Bayuda and Its Neighbours (Nubia, 1) 2503599060, 9782503599069

Table of contents :
Front Matter
Tim Karberg and Angelika Lohwasser. 1. Considerations on Terminologies
Henryk Paner. 2. Archaeological Heritage of the Bayuda Desert
Charles Bonnet. 3. The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa
Paweł L. Polkowski. 4. Cattle in the Nile Fourth Cataract Rock Art
Aleksandra Pudło. 5. Anthropological Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from the Old Kush-New Kingdom Cemetery (BP164) in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan
M. D. S. Mallinson and L. M. V. Smith. 6. Meroe and the Moving Nile
Pawel Wolf. 7. The Natural and Cultural Landscape of the Meroe Region
Fawzi Hassan Bakhiet. 8. The Archaeology of the Sabaloka Region
Bogdan T. Żurawski. 9. Makuria Deserta
Back Matter

Citation preview

Bayuda and its Neighbours

NUBIA

Studies in the Archaeology and History of Northeast Africa

Volume 1

general Editor Geoff Emberling, University of Michigan

Editorial Board Salaheldin Mohamed Ahmed, Qatar-Sudan Archaeological Project (QSAP) Michele Buzon, Purdue University Angelika Lohwasser, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Marc Maillot, Section française de la direction des antiquités du Soudan Andrea Manzo, Università degli Studi di Napoli ‘L’Orientale’ Claudia Näser, UCL London Artur Obłuski, Uniwersytet Warszawski Intisar Soghayroun Elzein, Khartoum University

Bayuda and its Neighbours

Edited by Artur OBŁUSKI, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć

F

The logo used to represent the series Nubia: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Northeast Africa derives from a stela of Queen Amanishakheto (early 1st century ce) found at the site of Naga. It depicts the Kushite goddess Amasemi (left), the consort of the lion-headed god Apedemak, blessing the queen. Logo design: Kari Guilbault, 2021.

This is an open access publication made available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0.

© 2021, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2021/0095/358 ISBN: 978-2-503-59906-9 e-ISBN: 978-2-503-59907-6 DOI: 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.127929 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Table of Contents List of Illustrations

7

Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć Introduction

13

Tim Karberg and Angelika Lohwasser 1. Considerations on Termino­logies: Based on Data from the Wadi Abu Dom

17

Henryk Paner 2. Archaeo­logical Heritage of the Bayuda Desert: An Attempt at Evaluating the Project

25

Charles Bonnet 3. The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa

59

Paweł L. Polkowski 4. Cattle in the Nile Fourth Cataract Rock Art: The Site of El-Gamamiya 67 as an Example

71

Aleksandra Pudło 5. Anthropo­logical Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from the Old KushNew Kingdom Cemetery (BP164) in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan

93

M. D. S. Mallinson and L. M. V. Smith 6. Meroe and the Moving Nile

105

Pawel Wolf 7. The Natural and Cultural Landscape of the Meroe Region

117

Fawzi Hassan Bakhiet 8. The Archaeo­logy of the Sabaloka Region

153

Bogdan T. Żurawski 9. Makuria Deserta: Some Observations on the Changing Pattern of Desert Trails in the Western Bayuda Desert and its Impact on the History of the Region

169

Index of Geographical Names

189

Index of Surnames

193

List of Illustrations 1. Considerations on Termino­logies — Tim Karberg and Angelika Lohwasser Figure 1.1. Different categories of the ridge-grave period in the Wadi Abu Dom.

20

Figure 1.2. ‘Ridge tumulus’ 6544–1. 

20

Figure 1.3. ‘Terrace tumuli’ in the Wadi Abu Dom.

21

Figure 1.4. Drop-shaped ‘terrace tumulus’ 5247–1.

22

Figure 1.5. ‘Box graves’ in the Wadi Abu Dom.

22

Figure 1.6. Large ‘box grave’ 9278–2 in the upper Wadi Abu Dom.

23

2. Archaeo­logical Heritage of the Bayuda Desert — Henryk Paner Figure 2.1. Map of the archaeological sites discovered and verified in the north-eastern part of the Bayuda Desert up to 2019.

26

Figure 2.2. Artefacts from the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic periods from sites BP87, 92, 99, 1001, 1044, and 1027.

28

Figure 2.3. Map of the Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic sites discovered in the Bayuda Desert.

30

Figure 2.4. Jebel el-Fuel and Sites BP1044, BP1201, and BP1202 situated around the elevation.

31

Figure 2.5. Exploration of Site BP952.

31

Figure 2.6. Map of sites from the Neolithic period in the north-western part of the Bayuda Desert. 32 Figure 2.7. Map of the sites from the Old Kush/New Kingdom period in the north-eastern parts of the Bayuda Desert.

34

Figure 2.8. Cemetery BP164 from the Old Kush II and New Kingdom periods. 

36

Figure 2.9. Examples of grave superstructures and the C14 dating of burials discovered beneath the superstructures.

37

Figure 2.10. Jebel Gharra: topo­graphy of Cemetery BP904 dated to the Old Kush period.

38

Figure 2.11. Cemetery BP1045 from the Old Kush period, located not far from Jebel El-Fuel.

40

Figure 2.12. Cemetery BP1045 from the Old Kush period; Grave 1.

40

Figure 2.13. Cemetery BP1045. Grave 3 super­structure; Grave 3; C14 dating of the skeleton: 1771–1624 bc. 

41

Figure 2.14. Sites in the vicinity of Jebel Gandziar.

41

Figure 2.15. Map of sites from the New Kingdom/ Napatan period in north-eastern Bayuda.

42

Figure 2.16. A classic example of a dome grave constructed by using a natural outlier. Cemetery BP487, Grave 29, C14 dating: 1120–900 bc.

43

Figure 2.17. Map of sites dated to the Meroitic period in north-western Bayuda.

44

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Figure 2.18. Site BP86: settlement with Meroitic pottery and gravel platforms next to the circular remains of a residential building.

45

Figure 2.19. Wadi Shingawi, Site BP700. Image showing the structure of the walls and their current state of preservation.

45

Figure 2.20. Map of sites dated to the Late Meroitic and Post-Meroitic Period.

46

Figure 2.21. Site BP151, a Late Meroitic–Post-Meroitic tumulus; two box graves constructed from stones taken from the mound’s embankment.

48

Figure 2.22. Cemetery BP212, dated to the Late Meroitic/ Post-Meroitic period, and containing at least thirty-nine tumuli.

48

Figure 2.23. Cemetery BP73, dated to the Late Meroitic/ Post-Meroitic period, and containing at least seventy tumuli.

48

Figure 2.24. Tumulus fields near to Atbara.

48

Figure 2.25. Tumuli in the vicinity of Atbara, on the western bank of the Nile.

49

Figure 2.26. Sites dated to the Christian Medi­eval Period in north-western Bayuda.

50

Figure 2.27. Cemetery BP207 with box graves.

51

Figure 2.28. Monastery in Ghazali, as it appeared in 2012.

51

3. The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa — Charles Bonnet Figure 3.1. General view of the site of Dokki Gel. 

60

Figure 3.2. Schematic plan of Dokki Gel in the Classic Kerma period (1750–1500 bc). 

61

Figure 3.3. Recreated plan of Palace A. 

62

Figure 3.4. Detailed plan of the structures resulting from the geophysical analyses.

62

Figure 3.5. The two temples found after the geophysical analyses. 

64

Figure 3.6. Detailed plan of the north-east temple. 

64

Figure 3.7. Reconstruction of the north-east temple of the city of Dokki Gel during the Napatan period. 

65

Figure 3.8. Schematic plan of the menenu of Thutmose I. 

66

Figure 3.9. Schematic plan of the menenu under Thutmose II and Hatshepsut. 

67

Figure 3.10. View of the Egyptian temples of Dokki Gel. 

68

4. Cattle in the Nile Fourth Cataract Rock Art — Paweł L. Polkowski Figure 4.1. View of the Nile valley from Site GM67. 

71

Figure 4.2. One of two giraffes on Panel II/33. 

73

Figure 4.3. Two cattle depictions on Panel II/25. 

73

list of illust r ati o n s

Figure 4.4. Panels II/20 and II/23 and tracing of one of the compositions. 

74

Figure 4.5. Selected variants of coat colouring. 

75

Figure 4.6. Anthropomorph and bovine on Panel II/3. 

78

Figure 4.7. Multi-layered composition on Panel III/15. 

79

Figure 4.8. Cows with udders. 

79

Figure 4.9. Head of a bovine. 

79

Figure 4.10. Cow and a ‘sitting’ bovine, Panel II/14. 

80

Figure 4.11. Cattle images on Panel II/20. 

81

Figure 4.12. Anthropomorphic figures associated with cattle depictions. 

82

Figure 4.13. ‘Pastoral scene’ in Panel III/13. 

83

Table 4.1. Motifs recorded at GM67

72

Table 4.2. Body treatment in cattle depictions from the GM67 assemblage

74

Table 4.3. Variants of horns in cattle depictions from the GM67 assemblage.

76

5. Anthropo­logical Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from the Old Kush-New Kingdom Cemetery (BP164) in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan — Aleksandra Pudło Figure 5.1. Location of Site BP164 relative to other sites recorded in the Bayuda Desert. 

94

Figure 5.2. The topo­graphy of Cemetery BP164: aerial view looking south-west.

94

Figure 5.3. Grave BP164/2: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) partly preserved skeleton burial in the grave pit. 

96

Figure 5.4. Grave BP164/3: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. 

96

Figure 5.5. Grave BP164/4: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. 

97

Figure 5.6. Skull BP164/4: a) norma frontalis; b) norma lateralis. 

97

Figure 5.7. Grave BP164/5: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial in situ. 

98

Figure 5.8. Grave BP164/6: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. 

98

Figure 5.9. Grave BP164/7: a) outline of the grave pit; b) human bones in situ in the grave pit. 

99

Figure 5.10. Grave BP164/10: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. 

99

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Figure 5.11. Grave BP164/11: a) outline of the grave pit; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. 

100

Figure 5.12. Grave BP164/15: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. 

100

Figure 5.13. Grave BP164/16: a) outline of the grave pit; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. 

101

Figure 5.14. Grave BP164/16: close-up of the burial in situ.

101

Figure 5.15. Cemetery BP164: distribution of graves based on sex and age of the buried individuals.

102

Table 5.1. Skeletal material from Cemetery BP164.

95

6. Meroe and the Moving Nile — M. D. S. Mallinson and L. M. V. Smith Figure 6.1. The suggested changes in the course of the Nile, showing the Qoz Abu Dhulu dunes blocking the earlier Muqaddam course.

105

Figure 6.2. The locations of sites mentioned in Herodotus; Napata as the ‘northern Meroe’, and the ‘southern Meroe’ at Begrawiya.

106

Figure 6.3. Map of the distribution of tribes in 1950 showing Shaigia at northern and southern ends of the Bayuda-Muqaddam route. 

107

Figure 6.4. Dimensions of the ‘Island of Meroe’ as given by Strabo and comparison between Bayuda and Butana with his description. 

108

Figure 6.5. a) Distribution of Meroitic sites in relation to current and suggested previous courses of the Nile; b) distribution of Meroitic sites in relation to current and suggested previous courses of the Nile.

109

Figure 6.6. Main types of vessel forms and decorations assigned to the Meroitic period. 

110

Figure 6.7. Examples of pottery fabrics assigned to the Meroitic period. 

112

Figure 6.8. Thumb-ring or archer’s loose from Site 59.3, similar to Meroitic types. 

113

Table 6.1. Sites and dating, according to pottery, within the Meroitic Period

114

7. The Natural and Cultural Landscape of the Meroe Region — Pawel Wolf Figure 7.1. The Meroe-Shendi reach with the main archaeo­logical sites mentioned in the text.

118

Figure 7.2. Geo­logical map of the Shendi–Atbara Basin.

120

Figure 7.3. Downstream shift of lateral and side-bars in the Nile’s riverbed between Meroe and Kabushiya since 1961.

121

Figure 7.4. Landscape units and sediments in the Meroe region. 

122

Figure 7.5. Floodplain between Hamadab and the Wadi el-Hawad, view south-west from the Hamadab site.

122

list of illust r ati o n s

Figure 7.6. ‘Natural’ levées in the area of Hamadab, marked by dots. 

123

Figure 7.7. Natural vegetation in the southern Meroe region. 

124

Figure 7.8. Peneplain between Meroe and the Wadi el-Hawad, view south-west from the Begrawiya West cemetery.

125

Figure 7.9. Pediplain in front of the sandstone plateau; view west from Jebel Qudeim, building 4-F-1 in the foreground. 

126

Figure 7.10. The sandstone plateau ( Jebel Hadjala) with stone quarries 4-F-4 and 4-F-5. 

127

Figure 7.11. Sandstone quarry 4-F-8 at Jebel Abu Sha’ar, east of the Begrawiya North and South cemeteries. 

128

Figure 7.12. ‘Wadi Awatib Conglomerates’ overlie the sandstone plateau in many places. 

129

Figure 7.13. Debris of the ‘Shendi-Togni’ surface at iron-ore mining area 4-F-74. 

129

Figure 7.14. Lenses of kaolinitic mudstone intercalated into fine-grained sandstones with ferribands (sandstone plateau near Umm Ali). 

130

Figure 7.15. Preliminary map of archaeo­logical sites recorded by the Hamadab and QMPS surveys in the southern Meroe region. 

131

Figure 7.16. Smashed Meroitic pottery at Site 4-F-58 on top of Jebel Qudeim. 

132

Figure 7.17. Gravel tumulus in the peneplain (Site 3-J-1250, village of El-Dahwab / Kabushiya. 

132

Figure 7.18. Stone-covered tumulus in the pediplain east of the tarmac road (Site 3-J-1276 south of the QSAP com­pound). 

134

Figure 7.19. Stone-built cairn on the sandstone plateau (Site 4-F-12 on top of Jebel Abu Sha’ar). 

134

Figure 7.20. Middle Paleolithic stone tools from the southern hillslope of the Begrawiya North cemetery. 

135

Figure 7.21. Cemetery 4-F-64 on top of Jebel Qudeim. 

136

Figure 7.22. Grave pit with skeleton in contracted position at Cemetery 4-F-94 on Jebel Rassas. 

137

Figure 7.23. Digital elevation model of the terrain between Meroe and Hamadab. 

138

Figure 7.24. Aerial orthophoto­graph of temple M250 and the hafir in the Wadi Hadjala near Meroe. 

138

Figure 7.25. The royal pyramid cemeteries of Begrawiya North and South. 

140

Figure 7.26. Plan of the Upper Town of Hamadab. 

141

Figure 7.27. Aerial orthophoto­graph of the hafir and the site of Awlib in the Wadi el-Hawad. 

142

Figure 7.28. Cemetery 4-F-2 at Jebel el-Hadjes. 

144

Figure 7.29. Foundation remains of two jalous round huts of the ‘Islamic’ village of Domat el-Hamadab. 

145

Figure 7.30. Land use and occupation pattern between Meroe and Kabushiya, 1965 vs. 2014.

146

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8. The Archaeo­logy of the Sabaloka Region — Fawzi Hassan Bakhiet Figure 8.1. An overview of the Sixth Cataract region.

154

Figure 8.2. Site distribution in the area of the Sabloka dam (SDASP) and the sub-survey. 

155

Figure 8.3. Neolithic site at Hegair Abu Dom. 

156

Figure 8.4. Granite quarry in Wawisy Village. 

157

Figure 8.5. Tabiya Madhist Fort, Misektab Village. 

157

Figure 8.6. Map showing the distribution of archaeo­logical sites in the Neelain concession.

158

Figure 8.7. Rock gong on top of Hagar Dabah SP68. 

160

Figure 8.8. Large tumulus, SP74. 

160

Figure 8.9. Distribution of tumuli in Gebel um Marahik, Site SP04.

161

Figure 8.10. Domed structure shape at Site SP04. 

162

Figure 8.11. Plan of T53.

162

Figure 8.12. Disarticulated skeleton T53. 

162

Figure 8.13. Plan of T190.

163

Figure 8.14. Male skeleton in contracted position T190. 

163

Figure 8.15. Superstructure of T78. 

163

Figure 8.16. Superstructure of T1 at Site SP03. 

164

Figure. 8.17. Konaisat, SP29: skeleton with grave goods. 

164

Figure 8.18. Iron arrowhead and green stone beads from T190, Site SP04. 

165

Figure 8.19. Pottery objects and personal ornaments from Site SP29. 

166

9. Makuria Deserta: Some Observations on the Changing Pattern of Desert Trails in the Western Bayuda Desert and its Impact on the History of the Region — Bogdan T. Żurawski Figure 9.1 Part of Petermann’s and Hassenstein’s Inner-Afrika (1861).

170

Figure 9.2. Part of Guillaume de Lisle’s Carte de l’Égypte, de la Nubie, de l’Abissinie (1707).

171

Figure 9.3 Part of Rigobert Bonne’s map (Nubie et Abissinie) of 1771.

172

Figure 9.4. Part of John Pinkerton’s map, entitled Abyssinia Nubia &c. (Pinkerton 1818).

173

Figure 9.5. The Baros Piers in February 1998. 

174

Figure 9.6. Magnetic map of the archaeo­logical site of Soniyat.

180

Figure 9.7. Portion of the Übersichtskarte der Nilländer compiled by Kiepert and Lepsius (1859), showing the region between Debba Bend and Bara in North Kordofan.

182

Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć

Introduction

The idea of publishing this volume, entitled Bayuda and its Neighbours, which we are now delighted to present to readers, first emerged in 2017, when a meeting of researchers with an interest in the archaeo­ logical heritage of the Sudanese Bayuda Desert took place in Gdańsk from 12–14 October. The gathering was honoured in particular by the presence of an undisputed authority in the fields of Egyptian and Sudanese archaeo­logy — namely Professor Charles Bonnet, who opened the meeting with an introductory lecture entitled ‘The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa’. Over the course of the following days, researchers from Poland, Switzerland, Great Britain, Germany, and Sudan came together to present the results of their field research and studies. The meeting was organized by the Heritage Protection Fund, together with support of the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy at the University of Warsaw, and with the participation of institutions including the Archaeo­logical Museum in Gdańsk, the Institute of Archaeo­logy at the University of Wrocław, the Institute of Archaeo­ logy at the University of Gdańsk, and Munster University. Thanks to the support provided by both the Museum of Gdańsk and the Baltic Sea Cultural Centre, it was possible to hold the meetings in the historic interiors of Gdańsk’s Main Town Hall and the Old Town Hall, a wonderful opportunity for which we would like to thank the directors of both institutions. Alongside this meeting, and at the initiative of Jacke Phillips and Laurence Smith, ceramic workshops were held that were dedicated to the pottery from the Fourth Cataract region of the Nile and the Bayuda Desert. These workshops garnered so much interest that they were convened a second time the following year, held in July 2018 in Gdańsk, and organized by the Heritage Protection

Fund, the Archaeo­logical Museum of Gdańsk, and the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy at the University of Warsaw. These workshops were to prove inspirational, encouraging their participants to drive forwards research into the issues and subjects discussed, and to continue networking and exchanging views intensively in the months that followed. The result is that many of the chapters that are drawn together here in fact have relatively little to do with the papers first delivered by their authors at the Gdańsk meeting, having been significantly revised, updated, and rewritten, while other contributions take their inspiration from topics discussed in the years after. The result is this exciting new thematic volume which aims to shed new light upon the region of Bayuda and its environs by presenting the very latest research and data available. The Gdańsk meeting, and this subsequent volume, are the successors to the ground-breaking work of Angelika Lohwasser and Tim Karberg, who in 2015 organized the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan at the University of Munster. This meeting was a milestone in summarizing the results of the archaeo­ logical research conducted in the Bayuda Desert up until the beginning of the twenty-first century, with papers later published in a thematic issue of the journal Merotica under the title Bayuda Studies.1 The publication, comprised of two parts, combined a onehundred-page extensive discussion of the results of research conducted as part of the W.A.D.I. project (i.e., Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary), together with ten articles presenting the most up-to-date research from 1 Lohwasser, A., T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller (eds). 2018. Bayuda Studies: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, Meroitica, 27 (Weisbaden: Harrassowitz).

Artur Obłuski ([email protected]) Faculty of Archaeo­logy, University of Warsaw Henryk Paner ([email protected]) Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy, University of Warsaw Mirosław Masojć ([email protected]) Institute of Archaeo­logy, University of Wrocław

14

a rtu r o błus k i , h e n ry k pan e r , an d   m i ro s ław maso jć

the region across a broad chrono­logical timeframe that stretched from the Palaeolithic up to mediaeval and Islamic times. The volume also presented excavations at, and research into, the significance and functions of a number of monumental buildings in the Bayuda Desert, among them Umm Ruweim I, Umm Ruweim II, Ghazali, Quweib, Umm Khafour, Shingawi, and El-Tuweina, while the work of eminent German geo­logist Klaus-Dieter Meinhold, who led a geo­logical expedition to the area in 1976–1978, was also revisited and discussed. Inspired by this approach, the editors and contributors of Bayuda and its Neighbours use this volume to introduce, examine, and (re)assess a number of important issues, many of which are new in the archaeo­logy of Nubia, and to consider them against a broad comparative background. This approach has proved extremely fruitful; it has not only led to a number of insightful observations, but by broadening out the context of study, it has made it possible to draw certain generalizations thanks to the large number of sites recorded during the study, enabling a statistical approach. In their chapter ‘Considerations on Termino­ logies’, Angelika Lohwasser and Tim Karberg put forward a hypothesis concerning the Napata-Meroitic state’s lack of political and administrative control over the Bayuda Desert, which they instead consider to have been controlled by nomadic peoples who functioned from outside the organizational framework of the Kush Kingdom. In addition, they argue that the chrono­logy of sites dated to the Late Meroe — Post Meroe period should be extended into the period of the Kingdom of Meroe. They explain the lack of any traces of elite culture in the area of study by noting that we are dealing here with a settlement that was chrono­logically Meroitic but simultaneously local and rural, and thus lacking any expression of elite culture. Discussing the results of the research conducted into the mediaeval period, Lohwasser and Karberg use their chapter to put forward the hypothesis that those communities who buried their dead in box graves did not represent Christian societies in any theo­logical or liturgical meaning. This important statement finds its basis in the lack of any temples or other sacral installations in the Bayuda Desert outside of the religious centre in Ghazali. Ultimately, the authors suggest, the termino­logy hitherto used, and that is mostly derived from the Nile Valley, is not suitable for application to the peripheral areas of Nubia, which were subject to different cultural influences. They therefore introduce three new terms to define chrono­logical divisions: the ridge-tumulus period, the terrace-tumuli period, and the box-grave period, which can be applied respectively to the Old

Kush and Napata, Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic, and the mediaeval period. Henryk Paner, in his chapter, ‘Archaeo­logical Heritage of the Bayuda Desert’, offers an overview of the archaeo­logical sources recorded in the north-western part of the Bayuda Desert (c. 900 sites) in an area covering c. 25 000 km2, as well as to the west of Atbara (c. 200 sites). His insightful discussion examines the archaeo­logical sites from the perspective of a carto­graphic approach and according to a chrono­logical key, which allows for the evaluation of settlement intensity in the Bayuda Desert during various periods. The chapter also contains detailed evidence concerning climate changes in the area over the course of a few thousand years. The chapter ‘The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa’, written by Charles Bonnet, offers a wealth of previously unpublished findings relating to the results of research into the territorial expansion of the Kingdom of Kerma and the key role of this state in contacts with the countries of Central Africa. The results of recent research from the sites at Kerma and Dokki Gel prove particularly invaluable in this regard, opening up new perspectives for the study of contacts between Egypt, Nubia, and Central Africa. Bonnet decisively demonstrates that the features of the African city discovered at Dokki Gel are evidence of its close political and cultural ties with Sub-Saharan Africa, and the existence of a defensive alliance against the expansion of the pharaonic state. The site’s unique architecture and urban planning were, unfortunately, largely destroyed by buildings that were erected in the same place during the New Kingdom period, but the extraordinary precision of the excavations, as well as the outstanding ability of Bonnet and his team to read and interpret the strati­graphy of the site, mean that a vast amount of information invaluable for academic purposes has been salvaged. Finds from the site, for example, have yielded high amounts of evidence to show that this centre functioned for many centuries, with one such example being during the reign of Thutmose I; he created his menenu here, and not only made use of an earlier fortification system that had been constructed at this spot, but also enriched it with new defensive buildings. In his chapter, ‘Cattle in the Nile Fourth Cataract Rock Art: The Site of el-Gamamiya 67 as an Example’, Paweł Polkowski discusses the representations of cattle in the rock art that is registered in the Fourth Cataract region at the site of el-Gamamiya (GM67). This, in his opinion, could have been created during the times of the Kerma culture. Meanwhile, Aleksandra Pudło uses his contribution, ‘Anthropo­ logical Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from

i nt ro duction

the Old Kush-New Kingdom Cemetery (BP164) in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan’ to put forward important new data that will influence the excavations and anthropo­logical analyses in the region. Here, Pudło presents exceptionally important information concerning both conditions of those who lives in the Bayuda Desert at that time, and the reasons underpinning their mortality. In ‘Meroe and the Moving Nile’, a contribution to the volume based on research conducted in Wadi Muqaddam, Michel Mallinson and Laurence Smith present evidence to demonstrate that this geo­graphical feature was in fact a former historical arm of the Nile. At the same time, they investigate whether changes in the Nile’s bed may have had a direct impact on the choice of the former Kushite capitals at Napata and Meroe. The authors’ conclusions are enriched by a detailed analysis of the location of artefacts recorded in Wadi Mugaddam. This inspiring chapter ultimately highlights the important role that can be played by thorough and broader analysis of changes in the geo­graphical environment when reconstructing the history of settlement in the Bayuda Desert. Pawel Wolf ’s chapter, ‘The Natural and Cultural Landscape of the Meroe Region’, offers a fascinating overview of the Kingdom of Meroe, which in the First Millennium bc became the Iron Kingdom and the political centre of the Kushites. Wolf also offers a remarkable account of how the natural landscape was transformed over the centuries into a cultural landscape due to the intensive development of iron ore mining, smelting, and processing, as well as thanks to changes that occurred in the intensity of settlement in this area under the increasing economic and political importance of the Meroe State. The chapter written by Fawzi Bakhiet, entitled ‘The Archaeo­logy of the Sabaloka Region’, discusses the archaeo­logical heritage of the Sixth Cataract region, which was until recently relatively unknown by the academic world. The results of the fieldwork carried out by archaeo­logists from NCAM and Al-Neelain University and presented here provide an excellent complement and an update to the work previously carried out in the region by archaeo­logists from France, Italy, Great Britain, and the Czech Republic. Finally, in his subversively titled chapter, ‘Makuria deserta’, Bogdan Żurawski analyses the origins of, and changes in, trade routes across the western Bayuda, with a particular focus on the trail along Wadi el-Melik. Here, he argues convincingly that, as a result of the lucrative trade in cattle, slaves, and other goods that flowed from Darfur and Kordofan, this route and several other connected trials contributed to the

economic and political foundations of the Kingdom of Makuria, which emerged in the fourth and fifth centuries. Crucially for this volume, Bogdan Żurawski also makes the pertinent comment that there is no unanimity in the literature as to how we might define the territorial extent of Bayuda to the west. In the case of the term ‘Bayuda Desert’, the prevailing view is that its boundary to the west coincides with the Wadi Muqaddam and one of the dry riverbeds east of Wadi el-Melik. Thus when we speak of the Bayuda Region as a geo­graphic area, it is probably more appropriate to take into account the central and northern part of Wadi el-Melik. Acknowledgements

As can be seen, this volume covers a wealth of topics, touching on a diverse range of issues, and to draw this together in a coherent way posed quite a challenge for the contributors, as well as for the Editorial Board, and the anonymous reviewers, whose feedback was gratefully received. We hope, however, that the final shape of the texts included in the book not only faithfully reflects the intentions of the authors, but also gives a chance to present the latest achievements in the field of Nubiology — the science that owes its birth to Professor Kazimierz Michałowski, who in 1939, on behalf of Poland, offered Sudan help in saving its archaeological heritage. We would therefore like to express our warm thanks to both Geoff Emberling, the General Editor of the Nubia series, and to Rosie Bonté, our publishing manager at Brepols, to whom we owe the perfect clarification of our thoughts for the readers of this book. Their invaluable contribution to the creation of this work will remain in our grateful memory. Last but not least, we would like to thank the National Science Center in Poland for financing the program no. 2016/23 / B / HS3 / 00845, named ‘Prehistoric Communities of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan — New Boundaries of the Kingdom of Kerma’. This book is one of the expected results of this project.

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Tim Karberg and Angelika Lohwasser

1. Considerations on Termino­logies Based on Data from the Wadi Abu Dom Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary The Wadi Abu Dom is one of the most prominent valleys in the Bayuda. The sources for this mostly dry valley are situated in the central Bayuda, in the southern part of the great Bayuda volcanic field. It meets the Nile near the modern town of Merawi, roughly opposite Jebel Barkal. Between 2009 and 2016, the ‘Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary (W.A.D.I.)’1 project surveyed the Wadi Abu Dom in its entirety, from 18° 27' 00" N; 31° 53' 50" E to 18° 11' 28" N; 32° 58' 11" E. In an intensive survey that was carried out on foot, covering both banks of the wadi up to 4 km, vestiges of all human activity from the Palaeolithic up to the Funj period were listed. The initial aim of the survey was to discover the route of the so-called ‘King’s Road’ of the Kushite Kingdom, along which the king travelled between Meroe and Napata for his coronation, as well as for his burial. A second aim was to document more generally the remains of ancient traffic. Even if the Wadi Abu Dom did not serve as the ‘King’s Road,’ it certainly appears to have been a suitable trade route that linked the East (trade originating from the Red Sea and Butana) with the West (in the direction of Egypt). Since the Wadi Abu Dom was at this time archaeo­logically unexplored, the third aim of the project was the general identification and documentation of all traces of human activity in order to establish an archaeo­logical map. Our intensive survey resulted in the discovery of 8376 archaeo­logical sites. Most consist only of a few traces of human activity, such as single stone circles or individual graves, as might be expected within a remote desert landscape like the Bayuda.



1 For the final publication of the W.A.D.I. survey project, see Karberg and Lohwasser 2018 (with the list of all earlier publi­ cations). See also the Wadi Abu Dom Investigations website.

Nevertheless, there are also some sites of considerable size and complexity, among them cemeteries containing up to 70 tumuli over 10 m in diameter; or cemeteries with some 140 box grave tombs. The most spectacular sites — with the clear exception of the monastic complex and cemeteries at Ghazali, at the very end of the Wadi Abu Dom, which has been investigated by the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy (Obłuski and others 2015) — are the stone structures in the oasis of El-Rum: Umm Ruweim, Umm Khafour, and Quweib. These bear witness to a society that generated a stable surplus product, and that controlled enough resources to construct massive and elaborate stone buildings. All site data has been integrated into a GIS that is now available as an open-access database (see the Wadi Abu Dom Investigations webpage). The results of our analyses and discussion of the material have already been published elsewhere (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018), but the enlargement of the database with data from other missions working in the Bayuda is most welcome. The compilation of data from other areas, together with investigations across a broader database, are needed to gain an insight into the archaeo­logical culture of the Bayuda.

