmas I to Ireland to him; Chandos has promised to come. I send you a very good autog[raph]. D TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/138
[London, Friday 17? November 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 76-7, dated 5 December 1837, prints 'Peel took wine with me' following an extract from 673 as the first paragraph of a composite letter conflated with extracts from 675 and 683. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating'. Peel's dinner at the Garitón Club seems to have taken place on Thursday 16 November 1837; see 673. Sic: Ramsey, Freemantle.
Dearest, Ralph's letter came open, but I have not had time to read it, having a great deal to do. Our dinner yesterday consisted of Peel
Lowther Follett
G. Somerset] H. Harfdinge] Goulfburn] Sugden Freemantle
Follett1 Ramsey Maidstone2 Dis Ossfulston] LiddelP I
Peel took wine with me and with no one else.4 The portmanteau arrived - all right. I will call on Hamlets5 tomorrow. 3 Moses Lindo Jr (1760-1837) died on 14 November. The Times (16 Nov 1837). 4 George Thomas John Nugent (1785-1871), ist Marquess of Westmeath. Lady Westmeath was a daughter of the dowager Marchioness of Salisbury. They lived at Pallas in co Galway. 1 Sir William Webb Follett (1798-1845); Tory MP for Exeter 1835-45, solicitor general 1834-5, 1841, attorney general 1844. He was the only Follett in the House, but appears twice in D's list. For the occasion of the dinner see 673. 2 George James Finch-Hatton (1815-1887), Viscount Maidstone, after 1858 nth Earl of Winchelsea; Tory MP for Northamptonshire 1837-41. 3 Henry Thomas Liddell, Tory MP for Northumberland 1826-30 and for Durham 1837-47. 4 The practice of 'taking wine' with others as a social ritual was encouraged by both George IV and William iv. Apparently it was a major cause of drunkenness in society and the Victorian era saw the decline of the custom. Lord William Pitt Lennox Fashion Then and Now (1878) I 4-5. 5 T. Hamlet, goldsmith and jeweller at i and 2 Prince's Street, Soho, called by Gronow one of the richest merchants in the West End. LPOD (1832); Gronow, 186-7.
I have not got the Observer yet. I send the county I papers, because of the markets for Jem. This day I send two.6 D Chandos came up last night and I went to the house with him today.
675 I 315 20 Nov 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
675
O R I G I N A L : PS 68
[London, Monday 20 November 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Maggs catalogue 322 (Mar-Apr 1914) item 844; LBCS 76-7, dated 5 December 1837, prints a fuller version of the second paragraph conflated with parts of 673, 674 and 683. EDITORIAL COMMENT: The source used for each of the two extracts is indicated in square brackets. Dating: by the Throne Speech on 20 November 1837.
[Maggs]: ... The speech this evg. is certainly to be Conservative The Chronicle sneered at me the other day in a leader, but the Courier treats me with more courtesy.1 All the papers ascribe to me a design to throw out Abercromby. B. Hawes2 came up to me in the house and reminded of, or rather asked whether I remember his taking me from School with the Gurneys '3 or 4 and 20 years ago' and giving me a dinner.3 [LBCS]: ... Hawes came up to me in the House and reminded me of, or rather asked whether I remembered, his taking me from school with the Gurneys 'twentythree years ago' and giving us a dinner. He said I was not at all altered. I told him then that I had not changed, by his account, since I was seven or eight years old.4 He also said, 'We are all expecting to hear you lash us.' They may wait. 6 Franks for Sarah's autograph collection. 1 The Morning Chronicle no 21,219 (16 Nov 1837) attacked The Times for claiming that Abercromby, Speaker of the House since February 1835, ought to be replaced. The Chronicle concluded with the observation: 'Not even PETER BORTHWICK, nor BENJAMIN DISRAELI (both bound in gratitude), came to its [The Times's] assistance!' Abercromby remained as Speaker until May 1839 when failing health forced him to resign. The Courier no 14,440 (17 Nov 1837) commented: 'The poor Times, how we pity it! Its command to the Tories to oppose Mr Abercromby's re-election has been despised and it pouts and sulks like a spoiled child ... Sir Robert Peel, though much sunk, has yet too much spirit to be dictated to by the D'Israelis of the Times and Lyndhurst faction.' 2 Benjamin Hawes (1797-1862), Whig MP for Lambeth 1832-47, for Kinsale 1848-52, under-secretary for the colonies 1846, deputy secretary in the war department 1851. In 1856 he was knighted for his services during the Crimean War. 3 Possibly John Hampden Gurney (1802-1862) and Russell Gurney (1804-1878), sons of Sir John Gurney (1768-1845), a baron of the Exchequer. They lived in London at the appropriate time. 4 Twenty-three years earlier D would have been almost ten.
676
TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 18
[London, Tuesday 21 November 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 72-6, dated 2i November 1837; Robson and Co autograph catalogue no 95 (c 1915) item 295 vii, extract dated 21 November 1837; Sotheby's catalogue (11 Apr 1938) item 446 quotes a sentence from the last paragraph. See n8. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Robson describes the letter as '28 pages, 8vo, written Nov. 21, 1837'. Dating: the State Opening of Parliament was on 20 November.
November 21, 1837. I tried to write you a line yesterday, as I was endeavouring to eat a sandwich, which I was not permitted to finish. Affairs are in a state of great excitement, and most interesting. All Sunday our members poured in, and at 4.30 the Carlton was full. Lyndhurst arrived rather unexpectedly on the Saturday night, and sent for me the following morning. I never saw him look so well, he really might have passed for five-and-forty, plump and rosy, and most gaily attired, and in the highest force and spirits. He was more than kind, and after paying a visit to Peel and the Duke, showed at the Garitón, where his appearance created great enthusiasm. Yesterday, after being obliged to go down to the House at eleven, to ensure a house for members to swear, I went to a great meeting at Peel's. There must have been 300 members. Peel addressed, full of spirit, and apparently eager for action. Thence again to the House, where we were summoned to the Lords at two o'clock. The rush was terrific; Abercromby himself nearly thrown down and trampled upon, and his mace-bearer banging the members' heads with his gorgeous weapon, and cracking skulls with impunity. I was fortunate enough to escape, however, and also to ensure an entry. It was a magnificent spectacle. The Queen looked admirably, no feathers but a diamond tiara; the peers in robes, the peeresses, and the sumptuous groups of courtiers rendered the affair most glittering and imposing. The Speech was intentionally vague, that no division might possibly occur. All was mystery until five o'clock. From the Lords I escaped, almost at the hazard of our lives, with Mahon, who is now most cordial, and we at length succeeded in gaining the Garitón, having several times been obliged to call upon the police and military to protect us as we attempted to break the line, but the moment the magical words 'Member of Parliament' were uttered all the authorities came to our assistance, all gave way, and we passed everywhere. You never saw two such figures, our hats crushed and covered with mud, and the mobocracy envying us our privileges, calling out 'Jim Crow' as we stalked through the envious files. I went down, after refitting at the Garitón, for about half an hour, during which I tried to scribble to you. The seat I succeeded in securing behind Peel I intend if possible to appropriate to myself. The House was so crowded later, that the galleries were all full of members; many unable to obtain seats were sitting on the stairs and on chairs and benches behind the Speaker's chair. Lyndhurst and many peers were in their seats at the bar: the strangers' gallery of course crammed. The Address was moved by Lord Leveson,1 a child apparently, in a rich diplo1 Granville George Leveson-Gower (1815-1891), Baron Leveson, after 1846 2nd Earl Granville;
6761317
2l Nov 1837
The Speech from the Throne, 20 November 1837 The Observer (26 Nov 1837)
318 I 676 21 Nov 1837
matic uniform, and seconded by Gibson Craig,2 a new member in a court dress. Leveson made a crammed speech like a schoolboy; Gibson Craig, of whom the Whigs had hopes, rose, stared like a stuck pig, and said nothing; his friends cheered, he stammered, all cheered, then there was a dead and awful pause, and then he sat down, and that was his performance. The Address was then read, and Wakley made a most Radical speech and amendment (see the papers), determined to bring affairs to a crisis.3 He was fluent, flippant, and vulgar; a second-rate hustings orator. He was seconded by Molesworth, a most odious speaker, who wearied the House. Still the Government was silent, and the tactics were for our side to say nothing. Great difficulty, however, in keeping H. Liddell quiet, who, flushed with his Durham triumph, had been at half-cock all day. Hume followed Molesworth and badgered the Government, and gave them every opportunity to declare themselves, announcing that the Radicals would use all their influence to induce Wakley to withdraw his amendment. Nothing now could longer restrain Liddell, who rose fluent and confident, to the infinite mortification of our side, who feared this would be a diversion for the Government.4 It is impossible to convey an idea of a more pitiable failure; but fortunately it was only an individual exposure and not a party injury, for John Russell rose after him and took no notice of him except by administering a sharp and deserved rebuke at the end of his speech. John Russell threw the Radicals over in a most matured and decided manner. It was a declaration evidently the result of a Cabinet decision.5 The sensation was immense. Peel then rose and made one of the finest speeches I ever heard,6 most powerful and even brilliant. He broke the centre of the Government party for ever. The Radicals were mad. Henry Ward,7 looking most hideous, then rose, amid the tumult of the House, and, though nobody would listen to him, contrived to abuse Wakley for appropriating to himself questions which belonged to other persons, and announced that he for one had not intended to vote for him, but now that the Government had at length thrown off the mask he should. Whig MP for Morpeth 1837-40, and for Lichfield 1841-6. He held numerous cabinet posts in subsequent Liberal governments. 2 William Gibson Craig (1797-1878), after 1850 2nd Baronet; Whig MP for Edinburghshire 183741, and for Edinburgh City 1841-52. He was junior lord of the Treasury 1846-52. 3 Thomas Wakley, Radical MP for Finsbury, in an extensive attack on the Whigs, rang the changes on his claim that he had 'never read a speech from any Sovereign of this country more vague, more general or less precise.' He concluded by moving three amendments intended to force the House to reconsider the nature and extent of the franchise, the need for a ballot and repeal of the Septennial Act. Hansard xxxix (1837) cols 37-48. 4 In the course of his speech, consisting mainly of a defence against Wakley's charge that he had 'fraudulently deluded the people at the late election by false professions', Liddell attacked O'Connell in a manner which led the Speaker to warn him that 'the language used was not strictly parliamentary.' Hansard xxxix cols 61-5. 5 Russell stated that, had the Whigs included in the Throne Speech all the issues raised by Wakley, ' "inconsiderate rashness" would have been the phrase very properly applied to Ministers by every Member of this House.' Hansard xxxix col 66. 6 In noticeably ironic language, Peel congratulated Melbourne on not having been taken in by the Radicals' demands for further reforms, while pointing out that these demands were themselves the result of their declining popularity. Hansard xxxix cols 73-80. 7 Henry George Ward. He was knighted in 1849.
So, after all, there was a division on the Address in Queen Victoria's first Parliament - 509 to 20. The division took an hour. I then left the House at ten o'clock, none of us having dined. The tumult and excitement great. I dined, or rather supped, at the Garitón with a large party off oysters, Guinness, and broiled bones,8 and got to bed at half-past twelve o'clock. Thus ended the most remarkable day hitherto of my life.
677 I 319 22 Nov 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
677
O R I G I N A L : H A/I/fiA^
[London, Wednesday 22 November 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the debate on the Address was held 21 November 1837. Sic: Dogbery, stopt.
I have seen about the watch: in time to make it silver, but if it do not wind up on the face, it will be much dearer and infinitely thicker. The gloves arrived this morning. I Last night on the bringing up of the address, the row opened again. Leader commenced; a poor creature; he spoke amid the jeers of our side, and was very lame I and impotent. Charles Buller1 followed with considerable effect. Johnny, 2 stung, then was forced up again and spoke with some venom. After him, that intolerable adventurer Peter I Borthwick,3 amid the yells and hootings of the oppos[iti]on and the cold silence of his own side, insisted upon favouring us with a sermon of more than an hours length on I Don Carlos.4 This as Dogbery says "was tolerable and not to be endured."5 Botherwick, as he is called, is not a bad, tho' very artificial speaker, and by no means deficient in talent, but he spoilt the whole debate, I and stopt the course of as pretty a quarrel as you co[ul]d imagine. Under any circ[umstanc]es, the address was ill timed, but coming from such a person, it was insufferable. I Howr. nothing cd. daunt Peter. I have no news. We are in darkness as to the end of all this. God bless you all. D I dined yesterday at I three on mutton chops and 1/2 pint of E[ast] I[ndian] sherry, and then tead and muffined at 8. This is a good regime. 8 Sotheby's catalogue (i i Apr 1938) item 446 describes a letter to Sarah telling her of the opening of Parliament. An extract is quoted which reads: 'I dined or rather supped at the Garitón with a large party of the flower of our side, off oysters, Guiness [sic] and boiled bones.' The description concludes, as part of the same paragraph, but obviously describing a letter from July 1837: 'Discusses nomination day at Maidstone and reports that he has polled 660 against Mr. Lewis's 765.' 1 Charles Buller, the colonial reformer; the following year he was to be Lord Durham's secretary in Canada. 2 Lord John Russell. 3 D's opinion of Borthwick had altered. See 648 and 649. 4 In rising to speak on the government's attitude to the Carlist cause in Spain, Borthwick had, indeed, interrupted an argument between the Whigs and the Radicals (who were demanding amendments to the Reform Bill of 1832). Hansard xxxix (1837) cols 109-13. 5 Much Ado about Nothing in ii 36.
678
TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/13O
[London, Thursday 23 November 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand on the first page of the MS: Thursday Nov 23rd'.
Dearest, I thought you wd. like the autographs of some of our young heroes. D Ramsay1 is I my rival you know; and I suspect good things of him. He is very calm knowing and I handsome. 679 TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Friday [24 November 1837] O R I G I N A L : H AJl/E/l^l
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: '24th Nov'. Dating: Harvey spoke at length on the civil list on 23 November.
Friday My dearest, Yesterday was the civil list when the Whigs gave up to the Rads. Whittle Harvey howr. wo[ul]d not be stopped from making a most admirable I speech full of grotesque humor 1 which I admired more than his pathetic parts, tho' these were far from being ineffective - a I brush is expected to night. There is no news, but many rumors which I have no doubt are all false. Brougham has astonished every I one by avowing the wildest Radicalism;2 but I don't see how this tack will mend his forlorn position. Love to all D 680
TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/132
[London], Saturday [25 November 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'Novr. 25'. Dating: by context.
Saturday My dearest, There was no battle last night as the Ministers frightened at our numbers, declined the fray. Peel and Stanley however pinned Lord John, I and he must now either ultimately renounce his anti-constitutional menace of an ex post facto law 1 James Andrew Ramsay. See 673^. 1 On the night of 23 November Daniel Whittle Harvey moved that the civil list be investigated by a select committee charged with considering the circumstances under which each pension was granted. The tone of the speech is suggested by Harvey's allegation that some people had earned their rewards on the civil list through 'the indecencies of the couch'. Hansard xxxix cols 161-78. 2 Writing on 26 November, Greville commented that not only had Brougham 'taken the field with a violent Radical speech' but 'had written word to Lord Granville that he would not be gagged this Session; he will be glad to lead anybody who will be led by him; and as the post of General of the Radicals appears to be vacant, he may aspire to that.' Greville m 401.
as to the elections,1 or on the 6th. Deer, the trial of strength will I thereon take place. Our men have all left town this morning to hunt, and the Garitón is quite deserted. There is no news; but there has been a great meeting of M.Ps at the I Hole in the Wall2 to day; the result however is in darkness. My love to all and to yourself. D
681 I 321 28 Nov 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
68
O R I G I N A L : H A/1/B/igi
[London, Tuesday 28 November 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by the proceedings in the House of Commons on 27 November 1837.
Dearest, There is no news, except that from the arrogance and rashness of Ld Stanley we were forced to a div[isi]on last night in a thin house and got licked.1 I Our fellows are in such a rage that it will in all probab[ilit]y lead to hotter work before Xmas than was anticipated. The debate was not very animated. Peel was I flat, O'C[onne]ll very infelicitous and rather languid. Sugden's reply to him was the best thing.2 It was rather spirited. After this, there was a long convers[ati]on on the poor laws in I a very thin house.3 ' Tis said that Ld. Kerry is dying.4 In which case, on the decease of his father, the title of Lansdowne will become extinct and the vast property divided. Little Orkney I will come into the Earldom of Kerry and the largest portions of the estates. He will then have an Earldom in each kingdom. Shelburne, Kerry and 1 The government had proposed to postpone the fixing of ballots on any election petition until the law for deciding controverted elections was amended. D's comments paraphrase a Times leader of 24 November 1837 which argued that it was unfair to amend the Grenville Act with respect to elections already petitioned against and for which the law provided a satisfactory remedy. The Times charged that it was a 'retrospective operation' designed only to protect the seats of government supporters. On 6 December Russell gave in to Tory protests and abandoned his plan of delaying the hearing of election petitions. The Times (6 Dec 1837). 2 A tavern at 45 Chancery Lane. The customers on this occasion were obviously Whig MPs. 1 On the evening of 27 November, apparently without warning his fellow Tories, Stanley had challenged the Whig government on its Controverted Elections Bill, moving that second reading be deferred until the following February, This precipitated a test of strength which the government won easily, and the bill secured immediate second reading by 214 votes to 160. The Morning Chronicle commented: 'The impetuosity of LORD STANLEY seems to have been the cause of this catastrophe to the party to which he has attached himself, and which has not for the first time suffered from his imprudence.' MC no 21,229 (28 Nov 1837). 2 Sir Edward Sugden accused O'Connell of inconsistency in earlier opposing the government's bill and then supporting it on second reading. 3 Lord John Russell had moved the renewal of a select committee to examine the operation of the Poor Laws. 4 Another premature report. Henry Petty-FitzMaurice (1816-1866), Earl of Kerry, entered Parliament ten years later and held a number of administrative posts 1847-58. He succeeded as 4th Marquess of Lansdowne in 1863.
1
322 I 682 4 Dec 1837
682
Orkney.5 It will make a great revol[uti]on I in his position. Ralph writes to day. My love D TO SARAH DISRAELI
ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/133
[London], Monday [4 December 1837?]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 83-4, dated December 1837, with omissions and changes EDITORIAL COMMENT: In another hand: 'Dec.' Dating: the tenth edition of Isaac's Curiosities, in one volume, published by Moxon, was advertised on 5 December 1837 as 'just published in one volume with portrait and vignette.' MP no 20,891 (5 Dec 1837). The title page is dated '1838'. Sic: Stapelton, DeLisle, De Vescis.
Monday My dearest, I am obliged to write to you in a hurry. On Saty. I dined with the W[yndham] L[ewise]s, rather an agreeable party. The Guests, Lady Charlotte much improved in appearance by the married state; Sir I Chinf,] 1 Lady Chas Churchill,2 who is still young and must have been beautiful and who gave her name, Ethel, to L.E.L's novel.3 Her L[adyshi]p had all her teeth taken out for the Tic dol[oureux];4 and she has never recovered [from] the I oper[ati]on - Miles Stapelton, the author of Paynell,5 an agreeable p[er]son, Lady Stepney very gay, Aubrey Beauclerk6 and John Lowther. Yesterday a banquet at Dicks and I very recherché in company and cuisine. Hillsboro' and his lawpapa Combermere,7 Exmouth[,] DeLisle,8 Hogg,9 little 5 Thomas John Hamilton FitzMaurice (1803-1877) was 5th Earl of Orkney. His grandfather and Lord Kerry's great-grandfather had been brothers and, until the birth of Kerry's son in 1845, Orkney remained heir-presumptive to the earldoms of Shelburne and Kerry. 1 Sir Alexander Cray Grant was familiarly known as 'Chin' Grant. He had been knighted in 1837 and in 1856 he inherited his father's baronetcy. Sources from the nineteenth century refer to him as the 6th Baronet; some modern ones call him the 8th. The difference apparently arises from uncertainties as to the legitimacy of the title of his Jacobite ancestors. He was Tory MP for various constituencies 1812-32, for Cambridge 1840-3, and had been appointed by Peel to the India Board of Control in 1834. 2 Etheldred Catherine Spencer Churchill (d 1839) had married in 1827 Lord Charles Spencer Churchill, second son of the 5th Duke of Marlborough. BP\ AR (1827) app 214. 3 Ethel Churchill; or The Two Brides, published in December 1837 in three volumes. 4 Severe facial neuralgia. 5 Miles Thomas Stapleton (1805-1854); in 1840 a peerage held in abeyance since 1507 had its abeyance terminated in his favour, and he became 8th Baron Beaumont; his two-volume novel Paynell; or the Disappointed Man was published by John Richardson in 1837. The title page of the only edition is dated '1838'; however, it was advertised as 'just now ready' in The Morning Post of 20 January 1837. 6 Aubrey William Beauclerk (1801-1854), Whig MP for East Surrey 1832-7. 7 Arthur Wills Blundell Hill (1812-1868), Earl of Hillsborough, after 1845 4th Marquess of Downshire. In August 1837 he had married Caroline Frances Cotton (d 1893), eldest daughter of Sir Stapleton Cotton (1773-1865), after 1814 ist Baron Combermere, and after 1827 lst Viscount Combermere. 8 Philip Charles Sidney, ist Baron De L'Isle and Dudley. 9 James Weir Hogg (1790-1876), after 1846 ist Baronet; Tory MP for Beverley 1835-47, and for Honiton 1847-57.
Hope,10 Henry Baillie[,] Vesey, Lord De Vescis son11 - fine venison tho' Deer. I have I got the Curiosities] which is indeed perfect. Dicks room is always too much lighted, which makes it hot. Armstrong who had given him many hints in I vain, and who is a cool hand who says anything,12 told him the other day seeing there was no change - "By Jove, Dick, this is too bad. Now if you go on in this way, I shall call you Jolly Dick, I the lamplighter." To enjoy the joke you sho[ul]d know our host, whose appearance is a fine contrast to his nickname. My love to all D
683 I 323 5 Dec 1837
TO SARAH DISRAELI
68 ^
ORIGINAL: BL ADD MS 37502 ff^-S
[London, Tuesday 5 December 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 76-7, dated 5 December 1837, prints most of the second paragraph with extracts from 673, 674 and 675; M&B II 7, extract dated 5 December 1837. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the petition of the sheriffs of London to Parliament was presented on 4 December 1837 (see n3). Sic: 'receiving.
Dearest, I have rather neglected Hamlet,1 who made a drawing which I was to call to see, but I will do so in 1/2 an hour, and at any rate bring the inkstand down with me. Yesterday was rather I amusing in the house. The Sheriffs of London, Sir Bob or Tom, and Sir Moses2 and no mistake, appeared at the bar in full state to present, according to the privilege of the city of London, some petitions;3 after which they took their place under the gallery I and listened to the debate which turned out to be the Jew Question by a sidewind.4 Nobody looked at me and I 10 Frederick Hope. See 384n8 and (vol i) i5on2. 11 John Vesey (1771-1855), 2nd Viscount de Vesci, lord lieutenant of Queen's County, had two sons: Thomas (1803-1875), who succeeded as 3rd Viscount; and William John (1806-1863). 12 Probably Lt Col Thomas Armstrong (d 1842), groom of the chamber 1830-7, groom-in-waiting 1837-40. Greville I 57n. The expression 'cool hands' was defined by a contemporary as 'men who systematically work to make their way in society by downright effrontery'. Lord William Pitt Lennox Fifty Years' Biographical Reminiscences (1863) II 25. 1 See 674n5. 2 At this time the two sheriffs of London were Sir George Carroll (1784-1860), stockbroker at 26 Oxford Street and later (1847) lord mayor of London, and Sir Moses Haim Montefiore (1784-1885), one of twelve Jewish brokers on the London stock exchange and later (1845) sheriff of Kent. It was one of the duties of the sheriffs of London to present petitions from the Corporation at the bar of the House. Sir Walter Besant London in the Nineteenth Century (1909) 993 The petitions were in favour of a uniform and low rate of postage, against duties on fire, life and marine insurance and, finally, in favour of the extension of the principle of the Municipal Officers' Declaration Bill to all citizens. The Times (5 Dec 1837). 4 Although the object of the Municipal Officers' Declaration Bill was to relieve Quakers and Moravians from the necessity of taking an oath, George Grote moved that an instruction be given to the Committee to extend the relief to all religious denominations. This raised 'the Jew question' directly, and most of the debate was on it. Sir Robert Inglis (1786-1855), 2nd Bart, Tory MP for Oxford University 1829-54, and the leading opponent to any modification of Jewish disabilities, had used the 'sidewind' argument in his speech attacking Grote's amendment. He may be the 'R.I.' mentioned later in the letter. The Times (5 Dec).
324 I 683 5 Dec 1837
was not at all uncomfortable, but voted in the majority (only of 12) with the utmost sangfroid.5 We were I kept late at the house - Sugden made a subtle and learned speech of 2 1/2 hours which wo[ul]d have done very well in the Court of Chancery, but was rather a trial. I dined during some part of it. The Ministers in a great rage, and after some very grotesque proceedgs of I which I fear the paper will give you a very faint idea, but I have not had time to see it, were obliged to give up on the Danish claims.6 The frank was H of Berwick.7 The petitions poured in last night; the last in I every sense. So all is safe for the much vilified Maidstone.8 I saw no cause of R.I. but I suspect all the Israels will spell Israeli now. I have an invitation to dine at Buckingham on the loth. Jan.9 I put B.E.L's Ire [letter] in the 2y. of the Garitón, which is the same as a 'receiving house.10 D 5 The leaders of the government professed themselves sympathetic to the removal of Jewish disabilities but objected on procedural grounds to its inclusion in this bill. The bulk of the Tory members voted against the instruction. Grote's motion was defeated by sixteen votes (172-156). Although at this stage of his parliamentary career D was apparently anxious to avoid identification with the Jewish question, it is ironical that, whether on procedural grounds or not, in such an early vote D appeared to oppose a cause which he was to champion with such vigour in the 18505. 6 Late in November a petition from merchants and shipowners in Hull had sought compensation for damage done when the Danes had retaliated against an English seizure, in 1807, of Danish vessels in English ports. The discussion on 4 December 1837 resulted in the matter being turned over to the chancellor of the Exchequer, Thomas Spring Rice. 7 Berwick-on-Tweed was represented by two Tories, both of whose surnames began with 'H': Richard Hodgson (b 1812) and William Holmes. To compound the uncertainty, the county of Berwickshire was represented by Sir H.P. Hume-Campbell (1812-1894), 7th Baronet. 8 Petitions were presented to contest elections in seventeen seats, but Maidstone was not one of them. 9 A Tory dinner held on 10 January 1838 in Buckingham to honour the local MPs - Chandos, Young, Fremantle and Harcourt. The Times (i i Jan 1838). 10 The Garitón Club was not an official receiving house for the twopenny post, but there was one close to it in Pall Mall. At this period the London postal service was very complicated. There were three parallel sets of 'receiving houses', each with its own set of carriers and postal rates: the Foreign Post Office for letters to and from abroad; the General or Inland Office for letters to and from places in Britain outside London; and the District Post ('the twopenny') for letters within a radius of (after 1833) twelve miles from the centre of London. Within the central area there were six deliveries a day, from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., on six days a week. There was no Penny Post in London, but it had survived from an earlier era in some country and provincial 'post towns' of which High Wycombe was one. So, while Sarah could send letters from Bradenham to D in London for only a penny, his replies cost him sixpence for a single sheet. This helps to explain his constant search for franks before he became an MP. Howard Robinson Britain's Post Office (1953) 127-30; LPOD. Universal domestic penny postage was introduced into Britain on i o January 1840, with prepaid postage stamps appearing on 6 May of that year.
TO SARAH DISRAELI [London, Wednesday 6 December 1837] 684 ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/378
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 84, dated December 1837, omitting the first sentence EDITORIAL COMMENT: The letter is incomplete. Dating: John Colquhoun's speech was delivered on 5 December. The Times (6 Dec 1837).
Dearest, I really have not a minute to myself, tho' a great deal to say. We were kept at the house very late last night, 2 o'ck before I got home, and the proceedings most interesting, but I cannot dwell I upon them. Colquhoun, one of the new orators, made his maiden speech,1 and with great success; a sort of Tory Roebuck2 ; calm, unrivalled self possession, I perspicacious and logical. The papers give no idea of his effect. He rallied a nearly lost debate, and more than divided the victory. This morning from 12 unto this I hour Y a meeting at Peels, most stirring and important. Stanley for the first time addressed the Conservative party in private and explained his position and feelings towards them and Peel with extraord[inar]y fervor. TO LADY CAROLINE MAXSE ORIGINAL: WSRO Maxse Ms. 6l fl
58 Jermyn Street, St James's, [London], [Thursday 7 December 1837]
COVER: 1837 I London Deer, seven I The Lady Caroline Maxse I Cranford House I Hounslow I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In double crowned circle: FREE I 7 DE 7 I 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: St James.
58 Jermyn Street I St James Dear Lady Caroline, I write to you amidst a tumult of politics, and can scarcely find time even to scrawl this: but as you leave I Cranford1 tomorrow, I should be sorry you quitted it without a line from me to thank you for your kind and gratifying remembrance.2 I The House of Commons last night presented a scene which reminded me of what I had read of some of the earlier legislative scenes I of the French revolution. A spirit of almost sanguinary hostility pervaded our riotous discussions; 1 It was his maiden speech as a Tory. John Campbell Colquhoun (1803-1870) had been Whig MP for Dumbarton 1832-5, and then was elected as Tory MP for Kilmarnock 1837-41 and Newcastle-under-Lyme 1842-7. He had spoken in defence of Col Verner who had been dismissed from his posts in Ireland. Hansard xxxix (1837) cols 662-70. 2 John Arthur Roebuck. Although he usually stammered when called upon to speak on the spur of the moment, Roebuck was capable of considerable fluency when making a set speech, chiefly, it was alleged, because he had committed it to memory. James Grant Random Recollections of the House of Commons (1837) II 295. 1 Cranford Park, Middlesex, was the seat of the 6th Earl of Berkeley, Lady Caroline's brother. BP (1829). 2 Lady Caroline had sent a lamp to D for Isaac's use. H B/xxi/M/284.
685
326 I 686 8 Dec 1837
the probability is that the scene of animosity will not I be succeeded tonight by one of a more tranquil character. You see that I have been very silent; how long I shall remain so, I cannot say, but it I is more difficult to keep a bridle on one's tongue in these high-pressure debates than on customary occasions. I have howr. attained by my silence a I character for discretion even from my opponents, and I only hope they may some day pay for it. Write from Bad[minto]n3 and bel[ieve] me Ev[er] Yr D
686 TO [SARAH DISRAELI] [London, Friday 8 December 1837] ORIGINAL: PS 19
COVER: 1837 I London December eight I Miss Disraeli I Bradenham I High Wycombe I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In double crowned circle: FREE I 8 DE 8 I 1837 PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 78-9, dated 8 December 1837; Robson and Co autograph catalogue no 95 (c 1915), item 295 iv, extracts dated 8 December 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Robson describes the letter as '12 pages, 8vo. written Friday Dec. 8, 1837.' The cover for this letter, but not the text, is in the British Library, ADD MS 59887 f8. Dating: D gave his maiden speech on 7 December 1837.
December 8, 1837. I made my maiden speech last night,1 rising very late after O'Connell, but at the request of my party and the full sanction of Sir Robert Peel. As I wish to give you an exact idea of what occurred, I state at once that my début was a failure, so far that I could not succeed in gaining an opportunity of saying what I intended; but the failure was not occasioned by my breaking down or any incompetency on my part, but from the physical powers of my adversaries. I can give you no idea how bitter, how factious, how unfair they were. It was like my first début at Aylesbury,2 and perhaps in that sense may be auspicious of ultimate triumph in the same scene. I fought through all with undaunted pluck and unruffled temper, made occasionally good isolated hits when there was silence, and finished with spirit when I found a formal display was ineffectual. My party backed me well, and no one with more zeal and kindness than Peel, cheering me repeatedly, which is not his custom. The uproar was all organised by the Rads and the Repealers. They formed a compact body near the bar of the House and 3 The seat of the Duke of Beaufort. Lady Caroline wrote to D on 17 December from Badminton saying: 'I wonder whether the tumult of politics has removed from your imagination the dreams of wedded bliss that were floating before you at Woolbeding, you were then firm in the intention of shortly marrying. I am almost malicious enough to hope that this intention is given up, there are few women who would make you happy.' H B/xxi/M/286. 1 D's maiden speech dealt with Irish election petitions. Hansard XXXIX (1837) cols 802-7. Greville also noted D's début: 'D'Israeli made his first exhibition this night, beginning with florid assurance, speedily degenerating into ludicrous absurdity, and being at last put down with inextinguishable shouts of laughter.' Greville in 404. 2 After having been defeated a second time at Wycombe in December 1832, D had gone to Aylesbury and had himself nominated as a candidate for Bucks. See (vol i) 221 and 2«5n2.
686 I 327 8 Dec 1837
Benjamin Disraeli (1828) from a watercolour by C. Bone; National Portrait Gallery, London
328 I 686 8 Dec 1837
seemed determined to set me down, but that they did not do. I have given you a most impartial account, stated indeed against myself[.] In the lobby at the division, Chandos, who was not near me while speaking, came up and congratulated me. I replied that I thought there was no cause for congratulations, and muttered 'Failure!' 'No such thing,' said Chandos; 'you are quite wrong. I have just seen Peel, and I said to him, "Now tell me exactly what you think of D." Peel replied, "Some of my party were disappointed and talk of failure, I say just the reverse. He did all that he could do under the circumstances. I say anything but failure; he must make his way." ' The Government and their retainers behaved well. The Attorney-General,3 to whom I never spoke in my life, came up to me in the lobby and spoke to me with great cordiality. He said, 'Now, Mr. Disraeli, could you just tell me how you finished one sentence in your speech, we are anxious to know - "In one hand the keys of St. Peter, and in the other "?' 'In the other the cap of liberty, Sir John.' He smiled, and said, 'A good picture.' I replied, 'But your friends will not allow me to finish my pictures.' 'I assure you,' he said, 'there was the liveliest desire to hear you from us. It was a party at the bar, over whom we had no control; but you have nothing to be afraid of.' Now I have told you all.4 Yours; D. - in very good spirits. 3 Sir John Campbell (1779-1861), after 1841 ist Baron Campbell; Whig MP for Stafford 1830-1, and for Edinburghshire 1834-41; he was solicitor-general in 1832, when he was knighted, and attorney-general 1834-41. He was a respected authority on legal questions and was the author of Lives of the Chief-Justices (1849) and Lives of Lyndhurst and Brougham (1869). His wife was Mary Elizabeth Campbell, Baroness Stratheden. See 46902. 4 Monypenny gives a full account of the maiden speech drawn both from Hansard and from The Mirror of Parliament, which he describes as giving a report 'which is at once the fullest and the most intelligible.' The famous concluding sentence of D's speech continued to reverberate throughout his career, and it is curious that he makes no mention of it either here or in his letter to Mary Anne written on the same day. Monypenny's account concludes: 'As he drew towards the close he embarked on an elaborate period ... which ... ended with a picture of "the noble lord [Lord John Russell] from his pedestal of power wielding in one hand the keys of St. Peter and waving with the other - ": but the picture remained unfinished, the conclusion of the sentence being lost in shouts of laughter. "Now, Mr. Speaker," he proceeded, when his voice could be heard again, "see the philosophical prejudices of man. That image I should have thought, when I was about to complete it, might have been much admired. I would have cheered it heartily if it had come from the lips of a political opponent; and I would gladly hear a cheer, even though it should proceed from such a party." The time he had allotted himself had now expired. "I hope I may thank hon. gentlemen opposite for the sincerity of their expressions of approbation as well as disapprobation. I am not at all surprised at the reception I have experienced. I have begun several things many times, and I have often succeeded at the last - though many had predicted that I must fail, as they had done before me." (Cries of "Question, question!" and "Hear, hear, hear!"). And then, in a voice which, by the testimony of every witness, rose high above the clamour, and which one even describes as "almost terrific": "I sit down now, but the time will come when you will hear me." ' M&B II 10-11; Hansard xxxix col 807; The Mirror of Parliament I 2nd ser (1838) 532-6. Isaac wrote on 10 December: 'I wish your debut had been more auspicious'. He attempted to comfort D, but his heart was not entirely in it, and there is an unspoken suggestion that D perhaps deserved the reception he had received. He concluded: 'I am too far out of the world to know any thing that's in it - but I am always fearful that "theatrical games" will not do for the English Commons. Whether any display of that nature you have indulged in, I know not. Your own observation of what is about you, must be your Instructor.' H A/i/c/72.
TO MARY ANNE LEWIS O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/14
[London], Friday [8 December 1837]
687
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by reference to D's maiden speech.
Friday I i o'ck
My dear Mrs. Wyndham, I was most anxious to reach you to day, but I did not return from the house until four o'ck. this morning, and have more business than I I can possibly get through before we meet again in the course of three hours. I made my maiden debut last night, at the request of many of my party and I with the full sanction and approbation of Sir Robert. I can give you no idea of the unfairness with which the Rads and Repealers met me, but I fought my way with good humor and I hope not altogether without I spirit thro' tremendous clamor and uproar, and altho' my speech might be a failure as far as my not being able to say what I intended, the failure was occasioned by no fault of mine, but by the physical powers of I my opponents. Peel was most kind and cheered me throughout. I am not in the least dispirited by all this faction. Ever yours D TO SARAH DISRAELI [London], Monday 11 December 1837 688 O R I G I N A L : BEA [Rl-6]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 8o-2, dated i i December 1837; M&B II 13-14, dated 11 December 1837, omits part of the final paragraph. EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Shiel, date.
Monday Deer. 11 I 1837. Dearest, I dined with Bulwer on Saturday and strange enough met Shiel.1 I shd. have been very much surprised, had I not arrived first, and been apprised. It thus arose: on Saturday, Bulwer walked into the Athenaeum; Shiel, I who has just recovered from the gout, was lounging in an easy chair reading the newspaper; around him was a kind of low Rads (we might group them) abusing me and exulting in the discrimination of the house. Probably they thought they pleased Shiel. Bulwer drew near, but stood apart. I Suddenly Shiel threw down the paper and said in his shrill voice "Now, gentlemen, I have heard all you have to say, and what is more I heard this same speech of Mr Disraeli, and I tell you this; if ever the spirit of oratory was in a man, it is in that man. Nothing can prevent him from being one of the first speakers in the I House of Commons (great confusion) Ay! Iknow something about that place, I think, and I tell you 1 Richard Lalor Sheil, Irish dramatist and writer, MP for various constituencies 1830-46. He held office under several Whig governments.
330 I 688 11 Dec 1837
what besides, that if there had not been this interruption, Mr Disraeli might have made a failure - I don't call this a failure, it is a crash.2 My debut was a failure, because I I was heard, but my reception was supercilious, his malignant. A debut shd. be dull. The house will not allow a man to be a wit and an orator, unless they have the credit of finding it out. There it is." You may conceive the sensation I that this speech made: I heard of it yesterday, from Eaton, Winslow3 and several other quarters. The crowd dispersed, but Bulwer drew near, and said to Shiel, "D. dines with me to day; wo[ul]d you like to meet him." I "In spite of my gout" sd Shiel "I long to know him; I long to tell him what I think." So we met: there were besides only D'Eyncourt, always friendly to me, Mackinnon, a Tory and one Quin of the Danube.4 Shiel was most charming, and took an opportunity in conversation with me I of disburthening his mind of the subject with which it was full. He insisted continually on his position that the clamorous reception was fortunate, ["]for" said he "if you had been listened to, what wd. have been the result? You wo[ul]d have done what I did; you wo[ul]d have made the best I speech that you ever wd. have made: it wd. have been received frigidly, and you wd. have despaired of yourself. I did. As it is, you have shown to the house that you have a fine organ, that you have an unlimited command of language, that you have courage, temper and readiness. Now get rid of your genius for I a session. Speak often, for you must not show yourself cowed, but speak shortly. Be very quiet, try to be dull, only argue and reason imperfectly, for if you reason with precision, they will think you are trying to be witty. Astonish them by speaking on subjects of detail. Quote I figures, date, calculations. And in a short time the house will sigh for the wit and eloquence, which they all know are in you; they will encourage you to pour them forth, and then you will have the ear of the house and be a favorite." I think that I altogether this is as interesting a rencontre as I have ever experienced. Yesterday, I dined with Hope, a sumptuous but rather dull party. Strangford and Cecil Forester, Eaton, Beresford,5 Stanley of Cumberland.6 Baring late of Yarmouth.7 On Saturday I dine with Peel; his first party. Love D 2 Ralph has read the word as 'crush', but both the sense and the calligraphy suggest 'crash'. 3 Probably Edward Winslow. His brother, Forbes Benignus Winslow (1810-1874), physician and well-known authority on insanity, is a less likely candidate. 4 Michael Joseph Quin (1796-1843), traveller, journalist and author of A Steam Voyage down the Danube (1835). Quin was an extensive contributor to periodicals and newspapers, editor of The Monthly Review 1825-32, and the first editor of The Dublin Review. 5 Sir John Poo Beresford. 6 Edward Stanley (1790-1863), Tory MP for West Cumberland 1832-52. 7 Thomas Baring (1799-1873), second son of Sir Thomas Baring; Tory MP for Great Yarmouth 1835-7; he contested the seat unsuccessfully again in 1837, 1838 and 1841 and was finally elected for Huntingdon in 1844. He represented that constituency until his death.
TO SARAH DISRAELI O R I G I N A L : H A/I/B/375
[London, Tuesday 12 December 1837]
680
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LBCS 82-3, dated 12 December 1837, with omissions and alterations EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: the Royal Message was read in the Commons on 1 1 December. Sic: de Dupotet, Caspar.
Dearest, Ralph will be with you tomorrow: He stayed in town this morning to attend an annual meeting of his club. Tomorrow morning I go to Maidstone and shall return on Thursday. Yesterday I the house was surprised by a Royal Message, requesting us to take into consider[ati]on a suitable provision for the D[uche]ss of Kent. Considering that the Ministers have announced that there wd be no more business of importance before I the Recess, this is considered a very suspicious movement. Tonight we shall know what it means. All London is mad with Animal Magnetism. A M. de Dupotet1 ceremonizes in Orchard St. and everyone I flocks there. Strangford asked me to go with him today, but it was not in my power. Maidstone is a convert, and tells me he met there yesterday besides many ladies, the sharp Sir H. Hardinge who believes and Eliot - Ld. Stanhope is frantically mad about it, as he was about Caspar H[auser].2 Ev[er] D TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 2O
[London, Friday 15 December 1837]
PUBLICATION HISTORY: LEGS 84-7, dated 18 December 1837; Robson and Co autograph catalogue no 95 (c 1915) item 295 v, extract dated 15 December 1837; M&B II 15-16, dated 18 December 1837 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Robson describes the letter as '14 pages, 8vo. written Friday (Dec. 15, 1837).' Dating: The Times report of Friday 15 December 1837 reports the debate on Talfourd's Copyright Bill, which took place the previous evening, and confirms D's account. As D said that he had spoken 'last night', Robson's dating of Friday 15 December 1837 can be confirmed. Sic: December 18.
December 18, 1837. Nothing daunted, and acting on the advice of Sheil (a strange Parliamentary mentor for me after all), I spoke again last night and with complete success. It 1 Jean Dupotet de Sennevoy (1796-1881), a follower of Friedrich Mesmer, in 1827 nad founded a review to propagate the doctrine of animal magnetism. The revival of interest in Mesmerism - after forty years of comparative neglect - came in the late spring of 1837. Theocritus Brown 'Animal Magnetism in London in 1837' Blackwood's Magazine XLII (Sept 1837) 384-93. 2 Philip Henry Stanhope (1781-1855), who succeeded his father as 4th Earl Stanhope in 1816, was given to bizarre interests. Lord Stanhope had befriended Kaspar Hauser (1812-1833), the famous enfant trouvé of Nuremberg. An account of their relations was told by Stanhope's daughter, Catherine Lucy Wilhelmina, Duchess of Cleveland, in The True Story of Kaspar Hauser from Official Documents (1893). Lord Stanhope was accused, in some quarters, of having procured Mauser's death, and the charge remained alive fifty years after the event.
OQO
332 I 690 15 Dec 1837
was on the Copyright Bill.1 The House was not very full, but all the Cabinet Ministers and officials were there, and all our principal men. Talfourd,2 who had already made a long speech (his style flowery, with a weak and mouthing utterance), proposed the Copyright Bill very briefly, having spoken on it last session. Bulwer followed him, and confined himself to the point of international copyright, which called up Poulett Thomson.3 Then Peel on the copyright of art; and then I rose. I was received with the utmost curiosity and attention. As there had been no great discussion I determined not to be tempted into a speech, which everyone expected of course I rose to make. All I aimed at was to say something pointed and to the purpose. My voice, in spite of our doings at Maidstone, was in perfect condition. I suggested a clause to Talfourd, with the idea of which I had been furnished by Colburn. I noticed that the subject had already been done so much justice to on other occasions that I should not trouble the House, but I had been requested to support this Bill by many eminent persons interested in its success. Thus far I was accompanied by continual 'hear, hears,' and I concluded thus: 'I am glad to hear from her Majesty's Government that the interests of literature have at length engaged their attention. It has been the boast of the Whig party, and a boast not without foundation, that in many brilliant periods of our literary annals they have been the patrons of letters ("Hear, hear" from John Russell and Co.). As for myself, I trust that the age of literary patronage has passed ("Hear, hear" from leader of the Rads), and it will be honourable to the present Government if, under its auspices, it be succeeded by that of legislative protection.' I sat down with a general cheer. Talfourd, in reply, noticed all the remarks of the preceding members, and when he came to me said he should avail himself of 'the excellent suggestion of the honourable member for Maidstone, himself one of the greatest ornaments of our modern literature.' Here Peel cheered loudly, and indeed throughout my remarks he backed me. So, on the whole, there was glorification. Everybody congratulated me. Colonel Lygon4 said, 'Well, you have got in your saddle again, and now you may ride away.' Even Granville Somerset said, 'I never heard a few sentences so admirably delivered. You will allow me to say so, after having been twenty-five years in Parliament.' But all agree that I managed in a few minutes by my voice and manner to please everyone in the House. I don't care about the meagre report, for I spoke to the House and not to the public. 1 The account of D's speech on the Law of Copyright is as follows: 'Mr B. D'Israeli would be extremely happy if an expeditious and inexpensive mode of redress could be established against the system of piracy that was carried on. He had been requested to give his support to the Bill by some of the most eminent literary characters. It would give him great pleasure if the subject was taken up by her Majesty's present Government, and he would be glad if the law was perfected even under their auspices.' There is no record of 'continual "hear, hears" ' nor of any concluding applause. Hansard xxxix (1837) col 1093. 2 Thomas Noon Talfourd (1795-1854); Whig MP for Reading 1835-41, 1847-9, author of A Speech on Copyright (1837) and Life of Charles Lamb part I (1837), part II (1848). 3 Charles Poulett Thomson (1799-1841), after 1840 ist Baron Sydenham; Whig MP for Dover 1826-32, and Manchester from 1832 to 1839, at which time he was appointed governor general of Canada. 4 Henry Beauchamp Lygon (1784-1863), Tory MP for Worcestershire West 1817-53. In 1853 he succeeded his brother as 4th Earl Beauchamp.
I have no time to tell you about Maidstone, except that the banker5 gave me a banquet more splendid than many I have had in this town, that we had the largest meeting on record, and that I made a successful speech; that Wyndham Lewis is infinitely more warm than ever, and my constituents far more enthusiastic, and it is my firm opinion that the next time I rise in the House, which will be very soon in February, I shall sit down amid loud cheers, for I really think, on the whole, though I have not time now to give you the reasons, that the effect of my debut, and the circumstances that attended it, will ultimately be favourable to my career. Next to undoubted success the best thing is to make a great noise, and the many articles that are daily written to announce my failure only prove that I have not failed. One thing is curious, that the opinion of the mass is immensely affected by that of their leaders. I know a hundred little instances daily, which show me that what Peel, and Sheil, and other leading men have said, have already greatly influenced those who are unable to form opinions for themselves. Love to all, D. TO [SARAH DISRAELI] ORIGINAL: PS 45
[London, Wednesday 20? December 1837]
692 I 333 21 Dec 1837
60 1
PUBLICATION HISTORY: Clarence I. Freed 'A New Sheaf of Disraeli Letters' American Hebrew cxx (15 Apr 1927) 854 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by comparison with 692. Sic: car.
After all, there was no house (session) last night. W[yndham] L[ewis] goes to Wales the day after Xmas day and will return in the course of the first week of January. Madame wants to come down to Bradenham during his absence ... I have told her it would not, I thought, be convenient for you to receive her until the New Year, but I would write. I have no wish that you should put yourself out of the way for her. She is to come and be quiet and all that sort of thing, and I suppose would stay until the return of car sposo. TO SARAH DISRAELI ORIGINAL: H A/I/B/17Q
[London, Thursday 21? December 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: Parliament was recessed for the holidays on Saturday 23 December in 1837. On Wednesday 20 December the House had adjourned because there had been no quorum. The Times (21 Dec 1837).
My dearest, I shall get down on Monday for my Xmas dinner. This must be my excuse for not writing at greater length. A thunderbolt in a Summer Sky co[ul]d I not produce a greater effect than the news of yesterday1 arriving, just as Parliamt. re5 Probably Alexander Randall, Maidstone banker, who had served as Wyndham Lewis's election agent as early as 1834. H 0/11/0/362-4. Randall's name appears in Maidstone poll-books until the one of 1865. 1 The outbreak of rebellion in Lower Canada.
602
334 I 94 31 Dec 1837
693
duced to less than 80 members, was I about to be ajourned. Our holidays are cut short, the Ministers evidently panic-struck, and all stirring and warlike. I shd. think the I next accounts wd. be worse. We shall soon meet. God Bless you and all. D TO MARY ANNE LEWIS O R I G I N A L : H A/I/A/12
[London], Friday [22 December? 1837]
EDITORIAL COMMENT: Dating: by reference to internal evidence. Mary Anne's second visit to Bradenham took place just after Christmas 1837.
Friday
My dear Mrs. Wyndham, I learn from a letter received this morning, that they will be quite ready to receive you at Bradenham on any day after next Wednesday, I say the following day, Thursday. They are most anxious to see you, and I hope therefore you will make it convenient to go down on that day, and to stay as long as I you possibly can. My movements are doubtful, because I have a cantankerous lawyer, who is so formal that he gives me trouble about nothing and keeps me unnecessarily in town, I but I nevertheless hope to be down there as soon as yourself. Ever yours D 694 TO LADY CAROLINE MAXSE Bradenham, [Sunday] 31 December [1837] ORIGINAL: WSRO Maxse Ms. 6l £3
COVER: 1837 I Wycombe Deer, thirty one I The Lady Caroline Maxse I Woolbeding I Midhurst I B Disraeli POSTMARK: (i) In double circle: c I i JA i I 1838 (2) In rectangle: No. i (3) HWYCOMBE i Penny Post (4) TO PAY Id ONLY.
Bradenham I 31 Dec.
Dear Lady Caroline, I will wish you a very happy new year, tho' I have not the pleasure of doing so, as I had hoped, at Woolbeding. For this, among other mischief, we are indebted to Mr. Papineau,1 who has so unreasonably cut short our I holidays. I have only regained the paternal hearth within these three or four days, and in a fortnight, I must be again in that brawling Pandemonium, the House of Commons. I can't say they treated me very well there, when I wished to enlighten I their darkness, but I rather like a row, and never succeed in anything unless I am opposed. I am as well as one can well be in this miserable country, whose fate, like Babylon's, is nearly full, and the horn of her plenty empty. I am very I much obliged by your letters, and hope you found the youngsters, my friends, well. I am not married, but any old, ugly and ill-tempered woman may have me to1 Louis Joseph Papineau (1786-1871), Speaker of the House of Assembly for Lower Canada, who opposed union with Upper Canada. At the time of the rebellion in 1837 a warrant was issued against him for high treason, but he escaped to the United States, moved to Paris in 1839, and returned to Canada in 1847 after the general amnesty.
morrow. I care for no other qualifications. A wretched home makes us enjoy the world, and is the only certain source of general happiness. Ever yrs. D
694 I 335 31 Dec 1837
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APPENDIX I
DOCUMENTS ON THE PUBLICATION OF THE RUNNYMEDE LETTERS D had written, through Pyne, and as 'the author of Runnymede', to John Macrone on 9 June 1836, asking him if he would be interested in publishing the letters. D's letter was forwarded to Macrone on holidays at St Leonards, from where he replied with enthusiasm on 12 June. In order to maintain strict anonymity of authorship all subsequent negotiations with Macrone during the publication of The Runneymede Letters were conducted entirely through William Pyne. The following documents concerning the publication are in the Pyne papers at the Fitzwilliam Museum [Autographs, MS 104-105/1020]. (i) [In D'S hand]: The work to be entitled
"WHIGS AND WHIGGISM" by RUNNYMEDE
the matter consisting of thirty columns of the Times will make a duodo, volume of 240 to 50 pages, published say at 7/6. I The copyright may be purchased for a specific term
or
Mr. Macrone may publish an edition, say 1000 copies on paying at once 1/2 of the calculated profits to the author. 250— 30
oo
100
338
(2) [In Macrone's hand]: 250
THE LETTERS OF RUNNYMEDE 1000
@
10/6
40
10
20 Rms paper Advg
32. 50.
£122
[In another hand]: About 450 Copies will pay expences [sic] then an offer may be made for reading proofs [?] 3o£ 14 days (3) [Publication agreement, in Macrone's hand]:
RUNNYMEDE
That the whole expenses of paper printing and advertising (which for looo Copies would average about £130) be defrayed by The Publisher. That after defraying the Said expenses out of the proceeds of the work, the profits be divided in equal parts between Author and Publisher. That future Editions be the Subject of future arrangements. 3 St James's Square J. Macrone. July 20. (4) [In D'S hand]:
[25 July? 1836] Besides the enclosed consisting of the letters and "the Spirit of Whiggism"; there will be an epistle dedicatory to Sir Robt. Peel which run betn. 30 and 20 pages. This will be ready in 8 and 40 hours. The proofs if sent to George I St. in the evening will be returned in the morng. This may be the advertisement. 8vo: dedicated to Sir Robert Peel THE LETTERS OF RUNNYMEDE
"Neither for shame, nor fear this mask he wore, "That like a visor in the battle-field "But shrouds a manly and a Daring brow"
A P P E N D I X II
THE RUNNYMEDE LETTERS Dedication to Sir Robert Peel [Leader of the Opposition] I 342 i 18 Jan 1836. To Viscount Melbourne [Prime Minister] I 345 ii 19 Jan 1836. To Sir John Campbell [Attorney-General] I 348 iii 21 Jan 1836. To Mr. Thomas Attwood, M.P. I 351 iv 23 Jan 1836. To Lord Brougham I 355 v 26 Jan 1836. To Sir Robert Peel I 358 vi 28 Jan 1836. To the Chancellor of the Exchequer [Thomas Spring Rice] I 362 vii 30 Jan 1836. To Lord John Russell [Home Secretary and Leader of the Government in the Commons] I 365 viii 2 Feb 1836. To the People I 369 ix 6 Feb 1836. To Lord Stanley I 373 x 11 Feb 1836. To Lord William Bentinck I 376 xi 22 Feb 1836. To Lord Palmerston [Foreign Secretary] I 381 xii 27 Feb 1836. To Sir John Hobhouse [President of the Board of Control] I 385 xiii 12 Mar 1836. To Lord Glenelg [Colonial Secretary] I 387 xiv 20 Mar 1836. To the Right Hon. Edward Ellice I 390 xv 30 Mar 1836. To Viscount Melbourne I 393 xvi 18 Apr 1836. To the House of Lords I 396
34°
xvii 23 Apr 1836. To the House of Lords I 400 xviii 30 Apr 1836. To the Lord Chancellor [ist Baron Cottenham] I 403 xix 14 May 1836. To Viscount Melbourne I 406 11 Feb 1837. To His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland [2nd Earl of Mulgrave] I 409
15 Apr 1837. To Lord Viscount Melbourne I 412
THE RUNNYMEDE LETTERS The first nineteen Letters of Runnymede, published in The Times between ig January and 16 May 1836, represent a continuation of D'S campaign, begun with the Vindication, in support of Lyndhurst, and may be seen as a further stage in the development of his own violently anti-Whig position. In this exercise in polemical writing he was coached by the editor of The Times, Thomas Barnes, who both applauded his happier strokes, and reprimanded his excesses. The collection was published by John Macrone, together with 'The Spirit of Whiggism', on 27 July 1836. D provided the cuttings from The Times as his 'manuscript' and preserved his anonymity even from the publisher. He never did acknowledge his authorship in public. Although reprints of this collection have been made (eg Whigs and Whiggism 233-326) the texts are included here, without annotation or indexing, because they are so closely related to the events of which D was writing in his personal correspondence during this period. Two later letters, not included in the original nineteen, also signed 'Runnymede', and printed in The Times on 13 February and 17 April 1837, follow the main sequence. The text used for the first nineteen letters is that of the first edition, and for the two in 1837 transcription has been made from The Times. The date given is D'S date of composition. Date of first publication is given in the publication history.
341
342
[Dedication to the first edition:]
DEDICATION.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
SIR ROBERT PEEL, BARONET, M.P.
SIR, I have the honour to dedicate to you a volume illustrative of WHIGS and WHIGGISM. It has been my object to delineate within its pages not only the present characters and recent exploits of the most active of the partizans, but also the essential and permanent spirit of the party. It appeared to me that it might be advantageous to connect the criticism on the character of the hour with some researches into the factious idiosyncrasy of centuries. Political parties are not so inconsistent as the superficial imagine; and, in my opinion, the Whig of a century back does not differ so materially as some would represent from the Whig of the present day. I hope, therefore, that this volume may conduce, not only to the amusement, but to the instruction, of my countrymen. It is now, Sir, some six months past since I seized the occasion of addressing you another letter, written under very different auspices. The session of Parliament was then about to commence; it is now about to close. These six months have not been uneventful in results. If they have not witnessed any legislative enactment eminently tending to our social welfare, they have developed much political conduct for which our posterity may be grateful: for this session, Sir, has at least been memorable for one great event, - an event not inferior, in my estimation, in its beneficial influence on the fortunes of the country, to Magna Carta itself, - I mean the rally of the English Constitution; I might use a stronger phrase, I might say its triumph. And it has triumphed because it has become understood. The more its principles have been examined, the more the intention of its various parts has been investigated, and its general scope comprehended, the more beneficent and profound has appeared the polity of our fathers. The public mind of late has been cleared of a vast amount of error in constitutional learning. Scarcely a hired writer would have the front at this day to pretend that a difference of opinion between the two Houses of Parliament is a collision between the Peers and the People. That phrase "the People" is a little better comprehended now than it used to be: it will not serve for the stalkinghorse of faction, as it did. We know very well that the House of Commons is not the House of "the People;" we know very well that "the People" is a body not intelligible in a political sense; we know very well that the Lords and the Commons are both sections of the Nation, and both alike and equally representative of that great community. And we know very well that if the contrary propositions to all these were maintained, the government of this English empire might at this moment be the pastime and plunder of some score of Irish adventurers. When, Sir, you quitted Drayton in February, the vagabond delegate of a foreign priesthood was stirring up rebellion against the Peers of England, with the implied, if not the definite, sanction of his Majesty's Ministers.
Where is that hired disturber now? Like base coin detected by the very consequences of its currency, and finally nailed against the counter it has deceived, so this bad politician, like a bad shilling, has worn off his edge by his very restlessness. Parliament met, and the King's Ministers exhibited with a flourish their emblazoned catalogue of oligarchical coups-d'état, by which they were to entrench themselves in power under the plea of ameliorating our society. Not one of these measures has been carried. Yet we were told that their success was certain, and by a simple process - by the close and incontestable union between all true reformers. The union between all true reformers has terminated in the mutiny of Downing Street. I believe that I have commemorated in this volume that celebrated harangue, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the commencement of the session, addressed at a dinner to his constituents. You may perhaps remember, Sir, the glowing promises of that Right Honourable Gentleman: they seemed almost to announce the advent of a political millennium. "First and foremost," announced the Right Honourable Chancellor, "we shall proceed in our great work of the reform of the Court of Equity;" - the opus magnum of the gifted Cottenham! It seems the course of nature was reversed here, and the butterfly turned into a grub. "Our earnest attention will then be directed," quoth Mr. Rice, "to the entire and complete relief of our Dissenting brethren and fellow-subjects." How liberal, how condescending, and how sincere! The Dissenters are absolutely our fellow-subjects. None but a Whig, a statesman almost eructating with the plenary inspiration of the spirit of the age, could have been capable of making so philosophical an admission. In the mean time six months have passed, and nothing has been done for our unhappy "fellow-subjects," while the Dissenting organs denounce even the projected alleviation as a miserable insult. To justice to Ireland, Mr. Rice of course was pledged, and most determined to obtain it; but his bills have been dishonoured nevertheless. And the settlement of the Irish Tithe, and the Reform of the Irish Corporations, are about as much advanced by this great Whig Government, as the Relief of the Dissenters and the Reform of the Court of Chancery. What have they done then? What pledge have they redeemed? The Ecclesiastical Courts remain unpurged. Even the Stamp Act, through the medium of which the Whigs, as usual, have levelled a blow at the liberty of the press, has not passed yet, and in its present inquisitorial form can never become a law. What, then, I repeat, have they done? They promised indeed to break open the prisons like Jack Cade; but as yet the grates are barred; the pensions are still paid, and the soldiers still flogged. Oh! ye Scribes of the Treasury, and Pharisees of Downing Street! Supported in the House of Lords by a body inferior in number to the Peers created by the Whigs during the last five years; upheld in the House of Commons by a majority of twenty-six, Lord Melbourne still clings to his mulish and ungenerative position of place without power; and with a degree of modest frankness and constitutional propriety, equally admirable, pledges himself before his country, that, as long as he is supported by a ma-
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jority °f tne House of Commons, he will remain Minister. I apprehend the ratification of a Ministry is as necessary by one House of Parliament as by the other; but I stop not to discuss this. The choice of Ministers was once entrusted to a different authority than that of either Lords or Commons. But this is an old almanack; and I leave Lord Viscount Melbourne to shake its dust off at his next interview with his projected Doge of Windsor. RUNNYMEDE. JULY 27, 1836.
TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE [Monday] 18 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (19 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 1-8; Whigs and Whiggism 238-42. THE
LETTERS OF RUNNYMEDE. LETTER I. TO
VISCOUNT MELBOURNE.
MY LORD, The Marquis of Halifax was wont to say of his Royal Master, that, "after all, his favorite Sultana Queen was Sauntering." It is, perhaps, hopeless that your Lordship should rouse yourself from the embraces of that Siren Desidia, to whose fatal influence you are not less a slave than our second Charles, and that you should cease to saunter over the destinies of a nation, and lounge away the glory of an empire. Yet the swift shadows of coming events are assuredly sufficiently dark and ominous to startle from its indolence even "The sleekest swine in Epicurus' sty."
When I recall to my bewildered memory the perplexing circumstance that William Lamb is Prime Minister of England, it seems to me that I recollect with labour the crowning incident of some grotesque dream, or that in some pastime of the season you have drawn for the amusement of a nation a temporary character, ludicrously appropriate only from the total want of connexion and fitness between the festive part and the individual by whom it is sustained. Previous to the passing of the famous Act of 1832, for the amendment of popular representation, your reputation, I believe, principally depended upon your talent for prologue writing. No one was held to introduce with more grace and spirit the performances of an amateur society. With the exception of an annual oration against parliamentary reform, your career in the House of Commons was never remarkably distinguished. Your Cabinet, indeed, appears to have been constructed from the materials of your old dramatic company. The domestic policy of the country is entrusted to the celebrated author of Don Carlos; the Fletcher of this Beaumont, the author of the Siege of Constantinople (an idea apparently borrowed from your Russian allies), is the guardian of the lives and properties of the Irish clergy, under the charitable supervision of that "first tragedy man," the Lord of Mulgrave; Lord Glenelg admirably personifies a sleepy audience; while your Chancellor of the Exchequer beats Mr. Power; and your Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in his mimetic sympathy with French manners and intimate acquaintance with French character, is scarcely inferior to the late ingenious Charles Mathews. That general adapter from the Spanish, Lord Holland, gives you all the advantage, in the affairs of the Peninsula, of
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his early studies of Lope de Vega, and, indeed, with his skilful assistance you appear, by all accounts, to have woven a plot absurd and complicated enough, even for the grave humour of Madrid, or the gay fancy of Seville. For yourself is still reserved a monopoly of your peculiar talent, and doubtless on the fourth of February you will open your house with an introductory composition worthy of your previous reputation. I remember some years ago listening to one of these elegant productions from the practised pen of the present Prime Minister of Great Britain, if not of Ireland. I think it was on that occasion that you annunciated to your audience the great moral discovery that the characteristic of the public mind of the present day was "A taste for evil."
Our taste for evil does not seem to be on the wane, since it has permitted this great empire to be governed by the Whigs, and has induced even those Whigs to be governed by an Irish rebel. Your prologue, my Lord, was quite prophetic. If your Royal Master's speech at the opening of his parliament may share its inspiration, it will tell to the people of England some terrible truths. It will announce, in the first place, that the policy of your theatrical Cabinet has at length succeeded in dividing the people of England into two hostile camps, in which numbers are arrayed against property, ignorance against knowledge, and sects against institutions. It will announce to us, that your theatrical Cabinet has also been not less fortunate in maturing the passive resistance of the enemy in Ireland into active hostility, and that you have obtained the civil war from which the Duke of Wellington shrank, without acquiring the political security which might have been its consequence. It will announce to us, that in foreign affairs you and your company have finally succeeded in destroying all our old alliances, without substituting any new ones; and that, after having sacrificed every principle of British policy to secure an intimate alliance with France, the Cabinet of the Tuileries has even had the airy audacity to refuse its co-operation in that very treaty in which its promises alone involved you; and that, while the British minister can with extreme difficulty obtain an audience at St. Petersburg, the ambassador of France passes with a polite smile of gay recognition the luckless representative of William IV., who is lounging in an ante-chamber in the enjoyment of an indolence which even your lordship might envy. It will announce to us, that in our colonial empire the most important results may speedily be anticipated from the discreet selection of Lord Auckland as a successor to our Clives and our Hastings; that the progressive improvement of the French in the manufacture of beet-root may compensate for the approaching destruction of our West Indian plantations; and that, although Canada is not yet independent, the final triumph of liberal principles, under the immediate patronage of the government, may eventually console us for the loss of the glory of Chatham, and the conquests of Wolfe. At home or abroad, indeed, an agreeable prospect on every side sur-
rounds you. Your lordship may exclaim with Hannibal - "Behind us are the Alps, before us is Eridanus!" And who are your assistants to stem the profound and impetuous current of this awful futurity? At an unconstitutional expenditure of four coronets, which may some day figure as an article in an impeachment, the Whigs have at length obtained a Lord Chancellor as a lawyer not illustrious, as a statesman a nonentity. The seals of the principal office of the state are entrusted to an indivudal, who, on the principle that good vinegar is the corruption of bad wine, has been metamorphosed from an incapable author into an eminent politician. His brother secretaries remind me of two battered female sinners; one frivolous, the other exhausted; one taking refuge from conscious scorn in rouge and the affected giggle of fluttering folly, and the other in strong waters and devotion. Then Mr. Spring Rice waves a switch, which he would fain persuade you is a shillalagh; while the Rienzi of Westminster smiles with marvelling complacency at the strange chapter of accidents which has converted a man whose friends pelted George Lamb with a cabbage-stalk, into a main prop of William Lamb's Cabinet. Some yet remain - the acute intelligence of Lansdowne, the polished mind of Thompson, Howick's calm maturity, and the youthful energy of Holland. And this is the Cabinet that controls the destinies of a far vaster population than owned the sway of Rome in the palmiest hour of its imperial fame! Scarron or Butler should celebrate its political freaks, and the shifting expedients of its ignoble statecraft. But while I watch you in your ludicrous councils, an awful shade rises from behind the chair of my Lord President. Slaves! it is your master; it is Eblis with Captain Rock's bloody cap shadowing his atrocious countenance. In one hand he waves a torch, and in the other clutches a skull. He gazes on his victims with a leer of fiendish triumph. Contemptible as you are, it is this dark connexion that involves your fate with even an epic dignity, and makes the impending story of your retributive fortunes assume almost a Dantesque sublimity.
Jan. 18, 1836.
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TO SIR JOHN CAMPBELL [Tuesday] 19 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (21 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 9-16; Whigs and Whiggism 242-6 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 46902. Sic: with with, cannnot, . LETTER II. TO
SIR,
SIR JOHN CAMPBELL.
I have always been of opinion, an opinion I imbibed early in life from great authorities, that the Attorney and Solicitor-General were not more the guardians of the honour and the interests of the Crown than of the honour and the interests of the Bar. It appears to me that you have failed in your duty as representative of this once illustrious body, and therefore it is that I address to you this letter. Although your political opponent, I trust I am not incapable of acknowledging and appreciating your abilities and acquirements. They are sound, but they are not splendid. You have mastered considerable legal reading, you are gifted with no ordinary shrewdness, you have enjoyed great practice, and you have gained great experience; you possess undaunted perseverance and invincible industry. But you can advance no claim to the refined subtlety of an Eldon, and still less to the luminous precision, the quick perception, the varied knowledge and accomplished eloquence of a Lyndhurst. In profound learning you cannot cope for a moment with Sir Edward Sugden; as an advocate, you can endure no competition with your eminent father-in-law, or with with Sir William Follett, or, for I am not writing as a partisan, with Mr. Serjeant Wilde. As a pleader I believe you were distinguished, though there are many who, even in this humble province, have deemed that you might yield the palm to Mr. Baron Parke and Mr. Justice Littledale. But, whatever be your merits or defects, you are still the King's AttorneyGeneral, and as the King's Attorney-General you have a prescriptive, if not a positive, right to claim any seat upon the judgment bench which becomes vacant during your official tenure. This prescriptive right has never been doubted in the profession. It has been understood and acted upon by members of the bar, of all parties, and at all times. In recent days, Sir Robert Gifford, though a common law lawyer, succeeded to the equity tribunal of Sir Thomas Plomer. It is true that Sir Robert Gif ford, for a very short time previous to his accession, had practised in the Court of Chancery, but the right of the Attorney-General to succeed under any circumstances was again recognised by Lord Eldon, when Sir John Copley, who had never been in an equity court in his life, became Master of the Rolls. On this occasion it is well known that Leach, the Vice-Chancellor, was anxious to succeed Lord Gif-
ford, but his request was not for a moment listened to in preference to the claim of the Attorney-General. In allowing a judge, who a very short time back was your inferior officer, to become Lord Chancellor of England, and in permitting a barrister, who had not even filled the office of Solicitor-General, to be elevated over your head into the seat of the Master of the Rolls, either you must have esteemed yourself absolutely incompetent to the discharge of those great offices, or you must have been painfully conscious of your marked inferiority to both the individuals who were promoted in your teeth; or last, and bitterest alternative, you must have claimed your right, and been denied its enjoyment. In the first instance, you virtually declared that you were equally unfit for the office you at present hold, and what should have been your consequent conduct is obvious; in the second, you betrayed the interests of the bar; and in the third, you betrayed not only the interests of the bar, but its honour also. Without imputing to Sir John Campbell any marvellous degree of arrogance, I cannnot bring myself to believe that he holds himself absolutely unfit for the discharge of the offices in question: I will not even credit that he has yielded to his unfeigned sense of his marked inferiority to the supernatural wisdom and miraculous acquirements of my Lord Cottenham, or that his downcast vision has been dazzled by the wide-extended celebrity that surrounds with a halo the name of Bickersteth! No, Sir, we will not trench upon the manorial right of modesty, which is the monopoly of your colleague, Sir Monsey Rolf e, that public man on the Incus à non lucendo principle, that shadowy entity which all have heard of, few seen - an individual, it would appear, of a rare humility and admirable patience, and born, as it were, to exemplify the beauty of resignation. I believe, therefore, that you claimed the office - that you claimed your right, and that you were refused it. That must have been a bitter moment, Sir John Campbell - a moment which might have made you recollect, perhaps even repeat, the Johnsonian definition of a Whig. You have not hitherto been held a man deficient in spirit, or altogether uninfluenced by that nobler ambition which spurs us on to great careers, and renders the esteem of our fellow-countrymen not the least valuable reward of our exertions. When therefore you were thus insulted, why did you not resent the insult? When your fair ambition was thus scurvily balked, why not have gratified it by proving to a sympathizing nation that you were at least worthy of the high post to which you aspired? He who aims to be the guardian of the honour of the Crown should at least prove that he is competent to protect his own. You ought not to have quitted the minister's ante-chamber, the King's Attorney-General. Why did you then? Because, as you inform us, your lady is to be ennobled. Is it the carnival, that such jests pass current? Is it part of the code of etiquette in this saturnalia of Whig manners, that the honour of a man is to be vindicated by a compliment to a woman? One cannot refrain from admiring, too, the consistent propriety of the whole arrangement. A gentleman, whom his friends announce as a resolved republican, and to whom,
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but for this slight circumstance, they assert would have been entrusted the custody of the Great Seal, is to be hoisted up into the House of Lords in the masquerade of a baron; while yourself, whose delicate and gracious panegyric of the Peers of England is still echoing from the movement benches of the House of Commons to the reeking cellars of the Cowgate, find the only consolation for your wounded honour in your son inscribing his name in the libro d'oro of our hereditary legislators. Why, if Mr. O'Connell were but simultaneously called up by the title of Baron Rathcormac, in honour of his victory, the batch would be quite complete. What compensation is it for the injured interests, and what consolation to the outraged honour, of the bar, that your amiable lady is to become a peeress? On the contrary, you have inflicted a fresh stigma on the body of which you are the chief. You have shown to the world that the leading advocate of the day, the King's Attorney-General, will accept a bribe! Nay! start not. For the honour of human nature, for the honour of your high profession, of which I am the friend, I will believe that in the moment of overwhelming mortification you did not thus estimate that glittering solace, but such, believe me, the English nation will ever esteem the coronet of Strath-Eden. Was the grisly spectre of Sir William Home the blooming Eve that tempted you to pluck this fatal fruit? Was it the conviction that a rebellious Attorney-General might be shelved, that daunted the hereditary courage of the Campbell? What, could you condescend to be treated by the minister like a froward child - the parental Viscount shaking in one hand a rod, and in the other waving a toy? I have long been of opinion, that, among other perfected and projected mischief, there has been on the part of the Whigs a systematic attempt to corrupt the English bar. I shall avail myself of another and early opportunity to discuss this important subject. At present I will only observe, that whether they do or do not obtain their result, your conduct has anticipated the consequence of their machinations: the Whigs may corrupt the bar of England, but you, Sir, have degraded it. January 19, 1836.
TO THOMAS ATTWOOD [Thursday] 21 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (23 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 17-27; Whigs and Whiggism 247-52 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See (vol i) igsnG. Sic: Bnt. LETTER III. TO
SIR,
MR. THOMAS ATTWOOD, M.P.