Periods covered by the Archaeo­logical Record The sites in the Wadi Abu Dom range in date from the Palaeolithic through to the Islamic Funj periods. We discovered four Palaeolithic workshops and several Neolithic sites, as well as additional scattered Palaeolithic and Neolithic material that formed a kind of abundant substratum, in particular on the areas of higher terrain that were elevated signifi-

Tim Karberg ([email protected]) Institute for Egyptology and Coptology, University of Münster, Germany Angelika Lohwasser ([email protected]) Institute for Egyptology and Coptology, University of Münster, Germany This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 17–24

10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128047

FHG

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cantly about the high-flood terraces along the wadi banks. However, the most significant remains can be roughly dated to the second and first millennium bc and the first millennium ad. Remains from the Kerma period are present as steep tumuli on ridges and as what are most probably hut structures. These agglomerations of archaeo­logical records occur along the entire length of the Wadi Abu Dom. Remains that are clearly datable to the Napatan and Meroitic periods, which might be expected in significant numbers due to the neighbouring Jebel Barkal region, are surprisingly scarce. In contrast, flat tumuli on the terraces, usually dated to the post-Meroitic period, are frequent along the entire wadi. In the middle of the Wadi Abu Dom, we have documented cemeteries, relatively few in number but huge in size, which consist of large tumuli of this type; however, no associated settlement structures have been identified. From these finds, we suggest that the people connected with these cemeteries must have lived a non-sedentary lifestyle. This is also at least partly the case for the extended cemeteries with mediaeval box graves situated in the upper Wadi Abu Dom. Other box grave cemeteries in the upper Wadi Abu Dom, however, are of smaller size and are associated with agglomerations of small round hut structures, indicating the presence of at least some scattered sedentary habitation structures in this area in the mediaeval period. The main historical phases present in the archaeo­logical record are thus usually called ‘Kerma’, ‘post-Meroitic’ and ‘Christian’. When analysing the data, we were astonished at the absence of clearly identifiable Napatan or Meroitic material. If, as it was assumed, the Napatan ‘King’s Road’ followed the Wadi Abu Dom, it might be expected that some visible traces would be recovered within the archaeo­logical record. However, no typical royal enterprises such as palaces or sacral buildings were identifiable, and nor did we find any material culture associated with the élite (for example Meroitic fine ware, inscriptions, or religious items) that would suggest a Kushite presence. This raises the question of how fully the Wadi Abu Dom region was integrated into the Kushite state, given that a high level of integration might have been expected to leave at least some traces of organized administration (such as inscribed material), religious rituals (temples, chapels, or at least religious artwork), or the presence of a socio-political élite (for example, luxury goods).2 As such, we have already suggested

2 These traces are well-documented in other remote areas that are distant from the Nile and were directly controlled by the Napatan-Meroitic state, such as the Keraba or even the Wadi Howar in the Western Desert.

that the area of the Wadi Abu Dom, and most probably larger parts of the Bayuda, were (politically and administratively) in fact not directly controlled by the Napatan-Meroitic state, but rather by some other authorities (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 106–08). It is not only the lack of royal remains, but this total absence of Kushite high culture that has led to the suggestion that we are dealing with a different segment of cultural expression. What we have instead found are the remains of a lower-class population, the farmers and herders of the Bayuda. In the archaeo­ logical record, we interpret small hut structures as the remains of a sedentary lifestyle, and campsites as indications that the population followed an (at least partially) mobile pastoral subsistence strategy. We could find no large settlement other than that of Ghazali, which was of course a centre of importance in the Middle Ages. Although we did not find traces of high Napatan or Meroitic culture, we do have a huge number of so-called ‘post-Meroitic’ sites. In comparison to other cultural stages, the number and size of these sites are extremely prominent, given the brevity of the post-Meroitic period in the current periodization. Of course, it might be that the Wadi Abu Dom was populated far more densely during that period than in either earlier or later times; however, given our present knowledge about the climatic history of the region, it seems rather unlikely that during the postMeroitic period, the banks of the Wadi Abu Dom were able to support a significantly larger population than in other periods. Another possible explanation for the prominence of the so-called post-Meroitic material culture is that it covers a broader historical period than in the Nile valley. Having already stated that we are dealing with a lower-class population, we thus suggested that these post-Meroitic remains are perhaps, at least in part, chrono­logically Kushite (Meroitic?) and represent the material culture of the non-élite segment of the population of the hinterland. In previous publications, we have therefore begun to describe the cultural relics associated with the post-Meroitic sites as ‘rural Meroitic’, in order to demonstrate expressing that we identify this material as being chrono­logically Meroitic, but that it is nonetheless of a local, rural nature and thus lacks any expression of the élite culture (Lohwasser 2011, 67). Several years ago, Elżbieta Kołosowska, Mahmoud el-Tayeb, and Henryk Paner had already begun to challenge the use of the term ‘Kerma’ for cultural relics datable to the second millennium bc (Kołosowska, El-Tayeb, and Paner 2003). They suggested that the term ‘Old Kush’ be used instead, implying that this culture resembles a predecessor of the later Kushite culture, which may not have the same horizon as

1. co nsi d e rat i o ns o n t e rmi no­l ogies

the Nile-based Kerma culture: ‘In contrast to the term “Kerma culture”, this new name has historical connotations rather than geo­graphical ones only’. (Kołosowska, El-Tayeb, and Paner 2003, 21). Although this concept was discussed, it was not fully accepted by the scientific community, and ‘Kerma culture’ is used throughout the publications on the Fourth cataract. When dealing with the archaeo­logical record of the Wadi Abu Dom, a third set of problems arises with the so-called ‘Christian’ period. Although we documented a huge number of box graves — some elaborately constructed and of large dimensions — we found no remains of any church or other sacral installation that could have been used as a place for Christian liturgy. Of course, the church of Ghazali could have functioned as a religious centre for the lower Wadi Abu Dom, but the huge cemeteries in the upper wadi, especially at its origin in the middle of the Bayuda, hint at a community living far away from Ghazali and thus too far away for regular liturgical visits. In our final publication of the survey results, we have already drawn on liturgical and theo­logical arguments to challenge the idea that the people using box graves were really ‘Christian’ (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 105).

at Kassinger, have produced non-élite material that has enlarged our view of Meroitic cultural output, at least in the Late Meroitic period (Kołosowska and El-Tayeb 2007). Nonetheless, the bulk of finds originate in the royal, élite, and middle-class cemeteries of Lower Nubia and the Keraba. There, finds of decorated vessels are abundant, and eggshell ware has also been found in some centres. The main post-Meroitic sites are Ballana and Qustul in Lower Nubia, Tanqasi and Zuma in the region of former Napata, and El-Hobagi in the region of former Meroe (for a short overview, see Welsby 2002, 20–30). These sites were socio-political centres during this period and the archaeo­logical records from these centres resemble its ‘high culture’. Tumuli of enormous size have been explored, which host a wide variety of grave goods. Several different terms have been used when analysing this period: ‘X-Group’ for the Lower Nubian remains; ‘Ballana culture’ and ‘Tanqasi culture’ for the specific local forms; ‘postMeroitic’ in relation to chrono­logy; and ‘post-Pyramidal’ in discussions of form.4 Most recently, Mahmoud el-Tayeb has coined the term ‘Early Makuria’ for the region of Upper Nubia as a way of demonstrating that, while the name ‘Makuria’ was documented only after Nubia’s Christianization, nonetheless the cultural appearance of this specific region could already be linked to the later mediaeval kingdoms. Even so, El-Tayeb (2012, 12) stresses that:

Nile-based Termino­logy

[h]istorically we should admit that the period following the end of Meroë could be named the Post-Meroitic as a general cultural trend for the whole Nubian territory. However, regionality and the fact that each region developed in its own way depending on various cultural influences cannot be denied, especially when this regionality is evident in the material culture.

The termino­logy that we use for archaeo­logical research in Sudan was first established during the large excavations along the Nile. The enormous site of Kerma and its rich material culture were known from the beginning of the twentieth century. Finds of Kerma-style pottery in Egypt, even in the Nile Delta, and in the Gash Delta near Kassala, all show the extent of the Kingdom of Kerma’s influence.3 Although situated in the Nile Valley, explorations in the region of the Fourth Cataract yielded evidence of a hinterland of larger realms, cemeteries, and settlement sites with elements of typical material culture (for an overview, see Paner 2014). Nevertheless, all of these vestiges, whether in Kerma itself or at the Fourth Cataract, remain connected to the Nile basin. The Kushite royal cities and cemeteries of Meroe and Napata, as well as the other major temple sites and palaces, have formed our understanding of Kushite material culture. Recent excavations at several cemeteries near the Fourth Cataract, especially



3 For Tell ed-Dabca in the Egyptian Nile Delta, see ForstnerMüller and Rose 2012 (with earlier literature) and, for the Gash Delta in Kassala, see Manzo 2014 (with earlier literature).

The same need to construct a termino­logy for the material culture discovered in the Nile basin is attested to in Christian mediaeval culture, the main sites for which — among them Faras, Old Dongola, and Banganarti — are situated in the Nile Valley. The only exception5 is Ghazali in the Wadi Abu Dom but, although situated in the hinterland, it is nevertheless near to the Nile (located at a distance of about 14 km). Again, the overall investigation of material culture in this period is largely based on material originating from the Nile Valley.



4 For a discussion of the historio­graphical evolution of these different terms, see El-Tayeb 2012, 11–14. 5 The only Christian site located at a distance from the Nile is situated at the Jebel al Ain in Northern Kordofan (Eger 2011).

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Figure 1.1. Different categories of the ridgegrave period in the Wadi Abu Dom. Map: T. Karberg; background map: ESRI, USGS, NOAA.

these locations that continues to form the basis for the periodization of Nubian cultural horizons. Such termino­logy, established in the great excavations of the twentieth century, was also used in the early twenty-first century in the Fourth Cataract area, and it remains in common use when describing the Nubian archaeo­logical record. The use of this periodization by all missions working in the Fourth Cataract has led to its unquestioned specification as a common vocabulary. But even if the termino­logy applied may be considered as useful when used in the direct hinterland of the great cultures of the Nile Valley — among them the region of the Fourth Cataract — it remains the case that this might not be true for more remote and peripheral regions, or areas potentially situated outside of the influence of these cultures. Figure 1.2. ‘Ridge tumulus’ 6544–1. Photo: W.A.D.I.

All of the sites from which our evidence is drawn are situated in the Nile Basin or, for the Meroitic period, in the Keraba, which at that time formed the heartland of the state and was certainly fully integrated into the Meroitic administration. Moreover, these sites all once held varying degrees of importance: they were prominent as sites for the royal, élite or at least middle classes. Despite this, it is the material culture discovered during excavation in

A Preliminary Termino­logy for the Bayuda? As stated above, the adaptation and employment of a Nile-based termino­logy is already being challenged. Using ‘Old Kush’ instead of ‘Kerma’ and ‘rural Meroitic’ instead of ‘post-Meroitic’ were our first attempts at adapting the termino­logy to fit the more specific circumstances at the periphery of the region. Nevertheless, both these newly established

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Figure 1.3. ‘Terrace tumuli’ in the Wadi Abu Dom. Map: T. Karberg; background map: ESRI, USGS, NOAA.

terms continue to include a chrono­logical aspect that remains bound to the Nile Valley: namely Kush and Meroitic. In this chapter, it is instead our aim to challenge in its entirety the adaptation of a termino­logy that has been established on archaeo­logical data documented along the Nile. While these terms undoubtedly fit well when applied to proven cultural periods along the Nile, the fit is questionable when used in peripheral areas — at least if this periphery is only perfunctorily investigated. However, it is not our intention to introduce a competitive termino­logy, but rather to call for a greater awareness when using established termino­logies. Moreover, the data set that is the basis for our proposal is rather limited, as it draws only on the archaeo­logical record for the Wadi Abu Dom. For most material culture documented in the Wadi Abu Dom, particularly the burials, the internal chrono­logical sequence is rather evident. Although we cannot correlate absolute dates, three phases can clearly be distinguished structurally as well as chrono­logically (in a relative sense): 1) small steep tumuli at the ridges of hills and hillslopes with aboveground burials, 2) larger flat tumuli at the terraces with burial shafts, and 3) box graves. These are usually described as Kerma (‘Old Kush’), post-Meroitic (‘rural Meroitic’), and Christian/mediaeval. As we are trying to refrain from attributions that imply specific cultural and fixed chrono­logical aspects, we here want to float the suggestion of three neu-

tral categories, valid at least for the Wadi Abu Dom, namely the ridge-tumulus period, the terrace-tumulus period, and the box-grave period. The ridge-tumulus period is defined by the creation of steep tumuli on ridges and slopes, as well as cleft burials and some very few dome graves (Figs 1.1–1.2) Common to all three types is that the corpse was not interred but rather was laid on the surface and covered with stones. On the hilltops, the stones formed a tumulus, and boulders were used in flat rocky areas where the limitation of the burial was covering the body with stones. In the dome graves, a small chamber was formed by stone slabs to incorporate the body, but only very seldom have we been able to document this grave type with any certainty. In association with the ridge tumuli, we found a few hut structures that seem to have been correlated topo­ graphically with these tumuli, despite the fact that their contemporaneity cannot thus far be proven strati­graphically. Associated with these tumuli, we found ceramics that resemble wares attributed to the (rural) Kerma and/or Napatan culture at the Fourth Cataract.6 For the terrace-tumuli period, we have no clear traces of settlement structures, but have identified cemeteries of considerable size with flat and large tumuli situated on flood terraces of the main wadi and its tributaries (Figs 1.3–1.4). These measure as 6 Nevertheless, investigation of the ceramic techno­logy of the Bayuda, especially with regard to fabrics, is only just beginning.

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Figure 1.4. Drop-shaped ‘terrace tumulus’ 5247–1. Photo: W.A.D.I.

Figure 1.5. ‘Box graves’ in the Wadi Abu Dom. Map: T. Karberg; background map: ESRI, USGS, NOAA.

much as 12 m in diameter, and are present in different forms. Some are very flat and defined by a circular line of stones; others are higher, and a ring of dry-laid masonry suggests a stabilizing construction. Others have been built with a ‘nose’ orientated primarily east- to south-east. In some cases, tumuli have an asymmetric surface, with one side higher than the other. At the moment we cannot interpret the reasons for these differences, or identify if they perhaps had a chrono­logical, cultural, or social meaning. In the middle Wadi Abu Dom, we

excavated a small number of tumuli of that type, two of which show characteristics of Late Meroitic substructures. The pottery associated with these tumuli resemble types that were common in the Late and post-Meroitic period in the Nile Valley. The box-grave period is identified by grave superstructures formed by stone boxes that are arranged in rows, often in specific areas within larger cemeteries of terrace tumuli, but on occasion within wholly separate cemeteries (Figs 1.5–1.6). The boxes sometimes consist only of an outline of stones filled with

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Figure 1.6. Large ‘box grave’ 9278–2 in the upper Wadi Abu Dom. Photo: W.A.D.I.

gravel, but others are solid boxes constructed up to 1.50 m in height. In the upper Wadi Abu Dom, several round hut clusters associated with box grave cemeteries allow us to suggest that a sedentary population lived in this remote area during the box-grave period. Excavation of a tumulus and box grave cemetery in the middle Wadi Abu Dom also included one small tumulus that had a grave substructure and burial customs common in the mediaeval period (Eger and Kołosowska 2018, 225). C14 analysis of a shroud found in this tumulus dated it to the ninth century ad, making it clearly mediaeval in date. This specific case highlights the broader problem that, although the general phasing sequence in the Wadi Abu Dom can be designated as ridge-tumulus period, terrace-tumulus period, and box-grave period, this picture can nonetheless be blurred by overlapping or long traditions. Nonetheless, by using these three categories we can describe the internal periodization and distinguish most archaeo­logical remains without implying a connection with the cultural periods of the Nile valley. The termino­logy is culturally as well as socio-politically neutral, defining only the main traces of the period described. But the last example demonstrates, it is not necessarily easy to distinguish between such unspecific terms.

Outlook Of course, this termino­logy is only meant to be preliminary. Further analyses of the archaeo­logical record of the Bayuda, and an increase in the density of data, will allow for the re-evaluation of cultural attributions; at least some elements of connections with the cultures of the Nile need to be subjected to repeated analyses for any kind of integration to occur. In the future, with an insight into the material culture from many more areas across the whole Bayuda, it will be possible to assess if a more or less independent cultural complex existed within this vast region. If this idea is supported by the archaeo­logical record, we will have to re-think our termino­logies in order to fit the material cultures and chrono­logy of the Bayuda. For the time being, however, we suggest as a preliminary step the neutral termino­logy of ridge-tumulus period, terrace-tumulus period, and box-grave period.

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ti m k a r be rg a n d an g e l i ka lo h was s e r

‫تيم كاربرج وأنجيليكا لواسر‬

)‫إعتبارات حول المصطلحات (بنا ًء على بيانات من وادي أبو دوم‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫ تتراوح ما بين حلقات فردية‬،‫ موقع‬0008 ‫أسفر المسح االثري لوادي أبودوم عن تسجيل أكثر من‬ ‫ تمتد الفترة الزمنية من العصر الحجري القديم الي فترة الفونج‬.‫صغيرة من الحجارة الي الجبانات الكبيرة‬ ‫ ولكن من المدهش أن المخلفات االثرية التي يمكن تأريخها بوضوح الي‬.)‫االسالمية (ومتغير الشايقية‬ ‫ والتي من المتوقع أن تكون بأعداد كبيرة نسبة لقربها من منطقة جبل البركل‬،‫الفترتين النبتية والمروية‬ ‫ عادة ما تسمى المراحل التاريخية الرئيسية الموجودة في السجل اآلثاري‬.‫ إال انها نادرة الوجود‬،‫المجاورة‬ ‫ فإن هذا المصطلح مبني على ثقافات وادي النيل‬،‫ ومع ذلك‬.»‫«كرمة» و «ما بعد مروي» و «مسيحي‬ ‫ نريد‬،‫ ألسباب مختلفة‬.‫ وهي مشكلة في تطبيقها على المناطق النائية‬،‫التي تمت دراستها بشكل أفضل‬ ‫ حتى يتوفر التأريخ الواضح للمواقع المقابلة‬،‫ لذا‬.‫تحدي قابلية تكييف هذه المصطلحات المقبولة عمو ًما‬ ‫ نريد اقتراح تسلسل زمني هيكلي داخلي بنا ًء على االوصاف الموجهة نحو وضع‬،‫في المناطق النائية‬ ‫ على‬.‫ والتي تكون مصحوبة بتغير االكوام الخارجية للمقبرة‬،‫الجبانات وعالقتها بالتضاريس المحلية‬ ‫ إال أنه من الواضح أن هناك ثالث مراحل يمكن تمييزها‬،‫الرغم من أننا ال نستطيع ربط التواريخ المطلقة‬ ‫ باستخدام‬.‫ وفترة المقبرة الصندوقية‬،‫ وفترة المدرجات الترابية‬،‫ فترة التالل‬:‫وترتيبها ترتيبا هيكليًا وزمنيًا‬ ً ‫ يمكننا وصف الفترة الداخلية وأكثر البقايا األثرية‬،‫هذه الفئات الثالث‬ ‫تميزا دون االعتماد بشكل كبير على‬ ‫ ونشير‬.‫ والتي ال تزال تخضع للبحث العلمي والخطاب‬،‫ارتباط صارم بالفترات الثقافية في وادي النيل‬ .‫ وتحدد فقط اآلثار الرئيسية للفترة الموصوفة‬،‫الي أن المصطلحات محايدة ثقافيًا وكذلك اجتماعيًا سياسيًا‬

Works Cited Eger, J. 2010. ‘Ein mittelalterliches Kloster am Gebel al-Ain? Der antike Sudan’, Der Antike Sudan, 22: 115–20 Eger, J. and E, Kołosowksa. 2018. ‘From the Late Meroitic to the Makurian Period: First Results of Excavations at Cemetery Sites in the Wadi Abu Dom’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 197–230 El-Tayeb, M. 2012. Funerary Traditions in Nubian Early Makuria, African Reports Mono­graph Series, 1 (Gdańsk: Archaeo­ logical Museum) Forstner-Müller, I. and P. Rose. 2012. ‘Nubian Pottery at Avaris in the Second Intermediate Period and the New Kingdom: Some Remarks’, in Nubian Pottery from Egyptian Cultural Contexts of the Middle and Early New Kingdom. Proceedings of a Workshop held at the Austrian Archaeo­logical Institute in Cairo, 1–12 December 2010, ed. by I. Forstner-Müller and P. Rose, Ergänzungshefte zu den Jahresheften des Österreichischen Archäo­logischen Institutes in Wien, 13 (Vienna: Österreichisches Archäo­logisches Institut), pp. 181–212 Karberg, T. and A. Lohwasser. 2018. ‘The Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary (W.A.D.I.) Survey Project’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 3–119 Kołosowska, E., and M. el-Tayeb. 2007. ‘Excavations at the Kassinger Bahri Cemetery Sites HP45 and HP47’, Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum African Reports, 5: 9–36. Kołosowska, E., M. el-Tayeb, and H. Paner. 2003. ‘Old Kush in the Fourth Cataract Region’, Sudan & Nubia, 7: 21–25 Lohwasser, A. 2011. ‘Das Projekt Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary (W.A.D.I.). Kampagne 2011’, Der Antike Sudan, 22: 59–68 Manzo, A. 2014. ‘Beyond the Fourth Cataract. Perspectives for Research in Eastern Sudan’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 1149–57 Obłuski, A., G. Ochała, M. Bogacki, W. Małkowski, S. Maślak, and Z. Ed-Din Mahmoud. 2015. ‘Ghazali 2012. Preliminary Report’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 24.1: 431–39 Paner H. 2014. ‘Kerma Culture in the Fourth Cataract of the Nile’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 53–79 Wadi Abu Dom Investigations: [access April 2021] Welsby, D. A. 2002. The Medi­eval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims along the Middle Nile (London: British Museum)

Henryk Paner

2. Archaeo­logical Heritage of the Bayuda Desert An Attempt at Evaluating the Project Introductory Remarks In 2017, a project entitled ‘Prehistoric Communities in the Bayuda Desert in Sudan — New Borders of the Kerma Kingdom’ (No. 2016/23/B/HS3/00845) was established with financing from the National Science Centre of Poland. This ongoing research project is of an interdisciplinary nature, with archaeo­logical analyses supplemented by studies into the cultural anthropo­logy of the region, as well as palaeobotanical, archaeozoo­logical, geo­logical, and geomorpho­ logical research, and other specialized analyses. Such multifaceted studies, covering both sites that have already been researched and new areas of exploration, offer the opportunity to construct a model of the formation and changes impacting both the natural and cultural landscape in the area of research. One of the authors’ objectives is to create a general map of the settlements of the present-day Bayuda. This may help both in the reconstruction of early settlement patterns in the area and in determining the conditions necessary for such sites to function. The research hypothesis is based on the concept that the Bayuda, which lies at the crossroads of important African communication and trade routes, was a significant economic supply centre for the prehistoric communities that lived along the banks of the River Nile in the area between the Third and the Sixth Cataracts. It is hoped that the data derived from this project will shed light on the relationships that existed between the communities of the Nile Valley and the inhabitants of Bayuda in prehistoric times. Another of the project’s primary objectives is to identify the factors that influenced the formation of the adaptation strategies adopted by these two different communities in the area in question and thus to observe clearly legible changes in the cultural landscape of the region.

In order to set the results obtained so far in their wider context, a preliminary discussion of the Bayuda Desert’s archaeo­logical heritage is required. This entails a brief analysis of the settlement transformation that occurred in the area both before the creation of the Kingdom of Kerma, and after its decline, and encompasses the results of the studies previously conducted in the Bayuda Desert by GAME (Paner and Pudło 2010a), as well as the results of verification studies that have been conducted in the region since 2017 as part of the project financed by NCN Poland. In total, it is possible to draw on data from about nine hundred sites recorded in the north-western Bayuda Desert up to 2019, from an area covering around 25,000 square kilometres. In addition, it is also possible to make use of the results of the survey that was conducted in the Bayuda Desert between 2017 and 2019 to the west of the town of Atbara and in the vicinity of the town of Shendi. From this survey, additional data from another few hundred sites were obtained. The discoveries and research results of British (Mallinson and others 1996; Mallinson 1997; Mallinson, Smith and Fuller 1998; Fuller and Smith 2004; Mallinson and Smith 2021) and German archaeo­logical missions will also be taken into account, although in the latter case only to a limited extent. Due to the vast number of sites (a total of 8376), the lack of detailed information regarding topo­graphy and the location of individual sites, and the number of archaeo­ logical objects registered there, we will only make use of the general information included in the published reports on field work and the summaries of the results of research conducted between 2009 and 2016 by Angelika Lohwasser and Tim Karberg (Lohwasser 2009; 2010a; 2010b; 2011; 2012; Gabriel

Henryk Paner ([email protected]) Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy, University of Warsaw; Gdańsk Archaeological Museum. National Science Centre Poland Project No. 2016/23/B/HS3/00845 This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128048 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 25–58

FHG

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Figure 2.1. Map of the archaeological sites discovered and verified in the northeastern part of the Bayuda Desert up to 2019. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

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and Karberg 2011; Lohwasser and Karberg 2012; 2013; Lohwasser, Eger and Karberg 2014; 2015; 2016; Eigner 2016; 2017; Karberg and Lohwasser 2018; Gabriel 2018; see also other chapters in Lohwasser, Karberg and Auenmüller 2018). Undoubtedly, these reports are an extremely important source of information on the importance and use of both Wadi Abu Dom and Wadi Mugaddam for economic, political, military, administrative and, above all, communication purposes, both locally and on a transregional level. The data on archaeo­logical sites contained in the reports of Klaus-Dietrich Meinhold, who conducted geo­logical surveys in the Bayuda Desert in 1976–1978, will also be very useful (Meinhold 1978; 1979; 1983; 2009). When making use of such data, it is crucial to determine the chrono­logy and function of an archaeo­ logical site. Nonetheless, even when results have been gathered over a few seasons, these data remain quite imprecise. Despite this lack of precision, it is still necessary to work with such data; however, one should bear in mind that the archaeo­logical site numbers, statistical calculations, and percentages should all be regarded as results of only a preliminary nature. Moreover, it should also be remembered that the settlement pattern that has currently been proposed is indicative of certain phenomena and based on an assessment of chrono­logical and cultural affiliations that were made using the initial reconnaissance results; as such, it may very often not find support in information gathered during excavation work. We can therefore use this plan only as a starting point for further reconstruction of the settlement processes that took place in the area under discussion, and always with the proviso that data verification will take place successively over the course of the next few years as further planned research is undertaken. With such caveats in mind, let us begin with an analysis of the settlement in the north-western Bayuda Desert, starting with the oldest manifestations of settlement and exploitation of this area.

Palaeolithic Sites: NW Group — 3.11%; SE Group — 5.5% As part of the project, two clusters of sites, dating back to the Palaeolithic period, were selected, one in the north-western part of the desert and in the other in the south-eastern part, to the west of Atbara. Among the first group, Site BP87 stands out as one of the oldest traces of human activity in the Bayuda Desert so far. The site yielded a number of artefacts related to the pebble-tool tradition, the majority of which were surface finds. In addition, several other

sites contained material related to the Acheulean tradition (BP92, 296, 361, 393, 424, and 936). However, it is from Site BP1044, from the second group of sites discovered in the last few seasons of research, that that the oldest Stone-Age tool so found in the surveyed area originates. This is attested by a pebble tool, a cutter, made from volcanic rock, which can be related to the Lower Palaeolithic and to the oldest hominid phase of activity. The site itself also represents the oldest stage of settlement in the region; a younger horizon, evidenced by twenty artefacts made from volcanic rock, can be dated back to the Middle Palaeolithic. This collection is characterized by the clear use of Levallois techno­logy. The youngest settlement stage is associated with extensive settlement during the Neolithic period. In contrast to the large assemblage of registered pottery sherds from the Neolithic, however, the collection of stone artefacts from this period is relatively poor and has very few distinctive features (Paner and Bronowicki 2017). An older Stone Age horizon, generally dated to the Lower or Middle Paleolithic is also represented at Site BP1163; six heavily damaged eolithic finds, comprising five massive flakes and one side-scraper, were identified, but due to their rather indistinct features, it is not possible to date these artefacts more precisely. A much higher number of finds from both the areas studied has been assigned to the Middle Palaeolithic period. From the south-eastern group of sites, some of the most interesting finds include an evidently chrono­logically diverse collection assemblage found at Site BP1001. The oldest set of finds from here consists of at least nine specimens that are made mainly from volcanic rocks, but also from quartzite. These include one Levallois core made according to what is referred to as Halfa techno­ logy, several Levallois flakes, a quartz latero-transverse comb, and two tools with natural fragments of volcanic rock. At many other sites, various stone products were found, also made with the Levallois technique. These include: a collection of six flakes from Site BP1005; a Levallois core and a scraper made from Levallois flake from Site BP1006; and a set of six stone artefacts from BP1027, comprising one Levallois core of quartzite, three petals, one fragment of a scraper, and one massive bifacial tip made of volcanic rock. In addition, a collection of flakes of the Levallois type was found at Site BP1029 and an interesting set of twenty-two stone artefacts found at Site BP1151. The oldest horizon, from the Middle Palaeolithic, is represented by two typical Levallois cores and several large flakes. A techno­logically homogeneous collection was discovered at Site BP1078; this included

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Figure 2.2. Artefacts from the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic periods from sites BP87, 92, 99, 1001, 1044, and 1027. Drawings: J. Bronowicki.

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forty-three stone artefacts, among which six Levallois chips, thirty-five flakes, and two scrapers have been identified, all dating from the Middle Palaeolithic. Stone artefacts were also found at Site BP1055, including one flake Levallois, a core made of quartzite, six flakes and one side-scraper. From Site BP1044, discussed above, the younger chrono­logical horizon is represented by twenty artefacts dating back to the Middle Palaeolithic, all of which are made of volcanic rock. The collection is clearly characterized by the use of Levallois techno­logy, and includes one fragment of a Levallois core, one other core, four scrapers, and some flakes, mainly Levallois. A further set of ten apparently chrono­logically diverse stone artefacts has been found at Site BP1034. The older Middle Palaeolithic stage is in this collection represented by three artefacts, among them one scraper with a massive quartzite flake, most probably a fragment of a blade, and a single two-sided splitter. Finally, at Site BP1041, a set of ten stone artefacts was registered, formed from one flake core, eight flakes, and a fragment of a double-sided scraper, all of which should be dated to the Middle Palaeolithic. A set of stone finds from Site BP1007 was also chrono­logically diverse. The older Middle Palaeolithic stage of settlement at this site is represented by a Levallois core, a scraper made from a Levallois flake, and a single Levallois flake. The same applies to the discoveries from Site BP1009, where the oldest stage is represented by a single Levallois flake of volcanic rock, which should be linked to the Middle Palaeolithic period. Younger settlement activity in this area is represented by six flint artefacts, including five flakes and one retouched chalcedony splitter. An interesting artefact was discovered at Site BP1084, which dates back to the late Palaeolithic or Neolithic — namely a fragment of a round tool with a hole in the middle, most probably an element of a thrown weapon referred to as bolas. Another collection of relics from Site BP1008 showed clear uniformity in terms of the techno­logy and stylistic expression used to produce the artefacts, based on the exploitation of microlithic cores with revised orientation. More than a dozen other discoveries, dating back to the Middle Palaeolithic period and found within the south-eastern group of sites, are similar to those already mentioned above. In total, more than thirty sites revealed the presence of materials dating from this period. Most Palaeolithic sites within the north-western group in the Bayuda are situated either on top of accumulations of volcanic origin, or else at the feet of such accumulations (Masojć and Paner 2014). The majority of these sites have suffered from erosion, but this has not affected all contexts equally, resulting in the

co-occurrence of older stone artefacts with artefacts from subsequent periods, including modern ones. Among the sites, which are commonly dated to the Palaeolithic period, the vast majority appear to be from the MSA. However, and as mentioned above, there are also older sites containing both obvious Oldowan and Acheulean elements. Most of the registered sites appear to be the remains of temporary camps, as confirmed by the presence of flint and stone materials. In a few cases, residues were found that relate to the processing of raw materials on site. One such example is BP183, where stone lumps of raw material with traces of splitting, and cores made using the Levallois technique were found. The most interesting discovery within the north-western group of sites from the Palaeolithic period is Site BP177 (known locally as Jebel el-Az, or the Mountain of the Goat). In contrast to the other desert sites, the Palaeolithic material from here has been preserved in situ, in its original strati­graphic arrangement, within a relatively small, enclosed space. Jebel el-Az is situated in the south-western part of the desert, within a Nubian sandstone formation where dozens of volcanic cones are visible in the landscape. It is located c. forty kilometres east of the Nile Valley, and over a dozen kilometres south of the road from Merowe to Atbara that crosses the Bayuda Desert. The mountain is a small, isolated volcanic cone c. 200 m in diameter. The site’s exceptional character is substantiated by the fact that in the middle of the mountain’s flat summit, there was originally a depression, forming a basin 15 × 8 m in size. A horizon with Stone Age material was recorded within the depression. Site BP177 is a stratified locality belonging to an MSA Nubian Complex, which represents a specific variant of the north-east African MSA that stretches along the Nile River and into the surrounding deserts, from Egypt and Libya in the north, to Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa in the south. The eastern border of the Nubian MSA seems to be the Sinai and south-east Arabia. The results gathered from the site indicate that the period of human settlement in Site BP177 was between c. 60–20 ka. The frequency of artefact occurrence (in excess of 60,000 items) in the excavated 25-square-metre area testifies to the multi-stage use of the volcanic hill by the communities of the MSA. As Mirosław Masojć states, ‘the upper horizon I, dated to 60 ka, included an assemblage from a Nubian Complex with sparse bifacial products. The site is probably one of the youngest dated Nubian MSA sites in north-eastern Africa.

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Figure 2.3. Map of the Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic sites discovered in the Bayuda Desert. The sites referred to in the text are marked with numbers. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

Mesolithic or Epipaleolithic: NW Group — 0.2%; SE Group — 3.5% In Africa, both ‘Epipaleolithic’ and ‘Mesolithic’ are terms used to designate the cultures that developed in the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene between the fourteenth and fifth millennia bc. According to C14 analysis and pottery classification, the Mesolithic period was divided into two main periods, the earlier period dated between 8600–6500 cal bc and the later between 6500–5500 cal bc (Azhari 2012, 140; 2013, 28–29). The materials thus dated were recorded at sites in Abu Darbein, el-Damer, Saggai, and Sarurab.1 At El-Qoz, Kabbashi, and Shaqadud, pottery from both the early and the late Mesolithic was found (Halland and Magid 1992). It has been

1 On the basis of the results of the research obtained at the site in Wadi El-Arab, Matthieu Honneger (2012) proposed four Mesolithic phases dated to between 8300 and 6000 bc.

established that certain ceramics, characterized by imprinted dotted wavy lines and until recently considered to be late Mesolithic, have in fact been found in all tested levels alongside pottery decorated with cut wavy lines and for a long time considered to be older (Mohamed-Ali and Khabir 2003). It now appears that the dotted wavy line ornamentation did not in fact develop out of the wavy line ornamentation (see Arkell 1949, 84–85), but was in fact simultaneous to it. In recent years, doubts have arisen as to whether the term ‘Mesolithic’ should be used in Nubian archaeo­logy for the period in which hunter-gatherer-fisher communities appeared during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene, bringing with them highly developed pottery production techno­ logies (Salvadori 2012, 437). Since these finds of pottery form a specific and quite legible indicator, and an important component in most assemblages of material from this time period, it has therefore been proposed that the term ‘Epipaleolithic’ be used in

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place of the sometimes-misleading term Mesolithic (Azhari 2013, 29). This time horizon includes Sites BP1044, BP1201, and BP1202, located in Wadi Kurmut, a c. 60-km-long valley running from north-west to southwest that joins the Nile at the level of the southern part of the town of Ed Damar. They constitute an agglomeration of sites from various periods, extending from the Palaeolithic to the early Neolithic, which are concentrated around a hill called Jebel El-Fuel, c. 29 km west of the town of Atbara. Site BP1044 was first explored in February 2018, with the most recent investigations, aimed at verifying the previously obtained data and determining the settlement’s spatial extent, carried out in autumn 2018. Cultural layers (W-2 and W-3) were identified in all the trenches, with finds of pottery sherds and animal bone fragments. Initially, the site was dated to the late Mesolithic or early Neolithic, and this dating was confirmed by C14 radiocarbon analyses from samples of animal bones found at the site. A date-range of 5295–5045 bc was established for sample IPO 25, while a date-range of 4995–4608 bc was given to sample IPO 41. It is also worth remembering that all of the bones so far found at this settlement belonged to wild animals. This enables us to state that we are dealing here with a settlement of hunters, for whom a farming-based economy was alien, although they used (and probably produced) earthenware. The second site that can be included in the Epipaleolithic period is the BP952 burial ground located in the centre of the Bayuda Desert on a hill called Jebel Al-Gharra, where a dozen skeletons were found arranged in a relatively small space. It has not yet been possible to determine the extent of this cemetery, but it is known that there are more burials than have yet been excavated, and the oldest C14 date obtained from the bones of the skeletons so far examined falls within the range 7576–7421 bc. Research at this site will certainly be continued, but even in light of the results so far, one can see a certain similarity with the discoveries that have been made in the region of the Sixth Nile Cataract, at a site known as Jebel Fox or SBK.W-20. It is the sec-

Figure 2.4. Jebel el-Fuel and Sites BP1044, BP1201, and BP1202 situated around the elevation. Photo: M. Szmit.

Figure 2.5. Exploration of Site BP952. Photo: M. Szmit.

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Figure 2.6. Map of sites from the Neolithic period in the north-western part of the Bayuda Desert. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

ond most-important site in the region, due to the presence of a large collective hunter-gatherer burial ground dating from the early Khartoum period. The most important site is a cemetery, explored in 2012–2015, in a location referred to as the Sphinx or SBK.W-60 and dating back to the seventh millennium bc. According to the authors who conducted research at the site, both these cemeteries can

be associated with Early Khartoum culture (or the Khartoum Mesolithic, c. 9000–5000 bc), and their extraordinary significance lies in the fact that they were not simply places of burial, but also ancestral burial spots at which collective identity was formed through social memory. Since contemporaneous settlements have been found nearby, it is clear that we are dealing here with extremely important settlement

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complexes, where great importance was undoubtedly attached to relationships with the ancestors and with intergenerational continuity (Suková and Varadzin 2012; Varadzinová and Varadzin, 2017; 2020). Site BP903, located near Jebel El-Sadat, fits within similar chrono­logical frameworks. Here, relics of a multicultural settlement that dated from the Epipalaeolithic to the Old Kush and New Kingdom periods have been recorded on the shores of a now dry paleolake. In addition, fragments of Mesolithic pottery and flint flakes were found in the sediments of this paleo lake between layers. When C14 dated, samples yielded the following date ranges: 6109–5985 bc, 6228–6068 bc, and 6173–6100 bc. All of these materials, identified at sites dated to the Epipaleolithic period, find close parallels in finds from the El-Khiday site excavated by Sandro Salvatori and Donatella Usai (Salvatori and others 2011; Salvatori and others 2014; Salvatori and others 2018). This remarkable site has provided a wealth of new data both on funeral rites and on the economy and strategies of food procurement during this period.

Neolithic: NW Group — 7.78%; SE Group — 20% According to the latest research, the Neolithic period in Upper Nubia spans the period from 6000 to 2600 bc, and can be divided into the Early, the Middle (with a distinction between phases A and B), and the Late Neolithic, followed by a pre-Kerma period (Chłodnicki 2020, 23). On the other hand, in Central Sudan, a chrono­logical framework can be adopted for the Neolithic period that spans from the beginning of the fifth to between the end of the third millennium bc and the beginning of the second millennium bc. However at some sites, such as at Jebel Moya, Neolithic settlements have been observed up until the end of the first millennium bc (Azhari 2013, 33). At present, identification of the Neolithic in the Bayuda Desert is almost entirely limited to surface finds of distinctive stone artefacts, occasionally accompanied by pottery. Looking at the topo­graphies of the sites in comparison to Palaeolithic camps, it is evident that Neolithic settlements and places of temporary settlement tended to be located on lower-lying terrain. They are found on the ridges and slopes of rocky outcrops, in small valleys, on the banks of wadis, on top of and around jebels, and sometimes on gravel plateaux. Many sites produced concentrations of circular stone features, c. 2–2.5 m in diameter, which are probably the remains of dwellings. The pottery recovered from Neolithic sites is wellfired and usually tempered with mica.

Out of seventy sites located in the central and north-western part of the Bayuda Desert at which Neolithic materials have been found, thirty-five sites are settlements or camps with only Neolithic artefacts, while nineteen sites also contain material from the Old Kush period, eight include material from the New Kingdom period, five have finds from the Meroitic and post-Meroitic periods, and only four sites contain material from the Palaeolithic period. It thus follows that the places that were inhabited in the Neolithic were also considered attractive for settlement during later times, namely the Old Kush and New Kingdom periods. Small-scale excavations and even test trenches have not allowed us to fully examine any site from the Neolithic period. Nevertheless, interesting results have been obtained from rescue excavations that were carried out in the area of Wadi Muqaddam in the 1990s due to the construction of the road from Khartoum to the Nile Valley in the Ganetti area (Fuller and Smith 2004). At the time, artefacts were discovered at two sites that date to the so-called Khartoum Mesolithic, while significant similarities were established between pottery finds and material known both from the Nile Valley and much further west, e.g., from Wadi Howar (Fuller and Smith 2004, 275). Out of several Neolithic sites that were initially identified by excavation methods, particularly interesting results were obtained from research at Sites BP133 and BP424 ( Jesse and Masojć 2018). These sites are located approximately 60 km apart in very different geo­logical and topo­graphic contexts. The site that is closer to the Nile, i.e., BP133, is situated in an area formed from igneous and metamorphic rocks (the Basement Complex), while Site BP424 is located on sediments (Cretaceous Nubian Sandstone Formation). In both places, excavations were carried out on small areas in test trenches. Site BP133 is located in the western part of the Bayuda Desert, c. 20 km to the east of Karima, in the western part of Jebel Naser, and lies between Wadi Abu Dom and Wadi Korai. The remains of three residential structures were excavated in the central part of this basin. A large number of artefacts were recorded within the excavated area from the interior of residential structures, for example, animal bones, pottery, and over 2000 knapped stone products. The stone material attests to the constant presence of microlithic tools, and of segments and backed bladelets among the microliths. Finds of pottery are mainly tempered with quartz grains, usually less than 1 mm in size, and sometimes with mica admixture. All of the decorations were made by impression. This pottery fits the early to middle

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Figure 2.7. Map of the sites from the Old Kush/New Kingdom period in the northeastern parts of the Bayuda Desert. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

Holocene, normally referred to as the Mesolithic/ Neolithic period ( Jesse and Masojć 2018, 626). The second excavated Site, BP424, is situated in the western part of the Bayuda Desert, c. 65 km to the south-east of the Nile Valley, within the wadi named Abu Rugheiwa. During the first studies conducted at the site, seven square metres were excavated. As well as186 pieces of pottery and 349 animal bones,

more than 6000 stone artefacts were found at the site, including over 700 cores and 150 tools ( Jesse and Masojć 2018, 621–34). Based on analysis of the pottery, it can be stated that the site functioned from the early to middle Holocene. According to the authors cited above, the pottery with organic admixtures from Site BP133 shows great similarity to some products from the Nile Valley, in particular sites related

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to the Karmakol industry (Hays 1971a, 127–31; Gatto 2006; Sidebotham, Ross and Harrell 2010; Phillips 2003, 389–90, pl. 1d), where this type of pottery can be found from as early as the eighth millennium bp (Gatto 2006, 77). On the other hand, in the opinion of Izabela Welsby-Sjöström, the chrono­logical limits for this type of pottery should be seen being in the range of 6000–4000 bc (Welsby-Sjöström 2001). As with the discoveries at sites in and around the Wadi Mugaddam, where ceramics have stylistic similarities with finds from areas to the north and south within the Nile Valley itself, and much further west, into Saharan regions, and this indicate cultural links, the researchers at BP424 note various analogies for the materials discovered, both in nearby and further regional contexts. In particular, one vessel from BP424, featuring Dotted Wavy Line decorations, resembles what is referred to as the Khartoum variant ( Jesse and Masojć 2018, 633) from the Nabta-Kiseiba area (Gatto 2002, 69–74) and Atbara region (see Gatto 2002, 75, fig. 5.8). Extensive similarities in the ornamentation of this pottery type were first noted in the 1970s, albeit with an awareness of regional stylistic differences (Hays 1971b). It seems that the presence of this decorative style in the Bayuda Desert is yet another piece of proof indicating the important role of these areas in the cultural exchange between central Sudan and Nubia. It should also be remembered that ‘when we talk about the beginnings of the Neolithic in central Sudan i.e., 5000 bc, in Lower Nubia we are already dealing with the Middle Neolithic’ (Chłodnicki 2020, 23; trans. from Polish). An interesting group of archaeo­logical sites dating back to the Neolithic period has also been recorded in the south-eastern part of the desert, in the vicinity of the town of Atbara. Among approximately two hundred sites that were discovered during the survey conducted in the 2018 season, the presence of Neolithic stone and flint relics was noted at thirty-two sites, while mostly richly decorated pottery was identified at thirty-four sites. Most of these finds date to the late Neolithic period (Paner and Bronowicki 2017). The exception are certain Early Neolithic artefacts found at Site BP1044, located at the foot of Jebel el-Fuel in a valley called Wadi Kurmut. These were found in the contexts belonging to the youngest stage of a multicultural settlement in which numerous pottery sherds, wild animal bones, and flint and stone materials were identified. Unlike the very numerous finds of pottery fragments, the stone artefacts that were collected on the surface at Site BP1044 were relatively poor and not very distinctive; however, clear traces of the microlithic techno­logy used, together with their reason-

ably good state of preservation, allows them to be assessed as uniform (in comparison to older materials). A much larger collection of stone relics dated to the Epipaleolithic period was found at this site during excavations carried out there in 2017 and 2018; however, these materials are still being studied and are not yet ready for publication. Among the materials collected during the survey, several sets of artefacts stand out. At the multicultural Site BP1001, the period of Neolithic settlement is represented by artefacts made not only from diverse flintstone, but also from volcanic rocks. The most striking feature of the majority of these artefacts is their microlithic techno­logy: the find consists of cores with altered orientation, scrapers, perforators, and retouched flakes. The set of archaeo­logical finds from Site BP1011 is likely to be a collection that is homogeneous in terms of both chrono­logical and cultural heritage, and that should be linked to the (perhaps late) Neolithic period. It presents an inventory made using microlithic techno­logy and consisting of cores, flakes, one massive scraper, and one retouched flake. Other sites, such as BP1112 and BP131, have yielded a collection of stone artefacts containing microlithic cores with flakes with altered orientation and tools, including scrapers and a perforator, as well as a semilunar blade and a scraper made of quartzite. In addition, we also have specimens showing microlithic techno­logy and a variety of raw materials used in the production of tools from other sites dating from the Neolithic period located in this south-eastern group.

The Old Kush and New Kingdom Period: NW Group — 24%; SE Group — 15% Based on surface materials and the characteristic forms of grave superstructures, nearly two hundred of the sites discovered in north-western Bayuda have been classified as belonging chrono­logically to the Old Kush and New Kingdom Periods, which correspond to the period between 2500 and 1070 bc. Much of the material that has been brought to light, mainly pottery related to the Kerma culture, is similar to the items discovered in the Fourth Cataract Region (Paner 2003a; 2014; Paner, Pudło and Borcowski 2010; Paner and Pudło 2010b). Nearly 60% of these sites are located on the tops of mountains, with 14% on hill slopes, 11% on the edges of wadis, and only 5% on flat ground and at the bottom of wadis. The remaining 10% of the sites that date to the Kerma Horizon and New Kingdom were recorded on small hills that were located mostly on the banks or at the bottom of wadis. It is clear that evidence of sites

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Figure 2.8. Cemetery BP164 from the Old Kush II and New Kingdom periods. Photo: A. Kamrowski.

containing Kerma Culture material appears in the Bayuda Desert by the second half of the third millennium bc. However, it must be emphasized that only c. 25% of these sites are small settlements or camps,2 while the remaining 75% are graveyards, predominantly ranging in size from one to three or four graves, with 30% of the cemeteries consisting of just a single grave. There are only a few larger cemeteries, and even the biggest contain only a dozen or so graves. One of the few exceptions is that of Site BP488, where forty tombs and the relics of a dozen or so dwelling structures were documented at the top of a high jebel. A much smaller complex of sites, but also noteworthy, is that located both on and around Jebel el-Cristal, a name derived from the large numbers of quartz crystals present on the slopes of this mountain. This complex is located approximately 8 km south-east of the Merowe dam and c. 34 km to the north-east of Jebel Barkal. Both at the very top of the mountain, and at its foot, several cemeteries are located that date from the Old Kush era, via the New Kingdom and Napatan periods, up to and including the Meroitic period. Several multicultural settlements were also discovered in this location, with numerous recorded episodes of settlement from the Neolithic period to Islamic times. This complex, which includes Cemeteries BP708, 940, 941,

2 If we only consider those sites with an Old Kush chrono­logy, settlement sites will only account for 10–12% of all archaeo­logical sites dated to the period (Paner 2018, 302).

942, 943, 945, and 947, as well as Settlements BP948, 949, 950, and 951, is located at a strategic crossroads from where the main trail leads on to the Nile as the only alternative for passing through the arduous and inhospitable rocky plateau. It is also a place where wells supplying water to local shepherds and their herds remain in operation. An extremely important place for studies into settlement pattern in the Bayuda Desert during the second millennium bc is Site BP164, which is located at the top of Jebel el-Sadat, about 55 km south-east of Karima (Paner 2018, 293–98). This is a burial ground from the Old Kush II, reused in the New Kingdom period, which was investigated in 2010–2011. Twentythree graves are registered from the entire site; these are located irregularly within a cemetery that follows an oval plan, with the longer side orientated along a south-north axis. About 100 m to the west of this point, another smaller cemetery, containing four structures, is labelled as BP166, while a third cemetery — BP165 — is located 120 m to the north-west from Site BP164. Several more graves have been recorded at this site, also tentatively dated to the Old Kush period. In the 2010 excavation season, a series of graves, numbered 1–9, were examined at BP164. These were located in the central, southern, and eastern parts of the cemetery at an altitude of approximately 373 m above sea level. The superstructures of these graves were formed both as stone rings and as flat embankments consisting of small- and medium-sized stones. As this is one of the most important Old Kush sites in the Bayuda Desert today, it merits a more detailed outline here. Excavation work at the site began with Grave 1 due to its relatively large dimensions, c. 7 m in diameter. The tomb cover of a stone ring-shaped superstructure had been robbed in the past, but the remains of three broken ceramic vessels dating from the Old Kush II period were found in the robbery trench. A further eight graves were explored in 2011. From Graves 1 to 16, examined in the years 2010–2011, the remains of thirteen people were discovered: two children and eleven adults, comprising three women, three men, and five individuals whose sex could not be determined. Two women and one man were placed on their left sides, while three men, two children, and one woman were lying on their right sides. All graves were equipped with between one and up to as many as six pottery vessels. Only in Grave 12 was no burial offering found, but nor did this grave contain skeletal remains, despite its very clear structure both above and below ground. This gives

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a

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Figure 2.9. Examples of grave superstructures and the C14 dating of burials discovered beneath the superstructures: (a) Cemetery BP165, Grave 1, C14 dating: 2040–1894 bc; (b) Cemetery BP164, Grave 3, C14 dating: 1980–1868 bc; (c) Cemetery BP164, Grave 4, C14 dating: 1939–1749 bc; (d) Cemetery BP164, Grave 6, C14 dating: 1965–1754 bc; (e) Cemetery BP166, Graves 1–4, Grave 4, C14 dating: 1885–1691 bc; (f) Cemetery BP164, Grave 5, C14 dating: 2036–1877 bc. Photos: author.

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Figure 2.10. Jebel Gharra: topo­graphy of Cemetery BP904 dated to the Old Kush period. Photo: M. Szmit.

rise to the suggestions that it was either a symbolic tomb or that for some reason it was constructed but never used. Generally, the bodies were assembled in a more or less contracted position, while in three cases (Graves 2, 4, and 16) it can be presumed that they were wrapped in a shroud or some other kind covering, such as a sack, made from organic material (see Pudło, this volume). Both the analysis of the ceramics and the C14 dates obtained from the human skeletons made it possible to date Graves 1 to 16 to the Old Kush II period (i.e., 2050–1750 bc). The only exceptions were Graves 8 and 9, which have been categorized as originating from the New Kingdom period, most likely the thirteenth century bc, based both on the analysis of funerary gifts such as carnelian beads and fragments of pilgrim bottles, and on the obtained C14 dates. Several more graves, numbered 17 to 21, were examined in this cemetery as part of the Polish

National Science Centre project. In Graves 17, 18, and 19, the burials of children were found without any grave goods, while only scant skeletal remains were preserved inside Graves 20 and 21, although this time accompanied by ceramic vessels. The C14 analysis conducted on the human bones from Grave 20 suggests a twelfth- or thirteenth-century bc chrono­ logy (1213–1115 bc). The remaining four burials can be dated to the Old Kush period, judging from the construction of the graves, the accompanying funerary gifts, or the way in which the bodies were placed. Excavations were also carried out at two other cemeteries in the vicinity, namely Cemeteries BP165 and BP166. As noted above, BP166 is located very close to BP164 and contains four structures, three of which are made of stones arranged in a ring, and the fourth of which consists of a mound made from rock fragments. Four graves preliminarily dated to the Old Kush period were examined here in spring 2018. In three of them, adult skeletons have been preserved, but without grave gifts, and one has evi-

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dently been looted. In Grave 4, the manner in which the body of the deceased was arranged may suggest that it was tightly wrapped in a shroud. C14 analysis has provided a chrono­logy for the bones, which can be dated to between 1885 bc and 1691 bc, or from the end of Old Kush II to the beginning of the Old Kush III period. The second additional burial ground, 165, also has between four and five graves, two of which have been examined. Both of these contained female burials in which the bodies were arranged on their left sides with the head pointing north and the face turned to the east. The legs were strongly bent, and neither body was buried with equipment. Radiocarbon analysis on the bones from Grave 1 gives a date range of between 2040 bc and 1894 bc, or the Old Kush II period, corresponding with the Middle Kerma. All of the graves are constructed in a manner quite typical for Kerma Culture, although factors such as the lack of grave goods, the modest superstructure, and the location of these burials at a point lower than Site BP164 may indicate that the individuals buried here were of a lower social status. Important discoveries were made at the bottom of the wadi that separates Jebel El-Sadat from the extensive rock mass to the north and east. Stone artefacts were found here dating from the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, among them numerous grinders, as well as sherds that date from between the Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Old Kush periods, and the Meroitic period, some of which were similar to vessels from Cemetery BP164. In many places, the artefacts were covered with a thick layer of alluvial deposits. Excavations were carried out here at the multicultural settlement of Site BP903 in order to establish its strati­graphy. As a result, in addition to traces of settlement, the remains of a water reservoir that must have existed several thousand years ago were also discovered. After C14 analysis, it was established that this lake probably formed around 7400–7300 bp and disappeared after 7100 bp. When these dates are calibrated, this suggests a time interval of between c. 6396 bc and 5985 bc. This may mean that there was, at this time, a humid climate in the Bayuda Desert, and that the lake only dried up at the beginning of the sixth millennium bc (Paner 2021a). The next site to be culturally related to the Kerma Horizon, which has undergone partial investigation, was discovered in the centre of the Bayuda Desert on a hill named Jebel El-Gharra. This site lies about 101 km south-east in a direct line from Jebel Barkal and about 16 km to the south of the south-westernmost end of the volcanic field. This site, a graveyard numbered BP904, consists of a dozen or so struc-

tures, most of which are ring-shaped and made from rock fragments. Both the tomb structure and the arrangement of the interred bodies clearly indicate the following of Kerma culture traditions. This is confirmed chrono­logically by C14 dates obtained from skeletal remains. Several graves from this cemetery were also excavated; some turned out to have been plundered in antiquity, although their superstructure appeared to be intact. This may indicate that the robbers often tried to mask their actions by reconstructing the entire superstructure of the tomb after the robbery. The issue of the reconstruction of stolen graves, confirmed both in the area of the Fourth Cataract and in the Bayuda Desert, is extremely interesting. In many cases, the graves were selected for excavation because of their apparently intact superstructure, only for it to turn out that the burial located beneath the structure had been plundered and usually mostly destroyed. According to observations of these burials, the robberies must have taken place in antiquity and in many cases, it appears to have it happened not too long after the deceased was interred in the grave. This extremely interesting issue undoubtedly requires further study and will be one of the next research goals of the project discussed here. In some cases, the tomb superstructure was reconstructed after its demolition in order to allow for reuse. This is the case at Site BP904, where the secondary use of the burial pit was identified in Grave 1. Here, the original burial, which had a flat ringshaped and stone-built superstructure of 3.4 m in diameter, was destroyed and thrown out of the burial pit. The remains of this superstructure, however, were found in the burial pit into which a second body, belonging to a woman of about 40, was then placed (Pudło 2017, 14). Her body had been placed on its left side with the lower limbs sharply tucked up (probably suggesting they were bound in some way). The C14 analysis of her bones of yielded a date range of between 811 bc and 748 bc. Unfortunately, Graves 2, 4, 5, and 6 were also plundered, but the C14 analysis of the bones in some of these graves provided a dating of 2036–1892 bc and 1949–1766 bc, in the Old Kush II period. Moreover, analysis of the fragments of skeletons that were preserved in situ at the bottom of the burial pits suggested that they had an arrangement similar to that of burials found in Middle Kerma culture graves at the Fourth Cataract. In the second cluster of sites studied within the scope of the NCN project in the Bayuda Desert — that is, the south-eastern group — an interesting cluster of sites was also identified that dates back to the Old Kush period. One of these sites is BP1045, a burial ground located near to Jebel el-Fuel and

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Figure 2.11. Cemetery BP1045 from the Old Kush period, located not far from Jebel El-Fuel. Photo: M. Szmit.

Figure 2.12. Cemetery BP1045 from the Old Kush period; Grave 1. Photo: H. Paner.

a complex of settlement and burial sites (BP1048, BP1192, and BP1193), situated on or near to the elevation known as Jebel Ghandziar. BP1045 is situated on an oval hill that rises about 5 m above the surrounding area, and it has about thirty graves, some of which bear traces of plundering. It seems that there might have been more graves originally; if so, however, they were probably scattered and destroyed by treasure hunters. During the excavations, four graves were explored, two of which were children’s graves and two of which were adult burials. None of these burials had any grave goods, but all featured a similar arrangement of the body, in which lower limbs were very strongly bent and tucked up to the chest. C14 analyses on samples taken from the skeletons provided dates ranging from 2350 to 2140 bc for Grave 1 at Site BP1048; 1984 and 1876 bc for Grave 2 at Site 1045; and 1771 to 1624 bc for Grave 3 at Site BP1045. The last burial at this site, Grave 4, provided a C14 dating of between 1900 and 1741 bc (Paner 2021b).

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Figure 2.13. Cemetery BP1045: above: Grave 3 super­structure; below: Grave 3; C14 dating of the skeleton: 1771–1624 bc. Photos: H. Paner.

As one can see, the datings of the burials from the BP1048 burial ground point chrono­logically to the Old Kush I period, corresponding with the Early Kerma period, while the burials from Site BP1045 can be located in the Old Kush II and Old Kush III periods, corresponding with the time horizon of the Middle Kerma and Classic Kerma phases. Unfortunately, however, the complete lack of grave

gifts makes it difficult at present to judge the cultural attribution of these burials based solely on the construction of the graves and the ways in which the bodies of the deceased were arranged. Hopefully, subsequent research at these sites will provide more data and make it possible to shed more light on these burials.

Figure 2.14. Sites in the vicinity of Jebel Gandziar (i.e., BP1048, 1203, 1204, 1205, and 1193). Photo: M. Szmit.

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Figure 2.15. Map of sites from the New Kingdom/ Napatan period in north-eastern Bayuda. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

Late New Kingdom and Napatan Period: NW Group — 4.78%; SE Group — 2% In the late New Kingdom and Napata period, new burial forms appeared in the Bayuda Desert in styles already known from the Fourth Cataract area, in particular dome graves, semi-dome graves, and — more sporadically — crevice graves and tunnel graves. It can be stated with some certainty that settlement in the Bayuda Desert during the Kingdom of Napata was far less intensive than during the Kingdom of Kerma. Of the nine-hundred-known sites that form the north-western group, less than 5%, or forty-three locations, can be dated to the discussed period. Of

that number, eight are rock art sites, seventeen are the remains of settlements and camps, and twenty-five are cemeteries containing between one and a handful of graves. Among them, at eight sites, we have found both the relics of residential buildings and the remains of graves. In addition to these, one site was created at which a pottery vessel dating from the Napata period was found. We virtually do not know of any large settlements from that time, while cemeteries are generally limited to single graves. In the south-eastern group, consisting of nearly two hundred sites discovered west of the town of Atbara, only four sites were found with pottery sherds dating to the Napata period. This means that during

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Figure 2.16. A classic example of a dome grave constructed by using a natural outlier. Cemetery BP487, Grave 29, C14 dating: 1120–900 bc. Photo: H. Paner.

the timeframe in question, the economic importance of this part of Nubia may have decreased significantly due to adverse climate change. This is a situation that can be identified as ongoing until the Kingdom of Meroe. Dome graves, which are typical for the New Kingdom and Napatan period in the Fourth Cataract Region, but thus far relatively few in number in the Bayuda Desert, first begin to appear in this area from the second half of the second millennium bc or the beginning of the first millennium bc. The phenomenon of building these dome graves at the highest points in the surrounding highlands is very characteristic for this type of grave, and might be related to certain beliefs that determined the type and form of the funeral rites awarded to an individual. It is possible that these graves, which were made highly visible through both their location, and the construction of large stone structures, might also have functioned as road signs. Such artificial creations could easily be observed in this natural landscape. Their location could have been passed down from generation to generation as important elements of the collective identity and collective memory belonging to nomadic groups, while at the same time constituting specific milestones on the routes that such

groups used during their wanderings. Perhaps one of the effects of this collective memory was that graves that were partially destroyed by robbers demanded rebuilding, and this is a phenomenon that we often encounter both in the Bayuda Desert and, in an earlier period, in the area of the Fourth Cataract. Another possible reason for the appearance of a new funeral rite might have been the migration or infiltration of new groups of people, who may have preferred a nomadic lifestyle into the regions of the Fourth Cataract and the Bayuda regions at the end of the first half of the second millennium bc. It remains a mystery who these newcomers were or whence they came. However, if we compare the construction of dome graves in the Bayuda with the Fourth Cataract region, these new forms of tombs are so few that it would perhaps be more proper to see them as indicative of episodes of settlement rather than permanent occupation in the area. Nevertheless, the fact that these areas occupied an important economic and political place in the Kingdom of Kush can be proven, for example, by the discovery made in Al-Meragh by Tim Kendall. The site is located in the Bayuda Desert within Wadi Mugaddam, about 66 km south of Korti and 63 km north of Tamtam (Kendall 2018, 359). Numerous rel-

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Figure 2.17. Map of sites dated to the Meroitic period in north-western Bayuda. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

ics of brick buildings featuring architectural details made of stone have been found here together with an ancient well, and a tumuli cemetery above some ancient buildings. As the discoverer of the site claims: Al-Meragh was obviously an important Kushite outpost on the Wadi Muqaddam sometime during the Napatan period. […] The obvious affluence of the chief residents of Al-Meragh suggests that for at least one brief period during the Napatan

period Kush occupied and ruled much or all of the Wadi Muqaddam (Kendall 2006, 7). Certainly, ‘Al-Meragh was a Kushite government installation for administrative purposes connected with the trade in the Wadi Muqaddam and oversight of the desert cattle herders, known as the Meded’ (Lohwasser 2014a, 128). Let us add that this extraordinary place was probably destroyed as a result of a hostile invasion in the late fifth or fourth century bc.