You may be surprised at this letter being addressed to you; you may be more surprised when I inform you that this address is not occasioned by any conviction of your political importance. I deem you a harmless, and I do not believe you to be an ill-meaning, individual. You are a provincial banker labouring under a financial monomania. But amid the seditious fanfaronade which your unhappy distemper occasions you periodically to vomit forth, there are fragments of good old feelings which show you are not utterly denationalized in spite of being "the friend of all mankind," and contrast with the philanthropic verbiage of your revolutionary rhetoric, like the odds and ends of ancient art which occasionally jut forth from the modern rubbish of an edifice in a classic land - symptoms of better days, and evidences of happier intellect. The reason that I have inscribed this letter to your consideration is, that you are a fair representative of a considerable class of your countrymen the class who talk political nonsense; and it is these with whom, through your medium, I would now communicate. I met recently with an observation which rather amused me. It was a distinction drawn in some journal between high nonsense and low nonsense. I thought that distinction was rather happily illustrated at the recent meeting of your Union, which, by-the-bye, differs from its old state as the drivellings of idiotism from the frenzy of insanity. When your chairman, who, like yourself, is "the friend of all mankind", called Sir Robert Peel "an ass," I thought that Spartan description might fairly range under the head of low nonsense; but when you yourself, as if in contemptuous and triumphant rivalry with his plebeian folly, announced to us that at the sound of your blatant voice 100,000 armed men would instantly rise in Birmingham, it occurred to me that Nat Lee himself could scarcely compete with you in your claim to the more patrician privilege of uttering high nonsense. If indeed you produce such marvels, the name of Attwood will be handed down to posterity in heroic emulation with that of Cadmus; he produced armed men by a process almost as simple, but the teeth of the Theban king must yield to the jaw of the Birmingham delegate; though I doubt not the same destiny would await both batches of warriors. But these 100,000 armed men are only the advanced guard, the imperial guard of Brummagem, the heralds of a mightier host. Nay, compared with
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the impending legions, can only count as pioneers, or humble sappers at the best. Twenty millions of men are to annihilate the Tories. By the last census, I believe the adult male population of Great Britain was computed at less than 4,000,000. Whence the subsidiary levies are to be obtained, we may perhaps be informed the next time some brainless Cleon, at the pitch of his voice, bawls forth his rampant folly at the top of New Hall Hill. Superficial critics have sometimes viewed, in a spirit of narrow-minded scepticism, those traditionary accounts of armed hosts which startle us in the credulous or the glowing page of rude or ancient annals. But what was the Great King on the heights of Salamis or in the straits of Issus, what was Gengis Khan, what Tamerlane, compared with Mr. Thomas Attwood of Birmingham! The leader of such an army may well be "the friend of all mankind," if only to recruit his forces from his extensive connexions. The truth is, Xerxes and Darius, and the valiant leaders of the Tartars and the Mongols, were ignorant of the mystical, yet expeditious, means by which 20,000,000 of men are brought into the field by a modern demagogue, to change a constitution or to subvert an empire. When they hoisted their standard, their chieftains rallied round it, bringing to the array all that population of the country who were not required to remain at home to maintain its order or civilization. The peasant quitted his plough and the pastor his flock, and the artisan without employ hurried from the pauperism of Babylon, or the idleness of Samarcand. But these great leaders, with their diminutive forces which astounded the Lilliputian experience of our ancestors, had no conception, with their limited imaginations, of the inexhaustible source whence the ranks of a popular leader may be swollen; they had no idea of "THE PEOPLE". It is "the people" that is to supply their great successor with his millions. As in private life we are accustomed to associate the circle of our acquaintance with the phrase "THE WORLD," so in public I have invariably observed that "THE PEOPLE" of the politician is the circle of his interests. The "people" of the Whigs are the ten-pounders who vote in their favour. At present the municipal constituencies are almost considered by Lords Melbourne and John Russell as, in some instances, to have afforded legitimate claims of being deemed part and parcel of the nation; but I very much fear that the course of events will degrade these bodies from any lengthened participation in this ennobling quality. It is quite clear that the electors of Northamptonshire have forfeited all right to be held portion of "the people," since their return of Mr. Maunsell. The people of Birmingham are doubtless those of the inhabitants who huzza the grandiloquence of Mr. Attwood; and the people of England, perchance, those discerning individuals, who, if he were to make a provincial tour of oratory, might club together in the different towns to give him a dinner. I hardly think that, all together, these quite amount to 20,000,000. Yourself, and the school to which you belong, are apt to describe the present struggle as one between the Conservatives and the people - these Conservatives consisting merely of 300 or 400 Peers, and their retainers. You
tell us in the same breath, with admirable consistency, that you possess the name, but not the heart, of the King; that the Court is secretly, and the Peerage openly, opposed to you: the Church you announce as even beholding you with pious terror. The Universities, and all chartered bodies, come under your ban. The Bar is so hostile, that you have been obliged to put the Great Seal in commission for a year, and have finally, and from sheer necessity, entrusted it to the custody of an individual whom by that very tripartite trusteeship you had previously declared unfit for its sole guardianship. The gentlemen of England are against you to a man, because of their corn monopoly; the yeomanry from sheer bigotry, the cultivators of the soil because they are the slaves of the owners, and the peasantry because they are the slaves of the cultivators. The freemen of the towns are against you, because they are corrupt; the inhabitants of rural towns, because they are compelled; and the press is against you because it is not free. It must be confessed that you and your party can give excellent reasons for any chance opposition which you may happen to experience. You are equally felicitous in accounting for the suspicious glance which the fundholder shoots at you; nor can I sufficiently admire the admirable candour with which the prime organ of your faction has recently confessed that every man who possesses £500 per annum is necessarily your opponent. After this, it is superfluous to remark that the merchants, bankers, and shipowners of this great commercial and financial country are not to be found in your ranks; and the sneers at our national glory and imperial sway, which ever play on the patriotic lips of Whigs, both high and low, only retaliate the undisguised scorn with which their anti-national machinations are viewed by the heroes of Waterloo and the conquerors of Trafalgar. Deduct these elements of a nation, deduct all this power, all this authority, all this skill, and all this courage, all this learning, all this wealth, and all these numbers, and all the proud and noble and national feelings which are their consequence, and what becomes of your "people?" It subsides into an empty phrase, a juggle as pernicious and as ridiculous as your paper currency! But if you and your friends, "the friends of all mankind," have, as indeed I believe you have not, the brute force and the numerical superiority of the population of this realm marshalled under your banners, do not delude yourselves into believing for a moment that you are in any degree more entitled from that circumstance to count yourselves the leaders of the English people. A nation is not a mere mass of bipeds with no strength but their animal vigour, and no collective grandeur but that of their numbers. There is required to constitute that great creation, a people, some higher endowments and some rarer qualities - honour, and faith, and justice; a national spirit fostered by national exploits; a solemn creed expounded by a pure and learned priesthood; a jurisprudence which is the aggregate wisdom of ages; the spirit of chivalry, the inspiration of religion, the supremacy of law; that free order and that natural gradation of ranks, which are but a type and image of the economy of the universe; a love of home and country, fostered by traditionary manners, and consecrated by customs that embalm an-
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cestral deeds; learned establishments, the institutions of charity, a skill in refined and useful arts, the discipline of fleets and armies; and, above all, a national character, serious and yet free; a character neither selfish nor conceited, but which is conscious that as it owes much to its ancestors, so also it will not stand acquitted if it neglect its posterity: - these are some of the incidents and qualities of a great nation like the people of England. Whether these are to be found in "the people," who assemble at the meetings of your Union, or whether they ma[y] be more successfully sought for among their 20,000,000 of brethren at hand, I leave you, Sir, to decide. I shall only observe, that if I be correct in my estimate of the constituent elements of the English people, I am persuaded that, in spite of all the arts of plundering factions and mercenary demagogues, they will recognise, with a grateful loyalty, the venerable cause of their welfare in the august fabric of their ancient constitution. January 21, 1836.
TO BARON BROUGHAM AND VAUX [Saturday] 23 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (25 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 28-34; Whigs and Whiggism 252-5 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 418. Sic: Orgauon. LETTER IV. TO
LORD BROUGHAM.
MY LORD, In your elaborate mimickry of Lord Bacon, your most implacable enemies must confess that, at least in one respect, you have rivalled your great original - you have contrived to get disgraced. In your Treatise on Hydrostatics you may not have completely equalled the fine and profound researches of "the Lord Chancellor of Nature;" your most ardent admirers may hesitate in preferring the Penny Magazine to the Novum Organon\ even the musings of Jenkins and the meditations of Tomkins may not be deemed to come quite as much home "to men's business and bosoms" as the immortal Essays; but no one can deny, neither friend nor foe, that you are as much shunned as their author - almost as much despised. Whether the fame of his philosophical discoveries, and the celebrity of his literary exploits, may console the late Lord Chancellor of William IV. in the solitude of his political annihilation, as they brought balm to the bruised spirit of the late Lord Chancellor of James I. in the loneliness of his sublime degradation, he best can decide who may witness the writhings of your tortured memory, and the restless expedients of your irritable imagination. At present, I am informed that your Lordship is occupied in a translation of your Treatise of Natural Theology into German on the Hamiltonian system. The translation of a work on a subject of which you know little, into a tongue of which you know nothing, seems the climax of those fantastic freaks of ambitious superficiality which our lively neighbours describe by a finer term than quackery. But if the perturbed spirit can only be prevented from preying on itself by literary occupation, let me suggest to you, in preference, the propriety of dedicating the days of your salutary retirement to a production of more general interest, and, if properly treated, of more general utility. A memoir of the late years of your career might afford your fellow-countrymen that of which at present they are much in want - a great moral lesson. In its instructive pages we might perhaps learn how a great empire has nearly been sacrificed to the aggrandizement of a rapacious faction; how, under the specious garb of patriotism, a band of intriguing politicians, connected by no community of purpose or of feeling but the gratification of their own base interests, forfeited all the pledges of their previous careers, or violated all the principles of their practised systems; how, at length, in some degree palled with plundering the nation, according to the usual course they began plundering themselves; how the weakest, and prob-
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ably the least impure, were sacrificed to those who were more bold and bad; and, finally, how your Lordship, especially, would have shrouded yourself in the mantle, while you kicked away the prophet. If your Lordship would have but the courageous candour to proceed in this great production, you might, perhaps, favour us with a graphic narrative of that memorable interview between yourself and the present Premier, when, with that easy elocution and unembarrassed manner which characterize the former favourite of Castlereagh, the present First Lord of the Treasury, robbing you of the fruit after you had plundered the orchard, broke to your startled vision and incredulous ear the unforeseen circumstance that your Lordship was destined to be the scapegoat of Whiggism, and to be hurried into the wilderness with all the curses of the nation and all the sins of your companions. This animated sketch would form an admirable accompaniment to the still richer picture when you offered your congratulatory condolence to Earl Grey on his long-meditated retirement from the onerous service of a country as grateful as his colleagues. Your Lordship, who is well-informed of what passes in the Cabinet, must have been scarcely less astonished than the public at the late legal arrangements. Every post, till of late, must have brought you from the metropolis intelligence which must have filled you with anxiety almost maturing into hope. But the lion was suddenly reported to be sick, and the jackals as suddenly grew bold. The Prime Minister consulted Sir Benjamin; the sergeantsurgeon shook his head, and they passed in trembling precipitation the paltry Rubicon of their spite. When we remember that one voice alone decided your fate, and that voice issued from the son of Lord Grey, we seem to be recalled to the days of the Greek drama. Your Lordship, although an universalist, I believe, has not yet tried your hand at a tragedy: let me recommend this fresh illustration of the sublime destiny of the ancients. You have deserved a bitter fate, but not a degrading one. Though Achilles caused the destruction of Troy, we deplore his ignoble end from the unequal progeny of Priam. And is it possible - are you indeed the man whose scathing voice, but a small lustre gone, passed like the lightning in that great assembly where Canning grew pale before your terrible denunciation, and where even Peel still remembers your awful reply? Is this indeed the lord of sarcasm, the mighty master of invective? Is this, indeed, the identical man who took the offer of the Attorney-Generalship, and held it up to the scorn of the assembled Commons of England, and tore it, and trampled upon it, and spat upon it in their sympathizing sight, and lived to offer the cold-blooded aristocrat, who had dared to insult genius, the consoling compensation of the Privy Seal? For your Lordship has a genius; good or bad, it marks you out from the slaves who crouch to an O'Connell, and insult a Brougham. Napoleon marched from Elba - you, too, may have your hundred days. What, though they think you are dying - what, though your health is quaffed in ironical bumpers in the craven secrecy of their political orgies - what if, after all,
throwing Brodie on one side, and your Teutonic studies on the other, your spectre appear in the House of Lords on the fourth of February! Conceive the confusion! I can see the unaccustomed robes tremble on the dignified form of the lordly Cottenham, and his spick and span coronet fall from the obstetric brow of the baronial Bickersteth, Lansdowne taking refuge in philosophical silence, and Melbourne gulping courage in the goblets of Sion! January 23, 1836.
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TO SIR ROBERT PEEL [Tuesday] 26 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (27 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 35-44; Whigs and Whiggism 256-60 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: develope. LETTER V. TO
SIR,
SIR ROBERT PEEL.
Before you receive this letter you will, in all probability, have quitted the halls and bowers of Dray ton; those gardens and that library where you have realized the romance of Verulam, and where you enjoy "the lettered leisure" that Temple loved. Your present progress to the metropolis may not be as picturesque as that which you experienced twelve months back, when the confidence of your Sovereign, and the hopes of your country, summoned you from the galleries of the Vatican and the city of the Caesars. It may not be as picturesque, but it is not less proud - it will be more triumphant. You are summoned now, like the knight of Rhodes, in Schiller's heroic ballad, as the only hope of a suffering island. The mighty dragon is again abroad, depopulating our fields, wasting our pleasant places, poisoning our fountains, menacing our civilization. To-day he gorges on Liverpool, tomorrow he riots at Birmingham: as he advances nearer the metropolis, terror and disgust proportionately increase. Already we hear his bellow, more awful than hyaenas; already our atmosphere is tainted with the venomous expirations of his malignant lungs; yet a little while and his incendiary crest will flame on our horizon, and we shall mark the horrors of his insatiable jaws, and the scaly volume of his atrocious tail! In your chivalry alone is our hope. Clad in the panoply of your splendid talents and your spotless character, we feel assured that you will subdue this unnatural and unnational monster; and that we may yet see sedition, and treason, and rapine, rampant as they may have of late figured, quail before your power and prowess. You are about to renew the combat under the most favourable auspices. When, a year ago, with that devotion to your country which is your great characteristic, scorning all those refined delights of fortune which are your inheritance, and which no one is more capable of appreciating, and resigning all those pure charms of social and domestic life to which no one is naturally more attached, you threw yourself in the breach of the battered and beleaguered citadel of the Constitution; you undertook the heroic enterprise with every disadvantage. The national party were as little prepared for the summons of their eminent leader by their Sovereign as you yourself could have been when gazing on the frescoes of Michael Angelo. They had little organization, less system; their hopes weak, their chieftains scattered;
no communication, no correspondence. Yet they made a gallant rally; and, if their numerical force in the House of Commons were not equal, Sir, to your moral energy, the return of Lord Melbourne, at the best, was but a Pyrrhic triumph; nor perhaps were your powers ever sufficiently appreciated by your countrymen until you were defeated. Your abandonment of office was worthy of the motives which induced you originally to accept power. It was not petty pique; it was not a miserable sentiment of personal mortification, that led you to decide upon that step. You retained your post until you found you were endangering the King's prerogative, to support which you had alone accepted his Majesty's confidence. What a contrast does your administration as Prime Minister afford to that of one of your recent predecessors! No selfish views, no family aggrandizement, no family jobs, no nepotism. It cannot be said that during your administration the public service was surfeited with the incapable offspring of the Premier; nor, after having nearly brought about a revolution for power which he degraded, and lucre which degraded him, can it be said that you slunk into an undignified retirement with a whimpering Jeremiad over "the pressure from without." Contrast the serene retirement of Drayton, and the repentant solitude of Howick; contrast the statesman, cheered after his factious defeat by the sympathy of a nation, with the coroneted Necker, the worn-out Machiavel, wringing his helpless hands over his hearth in remorseful despair, and looking up with a sigh at his scowling ancestors! But affairs are in a very different position now from what they were in November, 1835. You have an addition to the scutcheon of your fame in the emblazoned memory of your brief but masterly premiership. They cannot taunt you now with your vague promises of amelioration: you can appeal to the deeds of your Cabinet, and the plans which the applause of a nation sanctioned, and the execution of which the intrigues of a faction alone postponed. Never, too, since the peace of Paris, has the great national party of this realm been so united as at the present moment. It is no exaggeration to say, that among its leaders not the slightest difference of opinion exists upon any portion of their intended policy. Pitt himself, in the plenitude of his power, never enjoyed more cordial confidence than that which is now extended to you by every alleged section of the Conservative ranks; all private opinions, all particular theories, have merged in the resolute determination to maintain the English constitution in spite of Irish rebels, and to support, without cavil and criticism, its eminent champion in that great course of conduct which you have expounded to them. That this admirable concord, a just subject of congratulation to the suffering people of this realm, has been, in some degree, the result of salutary conferences and frank explanations, I pretend not to deny; nor do I wish to conceal a circumstance in which I rejoice, that at no period have you displayed talents more calculated for the successful conduct of a great party than at the present; but, above all, this admirable concord is to be attributed to the reason, that, however individuals of the Conservative party may have occasionally differed as to the means, they have at all times invariably
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agreed as to the end of their system, and that end is the glory of the empire and the prosperity of the people. But it is not only among the leaders in the two houses of Parliament that this spirit of union flourishes; it pervades the country. England has at length been completely organized; the battle which you told us must be fought in the registry courts has been fought; and, in spite of the fanfaronade of the enemy, we know it has been won. Every parliamentary election that has of late occurred, in county or in town, has proved the disciplined power of the national party. It is not that they have merely exceeded their opponents on the poll, and often by vast majorities; but they have hastened to that poll with an enthusiasm which shows that they are animated with a very different spirit to that which impels their shamefaced rivals. Contrast these important triumphs with the guerilla warfare of the Government party on town-clerks and aldermen, and be convinced how important have been our efforts in the registry courts by their feeble yet feverish attempts at what they style Reform Associations. If we contrast, also, this faithful picture of the state and spirit of the party of which you are the leader, with the situation of your opponents, the difference will be striking. Between the Opposition and the Government party there is this difference; that, however certain sections of the Oppostion may occasionally have differed as to measures, their end has always been the same; whereas the several sections of the Ministerial party, while, for obvious reasons, they agree as to measures, avowedly adopt them because they tend to different ends. The oligarchical Whigs, the English Radicals, the Irish Repealers - the patrons of rich livings, the enemies of Church and State - hereditary magistrates, professors of county reform - the sons of the nobles, the enemies of the peerage - the landed proprietors, the advocates of free corn - can only be united in a perverted sense. Their union, then, is this: to a certain point they all wish to destroy; but the Whigs only wish to destroy the Tories, the Radicals the constitution, and the Repealers the empire. The seeds of constant jealousy and inevitable separation are here, then, prodigally sown. What are to be the tactics of this heterogeneous band, time will soon develope. Dark rumours are about, which intimate conduct too infamous, some would fain think, even for the Whigs. But as for myself, history and personal observation have long convinced me that there is no public crime of which the Whigs are not capable, and no public shame, which, for a sufficient consideration, their oligarchical nerves would not endure. But whether they are going to betray their anti-national adherents, or only to bribe them, do you, Sir, proceed in your great course, free and undaunted. At the head of the most powerful and the most united opposition that ever mustered on the benches opposite a trembling minister, conscious that by returning you to your constituents he can only increase and consolidate your strength, what have you to apprehend? We look to you, therefore, with hope and with confidence. You have a noble duty to fulfil - let it be nobly done. You have a great task to execute - achieve it with a great spirit. Rescue your sov-
ereign from an unconstitutional thraldom, - rescue an august senate, which has already fought the battle of the people, - rescue our national church, which your opponents hate - our venerable constitution, at which they scoff; but, above all, rescue that mighty body, of which all these great classes and institutions are but some of the constituent and essential parts - rescue THE NATION.
January 26, 1836.
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TO THOMAS SPRING RICE [Thursday] 28 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (30 Jan 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 45-53; Whigs and Whiggism 261-5 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: indispensable, bucanier, Katerfelto. LETTER VI. TO
THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER.
SIR, I really think that your celebrated compatriot, Daniel O'Rourke, when, soaring on the back of an eagle, he entered into a conversation with the man in the moon, could scarcely be more amazed than Mr. Spring Rice must be when he finds himself as Chancellor of the Exchequer holding a conference with the First Lord of the Treasury. Your colleagues, who, to do them justice, are perpetually apologizing for your rapid promotion, account for your rocket-like rise by the unanswerable reason of your being "a man of business." I doubt not this is a capital recommendation to those who are not men of business; and, indeed, shrewd without being sagacious, bustling without method, loquacious without eloquence, ever prompt though always superficial, and ever active though always blundering, you are exactly the sort of fussy busy-body who would impose upon and render himself indispensable to indolent and ill-informed men of strong ambition and weak minds. Cumberland, who, in spite of the courtly compliments of his polished Memoirs, could be racy and significant enough in his conversation, once characterized in my presence a countryman of yours as "a talking potato." The race of talking potatoes is not extinct. Your recent harangue at Cambridge was quite worthy of your reputation, and of those to whom it was addressed. Full of popular common-places and ministerial propriety, alike the devoted delegate of "the people," and the trusty servant of the Crown, glorying in your pledges, but reminding your audience that they were voluntary, chuckling in your "political triumph," but impressing on your friends that their "new power" must not be used for party purposes, I can see you with Irish humour winking your eye on one side of your face as you hazard a sneer at "the Lords," and eulogizing with solemn hypocrisy with the other half of your countenance our "blessed constitution." How choice was the style in which you propounded the future measures of the Cabinet! What heartfelt ejaculations of "Good God, Sir!" mingled with rare jargon about "hoping and trusting!" You even ventured upon a tawdry simile, borrowed for the occasion from Mr. Sheil, who, compared with his bolder and more lawless colleague, always reminds me of the fustian lieutenant, Jack Bunce, in Sir Walter's tale of the Pirate, contrasted with his master, the bloody bucanier, Captain Cleveland. You commenced your address with a due recollection of the advice of the
great Athenian orator, for your action was quite striking. You clasped the horny hand of the astonished Mayor, and, full of your punch-bowl orgies, aptly alluded to your "elevated feelings." As for the exquisite raillery in which your graceful fancy indulged about Tory port and Whig sherry, you might perhaps have recollected that if "old Tory port affects to be a new mixture, is ashamed of its colours, and calls itself Conservative," that the Whig sherry has disappeared altogether, and that its place has been deleteriously supplied by Irish whisky from an illicit still, and English blue ruin. Your profound metaphysics, however, may amply compensate for this infelicitous flash of jocularity. A senator, and a minister, and a cabinet minister, who gravely informs us that "the political history of our times has shown us that there is something in human motive that pervades and extends itself to human action," must have an eye, I suspect, to the representation of the University. This is, indeed, "a learned Theban." That human motives have some slight connexion with human conduct, is a principle which will, no doubt, figure as an era in metaphysical discovery. The continental imputations of our shallowness in psychological investigation must certainly now be removed for ever. Neither Kant nor Helvetius can enter the arena with our rare Chancellor of the Exchequer. The fall of an apple was sufficient to reveal the secret of celestial mechanics to the musing eye of Newton; but Mr. Spring Rice for his more abstruse revelations requires a revolution or a Reform Bill. It is "the political history of our times" that has proved the connexion between motives and actions. The Chancellor of the Exchequer must have arrived at this discovery by the recollection of the very dignified and honourable conduct to which the motives of power and place have recently impelled himself and his friends. I cannot help fancying that this display of yours at Cambridge may hereafter be adduced as irrefutable evidence that there is at least one portion of the Irish Protestant population which has not received "adequate instruction." It seems that you and your Katerfelto crew are going to introduce some very wonderful measures to the notice of the impending Parliament. And, first of all, you are about to "remedy the still existing grievances to which the great dissenting bodies are subject." "Good God! Sir," as you would say, are you driven to this? The still existing grievances of the Dissenters! Do you and your beggarly Cabinet yet live upon these sores? Dissenting grievances are like Stilton cheeses and Damascus sabres, never found in the places themselves, though there is always some bustling huckster or other who will insure you a supply. "The still existing grievances of the Dissenters," if they exist at all, exist only because, after four years of incapacity, you and your clumsy coadjutors could not contrive to remove and remedy what Sir Robert Peel would have achieved, but for your faction, in four days. Then we are to proceed in "our great work of the reform of the Courts of Equity." I "hope and trust" not. What! - after creating the Court of Review, the laughing-stock of the profession; after having at length succeeded in obtaining a second-rate Lord Chancellor at the expense of four coronets,
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whose services might have been secured without the waste of one; after having caused more delay, more expense, more mortification and ruin in eight months of reform than the annals of the Court can offer in a similar period in the worst days of its management - still must you amend! Spare us, good Sir; be content with your last achievements of law reform; be content with having, by your corporation magistrates, made, for the first time in England since the days of Charles IL, the administration of justice a matter of party. Will not even this satisfy the Whig lechery for mischief? Then "Ireland must be tranquillized." So I think. Feed the poor; hang the agitators. That will do it. But that's not your way. It is the destruction of the English and Protestant interest that is the Whig specific for Irish tranquillity. And do you really flatter yourself, because an eccentric course of circumstances has metamorphosed an Irish adventurer into the Chancellor of the English Exchequer, that the spirited people of this island will allow you to proceed with impunity in your projected machinations? Rest assured, Sir, your career draws rapidly to a close. Providence, that for our sins and the arrogance of our flush prosperity has visited this once great and glorious empire with five years of Whig government, is not implacable. Our God is a God of mercy as well as justice. We may have erred, but we have been chastened. And Athens, when ruled by a Disdar Aga, who was the deputy of the chief of the eunuchs at Constantinople, was not so contemptible as England governed by a Limerick lawyer - the deputy of an Irish rebel! Prepare, then, for your speedy and merited dismissal. It is amusing to fancy what may be the resources of your Cabinet in their permanent retirement. The First Lord of the Treasury, in all probability, will betake himself to Brocket, and compose an epilogue for the drama just closed. Your Lord Chancellor may retire to his native village, like a returned cheese. Lord John, perhaps, will take down his dusty lyre, and console us for having starved Coleridge by pouring forth a monody to his memory. As for the polished Palmerston and the pious Grant, and the other trading statesmen of easy virtue - for them it would be advisable, I think, at once to erect a political Magdalen Hospital. Solitude and spare diet, and some salutary treatises of the English constitution, may, after a considerable interval, capacitate them for re-entering public life, and even filling with an approximation to obscure respectability some of the lowlier offices of the state. But, Sir, for yourself, with your "business-like talents," which must not be hid under a bushel, it appears to me that it would be both the wisest and the kindest course to entrust to your charge and instruction a class of beings who, in their accomplishments and indefatigableness, alike in their physical and moral qualities, not a little resemble you - the INDUSTRIOUS FLEAS.
Jan. 28, 1836.
TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL [Saturday] 30 January 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (i Feb 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 54-64; Whigs and Whiggism 266-71 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 477H1.
LETTER VII. TO
LORD JOHN RUSSELL. MY LORD, Your name will descend to posterity - you have burnt your Ephesian temple. But great deeds are not always achieved by great men. Your character is a curious one; events have proved that it has been imperfectly comprehended, even by your own party. Long and, for a period, intimate opportunities of observing you, will enable me, if I mistake not, to enter into its just analysis. You were born with a strong ambition and a feeble intellect. It is an union not uncommon, and in the majority of cases only tends to convert an aspiring youth into a querulous and discontented manhood. But under some circumstances, - when combined, for instance, with great station, and consequent opportunities of action, - it is an union which often leads to the development of a peculiar talent - the talent of political mischief. When you returned from Spain, the solitary life of travel, and the inspiration of a romantic country, acting upon your ambition, had persuaded you that you were a great poet; your intellect, in consequence, produced the feeblest tragedy in our language. The reception of "Don Carlos" only convinced your ambition that your imaginative powers had been improperly directed. Your ambition sought from prose-fiction the fame which had been denied to your lyre; and your intellect in consequence produced the feeblest romance in our literature. Not deterred by the unhappy catastrophe of the fair maid of Arouca, your ambition sought consolation in the notoriety of political literature, and your intellect in due time produced the feeblest political essay on record. Your defence of close boroughs, however, made this volume somewhat popular with the Whigs, and flushed with the compliments of Holland House, where hitherto you had been treated with more affection than respect, your ambition resolved on rivalling the fame of Hume and Gibbon. Your Memoirs of the Affairs of Europe, published with pompous parade in successive quarto volumes, retailed in frigid sentences a feeble compilation from the gossip of those pocket tomes of small talk which abound in French literature. Busied with the tattle of valets and waitingmaids, you accidentally omitted in your Memoirs of the Affairs of Europe all notice of its most vast and most rising empire. This luckless production closed your literary career; you flung down your futile pen in incapable despair; and, your feeble intellect having failed in literature, your strong ambition took refuge in politics.
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You had entered the House of Commons with every adventitious advantage - an illustrious birth, and the support of an ancient and haughty party. I was one of the audience who assisted at your first appearance, and I remember the cheering attention that was extended to you. Cold, inanimate, with a weak voice, and a mincing manner, the failure of your intellect was complete; but your ambition wrestled for a time with the indifference of your opponents and the ill-concealed contempt of your friends. Having, then, failed alike in both those careers which in this still free country are open to genius, you subsided for some years into a state of listless moroseness, which was even pitiable. Hitherto your political opinions had been mild and moderate, and, if partial, at least constitutional; but, as is ever the case with persons of your temperament, despairing of yourself, you began to despair of your country. This was the period when among your intimates you talked of retiring from that public life in which you had not succeeded in making yourself public, when you paced, like a feeble Catiline, the avenues of Holland House; and when the most brilliant poet of the day, flattered by your friendship, addressed you a remonstrance in which your pique figured as patriotism, and your ambition was elevated into genius. Your friends - I speak of the circle in which you lived - superficial judges of human character as well as of every thing else, always treated you with a species of contempt, which doubtless originated in their remembrance of your failure, and their conviction of your feebleness. Lord Grey, only five years ago, would not even condescend to offer you a seat in the Cabinet, and affected to state that, in according you a respectable office, he had been as much influenced by the state of your finances as of your capacity. Virtual Prime Minister of England at this moment, you have repaid Lord Grey for his flattering estimate and his friendly services, and have afforded him, in your present career, some curious meditations for his uneasy solitude, where he wanders, like the dethroned Caliph in the halls of Eblis, with his quivering hand pressed upon his aching heart. A finer observer of human nature than that forlorn statesman might have recognised at this crisis in a noble with an historic name and no fortune, a vast ambition and a balked career, and soured, not to say malignant, from disappointment, some prime materials for the leader of a revolutionary faction. Those materials have worked well. You have already banished your great leader; you have struck down the solemn idol which you yourself assisted in setting up for the worship of a deluded people; you have exiled from the Cabinet, by your dark and dishonourable intrigues, every man of talent who could have held you in check; and, placing in the seat of nominal leadership an indolent epicurean, you rule this country by a coalition with an Irish rebel, and with a council of colleagues in which you have united the most inefficient members of your own party with the Palmerstons and Grants, the Swiss statesmen, the condottieri of the political world, the "British legion" of public life. A miniature Mokanna, you are now exhaling upon the constitution of your country, which you once eulogized, and its great fortunes, of which
you once were proud, all that long-hoarded venom and all those distempered humours that have for years accumulated in your petty heart, and tainted the current of your mortified life. Your aim is to reduce every thing to your own mean level - to degrade every thing to your malignant standard. Partially you have succeeded. You have revenged yourself upon the House of Commons by becoming its leader. You have remodelled the assembly which would not listen to you; and the plebeian rout now hangs upon the imbecile accents that struggle for sound in the chamber echoing but a few years back with the glowing periods of Canning. You have revenged yourself upon the House of Lords, the only obstacle to your degenerating schemes, by denouncing with a frigid conceit, worthy of "Don Carlos," its solemn suffrage as "the whisper of a faction," and hallooing on, in a flimsy treble, your Scotch and Irish desperadoes to assail its august independence. You have revenged yourself upon the Sovereign, who recoiled from your touch, by kissing, in spite of his royal soul, his outraged hand. Notwithstanding your base power, and your father's fagot votes, the gentlemen of England inflicted upon you an indelible brand, and expelled you from your own county; and you have revenged yourself upon their indignant patriotism by depriving them of their noblest and most useful privileges, and making, for the first time since the reign of Charles IL, the administration of justice the business of faction. In all your conduct it is not difficult to detect the workings of a mean and long-mortified spirit suddenly invested with power, - the struggles of a strong ambition attempting, by a wanton exercise of authority, to revenge the disgrace of a feeble intellect. But, my Lord, rest assured that yours is a mind which, if it succeeded in originating, is not destined to direct, a revolution. Whatever may be the issue of the great struggle now carrying on in this country, whether we may be permitted to be again great, glorious, and free, or whether we be doomed to sink beneath the ignoble tyranny which your machinations are preparing for us, your part in the mighty drama must soon close. To suppose that, with all your efforts and all your desperation, to suppose that with all the struggles of your ambition to supply the deficiency of your intellect, your Lordship, in those heroic hours when empires are destroyed or saved, is fated to be any thing else than an instrument, is to suppose that which contradicts all the records of history and all our experience of human nature. I think it is Macrobius who tells a story of a young Greek, who, having heard much of the wealth and wisdom of Egypt, determined on visiting that celebrated land. When he beheld the pyramids of Memphis and the gates of Thebes, he exclaimed, "O wonderful men! what must be your gods!" Full of the memory of the glorious divinities of his own poetic land, the blooming Apollo and the bright Diana, the awful beauty of the Olympian Jove and the sublime grace of the blue-eyed Athena, he entered the temples of the Pharaohs. But what was his mingled astonishment and disgust when he found a nation prostrate before the most contemptible and the most odious of created beings! The gods of Egypt are the Ministers of England.
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I can picture to myself an intelligent foreigner, attracted by the fame of our country, and visiting it for the first time. I can picture to myself his admiration when he beholds our great public works; our roads, our docks, our canals; our unrivalled manufactories, our matchless agriculture. That admiration would not be diminished when he learnt that we were free; when he became acquainted with our social comfort and our still equal laws. "O! wonderful men," he would exclaim, "what must be your governors!" But conceive him now entered into our political temple; conceive his appalled astonishment as he gazes on the ox-like form of the Lansdowne Apis. On one side he beholds an altar raised to an ape, on the other incense is burned before a cat-like colleague. Here, placed on the highest obelisks, he beholds in the shapes of Palmerston and Grant, the worship of two sleek and longtailed rats; and then learns with amazement that the Lord Chancellor of this great land is an onion or a cheese. Towering above all, and resting on a lurid shrine bedewed with blood, and encircled with flame, with distended jaws and colossal tail, is the grim figure of the O'Connell crocodile. But, my Lord, how thunderstruck must be our visitor when he is told to recognise a Secretary of State in an infinitely small scarabaeus; - yes, my Lord, when he learns, that you are the leader of the English House of Commons, our traveller may begin to comprehend how the Egyptians worshipped - AN INSECT. January 30, 1836.
TO THE PEOPLE [Tuesday] 2 February 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (3 Feb 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 65-75; Whigs and Whiggism 272-7 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: Shiel.
LETTER VIII. TO
THE PEOPLE. This is the first direct address that has ever been made to the real people of England. For the last few years, a gang of scribblers, in the pay of a desperate faction, have cloaked every incendiary appeal that they have vomited forth to any section of your numbers, however slight, or however opposed to the honour and happiness of the nation, by elevating the object of their solicitude into that imposing aggregate, the People. Thus have they played, for their ulterior purposes, dissenting sects against the national church, manufacturing towns against agricultural districts, the House of Commons against the House of Lords, new burgesses against ancient freemen, and, finally, the Papists against the Protestants. With scarcely an exception, you may invariably observe, that in advocating the cause of "the people," these writers have ever stimulated the anti-national passions of the minority. But, in addressing you now, I address myself in very truth to the English people - to all orders and conditions of men that form that vast society, from the merchant to the mechanic, and from the peer to the peasant. You are still a great people. You are still in the possession and enjoyment of the great results of civilization, in spite of those who would destroy your internal prosperity. Your flag still floats triumphant in every division of the globe, in spite of the menaces of dismemberment that threaten your empire from every quarter. Neither domestic nor foreign agitation has yet succeeded in uprooting your supremacy. But how long this imperial integrity may subsist, when it is the object of a faction in your own land to array great classes of your population in hostile collision, and when, from the Castle of Dublin to the Castle of Quebec, your honour is tampered with by the deputies of your sovereign, is a question which well deserves your quick and earnest consideration. In the mesh of unparalleled difficulties in which your affairs are now entangled, who are your guides? Are they men in whose wisdom and experience, in whose virtue and talents, principle and resolution, in whose acknowledged authority and unblemished honour, and deserved celebrity, you are justified in reposing your hopes and entrusting your confidence? Lucian once amused the ancients with an auction of their gods. Let us see what Mr. George Robins might make of an auction of your ministers. The catalogue may soon be run over. A Prime Minister, in an easy chair, reading a French novel. What think you of that lot? Three Secretaries of State, one odius, another contemptible,
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the third both. They have their price, yet I would not be their purchaser. A new Lord Chancellor, like a new cheese, crude and flavourless; second-rate as a lawyer, as a statesman a nonentity; bought in by his own party from sheer necessity. A President of the India Board recovering from the silence of years imposed upon him by Canning, by the inspiration of that eloquent man's chair, which he now fills. As we are still a naval nation, our First Lord of the Admiralty should be worth something; but, unfortunately, nobody knows his name. The President of the Council has always indicated a tendency to join any government, and therefore should be a marketable article enough. In Egypt, where their favourite food are pumpkins that have run to seed, such a solid and mature intelligence might be worth exporting to the Divan. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, being "a man of business," would doubtless fetch a "long figure;" refer for character to the mercantile deputations who leave the Treasury, after an interview, bursting with laughter, from sheer admiration of his knowledge and capacity. Lord Howick, who is a minister on the same principle that the son of an old partner is retained in the firm to keep together the connexion, might command a price on this score, were it not notorious that his parent has withdrawn with his person, his capital, and confidence. The remainder may be thrown into one lot, and the auction concluded with the item on the Dutch system. Were the destinies of a great people ever yet entrusted to such a grotesque and Hudibrastic crew? Why, we want no candid confessions or triumphant revelations from Mr. Shiel; we want no audacious apostacy of a whole party to teach us how such a truckling rout governs England. They govern England, as the mock dynasties governed Europe in the time of the Revolution, by a process as sure and as simple, as desperate and as degrading - by being the delegates of an anti-national power. And what is this power, beneath whose sirocco breath the fame of England is fast withering? Were it the dominion of another conqueror, another bold bastard with his belted sword, we might gnaw the fetter which we could not burst: were it the genius of Napoleon with which we were again struggling, we might trust the issue to the god of battles with a sainted confidence in our good cause and our national energies: but we are sinking beneath a power, before which the proudest conquerors have grown pale, and by which the nations most devoted to freedom have become enslaved - the power of a foreign priesthood. The Pope may be an old man, or an old woman, once the case, but the Papacy is independent of the Pope. The insignificance of the Pope is adduced by your enemies as evidence of the insignificance of the Papacy. 'Tis the fatal fallacy by which they mean to ride roughshod over England. Is the Pope less regarded now than when Bourbon sacked Rome? Yet that exploit preceded the massacre of St. Bartholomew and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Constable of Bourbon lived before Sir Phelim O'Neale. The Papacy is as rampant now in Ireland as it was in Europe in the time of Gregory; and all its energies are directed to your humiliation. Who is this man whose name is ever on your lips? - who is this O'Connell?
He is the feed advocate of the Irish priesthood; he is the hired instrument of the Papacy. That is his precise position. Your enemies, that wretched antinational faction who wish to retain power, or creep into place, by clinging to the skirts of this foreign rebel, taunt those who would expose his destructive arts, and unmask the purpose of his desperate principals, with the wretched scoff, that we make him of importance by our notice. He cannot be of more importance than he is. Demoralized in character, desperate in fortunes, infinitely over-estimated in talents, he is the most powerful individual in the world, because he is entrusted with the delegated influence of the greatest power in existence. But because an individual exercises a great power, it does not follow that he is a great man. O'Connell is not as yet as great as Robespierre, although he resembles that terrific agitator in every thing except his disinterestedness. Robespierre presided over public safety as O'Connell over Reform. A precious foster-dam! Would it have been any answer to those who would have struggled against the great insurer of public security, that his intended victims made him of importance by their notice? Would it have been endured that these deprecators of resistance should have urged, "He is not a Caesar, he is not an Alexander, he has no amplitude of mind, he is not a great genius; let him go on murdering, you make him of importance by noticing his career of blood and havoc?" This man, O'Connell, is the hired instrument of the Papacy; as such, his mission is to destroy your Protestant Society, and, as such, he is a more terrible enemy to England than Napoleon, with all his inspiration. Your empire and your liberties are in more danger at this moment than when the army of invasion was encamped at Boulogne. Now we have a precise idea of the political character of O'Connell. And I have often marvelled when I have listened to those who have denounced his hypocrisy or admired his skill, when they have read of the triumphant demagogue humbling himself in the mud before a simple priest. There was no hypocrisy in this, no craft. The agent recognised his principal, the slave bowed before his lord; and when he pressed to his lips those sacred robes, reeking with whisky and redolent of incense, I doubt not that his soul was filled at the same time with unaffected awe and devout gratitude. If we have correctly fixed his political character, let us see whether we can as accurately estimate his intellectual capacity and his moral qualities. The hired writers would persuade you that he is a great man. He has not a single quality of a great man. In proportion as he was so gifted, he would be less fitted for the part which he has to perform. There is a sublime sentiment in genius, even when uncontrolled by principle, that would make it recoil with nausea from what this man has to undergo. He is shrewd, vigorous, versatile; with great knowledge of character, little of human nature; with that reckless dexterity which confounds weak minds, and that superficial readiness that masters vulgar passions; energetic from the certainty of his own desperate means, and from the strong stimulus of his provisional remuneration; inexhaustible in unprincipled expedients, and audacious in irresponsible power; a Nisi Prius lawyer, with the soul of a demagogue. That is the
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man. He is as little a great orator as a great man. He has not a single quality of a great orator except a good voice. I defy his creatures to produce a single passage from any speech he ever delivered illumined by a single flash of genius, or tinctured with the slightest evidence of taste, or thought, or study. Learning, he has none; little reading. His style in speaking, as in writing, is ragged, bald, halting, disjointed. He has no wit, though he may claim his fair portion of that Milesian humour which every one inherits who bears a hod. His pathos is the stage sentiment of a barn; his invective is slang. When he aspires to the higher style of rhetoric, he is even ludicrous. He snatches up a bit of tinsel, a tawdry riband, or an artificial flower, and mixes it with his sinewy common-place, and his habitual soot, like a chimneysweeper on May-day. Of his moral character it might be enough to say, that he is a systematic liar and a beggarly cheat, a swindler, and a poltroon. But of O'Connell you can even say more. His public and his private life are equally profligate; he has committed every crime that does not require courage: the man who plunders the peasant can also starve his child. He has denounced your national character, and insulted your national honour. He has said that all your men are cowards, and all your women wantons. He has reviled your illustrious Princes - he has sneered at your pure religion - he has assailed your national Church. He has endeavoured to stir up rebellion against your august Senate, and has described your House of Commons, even when reformed, as an assembly of "six hundred scoundrels." Every thing which is established comes under his ban, because every thing which is established is an obstacle to the purpose for which he is paid - the destruction of every thing which is ENGLISH.
Feb. 2, 1836.
TO BARON STANLEY [Saturday] 6 February 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (8 Feb 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 76-84; Whigs and Whiggism 277-82 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: every debate, Melbourn's. LETTER IX. TO
LORD STANLEY.
MY LORD, The classical historian of our country said of your great ancestor, that "the Countess of Derby had the glory of being the last person in the three kingdoms, and in all their dependent dominions, who submitted to the victorious rebels." Charlotte de la Trimouille was a woman who might have shamed the degenerate men of the present day; but your Lordship may claim, with a slight although significant alteration, the eulogium of that illustrious princess. The rebels are again victorious, and, to your Lordship's lasting honour, you have been the first to resist their treasonable authority. Never has a statesman yet been placed in a position so difficult and so trying as the present heir of the house of Derby: never has a statesman under similar circumstances yet conducted himself with more discretion and more courage. When the acerbities of faction have passed away, posterity will do justice to your disinterestedness and devotion, and the future historian of England will record, with sympathising admiration, the greatness of your sacrifice. If the gratification of your ambition had been your only object, your course was clear. Less than three years ago the Whigs, and loudest among them my Lord Melbourne, announced you as the future Prime Minister of England. Young, of high lineage, of illustrious station, and of immaculate character, and unquestionably their ablest orator, - among your own party you had no rival. They looked upon you as the only man who could at the same time maintain their power and effectually resist the machinations of those who would equally destroy the constitution and dismember the empire. With what enthusiastic cheers did they not greet the winged words with which you assailed the anti-national enemy, when you rose in the House like a young eagle, and dashed back his treason in the baffled countenance of the priestly delegate! Who could believe that the same men who cheered you in the House, and chuckled over your triumphs in their coteries, should now be the truckling slaves of the sacerdotal power from whose dark influence they then shrank with disgust and terror? Who could believe that the projected treason of these very men should have driven you and your high-minded colleagues from the contagion of their councils? Who could believe that the famous "Reform Ministry," that packed a parliament by bellowing "gratitude to Lord Grey" throughout the empire, should finally have expelled that same Lord Grey from his seat, under circumstances of
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revolting insult - that the very Lord Melbourne who had always indicated yourself as Lord Grey's successor, should himself have slid into that now sullied seat, where he maintains himself in indolent dependence, by a foul alliance with the very man whom he had previously denounced as a traitor? Can the records of public life, can the secret archives of private profligacy, afford a parallel instance of conduct so base, so completely degrading, so thoroughly demoralized? You, my Lord, preferred your honour to your interest, the prosperity of your native land to the gratification of your ambition. You sacrificed without a pang the proudest station in your country, to prove to your countrymen that public principle was not yet a jest. You did well. The pulse of our national character was beating low. We required some great example to rebrace the energies of our honour. From the moment that you denounced the disgusting thraldom and the base expedients of your chicaning colleagues, a better feeling pervaded England, and animated Englishmen. In this sharp exigency you did not forget your duty to yourself as well as to your country. Yours was no Coriolanus part; neither the taunts of the recent supporters who had betrayed you, nor the ready compliments of your former adversaries, tempted you to swerve for a moment from the onward path of a severe and peremptory principle. When Sir Robert Peel was summoned to the helm, in the autumn of 1834, your position was indeed most painful. Your honour and your duty seemed at conflict. You reconciled them. You supported the policy, while you declined the power. These, my Lord, are great deeds. They will live. The defence of Lathom was not more heroic. They will live in the admiration and the gratitude of an ancient and honourable nation, ever ready to sympathize with the pure and noble, and prompt to recognise a natural leader in blood that is mingled with all the traditionary glories of their race. You had now placed your character above suspicion. The most virulent of the hired writers of the faction did not dare to impugn the purity of your motives. You had satisfied the most morbid claims of an honour which the worldly only might deem too chivalrous. When, therefore, I find you at length avowedly united with that eminent man, on whom the hopes of his country rest with a deserving and discerning confidence, and who, in his parliamentary talents, his proud station, and his unsullied fame, is worthy of your alliance, I was rejoiced, but not surprised. It is a fit season to "stand together in your chivalry." The time is ripe for union and fair for concord. When, some days back, in my letter to Sir Robert Peel - a letter, let me observe in passing, written by one whose name, in spite of the audacious license of frantic conjecture, has never yet been even intimated, can never be discovered, and will never be revealed - I announced the fact that the great Conservative party was at length completely united, it was a declaration equivalent to England being saved. The debates upon the address have proved the accuracy of my information. The hired writers and the placehunting dependents of the priestly junta triumph over the division in the Commons; they might have read their knell in the voice of the tellers. They
assure us, with solemn or with sparkling countenance, that they did not reckon upon a moiety of such a majority. And do they indeed think that the people of England care one jot whether there be ten or twenty traitors more or less in the House of Commons? It is not a miserable majority in that assembly, either way, that will destroy or preserve the empire. That every [very] debate, my Lord, over the result of which these short-sighted desperadoes affect to triumph, sealed the doom of the faction, and announced the salvation of the country. It will fill every loyal and discerning heart throughout England with more than hope. Whatever the hired writers and the expectant runners may bawl or scribble, that division numbered the days of the present Cabinet. And they know it. The sacerdotal delegates know full well that the moment the Conservatives are united, the priestly plot is baffled. When the present First Lord of the Treasury was re-installed in the office which he won by so patriotic a process, and which he fills with such diligent ability, shrinking from the contamination of O'Connell, the very mention of whose name in his private circle makes him even now tremble with compunctious rage, he declared that affairs might be carried on without "the victorious rebels," from the mere disunion of the Conservative camp. No one was more completely aware than his Lordship that the moment that disunion ceased, his authority must tremble. To perpetuate distrust, and to excite division, among the different sections of the Conservative party, all the energies of the anti-English cabal have of late been directed. The Municipal Bill filled them with fluttering hope; a severance between the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel was announced as inevitable. To-day a great commoner and a learned lord no longer meet; to-morrow the appropriation clause is to be got rid of by some new juggle, and your Lordship and your fellow-seceders are to return to the tainted benches of the Treasury. Now the conferences at Dray ton hang fire: then midnight visits from illustrious Princes bode splits and schisms. We have scarcely recovered from the effect of a suspicious dinner, when our attention is promptly directed to a mysterious call. The debates on the address have laid for ever these restless spectres of the disordered imagination of a daunted yet desperate faction. In a Peel, a Stanley, a Wellington, and a Lyndhurst, the people of England recognise their fitting leaders. Let the priestly party oppose to these the acrid feebleness of a Russell, and the puerile common-place of a Howick, Melbourn's experienced energy, and Lansdowne's lucid perception! February 6, 1836.
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TO LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK [Thursday] 11 February 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (13 Feb 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 85-98; Whigs and Whiggism 282-9 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 48ini, 57n8. Sic: hacknied. LETTER X. TO
LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK.
MY LORD, I have just read your Lordship's Address to the Electors of the City of Glasgow; and, when I remember that the author of this production has been entrusted for no inconsiderable period with the government of 100,000,000 of human beings, I tremble. I say not this with reference to the measures of which you have there announced yourself the advocate, but to the manner in which that announcement is expressed. It implies, in my opinion, at the same time, a want of honesty and a want of sense. This address to the electors of the city of Glasgow is made by an individual who has been employed for more than a quarter of a century by his Sovereign in foreign service of the utmost importance, ascending at last even to the Viceregal throne of India; he is a member of a family of the highest rank and consideration; and some very persevering paragraphs in the Government journals have of late sedulously indicated him as a fit and future member of Lord Melbourne's Cabinet. Your Lordship, therefore, is a very considerable personage; the public are familiar with your name, if not with your career: they are instructed to believe you an individual of great mark and likelihood, of great promise as well as of great performance; as one who is not unwilling to devote to their interests at home all those talents which have been so long exercised, and all that experience which has been so laboriously obtained, in their service in other and distant lands. 'Tis distance lends enchantment to the view, sings a bard of that city which your Lordship is to represent: 'tis distance which has invested your Lordship with the haze of celebrity; but I doubt whether the shadowy illusion will be long proof against that nearer inspection and more familiar experience of your judgment and capacity, which your Lordship has favoured us with in your Address to the Electors of the City of Glasgow.* [See the end of the letter.] There are some, indeed, who affirm - and those, too, persons of no mean authority - that this Address may even be considered a manifesto of the least constitutional portion of the Cabinet to whom your Lordship and my Lord Durham are speedily to afford all the weight of your influence and all the advantage of your wisdom. How this may be, events will prove; the effusion is certainly sufficiently marked by the great characteristic of the WhigRadical school; a reckless readiness to adopt measures, of the details and consequences of which they are obviously, and often avowedly, ignorant. The Address itself consists of fourteen paragraphs. In the first your Lord-
ship informs us that you come forward in consequence of "a very numerous requisition." What "a very numerous requisition," by the bye, may be, I pretend not to decypher. It may be Hindostanee; it may be Sanscrit; it is not English. With a modesty natural to an Oriental Viceroy, the late master of the Great Mogul, you then make your salaam to the electors, assuring them that but for this very numerous requisition you "could not have ventured to aspire to the high distinction of representing Glasgow in Parliament" - of representing Glasgow after having ruled Calcutta! Your Lordship then proceeds to state, "frankly and explicitly," your political creed, "with a confident hope," which seems, however, but a somewhat hesitating and trembling trust, that "nothing will be found at variance with those principles which for many years of your life you have professed and practised." How many years, my Lord William? After eulogizing "union among all Reformers," but of course in favour of Lord Melbourne's Government, and the abandonment of "all separate and minor views," you immediately declare, with admirable consistency, that the Ministerial plan of Irish Church Reform does not go far enough, but is "imperfect and insufficient." This is certainly a very felicitous method of maintaining union among all Reformers. There is no doubt with what section of that rebellious camp your Lordship will herd, you who are, "of course, a decided friend to a complete reform in the Irish municipal corporations." Your Lordship, it appears, is also "favourable to the shortening of the duration of Parliaments," although you ingenuously allow that you "have had no occasion seriously to consider the subject," and that you are partial to the "extension of the suffrage, into the details of which, however," you candidly admit you "have never entered." Admirable specimen of the cautious profundity of Whig-Radicalism! Inimitable statesman, who, busied with concocting constitutions for Sicily, and destroying empires in India, can naturally spare but few hours to the consideration of the unimportant topics of domestic policy. Your decisive judgment, however, on the subject of the ballot will clear your Lordship in a moment from any silly suspicion of superficiality. This paragraph is so rich and rare, that it merits the dangerous honour of a quotation: "I am opposed to the vote by ballot; I consider it a complete illusion. It will not destroy the ex-
ercise of undue influence, but it will give rise to another influence still more pernicious, that of
money and corruption, against which there is no security but in publicity. At the same time, as the
vote by ballot affects no existing right, I should willingly acquiesce in the general wishes of my constituents, to vote for it as an experimental and temporary measure."
Without stopping to admire your refined distinction between an influence which is undue and "another influence" which is pernicious, one cannot too ardently applaud the breathless rapidity with which your Lordship hurries to assure your future constituents that you will willingly support an illusion and a pest. The ninth paragraph of this memorable production informs us that your
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Lordship is "profoundly penetrated" with an idea. Pardon my scepticism, my Lord; whatever other claims you may have to the epithet, I doubt whether your Lordship's ideas are Radical. I am indeed mistaken if their roots have ever "profoundly penetrated" your cultured intellect. Was it this "profound penetration" that prompted the brother of the Duke of Portland to declare his conviction of "the indispensable necessity of bringing the two branches of the Legislature into harmony with each other, by the constitutional exercise of the prerogative of the Crown?" Your Lordship may settle this point with his Grace. The tenth paragraph is only remarkable for the felicity of its diction. The honourable member for Middlesex has at length found in the future member for Glasgow a rival in the elegance of his language and the precision of his ideas. But now for your masterpiece! "The Corn Laws are a difficult question; I am for their abolition." How exquisitely does this sentence paint your weak and puzzled mind, and your base and grovelling spirit! Confessing at the same time your inability to form an opinion, yet gulping down the measure to gain the seat. Space alone prevents me from following the noble candidate for Glasgow through the remainder of his Address, admirably characteristic as it is of the same mixture of a perplexed intellect and a profligate ambition. My Lord, I have not the honour of your acquaintance; I bear you no personal ill-will. I stop not here to inquire into the proceedings of your former life - of your Sicilian freaks or of your Spanish exploits, or of your once-impending catastrophe in India. I form my opinion of your character from your last public act, and believing, as I do, that there is a conspiracy on foot to palm you off on the nation as a great man, in order that your less hacknied name may prolong the degrading rule of a desperate faction, I was resolved to chalk your character on your back before you entered that House where you are doomed to be silent or absurd. There are some of your acquaintances who would represent you as by no means an ill-intentioned man; they speak of you as a sort of dull Quixote. For myself, I believe you to be without any political principle, but that you are unprincipled from the weakness of your head, not from the badness of your heart. Your great connexions have thrust you into great places. You have been haunted with a restless conviction that you ought not to be a nonentity, and, like bustling men without talents, you have always committed great blunders. To avoid the Scylla of passive impotence, you have sailed into the Charybdis of active incapacity. But you are, or you will be, member for Glasgow. The author of such an Address meets, of course, with "no opposition." Discriminating electors of Glasgow! Send up your noble member to the House, where the Government newspapers assure us, he will soon be a Minister. His difference with the present Cabinet is trifling. He only deems the Irish church reform "imperfect and insufficient." He is, "of course," for a complete reform of the Irish corporations. He is for short parliaments, he is for the ballot, he is for ex-
tension of the suffrage, he is for the abolition of the corn laws, the virtual annihilation of the House of Lords, and the gradual destruction of all alliance between the Church and the State. What more can you require? His Sicilian constitution? It would, however, be disingenuous to conceal that there is at the conclusion of your Lordship's address a sentence which almost leads one to impute its production to other causes than the impulse of a party, or the original weakness of your character. It appears that "a long and severe illness drove you from India," and even now incapacitates you from personally soliciting the suffrages of your choice constituents. Have, then, the republican electors of Glasgow, eager to be represented by a Lord, selected for their champion in the Senate one of those mere lees of debilitated humanity and exhausted nature which the winds of India and the waves of the Atlantic periodically waft to the hopeless breezes of their native cliffs? The Address is ominous; and perhaps, ere the excitement of a session may have passed, congenial Cheltenham will receive from now glorious Glasgow the antiquated Governor and the drivelling Nabob!
Feb. 11, 1836. *The following is the Address alluded to: -
TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF GLASGOW.
Gentlemen, - It is only in consequence of the very numerous requisition [sic] which I have had the honour to receive that I could have ventured to aspire to the high distinction of representing you
in Parliament. Encouraged by this invitation, I shall at once proceed to state frankly and explicitly
my opinion upon the various topics and measures that are likely to be brought before Parliament
in the ensuing session, with a confident hope that in this exposition nothing will be found at vari-
ance with those principles which for many years of my life I have professed and practised; and
upon which alone, and to no particular competency of my own, I can found a claim to your suffrages. Permit me then, in the outset, to give my adherence to the now happily established conviction
among all Reformers, that by firm union, by the abandonment of all separate and minor views,
and by a steady support of Lord Melbourne's ministry, the present and future cause of reform can alone be supported. With respect to expected measures, I should decidedly support the ministerial plan of Irish
Church Reform, imperfect and insufficient as I must consider that measure to be.
I, of course, am a decided friend to a complete reform of the Irish Municipal Corporations.
I am favourable to the shortening of the duration of Parliaments; but, without having had occa-
sion seriously to consider this subject, I should prefer, as a present measure, the quinquennial to the triennial term.
With respect to the extension of the suffrage, into the details of which I have never entered, I
can only generally state my firm belief that the broader the admission of all the intelligent classes to the government of the country, the greater will be the security of our existing institutions.
I am opposed to the vote by ballot; I consider it a complete illusion. It will not destroy the exer-
cise of undue influence, but it will give rise to another influence still more pernicious - that of
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money and corruption, against which there is no security but in publicity. At the same time, as the vote by ballot affects no existing right, I should willingly acquiesce in the general wishes of my constituents to vote for it as an experimental and temporary measure.
I am profoundly penetrated with the indispensable necessity that the two branches of the Legis-
lature should be brought into harmony with each other; and I am of opinion that the result may
be advantageously accomplished through the constitutional exercise of the prerogative of the Crown, without any organic change.
I need not promise my support to all measures regarding freedom of trade, and economy and
retrenchment in every department of the State, consistently, of course, with efficiency and safety.
The Corn Laws are a difficult question. I am for their abolition. If railways, as I believe, may
become necessary in the race of competition that we have to run with other countries, the prices of subsistence must in a still greater degree contribute to success. I should hope that an equitable
compromise between the agricultural and manufacturing interests might not be found impracticable.
I shall advert, in the last place, to the application for a grant of £10,000 towards the endowment
of additional chapels and places of worship for the established church of Scotland. I am entirely averse to this grant. The event, of all others, that, in my humble judgment, would best establish
peace, and good will, and concord among all classes of men, would be a perfect equality of civil
and religious rights.
But as this cannot at present be, at least let us be careful not to aggravate an obnoxious distinc-
tion. Let the established churches retain what they possess, but let nothing more be taken from the public funds. The same religious zeal which exclusively maintains all the places of worship and
the ministers of Dissenters cannot fail to supply those additional aids of which the established
churches of England and Scotland may stand in need.
I will now conclude with the expression of my very deep regret that the effects of the very long
and severe illness which drove me from India will not allow me, without positive risk, to appear at
the election. But if I am so fortunate as to obtain the honour to which I aspire, I shall take the
earliest opportunity, after the session, of visiting Glasgow; and, should it then be the opinion of the majority of my constituents that the generous confidence which they have been pleased to place in me has been in any degree disappointed, I shall be most ready to resign the trust confi-
ded to me.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, W. BENTINCK.
London, Feb. 4, 1836.
TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON [Monday] 22 February 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (22 Feb 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 99-108; Whigs and Whiggism 289-94 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: your were arranging. LETTER XL TO
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON. MY LORD, The Minister who maintains himself in power in spite of the contempt of a whole nation must be gifted with no ordinary capacity. Your Lordship's talents have never had justice done to them. Permit me to approach you in the spirit of eulogy; if novelty have charms, this encomium must gratify you. Our language commands no expression of scorn which has not been exhausted in the celebration of your character; there is no conceivable idea of degradation which has not been, at some period or another, associated with your career. Yet the seven Prime Ministers, all of whom you have served with equal fidelity, might suffice, one would think, with their united certificates to vamp up the first; and as for your conduct, so distinguished an orator as your Lordship has recently turned out, can never want a medium for its triumphant vindication, even if it were denied the columns of that favoured journal where we occasionally trace the finished flippancy of your Lordship's airy pen. The bigoted Tories, under whose auspices your Lordship entered public life, had always, if I mistake not, some narrow-minded misgivings of your honesty as well as your talents, and with characteristic illiberality doomed you to official insignificance. It was generally understood that under no circumstances was your Lordship ever to be permitted to enter the Cabinet. Had you been an anticipated Aislabie, you could not have been more rigidly excluded from that select society; you were rapidly advanced to a position which, though eminent, was also impassable; and, having attained this acme of second-rate statesmanship, you remained fixed on your pedestal for years, the great Apollo of aspiring understrappers. When the ambition of Mr. Canning deprived him of the ablest of his colleagues, your Lordship, with that dexterity which has never deserted you, and which seems a happy compound of the smartness of an attorney's clerk and the intrigue of a Greek of the lower empire, wriggled yourself into the vacant Cabinet. The Minister who was forced to solicit the co-operation of a Lansdowne might be pardoned for accepting the proffer of a Palmerston; but, even in his extreme distress, Mr. Canning was careful not to promote you from your subordinate office; nor can I conceive a countenance of more blank dismay, if that brilliant rhetorician, while wandering in the Elysian fields, were to learn that his favourite portfolio was now in your Lordship's protocolic custody.
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A member of Mr. Canning's Cabinet by necessity, you became a member of the Duke of Wellington's by sufferance. You were expelled from your office for playing a third-rate part in a third-rate intrigue. Your Lordship was piqued, and revenged yourself on your country by becoming a Whig. I remember when, in old days, you addressed the Speaker on our side of the House, your oratorical displays were accompanied not only by the blushes, but even the hesitation, of youth. These might have been esteemed the notunpleasing characteristics of an ingenuous modesty, had they not been associated with a callous confidence of tone and an offensive flippancy of language, which proved that they were rather the consequence of a want of breeding than of a deficiency of self-esteem. The leader of the Whig Opposition was wont to say, in return perhaps for some of those pasquinades with which you were then in the habit of squibbing your present friends, that your Lordship reminded him of a favourite footman on easy terms with his mistress. But no sooner had you changed your party than all Brookes's announced you as an orator. You made a speech about windmills and Don Quixote, and your initiation into liberalism was hailed complete. Your Lordship, indeed, was quite steeped in the spirit of the age. You were a newborn babe of that political millennium which gave England at the same time a Reform Bill and your Lordship for a Secretary of State. I can fancy Mr. Charles Grant assisting at your adult baptism, and witnessing your regeneration in pious ecstasy. The intellectual poverty of that ancient faction who headed a revolution with which they did not sympathize, in order to possess themselves of a power which they cannot wield, was never more singularly manifested than when they delivered the seals of the most important office in the state to a Tory underling. You owe the Whigs great gratitude, my Lord, and therefore I think you will betray them. Their imbecility in offering you those seals was only equalled by your audacity in accepting them. Yet that acceptance was rather impudent than rash. You were justly conscious that the Cabinet, of which you formed so ludicrous a member, was about to carve out measures of such absorbing interest in our domestic policy, that little time could be spared by the nation to a criticism of your Lordship's labours. During the agitation of Parliamentary Reform your career resembled the last American war in the midst of the revolutions of Europe: it was very disgraceful, but never heard of. Occasionally, indeed, rumours reached the ear of the nation of the Russians being at Constantinople, or the French in Italy and Flanders. Sometimes we were favoured with a report of the effective blockade of our ancient allies, the Dutch; occasionally of the civil wars you had successfully excited in the Peninsula, which we once delivered from a foreign enemy. But when life and property were both at stake, when the Trades' Unions were marching through the streets of the metropolis in battle-array, and Bristol was burning, your countrymen might be excused for generally believing that your Lordship's career was as insignificant as your intellect. But your Saturnalia of undetected scrapes and unpunished blunders is
now over. The affairs of the Continent obtrude themselves upon our consideration like an importunate creditor who will no longer be denied. There is no party-cry at home to screen your foreign exploits from critical attention. The author of the New Whig Guide may scribble silly articles in newspapers about justice to Ireland, but he will not succeed in diverting public notice from the painful consequences of his injustice in Europe. Tonight, as we are informed, some results of your Lordship's system of noninterference in the affairs of Spain are to be brought under the consideration of the House of Commons. I am not in the confidence of the Hon. Gentleman who will introduce that subject to the notice of the assembly of which, in spite of the electors of Hampshire, your Lordship has somehow or other contrived to become a member. But I speak of circumstances with which I am well acquainted, and for the accuracy of which I stake my credit as a public writer, when I declare that of the 10,000 or 12,000 of your fellowcountrymen whom your crimping Lordship inveigled into a participation in the civil wars of Spain for no other purpose than to extricate yourself from the consequences of your blundering policy, not 3000 effective men are now in the field; such have been the fatal results of the climate and the cat-o'nine-tails, of ignoble slaughter, and of fruitless hardship. Your Lordship may affect to smile, and settle your cravat, as if your were arranging your conscience; you may even prompt the most ill-informed man in his Majesty's dominions - I mean, of course, the First Lord of his Majesty's Treasury - to announce in the Upper House that the career of the British legion has been a progress of triumph, and that its present situation is a state of comparative comfort; but I repeat my statement, and I declare most solemnly, before God and my country, that I am prepared to substantiate it. When the most impudent and the vilest of your Lordship's supporters next amuses the House with his clap-trap appeals to the tears of the widow and the sighs of the orphan, your Lordship may perhaps remember the responsibility you have yourself incurred, and, sick as the nation may be of this inglorious destruction, there is one silly head, I believe, that it would grieve no one to see added to the heap. It would atone for the havoc, it would extenuate the slaughter, and the member for Westminster, who is a patriot in two countries, would be hailed on his return as the means of having rid both England and Spain of an intolerable nuisance. For the last five years a mysterious dimness seems to have been stealing over the gems of our imperial diadem. The standard of England droops fitfully upon its staff. He must indeed be an inexperienced mariner who does not mark the ground swell of the coming tempest. If there be a war in Europe to-morrow, it will be a war against English supremacy, and we have no allies. None but your Lordship can suppose that the Cabinet of the Tuileries is not acting in concert with the Court of the Kremlin. Austria, our natural friend on the continent of Europe, shrinks from the contamination of our political propagandism. If there be an European war, it will be one of those contests wherein a great state requires for its guidance all the resources of a master mind: it would be a crisis which would justify the près-
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ence of a Richelieu, a Pombal, or a Pitt. O my country! fortunate, thrice fortunate England! with your destinies at such a moment entrusted to the Lord Fanny of diplomacy! Methinks I can see your Lordship, the Sporus of politics, cajoling France with an airy compliment, and menacing Russia with a perfumed cane! February 22, 1836.
TO SIR JOHN CAM HOBHOUSE
[Saturday] 27 February 1836
PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (2 March 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 109-15; Whigs and Whiggism 294-7 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 405m 3. Sic: intitled. LETTER XII. TO
SIR JOHN HOBHOUSE.
SIR, Your metamorphosis into a Whig and a Cabinet Minister has always appeared to me even less marvellous than your transformation into a wit and a leader, after having passed the most impetuous years of life in what might have appeared to the inexperienced the less ambitious capacity of a dull dependent. In literature and in politics, until within a very short period, you have always shone with the doubtful lustre of reflected light. You have gained notoriety by associating yourself with another's fame. The commentator of Byron, you naturally became in due season "Sir Francis Burdett's man," as Mr. Canning styled you, to your confusion, in the House of Commons; and to which sneer, after having taken a week to arrange your impromptu, you replied in an elaborate imitation of Chatham, admitted by your friends to be the greatest failure in parliamentary memory. At college, your dignified respect for the peerage scarcely prepared us for your subsequent sneers at the order. Your readiness to bear the burden of the scrapes of those you honoured by your intimacy, announced the amiability of your temper. Yet, whether you were sacrificing yourself on the altar of friendship, or concocting notes upon the pasquinades which others scribbled, there was always "something too ponderous about your genius for a joke;" and when those words fell from your lips on Friday night, to me they seemed to flow with all the practised grace of a tu quoque, and to be not so much the inspiration of the moment as the reminiscence of some of those quips and cranks of Mathews and Scrope Davies, of which you were the constant, and often the unconscious, victim. It may be the prejudice of party, perhaps the force of old associations, but to me your new character seems but thinly to veil your ancient reputation. There is a massy poise, even in your airiest flights, that reminds one rather of the vulture than the eagle; and your lightest movements are pervaded with a sort of elephantine grace, which forces us to admire rather the painful tutorage of art than nature's happier impulse. Bustling at the university, blustering on the hustings, dangling the seals of office - a humble friend, a demagogue, or a placeman - your idiosyncracy still prevails, and in your case, "piddling Theobalds" has, at the best, but turned into "slashing Bentley." Allow me to congratulate you on your plaintive confession, amid the roars of the House, that "circumstances have brought you and your noble friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, together on the same bench." The honour of sharing the same seat with that individual might, in anoth-
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er's estimation, have sufficed, without the additional disgrace of calling attention to the stigma. There is something so contaminating in a connexion with that man, that when you voluntarily avowed it, we might be excused for admiring your valour rather than your discretion. It is, in truth, a rare conjunction; and Circumstance, "that unspiritual god," as your illustrious companion, Lord Byron, has happily styled the common-place divinity, has seldom had to answer for a more degrading combination. You have met, indeed, like the puritan and the prostitute on the banks of Lethe, in Garrick's farce, with an equally convenient oblivion of the characteristic incidents of your previous careers; you giving up your annual parliaments and universal suffrage, he casting to the winds his close corporations and borough nominees; you whispering conservatism on the hustings, once braying with your revolutionary uproar, he spouting reform in the still recesses of the dust of Downing-street; the one reeking from a Newgate cell, the other redolent of the boudoirs of Mayfair; yet both of them, alike the Tory underling and the Radical demagogue, closing the ludicrous contrast with one grand diapason of harmonious inconsistency - both merging in the Whig Minister. That a politician may at different periods of his life, and under very different aspects of public affairs, conscientiously entertain varying opinions upon the same measure, is a principle which no member of the present House of Commons is intitled to question. I would not deny you, Sir, the benefit of the charity of society; but when every change of opinion in a man's career is invariably attended by a corresponding and advantageous change in his position, his motives are not merely open to suspicion - his conduct is liable to conviction. Yet there is one revolution in your sentiments on which I may be permitted particularly to congratulate you, and that country which you assist in misgoverning. Your sympathy on Friday night with the success of the British arms came with a consoling grace and a compensatory retribution from the man who has recorded in a solemn quarto his bitter regret that his countrymen were victorious at Waterloo. I always admired the Whig felicity of your appointment as Secretary at War. Pardon, Sir, the freedom with which I venture to address you. My candour may, at least, be as salutary as the cabbage-stalks of your late constituents. There are some indeed, who, as I am informed, have murmured at this method of communicating to them my opinion of their characters and careers. Yet I can conceive an individual so circumstanced, that he would scarcely be entitled to indulge in such querulous sensitiveness. He should be one who had himself published letters without the ratification of his name, and then suppressed them; he should be one who had sat in trembling silence in the House when he was dared to repeat the statement which he had circulated by the press; he should be one to whom it had been asserted in his teeth that he was "a liar and a scoundrel, and only wanted courage to be an assassin." It does not appear to me that such an individual could complain with any justice of the frankness of RUNNYMEDE.
February 27, 1836.
TO BARON GLENELG [Saturday] 12 March 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (14 March 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 116-22; Whigs and Whiggism 297-301 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: restiff.
LETTER XIII. TO
LORD GLENELG. MY LORD, Let me not disturb your slumbers too rudely: I will address you in a whisper, and on tiptoe. At length I have succeeded in penetrating the recesses of your enchanted abode. The Knight who roused the Sleeping Beauty could not have witnessed stranger marvels in his progress than he who has at last contrived to obtain an interview with the sleeping secretary. The moment that I had passed the Foreign Office an air of profound repose seemed to pervade Downing-street, and as I approached the portal of your department, it was with difficulty I could resist the narcotic influence of the atmosphere. Your porter is no Argus. "His calm, broad, thoughtless aspect breathed repose/' and when he "slow from his bench arose, and swollen with sleep," I almost imagined that, like his celebrated predecessor in the Castle of Indolence, he was about to furnish me with a nightcap, slippers, and a robe de chambre. I found your clerks yawning, and your undersecretaries just waking from a dream. A dozy, drowsy, drony hum, the faint rustling of some papers like the leaves of autumn, and a few noiseless apparitions gliding like ghosts, just assured me that the business of the nation was not neglected. Every personage and every incident gradually prepared me for the quiescent presence of the master mind, until, adroitly stepping over your private secretary, nodding and recumbent at your threshold, I found myself before your Lordship, the guardian of our colonial empire, stretched on an easy couch in luxurious listlessness, with all the prim voluptuousness of a puritanical Sardanapalus. I forget who was the wild theorist who enunciated the absurd doctrine that "ships, colonies, and commerce," were the surest foundation of empire. What an infinitely ridiculous idea! But the march of intellect and the spirit of the age have cleansed our brains of this perilous stuff. Had it not been for the invention of ships, the great malady of sea-sickness, so distressing to an indolent minister, would be unknown; colonies, like country-houses, we have long recognised to be sources only of continual expense, and to be kept up merely from a puerile love of show: as for commerce, it is a vulgarism, and fit only for low people. What have such dainty nobles as yourself and Lord Palmerston to do with cottons and indigoes? Such coarse details you fitly leave to Mr. Poulett Thompson, whose practical acquaintance with tallow is the only blot on the scutcheon of your refined and aristocratic Cabinet.
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Although a grateful nation has seized every opportunity of expressing their confidence in your Lordship and your colleagues, and although myself, among more distinguished writers, have omitted no occasion of celebrating your inexhaustible panegyric, it appears to me, I confess, that scant justice has hitherto been done to the grand system of our present Administration, and which they are putting in practice with felicitous rapidity and their habitual success. This grand system, it would seem, consists of a plan to govern the country without having any thing to do. The meritorious and unceasing labours of the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs for the destruction of English influence on the continent will soon permit his Lordship to receive his salary without any necessary attendance at his office. Lord Morpeth has nearly got rid of Ireland. The selection of your Lordship to regulate the destinies of our colonies insures the speediest and the most favourable results in effecting their emancipation from, what one of your principal supporters styles, "the unjust domination of the mother country;" and we are already promised a Lord Chancellor who is not to preside over the Chancery. The recent government of Lord William Bentinck will, I fear, rob Sir John Hobhouse of half the glory of losing India; and the municipal corporations, if they work as well as you anticipate, may in due season permit Lord John Russell to resume his relinquished lyre. Freed of our colonies, Ireland, and India, the affairs of the Continent consigned to their own insignificance, Westminster-hall delivered over to the cheap lawyers, and our domestic polity regulated by vestries and town-councils, there is a fair probability that the First Lord of the Treasury, who envies you your congenial repose, may be relieved from any very onerous burden of public duty, and that the Treasury may establish the aptness of its title on the non lucendo character of its once shining coffers. Vive la Bagatelle! His Majesty's Ministers may then hold Cabinet Councils to arrange a white-bait dinner at Blackwall, or prick for an excursion to Richmond or Beulah Spa. Such may be the gay consequences of a Reform Ministry and a reformed Parliament! No true patriot will grudge them these slight recreations, or hazard even a murmur at their sinecure salaries. For, to say the truth, my Lord, if you must remain in office, I, for one, would willingly consent to an inactivity on your part almost as complete as could be devised by the united genius for sauntering of yourself and that energetic and laborious nobleman who summoned you to a worthy participation in his councils. Affairs, therefore, my dear Lord Glenelg, are far from disheartening, especially in that department under your own circumspect supervision. What if the Mauritius be restiff - let the inhabitants cut each others' throats: that will ultimately produce peace. What if Jamaica be in flames - we have still East-India sugar; and by the time we have lost that, the manufactory of beet-root will be perfect. What if Colonel Torrens, perched on the Pisgah height of a joint-stock company, be transporting our fellow-countrymen to the milk and honey of Australia, without even the preparatory ceremony of a trial by jury - let the exiles settle this great constitutional question with the
kangaroos. What if Canada be in rebellion - let not the menacing spectre of Papineau or the suppliant shade of the liberal Gosford scare your Lordship's dreams. Slumber on without a pang, most vigilant of secretaries. I will stuff you a fresh pillow with your unanswered letters, and insure you a certain lullaby by reading to you one of your own despatches. March 12, 1836.