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Meroitic Period: NW Group — 9.11%; SE Group — 6% If one looks at the settlement pattern in the Bayuda Desert during the Meroitic period through the prism of the results of the survey that was conducted in the central and north-western parts of the Bayuda Desert, one might have the impression that this was a rather unimportant area of the Kingdom of Meroe. This verdict might be evidenced not only by the relatively small number of sites (just eighty-four) discovered in this area, which constitutes only 9.3% of all discovered sites, but also by their type; most locations are very small cemeteries or small temporary camps and only very Figure 2.18. Site BP86: settlement with Meroitic pottery and gravel platforms next to the circular remains of a residential building. Photo: H. Paner. rarely settlements with more than a few residential buildings. Interestingly, out of thirty-two discovered settlements, twenty-eight featured rectangular embankments made of gravel, recently referred to as gravel platforms or alsidabs (from Arabic) in the literature on the subject (Tschernig and Shamsalola 2018). These are generally around 2 m in length and 1–1.2 m in width, with a height not exceeding 0.15–0.35 m, and with edges that are reinforced with a single row of stones, and that usually form the border of such an embankment. Such structures are equally numerous at temporary camps, where the presence Figure 2.19. Wadi Shingawi, Site BP700. Image showing the structure of the walls of such embankments was noted and their current state of preservation. Photo: E. Lesner. in thirty-seven out of thirty-eight such sites. In total, structures of this type have been the Meroitic, the post-Meroitic and — albeit rarely found at sixty-six sites, with some reservations pre— the Christian periods. Moreover, at none of the sumably dated to the Meroitic period (see below), embankments thus far examined has material been and with only one gravel platform discovered in a found that can resolve any issues surrounding their cemetery context. A common feature of these strucdating. Both their chrono­logical and cultural affiliatures is their location; they are most often found on tion, and their function remain the subject of specuthe banks or even at the bottom of a wadi, and they lation. As such, and in a point that merits emphasis, generally — although not always — accompany the the sites where these ‘gravel platforms’ are located relics of residential buildings, most often preserved are not considered as belonging to the Christian in the form of a stone circle. The difficulty in deterperiod, but rather to the Meroitic and post-Meroitic mining the chrono­logy of such sites is that, in many periods, in line with the most common types of potlocations, they co-exist with pottery fragments form tery sherds found at such structures in the GAME

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Figure 2.20. Map of sites dated to the Late Meroitic and Post-Meroitic Period. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

study area (Paner and Borcowski 2005, 99). Pottery sherds that have been identified as Christian were found at only nine of the sites in question; however, it must objectively be stated that half of the other locations with gravel platforms contained pottery with an undefined chrono­logy, a state of affairs due to the significant degradation of the material, which is too strongly eroded to be of diagnostic quality.

Given the current state of research, there are no grounds for a definitive statement concerning the time at which ‘gravel platforms’ were created or functioned; however, it seems that the Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic periods are most likely. It has also been established that the structures in question were used into modern times and even continue to be in use today (Tschernig and Shamsalola 2018, 162, 168). The only question is whether existing struc-

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tures were re-used or new ones built according to the old model. Contrary to appearances, the structure of these embankments, reinforced with a stone frame, is quite solid and as long as it was not washed away by water at the bottom of the wadi or mechanically damaged by humans, it could have survived and been used (or re-used) over a long period of time. The usage of these structures was clearly related to everyday life, and despite various previous hypotheses about their purpose and function (Paner 2003a: 18; 2003b, 178; Paner and Borcowski 2005, 101), we should now agree with the latest interpretation that gravel platforms could have been used as relatively safe beds in place of angarebs, which were not viable in the desert where there was a lack of wood for their production (Tschernig and Shamsalola 2018, 162). If we adopt the hypothesis that these structures were created in Meroitic or post-Meroitic times but could equally have been used in mediaeval times or later, this would also explain the chrono­logical diversity of the pottery material found in their vicinity. In the south-eastern cluster of sites, in the area west of Atbara, while nearly two hundred sites are registered, only twelve have been classified as related to the Meroitic period, and only two of these sites had gravel platforms. *** These fairly modest findings regarding the settlement of the Bayuda Desert during the period of the Meroitic Empire have recently been significantly enriched by the results of a German research project led by Angelika Lohwasser, which has examined architectural structures located in Wadi Abu Dom (Umm Ruweim 1, Umm Ruweim 2, Umm Khafour, Quweib, and El-Tuweina) and at an ancient building in Wadi Shingawi. Probably the most important and most architecturally complicated of these locations is the architectural monument known as Umm Ruweim 1, which has aroused the curiosity of both researchers and travellers for years. The test trench dug at this site showed that the building of Umm Ruweim 1 had at least two phases of occupation, with one of its inner walls built between ad 260 and 330. The function of both Umm Ruweim 1 and Quweib remain unclear. In the case of Umm Ruweim 2 and Umm Khafour, however, it seems most likely that these buildings were used for residential purposes (Eigner and Karberg 2011, 84; Eigner 2018). In the case of El-Tuweina, the complex dates back to the Late Meroitic period and it has not been used since the beginning of the Middle Ages. According to the research team, the results of the excavations revealed the elitist character of this particular architectural complex, but at the same time, they did not

yield any evidence of a direct administrative dependence on the central authority of the Meroitic State. Thus the site is at present interpreted as more ‘the seat of a local “big man” and a regional variant of the Late Meroitic culture than any kind of outpost of an official representative of the central Meroitic state’ (Lohwasser 2017, 6). Another ancient building has been discovered in Khor Shingawi, located near to a desert route that connects Nuri with Berber c. 25 km to the east across the northern Bayuda Desert. During the 2013 excavation season, the GAME team prepared some photo­graphic documentation of the site whilst also carrying out various preliminary measurements, digging a test trench, and conducting a survey of the structure and its vicinity. In the 2014 season, a team of archaeo­logists from Munster University led by Lohwasser carried out another excavation and they prepared an architectural inventory, dating this building to between the Late Meroitic and the post-Meroitic Periods. It was established that the building functioned as the representative seat of a local ruler, but as Dietrich Eigner and Tim Karberg (2014, 196), the authors of the report, have stated, ‘it is still an open question why this solitary spot amidst a semi desert was chosen as a site for the building’ (see also Lohwasser 2014b, 5).

The Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic Periods: NW Group — 23.67%; SE Group — 6.5% From the late period of the Kingdom of Meroe, and into the post-Meroitic period, we can observe a real explosion of settlement in the Bayuda Desert. More than two hundred of the north-western group sites show a level of settlement similar in intensity to the times of the Old Kush and New Kingdom combined, and they account for over 23% of all registered archaeo­logical sites in this area. At least 179 of these sites are cemeteries. However, only in fifteen registered cases are these located in the vicinity of settlement sites or camps, while in slightly more than twenty-six cases, there are also Christian box graves next to the tumuli. About twenty-five of these post-Meroitic sites constitute big cemeteries with between ten and fifty or more tumuli, typical both in terms of their type and in their conduction of funerary rites across different areas during the Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic

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Figure 2.21. Site BP151, a Late Meroitic–Post-Meroitic tumulus. At the top are two box graves constructed from stones taken from the mound’s embankment. Photo: H. Paner.

Figure 2.22. Cemetery BP212, dated to the Late Meroitic/ Post-Meroitic period, and containing at least thirty-nine tumuli. Photo: A. Kamrowski.

Figure 2.23. Cemetery BP73, dated to the Late Meroitic/ Post-Meroitic period, and containing at least seventy tumuli. Photo: A. Kamrowski.

Figure 2.24. Tumulus fields near to Atbara. Photo: M. Szmit.

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Figure 2.25. Tumuli in the vicinity of Atbara, on the western bank of the Nile. Photo: M. Szmit.

periods.3 At least thirty-eight cemeteries from this period and in the area consist of only one tumulus, while about seventy cemeteries consist of between two and six structures. More than forty sites dating from the period are settlements or camps, of which ten were also found with material (pottery sherds) or structures (box graves) relating to the Christian period. In the south-eastern group of sites to the west of Atbara, only thirteen of the two hundred registered sites, or about 6.5%, were included in the Late Meroitic–post-Meroitic period. However, it should be noted that this data refers to areas located at some distance — often several dozen kilometres — from the banks of the Nile. In contrast, during reconnaissance work conducted on the left bank of the Nile between Atbara and Berber, numerous burial grounds featuring large-sized tumuli were discovered that can be dated to the Late Meroitic and postMeroitic Period. Many of these cemeteries consist of tens or even hundreds of graves.



3 Based on more than 1,000 tumuli discovered at Wadi Abu Dom, Angelika Lohwasser and Tim Karberg recently published a detailed discussion of the forms of the different tombs they identified, which they refer to as ‘terrace tumuli’ (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 60–66).

For a long time, little detailed research took place into the chrono­logy of the tumulus-superstructure tombs in the Bayuda Desert. It was only in 2015, as part of the WADI project, that archaeo­logists from Munster University conducted studies of three such structures in the town of Bir Merwa, located near to the site of El-Tuweina (Eger and Kołosowska 2018). Archaeo­logists examined the structures, which Jana Eger and Elżbieta Kołosowska named ‘Late Meroitic Grave Type I’ and ‘Late Meroitic Grave Type II’, located in Cemeteries 5362, 5364, and 5500. The results of these studies enabled the dating of the Type I and Type II structures to the Late Meroitic period, in the third century ad. Meanwhile, Grave 6 at Site 5500, which features a teardrop-shaped embankment that is narrower at its east end, has been dated to the transitional period between the Late and post-Meroitic cultures, or between the late third and the mid-fourth century ad (Eger and Kołosowska 2018, 207, 219). Taking into account the regional and cultural specificity of this region, Karberg and Lohwasser (2018, 65) propose using the term Terrace Tumuli Period for this chrono­logical framework, as in their opinion it better reflects the essence of the matter. An attempt to explain the chrono­logy of tumuli that were initially dated to the Late Meroitic period was also undertaken during a mission led by Tim

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Figure 2.26. Sites dated to the Christian Medi­eval Period in north-western Bayuda. Map: M. Szmit and H. Paner.

Kendall in 2000. He continued to conduct archaeo­ logical research at the site of Al-Meragh, in the cemetery designated as AM-E, focusing on Grave 7. Under an embankment made of small rock fragments, and with a diameter of 2.5 m, this grave featured a centrally located oval ring of rough stone, while at its perimeter, three clay vessels were located, two of which were filled with ash and burnt bones, probably as part of a final ceremony connected to the

burial (Kendall 2018, 369). During the excavations within and under this stone ring, two more large stone plates were discovered, which might potentially have marked the end of the burial chamber before and during the construction of the tumulus. Unfortunately, for objective reasons, the exploration of this tomb was not completed, but judging by the stelae described above, it can be assumed that this tomb was probably built in the Late Meroitic period.

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Christian Mediaeval Period: NW Group — 15.44%; SE Group — 1.5% A decline in settlement can be observed in mediaeval times, with the number of Christian sites amounting to only about 15% of all the sites discovered. Only 139 sites dated to the Christian Mediaeval Period were discovered from the north-western group, of which 110 had graves with characteristic superstructures, for example box graves. Slightly more than thirty of these sites contain between ten and up to one hundred graves of this type. Some thirty to forty sites are very small cemeteries containing between one and six graves. Only thirty-four sites were classified as settlement sites at which relics of residential buildings or other structures, perhaps used for farm animals or for other economic purposes, were found, while the gravel platforms discussed above were identified at nine such sites. For the sake of accuracy, the data for this latter group should be supplemented with the information that at four of these sites, pottery fragments of an older provenance were also found.

Figure 2.27. Cemetery BP207 with box graves. Photo: H. Paner.

Topo­graphically, thirty-six sites are located on the banks or on the slopes of a wadi, thirty of which are cemeteries, while thirty-three sites have been registered at the bottom of a wadi, twenty-nine being cemeteries. Other sites from this period are also located on flat terrain, usually near a wadi, on small gravel elevations, or in valleys hidden between the hills.

Figure 2.28. Monastery in Ghazali, as it appeared in 2012. Photo: A. Kamrowski.

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Very faint traces of settlement from the Christian Mediaeval Period were recorded in the group of two hundred south-eastern sites. Here, no box graves were found at any site, while fragments of medi­eval pottery were found at only three sites. However, it should be emphasized at this point that relying only on the form of superstructure when dating Christian graves may be unreliable. Within the framework of the GAME study in the Fourth Cataract area, early Christian burials with superstructures in the form of small, round embankments (tumuli), covered with small rock fragments, were discovered at Site HP324 (Paner and Borcowski 2005, 103). This identification was confirmed by the research of the German archaeo­logists from Munster University, who discovered Christian burials that were contemporary with those lying in the neighbouring box graves, and dating from the ninth century ad, beneath the tumulus-shaped embankments at Wadi Abu Dom (Site 5364) (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 70). In other words, confirmation was given to our understanding that even a few centuries after the adoption of Christianity, traditional burial custom that had their roots in pre-Christian times remained in use in the peripheral regions of Nubia (Eger and Kołosowska 2018, 225). In the context of changes that were visible in funeral rites, for example, the appearance of new tomb forms such as the box grave, it is puzzling that — with the singular exception of the monastery complex at Ghazali (seventh–thirteenth century ad) — we do not know of any centre in the Bayuda Desert where we can identify Christian religious practices (Obłuski 2014; 2018; Obłuski and others 2018; Eger and others 2019). At Ghazali itself, three cemeteries are located next to the monastery buildings: Cemetery 1 with 150 burials; Cemetery 3 with about 300 burials; and Cemetery 2, which was most probably a monastic cemetery for the monks, with up to 300 graves (Ciesielska and Obłuski 2018, 257–58). During excavations, eighty-one burials from Cemetery 2 and six burials from Cemetery 1 were explored and identified as burial sites for lay people who chose to be buried near to the monastery. If, however, we consider cemeteries and similar contexts from other regions of the Bayuda Desert, whilst taking into account the specific context from Ghazali (i.e., both the number of burials and the fact that they belonged to a monastic community), it might perhaps help us to at least hypothetically delineate other places where centres of Christian worship could have been located. Such a situation, for example, might be observed in the cluster of sites located approximately 30 km to the south-west of Jebel Burur. Here, there are five clus-

ters of box graves in a relatively small area, and a total of about 200 such structures have been registered. A second such site could be BP813, located approximately 6.5 km south of Salt Lake on the north-western edge of the volcanic field, where approximately 120 box graves have been counted. Both clusters will be re-examined in the future. In general, all the research results discussed above prove that the Bayuda played a significant role during the Kingdom of Makuria, both as an important transit area and as an economic base, most probably mainly used for the grazing of farm animals. Makuria’s wealth and prosperity may also have resulted from trade conducted with the territories at the southern end of Wadi el-Melik, where slaves were captured or, more plausibly, traded with local tribal chiefs (Żurawski 2021).

Islamic Period: NW Group — 1.22%; SE Group — 1.5% Traces of settlement from the Islamic period are relatively sparse. Islamic material was only found at eleven locations in the north-western group of sites recorded in the Bayuda Desert. There are also few traces of such material in the south-eastern group, where materials or structures relating to the Islamic period were only found at three sites. However, it can be assumed that these numbers do not, in fact, reflect the true nature of the situation. While after the fall of the Makuria Kingdom, it is possible that the Bayuda Desert was not as intensively inhabited, it is certain that numerous caravans wandered through the area, but these would have left behind few material traces of their presence (see Żurawski, this volume). According to Bogdan Żurawski, when the ailing Kingdom of Makuria ceased to function as an important intermediary between the African and Mediterranean commercial systems in the thirteenth century, the trade in slaves, cattle, gold, ivory, and other commodities was taken over by the Islamic sultanates of Darfur and Sennar. Although the caravan traffic continued along the Wadi el-Melik and other trans-Bayuda routes, the profits from these went to the local mukkuk and Funj tax collectors who resided at the river termini of the desert tracks, and along crucial stretches of the riverine trade routes (Żurawski 2021).

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Rock Art: NW Group — 4.11%; SE Group — 1.5% Rock engravings were recorded at thirty-seven sites in the north-western Bayuda Desert group. As in the region of the Fourth Cataract, no paintings in colour have yet been found here. The drawings show both wild and domesticated animals, as well as boats, schematically outlined buildings, and religious symbols, and less frequently they also depict human figures either alone or accompanied by animals, horse- and camel-riders, or as part of narrative scenes. At seven sites, images of wild animals were discovered, among them one giraffe, several ostriches, gazelles, and a hyena. Drawings of camels and camel riders have been noted in seven sites with rock art, while at fifteen sites, one can see cattle, including a long-horned species; at one location, these appear together with the silhouette of a dog. Our knowledge of rock art in the Bayuda Desert has been significantly enriched by the discoveries made in recent years by the archaeo­ logical team from Munster University, who discovered 197 archaeo­logical sites with rock art at the site of their survey in Wadi Abu Dom (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 70). Most of these sites (as many as 167) were found in the lower wadi. As well as the representations above, the researchers also identified drawings including a chapel surmounted by crosses, several singular crosses, two drawings of a boat, and one that may possibly depict a star, together with geometric motifs, sandal prints, and Greek inscriptions. Referring to the representations of camels, one should agree with the statement that ‘camels do not occur in the Nubian rock art corpus before the mediaeval era’ (Budka 2004, 111–12; Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 80), but in light of other findings, this opinion does not seem sufficiently documented (Rowley-Conwy 1988; Paner 2021c).

Conclusions The inclusion of areas of the north-western, central, and south-eastern parts of the Bayuda Desert in detailed archaeo­logical surveys that cover a total area of over 25,000 km2 now make it possible to present preliminary findings on the history of settlement in this region. The most intensive settlement and exploitation of these areas can be observed during the Old Kush and New Kingdom periods, often in the same places where settlement had previously occurred in Neolithic times, and that were later inhabited again in the Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic and the Christian periods. The chrono­logy of these archaeo­ logical sites quite often coincides with observations

about their location within the landscape. The sites recorded from the Stone Age onwards, via the Late Neolithic and into the Old Kush and New Kingdom periods, are predominantly located on higher elevations, while those sites from the Meroitic and postMeroitic periods, and after Nubia’s Christianization, are mostly recorded on the banks and slopes of wadis. There may of course be many reasons for this discrepancy, and these can be divided roughly into causes arising naturally and those resulting from cultural aspects. The natural factors at play can doubtless be associated with climatic and environmental conditions: floods, droughts, and changing water levels; and the range of green areas useful for a pastoral economy but also conducive to increasing the population of wild animals, which for centuries constituted an important food source. Cultural conditions, meanwhile, include: the political situation and its impact on settlement security (or lack thereof ) in a given area; intensive pastoral and agricultural exploitation of inhabited areas; the development of settlements along trade and communication routes; and the creation of staging points, seasonal camps, or even settlements in which relatively favourable conditions existed to allow human habitation all year. By extension, the cultural landscape of the desert was also enriched with cemeteries — places that from the Stone Age onwards were to play a special role in forming a settlement group’s collective identity and memory. The burial of the remains of a group’s ancestors in a safe location was not without significance; thus, we can safely assume that the location of cemeteries related not only to the network of settlements in existence at a given time, but also to the climatic conditions, which might have resulted in, for example, the destructive effects of waters flowing down seasonal riverbeds. Earlier summaries of settlements in the Bayuda Desert during the Old Kush period managed to distinguish several significant clusters, reflecting both intensive settlement and economic exploitation of these areas (Paner 2018). Out of these five clusters, which together cover over fifty sites, several archaeo­logical sites within Cluster 4 (located in Wadi es-Sebua) have been excavated, yielding results that have confirmed the previously proposed dating of these sites to between the Old Kush and New Kingdom periods. Particularly interesting results, which align with previous assessments, are those obtained for the cluster of archaeo­logical sites located in the vicinity of Site BP708 on Jebel el-Cristal. These datings enable us to hope that we can also relate the other previously selected clusters of sites to these periods. It seems that at least some of these clusters might relate to communication routes leading from the

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Bayuda volcanic field, where mineral deposits could be exploited, to the banks of the Nile. For millennia, one of the most important such deposits, and one which continues to be important today for the local economy, was jeddiq, mined from a small lake near to Jebel Muwelha (the Salt Mountain), located on the south-west margin of the volcanic field. In this lake, water is present almost all year-long, and it contains dissolved sodium compounds. After evaporation, these compounds turn into what is referred to as natron, i.e., a mixture of sodium carbonate decahydrate and sodium bicarbonate with the addition of sodium chlorate and sulphate, which is known locally as atroun or jeddiq. This is where we come to the heart of the matter, for natron was not only the basic ingredient used in the mummification of corpses in ancient Egypt but was also an important component in the production and decoration of glassware and faience (Noble 1969; Tite and others 2006). Thus, thousands of years ago, in these wild and inaccessible areas of the Bayuda Desert, there were real treasures that played a vital role in the economy and that had been central to the civilization of ancient Egypt from probably as early as the Kingdom of Kerma. As such, we can conclude that the trade routes through which this valuable raw material was, for many centuries, transported, might have contributed not only to the creation of settlement clusters that provided caravans with at least a basic supply of water, food, and safe stopping places, but also to the organization of checkpoints or military facilities that ensured items could be securely transported. At the same time, goods of various kinds were transported south to Nubia from both Egypt and the Kingdom of Kerma, a trade that is evidenced in the finds from the above-mentioned clusters of sites dating to the Old Kush period. In light of the results obtained so far, it seems that sites with Kerma cultural materials began to appear in the Bayuda Desert at the beginning of the second millennium bc, and the limit of the area that fell under the Kerma Culture’s sphere of influence can now be established in the Bayuda Desert at around 120–30 km south and south-east of Karima. During the implementation of the ‘Prehistoric Communities in the Bayuda Desert in Sudan — New Borders of the Kerma Kingdom’ research project, new and important data were obtained that may constitute another contribution to the research on climate change in north-eastern Africa. In this context, even the preliminary results of the research conducted on the complex containing Sites BP1044, BP1201, and BP1202, located in the south-eastern Bayuda Desert, are very important. Among the thousands of artefacts found during the excavations here, numerous

animal bones were also uncovered. These have been analysed by Dr Marta Osypińska, who concludes that these were the bones of wild animals that would have inhabited once-forested savannah areas, and regions with a high content of shrubs and bushes. Such animals also require relatively easy access to water reservoirs (Osypińska 2018). These results provide evidence that there was a humid climate in this area at the time that this settlement complex was functioning, a period dated via two C14 dates obtained from animal bones (Layer 3) to 5295–5045 bc and 4795–4608 bc respectively. These date ranges have been confirmed by Dr Marek Chłodnicki, who has initially dated the pottery from the site to between the end of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic.4 Certainly, climatic conditions that were favourable to settlement seem to have existed in these areas at a much earlier date than has hitherto been believed. This is evidenced both by the discovery of traces of paleolakes located in the very centre of the Bayuda Desert and dated to between 6200 and 5900 bc, and by the rich Mesolithic settlements identified the nearby archaeo­logical sites of Ed Damer, Abu Darbein, and Aneibis, which Randi Haaland has dated to the period between 7000 and 5500 bc (Haaland and Magid 1992). Undoubtedly, there were significant fluctuations in the Bayuda Desert area in terms of humidity, groundwater levels, and other variables between the Late Paleolithic and Old Kush periods. Nonetheless, we can talk of the beneficial effects of the monsoon in the Bayuda area, as well as its humid climate, until what is referred to as the Fourth Bond Period. Thereafter, from c. 2200 bc, the monsoon shifted south, resulting in the desertification of both the Sahara and the Bayuda (Welc and Marks 2014). It is hoped that subsequent, and more detailed analyses into the development of the Old Kush and New Kingdom settlements in the Bayuda within the framework of the ‘Prehistoric Communities in the Bayuda Desert in Sudan — New Borders of the Kerma Kingdom’ project will also bring to light new data in this regard.

4 Pers. comm.

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‫هنريك بانير‬

‫ محاولة لتقييم المشروع‬:‫التراث األثري لصحراء البيوضة‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫ الحدود الجديدة‬- ‫كجزء من مشروع “مجتمعات ما قبل التاريخ في صحراء بيوضة في السودان‬ ‫ تم إجراء مسح أثري تفصيلي لفحص األجزاء الشمالية الشرقية والجنوبية الشرقية‬،”‫لمملكة كرمة‬ ‫ أسفرت نتائج هذا المسح الذي غطى مساحة إجمالية تزيد عن‬.‫والوسطى من صحراء بيوضة‬ ‫ تم مالحظة أن‬.‫ عن نتائج أولية عن تاريخ االستيطان في المنطقة‬،‫ كيلومتر مربع‬00052 ‫ المملكة‬/ ‫االستيطان واالستغالل األكثر كثافة في صحراء بيوضة كان خالل فترة كوش القديمة‬ ،‫ وغالبًا ما توجد في نفس المنطقة التي توجد بها مستوطنات العصر الحجري الحديث‬،‫الحديثة‬ ‫ تم الحصول على بيانات‬،‫ خالل تنفيذ هذا المشروع‬.‫ما بعد مروي والمسيحية‬/‫أواخر الفترة المروية‬ .‫مهمة جديدة قد تعزز االبحاث عن التغيرات المناخية في هذه المنطقة من شمال شرق إفريقيا‬ ‫اوضحت نتائج التحليل المتخصص دليالً على وجود مناخ رطب في هذه المنطقة في وقت كانت‬ ‫ تم تحديد هذه الفترة الزمنية من نتائج توريخين للكربون المشع‬.‫فيه إحدى المستوطنات نشطة‬ -5974‫م و‬.‫ ق‬5405-5925 ‫التي أجريت على عظام الحيوانات والتي أعطت مدي زمني من‬ ‫ يجب أن تكون الظروف المناخية التي شجعت االستيطان في‬،‫ ومع ذلك‬.‫م على التوالي‬.‫ ق‬8064 ‫ يتضح هذا من خالل اكتشاف آثار لبحيرات قديمة يرجع‬.‫هذه المناطق قد ظهرت في وقت سابق‬ ‫ علي ضوء النتائج التي تم‬.‫م وتقع في قلب صحراء بيوضة‬.‫ ق‬0095‫ و‬0026 ‫تاريخها إلى ما بين‬ ‫ يبدو أن المواقع التي تحتوي على اثار ثقافة كرمة في صحراء بيوضة‬،‫الحصول عليها حتى اآلن‬ ‫ ويمكن اآلن إنشاء حدود المنطقة التي تقع ضمن مجال‬،‫قد ظهرت في بداية األلفية الثانية قبل الميالد‬ .‫ كم جنوب وجنوب شرق كريمة‬03-021 ‫ على مسافة‬،‫ثقافة حضارة كرمة في صحراء البيوضة‬

Works Cited Arkell. A. J. 1949. Early Khartoum (Oxford: Oxford University Press) Azhari M. S. 2012. ‘Chrono­logy and Cultural Development of the Sudanese Neolithic’, Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, 11: 137–84 —— . 2013. ‘Reconsidering the “Mesolithic” and “Neolithic” in Sudan’, in Neolithisation of Northeastern Africa, ed. by N. Shirai, Studies in Early Near Eastern Production, Subsistence, and Environment, 16 (Berlin: Ex Oriente), pp. 23–42 Budka, J. 2004. ‘H.U.N.E., 2004 – Teil 2: Behegung des Festlandes’, Der Antike Sudan, 15: 105–15 Chłodnicki, M. 2020. Ceramika neolityczna w środkowym Sudanie, Studies in African Archaeo­logy, 6 (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Poznaniu) Ciesielska, A. Obłuski, and R. J. Stark. 2018. ‘The Cemeteries of Ghazali: Season 2015/2016’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 257–71 Eger, J. and E. Kołosowska. 2018. ‘From the Late Meroitic to the Makurian Period. First Result of Excavations at Cemetery Sites in the Wadi Abu Dom’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 197–230 Eger, J., T. Karberg, and A. Lohwasser. 2019 ‘Medi­eval Presence at the Periphery of the Nubian State of Makuria: Examples from the Wadi Abu Dom and the Jebel al-Ain’, Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies, 6.1: 149–74 Eigner, D. 2016. ‘W.A.D.I. heute. Rezente Siedlungen im Wadi Abu Dom, Erster Vorbericht’, Der Antike Sudan, 27: 87–97 —— . 2017. ‘W.A.D.I. heute. Rezente Siedlungen im Wadi Abu Dom, Zweiter Vorbericht’, Der Antike Sudan, 28: 115–24 —— . 2018. ‘Fortified Sites? Monumental Buildings in Wadi Abu Dom’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 3–120 Eigner, D. and T. Karberg. 2011. ‘W.A.D.I. Die Bauaufnahme in Ulm Ruweim’, Der Antike Sudan, 22: 69–84 —— . 2014. ‘W.A.D.I. Die Ruine eines antiken Bauwerks im Khor Shingawi’, in Der Antike Sudan, 25: 189–96 Fuller, D. Q. and L. Smith 2004. ‘The Prehistory of the Bayuda: New Evidence from the Wadi Muqaddam’, in Nubian Studies 1998: Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the International Society of Nubian Studies, ed. by T. Kendall (Boston: Northeastern University), pp. 265–81