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TO EDWARD ELLICE [Sunday] 20 March 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (21 March 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 123-30; Whigs and Whiggism 301-4 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: guarantied. LETTER XIV. TO
THE RIGHT HON. EDWARD ELLICE.
SIR, In this age of faction it is delightful to turn to one public character whom writers of all parties must unite in addressing in terms of unqualified panegyric. From "a man discreditably known in the city," you have become a statesman creditably known at Court. Such is the triumph of perseverance in a good cause, undaunted by calumny and undeterred by the narrowminded scruples of petty intellects. That influence which, in spite of prejudice, you have gained by the uniform straightforwardness of your conduct, you have confirmed by that agreeable and captivating demeanour which secures you the hearts of men as well as their confidence. Uninfluenced by personal motives, always ready to sacrifice self, and recoiling from intrigue with the antipathy native to a noble mind, you stand out in bold and favourable relief to the leaders of that party, whose destinies, from a purely patriotic motive, you occasionally condescend to regulate. I ought, perhaps, before this to have congratulated you on your return to that country whose interests are never absent from your thoughts; but I was unwilling to disturb even with my compliments, a gentleman who, I am aware, has been labouring of late so zealously for the commonweal as the Right Hon. Mr. Ellice. Your devotion in your recent volunteer visit to Constantinople has not been lost on the minds of your countrymen. They readily recognise your pre-eminent fitness to wrestle with the Russian bear; and they who have witnessed in a northern forest a duel between those polished animals, must feel convinced that you are the only English statesman duly qualified to mingle in a combat, which is at the same time so dexterous and so desperate. Happy England, whose fortunes are supervised by such an unsalaried steward as the member for Coventry! Thrice fortunate Telemachus of Lambton Castle, guided by such a Mentor! After the turmoil of party politics, you must have found travel delightful! I can fancy you gazing upon the blue Symplegades, or roaming amid the tumuli of Troy. The first glance at the ^Egean must have filled you with classic rapture. Your cultured and accomplished mind must have revelled in the recollections of the heroic past. How different from the associations of those jobbing politicians, who, when they sail upon Salamis, are only reminded of Greek bonds, and whose thoughts, when they mingle amid the imaginary tumult of the Pnyx at Athens, only recur to the broils of a settling-day at the Stock-Exchange of London!
In your political career you have emulated the fame, and rivalled, if not surpassed, the exploits, of the great Earl of Warwick. He was only a Kingmaker, but Mr. Ellice is a maker of Ministers. How deeply was Lord Grey indebted to your disinterested services! Amid the musings of the Liternum of Howick, while moralizing on the gratitude of a party, how fondly must he congratulate himself on his fortune in such a relative! It is said that his successor is not so prompt to indicate his sense of your services as would be but just. But the ingratitude of men, and especially of Ministers, is proverbial. Lord Melbourne, however, may yet live to be sensible of your amiable exercise of the prerogative of the Crown. In the mean time the unbounded confidence of Lord Palmerston in your good intentions may in some degree console you for the suspicions of the Prime Minister, to say nothing of the illimitable trust of the noble Secretary for the Colonies, who sleeps on in unbroken security as long as you are the guardian angel of his slumbers. Distinguished as you are by the inflexible integrity of your conduct, both in public and private life, by your bland manners and your polite carriage, your total absence of all low ambition, and your contempt for all intrigue and subterranean practices, you are, if possible, still more eminent for your philosophical exemption from antiquated prejudice. The people of England can never forget that it was your emancipated mind that first soared superior to the mischievous institution of a national church, and that, with the characteristic liberality of your nature, yours was the intellect that first devised the ingenious plan of appeasing Ireland by the sacrifice of England. Had you been influenced in your conduct by any factious object of establishing your friends in the enjoyment of a power, to exercise which they had previously proved themselves incapable, it might in some degree have deteriorated from the singleness of your purpose; but no one can suppose, for an instant, that in forming a close alliance one year with a man whom twelve months before they had denounced as a rebel, or in decreeing the destruction of an institution which they had just recently pledged themselves to uphold, your pupils of the present Administration were actuated by any other motives but the most just, the most disinterested, and the most honourable. You have recently been gratified by witnessing the proud and predominant influence of your country in the distant and distracted regions of the East. The compliments which were lavished on yourself and your companion by the Czar must have been as flattering to the envoy as they were to the confiding Sovereign with whose dignity you were entrusted. It must be some time before the salutes of Odessa cease ringing in your ear, and it cannot be supposed that your excited imagination can speedily disembarrass itself of your splendid progress in a steamer over the triumphant waters of the Euxine. Yet, when you have in some degree recovered from the intoxication of success, and the inebriating influence of Royal and Imperial condescension, let us hope that you may deign to extend your practised attention to our domestic situation. The country is very prosperous; the Stock-Exchange has not been so active since 1825. They certainly have missed you a little in Spanish, but the railways, I understand, have been looking up since your re-
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turn, especially the shares of those companies which have no hope or intention of prosecuting their designs. In the mean time, perhaps, for you may be destined the glory of inducing Lord Melbourne to tolerate the presence of Mr. O'Connell at an official banquet. That would be an achievement worthy of your great mind. The new Liberal Club, too, which, like Eldorado, is to supply "Shirts for the shirtless, suppers for the starved,"
may merit your organizing patronage. For the rest, the unbounded confidence which subsists between our gracious Sovereign and his Ministers, the complete harmony at length established between the two Houses of Parliament, the perfect tranquillity of Ireland, vouched by the de facto member for Dublin, and guarantied by Lord Plunket, and the agreeable circumstance that the people of England are arrayed in two hostile and determined parties, all combine to assure us of a long, a tranquil, and a prosperous administration of our affairs by the last Cabinet which was constructed under your auspices. March 20, 1836.
TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE [Wednesday] 30 March 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (31 March 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 131-6; Whigs and Whiggism 305-8. LETTER XV. TO
VISCOUNT MELBOURNE.
MY LORD, I always experience peculiar gratification in addressing your Lordship, your Lordship is such a general favorite. I have read somewhere of "the best-natured man with the worst-natured muse." I have always deemed your Lordship the best-natured Minister with the worst-natured party. And, really, if you have sometimes a little lost your temper - if for those Epicurean shrugs of the shoulder and nil admiran smiles, which were once your winning characteristics, you have occasionally of late substituted a little of the Cambyses' vein, and demeaned yourself as if you were practising "Pistol" for the next private theatricals at Pansanger, very extenuating circumstances may, I think, be found in the heterogeneous and Hudibrastic elements of that party which Fate, in- a freak of fun, has called upon your Lordship to regulate. What a crew! I can compare them to nothing but the Swalbach swine in the Brunnen bubbles, guzzling and grunting in a bed of mire, fouling themselves, and bedaubing every luckless passenger with their contaminating filth. We are all now going into the country, and you and your colleagues are about to escape for a season from what your Lordship delicately terms the "badgering" of Parliament. I trust you will find the relaxation renovating. How you will recreate yourselves, we shall be curious to learn. I think the Cabinet might take to cricket - they are a choice eleven. With their peculiarly patriotic temperaments, and highly national feelings, they might venture, I think, to play against "all England." Lord Palmerston and Lord Glenelg, with their talent for keeping in, would assuredly secure a good score. Lord John, indeed, with all his flourishing, will probably end in knocking down his own wicket; and as for Sir Cam, the chances certainly are that he will be "caught out," experiencing the same fate in play as in politics. If you could only engage Lord Durham to fling sticks at the seals of the Foreign Office, and the agile Mr. Ellice to climb a greasy pole for the Colonial portfolio, I think you will have provided a very entertaining programme of Easter sports. My Lord, they say, you know, when things are at the worst, they generally mend. On this principle our affairs may really be considered highly promising. The state of Spain demonstrates the sagacity of our Foreign Secretary. The country is divided into two great parties; we have contrived to interfere without supporting either, but have lavished our treasure and our blood in
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upholding a Camarilla. This is so bad, that really the happiest results may speedily be anticipated. Canada is in a state of rebellion, and therefore after Easter we may perhaps find loyalty and peace predominant, especially when we recall to our recollection the profound intellect your Lordship has selected for the settlement of that distracted colony. The Whigs, my Lord, seem indeed to have a happy knack in the choice of governors, and almost to rival in their appointments the Duke in Don Quixote. To them we are indebted alike for the prescient firmness of a Gosford, and the substantial judgment of a Sligo. The spring-like promise of the experienced Elphinstone will expand the genial seed so deftly sown by the noble member for Glasgow, and complete the trio. Three wise and learned rulers! To whomsoever of the leash my Lord Glenelg may award the golden palm, I doubt not it will prove an apple of sufficient discord. "But all our praises why should lords engross?"
particularly when the appointments of Lord Auckland and Lord Nugent are duly mentioned. "Rise, honest muse, and sing Sir Francis Head!"
The convenient candour of that celebrated functionary will at least afford one solacing reminiscence for your Easter holidays. But what is Spanish anarchy or Canadian rebellion, the broils of Jamaica, or the impending catastrophe of Hindostán, when Ireland is tranquil? And who can doubt the tranquillity of Ireland? Has not your Lordship the bond of the trustworthy Mr. O'Connell, whose private praises you celebrate with such curious felicity, and the choice collateral security of the veracious Lord Plunket? With such a muniment in the strong box of your cabinet securities, what care you for the charges of Baron Smith and the calendar of Tipperary? And yet, my Lord, though Ireland is tranquil, and though the Papists, in their attempts on the lives of their rivals, seem of late charitably to have substituted perjury for massacre, I fancy I mark a cloud upon your triumphant brow, at my incidental mention of that fortunate land. Be of good cheer, my Lord; and if you cannot be bold, at least be reckless. In spite of the elaborate misrepresentations of party, the state of Irish affairs is very simple. The point lies in a nutshell, and may be expressed in a single sentence. Your Lordship's accommodation bills with Mr. O'Connell are becoming due, and unless you can contrive to get them renewed, the chances are your Lordship's firm will become bankrupt. It seems, my Lord, that the hon. member for Finsbury is about to move a petition to our gracious Sovereign to intercede with the King of the French in favour of the State-victims of the three glorious days, persecuted like other great men for anticipating their age, and attempting to do that in 1830 the consummation of which was reserved for 1835. My Lord, buffoonery after a while wearies: put an end, I beseech you, to the farce of your government, and, to save time, consent at once that you and your colleagues should be substituted in their stead. Nay, I wish not to be harsh: my nature
is not vindictive. I would condemn you to no severer solitude than the gardens of Hampton-court, where you might saunter away the remaining years of your now ludicrous existence, sipping the last novel of Paul de Kock, while lounging over a sun-dial. March 30, 1836.
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TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS [Monday] 18 April 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (18 April 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 137-47; Whigs and Whiggism 308-13. LETTER XVI. TO
THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
MY LORDS, If there be one legislative quality more valuable than another, it is the power of discriminating between the CAUSE and the PRETEXT. For two sessions of Parliament an attempt has been made to force upon your Lordships' adoption a peculiar scheme of policy under the pretext of doing "justice to Ireland." A majority of the members of the House of Commons, no matter how obtained, have not felt competent, or inclined, to penetrate beneath the surface of this plausible plea. They have accepted the pretext as a sound and genuine principle of conduct, and have called for your Lordships' cooperation in measures which you have declined to sanction, because you believe you have distinguished the concealed from the ostensible motive of their proposition. Your Lordships believe, that under the pretext of doing "justice to Ireland," you are called upon to do "injustice to England," and to assist the cause of Irish independence and Papal supremacy. My Lords, the English nation agrees with you. The experience of the last few years has not been lost upon your reflective countrymen. Under the pretext of emancipating the Irish people, they have witnessed the establishment of the dominion of a foreign priesthood - under the pretext of Parliamentary reform, they have witnessed the delusive substitution of Whig Government - under the pretext of municipal reform in England, they have seen a sectarian oligarchy invested with a monopoly of power, tainting the very fountains of justice, and introducing into the privacy of domestic life all the acerbities of public faction - and under the pretext of "justice to Ireland," they have already beheld the destruction of Protestant ascendancy, and the Papacy, if not supreme, at least rampant. The English nation are reaping the bitter fruits of not sufficiently discriminating between the ostensible and concealed purposes of legislation. Had they been aware some years back, as they now keenly feel, that they were only extending power and privileges to a priesthood when they thought they were emancipating a people, the miserable dilemmas of modern politics would never have occurred. They would not have witnessed the gentlemen of Ireland driven from its parliamentary representation, and deprived of their local influence; they would not have witnessed a fierce and bloody war waged against the property of the Protestant church and the lives of its ministers; they would not have witnessed the Imperial Parliament occupied in a solemn debate on the propriety of maintaining the legislative union. Political revolutions are always effected by virtue of abstract pleas. "Justice to Ireland" is about as definite as "the Rights of Man." If the Irish have an equal right with ourselves
to popular corporations, have they less a right to a domestic Legislature or a native Sovereign? My Lords, are you prepared to go this length? Are you prepared to dismiss circumstances from your consideration, and legislate solely upon principles? Is the British Senate an assembly of dreaming schoolmen, that they are resolved to deal with words in preference to facts? Is a great empire to be dissolved by an idle logomachy? If Dublin have an equal right with Westminster to the presence of a Parliament, is the right of York less valid? Be consistent, my Lords, in the development of the new system of politics. Repeal the Union, and revive the Heptarchy. When the Irish Papists were admitted to the Imperial Parliament, we were told that they would consist of a few gentlemen of ancient family and fortune. That class is already banished from our councils. When the Protestant establishment in Ireland was reformed by the Whigs, we were told that the church in Ireland would then be as safe as the church in Yorkshire. That establishment is now an eleemosynary one. When the repeal of the union was discussed in the English Parliament, we were told that it was only supported by a feeble section. That section now decides the fate of the British Government and the policy of the British empire. Because much has been conceded, we are told that all must be given up; because the Irish Papists have shown themselves unworthy of a political franchise, we are told that it necessarily follows that they should be entrusted with a municipal one.
[The Times version ends the paragraph here and continues with the next. The first edition substitutes a semi-colon followed by 'because' and twenty-nine asterisks on six lines. Obviously D had instructed the printer to leave space open for additional material, which in the event was not provided in time.}
This new system of inductive reasoning may pass current with some bankrupt noble, panting to nestle in the bowers of Downing-street; this topsyturvy logic may flash conviction on the mind of some penniless expectant of the broken victuals of the official banquet; but the people of England recoil with disgust from the dangerous balderdash, and look up to your Lordships as their hereditary leaders to stand between the ark of the constitution and the unhallowed hands that are thrust forward to soil its splendour and violate its sanctity. The people of England are not so far divorced from their ancient valour, that, after having withstood Napoleon and the whole world in arms, they are to sink before a horde of their manumitted serfs and the Nisi Prius demagogue whom a foreign priesthood have hired to talk treason on their blasphemous behalf. After having routed the lion, we will not be preyed upon by the wolf. If we are to fall - if this great empire, raised by the heroic energies of the English nation - that nation of which your fathers formed a part - is indeed to be dissolved, let us hope that the last moments of our career may prove at least an euthanasia; let no pestilent blight, after our meridian glory, sully the splendour of our setting; and whether we fall before the foreign foe we have so often baffled, or whether, by some mysterious combination of irresistible circumstances, our empire sinks, like the Queen of the Adriatic, beneath the waves that we still rule, let not the rec-
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ords of our future annalist preserve a fact which, after all our greatness, might well break the spirit of the coming generations of our species. Let it not be said that we truckled to one, the unparalleled and unconstitutional scope of whose power is only equalled by the sordid meanness of his rapacious soul. Let it not be said that the English constitution sank before a rebel without dignity, and a demagogue without courage. This grand pensionary of bigotry and sedition presumes to stir up the people of England against your high estate. Will the Peers of England quail to this brawling mercenary - this man who has even degraded crime - who has deprived treason of its grandeur, and sedition of its sentiment - who is paid for his patriotism, and whose philanthropy is hired by the job - audacious, yet a poltroon - agitating a people, yet picking their pockets - in mind a Catiline, in action a Cleon? This disturber is in himself nothing. He has neither learning, wit, eloquence, nor refined taste, nor elevated feeling, nor a passionate and creative soul. What ragged ribaldry are his public addresses, whether they emanate from his brazen mouth or from his leaden pen! His pathos might shame the maudlin Romeo of a barn; his invective is the reckless abandonment of the fish-market. Were he a man of genius, he would be unsuited to the career for which he is engaged; for, after all, he is but a slave. But it is the awful character of his master that invests this creature with his terrible consideration. However we may detest or despise the Nisi Prius lawyer hired to insult and injure the realm of England, we know that he is the delegate of the most ancient and powerful priesthood in Europe. It is as the great Papal nominee that this O'Connell, with all his vileness, becomes a power to control which requires no common interference. My Lords, the English nation believes that that interference can be efficiently exercised by your august assembly. In you are reposed their hopes; you will not disappoint them. In a few hours, in obedience to the mandate of the Papal priesthood, that shallow voluptuary who is still Prime Minister of England will call upon your Lordships, with cuckoo note, to do "justice to Ireland." Do it. Justice to Ireland will best be secured by doing justice to England. The people of England created the empire. At the time when we were engaged in that great strife which will rank in the estimation of posterity with the Punic wars and the struggles of the Greeks against Asia, the very men who are now menacing your illustrious order, and stirring up war against our national institutions, were in communication with our most inveterate foe, and soliciting invasion. My Lords, you will not forget this; you will not forget to distinguish their pretext from their cause. These men cannot be conciliated. They are your foes, because they are the foes of England. They hate our free and fertile isle. They hate our order, our civilization, our enterprising industry, our sustained courage, our decorous liberty, our pure religion. This wild, reckless, indolent, uncertain, and superstitious race have no sympathy with the English character. Their fair ideal of human felicity is an alternation of clannish broils and coarse idolatry. Their history describes an unbroken circle of bigotry and blood. And now, forsooth, the cry
is raised that they have been misgoverned! How many who sound this party Shibboleth have studied the history of Ireland? A savage population, under the influence of the Papacy, has, nevertheless, been so regulated, that they have contributed to the creation of a highly-civilized and Protestant empire. Why, is not that the paragon of political science? Could Machiavel teach more? My Lords, shall the delegates of these tribes, under the direction of the Roman priesthood, ride roughshod over our country - over England haughty, and still imperial, England? Forbid it all the memory of your ancestors! Rest assured, that if you perform your high and august office as becomes you, rest assured that in this agony of the Protestant cause and the British empire, the English nation will not desert you. All parties and all sects of Englishmen, in this fierce and yet degrading struggle, must ultimately rally round your house. My Lords, be bold, be resolute, be still "the pillars of the State." April i8th, 1836.
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HOUSE OF LORDS [Saturday] 23 April 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (25 Apr 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 148-55; Whigs and Whiggism 313-17.
T0 THE
LETTER XVII. TO
THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
MY LORDS, You have unfurled the national standard. Its patriotic and hearty motto is, "Justice for England." The English nation will support you in your high endeavours. Fear not that they will be backward. They recognise your Lordships as their natural leaders, who have advanced, according to your hereditary duty, to assist them in the extremity of their degraded fortunes. The time is come for bold and vigorous conduct; the time is come to rid ourselves of that base tyranny, offensive to the pride of every Englishman, no matter what his religious sect or class of political opinions. The English nation will not be ruled by the Irish priesthood. Five years of Whig government have not yet so completely broken our once proud spirit, that we can submit without a murmur or a struggle to such a yoke. If Athens, even in her lower fortunes, could free herself of her thirty tyrants, let us hope that England, in spite of all the jobs of our corrupt and corrupting Government, may yet chase away those gentlemen who, fresh from the unction of M'Hale and the mild injunctions of the apostolic Kehoe, have undertaken to guard over the rights and liberties, the property and the religion, of Protestant England. We have not reformed the third estate of the realm in order that England should be governed by the nominees of the Papacy. There is not a man in Britain, Tory or Radical, Episcopalian or Presbyterian, who can stand this long; there is not a man in Britain who at the bottom of his heart is not proud of our empire, and who does not despise the inferior race who dare to menace its integrity. However faction may corrupt and machinate, the people of England will never long submit to a Milesian master; and when they reflect upon their present degradation, and are conscious that they have experienced it only to secure in power the dull and desperate remains of a once haughty oligarchy, long baffled in their anti-national attempts upon the free realm of England, the nation will rise in its wrath, and execute vengeance upon the cabal which has thus trifled with this great country's immemorial honour. The English nation requires justice; and it is not content to receive that justice by instalments - a process that may suit their lately manumitted serfs, but which will not accord with their stern and determined spirits, habituated to the ennobling exercise and the proud enjoyment of an ancient liberty. They require justice, and they will have that justice full and free. It must be meted out speedily, and not scantily. They require this justice, with the Peers of England at their head, and the result will prove whether the Mile-
sian peasantry, led on by the Papist priesthood, can cope with this proud and powerful society. It is not just to England that the Sovereign should be deprived of his undoubted prerogative; it is not just to England that M'Hale and Kehoe should dictate to our King the servants whom our Royal master should employ; it is not just to England that the King of England should by such an anti-national process be surrounded by the Ministers, not of his choice, but of his necessity; it is not just to England that a knot of Papist legislators should deal with the polity and property of our Protestant church; it is not just to England that no English blood in Ireland should be secure from plunder or assassination; it is not just to England that a hired disturber, paid by the Roman priesthood, should ramble over our country to stir up rebellion against your Lordships' august estate; that his ribald tongue should soil and outrage all that we have been taught to love, honour, and obey - our women, our princes, and our laws; and, lastly, it is not just to England that its constitution should be attacked, its empire menaced, and its religion scoffed at. My Lords, the same party that demands justice for Ireland is not less clamorous in its requisiton of justice for Canada. Will you grant it? Justice for Botany Bay, too, is, I have heard, in the market, and the cry is said to be worth some good £2,000 per annum. The noble member for Glasgow, the vigorous writer of that lucid Address which I had the honour of transferring from its original Sanscrit and first introducing to the notice of the British public, has, I believe, already done justice to India. My Lords! when and where is this dangerous nonsense to terminate? How compatible is the prevalence of such windy words with the subsistence of an empire? It may be as well for your Lordships to ponder on the consequences. The English nation formed the empire. Ours is the imperial isle. England is the metropolitan country, and we might as well tear out the living heart from the human form, and bid the heaving corpse still survive, as suppose that a great empire can endure without some concentration of power and vitality. My Lords, the season is ripe for action. In spite of all the machinations of the anti-English faction, never was your great assembly more elevated in the esteem and affection of your countrymen than at this perilous hour. The English are a reflecting and observant people; they ponder even amid tumult; they can draw a shrewd moral even from the play of their own passions; and they cannot but feel, that after all the revolutionary rhetoric which has been dinned into their ears of late in panegyric of a Reform Ministry and a Reformed Parliament, and in simultaneous depreciation of your Lordships' power and usefulness, that not only in eloquence and knowledge, in elevation of thought and feeling, and even in practical conduct, your Lordships need fear no comparison with that assembly which, from a confusion of ideas, is in general supposed to be more popular in its elements and character, but that on all occasions when the dignity of the empire and the rights of the subject have been threatened and assailed, the national cause has invariably found in your Lordships' House that support and sympathy which have been denied to it by the other Chamber.
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Your Lordships, therefore, commence the conflict with the anti-English party under great advantages. Not only is your cause a just one, and your resolution to maintain its justice unshakable, but there happens in your instance that which unfortunately cannot always be depended on in those great conjunctures which decide the fate of crowns and nations. The sympathy of the nation is arrayed under your banner. And inasmuch as the popularity which you now enjoy is to be distinguished from that volatile effusion which is the hurry-skurry offspring of ignorance and guile, but is founded on the surer basis of returning reason and mellowed passions, and sharp experience, you may rest assured that the support of your countrymen will not be withdrawn from you in the hour of trial. But, my Lords, do not undervalue the enemy which, at the head of the English nation, you are about to combat. If you imagine that you are going to engage only an ignorant and savage population, led on by a loosetongued poltroon, you will indeed deceive yourselves, and the truth will not be in you. My Lords, you are about to struggle with a foe worthy even of the Peers of England, for he is a foe that has placed his foot upon the neck of Emperors. My Lords, you are about to struggle with the Papacy, and in its favourite and devoted land. Whether the conspiracy of the Irish priests be more successful than the fleets of Spain, and more fatal to the freedom and the faith of England, time can alone prove, and Providence can alone decide. But let us not forget, that Heaven aids those who aid themselves, and, firm in the faith that nerved the arms of our triumphant fathers, let us meet without fear that dark and awful power, that strikes at once at the purity of our domestic hearths and the splendour of our imperial sway. April 23, 1836.
TO BARON GOTTEN H AM [Saturday] 30 April 1836 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (2 May 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 156-64; Whigs and Whiggism 317-21 EDITORIAL COMMENT: See 444111, 469111. Sic: guarantied. LETTER XVIII. TO
THE LORD CHANCELLOR.
MY LORD, The gay liver, who, terrified by the consequences of his excesses, takes to water and a temperance society, is in about the same condition as the Whig Ministers in their appointment of a Lord Chancellor, when, still smarting under the eccentric vagaries of a Brougham, they sought refuge in the calm reaction of your sober Lordship. This change from Master Shallow to Master Silence was for a moment amusing; but your Lordship has at length found the faculty of speech, and your astonished countrymen begin to suspect that they may not be altogether the gainers in this great transition from Humbug to Humdrum. We have escaped from the eagle to be preyed upon by the owl. For your Lordship is also a Reformer, a true Reformer; you are to proceed in the grand course of social amelioration and party jobbing, and the only substantial difference, it seems, that a harassed nation is to recognise, is that which consists between the devastation of the locust and the destruction of the slug. Your Lordship has figured during the last week in the double capacity of a statesman and a legislator. With what transcendent success let the blank dismay that stamped the countenance of the Prime Minister bear flattering witness; as he hung with an air of awkward astonishment on the accents of your flowing eloquence, and listened with breathless surprise, if not admiration, to the development of those sage devices which, by a curious felicity of fortune, have succeeded in arraying against them the superficial prejudices of all parties. Yet one advantage, it cannot be denied, has resulted from your Lordship's last triumphant exhibition. The public, at length, become acquainted with the object of Lord Langdale's surprising elevation, and the agreeable office which it appears the noble Master of the Rolls is to fulfil in the Senate of Great Britain. We have heard before of a Lord Chancellor's devil; but my Lord Cottenham is the first guardian of the Great Seal whom his considerate colleagues have supplied not only with a coronet, but a critic. That your Lordship should be an advocate for "justice to Ireland" might reasonably have been expected from your eminent situation. Your party may share with you the odium or the glory of your political projects, but the laurels which you have recently acquired by your luminous eloquence and your profound legal knowledge are all your Lordship's own, and I doubt whether any of your friends or your opponents will be aspiring enough to envy you their rich fruition.
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And here, as it is the fashion to do "justice to Whiggism," I cannot but pause to notice the contrast, so flattering to the judgment and high principle of your Lordship's party, which their legal appointments afford when compared with those of the annihilated Tories, and especially of the late Government. The administration of justice is still a matter of some importance, and we naturally shrink from the party who have entrusted its conduct to men so notoriously incompetent as a Sugden or a Scarlett; or placed upon the judgment-seat such mere political adventurers as an Alderson and a Park, a Patteson and a Coleridge, a Taunton and a Tindal. How refreshing is it, after such a prostitution of patronage and power, to turn to a Lord Chief Justice like a Denman, raised to his lofty post by the sheer influence of his unequalled learning and his unrivalled practice, or to recognise the homage which has been paid to professional devotion in the profound person of Mr. Baron Williams! I say nothing of your Lord Chancellors; one you have discarded, and the other you are about to deprive of his functions. And, indeed, it cannot be denied, that the appointment of your Lordship to the custody of the Great Seal, as a preliminary step to the abolition of the office of Lord Chancellor itself, displayed a depth of State-craft in your party for which the nation has hitherto given them scarcely sufficient credit. Had it been entrusted to a Hardwicke, an Eldon, or a Lyndhurst - to some great functionary to whom the public had been accustomed to look up with confidence, and the profession with respect - some murmurs might naturally have arisen at the menaced disturbance of an ancient order which had long contributed to that pure and learned administration of justice which was once the boast of Britons. But if the Whigs, as their organs daily assure us, are indeed to be our perpetual masters, we may be excused for viewing with indifference, if not with complacency, that promised arrangement by which the most important duties of the State are no longer assigned at the caprice of a party which, with a singular sound judgment, has periodically selected for their performance an Erskine, a Brougham, and, finally, your learned Lordship. The still haughty Venetians sometimes console themselves with the belief that their State would not have fallen if the last of their Doges had not unfortunately been a plebeian: the Bar of England - that illustrious body, which has contributed to our fame and our felicity, not less than the most celebrated of our political institutions, - may perhaps, in a sympathetic strain of feeling, some day be of opinion that they would not have been expelled from their high and just position in our society, if the last of the Lord Chancellors had been worthy of being their chief; and posterity may perhaps class together in the same scale of unsuitable elevation the ignoble Manini and the feeble Cottenham. My Lord, the same spirit that would expel the heads of our church from the Senate would banish the head of our law from the King's Council. Under pretext of reform and popular government, your party, as usual, are assailing all the democratic elements of our constitution. The slang distinction of the day between the political and legal duties of a Lord Chancellor tends,
like all the other measures of the party which has elevated your Lordship to the peerage, and is now about to lower you to a clerkship, to the substitution of an oligarchical government. We may yet live to regret that abrogated custom which, by giving the head of the law a precedence over the haughtiest peers, and securing his constant presence in the Cabinet of the Sovereign, paid a glorious homage to the majesty of jurisprudence, announced to the world that our political constitution was eminently legal, guarantied that there should be at least one individual in the realm who was not made a Minister because he was a Noble, insured the satisfactory administration of domestic justice, and infused into our transactions with foreign Courts and Cabinets that high and severe spirit of public rectitude which obtained our own rights by acknowledging those of others. Will the hybrid thing which, under Lord Cottenham's scheme of legal reform, is to be baptized in mockery a Lord Chancellor, afford these great advantages in the Cabinet or the Senate? He is to be a lawyer without a court, and a lawyer without a court will soon be a lawyer without law. The Lord High Chancellor of England will speedily subside into a political nonentity like the President of the Council; that office which is the fitting appanage of pompous imbecility. Lord Cottenham may be excused for believing that to make a Lord Chancellor it is enough to plant a man upon a woolsack, and thrust a wig upon his head and a gold-embroidered robe upon his back; but the people of England have been accustomed to recognise in a Lord Chancellor a man who has won his way to a great position by the exercise of great qualities - a man of singular acuteness and profound learning, and vast experience, and patient study, and unwearied industry - a man who has obtained the confidence of his profession before he challenges the confidence of his country, and who has secured eminence in the House of Commons before he has aspired to superiority in the House of Lords - a man who has expanded from a great lawyer into a great statesman, and who brings to the woolsack the commanding reputation which has been gained in the long and laborious years of an admired career. My Lord, this is not your portrait. You are the child of reform, the chance offspring of political agitation and factious intrigue. The Whigs have stirred up and made muddy even the fountain of justice; for a moment an airy bubble, glittering in the sunshine, floated on the excited surface; but that brilliant bubble soon burst and vanished, and a scum, thick and obscure, now crests the once pure and tranquil waters. April 30, 1836.
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VISCOUNT MELBOURNE [Thursday 14 May 1836] PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (16 May 1836); The Letters of Runnymede (1836) 165-73; Whigs and Whiggism 322-6 EDITORIAL COMMENT: Sic: monied.
T0
LETTER XIX. TO
VISCOUNT MELBOURNE.
MY LORD, I HAD the honour of addressing you on the eve of your last holidays; the delightful hour of relaxation again approaches: I wish you again to retire to the bowers of Brocket with my congratulations. The campaign about to close has been brief, but certainly not uneventful; I will not say disastrous, because I wish to soothe, rather than irritate, your tortured feelings. The incidents have been crowded, as in the last act of one of those dramas to which it was formerly your ambition to supply an epilogue. Why did that ambition ever become so unnaturally elevated? Why was your Lordship not content to remain agreeable? Why did you aspire to be great? A more philosophical moderation would have saved you much annoyance, and your country much evil; yourself some disgraceful situations, perhaps some ludicrous ones. When I last addressed you, your position was only mischievous; it is now ridiculous. Your dark master, the Milesian Eblis, has at length been vanquished by that justice for which he is so clamorous, and which he has so long outraged. The poisoned chalice of revolutionary venom which your creatures prepared for our august senate, august although you are a member of it, has been returned to their own lips. The House of Lords, decried for its ignorance and inefficiency, by adventurers without talents and without education, has vindicated its claims to the respect of the country for its ability and its knowledge. Held up to public scorn by your hirelings as the irresponsible tyrants of the land, a grateful nation recognises in the Peers of England the hereditary trustees of their rights and liberties, the guardians of their greatness, and the eloquent and undaunted champions of the integrity of their empire. The greater portion of the nation has penetrated the superficial characteristics of Whig Machiavelism. Your hollow pretences all evaporated, your disgraceful manoeuvres all detected, your reckless expedients all exhausted, we recognise only a desperate and long-baffled oligarchy, ready to sacrifice, for the possession of a power to which they are incompetent, the laws, the empire, and the religion of England. My Lord, it requires no prophet to announce that the commencement of the end is at length at hand. The reign of delusion is about to close. The man who obtains property by false pretences is sent to Botany Bay. Is the party that obtains power by the same means to be saved harmless? You have established a new colony in Australia; it wants settlers. Let the Cabinet emigrate. My Lord Glenelg, with all his Canadian experience, will make an ex-
cellent colonial governor. And there your Lordship may hide your public discomfiture and your private mortification. And, indeed, a country where Nature regulates herself on an exactly contrary system to the scheme she adopts in the older and more favoured world, has some pretensions, it would seem, to the beneficial presence of your faction. The land where the rivers are salt, where the quadrupeds have fins, and the fish feet, where every thing is confused, discordant, and irregular, is indicated by Providence as the fitting scene of Whig government. The Whigs came into office under auspices so favourable, that they never could have been dislodged from their long-coveted posts except by their own incompetence and dishonesty. From circumstances which it would not be difficult to explain, they were at once sanctioned by the King, and supported by the people. In the course of five years they have at once deceived the Sovereign, and deluded the nation. After having re-constructed the third estate for their own purposes, in the course of five years a majority of the English representatives is arrayed against them; wafted into power on the wings of the public press, dusty from the march of intellect, and hoarse with clamouring about the spirit of the age, in the course of five years they are obliged to declare war against the journals, the faithful mirrors of the public mind. With peace, reform, and retrenchment for their motto, in the course of five years they have involved us in a series of ignoble wars, deluged the country with jobs and placemen, and have even contrived to increase the amount of the public debt. What rashness and what cowardice, what petty prudence, and what vast recklessness, what arrogance and what truckling, are comprised in the brief annals of this last assault of your faction upon the constitutional monarchy of England! Now hinting at organic changes, now whimpering about the pressure from without; dragged through the mud on the questions of military discipline and the pension list, yet ready at the next moment to plunder the church, or taint the very fountain of justice; threatening the Peers of England on one day, and crouching on the next before the Irish priests! A few months back you astounded the public by announcing that you had purchased a Lord Chancellor at the price of three coronets. The cost might have been considered not only exorbitant, but unconstitutional; but the nation, wearied by your vexatious delay of justice, was content to be silent, and awaited the anticipated presence of a Minos. You produced Cottenham. Moses and his green spectacles was not in a more ludicrous position than your Lordship with your precious purchase. Yet this impotent conclusion was announced in January as a coup-d'état, and the people of England were daily congratulated on an arrangement now universally acknowledged as the most ridiculous act even of your administration. Moralists have contrasted the respective careers of the knave and the fool, and have consoled humanity by the conviction that the scoundrel in the long run is not more fortunate than the simpleton. I leave this controverted question to the fabler and the essayist; the man of the world, however, will not be surprised at the fate
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of a political party, the enormity of whose career is only equalled by the feebleness of their conduct. My Lord, the Whigs, a century back or so, were at least no fools. When the Dukes of Somerset and Argyle attended a Privy Council without being summoned, and forced a dying Queen to appoint the Duke of Shrewsbury Prime Minister, they did not perpetrate a greater outrage than the Whig leader who, by virtue of a Papist conspiracy, returned to the post from which he had been properly expelled, and became the Minister, not of the King's choice, but of the King's necessity. These same Whig leaders, when thus unconstitutionally established in power, introduced the Peerage Bill, which, if passed into a law, would have deprived the Sovereign of his prerogative of creating further Peers, and they remodelled the House of Commons by the Septennial Act. The Whigs in 1718 sought to govern the country by "swamping" the House of Commons; in 1836 it is the House of Lords that is to be "swamped." In 1718 the coup-d'état was to prevent any further increase of the Lords; in 1836 the Lords are to be outnumbered: different tactics to obtain the same purpose - the establishment of an oligarchical Government by virtue of a Republican cry. Where Argyle and Walpole failed, is it probable that Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell will succeed? The Whigs, a century back, were men of great station, great talents, great eloquence, supported by two-thirds of the nobles of the land, by the Dissenters, because they attacked the church, inasmuch as the establishment, like every other national institution, is an obstacle to oligarchical power, and by the commercial and "monied interest" of the country, now, like every other interest of property, arrayed against them. And what are you? Is it your eloquence, your knowledge, your high descent, and vast property, or the following of your order, that introduce you into the King's Cabinet? No, you are the slave of a slave, the delegate of a deputy, the second-hand nominee of a power the most odious and anti-national in existence, foreign to all the principles, and alien to all the feelings, of Britons. My Lord, the popular and boisterous gale that originally drove your party into power has long since died away, and though some occasional and fitful gusts may have deceived you into believing that your sails were to be ever set, and your streamers ever flying, the more experienced navigators have long detected the rising of the calm yet steady breeze, fatal to your course. It is a wind which may be depended on - a great monsoon of national spirit, which will clear the seas of those political pirates who have too long plundered us under false colours. And yet, my Lord, let us not part in anger. Yours is still a gratifying, even a great position. Notwithstanding all your public degradation and all your private annoyances, that man is surely to be envied who has it in his power to confer an obligation on every true-hearted Englishman. And this your Lordship still can do; you can yet perform an act which will command the gratitude of every lover of his country; you can - RESIGN. May 15, 1836.
TO THE 2ND EARL OF MULGRAVE [Saturday] 11 February 1837 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (13 Feb 1837); Whigs and Whiggism 358-61. The text used is from The Times. EDITORIAL COMMENT: 'Communicating' is a misprint for 'consummating'. See 576n2.
TO
HIS EXCELLENCY THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. My Lord, Allow me to congratulate your Excellency, to use the revolutionary jargon of the day, "on carrying out" by so unforeseen a method the great measure of Roman Catholic Emancipation. It was a bright idea that of emptying the gaols of the Barrataria, over whose destinies your Excellency so shrewdly presides, and it is interesting to witness the philosophical civilization of the igth century, in triumphant defiance of ancient prejudice, communicating with so much effect the rude yet prophetic conceptions of a Jack Cade. Fortunate island, that an O'Connell supplies with justice, and a Mulgrave with mercy; the severer quality typified by a murdered Protestant, the gentler attribute only by the release of a Papist convict! Your Excellency has by this time doubtless digested the Parliamentary bulletin of the grand encounter of last week. The annals of political warfare do not record an instance of a more arrogant attack, or of a defeat more disastrous. The recent debates are valuable for weightier reasons than the illustrations they richly afford of your Lordship's character, in itself, however, no uninteresting topic when its spirit may affect the destinies of an empire. Vain, volatile, and flimsy, headstrong without being courageous, imperious rather than dignified, and restless rather than energetic, but always theatrical, with a morbid love of mob popularity and a maudlin flux of claptrap sensibility, his anger a stage scowl, his courtesy a simper; every glance directed to the lamps, every movement arranged into an attitude; now frowning on an Orange functionary, now releasing a criminal with a sympathetic sigh: behold the fluttering and tinsel thing of shreds and patches, the tawdry-property man, whom the discrimination of the Whigs has selected at this crisis to wrestle with the genius of the Papacy in its favourite stronghold. It is not, however, because the recent debates have furnished me with the traits with which I sketched your Excellency's portrait and the English nation with experience to appreciate its resemblance, that they are principally valuable; those debates, my Lord, have demonstrated to the satisfaction of every clear-headed Briton the identity of the Irish Government and the "National Association." In that case the Irish Government cannot be in worse hands, nor Ireland under a sway at the same time more disastrous and more dishonest; and I much mistake the character of the English na-
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tion, if they will for a moment submit with humiliating patience to a system which enables an impudent assembly of self-delegated adventurers, pledged to the eradication of every English institution, and every English feeling, to meet under the shadow of the Viceregal castle, and arrogating to themselves a title so comprehensive and corporate, launch their destructive decrees with the avowed or implied ratification of the King's representative. Well said the eloquent and patriotic member for Cumberland on passing in review the terrible array of your fatal folly, that the question of this mischievous identity might be decided by a single instance - the appointment of Mr. Pigot. It is in the bosom of the rebel Association that the loyal LordLieutenant seeks his confidential adviser. I also would observe, that your connexion with a single individual is conclusive as to this disgraceful union of the power of the Crown and the plots of those who are conspiring against its dignity - this monstrous partnership of authority and insurrection. I take the case of a man who is the avowed and acknowledged founder of the "National Association;" I listen to him in that assembly venting the most revolutionary doctrines and seditious menaces; I trace him afterwards on a provincial tour of treason, fresh from these halls of initiative outrage, stirring up the multitude even to massacre in language unparalleled for its spirit of profligate persecution. I hear of this man at a blasphemous banquet of his followers still calling for blood, announced by a bishop of his church with sacerdotal unction as the messenger of the Divinity; I am informed that the gentry of the county where he made these terrific appeals assembled together to invoke your protection, as the King's representative, against the consequence of his sanguinary machinations. And what do you do? By what means does your Excellency testify your disapprobation of his career of infamous tumult? By an invitation to dinner. Notwithstanding all that had occurred, and the strongly expressed disapprobation of your Sovereign of this man ever appearing at your table, he is nevertheless your cherished guest. Why, courtesy to this man is no longer a question of party politics; it is a question of civilization. After such conduct on your part, who can doubt your sanction of the system he had been pursuing? I, for one, cannot hesitate as to the perfect identity of your government and the will of this man, even if I had not witnessed him the other night in the House of Commons, at the conclusion of your delegated defiance, grasp the trembling palm of your noble champion with that subtle and savage paw that can alike rifle the pocket of a Raphael, or hurl a dead dog into the grave of a Kavanagh! Observe the gradations of official sympathy with Irish treason. The Association, repudiated by Lord Melbourne, is apologized for by Lord John Russell, and justified by Lord Morpeth. What, then, remains? The Viceregal panegyric. Lord Grey retired from the helm, because he detected that some of his colleagues had secretly carried on a disgraceful intrigue with your Excellency's guest. How will Lord Melbourne act now that he discovers that the very association he denounced is, in fact, the Government of Ireland? His Lordship is at least a man of spirit. There is nothing base in his composition, though much that is reckless. He might be induced to become a des-
perate leader, but he will never submit to being made the cat's-paw of his own followers. I believe that Lord Melbourne will follow the example of Lord Grey; the lion stalked off with majestic grandeur; the wolf may yet effect his retreat with sullen dignity. The rapacious band of modern Whigs must seek for a new leader in a more ignoble beast of prey. But they need not despair, my Lord. The Government need not break up. It has at least my ardent aspirations for its continuance. After all its transmutations, I wish it to assume its last phasis of contempt. Your Excellency is now skilled in government. Come then, my Lord, and rule us! Come, and insult our gentry and open our prisons! Be the last leader of the Reformed Parliament and the Reform Ministry. Come, my Lord, and make revolution at length ridiculous. RUNNYMEDE February 11, 1837.
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TO VISCOUNT MELBOURNE 15 April 1837 PUBLICATION HISTORY: The Times (17 Apr 1837); Whigs and Whiggism 361-5. The text used is from The Times. TO
LORD VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. MY LORD, - It has sometimes been my humble, but salutary, office, to attend your triumph, and remind you in a whisper that you are mortal. Amid the blaze of glory that at present surrounds you, it may be advisable for me to resume this wholesome function, lest in the intoxication of success your Lordship may for a moment forget, that although still a Minister, you are yet only a man. I willingly admit, however, that the qualities, both of your Lordship and your colleagues, are far from being identical with those of ordinary mortals. If I cannot venture to acknowledge them as supernatural, I make your Lordship a present of a new word, the introduction of which into our language the fact of your admonition will amply authorize with our future lexicographers. No one can deny that the abilities of yourself and of your colleagues are subterhuman. You and your partners appear to me at present to be very much in the situation of a firm of speculative country bankers who have been generously stimulating the prosperity of their neighbourhood by a frank issue of their peculiar currency. Whether Ireland required justice, or Spain only freedom - whether the sectarists were anxious to subvert the establishment, or the Papists merely to plunder it, they were sure of being accommodated at your counter. But your notes are now returned, and it seems you lack bullion; and ere long it may be expected that you will figure in the Gazette, resigning your seals and your salaries, as a bankrupt delivers up to his creditors his watch and his purse. When the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, who, in all probability, will be the official assignee of your abortive projects and your disastrous schemes, recently seized the happy opportunity of criticising your balance-sheet, it appears that his comments called a smile to the serene visage of the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Our intimate relations with France, the triumph of our countrymen in the Peninsula, and the profound consideration which Russia seizes every occasion of testifying for our flag, might justify the complacent ebullition of this fortunate functionary. But why should smiles be confined to my Lord Palmerston? Why should "Quips and cranks, and wanton wiles,
"Nods and becks, and wreathed smiles,"
deck merely that debonair countenance? Could not the successful consciousness of his hereditary hostility to a church summon one simper to the pensive cheek of Lord John? Could not Mr. Rice screw his features into hilarity? He might have remembered the deputation from Liverpool. Was the state of Manchester forgotten by Mr. Thomson, that he was so grave? Or was the
reminiscence of his Indian majority by Sir John Hobhouse "too ponderous for a joke?" I think, my Lord, if this scene had been performed in the Upper House, your Colonial Secretary, the sleeping partner, by-the-by, of your confederacy, might have laughed outright at some Canadian vision. And you, my Lord - you were wont once to be a hearty and jocose man enough: I really think the merriment of Lord Melbourne at this moment might rank with the fiddling of Nero. The state of the realm is indeed unparalleled. Each division of the national interests is in like disorder. Commerce, manufactures, public credit, our colonial and continental relations - the same confusion pervades every section of our policy. There is not a department that is not in a condition of feeble tumult. You cannot rally, you have nothing to fall back upon. Like your famous General, you have no reserve. You are all in a state of distraction, and all running away at the same time. We have before this had unpopular, and feeble, and mischievous Cabinets; one Minister has been accused of sacrificing our foreign influence to our domestic repose, another of preferring distant fame to internal prosperity. One has been said to mismanage the colonies, another suspected of unconstitutional designs upon India. A successful expedition has been counterbalanced by an improvident loan, or social order has been maintained at the cost of despotic enactments. Some department, perhaps, of every Ministry has supplied the people with a safety-valve of grumbling; but your Administration, my Lord, is the first that has failed in every department of the State, and covered every member of the Cabinet with equal odium. It has failed in everything, both at home and abroad. Beneath its malevolent genius our glory has been sullied and our purses thinned; our colonies have rebelled, and our allies have deserted us; our soldiers are runagates, and our merchants bankrupts! Those who know you cannot easily be persuaded that you have a serious design on the existence of the empire, and some may even question whether you have a serious design of any kind. You began in a careless vein, and you will terminate in a tragical one. The country was swinging itself very prosperously in its easy chair, when, half in mirth, and half in mischief, you kicked over the unconscious victim, and now, frightened out of your wits, in a paroxysm of nervous desperation, you are going to hack and hew in detail, and add mutilation to murder. But never mind, my Lord; Bobadil, though beaten, was still a captain; and Lord Melbourne, in spite of all his blunders, is still a Reformer. What though Russia capture our ships, and Englishmen are saved from Spanish bayonets only by their heels, no one can deny that the seals of the Foreignoffice are intrusted to a sincere Reformer. What, though Ireland be ruled by the Romish priesthood, is not our Home Secretary as ardent a Reformer as M'Hale and Cantwell? Let Canada boast her Papineau, we have as tried a Reformer in our Glenelg. And though we may be on the verge of national bankruptcy, 'tis some consolation that a most trustworthy Reformer presides over our Exchequer. For six years the talismanic cry of reform has reconciled the English nation to every vicissitude that can annoy or mortify the
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fortunes and spirit of a people. Soothed by its lullaby, we have endured domestic convulsion and foreign disgrace. Your Lordship, therefore is safe; for who for a moment can suppose that the nation will so stultify itself as to suspect, at the tenth hour, that there may be an indissoluble connexion between Reform and ruin? RUNNYMEDE April 15.
APPENDIX III
THE MUTILATED DIARY ENTRIES FOR 1836 AND 1837 From i September 1833 to 12 November 1837 Disraeli kept a diary which noted, at infrequent intervals, his reactions to developments in his career. As a result of a number of heavy overscorings in certain passages, together with whole pages which have obviously been removed, this is generally known as 'The Mutilated Diary'. The text written in the appropriate years has been included as an appendix to each of the first two volumes of the letters. The diary has been divided on the basis of the date on which the entry was written rather than on the date of the subject-matter. Hence the first entry here, written ij September 1836, includes information about 1834 and 1835, as he had made no entries since 4 August 1834. For the 1833 and 1834 entries see vol i app in, and for material which may once have been extracted from 'The Mutilated Diary' see app v to this volume.
Septr. 1 7 . 1836
Autumn of 1834. political movements - mission to Wotton from Ld. L. Whig governmt. break up. Stand for Wycombe ag[ain]st Grey and again beat by 16. in consequence of Ld. Carrington refusing both the D of Wn and Ld. L. to support me. My singular interview with Neeld: his pomposity and "estates" in every county.
1835
Tory adm[instrati]on of 100 days. Visits to Mrs. Norton during the form[ati]on of the Mel. Cab. Write the M.P. during the English Mun[icipa]l bill for / L. Three leading articles a day for nearly a month. In the spring before this oppose unsuccessfully the re-election of the Master of the Mint at Taunton.
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Row with O'CH in which I greatly distinguish myself. My letter to him and challenge to his son. Ld. L's visits this year to Bradenham and our increasing friendship. In the winter publish my Vindic[ati]on of Constitution I Agreeable partys this season at Henriettas Strangford; Stewart de Rothsay[,]Burghersh.
the
English
Political parties at Lyndhurst. and masqued ball, my intimacy with the Londonderrys. Rosebank ooo vid. o[the]r page
1836 Establish my character as a great political writer by the "Letters of Runnymede." Haber again. Elected this spring a member of the Garitón. Resume my acquaintance I with Sir Robt. Peel. My influence greatly increased from the perfect confidence of L. and my success as a pol[itica]l writer. Chandos' dinners at Greenwich. Visit to Wotton with L. This spring Henrietta moved to Park Lane which she furnished with lavish and enchanting taste. New acquaintances this year Francis Baring, and Ld Ashburton. Public characters I dined with at L's and otherwise became acquainted with 1834.5.6. Ld. Forester. Croker. Follett. The Knight of Kerry. Baring Wall (his house and dinner) Follett, Granville Somerset, Bonham, Holmes I Abinger. the Duke of Beaufort. Stayed a week with Bulwer this spring; introduced him to L. against whom he was bitterly prejudiced. They became warm friends. I must not forget the singular fate of my friend, old Lady Salisbury, burnt to death at Hatfield. The sycophantic Sir Alex: Grant, Westmacott. an amusing character Major ffancourt - the singular good services of Pyne to me. Howard, a strange
character. I Sir Charles Wetherall. Sir Alex[ande]r Croke. Ld Hotham. Ld Mahon. Ld Haddington. Ld. Lincoln. Sir H. Hardinge. Daly. Best. Trelawney a strange character. Maclise - a painter Cecil Forester. Ld. Eliot. Halse. our struggles for St. Ivés. Lord Rosslyn. Ld. Roden. Barnes and Sterling. Mr. Tarte Mr. Mack: Praed (Domestic JFountaine; Este; Dr. Franz.) I Sir Robt Graham j Auriol. Rice Trevor and his children. Colonel Sibthorpe and his horses. Captn. Burton and his wife. Invited this year to stand for Marybone by Sir Jno Chetwode and ors. 1836. I Ld. Ashley. Hy. and Jno. dinner at Henry Baileys. Charleville and his Irish peerage. Sir Gore Ouseley - an usurer. Carvalho; the financial adventurer, illustrated by recollections of Haber. My excursion to Lewes with Henry Fitz-Roy and speech. Spring 1836. I A u t u m n of i 836
Parted for ever from Henrietta. Returned to Bradenham at the latter end of August; concluded "Henrietta Temple" of which one vol. had been written three years. It was published early in Deer, and was very successful. Passed January and early part of Feby. on a visit to Count D'Orsay at I Kensington Gore; saw of course much of the Css B. whose magnificent mansion adjoined his elegant residence. Commenced "Venetia". Harcourts election for the County on the death of Praed: my illness there; remained at Bradenham and finished "Venetia" which was published early in May. Returned to London on the I first of that month. Entered much into society: invited by Ld. Francis Egerton personally to a magnificent entertainment which I attended. Sir J. Tyrell: Q. Dick. Ld. Walpole, Exmouth, Fector. Grimston - distinguished myself very much in the election of Burdett for Westminster; the I success mainly attributable to myself, proposed and organised the youth of the Garitón including all the nobility fashion and influence of our party to canvass. Ld. Forester and his brother, Codrington, H. Baring, Pigot, Sir H. Campbell etc. etc. Illness and death of the King: consequent dissol[uti]on of Parliament: I
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stand for I Maidstone and was returned July 27th 1837. Returned to London: English elections much in favor of our party; great demonstration of the counties: return to Bradenham towards the end of August. During the election occurred the terrible catastrophe of Henrietta, exactly one year after we I had parted. N o v r . i 2. 1837.
Tomorrow I leave Bradm. to take my seat in Pt. i.e. on the i5th.. I have passed these three months since my election, chiefly in Bucks and in a run of desultory political reading; tho' chiefly on Ireland. Attended several political I dinners in my county, to which I limit myself: spoke often and well at Newport Pag, where there was great enthusiasm and Gt Marlow. After the Q.S. the i7th Octr. went to Woolbeding where I passed a week. Lady Caroline Maxse. I returned to Bradenham - that I might pass ten quiet days. My health wonderfully renovated: were it not for the anxiety the state of my affairs occasionally causes me, I shd. laugh at illness. My life for the last year has been very temperate: I my nervous system conseq[uentl]y much stronger. I am now as one leaving a secure haven for an unknown sea. What will the next twelve months produce? Bradenham Nov. 12/37 [H A/III/C/42-58]
A P P E N D I X IV
The following is the text of a small notebook to be found in the Hughenden papers of this period.
POLITICAL NOTEBOOK I Summary of Political events from 1826-36 Written at Bradenham Sept. 17, 1836 I
those who anticipate their century are persecuted when they lived - and pilfered when they are dead. D I Copley at the Duke of Montroses; which he joined from the circuit; very dull; intended to go abroad; but detained a week by waiting for a remittance from London. On his way up found at Manchester a communic[ati]on from the Minister offering him the Mastership of I the Rolls. Had he been abroad perhaps it would not have been offered. Ld. Gifford had died suddenly; killed by his wife; a cold and fever[,] wished not to travel to Dover; She insisted upon it and he died from inflamm[ati]on I on his arrival. Canning, aware of the impending fate of Liverpool had long been maturing a party of his own; had sounded Copley. Canning aware that the Duke of W[ellingto]n meditated the Premiership. There had long been two I parties in the Cabinet. Cannings and Wellington's; but Ld Liv. supported Canning. A breeze in the H. of C. betn. Canning and Copley a little before the death of Liverpool. On the Catholic question. I Canning irritated by Copley rechauffing in a speech Philpotts (afterwards Bis[ho]p of Exeter) pamphlet. When Canning wrote to him to offer the great seal, added at the end "Philpotts non obstante" Canning I wished to get Brougham out of the H of C. and offered him the Chief Barony of the Exc[heque]r. B. took time to consider and was to report to the Ld C[hancello]r declined to Lynd. Saying thaX he had consulted I his brother (the one who died) who recommended him not to leave theH. ofC.
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Lyndhurst not very sanguine as to the success of the Canning cabinet, but the Great Seal and a Peerage "Who I wd. refuse it? I thought I wd. not baulk fortune, and that a seat in the H. of L. wd. always keep me a career." Canning had resolved not only not to press the Cath[oli]c question but had promised the King that he wo[ul]d I prevent it being carried in the Commons. Difficulty in forming a Cabinet; unrivalled. Now the difficulty is to satisfy so many, then to find Ministers. The seals I of the Home Office actually begging, as Canning wanted a Protestant Sec[retar]y. At last Sturges Bourne took them out of mere friendship. Canning elated at obtaining the adhesion of Lansdowne. Holland I very eager to take office. Nothing annoyed Canning more than the denunciation of Ld. Grey. Said to Lyndhurst "I feel I must remain in the Commons, but I am half tempted to I ask for a Peerage merely to let fly at him.["] Nothing could exceed the virulence of the party of defection. There was a dinner I think at Bathursts. It had been an invitation of a month. The Copleys had been asked before the breakup I L. hesitated about going, but thought it was shabby and spiritless to decline. Went. Sat next to Mrs. Arbuthnot. Nothing could be more bitter. Called it a Cabinet of [half-line left blank by D]. The only person who was civil and goodhumored was I old Eldon. Lady L. sat next to him. Canning had been long ailing. Eat voraciously. There was a Cabinet dinner at Ld L. at Wimbledon. A beautiful day with a clear blue sky but a cutting easterly wind. Canning rode down. They were tempted I by the fine weather to hold the Cabinet in the garden. Soon Canning complained of the cold and shivered. Went in to dinner, but even the dinner, tho' he eat voraciously, did not remove it. Went home, was taken I ill and died very short-
iy-
Nothing can give an idea of the scene under Goodrich [Goderich]. No order at the Cabinet. A most ludicrous scene. Nothing ever done. Anglesea sitting with a napkin round his head, from the tic; but I the only one who seemed to exert himself. As they went home L. said to a colleague "this can never last." In a few evenings Goodrich sent for L. to Downing St. Walking up and down the room in I great agit[ati]on, wringing his hands and even shedding tears, told L. that he must resign. L. tried to reason with him, but no avail. Resigned the next day. Geo 4. sent for L. and asked what he was to do. L. sd. there was only one thing "Send for the I D of Wn.["]. Knighton had arranged the Canning Cabinet and was C's friend. That appointment had been long maturing. Much intrigue. Knighton very able; the real King of this Country, did everything - wrote all the King's letters. I When a weak or indolent person in a high situ[ati]on once admits the assistance of an inferior, soon becomes a slave. What is occasional becomes a habit etc. The Wn. cabinet broke up on the Cath. question and were out for 4 and
20 hours. The King I was firm. The D. Peel, L etc. went down to Windsor and resigned the seals. The King kissed each of them. Geo 4 was much distressed, acted in spite of Knighton. They went back to London and dined at Bathursts and I were in high spirits at being free of office. In the middle of the night, Letters came to the Duke and Lynd. from the King, giving up. Knighton had worked upon his Distress after their departure. I The Cath. bill Ld. Grey wanted office and it was known that he wd. have taken the Viceroyalty of Ireland. Once the intention of the Duke to admit the Grey party. Took a sudden prejudice to Grey. Something happened on a I coal committee - told L afterwards that he had seen eno' of Grey that morning to have nothing to do with him. Sir Robt Peel told me that Hume was the real cause of the King not going into the City. They I had received many warnings and much inform[ati]on; when suddenly Joseph sought a confidential interview at the Home Office and told Peel he was in poss[essi]on of inform[ati]on of an extraord[inar]y character and that an I insurr[ecti]on was certain. Aft[erwar]ds Joseph had the impudence to make a speech in the H of C. abus[in]g the Ministers for not letting the King go and declaring that it was his solemn belief that the outcry was all an alarming inv[enti]on of their own. "I might have I risen and crushed him - the impudent dog" sd Peel. Why did he not? The interview was certainly confidential, but the speech absolved the Minister in my opinion. I M e m o of 1832
L's motion that enchanchisement [sic] shd. precede disfranchismt. threw out the Whigs. It was the int[enti]on of the Tories to make the Speaker, Premier. A weak man but a stalking horse - Peel wd. have been the virtual Premier. L. I was deputed to make the offer. I must do Manners Sutton the justice to say that he at first burst out of [sic] laughing and sd. "Why it will be the Doctor over again" but after some conversation he entertained the idea, I seemed very complacent, and asked until tomorrow to decide. Thence L. went to offer Baring the Chancellp. of the Exchequer. He sent for Holmes out of the H of C. and told him to find Baring and send him to him. Baring hesitated and asked I for 12 hours. The next morning MS. and B. both refused - in consequence of the vote of the H. of C. It was the original int[enti]on not to have given the House time to come to this vote, but to have prorogued it that morning. I The hesit[ati]on of MS and B and the unwillingness of Peel to act witht. their adhesion lost everything. Had the Tories formed their government they would have had the power of modifying the Reform Bill. I Among some of my papers will be found an account of the Secret Pol[itica]l Movements of 1834 and form[ati]on of the Peel Government, in which preceding movements I was engaged. Four places in I the Cabinet
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offered to Ld. Stanley; one reason of his declining unwillingness to act with the Duke of Wn. When the Whig Ministers resigned in 1834 passed[?] the Tories to give up their seals not with the usual courte[s]y and affected ease usual. Ld. B. wd. not give up I the seal, and finally instead of resigning it to the K. sent it to Sir Herbert Taylor. [In box]: In my papers will be found secret memo as to the form[ati]on of the Melbourne cabinet. D [See app v] MEMO OF SESSION 1835
It was in this Session that Ld. L. first formed his great plan of stopping the I movement. Fixed upon the English Mun[ici]p[al] Réf. Bill as the basis. His triumphant and able career in the House of Lords. Jealousy of Peel. Lyndhurst determines to accept the Premiership if offered, having reed, hints from Windsor. His plan to make Brougham Chancellor - to demand from his party I 10 seats in the Commons which were to be given to 10 young men whom he shd. select. I was one. Bickham Escott another. Thesiger a third. The Commons to be led by Sir Jas Graham whom he had sounded and Sir Wm. Follett in whom he had great confidence. Peel came up from Drayton I and threw him over, and a part of the Lords, led by Wharncliffe frightened at not being supported in the Commons seceded from their engagement at a meeting at Apsley House at the end of August or beginning of Septr. The D of W. would have been firm in spite of Peel and accepted office if I Wharncliffe and his friends had not seceded. The secession was very[?] private. L's final speech at the close of the business and Broughams complimentary oration to him - Surprised everybody; but the truth is there was an understanding bet[wee]n B. and L. After the debates they generally went home tog[ethe]r and once B. said I "You and I Lyndhurst can rule this country if we like." Before L's final speech B. took him aside and shook hands with him with great feeling and said "Let us embrace; we are both Ex chancellors and have both been thrown over by our party." I The consequence of P's conduct was the inevitable demonstr[ati]on apparently in favor of the Whigs by the Corpor[ati]on Ele[cti]ons in Novr. This alone saved the Cabinet. They had become so unpopular in the Country, and the H. of Ls. had so rallied even in spite of P. and had done so much that in the autumn all the elections I went against the Whigs. Ten days or so before the Municipal Elections, was the death of Ld Milton and the Northamptonshire el[ecti]on. The blow was so great that I heard from a good authority that the Ministers did not intend to meet Pt. I SESSION OF 1836
The Tories met Pt. in the most sanguine spirits. It was supposed that the Ministers wd. not have a majority. The Tories had gained in isolated el[ecti]ons since the resignation of their party enough votes to destroy the
majority that drove Sir R.P. from office. To our I surprise the Ministers as strong as ever. * The Raphael Carlow business was also considered very injurious to O'Cll. etc. Our party became dispirited. Peel timid and always acting on the defensive. The Irish Corpor[ati]ons and Church Bill again approaching. The last suspiciously postponed by the Ministers for reasons afterwds. I discovered. L. has a conference with the Duke of Cumberland. Forms another and still more comprehensive plan for arresting the Movement. Conferences with the Duke of Wn. announces his determin[ati]on to withdraw if not supported by Sir R.P. Conferences betn. the D of W. Sir R.P. and Ld L. Sir R.P. agrees to accept Ld L's plan and pledges I himself to act upon it. The extinction of the Irish Corpor[ati]ons resolved on. Strength of the Ministers in the Commons, Majority of more than 80. Lords assembled at Apsley H. Each peer individually pledges himself to support Ld L's plans at all events. Commencement of I the Real Sess. of the Lds. as late as June. Extraord[inar]y speeches and exertions of Ld L. Attempt at creating a collision. Total failure from the firmness of the Lds. Great courage and eminent services of the D. of Cumb[erlan]d Great exertions of the Press and of the Times in favor of Lyndhurst. The country sides with the Lords. I The threatened collision laughed at. The ministerial tactics long planned by O'Cll. now developed. The Lords bill on Irish Corpor[ati]ons to be accepted and the Appropriation clause to be given - consequent jealousy and discontent of the English Radicals. The Ministers obliged to give up the O'Cll. tactics. They reject the Irish Corp bill I as amended by the Lds. and pass the Appropriation clause. The Lords follow up the Lynd. plan. He becomes virtual leader of the Upp House. All the Whig radical measures thrown out with the entire approbation of the Country; all the Elections in favor of the I Tories. Rage of the Irish party. The country rally round Lyndhurst. He delivers his speech called "the Summary of the Sess"; reprinted and circulates through the country in innumerable editions. The English Radicals announce their prov[isi]onal defection from the Whigs; the foreign policy of the Whigs; I the Session closes with the complete triumph of the Tories at home and abroad. * I write this rapid sketch Septr 17. 1836. About a month ago at the Garitón Club, Ld. De Lisle son in law of the King informed me I that his Majesty wished L. to be Premier, but was afraid he was inextricably bound to Sir R.P. Dined alone with Ld. Strangford on the 13th. who was fresh from Walmer where he had a confidential convers[ati]on with the D of Wn. His Grace said he anticipated a daily breakup of the Governmt. but I himself wished it
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postponed. That he himself wo[ul]d take a seat in the Cab. but no office; wished L. to throw over his profession - thought P. must be Premier, but thought L. with the leadership of the H of L. an earldom and the Home department would be almost the same as I Premier. Similar ideas are common - but a large party in the country wo[ul]d hail L's accession to the Premier[shi]p with satisfaction. His firmness and courage have won all hearts, and the result has proved his sagacity. [H A/ui/D/i/i-^]
APPENDIX V
The following is the text of a small notebook to be found in the Hughenden papers of this period.
POLITICAL NOTEBOOK II Summary of events 1826-36, including notes on the formation of Peel's government of 1834 and Melbourne's government of 1835. [The first page of this notebook contains a pencilled notation by Arthur E. Scanes, written about 1885:] These appear to be some of the missing pages from the Mutilated Diary. AES I cut this out of an old paper book. It was written at Bradenham in 1836 and is very authentic. Hughenden 1863. '
Mem: In April (1835) when Sir R.P. resigned and great difficulties and time experienced in forming a government by the Whigs, my old friend Mrs. Nforton] opened a communic[ati]on with me, in order to form a co-alition between the constitutional Whigs and Sir R[obert] P[eel]. Melbourne was her prompter and he and she wished the affair to be arranged by Ld. L[yndhurst.] Ld. Melbourne] wo[ul]d I think have thrown over the appropri[ati]on clause; he I expressed, according to her, an absolute horror of O'C[onne]ll with whom he sd nothing sho[ul]d induce him to form a connection. He had authorised none of the intrigues. I had several conferences with her prompted by L. and paid her visits sometimes of two hours (tho' our acquaintance o[the]rwise had quite ceased). I Admitting the possib[ilit]y of arranging the appropri[ati]on clause, which of course rested with M. I enquired wh[ethe]r M wo[ul]d serve under P. She assured me he had positively agreed to do so, and that he wo[ul]d throw over Brougham as C[hancello]r for L. I think the idea of throw[in]g over B[rougham] occurred in this manner, as I know the resolution was taken lately. Altho' our I negot[ati]on failed, very friendly feelings subsisted at that time between M. and L. And when all was over, M. consulted L thro' Mrs. N. as to putting the seals in comm[issi]on.
426
The difficulty was to communicate to B. that he was thrown over. At last M resolved to do it himself, which he did. What an I interview! MEMS. 1834
Formation of Peels governmt. and subsequent political movements. I became acquainted with Ld. L. at the latter end of the summer of 1834. We took to each other instantly. I sat next to him at dinner at Henrietta's. He went abroad in the autumn with a family party which he asked me to accompany but I refused. On his I return we again met with much intimacy. It was the latter end of Octr. that he first began to speak to me in confidence on political affairs. It was his opinion at that moment that the end of Whiggism was at hand. The secession of the Stanley party, the subsequent intrigues of the Low Whigs with O'Cll and the consequent retiremt. of Ld. Grey on their discovery, had reduced the mighty reform I Park, in spite of their apparent and overwhelmg. majority to a very low ebb in public opinion, but the nation at large was impressed with an idea that from their reconstruction of the constituency they were our masters for life. I had then no political relations, tho' I had had overtures from Durham who offered to return me to Parliamt. I had convers[ati]on with him, but he appeared to me to have no definite plan. I Ld. L. thought the time had arrived when the movement might be stopped. He was looking ab[ou]t for a party to put in motion which might not seem factious. After some consultation he resolved that the Ministers sho[ul]d be thrown in a minority on some agricultural amendmt. at the meeting of Pt. and I agreed to see Ld Chandos with whom I had a county acquaintance on the I subject. I went into the country therefore to attend some meeting of our Agricultural Committee. We agreed to petition Park, on the malt tax, and I was requested to prepare the County pet[iti]on to the H. of C. which I did. After business was over I took Ld. C aside and it was settled that I sho[ul]d go over with him to Wotton and talk over affairs. The result of our conference was this being I think the I nth. Nov. that he undertook to organise and lead a country party and throw the governmt. in a minority on Park, meeting by an agricultural amendment on the address. He required for himself the First Lord of the Admy: but told me then that he was assured from some communic[ati]on he had reed, that the D. wo[ul]d recommend Peel as Premier. He made no terms for any I other country leader exct. Knatchbull who, he stipulated sho[ul]d have a seat in the Cabinet. In the evening of the 12th. I arrived in town on my return and immed[iate]ly had an interview with L, who told me the Duke of W. had arrived that day and that Lord Spencer was dead, which by the bye I had heard at Wotton as I was departing (literally) stepping into my carriage, Ld. C. called me back into the Hall, Chandos hurrying my departure, as he said he thought this was the last I blow to the Cabinet. Ld. L. immed[iate]ly wrote to the D. requesting an interview and aftwds appointed me to meet him at his private room in the Exchequer the morning of the 14th. at 2 o'ck:
to hear the result. The duke fixed the evening of the i3th. for the interview and I wrote to Ld. C. accordingly. Ld L had accordingly his interview with the D on the evening of the i3th - and opened his plan; but the D. threw cold water upon I it. The interview finished thus "At this moment I will make no movements. Tomorrow morning I depart for Strathfieldsay. If the King is well-advised, he will now send for me. But I will not even be in London." In spite of what occurred, Ld. L. does not believe that the D. was in any communic[ati]on at the time with the Court. The D. accordingly departed for S. the follow[in]g I morning and I wrote to Ld. C. notifying his Grace's refusal to concur in our plan, of which I had been apprised by Ld L. on the morning of the i4th. On the same day (the i4th) the Ministry were dismissed at Brighton, and a messenger arrived for the Duke at Apsley House. The letter was, I believe, brought up by Ld. Mel himself. It was immediately forwarded to Strathfieldsay. I i5th. Nov. Dismissal of the Ministry publickly announced. The Duke at Brighton - whence he wrote to Lyndhurst, informing him that he had recommended H.M. to send for Peel, and requesting him to meet his Grace the followg. morning at Apsley House. This L. communicated to me in the evening. After that interview I met L. The Duke was in good spirits. "He said it I will be a month perhaps before he comes. All that we have got to do now is to get the Governmt. of the Country into our hands. I shall sit at the Treasury and take all the Secretaries Seals; you must take the great seal. You and I must be the governmt. of the country. Things are quiet, the people will not murmur." I Thus the governmt. of the country was efficiently carried on. L retaining his C.By. and sitting also in the Chancery. Nobody murmured. The general opinion was that the Tories wo[ul]d succeed. Bonham calculated we might just get a Tory majority, but the chief hope was in the goodness of our measures and the unpop[ularit]y of the Conservative Whigs a la Grey etc. coalescing with Papists and Republicans. Ld I L. was howr. in the habit of saying to me - "You will see that there will be a co-alition of all parties against us." "You will see that these fellows will co-alesce." Great was the suspence [sic] until Peel arrived. At last one evening we were informed, that he had indeed come. The messenger (Mr Hudson, a King's page) reached him at Rome, about to depart for Naples. I P. immed[iate]ly had an audience of the King and undertook the Governmt. and then interviews with the D. and L. He immed[iate]ly offered the F. Secy, to the Duke and the G Seal to L. who accepted it tho' at a sacrifice. He then wrote to Ld. Stanley offering him four places in the Cabt. at his choice with the above exceptions. Never was such an offer before; never will it be made again. The refusal of I Ld. Stanley was expected, but it was not expected that the reason sho[ul]d have been his unwillingness to act with the D. on acct. of foreign policy. This was frivolous. Sir J.G. was inclined to join but of course went with Ld. S.