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Mallinson, M. and L. Smith. 2021. ‘Meroe and the Moving Nile’, in Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by A. Obłuski, H. Paner, and M. Masojć, Nubia: Studies in the Archaeo­logy and History of Northeastern Africa, 1 (Turnhout: Brepols), pp. 105–16 Mallinson, M., L. Smith, and D. Q. Fuller 1998. ‘SARS Survey from Omdurman to Gabolab 1997’, Sudan & Nubia, 2: 42–60 Mallinson, M., L. Smith, S. Ikram, C. Le Quesne, and P. Sheehan. 1996. Road Archaeo­logy in the Middle Nile, i: The SARS Survey from Bagrawiya-Meroe to Atbara 1993 (London: SARS) Masojć, M. 2018. ‘Lithic Materials from a Late Nubian Complex Middle Stone Age Site in the Bayuda Desert: Goat Mountain’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 503–34 Masojć, M. and H. Paner 2014. ‘The Bayuda Project (BP). The Palaeolithic and Neolithic Age in the Light of Current Research (2009–2011)’, GAMAR, 11: 89–100 Meinhold, K. D. 1978. Geo­logical Map of the Northern Volcanic Field (Bayuda Desert, Sudan). 1:100,000 Scale (Hannover: Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe) —— . 1979. ‘The Precambrian Basement Complex of the Bayuda Desert, Northern Sudan’, Revue de Géo­logie Dynamique et de Géo­graphie Physique, 21.5: 305–401 —— . 1983. ‘Interpretation of Age Trends of Non-orogenic Alkaline Ring Complexes and Alkali-basaltic Volcanic Activity in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan’, 10th International Colloquium of African Geo­logy: Abstracts (Brussels: n.p.), p. 68 —— . 2009. ‘Kulturfunde in der Bayuda-Wüste Sudan 1976–1978’ (unpubl. report, Muzeum August Kestnerin, Hannover) Mohammed-Ali, A. S. and A. M. Khabir. 2003. ‘The Wavy Line and the Dotted Wavy Line Pottery in the Prehistory of the Central Nile and the Sahara-Sahel Belt’, The African Archaeo­logical Review, 20.1: 25–58 Noble, J. 1969. ‘The Technique of Egyptian Faience’, American Journal of Archaeo­logy, 73: 435–39 Obłuski, A. 2014. ‘Ghazali Site Presentation Project 2012–2014. Preliminary Result’, Der antike Sudan, 25: 197–205 —— . 2018. ‘El-Ghazali — A Royal Monastery in Northern Sudan’, Sudan and Nubia, 22: 155–66 Obłuski A., J. Ciesielska, R. Stark, A. Chlebowski, A. Misiurny, M. Żelechowski-Stoń, and Z. El-Din Mahmoud. 2018. ‘Qatar-Sudan Archaeo­logical Project: Excavations at the Ghazali monastery from 2014 to 2016’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 27.1: 245–71 Osypińska, M. 2018. ‘Analiza archeozoo­logiczna szczątków zwierzęcych z badań w Sudanie (Region Atbary). Sezon 2018’ (unpubl. typescript, Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Gdańsku) Paner, H. 2003a. ‘Archaeo­logical Survey on the Right Bank of the Nile between Kareima and Abu Hamed: A Brief Overview’, Sudan & Nubia, 7: 15–20 —— . 2003b. ‘Kerma Culture, Rock Art, Dome Graves and Other Discoveries in the Fourth Nile Cataract Region’, GAMAR, 2: 163–83 —— . 2014. ‘Kerma Culture in the Fourth Cataract of the Nile’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 53–79 —— . 2018. ‘The Western Bayuda Desert at the end of the 3rd and during the 2nd Millennium bc: Archaeo­logical Heritage’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 285–307 —— . 2021a. ‘Prehistoric Communities in the Bayuda Desert: The New Borders of the Kerma Kingdom. First Season’, GAMAR, 12 (in print) —— . 2021b. ‘The Prehistoric Communities of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan: New Boundaries of the Kerma Kingdom. Autumn 2018 Season’, GAMAR, 12 (in print) —— . 2021c. ‘Nubian Rock Art’, in The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia, ed. by G. Emberling and B. B. Williams (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 1092–126 Paner, H. and Z. Borcowski 2005. ‘Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum Expedition. A Summary of Eight Seasons’ Work at the Fourth Cataract’, GAMAR, 4: 89–115 ——— 2017. ‘Preliminary Report of the Gdańsk Mission 2017 Season’ (unpubl. typescript, NCAM archives) Paner, H. and A. Pudło 2010a. ‘The Bayuda Project. First Season — 2009’, GAMAR, 7: 117–29 —— . 2010b. ‘Settlements in the Fourth Cataract GAME Concession in the Light of Radiocarbon Analysis’, GAMAR, 7: 131–46 Phillips, J. 2003. ‘An Overview of the Ceramics’, in Survey and Excavations between Old Dongola and Ez-Zuma. Southern Dongola Reach of the Nile from Prehistory to 1820 ad Based on the Fieldwork Conducted in 1997–2003 by the Polish Archaeo­ logical Joint Expedition to the Middle Nile, ed. by B. Żurawski, Southern Dongola Reach Survey 1; Nubia 2 (Warsaw: Neriton), pp. 387–437

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Charles Bonnet

3. The Kingdom of Kerma between Egypt and Central Africa It is thanks to the work of the Polish Mission led by Henryk Paner (2014, 53–79), that we now have a better understanding of the southern expansion of the Kingdom of Kerma. Its territory is considerable, and shows that in the third and second millennium bc, Nubia would have extended through the Bayuda and up the Nile to upstream of the Fifth Cataract. The rulers of this state, independent of Egypt, created a communication network with several countries from central Africa. It is known that from very early on, from the Old Kingdom, Egyptian expeditions were organized to obtain exotic products (Roccati 1982); the pharaoh used his armies with the aim of controlling the traffic of goods and slaves (Obsomer 2007, 39–52). Finally, under Thutmose I, the colonization of Nubia was established, and remained in place for four centuries (Bonnet 2013a, 807–23). Thought this expansion, however, the Egyptians came to realize Africa is in fact a vast continent, and that still other populations lived at the margins of known regions. In terms of how and when the African kingdoms at the core of the continent were formed, researchers would like to know about the organization of the population in Darfur, Kurdufan, central Sudan in the region of Kassala, or even the mythical land of Punt on the Red Sea (Bard and Fattovich 2007; Breyer 2016). Due to a lack of both written sources and monumental remains, Sub-Saharan Africa has hitherto remained terra incognita. While it might be expected that archaeo­logy could contribute to fill this gap, the academic choices made by scholars mean that up to now, these regions have not really been considered. The ancient Egyptians themselves considered the lands to their south to be wild and uncivilized, and researchers have inherited this negative bias. Even those few investigations that have taken place do not enable us to restore the settlements to the period before they were Christianized. However, it is obvious that long before the Muslim merchants of the Middle Ages (Fauvelle-Aymar 2013), there were east-

west exchanges that may have extended further to the west. The famous ‘Forty-Day Road’ running between the Nile and Darfur might well be an ancient road that was previously used by former cattle herders. The excavation programme of the Swiss-FrenchSudanese Mission of Kerma/Dokki Gel, which has been ongoing for fifty years, has opened up new perspectives on to the contacts that existed between Egypt, Nubia, and central Africa (Bonnet 2013b; 2016). The two metropoles that have been investigated enable us to recognize influences that differ from Egyptian constructions. Nonetheless, the Nubian architecture can to an extent be associated with Egypt. Thanks to the urban topo­graphy, evidence has also been found for the presence of several institutions that were inspired by Egyptian patterns (Bonnet 2014). Nubia can thus be seen as a buffer territory between two powers, but its interpretation remains difficult because the cultural evolution of central Africa during these very early periods remains unknown. The recent discoveries at Dokki Gel suggest the existence of complex connections across Sub-Saharan Africa. A mysterious Africa seems to stretch to the south of Nubia, extending across an area in which populations show different morpho­logies and different ways of living. The Sub-Saharan climate is also significantly different to that further north, which implies another kind of development. Documentation for the second millennium bc is very poor, and one must rely on ethnoarchaeo­logy to try and reconstruct a cultural evolution that has left virtually no trace. However, from one field season to the next, the Swiss-FrenchSudanese Mission was very surprised to uncover the characteristics of an African city located more than 500 km north of what we might consider as a strip of land pertaining to central Africa. Curiously, Dokki Gel is in a territory that was independent of Kerma and located some 700 m away from the royal city, suggesting that Kerma was probably the capital of Nubia. Despite the differences and the proximity

Charles Bonnet ([email protected]) Professor emeritus, Institut de France and Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128049 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 59–70

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Figure 3.1. General view of the site of Dokki Gel. Photo: B.-N. Chagny.

between these two metropoles, they are nonetheless almost contemporary, and an aim of the archaeo­ logical mission has been to try and understand the respective functions of these two cities. According to the ancient sources that describe the wars waged by the pharaonic Empire towards the south, the Egyptian armies were faced by an alliance, indicating that the king of Kerma was not alone in defending his kingdom, but he could draw on allies from neighbouring countries (Valbelle 2013). Since the period of the early New Kingdom, it is clear that these allied countries lay to the south of the Kingdom of Kerma, and one can assume that from very early on, the network that was initially established for trade and exchange had also been used to build relationships and create a defence system against Egyptian forces. The great distances involved seem not to have been a major obstacle for these federations, as suggested by the presence in El-Kab, in Egypt, of a delegation from Punt, a country lying more than 1400 km away (Davies 2003a and fig. 3; Davies 2003b). The muster of these troops and their preparation for battle must have required a great effort, and an exploration of Dokki Gel offers the opportunity to partly reconstruct the ceremonial aspect of these unusual gatherings. We can this understand that we are dealing with a military outpost on the border of Kerma, and a location where armies would prepare for war.

The architecture of Dokki Gel remains unrivalled, since no other urban centre from this period has yet been found in central Sudan. However, a first observation can be made after some eight years of study: the architecture of the site clearly reflects great complexity and a concern with building in a specific way that relies on and reflects an exceptional mastery of craftsmanship that was centuries in development. Nonetheless, the analysis of the buildings is only in its early stages and will take several generations to complete, as there are doubtless many other examples to identify. The difficulties in studying the site lie in the clearance of the mud-brick structures, which were consolidated with wooden beams and poles. This combined architecture, which also includes elevated elements fastened using piles of hardened silt, was constantly in a state of restoration, transformation, and rebuilding. Thus in just a few centimetres of the site’s strati­graphy, plans can change and blur the reading of badly preserved layers. Climatic changes also play a significant role, as floods or wind erosion can erase the layout of the bricks. In order to see the remains, we have had to excavate progressively, by scraping large areas. The buildings and defence structures display large dimensions, so it was impossible to clear them by means of small sondages. Deep strati­graphies were rather destructive, so instead a horizontal, fairly time-consuming method of clearing successive layers was followed (Fig. 3.1)

3 . t he k i ngd o m o f k e rma b e t w e e n egy pt and ce nt ra l africa

Figure 3.2. Schematic plan of Dokki Gel in the Classic Kerma period (1750–1500 bc). Drawings: M. Berti, I. Matter-Horisberger, and A. Peillex.

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Figure 3.3. Recreated plan of Palace A. Drawings: M. Berti, I. Matter-Horisberger, and A. Peillex.

Figure 3.4. Detailed plan of the structures resulting from the geophysical analyses carried out by T. Herbich and R. Ryndziewicz. Image reproduced with permission.

3 . t he k i ngd o m o f k e rma b e t w e e n egy pt and ce nt ra l africa

This method has slowed down the survey of deeper levels, and we thus remain dependent on the generation of future data in order to construct detailed chrono­logy. At present, it is therefore necessary to be content with the dates given by surface finds. In the meantime, it has been observed that the pottery so far uncovered pertains to the Middle and Classic Kerma periods (2000–1500 bc), to the early New Kingdom, and to more recent periods (Ruffieux 2005; 2009; 2014). Excavations in the Nubian capital and in the Kerma necropolis along with the classification of grave goods have enabled us to establish a clear definition of the evolution of the cultures (Bonnet 2000). The pottery and artefacts gathered correspond to a period of over a thousand years, with a relatively precise chrono­logy (Privati 1999). Moreover, the find of several imports from Egypt, together with C14 analyses have made it possible to confirm these dates and the chrono­logical evolution of the site. This dating, combined with the finds of significant groups of Kerma pottery and other typical objects, make it clear that Dokki Gel and its astonishing architecture correspond to a foundation that was contemporary with the capital of the Kingdom of Kerma and the origins of which require investigation elsewhere. The central core of Dokki Gel was equipped with a 6 m-thick precinct displaying several gates that were strengthened by two towers of irregular diameter. These solid circular structures were constructed from mud-bricks arranged in concentric circles (Fig. 3.2). The largest towers incorporate a wooden platform that we suggest was used to raise firing positions inside. The round body of the structure was formed from a facing, 1–2 m in thickness. It has not been possible to identify this urbanized space in its entirety, as the succeeding New Kingdom constructions had very deep foundations. However, an indigenous quarter to the north-east was segregated by a wall, forming an area within which two places of worship, a chapel, and a palace, all survived for several centuries. The oval and circular monuments, which were vaulted, displayed thick walls that were strengthened by outer buttresses of different dimensions according to their type (Bonnet 2013b; 2016). Between the first precinct and the main fortifications of the city, a vast area has been identified that was occupied by several buildings, mostly pertaining to entrances, where huge oval constructions (50 m in width/70 m in diameter) were used as vestibules in which visitors would wait before being seen by the authorities. These halls were equipped with a light roofing, supported by hundreds of mud-brick columns that were placed at intervals, thus leaving

enough space for various activities. In front of the buildings, an elongated square that was flanked by fortifications displayed a large, protected area for the presentation of the goods that presumably passed through the kingdom. Further away from the centre, circular foundations of large diameter, probably forming an impassable fortified barrier, have been found. Perhaps it should be understood as lines of towers destined for use as a still-unknown military structure? The middle space between the two fortification systems was also occupied by impressive ceremonial buildings, probably palaces. One of them was 55 m long, with an oval plan and a central aisle that led at right angles to secondary paths towards thrones preceded by semi-circular steps. Apart from these paths, which were intended for the leading figures in the kingdom, the building was entirely occupied by some 1400 columns (Fig. 3.3); these small supports were placed at very close intervals, thus giving the impression of a ‘symbolic forest’. At the north-east angle of the city, an edifice of similar plan was placed in front of one of the tower gates, towards the urban core. It was possible to identify a pathway between these buildings and one of the places of worship, as wooden posts bordered a passage associating the two constructions. The two axes reaching the entrance vestibules have been excavated on the northern side. The geophysical analyses carried out by Thomasz Herbich and Robert S. Ryndziewicz, confirmed that groups of structures pertaining to the city of Dokki Gel must already have extended into this area in the second millennium bc.1 The surveys showed that a large number of oval or circular constructions had developed around the gates, giving the city a very irregular plan (Fig. 3.4). One must assume that some of these structures were part of a complex defence system, and that many of them were meant to stop the progression of the Egyptian armies. However, round buildings, which were encircled by bastions and which displayed an unusual layout, also draw the attention of the team on site. A preliminary surface study was carried out during our last season, and two circular places of worship were uncovered at this time (Fig. 3.5). However, further and deeper clearance of the site is undoubtedly required, not least because these monuments cannot be compared to any known examples. They are both 30 to 40 m in diameter, and their mud-brick walls were reworked several times. It has been possi-

1 This geophysical survey was carried out by the Polish mission during the 2015–2016 season.

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Figure 3.5. The two temples found after the geophysical analyses. Photo: B.-N. Chagny.

Figure 3.6. Detailed plan of the north-east temple. Drawings: M. Berti and S. Marchi.

3 . t he k i ngd o m o f k e rma b e t w e e n egy pt and ce nt ra l africa

ble to identify thick masonries juxtaposed in a concentric way. The doors were located to the south and were also flanked by towers. In front of each of the doorways, which were marked by pivot holes and a central closing device for the panels, there were soil platforms that followed a circular plan and were adorned with small buttresses. Round offering tables, 0.8 m in diameter, were placed over a heap of silt in their centre (Fig. 3.6). The material found in the first layers of soil, which were damaged by ploughing, pertains to the mediaeval periods. It is necessary to understand how the different layers, which appear to have included the New Kingdom and Napatan periods, would have appeared before they were razed. One of the two monuments had been dug in its centre and then the hole had been refilled with a very clean, sieved sand, grey in colour. Within this human-made filling, it was possible to identify walls made with a double row of poles. The circular plan, when reconstructed, thus ends on its eastern side with a rectangular chamber closed by a door. A circular pedestal and its base were probably used to support a naos, or a cult statue. The same kind of layout, with a round heap of hard silt strengthened with reeds, was observed in the sanctuary of the eastern Egyptian temple that was built in the urban core after the arrival of Thutmose I (Bonnet 2011) and the creation of his menenu. The cult building, which was built much later than its foundation, must have been encircled by a brick wall that partially reused ancient masonry. Inside, traces of a sinuous pathway leading to the holy of holies have been identified (Fig. 3.7). After entering the door to the south-east, one would walk across a low wooden platform, the beams of which were supported by square stakes fastened by circular heaps of soil. One would then reach a door positioned between two wide-based columns. After that, one would turn towards two other columns and a passage strengthened by stakes. Here again, there was a door with pivot holes and a closing device for the panels. One would turn once more before reaching the door of the sanctuary. The track followed the shape of the building, passing through four successive doors. This irregular layout is somehow reminiscent of the axial aisle of an Egyptian temple with its doors, but in here, it was adapted to the circular plan of the structure. These preliminary results bear witness to the originality of the city of Dokki Gel, which extended across an area far larger than that surveyed by the Antiquities Service property. The ongoing excavations deal with only a small area of the remains pertaining to the African world. Based on current research, it

Figure 3.7. Reconstruction of the north-east temple of the city of Dokki Gel during the Napatan period. Drawings: M. Berti and S. Marchi.

is not yet possible to understand either the origins of this foundation, or the complexity of its organization. However, what is clear is that it was this settlement that prevailed when the capital of Kerma was abandoned. When Thutmose I established his menenu (Somaglino 2010, 2017), he chose to do so on the site of Dokki Gel, thus maintaining a continuity of occupation on the spot of an extraordinary military system that had previously represented a big threat to Egypt. Moreover, the pre-existing fortifications were razed and replaced by new lines of defence. The Egyptian precinct that was erected over the earlier structures was rather large and strengthened by powerful bastions whose gates replaced the monumental vestibules (Fig. 3.8). The Egyptians apparently adapted their architecture according to indigenous urban planning by replacing the former entrance vestibules with huge outer gates and massive gates that were used for the same purpose as the large oval-shaped halls. Excavations revealed a quadrangular structure, with three parallel aisles fortified by connected bastions or thick walls. Ahead of these passages, a crosswise front suggests plans for hypostyle halls, perhaps used for the storage of goods in transit. An altar also suggests a place of worship. Later, during the reign of Hatshepsut, the presence of colonnades on

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Figure 3.8. Schematic plan of the menenu of Thutmose I. Drawings: M. Berti, S. Marchi, I. Matter-Horisberger, and A. Peillex.

3 . t he k i ngd o m o f k e rma b e t w e e n egy pt and ce nt ra l africa

Figure 3.9. Schematic plan of the menenu under Thutmose II and Hatshepsut. Drawings: M. Berti, S. Marchi, I. Matter-Horisberger, and A. Peillex.

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Figure 3.10. View of the Egyptian temples of Dokki Gel. Photo: B.-N. Chagny.

both sides of the aisles bears witness to the ceremonial function of this structure (Fig. 3.9). The central construction to the north extends towards the city, with a spectacular hypostyle hall connecting the gate to the main temple. Here again, it seems that the proliferation of columns echoed the architecture of either the entrance vestibules or the older indigenous palaces. The three Egyptian temples were encircled by peripheral porticoes and presented an otherwise classic layout, with a courtyard giving access to a hypostyle hall and then to a tripartite sanctuary (Fig. 3.10). Initially built in mud-brick, they were later equipped with sandstone pillars and doors decorated with reliefs. Palaces were also built for the fortified institution of the menenu, along with grain silos. The presence of several thousand hoofprints suggests that large herds could be collected inside. The architectural complex also included a large pottery workshop. To the north-west, it can be noted that the monumental entrance potentially opened

onto a religious ensemble, which is currently under study. As in the east of the city, Egyptian institutions replace former local religious areas. The find of a rock-cut stela of Thutmose  II (Gabolde 2004) suggests that the city was destroyed by an indigenous alliance, leading to an increase in the fortified precincts located around the places of worship. After bitter conflicts, Dokki Gel was defeated, and Thutmose II, and later Hatshepsut, rebuilt the menenu of their father (Valbelle 2005). Thanks to these changes, it is possible to follow the architectural evolution that took place in this metropolis of the Kingdom of Kerma throughout this period of disturbance. The pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty later provided a monumental aspect to the site, which stayed in a state of constant evolution thereafter. Other temples were later rebuilt, up until the Meroitic period. As this time, the city was moved and relocated onto the cultivated plains, which have remained of interest into the modern era.

3 . t he k i ngd o m o f k e rma b e t w e e n egy pt and ce nt ra l africa

It is thus through architecture that we might be able to identify the three currents of influence in the region. The cultures of Central Africa appear to have played a major role throughout the history of the Nubian Kingdom, although it will perhaps take the discovery of the main ancient sites of the continent for scholars to better appreciate the origins of the sub-Sahelian kingdoms. However, Dokki Gel apparently displays an impressive urban development. One can imagine that the power of central Africa is yet to be discovered, and that explorations in Sudan represent a crucial point in understanding of the advancement of people over a very large and still unknown territory. Our work opens up a new field of research, and it is hope that field archaeo­ logy will enable us to answer some of the questions that have been raised here.

‫شارلس بونيه‬

‫مملكة كرمة بين مصر ووسط أفريقيا‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫ دكي قيل االثري نقطة االتصال الجغرافية بين عالم‬/‫يحدد موقع كرمة‬ ‫ تقدم مدينة كرمة‬.‫البحر األبيض المتوسط​​وأفريقيا جنوب الصحراء‬ ‫ والتجمعات التي‬،‫نموذجا حضريا شبيها لذلك الذي حدث في مصر‬ ‫ في موق دكي قيل ما زال المعمار‬.‫كانت تقع على طول وادي النيل‬ ‫ مما يشير‬،‫غير معروف تقريبا وقد تميز بمباني دائرية أو بيضاوية‬ ‫ وتجدر‬.‫إلى أن التأثيرات قد أتت من مناطق في وسط القارة االفريقية‬ .‫ متر فقط‬007 ‫االشارة الي أن المدينتين الكبيرتين يفصل بينهما‬

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Works Cited Bard K. and R. Fattovich, 2007. Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt: Archaeo­logical Investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt, 2001–2005 (Naples: Università degli studi di Napoli l’Orientale) Bonnet, C. 2000. Édifices et rites funéraires à Kerma (Paris: Errance) —— . 2011. ‘Report of the 2010–2011 Field Season at Dukki Gel’, Documents de la mission archéo­logique suisse au Soudan, 2011/3, Université de Neuchâtel: 25–29 —— . 2013a. ‘Découverte d’une nouvelle ville cérémonielle nubienne et le MENENOU de Thoutmosis Ier (Doukki Gel, Soudan)’, Comptes Rendus des Séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 20: 807–23 —— . 2013b. ‘Les grands monuments égyptiens et nubiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie sur le site de Doukki Gel (Kerma)’, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéo­logie Orientale (BIFAO), 112: 67–74 —— . 2014. La ville de Kerma, une capitale nubienne au sud de l’Égypte (Lausanne: Favre) —— . 2016. ‘Une ville cérémonielle africaine du début du Nouvel Empire égyptien’, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéo­logie Orientale (BIFAO), 115: 5–13 Breyer, F. 2016. Punt, Die Suche nach dem ‘Gottesland’, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, 80 (Leiden: Brill) Davies, W. V. 2003a. ‘Kouch en Égypte, une nouvelle inscription d’El-Kab’, Bulletin de la Société Française d’Égypto­logie (BSFE), 157 ( June): 2003, 40–41 —— . 2003b. ‘Kush in Egypt: A New Historical Inscription’, Sudan and Nubia, 7: 52–54 Fauvelle-Ayma, F. X. 2013. Le rhinocéros d’or, Histoire du Moyen-Âge africain (Paris: Alma Éditeur) Gabolde, L. 2004. ‘La stèle de Thoutmosis II à Assouan, témoin historique et archétype littéraire’, in Séhel, entre Égypte et Nubie: inscriptions rupestres et graffiti de l’époque pharaonique. Actes du colloque international, 31 mai–1er juin 2002, Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier, ed. by A. Gasse and V. Rondot, Orientalia monspeliensia, 14 (Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry-Montpellier III), pp. 129–48. Obsomer, C. 2007. ‘Les expéditions d’Herkhouf (VIe dynastie) et la localisation de Iam’, in Pharaons noirs: sur la Piste des Quarante Jours, ed. by M. C. Bruwier (Morlanwelz: Musée Royal de Mariemont), pp. 39–52 Paner, H. 2003. ‘Archaeo­logical Survey on the Right Bank of the Nile between Kareima and Abu Hamed: A Brief Overview’, Sudan and Nubia, 7: 15–22 —— . 2014. ‘Kerma Culture in the Fourth Cataract of the Nile’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 53–79 Privati, B. 1999. ‘La céramique de la nécropole orientale de Kerma (Soudan) : Essai de classification’, Cahier de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyro­logie et d’Égypto­logie de Lille, 20: 41–69 Roccati, A. 1982. La littérature historique sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien (Paris: Cerf) Ruffieux, P. 2005. ‘La céramique de Doukki Gel découverte au cours des campagnes 2003–2004 et 2004–2005’, Genava, n.s. 52: 255–70 —— . 2009. ‘Poteries découvertes dans un temple égyptien de la XVIIIe dynastie à Doukki Gel (Kerma)’, Genava, n.s. 57: 121–24 —— . 2014. ‘Early 18th Dynasty Pottery Found at Kerma’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 417–29 Somaglino, C. 2010. ‘Du magasin au poste frontière dans l’Égypte ancienne : Étude lexico­graphique du vocable Khetem, Ve partie’ (thèse de doctorat non publiée, Université Paris-Sorbonne, Paris IV) —— . 2017. ‘La toponymie égyptienne en territoire conquis : les noms-programmes des MENENOU’, Du Sinaï au Soudan: itinéraire d’une égypto­logue. Mélanges offerts à Dominique Valbelle, ed. by N. Favry, C. Ragazzoli, C. Somaglino, and P. Tallet, Orient et Méditerranée, 23 (Paris: De Boccard), pp. 229–42 Valbelle, D. 2005. ‘Hatchepsout en Nubie’, Bulletin de la Société Française d’Égypto­logie (BSFE), 167 (Oct.): 33–50 —— . 2013. ‘Comment les Égyptiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie désignaient les Kouchites et leurs alliés’, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéo­logie Orientale (BIFAO), 112: 447–64

Paweł L. Polkowski

4. Cattle in the Nile Fourth Cataract Rock Art The Site of El-Gamamiya 67 as an Example

Introduction

Figure 4.1. View of the Nile valley from Site GM67. Photo A. Rozwadowski.

Raison d’être for the Study

The survey conducted in 2007 by the joint expedition of the Polish Centre of the Mediterranean Archaeo­logy (PCMA) and the Poznań Archaeo­ logical Museum (PAM) led to the discovery of more than 170 archaeo­logical sites, including more than two dozen rock art locales (Chłodnicki 2012; Chłodnicki and others 2010; see also Kuciewicz 2008). Of the latter, Site 67 near El-Gamamiya village (GM67) stands out in terms of both the quality and the quantity of the petroglyphs ( Jaroni and Kuciewicz 2010, 396–98). The site has received brief mentions (Chłodnicki and others 2010; Jaroni and Kuciewicz 2010; Kuciewicz and Rozwadowski 2012;

Rozwadowski and others 2014), and a notably fuller overview (Osypińska 2012). At least 18 of the 100 surfaces with petroglyphs were published as photo­ graphs and/or line drawings, including four boulders kept at the PAM (Chłodnicki and others 2015, 291–96), of which one (together with two stones from other sites) has been documented using the RTI technique (Polkowski and Witkowski 2018). This contribution does not claim to be a full discussion of the rock art from GM67, but it offers a more detailed characterization of the site, the importance of which lies in a fairly homogenous corpus of petroglyphs clustered within definite spatial boundaries.

Paweł L. Polkowski ([email protected]) Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeo­logy, University of Warsaw & Poznań Archaeo­logical Museum This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 71–91

10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128050

FHG

72

pawe ł  l . p o l kow s ki Table 4.1. Motifs recorded at GM67

n

%

Cattle

153

68%

Goat

3

1.50%

Dog

3

1.50%

159

71%

Giraffe

DA (total)

5

2%

Ostrich

1

0.50%

Antelope

2

1%

Carnivore

1

0.50%

WA (total)

9

4%

Indeterminate quadrupeds

13

6%

Anthropomorphic

14

6%

Other

4

2%

Indeterminate Total

25

11%

224

100%

Site GM67 and its Surroundings

GM67 is situated at the interface of the valley and the desert, roughly 400 m east of the Nile, about 200 m from the cultivated area and 100 m from the settlement (Fig. 4.1). Like other significant rock art sites in this area, it flanks the mouth of a major wadi. Several rock art sites and numerous tumuli cemeteries are clustered in the neighbourhood of the site. Some of the graves have been excavated, providing an indirect context for the rock art nearby. Most of the burial grounds are thought to have functioned during the Kerma period, a dating confirmed also in the case of the excavated Sites GM19 and GM55 (situated an estimated 2.2 and 1.4 km south of GM67, respectively; see Osypiński 2010). The site itself is a relatively high, elongated granite hill that commands a good view of the Nile Valley in particular. Petroglyphs — numbering at least 100 panels — can be found on the fairly flat hilltop, on the slopes, and on solid vertical and horizontal rock faces, as well as on loose boulders of various sizes.1 GM67 is definitely a local landmark and holds the largest concentration of petroglyphs in the surrounding area; the homogeneity of the images is



1 The numbering of the panels follows the initial numbering system introduced by Eliza Jaroni and Ewa Kuciewicz, but has been revised and extended by the author. The site was divided by the survey team into three parts (I–III) and each part has its own numbering system. The smaller specimens, collected during the survey in the face of the site’s inevitable flooding, were later divided up between the collections of the museums in Khartoum and Poznań.

indicative of the site’s importance, especially during the Kerma horizon (that is, during the third to second millennia bc). An Overview of Rock Art: Basic Data

At least 227 petroglyphs were registered at Site GM67. The bulk of these, at least 153, or 68% of all images, show cattle, but it is possible that this number is even higher, given that some of the unidentified quadrupeds (n=13) and undetermined motifs (minimum n=25) may also include cattle depictions. A small group of domesticates other than cattle can also be identified, namely dogs (n=3) and goats (n=3). The depiction of a bovine head with a pendant of considerable size is unique. The zoomorphic category is supplemented by wild animals such as giraffe (five images), two possible unidentified species of antelopes, one ostrich, and one carnivore, possibly a lion (Osypińska 2012, 709, fig. 6; for a very similar specimen, see Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 204–05, Fig. 446b). Anthropomorphs with fourteen identified specimens constitute only 6% of the total. Finally, two rows of grooves, a group of intentional peck marks, and at least twenty-five indeterminate motifs round off the collection (Table 4.1). The overwhelming majority of petroglyphs were pecked into the rock surface (n=210). Some images, mainly those of cattle, were produced by combining pecking with carving, with the outline and horns of the animal usually being carved. The quality of the peck marks ranges widely from the most common, irregular and fairly large marks to dense compact peck marks clearly of a small diameter that are present in only a few examples. Given that the geo­ logical context of all of the petroglyphs is similar, the reason for these differences cannot lie in the quality of the stone. Rather, they must have rather stemmed from the choice of tools and/or technique, and the skill and intent of the artists. Nevertheless, the hardness of the rock is certainly partly responsible for the predominance of pecking over other techniques like carving (n=4), scratching (n=4), or smoothing (n=1). The most abundant category of depictions consists of domesticated animals (71%). Goats and dogs are known from just two panels. The cattle motif determines the nature of the site and there can be no doubt that the locale is likely to have witnessed recurrent activities of considerable importance within the socio-cultural realm of the local pastoral communities in the past. Of the 153 identified cattle depictions, 139 satisfy the definition of the canonical Nubian cattle form, sometimes referred to as the ‘older’ or ‘early’

4. cat t le i n t he ni le fo u rt h cataract rock art

cattle (sensu Kleinitz 2007b). However, this form was used over a very long time — especially given the wide-ranging degree of varnishing or ‘patination’ of these images — and thus cannot be treated on its own as an unambiguous chrono­ logical marker. This is in keeping with a similar observation concerning the Fourth Cataract rock art (Kleinitz 2012, 36). In other words, some or most of the more lightly varnished specimens could have been executed far later than the Kerma Horizon, while the older depictions on the site might perhaps have acted as a blueprint of sorts. There are also fourteen cattle petroglyphs that have been excluded from the above category for a variety of reasons. These are not only (for the most part) lightly varnished, but are first and foremost different in terms of the morpho­logy of the animals. A more recent origin of these representations is therefore a likely, even if not absolutely certain, interpretation. Wild animals constitute only 4% of the rock art corpus discussed here. They seem to be approximately contemporaneous with the core cattle assemblage. Ostriches and the image potentially identified as a carnivore (or more specifically a lion), have both been found associated with cattle depictions and they share with them some formal similarities. The antelopes appear to be chased by dogs; their chrono­logy is difficult to establish, although it might be assumed that these images originated between the third millennium bc and the first half of the first millennium ad (see Kleinitz 2007b, 225, fig. 8). Finally, four examples of giraffes, although they are not accompanied by other species, share formal traits with the canonical cattle depictions (Fig. 4.2) and thus are unlikely to be older in origin.2 The thirteen unidentified quadrupeds may represent both cattle and/or wild animals, but they are sufficiently few in number that their identification does not significantly affect the interpretation of the corpus. Notably, not a single camel image was found at Site GM67. This is surprising considering the ubiquitous presence of such images in Nubian rock art (e.g., Kleinitz and Olsson 2005). Even later, this ‘cattle hill’ retained its specificity, with most of the new petroglyphs added to the old ones also depicting bovines.