427
428
From this moment P. only consulted Goulburn - which astonished all and disgusted many. Sir H.H. was dissatisfied at I being offered Ireland which howr. he accepted. G. was Secy, for Home; a very unpopular appointment. Ld. Ashburton accepted the Board of Trade on the cond[iti]on of being Ld. Ashburton - a good name but Mr. B. has had no success in the Upper H. The man who gained most was Scarlett - a chief and a peerage after hav[in]g been apparently shelved. I Chandos entangled in our agricultural intrigues and pledged to the Repeal of the Maltax [sic] was obliged to decline office, as Peel wo[ul]d not consent to his panacea. Knatchbull was less nice and deserted the Country party. I The Cabinet was necessarily a weak one and contained many feeble and some odious names. And yet never did a Cabinet mature such admirable and I comprehensive measures But all was owing to P. and L. The law appointments were excellent and popular. To the astonishmt. of Ld. L. Sugden accepted the Irish Chp - Before he offered it him, L was prepared for an indignant refusal. Pollock was Atty. a weak man but the leader of his circuit. The Solr. Tollett who had great success in the House as well as at the Bar, tho' the youngest Solr. I believe I ever appointed. So excellent were the projected measures of the Cabt. that with 300 Tories or Conservatives for the Stanley section of 25 votes was counted among them, that Ld. L. became sanguine, and thought that they had weathered the storm. The vote on the Speakership howr. opened all eyes, and after that no I one cd. hesitate about the ultimate fate of the Cabt. Had Ld S. joined, the Movement wo[ul]d have been arrested. His junction wo[ul]d have been a golden bridge for Rats, of wh: there were numbers who only wanted a leader. [H A/III/D/iia/i26]
I N D E X TO V O L U M E TWO
References are to letter numbers. Abercromby, James: elected Speaker of Althorp, Lord. See Spencer, 3rd Earl the House (Feb 1835) 373n12, Alvanley, 2nd Baron: duel with Morgan 377&ec, 378n2, 458&n127; elected O'Connell 396nn3,4; mentioned Speaker of the House (Oct 1837) 373n11, 507 668n4, 672&n2, 675&n1, 676 Amyot, Thomas: supports D'S nominaAbinger, 1st Baron: D meets 307&n1; D tion to Athenaeum 371&n4 dines with 369, 570, 574; elevation to Angerstein, John J.W. (vol I) 126n9; peerage occasions jokes 373&n10; 378n2 mentioned 469n2, 476, 580 Anglesey, 1st Marquess of 408&n16. See Adelaide, Queen: alleged pregnancy also the Pagets 373&n11; holds a Drawing Room Animal magnetism 689&n1 509n4; mentioned 408n17, 491n3 Anne, Queen 458 Age, The: editor Westmacott 402; supAnson, George (vol 1) 33105; 408 ports D'S treatment of The Globe Anson, Isabella (vol I) 33105; 408 461&n4; prints political rumours Anti-Semiticism: by O'Connell 4O3n1; by 534n1; reviews Bulwer's Duchess de la Maidstone electors 641n1 Vallière 555n3 Apsley House: site of Tory caucus on Agricultural association, general: formaMunicipal Corporations Bill 413n5, tion proposed 426n1 416n3, 498&n2 Ailesbury, 1st Marquess of 408&n11, Argus Life Assurance Company 376&n1 634n2. See also Bruce, Ernest AugusArgyll, 5th Duke of 62on2 tus Brudenell Armstrong, Thomas 682&n12 Ailesbury, Marchioness of (vol 1) 331n8; Ashburton, 1st Baron: role in Taunton 4o8&n11 election 391&n2; London residence Air baths 559&n3, 564, 566, 567, 568, 510&n2; mentioned 4998&n4, 514n8, 516&ec 576 Álava, Don Miguel de (vol 1) 89n1; Ashburtons, the: D dines with 510, 516. 386&n4 See also Baring Albany, the, Piccadilly 386n8, 544&n3, Ashley, Baron (later 7th Earl of Shaftes551&n3, 588n5 bury) 374n5, 494&n3 Albion Club: D'S London address Ashley, Henry, London attorney 51407 463&n2 Ashley Cooper. See Shaftesbury Alderson, Sir Edward Hall 464&n8 Assizes at Aylesbury 585, 586&n2, 600; Alexander Nicholaievich (later Czar Alproposal to move summer assizes to exander II)617n1 Aylesbury 596&n3 Allen, 6th Viscount (vol I) 322n9; Athenaeum, The: reviews Henrietta Temple 494&n9 540&ec&n8; editor Charles WentAllen, T.N. 536n3 worth Dilke 570&n2; mentioned Almack's Assembly Rooms 395, 501n5 464&n1, 57on3 Alroy. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works
430
Athenaeum Club: D seeks membership in 37i&nn 1,2,4,5, 372&n1; mentioned 373nn3,6, 384, 688 Atlas, The: reviews Henrietta Temple 54on8 Auckland, 2nd Baron (later 1st Earl of Auckland) (vol 1) 126n13; 390&n2, Augustus, Prince, of Saxe-Coburg 491n3 Austen, Augustus: attempted suicide 546&n1,554&n1 Austen, Benjamin (vol 1) 49n1;D dines with 373, 375; D'S indebtedness to 409n19, 463, 535&m; D fails to repay as promised 47i&ec; presses for repayment 488nni,2, 48g&m, 5i3&m, 5ig&m, 533&ec, 5gg∋ nephew attempts suicide 546&m, 554&m; financial relations with D 585^; mentioned 373, 547, 613. See also Disraeli, Benjamin, debts and creditors, and letters to Austen Austen, Sara (vol i) 49111, 613; D gives portrait to 375; relays Goethe's praise of Vivian Grey 4o6n2o; greetings to 468, 479, 531, 554, 566, 56g, 575 Austens, the: move to Montagu Place 6n∋ mentioned 575 Austin, John 47gn2 Austin, Sarah 47g&n2 Ayscough, Samuel 530^03 Bacon, Anthony 5oi&n4 Bacon, Lady Charlotte Mary: as lanthe in Childe Harolde 501^04 Bagot, Henry: D dines with 48&O24, 5!4 Bagot, Richard, Dean of Canterbury 4o8n24 Bail bond: signed by 'younger brother' 59 1 >594»59 6 > 6 o ° Bailey, W. 536^ Baillie, Henry James: proposed second in D'S duel 3gg&m; recommended to Pyne as a client 457^3; D dines with 494 501, 682; claims scene in Henrietta Temple based on fact 6oin2; mentioned 408,539 Baillie, Hugh Duncan 457^03, 635^3 Bainbridge, Mr: describes Westminster Club 4ogn43 Balloon ascents 6ig&n4 Ballot, the 380, 472, 54i&m. See also Disraeli, Benjamin, the ballot Banim, John: works 383&n3 Banim, Michael: works 38303
Bankes, George 5i6&ni Bankes, Henry 5i6&ni Bankes, Sir John 5i6&ni Banks, Perceval Weldon: association with The Garitón Chronicle 50501 Barber, a creditor 621 Barclay's Bank 596 Barham, Richard Harris 523^ Baring, Francis (later 3rd Baron Ashburton) 499114, 514 Baring, Henry Bingham (vol i) 234012; 646^3, 652, 669 Baring, Sir Thomas, 2nd Bart (vol i) 13301; D accuses of breach of faith 402n6; mentioned 688&n7 Baring, Thomas: D dines with 688&O7 Baring, William Bingham (later 2nd Baron Ashburton) 499^ Barker, Raymond 596^ Barnes, Thomas (vol i) 3604; rumoured illness 4i8&n6; as 'Tibby' and common-law marriage 6o4&nn7,8; D dines with 648; mentioned 449, 458n5, 465, 6o5n5 Barton, Bernard 409^047 Basevi, Frances Agneta (vol i) 17402; 384n7 Basevi, George (Sr) (vol i) 2108; 42oni, 4g8n5, 640 Basevi, George (Jr) (vol i) 2108; legatee of James Cervetto 570, 576nio; mentioned 384 Basevis, the: D'S wariness towards 4g8&n5; mentioned 573n2 Basildon House: Sykeses' country seat 4ii&n2 Bateman, John 648^9 Bath, 2nd Marquess of (vol i) 5103; 4o8nio Bath House: Ashburton's London residence 5io&n2 Bayley, Frederick William Naylor: works 383^04 Beadon, Edwards: and D'S paper-war with Cox 4o6ec&m, 4ogoi&nn3,2i, 4i5nni,2,4,6,8,29,36, 433 Beauclerk, Aubrey William 682&o6 Beauclerk, George Robert: alleged liaison with Mary Anne Lewis 646^023 Beaufort, 5th Duke of 4o8n6 Beckett, Lady Anne 408^015 Beckett, Sir John, 2nd Bart 4o8ni5, 557&01 Beckford, William (vol i) 19301; admires
Henrietta Temple, anticipates Venetia 6i2&n2 Bedford missal: purchased by the 5th Duke of Marlborough 634112 Bedwell, Francis Benjamin: Ralph's hopes for his post 383^:0 i&n2, 384,
386
Bedwell, Percival 383ni Beet, the. See United Kingdom BeetSugar Association Belfast, Earl of (later 3rd Marquess of Donegall) 046nn Bell, John Browne 6o4n2 Bell Hotel, Maidstone 64ini Bennet, Charlotte 3Q7ni Bennet, Henry Grey (vol i) 5208; 397m Bennett, solicitor 4oi&m Bentinck, Lord Frederick Cavendish (vol i) 325n3î 4°8&ni4 Bentinck, Lord George 405^ Bentinck, Lord William Cavendish: loth Runnymede letter addressed to 48 in i Bentincks, the 4o8ni4 Bentley, Richard (vol i) 71111; fails to respond to D'S offer of the Vindication 445; London offices 445m; and Bentley's Miscellany 5238^2; one-time partner of Colburn 552m i ; mentioned 6i2&n2 Bentley's Miscellany 523&n2 Beresford, Sir John Poo, ist Bart: D dines with 36g&og, 688&n5 Berkeley, 5th Earl of 58on7, 666n3 Berkeley, 6th Earl of: country seat, 685m Berkeley, Francis Henry FitzHardinge 666 & 113 Berkeley, George Charles Grantley (vol i) 33107; assaults Fraser with hunting whip 52in6; mentioned 58on7 Berry, duchesse de (vol i) 1881112; marriage 494nn Bessborough, 5th Earl of 668n8 Best, William Samuel (later 2nd Baron Wynford) 58o&n3 Bible,The 469 Bickerstaff, Isaac: works 4i5n2 Bickersteth, Henry. See Langdale, ist Baron Bills, discounting of 554, 561, 571, 585m; hazards of the system 586m, 59 *' 594' 596&I12, 6oi&m Biscoe, Miss: D'S unkind description of 3848^7
Bissett, Sir John 374114 Bissett, Miss: D dines with 3748^4 Blacks (poachers) 5128^4 Blackwood, Helen Selina (later Baroness Dufferin and Clandeboye) (vol i) 234014; her beauty described 408 Blackwood, Price (later 4th Baron Dufferin and Clandeboye) (vol i) 234014; 408 Black-wood's Magazine 3 7 3 ng Blake, Francis, solicitor 62i&ec&n2 Blake, Joseph 57om Blake, Louisa 570^01 Blandford, Marquess of (later 6th Duke of Marlborough) 63402 Blennerhassett, Arthur 652ni Blessington, ist Earl of (vol i) 17806; his will consigns daughter to marriage with D'Orsay 652ng Blessington, Countess of (vol i) 17806; London addresses 366n i ; D dines with 369, 385, 386, 501; encourages D to write 37in3; and Book of Beauty 442m; sends gift to D 46o&n i ; Sarah's research for 494&m; moves to Gore House 494&nn2,8; quip about Eraser's Magazine 521; disappointed with Henrietta Temple 5558^7; recipient of gifts from Disraeli family 579; writes to Isaac on D'S behalf 587; relations with D'Orsay and daughter described 652nn3,9; works: The Two Friends 374&n2; Victims of Society 59O&n2, 6o4n6, 6o5nn5,6; as editor of Book of Beauty 639&nn2,3, 658; mentioned 373» 377» 43*n3' 433, 446, 475 536, 542, 545' 555nn6'7' 559n1' 564' 568&nni2,i3, 570, 574&nn4,7, 580, 588&n4 Blessingtons, the 494n6 Blunt, John Elijah 384^^05 Blunt, Mrs 384 Boccaccio: his Decameron purchased by the 5th Duke of Marlborough 634^ Bode, William Henry, Baron de 57&O5 Bolanos: Mexican mining company 373 Bolingbroke, ist Viscount: his political principles admired by D 4588^25; mentioned 464 Bonaparte, Letitia 5oin6 Bond, a creditor 602 Bonham, Francis Robert: Tory party organizer 466∋ offers D a seat 473; praises D'S efforts as canvasser 608; D
431
432
dines with 616; defeated at Harwich also Disraeli, Benjamin, his Aylesbury 643^04; mentioned 558 speech Borthwick, Margaret 04g&n2 Bucks Gazette: 'the Whigs have cast me Borthwick, Peter: D dines with 648&oio; off 4og&nn5,6,33, 4i5ni2; menD describes 64g&nn2,3; D'S opinion of tioned 36g&n3 alters 677&nn3,4; mentioned 534ni, Bucks Herald: prints extracts of The Crisis Examined 557n8; reports D'S victory at 6?5ni Botham, innkeeper at Salt Hill, Bucks Maidstone 644^; mentioned 532&m Buller, Charles (vol i) 35501; 677&m 527 Botta, Paul Emile (vol i) 11203; 46i&n6 Bulstrode, C., a creditor 62i&m Bouverie, John Pleydell 667&n4. See also Bulwer, Edward Lytton (later ist Baron Radnor Lytton) (vol i) 8301; and D'S entry into the Athenaeum 37in2; illness 373; letBowring, John (vol i) 12204; 04in2 Boyle Farm: Sugden's celebrated villa ters solicited in support of D'S candi46g&ng. dacy (1832) 4o6nio, 4i5n7, 455n3, 458&n22; his Radicalism 4ogni3; Breadalbane, ist Marquess of 6i6n2 Bremridge, Tory organizer for Barnstapublic controversy over D'S letters of ple 62gni support 402&nni,7; correspondence with Hume 465nni,7, 407&nni,3; D Bridgwater, 3rd Duke of 582ni visits at Berry mead Priory 510^3, Brighton Gazette 4g8n3 511 ; relays comments on Henrietta British Museum 61 mi Temple 540^7; letter to D about break Broadwood, Henry 6o6&oy with Lady Sykes 544ec&n i ; rooms in Brockedon, William 373&o6 the Albany 544^, 551, 588^5; inBroderip, William John 373^08 tends to review Isaac's History 558; reBrooks's Club 3g6n4, 444n2, 475&n6, views Chateaubriand's Essai 5Ô2n2, 6o6ni, 643 564; visits Kensington Gore 572; literBrougham and Vaux, ist Baron (vol i) ary influence on Lady Blessington 10501; undermines Whig ministry 6o4n6, 6o5&n6; and D'S maiden 38g; D admires 413^4, 4188^4; bespeech 688; works: Pelham 540; comes 'avowed Radical' 67g&n2; menPilgrims of the Rhine 53g&n5; Duchess de tioned 378, 444 la Vallièr'e, critical reception of Brownlow, ist Earl 4o8&ni7&m8 555&nni,3, 560, 570^; England and Brownlow, Countess 4o8&ni7&ni8 The English 6o5n6; mentioned 388, Brownrigg, J.S.: D approaches for Swedish loan 47gn3 432, 475» 542, 557» 59°» 668n6, 672, Bruce, Earl (later 2nd Marquess of Ailes6go Bulwer, Elizabeth Barbara 668&n6 bury) 634&n2, 04g&n6. See also AilesBulwer, Rosina (vol i) 14201; 66iec&m, bury Bruce, Lord Ernest Augustus Charles 668n6 Bulwer, William Henry Lytton (later ist Brudenell (later 3rd Marquess of Baron Dalling and Bulwer): (vol i) Ailesbury) 649&n6 10703; proposes D to Westminster Brudenell, Baron. See 7th Earl of CardiClub 4o6ni5; D admires his France gan 40i&n7; mentioned 457 Brunswick, Dukes of. See Karl in; WilBurdett, Sir Francis, 5th Bart (vol i) helm Maximilian 19801; demands O'Connell's expulBuccleuch, 5th Duke of (vol i) 30605; sion from Brooks's 444&n2; D meets 4o8&mo, 4gini 475&n6; reputed father of Lady CharBuccleuch, Duchess of 4o8&mo lotte Bacon 501; joins Tories 6o4ni2; Buckingham and Chandos, ist Duke of Westminster by-election 6o6&m; D (vol i), 228010; 536n3, 578ni, 6i6&n2 canvasses for 6o8ec; moves from Buckingham House 578, 6i6n2 Westminster in general election Bucks Conservative Association: D ad027&ec&nn2,3; mentioned 377, dresses dinner of 536&n2, 558^. See 4og&ni3, 415^7
Burghersh, Baron (later nth Earl of Westmorland) (vol i) 56024; 374, 4o8n5 Burghersh, Baroness 408& 115, 486 Burke, Edmund: D reads 404^3; Vindication compared with 454, 46ms, 464^; mentioned 648nn Burke, Thomas William Aston Haviland 648&OH Burnes, Alexander 373&O3 Burns, Robert 373^ Bury,Lady Charlotte Susan Maria (vol i) 23203; D dines with 390; works 528n2; her guests' opinions of Henrietta Temple 540; literary career described 62o&n2; mentioned 369 Bury, Rev Edward John (vol i) 23203; 02On2
Buxton, Thomas Fowell (vol i) 201114; 373&m Byng, George 646&o6&n8 Byron, Lord: 'the Harlean Miscellany' 50in4; rooms in the Albany 551; friendship with Lady Blessington 559ni; works: Donjuán 4O9nn4i,5O, 668&ni4; Childe Harold 5Oin4, 59o&m; mentioned 4ionio, 52in4, 573n5' 576n7> 666n9 Cadell, Robert 539114 Cadogan, George 57703 Cadogan, Honoria Louisa 577^:03 Camden, ist Marquess: installation as Chancellor of Cambridge 4o8ni, 4io&03 Campbell, Sir Hugh Purves Hume, 7th Bart 68307 Campbell, Sir John (later ist Baron Campbell): wife's peerage as compensation to 469^; works 686&O3 Campbell, Mary Elizabeth. See Stratheden, ist Baroness Campbell, Thomas (vol i) 14108; 4i5ni6 Canada: rebellion in Lower 692&ni, 694&n i ; Roebuck as agent for 6i6&n7 Canada Land Company 6o4ni3 Canning, George (vol i) 2107; 511 Canning, Sir Stratford (later ist Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe) 405^ Canterbury, ist Viscount (vol i) 27306; defeated as Speaker 373&ni2, 374, 377, 3898^4, 458n27, 668&n4; dines
at Kensington Gore 570, 572, 573, 574&n4; mentioned 594^, 671 Canterbury, Lady (vol i) 30706; 56880113 Canvassing, A Tale 383^3 Cardigan, 6th Earl of 652&o5&n6 Cardigan, 7th Earl of 65206 Carey, Lea and Carey 4o6n2o Carhampton, Earls of: and the royal family 6i9n2 Carlist loan 493ni, 494ni i, 520ni Carlists: French 382&n2, 548n3, 564; Spanish 468n2, 493&n2 496ni, 5308011, 677n4 Carlos, Don: escape aided by Baron Haber 382n2; rebellion of 49302; French rapprochement with 520∋ mentioned 677&n4 Carlton Chronicle: D alleges proprietary interest in 5O5&m Carlton Club: members subscribe to D'S election expenses 39150 denies association with 4o6ni4; D attempts to join (1835) 476&ec&nm,3; D joins (1836) 49i&nm,2; D dines with Peel and cabinet at 515; D holds a 'levée' at 580; Waterloo dinner at Ô2o&m; D dines with Peel at 672, 673ni; only club for which D cares 598; preparations for 1837 general election 626, 635; mentioned 446, 473, 486, 487, 499, 502, 504, 509 5i4n 3 , 5448012, 563, 571, 573» 575A, 579» 592, 595, 597, 604^, 605, 631, 646, 648, 649, 667, 671, 674CC, 676&n8, 680, 683&mo Carnarvon, 2nd Earl of (vol i) 18804; 413^5 Caroline, Queen 39on6, 52gn3 Carrington, ist Baron (vol i) 99014; asked by Wellington to support D 302n2, 3638^3, 372; mentioned 39o&n5, 426n2, 475&nnio,n Carrington, Baroness: marriage 475&010 Carrington, G. 536^ Carroll, Sir George 683&O2 Carter, John (vol i) 14205; as mayor of High Wycombe 4098^6; mentioned 4i5n29, 536n3 Castle Inn, Taunton 39i&m Castlereagh, Viscount (later 4th Marquess of Londonderry) (vol i) 242010; and his lost dog 3848^9, 4io&n8; in-
433
434
troduces D to Lady Londonderry 408; rumoured marriage 668 Catholic emancipation 4ognn22,25 Catiline 5im2 Cerberus 409 Cervetto, James 573&n2&ec, 576nio Chancery: reform of 46gn8 Chancery Bill 5og&n2 Chancery Registry Office: possible job for Ralph in 36g&ni, 3838^2, 384 Chandos clause 532n6 Chandos, Marquess of (later 2nd Duke of Buckingham and Chandos) (vol i) 35203; opens a subscription for D at the Garitón 391, 394; election colours 392n2; D denies having received his support in 1832 4ognn5,27; praises Vindication 453; supports D'S entry into the Garitón 476&m, 4gim; negotiates with Halse on D'S behalf 485; and the Royal Bucks Agricultural Association 486&n8, 532nni-3,5,6, 536^; D confides in about debts 503^2; visits Aylesbury with D 577, 578; illness 580; character 588; and the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill 6o4&ng; D visits at Buckingham House 6i6n2; D visits Wotton 668; congratulates D on maiden speech 686; mentioned 369^5, 426&m, 510, 5i2&ec, 5i6&ec, 548, 557, 560, 5g6&n3, 634&m, 644, 673, 674, 683ng Chandos, Marchioness of 6i6&n2 Chapman, Henry Samuel 472ni i Charles i 4og&n23, 516 Charles x of France (vol i) 14004; 464^ Charleville, ist Earl of (vol i) 26003; 384 Charleville, Countess of (vol i) 26003; 384, 404 Charlevilles, the 384, 38g&n7, 411 Chateaubriand, vicomte de: D recommends his Essai 562&n2; his Essai reviewed by Bulwer 564 Chequers Court: D contemplates purchase 552; mentioned 53g&nn7,8 Cherry and Fair Star; or, the Children of Cyprus: possibly by D 555^ Chesterfield, 6th Earl of (vol i) 33104; 408, 539 Chesterfield, Countess of (vol i) 331114; 408 Chetwode, Sir John, 4th Bart 5i2&ec&n2, 5i4&n2 Chetwynd, Sir George, 2nd Bart 6i6n6
Christina, Queen Maria, Regent of Spain: apparent defeat by Carlists 493&O2; British naval support for 4g6&rnni,2; restores 1812 Constitution 52i&n3, 52g&n6; French attitude to 526ni Churchill, Lord Charles Spencer 682n2 Churchill, Lady Charles Spencer 682&02
Churchill, John: and the Carlton Chronicle 5O5ni Churchill, Lord Robert Spencer 666&ni Cicero: Lyndhurst quotes from 51 in2 City of London: privilege in presenting petitions 683&n2. See also Victoria, visit to the City Civil List: criticism of 67g&m Clarence Club: successor to the Literary Union 4i5&m6 Clarendon, 3rd Earl of 646^:018 Clarendon, Countess of (vol i) 281015; 64680118 Clarke, George (vol i) 25506; 612 Clarke, Rev W. 4ogn34 Clay, James (vol i) 97016; 4578^2 Clayton, Sir William Robert, 5th Bart 377&04 Clerk, Sir George, 6th Bart 643^:04 Cleveland, Duchess of (vol i) 28108; works 68gn2 Clinton, i8th Baron 667n6 Clinton, Baroness. See Lady Seymour Clubs. See Albany, Albion, Athenaeum, Brooks's, Carlton, Clarence, Crockford's, Literary Union, Reform, Westminster (Reform) Coalition: suggested between conservative Whigs and moderate Tories 38g&nm,2, 3go, 5ogni Cockerell, Sir Charles, ist Bart 457^05, 475&ni,534m Cockerell, Charles, and Co.: D'S negotiations with 475n2 Coercion Bill 4588^24 Colburn, Henry (vol i) 6002; publishes Henrietta Temple 511 &n i, 5238cec8cnm,2, 528&ec&nm,2, 541, 543» 557' promotes Henrietta Temple 54o&n7; and Sarah's mysterious MS 559' 567> 570, 574&ni, 577, 5848011; publishes Venetia 58g, 5gi, 604, 606, 611, 613; mentioned 546, 551, 552&nni,n, 580, 582, 5g7&m, 6go
Collard, Marylebone police officer: arrests D 401 Collins, a creditor 585&n2, 58601, 587 Colonial Bank 479n$ Colquhoun, John Campbell 684&ec&m Colville, John 649^ Combermere, ist Viscount 568^, 682&07 Combermere, Viscountess (vol i) 339118; death of 568^3 Conroy, Sir John, ist Bart 5O7&O2 Constable, Archibald (vol i) 34111; 53gn4 'Consul's Daughter'. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Contarini Fleming. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Controverted Elections Bill 68ini Conventions, constitutional: re-election of ministers 3Qoni ; resignation of government 5Q3n2; dissolution of Parliament on death of monarch 623&m ; prorogation and dissolution 036&n i Conyngham, 2nd Marquess (vol i) 33103; 558&ni2, 640n5, 652n8 Conyngham, Marchioness (vol i) 33103; rumoured madness 052n8 'Cool hands', the expression 682&ni2 Cooper, Henry Ashley 514^:07, 6i4&n2 Cooper, Ashley. See Shaftesbury, 6th Earl of Copley, John Singleton (Lyndhurst's father) 424ni, 466n3 Copley, Mary (Lyndhurst's sister) 4io&ni Copley, Sarah Elizabeth (vol i) 35201; illness 475&n5; mentioned 473, 529 Copley, Sophia Clarence (vol i) 35201; mentioned 473, 475^5 Copley, Susan Penelope (vol i) 35201; illness 473, 475&n5, 595ec, 601; death 6o4&ni i, 6i3n2 Copley, Susannah Farnum (Lyndhurst's mother): death 46603, 469, 473 Copleys, the: London address 424ni; D writes poem on daughters 639&n2; mentioned 374, 433, 52i&m Copyright Bill 6go8cni Cork and Orrery, Countess of (vol i) 26703; premature death notice 573&n3, 574&n2; social anecdote 646n22; mentioned 6i6&n3 Cornwall, Barry. See Procter, Bryan Waller Costa, Michael 494^07
Cotman, John Sell 45&oi Cottenham, ist Baron (later ist Earl of Cottenham) 444^01; criticism of appointment as Lord Chancellor 409∋ jokes concerning 475&n8; introduces Chancery Bill 5O9&n2; mentioned 5O2&m, 635 Courier, The: O'Connell's attack on D in 4O3ni; reviews Vindication 453&n2; critical of D and The Times 675&ni Court, the: and the ministers 41 i&m Court Journal 57oni Court Magazine and Monthly Critic: publishes 'Walstein' 6o6n2 Courtenay, Thomas Peregrine 464^07 Cowan, Sir John, ist Bart: and the Lord Mayor's banquet 670^, 67ini Cowan, Lady 67i&oi Cowdray Park: D describes 667&nm,5 Cowper, Charles Spencer: marries Lady Harriet D'Orsay 652*19 Cowper, 5th Earl 5Oin5, 4o8n27 Cowper, Countess 5Oin5 Cowper, William Francis (later ist Baron Mount-Temple): as Melbourne's private secretary 408^027, 576&n8; resemblance to reputed father 5Oin5 Cox, Edward William: D'S controversy with 4o6ec&nn9,i6,i8, 4902&nn3,4,io,i2-i5,i7,i8,2O,2226, 28-31,33,34,38-40,42,43,45, 4 i5&nn 1-5,16-20,22,26,29,36-38, 462ni Cox, William Charles 409^ Craig, William Gibson. See Gibson Craig, William Crean, Christopher 433^ Cribb, W., carver and gilder 375&n2 Criminal conversation: Norton v Melbourne 5O7&m, 5io&m; Sykes v Maclise 659^ Crisis Examined. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Crockford's Club 369, 373, 5Oin6, 568&n9, 570 Croker, John Wilson (vol i) 4204; 671 Cromwell, Oliver 557, 558^ Crown and Sceptre Tavern 5i2ni Culverwell, Richard (vol i) 32601; tailor and creditor 4O9ni9, 42oec, 429ni, 49oec. See also Disraeli, Benjamin, debts and creditors, letters to Culverwell
435
436
Cumberland, Henry Frederick, Duke of 6ign2 Cumberland, Duchess of 6ign2 Cumberland, Duke of. See Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover Gumming, John: accuses de Ros of cheating at cards 576^ Daily News 57on 2 Darner, George Lionel Dawson 634112. See also Portarlington, 2nd Earl of Dandies, 'shooting': at Woolbeding 668 D'Anchald, vicomte 4948^4 Dante ^6^.ni Darley, George 570^03 Dashwood, George Henry (later 5th Bart) (vol i) 25401; contests Bucks (Feb 1837) 56on4, 576, 577ni, 578n2; mentioned 525&ec, 625&m Dashwoods, the 374 Dashwood-King, Sir John. See King, Sir John Dashwood Davis, J.: and the United Kingdom BeetSugar Association 543^, 5478^3 Davis, Thomas, surgeon 5398^10 Davis, (Jr), a creditor: pursues D to recover debt and threatens to issue writ 591; mentioned 594, 596, 6oo&ec, 601, 602 Davis and Son: holders of D'S discounted bills 5858011, 587, 58gec, 591, 596 Dawson, George Robert (vol i) 24205; 369, 558 Dawson, Mary (vol i) 283010; 6468cnn20,2i, 671 Dawsons, the 671 Day, William (vol i) 6401; 3848^6 de Crasto, Abraham 522nio de Crasto, Mrs Abraham 522nio de Crasto, Rachel 522&mo de Crastos, the 522nio de Ros, 2ist Baroness 46909 de Ros, 22nd Baron 576^09; reputation as card player 5778^3 Deerhurst, Viscount (vol i) 20501; 4758011 Deerhurst, Viscountess 4758^1 De L'Isle and Dudley, ist Baron 507^04, 6828018 Denison, William Joseph 6^6ng Derby, 12th Earl of 4o8n2O D'Esté, Augusta Emma 408^018 D'Esté, Sir Augustus Frederick 522^07 de Vesci, 2nd Viscount 682&oii. See also Vesey
Devon, loth Earl of 46407 Devonshire, 6th Duke of 375&n3 Devonshire, Duchess of 407^ Devonshire House, Piccadilly 4O7&n2 D'Eyncourt, Charles Tennyson: founding member of Westminster (Reform) Club 4ogn3g; D dines with 6i6&n4, 688; mentioned 648&n6 Dibdin, Thomas Frognall (vol i) 15011; works 473&n2 Dick, Quintin 476&n2, 558, 617, 682 Dickens, Charles 4ogn47; Pickwick Papers 6o5&ni Dilke, Charles Wentworth 57o&n2 Dinners, political: Bucks 5368^2, 538; with Chandos 36g&n5, 5i2&m, 516, 683&ng; Lewes 4948(^13, 4g8&n3, 4gg∋ Maidstone 562^3; Newport Pagnell 668&nm,2; with Peel 614, 672, 673, 674 D'Israeli, Benjamin (D'S grandfather) (vol i) 4112; 522nio Disraeli, Benjamin: - agricultural interest, support for 532, 62g; - Aylesbury speech and its reception 536&n2, 538, 53g&m, 54o&nn6,g, 54i&n2, 545&ni, 574n6; - the ballot: disavows (1835) 4o6nn3~5, 4og, 465&ng; supports (1832) 4o6&n6, 4og&nni2,2g, 458; supports (1833) 4o6n7; defends past commitment to 4o6&n6, 415; - bound over to keep peace 401 ; - Bradenham: Lyndhurst and Lady Sykes visit to (ist) 410, 41 i&nn2,3; (2nd) 43i&m; - canvassing, his technique 608; - Garitón Club: canvassing for membership in 476; becomes member of 4gi&m; - Church of England: defender of 415, 632 - constituency: finding a 413, 416, 423, 625, 626, 627; Taunton 3go; Lynn Regis 4O5&n2; St Ivés 466&n2, 468&m, 477, 484ec&m, 485, 486, 4&8n3; Devizes 473; Lewes 4g4&ni4, 4g6, 4gg&m; Evesham 534; Ashburton 623&n2; Maidstone 628&:nni,2; Barnstaple 628n2, 62gni; - credit endangered 5gi, 600; - creditors: alarmed by his impending
- estate, plans to purchase 552, 614^05; election 487^02; unidentified 585, 437 - on fate 661 ; 586&n 1,591,594, 596 - father, financial relations with 4ogn2o, - debtors' prison: threat of 6oo&ni, 48g&nm,3, 495, 5i3ni, 5igni, 534, 6oinni,2, 603, 6o5ni, 654 debts and creditors: Austen 365, 368, 57i&m, 585^3, 586, 587, 591, 592&nni,3, 596, 600, 6i4ec; 376, 447, 463&ec, 468, 471, 479, 488, - on field sports: invites D'Orsay for par489ec&m, 495, 5i3&m, 519, 520, tridge shoot 658; does not shoot 667, 523, 524&ec, 531, 533&ec, 5358011, 668; 546, 547^ 549' 554' 55^, 5^6, 569, 571, - financial state 4O9ni9, 468, 489^, 587, 575» 583> 585n3' 599Î Collins 586, 599, 6o3nm,2,659n4; 587; Culverwell 417, 42oec&m, 422, 424, 427, 4298011, 430, 431, 434, 435, - German, his ignorance of 46in6; - his health: general 424, 551, 573, 576, 436, 438, 439, 440, 470, 480, 483, 589, 610, 661, 662, 668; broken shin 490&ec, 500, 553, 609, 610; Davis 585, 591, 594, 596, 600, 601; Hibon 365&n2, 366, 368, 42o&ec; colds 386; lumbago 387; influenza 447, 448, 449, 6538cm; Mash 428&n2, 487, 515, 538, 621; Nash 429&:n2 592, 596, 5978^2, 554» 555' 564> 566-> 567> 568î 'nt' at Aylesbury 578^, 5808^9, 581; ill 600, 6o3n2, 621; Pyne 428, 479m, health provokes his creditors 599∋ 5°3> 535n1' 547' 548' 551' 552n3' 561, 563, 565, 578, 585, 586, 587, 591, -justice of the peace 5368^3, 591, 659, 596, 598, 6oi&n3, 6i4&n5, 630, 645, 66o&n2; 653, 654; Reynolds 417, 42o8cm, 422, - literary men, view of 555; 424, 425, 427, 430, 431, 434, 438, 440,- Maidstone nomination, his demeanor at 64ini; 470, 49O&ec, 609; Whitcombe 630, 645; White 561, 563, 565, 578, 585, - on marriage 694; - money-making schemes 463, 478, 479, 589, 591, 602, 630, 654; 'younger brother' signs bail bond for D 591, 486, 492, 499, 505. See also Carlist loan, Swedish loan 594» 596' 6oo&ec, 602, 621 - on democracy: 'democratic principle' - moods, reports on his 544, 551, 552; 415; Tories perceived as democratic - on national institutions 409, 415; party 406, 4098^22, 415^; Crown, Church, and House of Lords - dissenters: adverse judgement on 409, 458; 415; seeks support of at Taunton 415; - nominations: Wycombe (1835) 362; - 'Dizzy', first letter signed as 042&ec; Taunton (1835) 39 2 & ni î Maidstone - dress: boasts about his 41 in4; concern (1837) 64O&n2, ¿4i&ni, 648^4; for his 497, 500, 504, 506, 671; - his success at previous nomination - Durhamite, accused of being 46an8; meetings 64ini; - elections: (June 1832) 398, 4O3m, - office-seeking, for Ralph 3698^1, 4o6mo, 409&mi5,6,i3, 402&m; (Dec 3838012, 384; - Parliament: elected to 642&m; dissolu1832) 4i5&n29, 686&n2; Marylebone (1833) 403, 406, 415, 465; Wycombe tion of anticipated 377, 466, 469, 494, (1835) 362, 303&nni,2, 3698^3, 496, 577, 618, 621, 624, 625, 627, 634, 379&n6, 380; Taunton (1835) 39on4, 635; procedure 636&m; his advent 391, 392, 393, 394; Maidstone (1837) discussed 648&m; sworn in 672; 628nm,2, 629, 630, 631, 632, 633, opening of called 'most remarkable 634, 635, 636, 637, 640, 641; elected day' of his life 676; Maiden speech 642&CC, 643n6, 648^14,5, 651, 686&nm,4, 687, 688; 66i&m; election celebrated at Wyc- parliamentary tactics, concern for 676, ombe 644&n2; 68i&m; - election addresses: Wycombe (Oct - Peel's government (1835), expects it to 1832) 4098^29; Marylebone (1833) carry on 377, 378, 382, 383, 384, 385, 409&n29, 458; Wycombe (1835) 364; 386, 387; Taunton (1835) 403, 406; Maidstone - petitions, involvement with 3858^1; - political consistency: claimed 398, (1837)629,632;
438
4o6&m, 409, 415, 458, 465; challenged 40301, 4o6&nn3,4, 409^013, 4 1 5 n 37>455 n 3>4 6 * ni ; political measures, contrasts 'relative' and 'intrinsic' goodness 409; on political parties 409, 468; balance of 398, 458; on national party 406, 409, 415, 458; need to support 415; politics, view of 555; portrait by D'Orsay 374, 375, 384, 405, 409&n21 ; principles and measures distinguished 465; on public opinion 690; on public taste 555; quarrels and controversies with: Robert Smith 372; Lord Howick 379; the O'Connells 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402&m, 403, 4o6&nn8,i i, 4i5nn3o,32,33, 458; The Globe 455, 456, 462, 466; Hume 465&nm,3,6,7,i4, 467&nm,3-5; Radical, his understanding of 458; Radical Reformer, his understanding of 380; Reform, his commitment to 409; Reform Bill, attitude towards 4098^5, 4158^26, 4588^14; Roman numerals, his difficulties with 4o88cn7; sheriff's officers, relations with 591, 594, 598n 1,6308012; 'short Parliaments', supports 380, 415, 402ni; social occasions, dinners with or visits to: Abinger 369, 570 574; Ashburtons 510, 516; Austens 373, 375; Henry Baillie 494; Lady Blessington 369, 385, 386, 475, 494, 501, 559; Peter Borthwick 648, 649; Bulwer 510, 688; Lady Charlotte Bury 369, 390; Chandos 516; Charlevilles 389, 404; Chetwode 512, 514; Dick 682; D'Orsay 477, 494, 558, 559, 648; Fancourt 604 Mrs Fitzroy 387, 404; Hanover Square Rooms, ball at 4088013; Hope 688; Lewises 646, 648, 671, 682; B.E. Lindo 411, 514; Londonderry s 408, 410, 491, 616, 617, 636&mi2,3; Lyndhurst 384, 386, 404, 408, 426, 461, 572; Mackinnons 6i6&n3; Maxse 580, 582, 666, 667; Mrs Meredith 384; Mme Montalembert 622; Peel 688; Pery-Villebois marriage, festivities