2 See Budka 2006, 55, fig. 5; Kleinitz 2012, 39, fig. 11; both parallels from the Fourth Cataract region. See also a very similar petroglyph from Wadi Abu Dom (Lohwasser and others 2016, 76, fig. 8) and the incised giraffes on an ostrich eggshell from Kerma (Bonnet 1993, 9, fig. 11).

Figure 4.2. One of two giraffes on Panel II/33. Photo E. Kuciewicz.

Figure 4.3. Two cattle depictions on Panel II/25. Left: image with diving stripe; right: simple outline image. Photo E. Kuciewicz.

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Cattle Petroglyphs: The Main Features Body and Representation of Colour

The following description is valid for the bulk of cattle depictions at Site GM67: Older cattle representations usually show long horn cattle with elegantly curved horns and highly consistent body shapes characterised by a straight back, curved or angular lines depicting legs and lower body, and a pronounced head. While the bodies are depicted in profile, the horns are usually rendered as if seen from the front (Kleinitz 2007b, 216). Indeed, this type of cattle image is typical of both Lower and Upper Nubia, and is usually attributable to the C-Group and to Kerma culture respectively (see below). Despite a great homogeneity of cattle depictions at GM67, certain differences can be observed between specimens. The first such variation relates to the infilling of the animal bodies. Of the 139 cattle figures classified as canonical in form, 53 (38%) consist of a simple outline with no infilling (Fig. 4.3). The variant groups are the precise opposite, with all depictions completely filled in by pecking (Fig. 4.4) and, in one case, by smoothing. These specimens amount to 18% of the assemblage. Only two other types occur in significant numbers. The first one, comprising fifteen images in total, is of ‘stippled’ cattle, in which the specimens are filled in using peck-marks of varied size and density (Fig. 4.5). The second includes cattle with a stripe dividing the body into halves (n=12) (see Fig. 4.3). The corpus under discussion also contains animals with two, three, or

Figure 4.4. Panels II/20 and II/23 and tracing of one of the compositions. Photo and drawing A. Rozwadowski; digital processing P. Polkowski.

Table 4.2. Body treatment in cattle depictions from the GM67 assemblage

n

%

Outline

53

38%

Filled-in

25

18%

1 stripe

12

9%

2 stripes

6

4%

3 stripes

1

1%

4 stripes

1

1%

Stippled

15

11%

Spotted

2

1%

Bicolour

3

2%

Hatched

1

1%

Indeterminate

20

14%

Total

139

100%

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four stripes, as well as figures designated as ‘spotted’ (featuring large irregular smudges), ‘bicolour’ (in which one part of the body is closely filled in with peck-marks, while the rest is left untouched; see Hintze and Hintze 1967, 50), or ‘hatched’ (diagonal parallel lines) (see Figs 4.4 and 4.5). Owing to their poor state of preservation and other factors, some twenty petroglyphs (14%) could not be classified (see Table 4.2). Although it is tempting to reach the conclusion that the prevalence of outlined figures reflects preference for producing the less demanding simple forms, this interpretation can be brought into question. No other colouring pattern involved more effort than the variant of complete filling and yet this is the second most common type encountered at the site. Taken as a whole, the images that show different types of colour patterning (totalling 48%) outnumber the simple outlined figures by 10%. In the author’s opinion, value was placed first and foremost on the

specific visual aspects of the petroglyphs, while the effort that such execution required was of lesser significance. Achieving a high degree of resemblance between the depiction and the model (whatever it was) may have played a paramount role, and apparently the simple outlined figures also fulfilled this requirement in many cases. After all, the colour of an animal’s hide has always been of prime importance and relevance in nearly all elements of life for many East African pastoral groups (e.g., Coote 1992; Dubosson 2014; Evans-Pritchard 1940). Variants of Horn Shape

The grouping of different variants of horn shape from the recorded cattle petroglyphs is not meant as a typo­logy, and the horn ‘types’ shown here are of idealized form (Table 4.3). Precise dimensions of the observed horns are not intended and if any-

Figure 4.5. Selected variants of coat colouring, with panel numbers in parentheses: a) stippled (III/16); b) spotted (II/19); c) hatched (II/19); d) striped (III/26). Photo: E. Kuciewicz.

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pawe ł  l . p o l kow s ki Table 4.3. Variants of horns in cattle depictions from the GM67 assemblage.

n

%

n

%

1

13

9%

15

4

3%

2

2

1%

16

2

1%

3

2

1%

17

3

2%

4

1

1%

18

1

1%

5

6

4%

19

2

1%

6

1

1%

20

3

2%

7

2

1%

21

2

1%

8

9

6%

22

1

1%

9

4

3%

23

1

1%

10

4

3%

24

1

1%

11

1

1%

25

1

1%

12

10

7%

26

1

1%

13

21

15%

27

3

2%

14

3

2%

Multiple horns

5

4%

Indeterminate

30

22% 100%

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thing, it is the relative difference in size that reflects general trends in their proportions. For example, the thirteen images subsumed under T1 all differ to some extent and no two identical horn shapes were recorded. Many of the types can be distinguished easily because such forms appear only once and differ significantly from the others. Some, however, like T12 and T13, and T17–19, share a number of features and in practice it is not always easy to assign a given specimen to one of these categories without at least some uncertainty. These reservations indicate the tentative and subjective nature of this classification. T12–13, if taken together, constitute the largest group (22%), matched only by the indeterminate forms. Both variants are simple, with the main difference being their relative size. They are followed by a group of fairly long and wide horn-types T1–5 (16%). There is a large but diverse group of symmetrical forms, with T8 holding the largest share (6%) of the assemblage. Asymmetrical variants are also quite numerous (T6–7, T23–26), but they amount to only 6% in total. In one case there is a pair of horns that constitute a full oval form (T22), while three images subsumed under T27 represent a forward-pointing variant. Nearly all types have parallels in Lower and Upper Nubian rock art.3 Artificially deformed horns are clearly recognizable in at least 10% of the examples (T6–7, T22–27) (see Figs 4.4–4.5). The practice of horn deformation has been discussed at length in both archaeozoo­logical contexts and rock art in Nubia (e.g., Chaix 2004; Chaix and Hansen 2003; Huard 1964; Osypińska 2012), as well as in ethno­graphic situations from Sudan, Kenya, and the Horn of Africa (e.g., Chaix and others 2012; Dioli 2018; Dubosson 2018; Evans-Pritchard 1940; Hazel 1997; Kronenberg 1961; Seligman and Seligman 1932). The depiction



3 As not all of the horn ‘types’ known from Site GM67 could be illustrated here, readers are encouraged to refer to selected parallels (one per type): T1 (Allard-Huard 2000, 84, photo 12), T2 (Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 347, fig. 761), T3 (Karberg 2005, 89, fig. 1), T4 (not found), T5 (Almagro Basch and Almagro Gorbea 1968, 82, fig. 47), T6 (Kleinitz 2008, 89, fig. 2C); T7 (Váhala and Červíček 1999, pl. 149.591/D), T8 (Váhala and Červíček 1999, pl. 95.375.1), T9 (Curto and others 1987, pl. 48, fig. 78), T10 (Kleinitz and Koenitz 2006, 36, pl. 2), T11 (not found), T12 (Curto and others 1987, pl. 32, fig. 40), T13 (Červíček 1974, fig. 65), T14 (Kleinitz 2007b, 221, fig. 4), T15 (Váhala and Červíček, 1999, pl. 29.100.1), T16 (Váhala and Červíček, 1999, pl. 179.709.2), T17 (Resch 1967, pl. 7), T18 (Resch 1967, pl. 6), T19 (Hellström and Langballe 1970, corpus C90), T20 ( JacquetGordon, 1981, 236, pl. 91a), T21 (Hellström and Langballe 1970, corpus C9), T22 (Allard-Huard 2000, 57, fig. 24), T23 (Kleinitz 2012, 35–36, fig. 4), T24 (Kleinitz 2007a, 35, fig. 2), T25 (not found), T26 (not found), T27 (Osman and Edwards, 2012, pl. 46). Note that the above parallels refer exclusively to horn shapes.

of asymmetrical horns, along with other body features, is very likely to refer to a widespread cultural practice known from many recent cattle-keeping societies, in which the horns of a young animal are subjected to various operations that result in the angling of one or both of the horns. This is done to a chosen beast, known as the ‘favourite animal’ (or ox, bull, or beast) and owned by a specific person, usually a male (Dubosson 2014). Such practices are socially meaningful, as is the strong bond between the animal and its owner. However, this relationship might be better described as one of ‘belonging’ rather than ‘ownership’ because the latter could imply a western understanding of this term, which is not necessarily adequate (Russell 2013). Although the practice is known from ethno­graphic contexts that are distant in both time and space from Nubian rock art, this argument seems to be convincing, not least because various other features depicted in cattle petroglyphs may indicate a similar set of practices in the past (see below). It should be noted, however, that although the institution of a favourite animal, and the horn-deformation often associated with it, is (and was) quite widespread in eastern Africa, it is (and was) highly nuanced.4 Therefore, it is referred to here only in a very general way, the author agreeing with other scholars that Nubian rock art depicting cattle was most likely associated with a similar set of practices in the past. In the Kerman archaeozoo­logical material, there is an average of one bucranium with deformed horns per eight cattle heads (Chaix and others 2012, 196), which would match the ratio seen at Site GM67, in which roughly 10% of horns depicted were contorted. However, it is difficult to recognize all possible instances of horn deformation in the studied assemblage from GM67 because in most cases there is no way of knowing whether a particular depiction reflects a deformation, a natural shape, or just the stylistic manner, vision, and/or skill of an artist. The proposed number is also negatively affected by the presence of indeterminate horn shapes. However, it cannot be ruled out that many, if not most of the depictions of horns represent intentional deformation. The group discussed above includes some particularly characteristic varieties, one of them being the forward-pointing horns (Chaix and Hansen 2003; Dioli 2018, 6, fig. 6a–b). This is the only visual mode in the corpus to show a single horn in profile, with the presence of a second horn only implicit. There are three examples of this form of horns, of which

4 For the list of peoples known to have the institution of the favourite animal, see Dubosson 2014, 86.

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pawe ł  l . p o l kow s ki Figure 4.6. Anthropomorph and bovine on Panel II/3. Drawing: E. Kuciewicz; digital processing: P. Polkowski.

one is particularly interesting due to the presence of other features (a pendant, an associated anthropomorph, and very precise execution) (Fig. 4.6). The other variant is far more enigmatic, showing as it does multiple horns (Fig. 4.5b, d). This cannot stem from a simple carving mistake, because such horns are attested at least five times at GM67 and are featured in many other Nubian rock art corpora.5 The number of horns seems to range between three and five, with three specimens having four horns each; however, this is not always clear. Although elsewhere, the intentional recarving of older figures is known to produce the effect of multiple horns (e.g., Kleinitz 2004, 13, fig. 8), every image at GM67 seems to be the result of a planned single carving event. There can be no doubt about the purposefulness of this trait but, contrary to other features that can be explained in a more straightforward manner (for example, horns and dewlap deformation, artificial hide colouring), the multiple horns pose interpretative problems.6 This recurring motif definitely



5 Number of horns in brackets: First/Second/Dal Cataracts: Almagro Basch and Almagro Gorbea 1968, 44, fig. 10(3), p. 242, fig. 243(3); Curto and others 1987, pl. 38, fig. 55(3); Hellström and Langballe 1970, corpus C, nos 11(3), 27(3), 418(4), 501(3), 511(4?), and 533(3); Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 139, 178, and 303, figs 271(3), 368a(4), and 685(3); Váhala and Červíček, 1999, pl 186.739(6), 189.741.15(4), and 197.783(3); Vila 1975, 105, fig. 110a(3); Third Cataract: Allard-Huard 2000, 38, 70, and 72–73, figs 11.4(3), 33.1(3), 34.1(5?), 34.2(3), 34.3(4), 34.6(4?), 34.7(4?), and 35.1(4); Leclant 1963, table XXXIII, fig. 42; Fourth Cataract: Hassan 2010, 139–40, fig. 8.10(3); Kleinitz 2004, 13, fig. 8(4); Kleinitz 2012, 35–36, figs 2(3) and 5(7); Nubian Desert: Parker and Burkitt 1932, pl. L.2(4?). 6 It cannot be ruled out that they referred to mytho­logical and supernatural entities. This would be expected in other cases as well, although not attested at GM67, such as depictions of

requires further in-depth studies, in particular into ethno-history. The overview of horn-variants should include one more example that is very different from those already described. This image is part of the composition on Panel III/15, in which four cattle figures and one anthropomorph are depicted (Fig. 4.7). The cattle images differ from each other in terms of form and/or technique of execution. The uppermost specimen has a clear outline and a slightly stippled body; the one to the extreme left is only outlined; the one at the bottom is loosely pecked and somewhat faint. In addition, its front is overlaid by a bovine image of unnatural body proportions, evident mostly in the elongated neck, which is turned at a right angle. This could perhaps be explained by the artist’s desire to take advantage of the natural rock surface to render the horns. The head, supported by the exaggerated neck, can be seen to reach a crescent-shaped crack, which produces the visual effect of the horns having been engraved. It is possible that the artist started the image by executing the rear of the animal first and once he became aware of the crack, he decided to use it, even though the figure thereby lost its naturalistic proportions. Such an artistic solution fits with another rock art practice observed in the area, namely that of following the natural contours of the stone with the outlines of the petroglyph.7 Other Features Indicators of sex

The only explicit sexual marker to be recognized among the cattle engravings at GM67 are the udders (see Fig. 4.5a). Altogether sixteen animals (including the two uncertain examples) depict this feature, leaving the vast majority (some 88%) of the cattle images with no specific gender markers. There are two basic visual modes for depicting udders in this group: a) images in which the udder is placed at the junction of the hind leg and the underbelly (n=12); and b) depictions in which the udder extends along the whole length of the abdomen (Fig. 4.8). Cattle with udders are known throughout Nubia,8 although parallels for variant b) seem to be much more abundant. ‘double bulls’ or Doppelrind (animals with a head at each end of the body, see Hellström and Langballe 1970, corpus C, C392; Váhala and Červíček 1999, pl 189.741.11 and 208.821; Vila 1976, 55, fig. 21). On the motif, see Červíček 1974, 170–71. 7 e.g., Chłodnicki and others 2015, 299, no. 238; note that in this case, the neck is also unnaturally long in order to fit the contours of the boulder. 8 Examples of variant a): Kleinitz 2004, 15, fig. 10; variant b): Váhala and Červíček 1999, pl. 220.853/D.24.

4. cat t le i n t he ni le fo u rt h cataract rock art

Figure 4.7. Multi-layered composition on Panel III/15. Photo: E. Kuciewicz.

Figure 4.8. Cows with udders: a) Panel II/7; b) Panel II/41. Photo: E. Kuciewicz.

Pendants

Figure 4.9. Head of a bovine. Photo: E. Kuciewicz.

The pendant is another recognizable feature of cattle depictions. In the GM67 corpus, thirteen animals seem to be adorned with a pendant (including three uncertain identifications). In Nubian rock art, an individual animal usually has only one (if any) element of this kind attached to the neck, but examples with two pendants have also been noted (e.g., Hamdeen and Polkowski 2018, 32, fig. 16; Karberg 2009, 139, fig. 14), and some specimens can have five or even eight pendants (Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 298 and 352, figs 674a and 772). Two formal pendant variants can be distinguished in the GM67 assemblage: a) those with an oval termination (see Osman and Edwards 2012, pl. 46) (see Fig. 4.6); and b) those lacking an evident termination (see Hellström and Langballe 1970, corpus C, C176). The former type is attested in just three petroglyphs, with the rest belonging to the latter type.

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Figure 4.10. Cow and a ‘sitting’ bovine, Panel II/14. Photo: A. Rozwadowski; drawing: A. Zając; digital processing P. Polkowski.

Ethno­graphic literature on the institution of the ‘favourite beast’ shows that transforming the dewlap into a pendant is another way to beautify cattle, on a par with horn deformation, coat colouring, and ear incisions. This practice can be seen, for instance, among the Hamar from Ethiopia, who cut the dewlap in such a way that it looks like the a-variant rock art pendant (Dubosson 2018, 849, pl. 1; see also Dioli 2018, 8, fig. 8). It seems likely that Nubian rock art reflects this practice, and that the cattle depicted with this particular feature should be interpreted as images of favourite beasts. Of thirteen specimens to feature a pendant, ten have either a completely pecked body, or some other decorative coat marking. Only three of the images have clearly deformed horns, but some of the others may also display potentially altered horns, as noted above. The best example of a pendant is depicted in a petroglyph (Panel II/25) (Rozwadowski and others 2014, 363, fig. 6) that is, to the best of this author’s knowledge, unparalleled in Nubian rock art (Fig. 4.9).9

9 But see a bovine head depicted en face, Otto and BuschendorfOtto 1993, 154, fig. 312.

This image depicts the head of a bovine without the rest of the body — most likely a deliberate decision. The head with the pendant is about 28 cm high, making it much larger than the head of any other cattle depiction in the region. Had the body been executed, the animal would have been very large indeed. However, the artist decided against continuing the image onto a surface adjacent to the edge of the rock wall, instead stopping at this point. The shape of the head is similar to other cattle depictions, although the horns are somewhat short, straight and erect. There are no facial features, as the whole surface is densely pecked. It is the pendant that stands out. Measuring about 7.5 cm in length, it comprises two elements: a long thin line and an oval ending. It represents the a-variant, as described above. This petroglyph has not been included in the overall group of 139 cattle depictions because of its abbreviated and ‘metonymic’ character. Nevertheless, it seems to be closely related to the other petroglyphs and provides another argument for recognizing ritual alterations in the animals depicted.

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Cattle Petroglyphs: Scale of the Site and the Panel Compositional Aspects

Many petroglyphs at Site GM67 are found on vertical or oblique surfaces and are thus clearly visible to anyone exploring the site. Their visibility, apart from a group of fully varnished depictions, is enhanced by the contrast between the images and the fairly dark granite rock. Nevertheless, all the pictures must have stood out clearly when first executed. The distribution of panels across the site is uneven: they are found in smaller and larger clusters, both on top of the hill and on its slopes, with some on loose boulders, but the vast majority of the images can be found carved into solid outcrops. The hill offers a wide view of the surroundings, including the valley and the river. It also stands out in the landscape, being the largest granite outcrop in the area ( Jaroni and Kuciewicz 2010). Composition of the panels is neither rich nor complex at GM67. The rock art at this site is predominantly image-orientated and the majority of ‘scenes’ do not exceed three to four petroglyphs per panel (see Kleinitz 2013, 348). There are only seven compositions that consist of five or more images, but even in these cases some of them include images from a clearly different period. The cattle depictions often occur on panels in pairs (n=13) or in groups of three (n=11). In only six cases were four or more cattle images found in one composition. It must be emphasized again that not all of these groupings contain images made by the same artist and at the same time. Of particular interest are configurations of cattle images in which animal is turned 90o in relation to the other (see Figs 4.4, 4.7, 4.10, and 4.11). In total, at least eleven bovines are placed in such a way, and always with the head directed upwards (see Fig. 4.3). Two of the giraffe depictions have a similar orientation (see Fig. 4.2). This ‘sitting animal’ position within zoomorph images is considered a widespread phenomenon in rock art (van Hoek, 2005). Most of the panels comprise various arrangements of cattle images. They are shown in pairs, or in groups of three or more, usually orientated in the same direction. There are also compositions showing the cattle confronting each other in a way that resembles bulls fighting (Chłodnicki and others 2015, 294–95, no. 234). The giraffes occur only in association with another giraffe. One composition seems to depict an antelope hunt and another shows a carnivore and a bovine, but the relationship between them remains unclear.

Figure 4.11. Cattle images on Panel II/20. Drawing: A. Zając; digital processing: P. Polkowski.

Associations with Anthropomorphs

A recurrent type of association involves cattle and anthropomorphs. The latter occur on at least nine panels, of which eight contain cattle imagery. With the exception of one composition, which will be discussed in more detail below, these compositions consist of a single anthropomorphic figure and a varying number of cattle (between one and four). However, the nature of these associations is far from consistent. In three cases it is confined to cattle/anthropomorph superimposition. On Panel I/2.6 (Fig. 4.12.6) and III/15 (Fig. 4.12.4), it is the anthropomorphic figure that overlies the bovine image. In the latter case, the difference in the varnish is particularly clear. Panel II/24 shows the reverse situation, as the anthropomorph (Fig. 4.12.3) is cut by the long and massive horn of a cattle figure. Such a linking of the figures could have been meaningful but remains difficult to comprehend as it lacks a clear narrative character.

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Figure 4.12. Anthropomorphic figures associated with cattle depictions; all petroglyphs were pecked in their entirety. Drawing: E. Kuciewicz, A. Rozwadowski, and P. Polkowski; collation and digital processing: P. Polkowski.

In two cases, anthropomorphs are situated behind the animal. On Panel II/41 (see Fig. 4.8b), the human figure, although apparently contemporary with at least two of the cow images, is slightly superimposed on the upper animal. There should be no doubt, however, that the anthropomorph is here a component of a larger ‘scene’, be it metaphorical or narrative. The same applies to the composition on Panel II/48 (not illustrated) where the anthropomorph (Fig. 4.12.7) is standing behind a three-horned bovine image. They are separated by a considerable distance and, as on Panel II/41, 11 the animal has its back to the human figure.10 10 For a very similar scene from El-Doma, see Kleinitz 2012, 41, fig. 15. Both the anthropomorph depicted and the overall structure of the composition are comparable.

One is tempted to read two other compositions as being symbolic in nature, although this is by no means certain. The first one, from Panel II/7 (not illustrated), has an anthropomorph (see Fig. 4.12.7)11 placed between two bovines, both of which face the central figure.12 All three petroglyphs seem to have been produced at the same time. Such a configuration of cattle and anthropomorph appears to be significant and may refer to the close bonds

The anthropomorph is shown in a somewhat awkward position, with both legs positioned diagonally. There are, however, parallels in Lower Nubia, see Hellström and Langballe 1970, Corpus A, A95–125. 12 See a scene with a centrally placed anthropomorph holding two bovines on ropes (Červíček 1974, fig. 412).

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Figure 4.13. ‘Pastoral scene’ in Panel III/13. Photo and drawing: A. Rozwadowski; digital processing: P. Polkowski.

between these animals and people. This seems to be even more explicit in the second composition, II/3, already mentioned above (see Fig. 4.6). Here, the anthropomorph is placed between the legs of a bull(?) (Fig. 4.12.1) that features forward-pointing horns and a neatly executed pendant. Both petroglyphs are carefully produced and arranged in a way that suggests a very precise concept behind the scene. Last but not least, there is an extraordinary scene that stands out from the rest of the rock art from Site GM67 for several reasons. Panel III/13 (Chłodnicki and others 2010, 384, fig. 2; Osypińska 2012, 709–10, fig. 7), which is situated on a vertical rock face, contains more than a dozen petroglyphs of high quality and/or unusual content (Fig. 4.13). For instance, it is the only panel that displays what have been identified as depictions of goats (n=3). They are accompanied by a dog, which is also rare in the local rock art. Most attention, however, should be paid to four images of shorthorn or even hornless cattle and the four accompanying anthropomorphic figures. These cattle depictions, despite an overall similarity, have not been included in the number of 139 specimens described above. The main reasons for this are the lack of horns, but also the far more angular rendering of the underbelly–legs area seen in these images. The cows (they seem to have udders) differ in size,

which may indicate the presence of adult and young individuals. They are all densely pecked, except for one that has stripes on its body. The anthropomorphs are exceptional (Fig. 4.12.8–11). All have hourglass-shaped bodies, although two figures might be better described as having bodies formed from two triangles with connected apexes. The latter two figures are characterized by small oval heads, whereas the ‘hourglass’ silhouettes also have a prominent feather on their heads. All anthropomorphs possess a stick or other weapon, which is attached to the waist. They also wear a long tunic. Two of the figures hold the cattle by their tails, which is a very widespread motif (e.g. Allard-Huard 2000, 36–37, fig. 10; Červíček 1974, 154, fig. 167, 171, 194, 197, 346, 347, and 352; see also examples from the Egyptian Eastern Desert in Judd 2009, 135, fig. 34), known also from the Fourth Cataract region (Hassan 2010, 140, fig. 8, nos 18, 22–24; Kleinitz 2012, 45, fig. 20; Kleinitz and Koenitz 2006, 36, fig. 2). The remaining figures stand in the middle of the herd. Overall, the scene appears to depict the daily life of pastoralists; however, this impression may be deceptive. The figures on this panel are not heavily varnished and look slightly ‘fresher’ than many of the cattle depictions on the site. Among them, there is also an image of a longhorn bovine, but executed

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in a different ‘style’, even though the degree of varnishing seems to be the same as that over the rest of the cattle. In addition, there are two figures that are slightly more ‘patinated’: one may be a stick-like anthropomorph(?), whereas the other is either a bovine or an elephant. Whether their colour or their position (lowermost) on the panel area are a matter of chrono­logical difference, remains an open question, as the degree of varnishing cannot be treated as the most reliable dating marker.

Discussion Aspects of Chrono­logy

76; and for rock art associated with the C-Group, see Arkell 1955, 53; Bietak 1987, 118–19 and 123; Červíček 1974, 180–86; Červíček 1986, 83; Edwards 2006, 56–57; Säve-Söderbergh 1962, 83–84; Säve-Söderbergh 1989, 11; Smith 1972, 57–58; Suková 2015, 131; Williams 1983, 97), but also based on local evidence. The first line of argument assumes that the extensive and consistent similarity between the cattle petroglyphs and particular motifs at Site GM67 compared to other rock art assemblages and icono­graphy known from various media is, at least to some degree, the result of coeval use of such designs in the broad cultural horizon of the Kerma and the C-Group cultures. Such a dating is also supported by a few ‘strati­graphic’ associations of cattle petroglyphs and textual material, largely from Lower Nubia.13 Furthermore, certain motifs can be viewed as being potentially time-specific, for example in the case of the scene showing the ‘bulls fighting’. Known from at least one panel at GM67 (Chłodnicki and others 2015, 294–95, no. 234), the combat de taureaux motif is attested as a wall painting in the Kerma Temple K XI (Bonnet and others 2000, 92, fig. 66), dated to the Classic Kerma period (c. 1750–1450 bc). Another indication comes from dated structures, such as tumulus graves where rock art happens to be found on boulders used in the superstructures (Kleinitz 2007a, 40–41, figs 12–13). The anthropomorphic figures recorded at GM67 are of little help in establishing some kind of chrono­ logy. More than half of them are very schematic and have parallels in rock art corpora from various periods. The group of five ‘hourglass’ figures that is reminiscent of Nubians, as suggested by the feathers adorning their heads, can be more closely defined (see Fig. 4.12.7–11).14 Nearly identical depictions were found at El-Doma (Kleinitz 2012, 41, fig. 15) and

Despite the very homogenous corpus of petroglyphs and compositional similarities, one should bear in mind that the rock art in question could have been produced over a considerable period of time (Kleinitz 2013, 349). Neither the ‘style’, nor the subject-matter, are in themselves sufficient to indicate a precise date. The ‘pastoral scene’ with shorthorn/hornless cattle on Panel III/13 (Fig. 4.13) is a case in point. The motif of an anthropomorph holding cattle by the tail is known from securely dated sources from the late third and second millennia bc (Bonnet and others 2000, 89–93, fig. 67; Emery and Kirwan 1935, 387, fig. 375; Steindorff 1935, Taf. 57), but also from icono­graphic repertoire of the Meroitic period (third century bc–fourth century ad; Kleinitz 2007b, 217; Wildung 1997, 345, cat. 404). This motif was evidently in use for a long time. In turn, although the building of a sequence upon differences in the varnish may prove successful to some extent, it cannot be considered as demonstrating incontestable chrono­logical ordering. Cattle depictions, despite many formal similarities, can show all possible degrees of ‘patination’, so one cannot be sure whether this reflects 13 See the following for cattle images overlain by Middle Kingdom a long-lasting practice or quite the reverse — a prachieratic inscriptions: at Askur (Hintze and Reineke 1989, tice restricted in time, and in which the state of presInschrift 546; Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 311–12, fig. 703); on Hill A near Buhen (Smith 1972, 57–58, fig. 2.I); at Kumma ervation differs from panel to panel owing to local (Hintze and Reineke 1989, inscription 496). For New Kingdom environmental factors and the placement of indihieroglyphic inscriptions, see: Wadi el-Arab (Žába 1974, 133, vidual images (Karberg 2019, 1052–53). Indeed, it no. 96, pl. CXIII, fig. 198); several New Kingdom official is possible that both these scenarios were in play inscriptions at Hagar el-Merwa (Kurgus) (most recently Davies simultaneously. Nonetheless, the first explanation 2017, 80, fig. 16). The latter is of particular importance in the context of Site GM67, as it is the nearest, being located between appears to be the more plausible when dealing with the Fourth and the Fifth Cataracts. petroglyphs that were placed on the same surface 14 Middle Kingdom depictions of befeathered Nubians are known and yet demonstrate different degrees of varnishing. from seal impressions from several Lower Nubian sites (Wegner It still seems reasonable to consider many, if not 1995, 146, fig. 10). See also a New Kingdom relief scene from the most, of the canonical cattle depictions at GM67 as Luxor Temple depicting a procession of cattle with deformed horns with the head of a Nubian (with a feather) emerging from belonging to the Kerma Horizon, that is, to the third among them. The asymmetrical horns look as if they were the and second millennia bc. Such an association is not arms of this man (Arkell 1955, pl. 8a), which possibly shows that only indicated by other studies (see for example, in the eyes of the Egyptians cattle with deformed horns and Kleinitz 2007b, 217; Kleinitz 2012, 37; Näser 2008, Nubians were closely connected.

4. cat t le i n t he ni le fo u rt h cataract rock art

Ishashi island (Kleinitz 2012, 320, pl. 10.5), both in the Fourth Cataract region. In both cases, they were associated with longhorn cattle,15 as were the anthropomorphs from a very comparable scene at Askur, on the Second Cataract (Otto and Buschendorf-Otto 1993, 310, fig. 700). At this latter site, too, several anthropomorphic figures, grosso modo hourglass-shaped (but with no apparent feather on their heads), are depicted standing amidst a herd of cattle, accompanied by a dog.16 The main difference between the examples mentioned here and Panel III/13 (see Fig. 4.13) is that all animals in the latter scene are shorthorn or hornless.17 However this, together with and the fact that the varnish on these figures is not particularly developed, by no means precludes the possibility of their Kerman date, and in this case possibly reflecting a late phase. Some non-petroglyphic evidence (or rather, ‘clues’) that help to date the GM67 cattle depictions come from the survey and excavations. The hill was thoroughly surveyed, and three shelters were excavated. The artefact collection from the site included Kerman pottery sherds (although post-Meroitic and Christian ceramics were also recorded) from several locations, including a locale just below the panel that features the giraffes (Chłodnicki 2012, 380). Moreover, Kerma Horizon pottery was registered in the immediate vicinity, where some destroyed tumulus graves were discovered. The Kerma Horizon cemeteries were the most prevalent remains in this area18 and, in some rare cases, cattle depictions were noted on boulders used in the superstructures of the graves.19 A spatial, and thus possibly chrono­logical and meaningful, association of rock art and cemeteries was observed in various areas of the Fourth

Cataract region (Kleinitz 2013, 250; Kołosowska and others 2003, 22). Describing the area of Hadiab, Cornelia Kleinitz noted a recurrent co-occurrence of several elements: cattle depictions, rock gongs, tumuli, Kerma Horizon pottery, and sites offering a commanding view of the landscape (Kleinitz 2007a, 35). Site GM67 largely meets this description, offering an abundance of petroglyphs, some potsherds, and a view overlooking tumuli fields, the valley, and the Nile. Rock gongs are the only feature that the surveyors of the site did not register. These pieces of evidence cannot offer a precise chrono­logy of particular petroglyphs, but, as an assemblage, they can be cautiously dated to the Kerma Horizon in general. The site and its vicinity were doubtless visited for a long time afterwards by many other people for various purposes, and we can reasonably expect that some petroglyphs were added later, perhaps inspired by the cattle depictions. Aspects of Significance and Meaning

Whilst establishing the chrono­logy of rock art appears to be a very difficult task, grasping its meaning and cultural significance is even harder. The main interpretive trend reasonably seeks inspiration in the ethno­graphy of Nilotic and East African societies, even though this theoretical approach is not without its controversies, or the inevitable methodo­logical pitfalls faced whenever elements so remote in both time and space are put together. Nevertheless, the social institution of the ‘favourite animal’, which entails various alterations being made to the bovine body, provides a strong comparative resource for studying Middle Nile rock art. There can be no doubt as to the significant — if not pivotal — role of cattle in most aspects of life of the Kerma and C-Group societies. Although cattle imagery on stelae (Emery and Kirwan 1935, pl. 20; Firth 1915, pl. 35a–b; Williams 1983, pl. 95) and pottery20 are mostly linked to C-Group material culture,21 the archaeo­logy of the Kerma Horizon is no

15 A similar anthropomorph (although without a feather and a ‘stick’), holding a bull by the tail, is known from Gebel Gorgod, Third Cataract (Allard-Huard 2000, 61, fig. 27.2). Although the SJE corpus of anthropomorphs contains numerous feathered figures, the closest formal analogy is A266 with an hourglassshaped body (Hellström and Langballe 1970). 16 Another similar scene is known from Abka, where an anthropomorph with a feather(?) and a stick(?) is accompanied by two dogs, a goat(?) and a longhorn bovine (Säve-Söderbergh 1962, pl. XIXa). For a scene with dogs and cattle, but no anthropomorphs, see Paner and Kołosowska 2005, 25. 20 As decoration: Emery and Kirwan 1935, pl. 24. XXI; Firth 1915, 17 But see a C-Group vessel with cattle both longhorn and hornless, 18, 123, and 138, figs 1.IV, 155.1, 158.1, and 204.4; Friedman 2001, the latter usually shown with udders (Williams 1983, 106, fig. 10). 32, fig. 4; Junker 1926, pl. XV.172, 177, 179; Nordström 2014, 18 See the site gazetteer in Chłodnicki and others 2010, 378–83. 114–15, fig. 51; Säve-Söderbergh 1989, pl. 14: 179/72:02; Williams Some cemeteries were excavated (Osypiński 2010) and the 1983, pl 19 and 20. As post-fired incised additions: Griffith 1921, pottery dated to the Middle Kerma and Classic Kerma periods pl. XIV; Junker 1926, pl. XX.308; Williams 1983, 107, fig. 11 (on (Bagińska 2010). Egyptian pottery). Note, however, that vessels with similar 19 E.g. Site GM105 with an image of a single bovine on a boulder incised cattle depictions have also been ascribed to the earlier used in the superstructure. An even better situation was recorded A-Group culture (Bonnet 1997, 43–45, cat. nos 34 and 38). in El-Aterein (Fourth Cataract), where cattle images were 21 But see an incised ostrich eggshell with two bovines and anthro­ found on boulders constituting the internal part of the grave pomorphs found in Kerma and dated to the Classic Kerma superstructure (Kleinitz 2007a, 40–41, figs 12 and 13). period (Bonnet 1990, 165, no. 76), or another on an ostrich

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less cattle-related, a point reflected, for example, in the deposits of bucrania associated with burials of various sizes (Bonnet and others 2000; Gratien 1986; Reisner 1923). This common presence of the cattle-motif in both rock art and portable material culture has been noted extensively by scholars and has usually been linked chrono­logically (see Karberg 2019, 1052–53). This seems to be a reliable association, even if strong formal similarities between cattle images in rock art and in pottery should be considered, together with differences that no doubt have to be studied further and in more detail.22 In Kerma culture, which provides an archaeo­ logical context for studying the Fourth Cataract rock art, the cultic and ritual dimensions of cattle seem indisputable (Raue, 2019, p. 321; see also Chaix and Grant, 1992, p. 63). If ‘cattle rock art’ production was indeed an element of social practices in Kermarelated societies, then features such as horns, coat, and dewlap deformations depicted in these images would indicate some variant(s) of the ‘favourite animal’ institution around which these societies revolved. Some scholars refer to the ‘visual aesthetics of the recent cattle-keeping Nilotic peoples’ (Coote 1992), developing further an argument that the rock art of Nubia might have reflected such cultural aesthetics in the past (Edwards 2006, 57; Kleinitz 2012, 36–37; Kleinitz 2013, 348). In recent societies, the visual aesthetics of cattle may embrace and transcend all constituents of their cultures, being the mediating element in social relations (e.g., Coote 1992; Dubosson 2014). Cattle also act as a source for the language and its (often metaphorical) expressions, which, in turn, reflect the importance of cattle in all aspects of life. As Jérôme Dubosson (2014, 87) writes, ‘the “favourite ox” does not belong to the animal kingdom but is considered a person’. The apparent crossing

of nature/culture boundaries highlights this importance, and if rock art was indeed linked to a similar onto­logy, then perhaps compositions like the one on Panel II/3 (see Fig. 4.6) should be considered as visualizations of the intimate relationship between humans and cattle. This is not a simple owner-owned relation, but a far more meaningful one. Inserting an anthropomorph between the legs of a bovine is, perhaps, a visual way of expressing this idea,23 leading us further to the conclusion that at the onto­logical level, humans and animals can become equals and share identities. This rock art tradition seems to act as an embodiment of human-animal relations that lie at the heart of the ‘cattle complex’ culture(s). However, even if the images mentioned in this chapter, and in other similar ‘scenes’ showing anthropomorphs and cattle, might have expressed such fundamental relationships, this does not mean that they were not simultaneously depicting specific ‘realities’. In other words, this rock art quite probably shows us elements of past societies, referring to mundane and regular activities (pastoral scenes), as well as ritual-related acts — detectable perhaps whenever a bovine that has the features of a ‘favourite beast’ is encountered. When studying the representational24 aspect of cattle imagery, one encounters another interpretive issue. If cattle depictions that show deformed horns, a coloured hide, or a pendant are to be equated with the notion of a ‘favourite ox’, then how should cattle images devoid of these features be understood? With regard to the GM67 bovines, 38% are simply outlines and most of them lack a pendant. Some of them have asymmetrical horns, which still might allow them to be considered as potential ‘favourite beasts’; however, many others have horns that cannot simply be regarded as definitely either natural or trained. We can, then, assume that some of the depictions (a substantial number, if the entire corpus of Nubian rock art is considered) have no distinctive visual marks indicating ritual alterations to the cattle bodies. Are they, then, depictions of ‘regular’ bovines? Or, perhaps, within an intersubjective visual culture of the Kerma Horizon (and the C-Group), it was not necessary to indicate details because the intention behind the image could easily be understood by others? Numerous finds with intricately depicted details of hide-colouring point reveal an artists’ desire to make such bovines distinguishable from the other depictions of cattle, not

eggshell with giraffes, anthropomorphs, a boat, a crocodile, and a bovine (Bonnet 1993, 9, fig. 11). 22 According to the author’s observations, there is at least one fairly common difference in rendering the body of bovines. While the canonical rock art type displays an arched underbelly merging gently with the curved legs, most of the cattle depictions on ceramics are much more angular in shape and their abdomen area is shown as a relatively straight line that meets the limbs at a right angle (but see the ‘Chicago cattle bowl’ with bovines of the kind found in rock art; Williams 1983, pl. 19). This does not seem to result from the qualities of the different material that was used for producing the pictures, as the cattle known from sandstone stelae also share the features of the pottery specimens. At Site GM67 111, bovines have arch-shaped lower bodies, whereas seventeen display much more angular contours (the remainder are too unclear for this element of the body shape to be judged). Four hornless cattle 23 See a similar composition from the Dal Cataract region (Vila images on Panel III/13 (see Fig. 4.13) differ from the canonical 1975, 105, fig. 110C). type also in this regard. However, this initial observation requires 24 Assuming they can be considered as ‘representations’ and not, much more comparative and analytical work. for instance, mytho­logical entities.

4. cat t le i n t he ni le fo u rt h cataract rock art

just formally, but also meaningfully. However, this may reflect only our modern aesthetic perception and understanding. An important question also applies to anthropomorphs, given that they are present in only a handful of compositions depicting cattle: was the presence of the ‘human’ implicit in the remaining cases? Perhaps there were highly significant differences between compositions containing both anthropomorphs and cattle (see Fig. 4.8b) and those devoid of humans (see Fig. 4.10) and, if that is the case, how should they be perceived? If we bear in mind the ethno­graphic fact that a person’s name is often derived from his ‘favourite beast’,25 and then extrapolate this onto past communities of rock art artists, we can also consider cattle depictions as potential identity carriers, easily identifiable by other members of the community. A question that comes to mind is why anyone would want to execute hundreds of images at Site GM67. One would like to answer that it must have been special in some way, smaller and less prominent outcrops in the area can also have considerable numbers of cattle petroglyphs, meaning that the choice of place was not necessarily related to its size or conspicuousness, and equally it is not uncommon to find places with just one bovine petroglyph. This issue is of the utmost importance, because while questions regarding the representational aspects of cattle rock art are regularly addressed by scholars, the very question of the reasons and motivations behind their production is seldom, if ever raised. Even if there is apparent agreement that such rock art can be interpreted via ethno­graphy in order to explain more precisely what it depicts, the understanding of the practice itself is still wanting. The ethno­graphic record is not really helpful in this matter because, to the best of this author’s knowledge, none of the communities that keep cattle today practise rock art. Researchers willingly perceive rock art as a link between past Nubian societies and recent African groups, and yet rock art does not constitute a part of the culture(s) of the latter. As such, and even if the studied rock art is somehow genetically linked to anthropo­logically attested ‘cattle symbolism’ and the related set of practices, the very production of rock art itself does not find a parallel among recent societies under investigation. Yet for the ancient Nubians, it must have been a fairly common practice, and it is hardly probable in the author’s view that the only function of rock art was to be representational. Indeed, the very opposite could be suggested: the representational qualities of 25 Like in Hamar, see Dubosson 2014, 95–97.

rock art could be considered as derivative, the outcome of a still uncharted ritualistic(?) activity that might have been a performative component within a wider set of practices. Recently, David N. Edwards (2006, 58) suggested that places with bovine depictions could have acted as ‘static shrines’. He combined the Nuer belief of dedicating cattle to protective spirits and considering them as mobile shrines with the presence of rock art depicting such animals. The reason behind the rock art presentation would thus have been a desire to ensure the protection of the spirits, at least in given loci, because rock art, unlike real cattle, is immobile. Convincing as this hypothesis might sound, however, it does not provide an answer as to why various other motifs are also present, including different animals and anthropomorphs. Another interpretive avenue comes with a more contextual approach based on the above-mentioned co-occurrence of particular features, in particular rock art and tumulus cemeteries. Kleinitz (2007a, 35) cautiously suggested the tempting idea in which these elements could be considered as part of a broader funerary cult practised by the Kerma Horizon societies. Indeed, as noted above, a spatial relationship between rock art and cemeteries has been observed in various regions (see Kołosowska and others 2003, 22; Kleinitz 2013, 250), including the Gamamiya area. In an important study, Kleinitz (2010) identifies a repeating co-occurrence of canonical cattle images and rock gongs in the Fourth Cataract region,26 many of which appear to be contemporaneous (although there are also Christian motifs associated with some lithophones). She thus reasonably links visual and acoustic elements, and treats these as constituent to a broader set of activities, namely dancing and singing. The ethno­graphic literature makes it clear that these two activities are inseparably linked with various rituals, feasts, and ceremonies — especially singing, which also forms a significant part of people’s everyday life (e.g., Coote 1992; Dubosson 2014, 90, 96–97; Evans-Pritchard 1940, 46–48; Kronenberg 1961, 265–66). Could we therefore imagine that creating rock art might have been an element that accompanied other activities such as dance and singing, and that became meaningful first and foremost within this context? The proximity of burial grounds may add another clue, directing our attention towards funeral ceremonies. Potentially, executing petroglyphs could have

26 Kleinitz 2010, esp. 157, fig. 9, in which a slab with cup-marks also bears the familiar motif of an anthropomorph holding a bovine by its tail.

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been connected to burial rites and one is tempted to imagine that bovine depictions would have been associated somehow with the deceased. Although this must still remain speculative, the contention that rock art/song/dance/burial could have constituted a set of interconnected practices that were centred upon cattle and its peculiar social status does seem to be plausible. Is such a broad framework applicable when interpreting Site GM67? The apparent lack of rock gongs may be taken as an argument against it. However, singing obviously does not require any accompaniment and if there is any element that could have been dispensable, it would be the lithophones. There is, thus, no major obstacle to fitting GM67 within the framework described above. As yet, this is nothing more than a basic scheme, which is only loosely predicated on some ambiguous evidence. We are still far from grasping the meaning and significance of ancient Nubian rock art, but with gradual attempts at incorporating it into narratives about the social realms of past societies — along with a better contextualization of petroglyphs and more in-depth comparative studies — we can take another step in our comprehension of rock art. This discussion

does not pretend to take on the role of advancing our understanding of petroglyphs because it is a simple review of rock art finds in an effort to conceptualize some already well-known data. Nevertheless, confirmation or refutation of the ideas presented here may yet add to the discourse on rock art, and cattle depictions in particular. Acknowledgements This paper is based on the fieldwork documentation prepared by Ewa Kuciewicz, Eliza Jaroni, Anna Zając and Andrzej Rozwadowski within the frame of the joint Polish Centre of the Mediterranean Archaeo­logy (PCMA) and the Poznań Archaeo­logical Museum (PAM) project in the Fourth Cataract region of Sudan. I would like to thank Barbara Matthews together with Laurence Smith and colleagues for correcting the language of the article. The paper was written as part of the author’s post-doctoral fellowship carried out from March 2019 to June 2020 in Cairo (Egypt) as part of the joint programme of the PCMA and the Institut Français d’Archéo­logie Orientale in Cairo.

‫ بولكوسكي‬.‫بافل ل‬

76 ‫ نموذج موقع الجمامية‬:‫الماشية في الفن الصخري لمنطقة الشالل الرابع بالنيل‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫في هذا الفصل انقاس مجموعة كبيرة من النقوش الصخرية التي تم العثور عليها في موقع الجمامية في منطقة‬ ‫ فإن الموضوع الرئيسي لهذا‬،‫ ومع ذلك‬.‫ الموقع استثنائي بسبب كثرة الرسومات المنقوشة فيه‬.‫الشالل الرابع‬ ‫ تم تخصيص جوهر‬.‫ وهي تمثل بشكل كبير الكثير من الفن الصخري في المنطقة‬،‫ هو الماشية‬،‫العمل الفني‬ ‫ تعاملت مع التباين في اشكال الصور‬،ً‫ أوال‬.)351 = ‫هذه المساهمة لوصف وتحليل تجميع صور الماشية (ن‬ .‫ وخاصة طرق تمثيل لون الجسم‬،‫ وتحليل الجزء االساسي فيما يتعلق بمعالجة الجسم‬،‫واشكال صور الحيوانات‬ ‫ مثل مؤشرات‬،‫وتبع ذلك تصنيف ألشكال القرون الذي تم إثباته في الصور المدروسة وغيرها من المميزات‬ ‫ أناقش أيضًا بعض‬،‫ وعند االنتقال من صورة واحدة إلى مقياس أكثر تعقيدًا للتحليل‬.‫ أو القالئد المتدلية‬،‫الجنس‬ ‫ ومقارنة المجموعة‬،‫ قمت بفحص بعض االعتبارات التكنولوجية‬،‫أخيرا‬ .‫الجوانب التركيبية لصور الماشية‬ ً ‫ وكذلك العناصر األيقونية‬،‫الموجودة في متناول اليد مع مجموعة أخرى معروفة في النوبة العليا والسفلى‬ ‫ بمساعدة الروايات االثنوغرافية والتاريخية بما يسمى بمجمع‬.‫المعروفة من الوسائط بخالف الفن الصخري‬ ‫ أحاول رسم بعض الجوانب المحتملة‬،)‫ كرمة‬،‫الماشية األفريقي والسياقات األثرية المختلفة (على سبيل المثال‬ .‫ألهمية ومعنى الفن الصخري للماشية في منطقة الشالل الرابع وما بعده‬

4. cat t le i n t he ni le fo u rt h cataract rock art

Works Cited Allard-Huard, L. 2000. Nil-Sahara dialogues rupestres, ii: L’homme innovateur (Divajeu: Moulin de Lambres) Almagro Basch, M. and M. Almagro Gorbea. 1968. Estudios de arte rupestre nubio:, i: Yacimientos situados en la orilla oriental del Nilo, entre Nag Kolorodna y Kasr Ibrim, Nubia Egipcia (Madrid: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores) Arkell, A. J. 1955. A History of the Sudan: From the Earliest Times to 1821 (London: Athlone) Bagińska, D. 2010. ‘Kerma Horizon Pottery from the Cemeteries in el-Gamamiya’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 19: 406–14 Bietak, M. 1987. ‘The C-Group and Pan-Grave Culture in Nubia’, in Nubian Culture: Past and Present. Main Papers Presented at the Sixth International Conference for Nubian Studies in Uppsala, 11–16 August, 1986, ed. by T. Hägg (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International), pp. 113–28 Bonnet, C. (ed.). 1990. Kerma, royaume de Nubie (Geneva: Mission archéo­logique de l’Université de Genève) —— . 1993. ‘Les fouilles archéo­logiques de Kerma (Soudan). Rapport préliminaire sur les campagnes 1991–1993’, Genava, n.s. 41: 1–18 —— . 1997. ‘A-Group and Pre-Kerma’, in Sudan: Ancient Kingdoms of the Nile, ed. by D. Wildung (Paris: Flammarion), pp. 37–47 Bonnet, C., D. Valbelle, L. Chaix, and B. Privati. 2000. Édifices et rites funéraires à Kerma (Paris: Errance) Budka, J. 2006. ‘H.U.N.E. 2006: Survey und Grabungen am linken Flussufer’, Der Antike Sudan, 17: 47–61 Červíček, P. 1974. Felsbilder des Nord-Etbai, Oberägyptens und Unternubiens: Ergebnisse der VIII. Diafe nach Ägypten 1926 (Wiesbaden: Steiner) —— . 1986. Rock Pictures of Upper Egypt and Nubia (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli) Chaix, L. 2004. ‘Les bœufs africains à cornes déformées: quelques éléments de réflexion’, Anthropozoo­logica, 39.1: 335–42 Chaix, L., J. Dubosson, and M. Honegger. 2012. ‘Bucrania from the Eastern Cemetery at Kerma (Sudan) and the Practice of Cattle Horn Deformation’, in Prehistory of Northeastern Africa: New Ideas and Discoveries, ed. by J. Kabaciński, M. Chłodnicki, and M. Kobusiewicz (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Poznaniu), pp. 189–212 Chaix, L. and A. Grant. 1992. ‘Cattle in Ancient Nubia’, Anthropozoo­logica, 16: 61–66 Chaix, L. and J. W. Hansen. 2003. ‘Cattle with “Forward-pointing Horns”: Archaeozoo­logical and Cultural Aspects’, in Cultural Markers in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa and Recent Research, ed. by L. Krzyżaniak, K. Kroeper, and M. Kobusiewicz (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Poznaniu), pp. 269–81 Chłodnicki, M. 2012. ‘Research in the PCMA UW Concession on the Fourth Cataract (Hamdab Dam Rescue Project). Interim Report 2009’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 21: 377–86 Chłodnicki, M., D. Bagińska, and P. Polkowski. 2015. Archaeo­logy of the Sudan: Catalogue of the Exhibition in the Poznań Archaeo­logical Museum (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Poznaniu) Chłodnicki, M., A. Longa, and P. Osypiński. 2010. ‘Fourth Cataract. Archaeo­logical Survey between El-Ar (Shemkhiya) and El-Gamamiya (November–December 2007)’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 19: 377–93 Coote, J. 1992. ‘“Marvels of Everyday Vision”: The Anthropo­logy of Aesthetics and the Cattle-keeping Nilotes’, in Anthropo­logy, Art and Aesthetics, ed. by J. Coote and A. Shelton (Oxford: Clarendon Press), pp. 245–73 Curto, S., V. Maragioglio, and C. Rinaldi. 1987. Korosko-Kasr Ibrim: Incisioni rupestri nubiane (Milan: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino-Goliardica) Davies, W. V. 2017. ‘Nubia in the New Kingdom: The Egyptians at Kurgus’, in Nubia in the New Kingdom: Lived Experience, Pharaonic Control and Indigenous Traditions, ed. by N. Spencer, A. Stevens, and M. Binder (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 65–105 Dioli, M. 2018. ‘Nomad Aesthetic: Cattle Modifications among the Northern Turkana of North West Kenya’, Pastoralism, 8.6. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13570-017-0110-4 Dubosson, J. 2014. ‘Human Self and Animal Other: The Favourite Animal among the Hamar’, in Ethiopian Images of Self and Other: Essays on Identification and Stereotype, ed. by F. Girke (Halle en der Saale: Universitätsverlag HalleWittenberg), pp. 83–104 —— . 2018. ‘The Deformation of Cattle Horn in Past and Present Societies: A Persistent Pastoral Tradition in Africa’, in Nubian Archaeo­logy in the XXIst Century: Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Conference for Nubian Studies, Neuchâtel, 1st–6th September 2014, ed. by M. Honegger (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 845–53 Edwards, D. N. 2006. ‘Drawing on Rocks: The Most Enduring Monuments of Middle Nubia’, Sudan & Nubia, 10: 55–63 Emery, W. B. and L. P. Kirwan. 1935. The Excavations and Survey between Wadi es-Sebua and Adindan, 1929–1931, 2 vols (Cairo: Government Press)

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Kuciewicz, E. and A. Rozwadowski. 2012. ‘Rock Art Research in the Fourth Cataract Region, Season 2009’, Polish Archaeo­ logy in the Mediterranean, 21: 387–92 Leclant, J. 1963. ‘Fouilles et travaux en Égypte et au Soudan, 1961–1962, II. Fouilles au Soudan et découvertes hors d’Égypte’, Orientalia, 32: 184–219 Lohwasser, A., J. Eger, and T. Karberg. 2016. ‘Das Projekt Wadi Abu Dom Itinerary (W.A.D.I.), Kampagne 2016’, Der Antike Sudan, 27: 71–85 Näser, C. 2008. ‘The Humboldt University Nubian Expedition 2007: Fieldwork on Us and Sur’, in Actes de la 4e Conférence internationale sur l’archéo­logie de la 4e cataracte du Nil: Villeneuve d’Ascq, 22 et 23 juin 2007, ed. by B. Gratien (Lille: Université Charles de Gaulle-Lille 3), pp. 73–83 Nordström, H.-Å. 2014. The West Bank Survey from Faras to Gemai, i. Sites of Early Nubian, Middle Nubian and Pharaonic Age (Oxford: Archaeopress) Osman, A. and D. N. Edwards. 2012. The Archaeo­logy of a Nubian Frontier: Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan (Leicester: Mauhaus) Osypińska, M. 2012. ‘Animals in Rock Art. Results of Archaeozoo­logical Research at the Site of el-Gamamiya 67 (Fourth Cataract, Sudan)’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 21: 703–13 Osypiński, P. 2010. ‘Excavations on Two Kerma Horizon Cemeteries in El-Gamamiya’, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean, 19: 400–05 Otto, K.-H. and G. Buschendorf-Otto. 1993. Felsbilder aus dem sudanesischen Nubien (Berlin: Akademie Verlag) Paner, H. and E. Kołosowska. 2005. The Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum Expedition: Ten Years in the Sudan (Gdańsk: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Gdańsku) Parker, O. F. and M. C. Burkitt. 1932. ‘Rock Engravings from Onib, Wadi Allaki, Nubia’, Man, 32: 249–50 Polkowski, P. L. and P. Witkowski. 2018. ‘Obrazowanie z przekształceniem odbicia. O fotograficznej metodzie dokumentacji i analizy zabytków’, Muzealnictwo, 59: 54–62 Raue, D. 2019. ‘Cultural Diversity of Nubia in the later 3rd–mid 2nd Millennium bc’, in Handbook of Ancient Nubia, ed. by D. Raue (Berlin: de Gruyter), pp. 293–333 Reisner, G. A. 1923. Excavations at Kerma, i (Cambridge MA: Peabody Museum of Harvard University) Resch, W. F. E. 1967. Die Felsbilder Nubiens: Eine Dokumentation der ostagyptischen und nubischen Petroglyphen (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt) Rozwadowski, A., E. Kuciewicz, and P. Polkowski (2014). ‘Afrykańska sztuka naskalna w polskich doświadczeniach badawczych: Między praktyką a teorią’, in Sztuka Afryki w kolekcjach i badaniach polskich, ed. by S. Szafrański (Szczecin: Muzeum Narodowe), pp. 345–68 Russell, T. 2013. ‘Through the Skin: Exploring Pastoralist Marks and their Meanings to Understand Parts of East African Rock Art’, Journal of Social Archaeo­logy, 13.1: 3–30 Säve-Söderbergh, T. 1962. ‘Preliminary Report of the Scandinavian Joint Expedition’, Kush, 10: 76–105 —— . 1989. Middle Nubian Sites (Partille: Åström) Seligman, C. G. and B. Z. Seligman. 1932. Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan (London: Routledge) Smith, H. S. 1972. ‘The Rock Inscriptions of Buhen’, The Journal of Egyptian Archaeo­logy, 58: 43–82 Steindorff, G. 1935. Aniba: Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte. Mission Archéo­logique de Nubie 1929–1934, i (Glückstadt: Augustin) Suková, L. 2015. ‘Pictures in Place: A Case Study from Korosko (Lower Nubia)’, in Hunter-gatherers and Early Food-producing Societies in Northeastern Africa, ed. by J. Kabaciński, M. Chłodnicki, and M. Kobusiewicz (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­ logiczne w Poznaniu), pp. 119–43 Váhala, F. and P. Červíček. 1999. Katalog der Felsbilder aus der Tschechoslowakischen Konzession in Nubien (Prague: Karolinum) van Hoek, M. 2005. ‘The “Sitting” Zoomorph in Saharan Rock Art’, Sahara, 16: 181–89 Vila, A. 1975. La prospection archéo­logique de la vallée du Nil, au Sud de la cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise), ii: Les districts de Dal (rive gauche) et de Sarkamatto (rive droite) (Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique) —— . 1976. La prospection archéo­logique de la vallée du Nil, au Sud de la cataracte de Dal (Nubie Soudanaise), iv: District de Mograkka (Est et Ouest). District de Kosha (Est et Ouest) (Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique) Wegner, J. W. 1995. ‘Regional Control in Middle Kingdom Lower Nubia: The Function and History of the Site of Areika’, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 32: 127–60 Wildung, D. (ed.). 1997. Sudan: Ancient Kingdoms of the Nile (Paris: Flammarion) Williams, B. 1983. The C-Group, Pan Grave, and Kerma Remains at Adindan Cemeteries T, K, U, and J (Chicago: Oriental Institute) Žába, Z. 1974. The Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia (Czechoslovak Concession), Publications Universita Karlova, 1 (Prague: Universita Karlova)

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Aleksandra Pudło

5. Anthropo­logical Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains from the Old Kush-New Kingdom Cemetery (BP164) in the Bayuda Desert, Sudan Site BP164 is one of the numerous cemeteries found in the Bayuda Desert, situated on a hilltop called Jebel el-Sadat, which lies 55 km from the Nile Valley. Research by the Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum Expedition has been carried out within the frame of the Bayuda Project (Paner and Pudło, 2010) (Fig. 5.1). Archaeo­logical research in the 2010 and 2011 seasons uncovered sixteen graves ranging in date from Old Kush II to the New Kingdom period (Fig. 5.2). Another five graves were uncovered in 2017, but are not included here because the study of the osteo­ logical remains is ongoing.1

Material and Methodo­logy The graves were looted for the most part and three did not contain any human bone remains. The osteo­logical material was generally in a poor state of preservation, but robust enough for standard anthropo­logical methods to be applied to determine morpho­logical traits, sex, and age (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994; Calce 2012; Ferembach and others 1980; Schaefer and others 2009; Steckel and others 2005; Stloukal and Hanáková 1978; Ubelaker 1989; White and Folkens 2005). Measurements, including cranial measurements, were performed in situ. Cranial and bone measurements were taken following the procedures indicated by Rudolf Martin and Karl Saller (1957), whilst body height was calculated using a method outlined by Mildred Trotter and Goldine C. Gleser for people of colour (1952). However, the fragility

1 The season in 2017 was conducted within the frame of Henryk Paner’s Prehistoric communities in the Bayuda Desert in Sudan— New Borders of the Kerma Kingdom research project financed by the National Science Centre grant no. 2016/23/B/HS3/00845.

of material excavated on sites in the desert environment in Sudan demands special attention on the part of the researchers, as well as considerable experience in the preparation of osteo­logical finds. Under these conditions, sex and age determinations present a considerable challenge and are often limited in scope. Young age-at-death (infans) was established based on the degree of permanent and deciduous tooth formation and eruption, separately for the maxilla and mandible, as well as the length of the humeral and femoral shafts. In the case of adults, age-atdeath was assessed on the base of the degree of cranial suture obliteration, tooth crown attrition and the morpho­logy of the auricular surface and pubic symphysis. Sex was determined on the basis of cranial morpho­logy, using dimorphic features, such as the shape of the glabella and orbital margins, the orientation of the frontal bone, the size of the mastoid processes, the build of zygomatic bones and arches, and of the outer occipital protuberance, as well as the overall size of the skull and the sculpting of the occipital bone. However, of key importance was the morpho­logy of the pelvic bone and the shape of the greater sciatic notch, subpubic concavity, the obturator foramen, the structure of the auricular surface and the pubic symphysis, as well as the presence of sulcus preauricularis. The following bone morpho­logy traits were used to determine the sex of each individual: femoral head diameter, overall bone massiveness including the prominence of the linea aspera, and the value of the femoral neckshaft angle. Owing to the difficulties with reliable sexing of the remains, subjects were assigned to the following age categories: infans I, 0–6.9 years, infans II, 7–14 years, adultus, 20–29.9 years, and ‘adult’, which stands for an adult individual whose age proved impossible to determine.

Aleksandra Pudło (a.pudlo@archeo­logia.pl) Archaeo­logical Museum in Gdańsk This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128051 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 93–104

FHG

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a l e k s a n dr a p u d ło

Figure 5.1. Location of Site BP164 relative to other sites recorded in the Bayuda Desert. Image: courtesy M. Szmit.

Figure 5.2. The topo­graphy of Cemetery BP164: aerial view looking south-west. Kite aerial photo: M. Szmit and D. Cieślowski.

5 . A n thro p o lo g i c al A n alys i s o f H u m an Sk e le tal Re mai ns f ro m t he Old Ku sh-Ne w Ki ngd o m Cemetery

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Table 5.1. Skeletal material from Cemetery BP164.

Skeleton No.

Sex

Age

Bone features

Rugosity

164/1

?