529&:n2; Rejina 404; Lady Salisbury 383, 384; Lady Stepney 384; Lady Sykes 374; the Sykeses 4i7ec, 452^; at Basildon with Lyndhurst 52oni, 521, 522; at Richmond 4i7ec, 449; Trevors 369, 384; Wall 514; - sophistry, accused of 415; - stipendary magistrates, attacks 5328018; - Sykes, breaks with Henrietta 5428cm, 5448cm - theatre, attendance at 580, 582; concert at Bridgewater House 617, 618; - as 'Tory in disguise' 409^; declares self a primitive Tory 380, 406, 458; - triennial parliaments: supports in 1832 409&nni2,29; supports in 1833 4o6&n7, 4O9n29; disavows in 1835 4o6n4, 458, 465; - his unsociability proclaimed 41 i&n4, 542, 555; - visits to: Maxses at Woolbeding 666, 667, 668; Chandos at Wotton 668; Sir Gore Ouseley 668; D'Orsay and Lady Blessington 558, 559, 560, 561, 564, 566, 567, 568, 570, 571, 572, 573, 574, 575' 5?6; - writings, deems his own less durable than his father's 590; works: - Alroy 388ni, 588^; - 'The Consul's Daughter' 442ni; - Contarini Fleming 37in7, 374, 414^; - The Crisis Examined 557n8; - Henrietta Temple: D promises to Colburn 5ii8cm; D at work on 5128^3, 522ng, 5278cm; agreement with Colburn to publish 5288cm; advertised 529; dedication to D'Orsay 5368cm; D sends copy to Mrs Pyne 538; Bulwer critical of 539; reviews 54o8cn8, 666n8, 6698^4; sales 541, 557, 5648^3, 570; Colburn delays payment for 5468^2; pirated edition published in Paris 5528cnm,io, 555; Lady Blessington and D'Orsay disappointed in 555^; D'Orsay as 'Mirabel' 559n2 and sponging-house scene 6oi8cn2; Beckford praises 61202 mentioned 5378012, 5498011, 597m; - 'Ixion in Heaven': proposed illustration by Maclise 502; - The Letters of Runnymede: D'S authorship known only to his family 4758^3; col-
lected letters published by Macrone 5i4&m; review 525&m. See also apps i and u ; 'Mélodrame': possible identity of his 555&n4; 'Mutilated Diary': D'S opinion of Vivian Grey in 37in6; and the affair with Henrietta Sykes 542ni, 656^. See also app in 'A New Voyage of Sindbad the Sailor, recently discovered' 570^4, 572; • 'Peers and People' (in Whigs and Whiggism) 42in2, 458^9; • The Representative 4og&nn45,48, 4i5n3; • Revolutionary Epick 4ogn5i, 616; • Runnymede, letters of: D reports on their favourable reception (vii & viii) 477&nm,2, (x) 48i&m, (xii) 485ni; speculation on authorship and Peel's high opinion of 486&nm,3,5; published with 'The Spirit of Whiggism' 5i4ni; mentioned 509, 576&m; • 'The Spirit of Whiggism' 475^; • 'A Syrian Sketch' 6398^3, 658^3; • The Times, leaders in 522^4 • Venetia: publication date 527&n2; Colburn's agreement to publish 528ni; D at work on 537&n2, 55ini, 552n9, 559ni, 568, 57o&n5, 573^015, 590, 599&n2, 601, 6o6&n3; consults with Trelawney on 576n7; dedication to Lord Lyndhurst 6o4&nni,io; sends copy to Mrs Austen 611, 613; sends copy to William Beckford 6i2&n2; laudatory reviews of 622&m; mentioned 5i9ni, 666n8, 669^4; • Vindication of the English Constitution: Lady Blessington encourages him to write 37in3; Lyndhurst's involvement in 44i&nm,2; Murray declines 44in3; offered to Bentley 443; D at work on 444, 446; publication announced 449&n i ; Isaac praises 45O&n4; reviews 449ni, 453&ec&nm,2; Strangford praises 454; hostile review in The Globe 455&n2, 405&n8; on the Peerage Bill (of 1719) 458nni4,i6; D sends a copy to Peel 459&n i ; Peel's response to 459; Peel's use of 558^4; Lord Eliot's opinion of 464&ec&n3, 472; sales 469, 475; alleged borrowings from 51 in3; mentioned 409^2; • Vivian Grey: D deprecates 37in6;
mentioned 4o6&nni7,2O, 4O9&nn2i,34,39, 415, 5O2n3, 528&n2, 616; - 'Walstein; or A Cure for Melancholy' 6o6&n2; - "What is He?" 4O9nn20,3O, 415, 45880118; - 'Whigs and Whiggism' 42in2, 458^9, 5i4&m, 576n2; -A Year at Hartlebury, or The Election 584ni; -The Young Duke 37 m6, 489^3 D'Israeli, Isaac (vol i) 4112; and D'S entry into the Athenaeum 37in4; assists D with election expenses 394n2; and D'S public dispute with O'Connell 4O2ni; alleged allowance anee to D 409^0; first visit of Lady Sykes and Lyndhurst 41 in3; possible early acquaintance with Pyne 414m; admires Vindication 45onni,3,4; fears literary competitors 404n i ; knows D'S identity as Runnymede 475ec&n3; warns D against financial speculations 478m; D conceals financial troubles from 489&nm,3, 495, 5i3m; character portrait in Eraser's 499^; and the de Crasto family 522mo; loan to D 5i9m, 534, 57i&m, 5858013, 586, 587; and D'S finances 535, 591, 592&nm,3, 596, 600, 6o3nm,2, 6i4ec; illness 438, 546, 571, 625, 655&m, 603m; his projected history of English literature 558^, 502&n2, 570, 59o&n4; reading Pickwick Papers 6o5&m; and D'S maiden speech 686n4; works: Curiosities of Literature 374» 458> 682; Amenities of Literature 558n5> 5 62n2 » 57°' 590&:n4; Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First 4i4m; mentioned 369, 385m, 408, 4i5n37, 429, 454, 459ec, 46iec, 486, 494nn, 516, 539, 543n2, 544n2, 570, 605, 619, 636, 637ec, 646, 664, 685n2 Disraeli, James (vol i) 1205; his spelling 473&nn; mentioned 475^, 557, 576&n5, 663, 674 D'Israeli, Maria (vol i) mi; greetings to 384, 459, 485, 558, 573, 618, 619, 636; first visit of Lady Sykes and Lyndhurst to Bradenham 41 i&n3; Lady Sykes sends greetings to 484; illness 570, 57i&m; sends gift to D'Orsay
439
440
577 î visits London 606; her 'meat and chips' 473&n7, 56^5; mentioned 373, 374, 475ng, 559, 576mo, 58iec, 617, 655, 667 Disraeli, Ralph (vol i) 1205; D seeking position for 36g&nm,3, 3838^2, 384, 386, 444&m; inaccurate gossip about 4ogn2o; knows identity of Runnymede 475n3; visits D in London 481; and United Kingdom Beet-Sugar Association 4gg&n2, 543^3, 547; visits Kensington Gore 582; mentioned 385ni, 401, 469, 485, 486, 501, 502, 510, 511,577,674, 681, 68g D'Israeli, Sarah (D'S grandmother) (vol i) 4112; 522nio Disraeli, Sarah (vol i) loni; and prospective job for Ralph 383nni,2; visits London 4o8n2; first visit by Lady Sykes and Lord Lyndhurst to Bradehham 411 nn2,3 ; second visit 431 n i ; as D'S research assistant 404&:nni,3, 4g4ni; as autograph collector 672, 674&n6, 678, 683; knows identity of Runnymede 475^3; reports reprint of The Crisis Examined 557n8; reports borrowings from D by others 558n4; writings 584ni; advises D to abandon 'Sindbad' series 57on4; her mysterious manuscript 55g, 567, 57o&mo, 573n2, 574ni, 584ni; reports on party election funds 635^; comments on Lord Lyndhurst's marriage 052n4; mentioned 365^, 36gnni-3,5, 373, 37gec, 384ng, 385ni, 387n4, 3gsn2, 4O4n2, 4ioni i, 4i2n6, 4i6ec, 41 gee, 42oni, 46iec&n6, 473n2, 488n3, 4ggn2, 5oini, 5i2n4, 544n2, 502n2, 504n5, 568n8, 57i&m, 576nio, 588, 5g3ec, 6o5n5, 611, 6i4n5, 6i6n3, 643, 648nni,5, 655n3, 67in6 D'Israelis, the: acquaintance with Pyne family 4i4ni; and United Kingdom Beet-Sugar Association 4ggn2; relations with the de Crasto family 522nio; illness 554; and D'S possible arrest 5gi, 600; mentioned 440ni, 458> 573n2, 5 88ni > 654> 661 D'Orsay, Count Alfred Guillaume Gabriel (vol i) 159112; portrait of D 374, 375, 405, 4ogn2i; portrait of Robert Smith 384, meets Sir Francis Sykes 3g5; organizes D'S possible duel 3gg, 4O2&m; as 'the admirable Crichton'
432n3; praises Vindication 453; birthday 477&n7; moves to Kensington Gore 494&nn2,8; D dedicates Henrietta Temple to him 536&m; and D'S debts 537&m, 563&m, 6o2&m, 6o3&n2; as Mirabel 55g&nn2,3; D stays with at Kensington Gore 561 &n i ; on the imagination 588&nm,3,5; temporary estrangement 5g4n2; alleged to have rescued D from sponging house 6oin2; domestic relations 652ng; mentioned 372, 408, 53g, 555&n7, 557' 558> 56°» 564n5> 568&n4» 57°' 573» 577' 58°, 59°> 6o4ni3, 648 D'Orsay, Lady Harriet 652&ng&mo Dorset County Chronicle: and D'S paperwar with Cox 3g6n2, 4o6&nn4,5,i4, 4ognn23,3g, 4!5n33 Dowlais Ironworks 044n5 Drake, Thomas Tyrwhitt, high sheriff of Bucks 536n3 Drummond and Co, bankers 422, 425, 431, 480, 483 503, 548, 5g7, 5g8 Dublin Review 688n4 Duels and duelling: D challenges Morgan O'Connell 3g6&nn3,4, 399^, 4ooni, 403; Berkeley v Maginn 52i&n6 Duff, James 64gn i Duff, Robert William 66gn5 Duncannon, Viscount (later 4th Earl of Bessborough): D'S opinion of 390& 112 Duncombe, Thomas Slingsby (vol i) 1651111; 5i6n5, 563&nni,2, 587, 645ni Dundas, James 473n4 Dunns', London lodgings for Isaac 636 Dupotet de Sennevoy, Jean: advocate of animal magnetism 68g&ni Du Pré, Caledon George 648&ni2 Durham, ist Earl of (vol i) 32402; D accused of seeking patronage of 462&n8; mentioned 388, 389, 568ni2, 677ni Durham, Sir Philip 473& 114 East India Co 465nni,i4 Easthope, John (later ist Bart) 461^; his diction satirized 64&ni3&ni4 East wind, effect of 6o4&n5 Eaton, Richard Jefferson: D'S friendship with 485&n3; hears gossip about D'S candidacy 486&n7; mentioned 688 Ecclesiastical Commission and Established Church Bill 469^, 5i6&n5 Edinburgh Review: reviews Chateau-
briand's Essai 56202, 564; reviews Trevelyan's Thugs 5708018 ; reviews Henrietta Temple and Venetia 666&n8, 66g&n4; mentioned 558 Egerton, Lord Francis (later ist Earl of Ellesmere) 475n4, 582&oi, 617 Egerton, Lady. See Grey-Egerton, Lady Eglinton, i3th Earl of (later ist Earl of Winton) 636&n3&n4 Egremont, 3rd Earl of 66gn2 Election agents 365, 391, 4i5&n2g,6gon5 Election colours 392&n2, 643&nn3,6 Election expenses 3658^1, 3gon4, 391, 394&n2, 4O9&nm8,i9, 4158^29, 48g&n3, 635&n2 Election petitions 475n6, 577n5, 6o6n4, 646&nnio,n, 048nn9,io, 68oni; threatened at Maidstone 048n5, 683&n8 Electors, registration of 365, 433&ni Eliot, Baron (later 3rd Earl of St Germans) (vol i) 13802; D'S friendship with 378; opinion of Vindication 404&ec&n2, 466, 472; congratulates D on imminent prospect of entering Parliament 486; illness 581; belief in animal magnetism 689 Eliza, (later Mrs Riches), Mary Anne Lewis's maid 663&n3 Elizabeth I 46m8 Ellice, Edward: friendship with Lyndhurst 548&02&nn3,4; wrongly reports Melbourne's resignation 568 Ellice, Edward (Jr) 6o6n5 Ellis, John 640ni2 Ellis, Joseph, proprieter of the Star and Garter 433^ Ellis's Hotel (London) 582 Elmore, Dr John: seconds D'S entry into Westminster (Reform) Club 4o6ni5 Emmott, proprietor of livery stable: offers surety that D will keep the peace 40in2 Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover and Duke of Cumberland 473∋ friendship with Fancourt 6o4&n2, 62gni Escott, Bickham (vol i) 283011; 473 Esdaile, William 55802 Esdaile, Hammet and Co., bankers 558n2, 576n5 Estcourt, Thomas Henry Sutton Bucknail 473&n4&o6 Evans, Viney 643n6
Ewart, William 532n7 Examiner, The: describes Westminster (Reform) Club 409^9, 4i5ni6; reviews Bulwer's Duchess de la Vallière 555n3> critical of Peel 56o&n8 Exmouth, 3rd Viscount: D dines with 646&oi5, 682 Fairlie, Isabella 588&04 Fairlie, John 574^4 Fairlie, Louisa (vol i) 24207; 5748^4, 5888014, 639&m Falcieri, Giovanni Battista (Tita) (vol i) 99015; introduced to Lady Blessington 366; wishes to assassinate Ferdinand i 4i2&n6; D writes to 469; health 554>555>57 i n i Falconer, Thomas 47309 Fancourt, Charles St. John: D'S friendship with 6o4&o2&nn3,4,7; mentioned 6o5&ec, 607, 62gni Farrand, Robert 577n5 Feary, James, a creditor 56i&n2, 563, 565&ec Ferdinand I, Emperor of Austria 4i2n6 Ferdinand vu of Spain 493^, 530 Ferdinand, Prince of Saxe-Coburg 49^3 Ferguson, George 64gni Finch, Lady Isabella 5i4n4 Fitzgerald, Edward 60503 Fitzgerald, Edward Thomas 539^09 Fitzgerald, Elizabeth 53gng Fitzgerald, Maurice, i8th Knight of Kerry (vol i) 23205; 668 Fitzgerald, Peter George, (later igth Knight of Kerry and ist Bart) 605^03 Fitzgerald and Vesey, ist Baroness 4o8n22 Fitzgerald of Desmond, ist Baron (vol i) 23205; 4o8&n22, 426, 671 Fitzroy, Charles 38702 Fitzroy, Eliza 387&n2, 404 Fitzroy, Lady Elizabeth 387^ Fitzroy, Francis Horatio 666n5 Fitzroy, Henry: defeated at Lewes 378^05; D hopes to run with at Lewes 494&nni2,i4, 496, 49gni; elected at Lewes 604^13; mentioned 594n2, 669 Fitzroy, Lord William 666&O5 Floyd, Lady (vol i) 26004; 646^0 Follett, Sir William Webb 674^01 Fonblanque, Albany (vol i) 159117; 4 6in 3
44 !
44*
Forbes, Viscount 577115 Forester, ist Baron 384^, 4o8ns6 Forester, 2nd Baron 6o8ni Forester, Charles Robert 494115 Forester, Charles Robert Weld: D dines with 4081126, 494 Forester, George Cecil Weld (later 3rd Baron Forester) 6o8&m, 688 Forrest, Edwin: performs in Richard in 58o&n8, 582 Forster, John ^SSScn^ Fountaine, Andrew 473&nn&ni2, 522 Fox, Charles James 392n2, 5O2n2 Fox, Charles Richard 577n5 Fox, Henry Edward (later 4th Baron Holland) 577&n4 Fox, William Johnson (vol i) 1931110; laudatory review of The Letters of Runnymede 525&ni Francis I of France 464^ Frankland, Sir Robert, 7th Bart 539&n8; D hopes to buy his estate 552 Franklands, the 539n8 Franks (postage) 570, 648, 65O&m, 667 Franks, Dr 4io&m i Franz, Dr Joann Cristoph August 522&n8 Fraser, James 540^02; altercation with Grantley Berkeley 52in6; publishes Lyndhurst's summary of the session (1836)522^ Eraser's Literary Chronicle 473&mo Eraser's Magazine for Town and Country: critical of D 3878^4; lampoons D 388&m; prints portraits by Maclise 499n3; hostile review oí Berkeley Castle 52i&n6; praises Venetia 622&m; mentioned 5O5ni Fremantle, Sir Thomas Francis (later ist Baron Cottesloe) 486&n6; D dines with 514; illness 580; dines with Peel and D 674; Tory dinner for 683n9; mentioned 536^, 671 French, Arthur 397ni French, Fitzstephen: delivers O'Connell's letter to D 396n4, 397&m, 400 Fry, Henry Phibbs, secretary of Westminster (Reform) Club 370112 Gage, Edward Thomas 669^ Galeota, Chevalier Gennaro Capece: D dines with 44&n4; as 'Regina' 408, 494 Galignani, A. and W.: publish pirated
edition of Henrietta Temple in Paris 552nio Gamba, Ruggero, Count 4ionio Gaselee, Sir Stephen 572&n2 Geological Society 373n8 George in 522n7, 56on2, 6ign2 George iv 667, 674n4 George Inn, Aylesbury: D'S falling fit at 58ong; mentioned 578 Gibson, James 646&nn Gibson Craig, William (later 2nd Bart) 676&n2 Gilbert, member of Poor Law Commission 385ni Gladstone, William Ewart 369^^7, 572H5 Glengall, 2nd Earl of 56oni Glengall, Countess of: rumoured death of 560 &ni Glentworth, Baron: marriage 5i6&n2, 529&ec&nn 1,2,4 Glentworth, Baroness: marriage 5i6&n2, 529ec&n2 Globe and Traveller, publishes D'S correspondence with O'Connell 4ooec&m; critical review of Vindication 455ec&nni-3; D'S public dispute with 456&nn2-5, 458&nm,3,5-7,io,i2, 4618014, 462&nm,2,4,5,7,8, 465&nn 1,2,5,8, 466, 467&nn4,5; mentioned 468n4,666 Gloucester, William Frederick, Duke of 56ons Gloucester, Mary, Duchess of 56o&n2 Glynne, Sir Stephen Richard, gth Bart 648n7 Goddard, William Henry 602&n4 Goethe, Christiane von 4o6n2O Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von: praises Vivian Grey 4o6&n2o; works 502^, 6o5n4 Goldsmid, Francis Henry 450^:113 Goldsmid, Isaac Lyon 450^03 Goldsmith, Georgiana. See Lyndhurst, Baroness Goldsmith, Lewis 646^4 Gomez, Gen Miguel: Carlist attack on Cordova 53o&m Goodricke, Sir Francis Holyoake, ist Bart 577n5 Gordon, Sir Robert: (vol i) 107115; 408 Gordon-Lennox, Lady Caroline Amelia: rumoured engagement to Castlereagh 668&n8
Gore, Catherine Grace (vol i) 7501; recounts conversation between Harriet D'Orsay and Mrs Norton 652; mentioned 646, 668 Gore House, Kensington: Lady Blessington moves to (1836) 494^8; D stays at 559&m; Bulwer dines at 560; Lyndhurst dines at 564, 572; D escapes epidemic at 566; D describes life at 568; Wilkinson dines at 570; Bulwer stays at 572; Lord Canterbury dines at 573, 574; dinner at 576; Ralph Disraeli breakfasts at 582; mentioned 542, 555, 579> 639 Gorton, John, editor of The Globe 455ni Gosden, Woolbeding merchant 669 Goulburn, Henry 363&n4, 674 Grafton, 3rd Duke of 666n5 Graham, Sir James Robert George, 2nd Bart 5i6&n3, 582&n2 Gramont, Alfred Onérius Théophile de 568&n6 Gramont, Antoine Agénor, duc de Guiche 568&n6 Gramont, Antoine Héraclius Geneviève, duc de 568&n4nn5,6 Gramont, Auguste, duc de Lesparre 568&n6 Gramont, Ida, duchesse de 568n4 Gramont, Philibert, comte de: works 568&n7 Gramonts, thé 568 Grant, Sir Alexander Cray, 6th [8th] Bart 643&n4; as 'Chin' 682&m Granville, ist Earl 679112 Gray, Rev D. Robert, bishop of Bristol 529n2 Gray, Emily Caroline 529^02 Gray, Rev Henry 52g&n2 Green, Charles: balloon ascent from Vauxhall Gardens 619^ Green, a creditor 596, 600, 601 Greenhill-Russell, Sir Robert, ist Bart 539&n6&nn9,io, 552 Grenville Act (on elections) 68oni Gresley, Sir Roger, 8th Bart 668&n7 Greville, Charles Cavendish Fulke (vol i) 1651112; reports rumours of Queen Adelaide's pregnancy 373ni i; observations on O'Connell 377n6; comments on Stanley's opposition to Abercromby as speaker 378&nn2,3; storm raised over Londonderry's appointment 382ni; Lyndhurst's attack on
Brougham 4i8n4; Stanley and the Irish Municipal Corporations Bill 477n4; his rumoured liaison with Countess Cowper 5Oin5; reports Lord Holland's praise of Lyndhurst 522ni; comments on Lyndhurst's friendship with Ellice 548n4; predicts Whig resignation over Irish Municipal Corporations Bill 593n2; opinion of Brougham 679n2; on D'S maiden speech 686ni Greville, William Fulke 568^3 Grey, 2nd Earl (vol i) 12207; proposes coalition with Peel 389; D claims Grey had 'deserted the Whigs' 409^23; and the Coercion Bill 4588^24; prepared to join Tories 5O9&m, 572; mentioned 373&n2, 379111, 406, 4O9&n8, 415, 419, 5O2n2, 548n2, 55 in 3 Grey, Charles (vol i) 20105; defeats D at Wycombe 3638^2; reputed election expenses of 365; suspected author of attack on D in Bucks Gazette 3698^3; and D'S alleged comment 'the Whigs have cast me off 4098^^,33,35,36, 4628^3; June 1832 election 4i5&:nnio,29; resigns seat at Wycombe 625&m; mentioned 406, 458 Grey-Egerton, Sir Philip de Malpas, loth Bart 6i6ni, Grey-Egerton, Lady: D meets 6i6&ni, 622 Griffits, John, sheriffs officer 59 mi, 594» 59$ ni > 6o2&n3 Grimston, Edward Harbottle 576^03 Grisi, Carlotta: rumoured liaison with Sir Francis Sykes 501^:07; possible liaison with Lyndhurst 55i&n2 Grisi, Giulia 5om7, 5518^2 Grote, George (Sr) 558ni Grote, George 558&m; and the Jewish question 683nn4,5 Grote and Prescott, London bankers 558ni Guelphs and Hanoverians 6i9&n3 Guest, Lady Charlotte Elizabeth (vol i) 2731111; 682 Guests, the 682 Guiccioli, Count Alessandro 4io&mo Guiccioli, Countess Teresa: Byron's mistress 4io&nio Guiche, duc de. See Gramont, Antoine Agénor
443
444
Guizot, François (vol i) 14604; 59301 Gurney, Sir John 675113 Gurney, John Hampden 675*03 Gurney, Russell 675*03 Habeas Corpus Act 458^4 Haber, Baron Moritz von (vol i) 1261110; escape from France 382^2; D hopes to become his British representative 408n2; mentioned 478ni Hahnemann, Samuel Christian Friedrich: founder of homceopathic system 375n5 Hailstone and Nichol, London woollen drapers 438&m, 439, 44O&ec Hall, Samuel Carter (vol i) 4601; 523&n2 Hallam, Henry: competitor to Isaac's History 464*01 Halse, James: resignation from St Ivés anticipated by D 46602, 478, 481, 484ni, 485, 486, 487; D visits 488^; blackballed at Garitón 49i&n2; correspondence with D 562, 570, 572; D'S annoyance with 589; mentioned 534 Hamlet, T., goldsmith and jeweller 674&n5, 683 Hampden, John 5i6&ni Hanbury, William 444^ Hanmer, Henry 536n3 Hanmer, Sir John, 3rd Bart (later ist Baron) 6i6&n6&n7 Hanmer, Lady 6i6n6 Hanover Square Rooms 4088^3, 5ion4 Harcourt, George Simon: vice-president of South Bucks Royal Agricultural Association 527^; elected for Bucks (Feb 1837) 56o&n4, 57701, 578&n2, 58o&n9; elected for Bucks (Aug 1837) 634ni,635n2,644n4 Hardinge, Sir Henry (later ist Viscount Hardinge) 426*06; D dines with 464; provides D with idea for Runnymede letter 576; believer in animal magnetism 689; mentioned 507, 558, 564, 674 Hardwick, John (vol i) 12202; 384, 4o6n2O Hardwick, Philip (vol i) 14603; 446&m Hardwicke, 4th Earl of (vol i) 19203; 636^5 Harewood, 2nd Earl of 54on5 Harman, Charles: suspected author of attack on D 369^
Harris, William: rumoured author of Runnymede letters 486^5 Harrowby, ist Earl of (vol i) 15503; 572&m Harvey, Daniel Whittle: founder of Westminster (Reform) Club 4O9n4o, 4i5nni6,i7; mentioned 540& 114, 679&m Harwood, John M. 659^ Hauser, Kaspar 689*02 Hawes, Benjamin 648n6, 675*02 Hayter, George 668*012 Hayward, Abraham 605*04 Hazlitt, William 570 Heath, Charles: publisher of Book of Beauty 442ni, 568*010 Heine, Heinrich: D reads his de VAllemagne 4Ôi&n6 Hemans, Mrs Felicia Dorothea 409^4 Henniker, 4th Baron 543*04, 659&n6 Henniker, Baroness 543*04 Henrietta Temple. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Henry n of Navarre 464^ Henri iv of France 464^ Herbert, George 6o4&n4 Herbert, Sidney 4o8&o4, 6o4n4 Hertford, 3rd Marquess of (vol i) 32404; 426n3 Hesse Homburg, Auguste Amalia, Landgravine of 4o8n3 Hibon, J., chemist 053&ec&ni, 054&ec Higgins, Edward (vol i) 22905; 395nni,2 Higgins, Georgiana (née Meredith) 395&nni,2 Hill, Lord Arthur Marcus Cecil (later 3rd Baron Sandys) 534ni Hill, ist Baron (later ist Viscount Hill) (vol i) 11104; 67i&n2 Hillsborough, Earl of (later 4th Marquess of Downshire) 682*07 Hillsborough, Countess of 68207 Hitchcock, William Henry, a creditor 526&n2 Hobhouse, Sir John Cam, 2nd Bart (vol i) 21503; writer for The Chronicle 46in3; D'S low opinion of 465^13; Runnymede xn addressed to 485^1; mentioned 409, 415^13 Hodgson, Richard 68307 Hogarth, William 458 Hogg, James: as 'the Ettrick Shepherd'
409*047
Hogg, James Weir (later ist Bart) 682&ng Hollams, Sir John 64101 Holland, 3rd Baron: mentioned 40g&n6, 472, 502&m&n2, 522ni Holland, Baroness 469^012 Holland House 373^, 469 Holmes, William 558&nio, 648, 683n7 Homoeopathy 375&n5, 494n6, 580 Hook, Theodore 523^, 507ni Hope, Frederick W. (vol i) 150112; n's derogatory description of 3848018, 682; D dines with 688 Horace: D quotes 552&nn3,9, 588&n2 Houlditch, a creditor 602&nn 1,2 Howard, friend of D and Pyne 4i4ni, 428, 5i5&m Howe, ist Earl (2nd creation) 373011 Howell and James, jewellers 574^7 Howick, Viscount (later 3rd Earl Grey): correspondence with D 379&ni&nn2,5,8,9; alludes to Runnymede letters 477&n2; mentioned 4i5&n25 Howitt, William: works 388ni Howitt, Mary 409^4 Hume, Joseph (vol i) 19801; public dispute over his alleged letter of recommendation for D 4O9&ni3,i5,39,4o, 4i5&nn6,7, 458&nn2i-23, 462&nn 1,2,5-7, 467&nn 1,3-5; an 45^, 458 Taking wine, custom of 674&n4 Talbot, Sir George, 3rd Bart (vol i) 28ing; 408 Talbot, J.H. 536n3 Talfourd, Thomas Noon: works Ggo&n? Tankerville, 4th Earl of 397ni Tankerville, 5th Earl of 56805. See also Ossulston, Baron Tankerville, Countess of (vol i) 338115; 568&n5 Tariffs, sugar 499n2 Taunton Courier: opens controversy about D'S membership in Westminster (Reform) Club 409^9 Taxes on knowledge 402ni Taylor, Sir Charles William, ist Bart 667&n3 Taylor, Lady 667&n3 Taylor, Sidney 596^ Templetown, ist Baron 386n8 Templetown, ist Viscount 386n8 Tennent, James Emerson 646&nn Tennyson, Alfred 6i6n4 Tennyson, Charles. See D'Eyncourt, Charles Tennyson Test and Corporation Acts 409^2 Thackeray, William Makepeace 4O7ni Thiers, Louis Adolphe 493ni, 548& 113 Thomas, E.H., surgeon 404^ Thompson, John Buncombe Poulet 667n3 Thompson, Thomas Perronet: founding member of Westminster (Reform) Club 409n4o; defeated by D at Maidstone 642&m, 048&nn4,5; his tenyear hunt for election 648n6; works 641&I12 Thomson, Charles Edward Poulett (later ist Baron Sydenham) 461^, 69003 Thuggee 57o&n8 Times, The: D comments on a report of Howick's speech 379&nn2,8; prints D'S correspondence with O'Connell 397n2; reviews Vindication 449&ni, 454ec; D'S close connection with derided 458&n5; and D'S controversy with The Globe 461 ; publishes 'Letters of Runnymede' 4758^3, 485m; prints 'Spirit of Whiggism' 509^; announces Henrietta Temple 528n2; publishes 'A
455
456
New Voyage of Sindbad' 57004; hostile review of Lady Blessington's Victims 6o4&n6; mentioned 369, 383, 3g6nn2,3, 399, 4i3ni, 4i5nn9,i2,23,24, 4i8n6, 444nn2,3, 453, 462nni,3, 465, 468ec, 472, 48ini, 493&nm,2, 498n3, 499&m, 501, 507ni, 522&n4, 527n3, 5308011, 54on4, 557n2, 558n2, 56onni,7, 502n4, 573&n2, 576ni, oSong, 600, 6o5&nn3,6, 634&n2, 038m, 646ni7, 668nn, 67on3, 672&m, 675ni, 68oni, ogoec Tita. See Falcieri, Giovanni Battista Tocqueville, Alexis de 6o4ni4 Todd, Henry John 472&O5 Tories: financial support for D at Wycombe 363^, 369n3, 379&n6; o financial support in Taunton 3908^4; as democrats 4098^22; instances of alliance with Radicals 606, 63ini; urban election organization 6o6ni; ultraTories 582&n2 Treacher, Samuel 3698^4 Treachers, the 36gn4 Trelawny, Edward John 521^04, 5768cn7 Trevelyan, Charles 57o8cn8 Trevelyan, Walter 475nio Trevors, the (vol i) 140013; 369, 384 Triennial Parliaments 4o6nn3,5,7, 409ni2, 458,405n9 Tuck, D.J., Wycombe chemist 4758^9 Turner, Dawson (vol i) 4111; 4O5nni,3 Turner, Mary 4058^1 Twiss, Horace 649^:04 Tyrrell, Sir John Tyssen, 2nd Bart 6i7&o2 Ude, Louis Eustache 5oi&o6 Union, Act of: repeal sought by O'Connell 398&m, 415 United Kingdom Beet-Sugar Association: Ralph as director of 4998^2, 543n3> 547n3; success of 564 Unitarians 525ni United Service Gazette 4o6ni8 Universal suffrage 409, 465 Upton, Arthur 386&o8 Upton, Arthur Percy 386&o8 Urquhart, David: works 469013, 559&n3 Uxbridge, Earl of (later 2nd Marquess of Anglesey) 408016, 6468^7 Uxbridge, Countess of 408016
Valdifer's edition of Boccaccio 634^ Vane-Tempest, Sir Henry, 2nd Bart 4o8n9 Vassall, Richard 409ni2 Vauxhall Gardens 6198^4, 65on2; alluded to 663 Vendôme, Antoine de Bourbon, duc de 464n3 Venetia. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Verner, William (later ist Bart) 684ni Verney, Sir Harry, 2nd Bart 377^02 Verulam, ist Earl of 49ini, 576n3 Vesey, Thomas (later 3rd Viscount de Vesci) 682&011 Vesey, William John 682&oii Vicarious, D'S use of term 396, 399^3 Victoria, Queen: ascends the throne 623; proclaimed Queen 624; Grey's appointment as equerry to 6258011; prorogues Parliament 6%6n i ; first visit to the City 668&mo, 669, 670^3, 671 no; visits Brighton 668&ni3; opens Parliament 676; mentioned 49in3, 632, 646,668ni2 Vigors, Nicholas Aylward 6o6n4 Villebois, Maria. See Glentworth, Baroness Vindication of the English Constitution. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Vivian Grey. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Vizard, William (Sr) 457& 114 Vizard, William (Jr) 457n4 Wakley, Thomas 4i5&o?i, 676&nn3~5 Wall, Charles Baring 5i4&o3&nn4,7 Walpole, Horatio 618 Walpole, Sir Robert 458, 647 'Walstein: or A Cure for Melancholy'. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works War, rumours of, between United States and France 454, 457n6 Warburton, Henry 4i5&ni7&O28 Ward, Henry George (vol i) 146015; 676&n7 Warder, The 540$:m Warren, Samuel: works 373^09, 375&n4 Watts, Alaric 4o6ni8, 409 Webster, Sir Godfrey, 5th Bart 469^12 Wellesley, ist Marquess 4O4&oi Wellesley, William Pole-Tylney-Long478&02 Wellington, ist Duke of (vol i) 12207; solicits support for D 362^; regret at
D'S defeat 363ec&nm,3; 'how is the government to be carried on?' 409; and the Municipal Corporations Bill 412, 4i3n5, 4i6&n3; D sends Vindication to 449&ns; alleged diplomatic machinations of 46g&ni3; death of William iv 622; public reception of 67i&n2; mentioned 382ni, 4O4ni, 4o8&nm,6,22, 415, 458&ni5, 404n5, 472, 475, 478n2, 540, 564, 614, 635, 668&nn, 676 Westmacott, Charles Molloy (vol i) 44ni4; praises D'S letter to O'Connell 402&n2; asked identity of Runnymede 486&n2 Westmeath, ist Marquess of: invites D to Ireland for Christmas 673&n4 Westmeath, Marchioness of 673n4 Westminster election 6o4&ni2, 6o6&m, 607, 608, 611 Westminster (Reform) Club: public dispute about D'S membership in 370, 381, 4o6&ec&ni4; history of 4og&nn39,4O,43; mentioned 4i5&nm6-i8,2o,22 Westminster Review 469, 04in2 West Wycombe Park 625^ Wetherell, Sir Charles sSo&ns Wharncliffe, ist Baron 558^07 "What is Her' See Disraeli, Benjamin, works "What is Mr. Disraeli?" 409^3 Wheeler, Robert 415^9, 597112 Whigs: supported by Irish Radicals 377, 444n3, 634n2, 646&n2, 647&n2; D'S aversion to 398, 4o6nn4,6, 4O9nn33,36; as oligarchical 458; as 'anti-national' 409^3; as threat to constitution 458; See also Lichfield compact. 'Whigs and Whiggism'. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Whitcombe, James, a creditor 63O&m, 645 White, Archibald (vol i) 217111; proposed meeting with D 5O3&m; assigns D'S discounted ote to Feary 561 ; writes to D concerning debts 563^3; and D'S debts 565^78, 585, 589ec, 591, 630; questioned about D'S whereabouts 594; process served on 602; declines to press for repayment 654; mentioned 309&n4, 589, 596&m White, Eales, Taunton brewer 473^3
White, J.E. 4o6ec&m White, Luke 577^5, 6o6n4 Whyte-Melville, George John 666&n4 Whyte-Melville, John 666&O4 Wicklow, 4th Earl of 4i8&n3 Wilde, Thomas (later ist Baron Truro) 3go&n6, 4o8ni8, 572&nn4,5 Wilhelm Maximilian, Duke of Brunswick 5*9n3 Wilkinson, John Gardner (vol i) iiiniS; works 57o&n9 Wilks, John: founding member of Westminster (Reform) Club 4i5ni6, 532n6 Willey Park, Shropshire 384^2 William IV: and rumoured divisions in Tory ministry 373&n2, 387; proposed alliance of Whigs and Tories 389^1; accused of plotting against Melbourne's government 41 mi; dines with Whig ministry 421 ; and the Carlist war 496n i ; Speech from the Throne 562^4; illness 6i6&n8, 617, 6i8&m, 6i9&m, 02oni, 62i&ec, 622; death 623; encourages 'taking wine' 674n4; mentioned 415, 428n2, 49in3, 507&n4, 521, 6o4n2 Williams, Charles 369^ Williams, Mrs Charles 3698^2 Williams, Brooks, Powell and Broderips, solicitors 659n i Willis, Mary 432n4, 433 Willis, Nathaniel Parker (vol i) 324010; works 440&n2; mentioned 384, 432&n4, 433 Willis, Percival and Co, bankers: London address 463^1; D'S dealings with 468, 513, 520, 523, 524, 556, 571, 599 Wilson, editor of The Globe: D'S public quarrel with 455ni, 456, 458, 402&nn4,7, 465^1, 467 Wilson, of the Garitón Club 476^3 Wilton, 2nd Earl of (vol i) 322&nii; 4o8&n2o Wilton, Countess of: praises Henrietta Temple 540; mentioned 408020 Wilton Park 648n 12 Windmill Inn, Salt Hill, Bucks 527&n4 Winslow, Edward: as Lyndhurst's private secretary 413^02; relays reaction to D'S maiden speech 688&n3 Winslow, Forbes Benignus, physician 68803 Wood, Aid Sir Matthew (later ist Bart) 4ogn4o
457
45»
Wood, Thomas 646118 Wood, William 54006 Woolbeding, Sussex 58203, 666ni, 68503 Worcester, Marquess of (later 7th Duke of Beaufort) 386&n5, 408^06 Worcester, Marchioness of (later Duchess of Beaufort) 386^05 Worcester, James, Wycombe chairmaker 501&I12
Wright and Co, bankers 552&n2 Writs, for debt 6oonx Wycombe Sentinel 415^7 Wykeham, Herbert 536n3 Wyndham, Sir William, 3rd Bart 415, 458&Ü25
Year at Hartlebury, or the Election. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works York, Duke of: former residence of 475&n4; mentioned 433n3 Young, Tom (vol i) 243114; 616 Young, Sir William Lawrence, 4th Bart (vol i) 1401110; visits D 477&n6; election contest in Bucks 634ni, 635&n2; D describes 666; mentioned 536^, 683ng Young Duke. See Disraeli, Benjamin, works Zoological Society 373n8