Adult

Gracile

164/2

F?

Adult

164/3

?

164/4

Body position

Notes

Low

Damaged grave, bones from backfill

Poor preservation

Gracile

Moderate

Contracted, on left side, wrapped in a shroud

Poor preservation

Adult

Moderately robust

Moderate

Contracted, on the left side

Poor state of bones

F

Adultus (20–30)

Gracile

Low

164/5

M

Adultus? (20–30)

Robust

Moderate

Contracted, on right side

No patho­logical changes

164/6

M?

Adult

Moderately robust

Moderate

Contracted, on right side; animal bones

Metabolic bone disorder (Paget’s bone disease?)

–

–

Contracted, on right side

Poor preservation

164/7

Child Infans I (4–5)

Contracted, on the left side, wrapped Metabolic bone disorder (Paget’s bone in a shroud, the thorax reflecting a disease?), overload changes, postsupine position traumatic lesion (healed); ossification

164/8

?

Adult

–

–

Damaged grave, bones from backfill

Poor preservation; New Kingdom date

164/9

?

Adult

–

–

Damaged grave, bones from backfill

Poor preservation; New Kingdom date

164/10

F?

Adultus (20–30)

Gracile

Low

Contracted, on right side

Overload changes

164/11

Child

Infans II (7–8)

–

–

Contracted, on the right side, animal bones

Lesions connected with dietary deficiencies

164/12

–

–

–

–

No bones

–

164/13

–

–

–

–

No bones

–

164/14

–

–

–

–

No bones

–

164/15

?

Adult

–

–

Damaged grave, bones from backfill

Metabolic bone disorder (Paget’s bone disease?)

164/16

M

Adultus (20–30)

Robust

Pronounced

Crouched, on the right side, wrapped Inflammatory lesions, degenerative in a shroud, animal bones changes; post-traumatic lesion (healed)

Patho­logical lesions of bones were recorded based on macroscopic evaluation, according to procedures established in palaeopatho­logical methodo­logy (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín 1998; Brickley and Ives 2008; Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1989; Ortner 2003; Steckel and others 2005).

all severely broken and partly eroded. These are mainly fragments of a skull, including small parts of the vault with the patent lambdoid suture, and fragments of long bones. The skeleton demonstrates a gracile build; rugosity is slight. Based on the available evidence, the skeleton was identified as belonging to an adult person.

Human skeletal remains

Grave goods: The grave contained fragments of two pottery vessels.

Human remains were discovered in thirteen of the sixteen graves studied here, although in two instances (Nos 1 and 15) the bones were recovered from the backfill of a looted tomb. One grave also yielded faunal remains (No. 11). The graves are discussed in the order of discovery. The findings are collected together in tabluar form (Table 5.1). Grave No. 1

Skeletal remains came from the backfill of the looted grave. About fifty fragments were recorded,

Grave No. 2

Human bones were found at the bottom of the burial pit. The body was placed in the grave on its left side in contracted position (Fig. 5.3a). The right upper limb was strongly flexed at the elbow joint, with the hand next to the face; the other upper limb was under the ribs, with the elbow joint flexed at a right angle (Fig. 5.3b). The body was probably wrapped in a shroud. The upper part of the skeleton was mainly

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a l e k s a n dr a p u d ło

Figure 5.3. Grave BP164/2: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) partly preserved skeleton burial in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: A. Pudło.

Figure 5.4. Grave BP164/3: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: H. Paner.

Grave No. 3

The body in the grave was placed on its left side in a contracted position, with the head to the south and the knee joint touching the western edge of the burial pit (Fig. 5.4b). Only fragments of the skull with fragments of patent lambdoid suture and small parts of the long bones and bones of the feet have been preserved. The skeletal remains belonged to an adult of a relatively robust build with moderate rugosity — identified very tentatively as male (keeping in mind however the unreliability of sex determinations performed on very poorly preserved bones).

Fragments of long bones were found aligned with the N–S line of symmetry of the burial pit (Fig. 5.4a).

Grave goods: Four ceramic vessels were placed around the head of the buried individual.

preserved: the skull with a mandible, the spine, and the upper limbs. The skeletal remains were identified as an adult person of very delicate build with moderate rugosity — probably a woman. Grave goods: Fragments of two vessels were found behind the back of the body.

5 . A n thro p o lo g i c al A n alys i s o f H u m an Sk e le tal Re mai ns f ro m t he Old Ku sh-Ne w Ki ngd o m Cemetery

Figure 5.5. Grave BP164/4: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: H. Paner.

Grave No. 4

The skeleton was found at the bottom of the burial pit, inside a stone cist structure (Fig. 5.5a). The body, lay in a contracted position on its left side; however, the thorax was supine, with the right upper limb strongly flexed at the elbow joint and the left nearly straight by the side. The lower limbs were strongly contracted, with the feet under the pelvis. There is a distinct possibility that the body was wrapped in a shroud (Fig. 5.5b). The skeleton appears to be complete, although severely damaged and eroded. Based on the skull and pelvis, the skeleton was determined as belonged to a young woman of gracile build with low rugosity, a prognathic face, and high skull (M20/ M1 — length-height index of the crania = 72.2), broad face (M48/M46 — higher Virchow’s facial index = 65.9), moderately high orbital cavities (M52/M51 — orbital index = 78.9), and a very broad nose (M54/ M55 — nose index = 75.6) (Fig. 5.6). Stature was

Figure 5.6. Skull BP164/4: a) norma frontalis; b) norma lateralis. Photos: A. Pudło.

determined on the basis of in situ measurements of the right femur (M1 = 430 mm); it was estimated at 157.8±3.41 cm. Patho­logical alterations were observed on the bones. Signs of cranial vault remodelling were observed in the form of a thickening in parietal bones (10 mm). Cervical vertebral bodies featured delicate marginal spurs (osteophytes), and the first thoracic vertebra revealed biomechanical stress lesions in the form of pitting. A sizeable 28 mm thickening was also detected on the shaft of the left ulnar bone. The lesion was probably due to an injury to the left upper limb, presumably in the outcome of

97

98

a l e k s a n dr a p u d ło

Figure 5.7. Grave BP164/5: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial in situ. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: H. Paner.

Figure 5.8. Grave BP164/6: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: H. Paner.

a fall or self-defence, and later healed. A fragment of the tibial shaft, in the region of the tibial tuberosity, also contains ossifications in the patellar ligament attachment site. Grave goods: Four ceramic vessels were placed around the head of the individual. Grave No. 5

The bones were found at the bottom of the burial pit (Fig. 5.7a). The body was placed on its right side in a contracted position, the upper limbs flexed at the elbow joints, and the hands placed in front of the face (Fig. 5.7b). The head pointed south-east, facing north. The skeleton was preserved almost complete but was severely damaged and eroded. An examination of the pelvis suggested an adult male, probably young, of quite robust build with moder-

ate rugosity. Stature was determined based on in situ measurements of both femurs (R M1 = 440 mm; L M1 = 438 mm), using the Trotter and Gleser formula (people of colour); the estimated height amounted to 163.0±3.49 cm. No patho­logical alterations in the bones were observed. Grave No. 6

Only a human tibia and feet bones remained at the bottom of the burial pit (Fig. 5.8a). Other bones were recovered from the grave backfill. The body had been placed in contracted position, probably on the right side, with the head to the east and facing north (Fig. 5.8b). The bones were poorly preserved and included mainly skull fragments with a patent lambdoid suture and fragments of lower

5 . A n thro p o lo g i c al A n alys i s o f H u m an Sk e le tal Re mai ns f ro m t he Old Ku sh-Ne w Ki ngd o m Cemetery

99

Figure 5.9. Grave BP164/7: a) outline of the grave pit; b) human bones in situ in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: H. Paner.

Figure 5.10. Grave BP164/10: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: A. Pudło.

limb bones (tibial and sagittal bones) and bones of the feet. The skeleton probably belonged to a male in view of the moderate robust build and moderate rugosity. In addition, intensive remodelling of the cranial vault in the form of a thickening in parietal bones (9 mm) was observed. Grave goods: Animal bones, probably of lamb, were found at the bottom of the grave pit, in front of the skeleton. Four ceramic vessels were placed around the head of the individual. Grave No. 7

Small fragments of lower limbs remained at the bottom of the burial pit (Fig. 5.9a). The body had been placed, probably on the right side, in a contracted position. Extant bones include mostly long bones (fragments of the humerus, the femur and the tibia

with the sagittal bone) and fragments of the left hip bone. The bones were of very delicate build and small, representative of the skeleton of a child deceased at the age of 4–5 years (Fig. 5.9b). Grave goods: Fragments of two pottery vessels were also found in the grave. Grave No. 8

The bones, altogether about fifty pieces, were recovered from the grave backfill. They are severely fragmented and comprised, among others, a fragment of the skull vault and a dozen or so small fragments of long bones. The skeletal remains belonged to an adult person. Grave goods: The backfill also contained carnelian beads and a fragment of a pilgrim bottle.

100 a l e k s a n dr a p u d ło

Figure 5.11. Grave BP164/11: a) outline of the grave pit; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: A. Pudło.

Figure 5.12. Grave BP164/15: a) outline of the grave pit and remains of the stone cist; b) human bones and grave goods in situ in the grave pit. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: A. Pudło.

Grave No. 9

The bones were recovered from the backfill looting. About twenty pieces were found, mostly heavily fragmented pieces of long bones. The skeletal remains belonged to an adult person. Grave goods: The backfill also contained carnelian beads and a fragment of a pilgrim bottle.

Grave No. 10

The skeleton, probably of a young woman as suggested by the pelvic traits, was placed on the right side, in a contracted position, with the head to the east, facing north (Fig. 5.10a). The bones were poorly preserved; they include mainly skull fragments and vertebrae, as well as upper and lower limb bones (Fig. 5.10b). They are of delicate build and slight rugosity, albeit more prominent on the humeral bones. The pelvis is quite well-preserved; the age and sex of the deceased were established on the basis of its build (the greater sciatic notch, the auricular surface, and the pubic symphysis).

5 . A n thro p o lo g i c al A n alys i s o f H u m an Sk e le tal Re mai ns f ro m t he Old Ku sh-Ne w Ki ngd o m Cemetery

Figure 5.13. Grave BP164/16: a) outline of the grave pit; b) skeleton burial and grave goods in situ. Drawing: J. Szmit; photo: A. Pudło.

Grave No. 11

The skeleton belonged to an older child (7–8 years). The body was buried on its right side, in a contracted position, with the head to the east, facing north (Fig. 5.11a). The bones were in a moderate condition: the cranial bones were shattered, leaving only the left part of the mandible with an erupted first permanent molar and the bud of a second molar; preserved bones included fragments of vertebrae, ribs and pelvis; shafts of lower limb bones and a fragment of the calcaneal bone (Fig. 5.11b). The length of the shaft of the left femoral bone is 190 mm. A porous lesion was observed on the anterior surface of the femoral neck, corresponding to cribra femora associated with nutritional deficiencies. Grave goods: Animal bones, of lamb perhaps, were also found in the burial pit. Three ceramic vessels were placed near the head of the buried individual. Grave No. 15 Figure 5.14. Grave BP164/16: close-up of the burial in situ.

Patho­logical alterations were observed on the bones. A single thoracic vertebra showed signs of biomechanical stress lesions in the form of pitting and small osteophytes on the vertebral bodies. Grave goods: Six ceramic vessels were placed near the head of the buried individual and a golden bead was also found in the grave.

Skeletal remains were found mainly in the grave backfill (Fig. 5.12a), but fragments of a skull were recorded in situ (Fig. 5.12b). A fragment of the sagittal suture is partly obliterated. The bones of the skull vault are thickened (12 mm). Fragments of the spine, ribs and shafts of the long bones were preserved. The bones are gracile; rugosity is slight. The skeletal remains belonged to an adult individual. Grave goods: Three ceramic vessels were placed next to the head of the buried individual.

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Grave No. 16

The skeleton of a young man of robust build, prominent rugosity, with more massive bones on the right side of the body (humeral, tibial), and more strongly sculpted bones on the left side. The body was placed on its right side, in a contracted position, with the head to the south, facing east (Fig. 5.13a–b). The arrangement of the upper limbs, strongly flexed and lying close to the body, suggests that the body was wrapped in a shroud (Fig. 5.14). The skeleton was preserved almost complete, but severely damaged and eroded. Patho­logical alterations were observed on the bones. Degenerative changes in the left shoulder joint

Figure 5.15. Cemetery BP164: distribution of graves based on sex and age of the buried individuals. Plan and processing: M. Szmit and J. Szmit.

(osteophytes on the edge of the articular surface of the glenoid fossa of the scapula) and the right hip joint (deformation of lunate surface of the acetabulum of the hip bone). Tibial shafts revealed traces of periostitic reactions. Lumps were observed on the shafts of two metatarsals and on three foot phalanges, probably due to healed foot trauma. It was not possible to establish which foot was affected. Grave goods: Animal bones, of lamb probably, were found in front of the skeleton. Three ceramic vessels were placed near the head of the buried individual.

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Graves without human remains

Three graves (Graves 12, 13, and 14) contained no human bone remains. In two of these, grave goods were found: fragments of two vessels in Grave 13, and two bowls and fragments of another vessel in Grave 14.

Summary and discussion The skeletal remains of thirteen individuals were recovered from graves at Site BP164: two children and eleven adults: three women, probably three men, and five persons of undetermined sex (see Table 5.1; Fig. 5.15). The bodies were buried in a contracted position. In four cases the skeletal remains were found in backfill from the looting of the graves (Graves 1, 8, 9, and 15). Six persons were placed on their right side (Graves 5–7, 10–11, 16), and three on their left (Graves 2, 3, 4). In three instances, limb position suggested that the bodies had probably been wrapped in shrouds (Graves 2, 4, 16) (see Fig. 5.14). Three graves, two of males (Graves 6, 16) and one of a child (Grave 11), also contained animal bones, which are believed to belong to lambs (see Fig. 5.11b). This fairly small cemetery from the Bayuda Desert is very much like burial grounds at sites in the Fourth Cataract region. In both areas, cemeteries from the Old Kush period are small with just a few graves situated on hilltops in the jebel (Paner and Pudło 2010). The bodies of men, women, and children alike are placed on their sides, in a contracted position. Pottery, adornments, and animal bones can be found in the graves. Adults died relatively young. Patho­logical lesions observed on skeletal remains from both areas — the Fourth Cataract and the

Bayuda Desert — are most frequently related to workload, inflammation, nutritional deficiencies, or trauma (author’s unpublished research). Lesions of this kind were noted on all the skeletons from Site BP164 (see Table 5.1). Considering the small number of skeleton finds from the Bayuda Desert, it is interesting to note as many as three cases of strongly remodelled cranial vaults in the form of bone thickening (Nos 4, 6, 15). This could indicate idiopathic Paget’s disease, which is a chronic metabolic condition. Although the cause of the disease remains unknown, research suggests that it could be triggered by infectious diseases in genetically vulnerable individuals (Ortner 2003); zoonotic diseases, that is, those transmitted from dogs, cats, birds, or cattle, are a likely factor (Brickley and Ives 2008). Interestingly, two similar cases of Paget’s disease were confirmed at Site HP338 near the Fourth Cataract (Pudło and others 2007). However, further bone examination is needed to verify the nature of these lesions. In summary, the bio­logical characteristics of the individuals buried in the graves of Cemetery BP164 suggest harsh living conditions in the Bayuda Desert in this period. The dating of the cemetery depended on its location, grave form, and grave goods. The burials appear to have occurred over a long period of time, with the finds of imported goods in the form of a pilgrim bottle and carnelian beads (Graves 8 and 9) indicated that these graves were probably linked to the New Kingdom period. However, the shallowness of graves situated on the top of a hill, which left them exposed to the impact of external conditions and looting for thousands of years, has left the remaining skeletal material in very poor condition, affecting their descriptive and metrical parameters.

‫ألكساندرا بودو‬

)461 ‫ب‬.‫التحليل األنثروبولوجي لبقايا الهياكل العظمية البشرية من الجبانة (ب‬ ‫ السودان‬،‫الملكة الحديثة في صحراء بيوضة‬/‫التي تؤرخ الي فترة كوش القديمة‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫من بين العديد من المقابر التي تم تسجيلها في خالل المسح االثري الذي قام به فريق متحف قدانسك لآلثار في صحراء بيوضة حتى‬ ‫ تم تسجيل ستة عشر قبرا ً من هذا الموقع يعود‬.‫) من أكثر المواقع المكتشفة والمثيرة لالهتمام‬461 ‫ يعد الموقع رقم (ب ب‬،‫االن‬ ‫ تعود بقايا الهياكل العظمية التي تم العثور عليها إلى حوالي ثالثة‬.‫تاريخها إلى فترة كوش الثانية القديمة وحتى عصر الدولة الحديثة‬ ‫ وخمسة أشخاص من جنس‬،‫ وربما ثالثة رجال‬،‫ وتتألف المجموعة األخيرة من ثالث نساء‬،‫ طفالن وأحد عشر بالغًا‬- ‫صا‬ ً ‫عشر شخ‬ ً ‫رجال ونسا ًء على‬ ،‫ مات البالغون‬.‫ ووضعت إما على جانبها األيمن أو األيسر‬،‫ كانت الجثث مدفونة في وضع القرفصاء‬.‫غير محدد‬ ‫ أكثر العاهات شيوعا هي تلك المرتبطة باألعمال الشاقة والتي‬.03-02 ‫ وعادة ما يكونون في سن‬،‫ في سن صغيرة نسبيًا‬،‫ح ٍدّ سواء‬ ‫ على سبيل‬،‫ والعاهات االلتهابية وما بعد الصدمات (التي تحدث‬،‫أدت الي حدوث متغيرات في مفاصل الكتف والورك والركبة‬ ‫ تشير مواصفات عاهات العظام الواردة في هذا الفصل إلى‬.‫ وتلك الناتجة عن النقص الغذائي‬،)‫ على جذع عظم الزند األيسر‬،‫المثال‬ .‫أن الظروف المعيشية في صحراء بيوضة البد أنها كانت صعبة للغاية في ذلك الوقت الذي كان فيه هؤالء األفراد على قيد الحياة‬

104 a l e k s a n dr a p u d ło

Works Cited Acsádi, G. and J. Nemeskéri. 1970. History of Human Life Span and Mortality, trans. by K. Balas (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó) Aufderheide, A. C. and C. Rodríguez-Martín (eds). 1998. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopatho­logy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Brickley, M. and R. Ives. 2008. The Bioarchaeo­logy of Metabolic Bone Disease (San Diego: Elsevier) Buikstra, J. E. and D. H. Ubelaker (eds). 1994. Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains: Proceedings of a Seminar at the Field Museum of Natural History, Organized by Jonathan Haas, Arkansas Archeo­logical Survey Research Series, 44 (Fayetteville: Arkansas Archeo­logical Survey) Calce S. E. 2012. ‘A New Method to Estimate Adult Age-at-death using the Acetabulum’, American Journal of Physical Anthropo­logy, 143: 11–23 Ferembach D., I. Schwidetzky, and M. Stloukal. 1980. ‘Recommendations for Age and Sex Diagnosis of Skeletons’, Journal of Human Evolution, 9: 517–49 Gładykowska-Rzeczycka, J. 1989. Schorzenia ludności prahistorycznej na ziemiach polskich (Gdańsk: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Gdańsku) Martin, R. and K. Saller. 1957. Lehrbuch der Anthropo­logie in systematischer Darstellung: mit besonderer Berüchsichtigung der anthropo­logischen Methoden (Stuttgart: Fischer) Ortner, D. J. 2003. Identification of Patho­logical Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains, 2nd edn (London: Academic Press) Paner, H. and A. Pudło. 2010. ‘The Bayuda Project. The First Season – 2009’, Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum African Reports, 7: 117–29 Pudło, A., J. Gładykowska-Rzeczycka, and M. Parafiniuk, M. 2007. ‘Cmentarzysko kermańsko-napatańskie (HP338) w świetle wyników badań antropo­logicznych, paleopato­logicznych i histo­logicznych’ (unpubl. paper presented at the National Nubio­logical Conference in Gdańsk-Gniew, Poland) Schaefer, M., S. M. Black, and L. Scheuer. 2009. Juvenile Osteo­logy: A Laboratory and Field Manual (London: Academic Press) Steckel, R. H., C. S. Larsen, P. W. Sciulli, and P. L. Walker. 2005. Data Collection Codebook, The Global History of Health Project, publ. online at: [accessed 3 June 2021] Stloukal, M. and H. Hanáková. 1978. ‘Die Länge der Längsknochen altslawischer Bevölkerungen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Wachstumsfragen’, HOMO, 29: 53–69 Trotter, M. and G. C. Gleser. 1952. ‘Estimation of Stature from Long Bones of American Whites and Negroes’, American Journal of Physical Anthropo­logy, 10.4: 463–514 Ubelaker D. H. 1989. Human Skeletal Remains. Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation, Manuals on Archaeo­logy, 2 (Washington, DC: Taraxacum Press) White, T. D. and P. A. Folkens. 2005. The Human Bone Manual (Amsterdam: Elsevier)

M. D. S. Mallin s on an d L . M. V. S m ith

6. Meroe and the Moving Nile Results from the Survey The 1997 Bayuda Survey revealed that, far from being a dead desert, the Bayuda was a civilized environ­ ment with human occupation stretching over 100,000 years through all the historical periods of the sur­ rounding Nile Valley. Sites from all of the main his­ torical periods were recovered during the survey; these have raised the question as to how this barren area of desert could have such a long and continuous history. In order to address this, we have examined maps and geo­logical studies of the region. The geo­ logical evidence, studied since the survey took place, has shown clear evidence of the Wadi Muqqadam being a historic former branch of the Nile. Whilst the geo­logy shows an ancient watercourse, how­ ever, it cannot answer the question of whether this was in the historic period or earlier. To attempt to answer this, one needs to examine the evidence of the changing Nile course. The historic maps suggest that the closing off of the Nile began with the lower Niles in the Old Kingdom period. This might even explain the internal disorder that marked the end of the Old Kingdom; with the Nile too low to flood the Muqqadam Nile course, the effect of the low Nile would have been very extreme and sudden, and would have impacted more devastatingly in this period. It may be that the Muqqadam Nile never recovered, or did so only at times of high Niles or heavy rains, and again this would explain sudden flooding events in later peri­ ods; the effect of the Muqqadam draining the Nile would be to amplify the Nile flood by increasing the flow of the river. The actual final filling in of the Muqqadam course was completed by the Qoz Abu Dhulu sand dunes, which follow the historic course of the river (Fig. 6.1). The Nile, even after it was finally diverted from the Muqqadam, seems to have followed a historic course that joined the pres­ ent Nile further north than the current confluence,

Merowe NAPATA Jebel Barkal

Korti Ganetti

The other Nile Intermediate river course joins River Atbara after the first Nile silts up

To Meroe Kabushiya

SHENDI Hobagi Modern river

Soba

KHARTOUM Blue Nile

Figure 6.1. The suggested changes in the course of the Nile, showing the Qoz Abu Dhulu dunes blocking the earlier Muqaddam course. Redrawn from Geo­logical Map of the Sudan, 1981.

M. D. S. Mallinson R.I.B.A. ([email protected]) L. M. V. Smith ([email protected]) McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research and Wolfson College, University of Cambridge This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128052 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 105–116

FHG

106 m .  d.  s. m a l l i n s o n an d l .   m .   v. s m i t h

Figure 6.2. The locations of sites mentioned in Herodotus; Napata as the ‘northern Meroe’, and the ‘southern Meroe’ at Begrawiya. Source: Google Earth.

close to the second city that we know from historic records was called Meroe, near to Begrawiya. Historic records go back to Herodotus who, in c. 500 bc, described two different ‘cities of the Aethiopians’; the first site called Meroe was located south of Aswan on the Nile, while the second, established by the Deserters from Egypt and thus also with Egyptian cultural roots, was located a similar distance further south. At this period, there were Napatan pyramid burials in both the Northern and Southern Meroe. Could Herodotus’s first Meroe therefore have been Napata (see Fig. 6.2)? In support of this narrative is the archaeo­logical evidence of life in the Wadi Muqqadam. The archaeo­ logical remains of fishing camps, cattle camps, and burials with animal bones reveal that the Wadi Muqqadam in the late prehistoric period was a landscape similar to that of the Upper Nile today, where pastoralist semi-nomads maintain residential domestic breeding camps, cattle herding camps, and fishing camps along the changing river, supported by seasonal planting, wildlife hunting, and cattle raiding. This life was what provided the main sustenance for the early Napatan capitals, and the food could only have come there from the Bayuda, as the Abu Hamid bend was too inhospitable to allow cattle

herding on a scale sufficient to support large garrisons. The Bayuda Muqqadam route was thus the life blood of Napata, as the river, and later the region’s wells, allowed pastoralists to breed cattle and hunt wildlife. Only the changing climate after the third millennium bc began to curtail this, and the silting up of the Muqqadam Nile and changing rain patterns at the end of the Old Kingdom drastically changed the landscape. This lifestyle of following the ancient Nile Route is similar to that followed by the Baggara tribes who today inhabit Kordofan and South Darfur, to the south of the modern Bayuda. Their seasonal migrations to the Bahr Al Ghazal branch of the Nile during the rainy season, before being forced northwards by the insect infestations that follow the rains, to the more northern cities on the edge of the desert where they traded cattle and goods, follow a similar pattern to that of the nomads of the early historic periods. However, the more northerly location that these pastures historically had would have allowed people to travel further northwards than they do today. Evidence for this cattle trade is found in Amara West, where recent excavations showed large amounts of cattle being eaten, but no evidence of cattle husbandry (Binder and Spencer 2014, 123–36). The cattle were thus being

6. me ro e and t he moving nile 107

brought to the New Kingdom for trade along the Wadi Maqqadam and other wadis extending into Darfur and Kordofan. The end of the Wadi Muq­ qaddam as an accessible cattle migration route would have cut off the supply of meat for the Northern Meroe, and put enormous pressure on the inhabitants, who were forced to live increasingly off the bounty of the local river shore. At the same time, raids from Egypt in search of cattle and other African treasures made the northern cities vulnerable. With the Muqqadam route cut off, the south was better provided for, and better protected. This changing environment must have put enormous pressure on the local populations, and it was this pressure that eventually led to the Southern Meroe bend becoming the new capital in the first century bc. The importance of the cattle trade in this changing environment is shown in a description given by Strabo (Geogr. xvii.1.2), who clearly depicts the rulers of the Southern Capital as cattle breeders: ‘They appoint as kings those who excel in beauty, or in superiority in cattle-breeding, or in courage, or in wealth’. Further evidence that the Wadi Muqqadam itself, as well as the water that flowed down its course, was a linking factor for humans is that the Shaigia Tribe of modern Sudan still occupy the Nile Valley at either end of the Wadi Figure 6.3. Map of the distribution of tribes in 1950 showing Shaigia at northern Muqqadam, around Napata and and southern ends of the Bayuda-Muqaddam route. After: Survey of Sudan 1953. modern Meroe. They can also be found today for part of the year living as nomads in the Muqqadam. Even though sold for meat, as well as to be beasts of burden, in their Northern and Southern Nile neighbours are the markets of Cairo. The arrival of the camel in the a different tribe, the Wadi Muqqadam links the two region did not occur until late in the first millenparts of the tribe (Fig. 6.3). nium bc, and this explains why finds are most scarce The practicality of the route is shown today by in Wadi Muqqadam between the end of the third the large herds of camel that are still driven to Ed millennium and the mid-first millennium bc. The Debba from Darfur on their way to Cairo: long-disarrival of the camel allowed for large-scale trade to tance herding continues as a living tradition of the develop, and perhaps for larger communities to live Middle Nile. The journey is these days too difficult in the Wadi, but there is no evidence that the route for cattle but still manageable for camels, which are was closed completely before the camel’s arrival.

108 m .  d.  s. m a l l i n s o n an d l .   m .   v. s m i t h

The historic evidence of the knowledge of Wadi Muqqadam “Its size has perhaps been exaggerated: about three thousand stadia as a river course may also exist in in length and one thousand in breadth” 562.5 x 187 km the written record. The Greek geo­ grapher Strabo, writing in the first century bc, describes the Island Abu Hamed to Khartoum is of Meroe as bounded on the west470 km. Merowe to Berber ern side by sand dunes, and on the is 220 km (15% smaller) south by the divided Nile rivers; rivers that according to tradition tbara to Khartoum is only had separated near Meroe, before 260 km (50% smaller) rejoining to the south. None of the rivers Atbara, Blue, or White There was no desert on the western side of Butana, Nile rejoin, and so this tradionly in the Bayuda with Qoz tion, which was later repeated by Abu Dhulu. Ptolemy, may be a lost memory of the Muqqadam Nile. Bayuda has mountains, In his description, Strabo gives Butana does not. Mines are an approximate size for the Island in Bayuda not in Butana. of Meroe of 3000 × 1000 stadia, or 560  ×  220  km. The Bayuda On this evidence Strabo was referring to Bayuda from Abu Hamid to Khartoum as the Island of Meroe. is 470 × 187 km, or 15% smaller in size. The Butana from Atbara to Khartoum, meanwhile, is 270  km, half the size given by Strabo (Fig. 6.4). Furthermore, in his narrative Strabo describes the Island of Meroe as containing mines and mountains, as well as pastoral tribes. The Bayuda has both mines and mountains, Figure 6.4. Dimensions of the ‘Island of Meroe’ as given by Strabo and comparison while the Butana only has a few between Bayuda and Butana with his description. After: Survey of Sudan 1953. hills around the Sixth Cataract, none of which are known for their mines. The description of the Island of Meroe thus This vital, living Bayuda dried up over the censeems to be very similar to the Bayuda. turies, becoming useable only in the south for pasTo understand how the Muqqadam could have toralism. However, a local memory of the old link to been understood as a tributary of the Nile in the histhe North lingers in the local name of Wadi El-Nuba, toric period, it should be realized that the movement located at the south end of Wadi Muqqadam on the of the Muqqadam may not have led immediately road from Khartoum to El-Obeid, which would once to the current configuration of the Nile. Instead, a have linked the White Nile to the Wadi Muqqadam. large loop may have continued up to Meroe for a few This wide, flat plain is interspersed with large water centuries, which might explain the Meroitic finds wells just below the surface, and populated by cattle in Bayuda as well as along the main Nile between herders. But despite the drying up of the river course, Khartoum and the southern Meroe (Fig. 6.5a). Even the Meroitic and post-Meroitic evidence shows that in periods of extreme flood, the Nile could have still the route remained open and known. The wells along broken through the sand dunes and flooded back to its length seem to have been ancient and enabled the the northern bend. In 1987, when there was an extreme presence of Meroitic sites in the Bayuda. Donkeys flood near the Northern Meroe due to flood waters could make the journey even if cattle, which need from the Atbara River, the Nile broke its banks and very large quantities of water to survive in the heat, flooded across the Northern Bend to the north of could not. Migrating birds also follow this ancient Old Dongola, rejoining near to New Dongola. course, showing that even in the genetic memory of In the end, although the continued movement the inhabitants of Africa this river is alive. of the rains eventually forced the Nile confluence to The Real Island of Meroe –Strabo

6. me ro e and t he moving nile 109

move further south, Late Meroitic sites appeared at Soba near Khartoum. In order to survive, the populations needed to follow the river south, and the later Meroitic capitals moved to Soba and then Sennar, all following the moving Nile (Fig. 6.5b). In conclusion, the Bayuda may not be the place that we imagine it to be: an empty waste in the great bend of the Nile. Instead, it was once the living home of large nomadic tribes who supported the civilizations of Napata and then Meroe. Their continuity is shown by the movement of the regional capital together with the Nile, and their historic importance, which was linked to the Niles’ course. The importance of further research is highlighted by Strabo’s ambiguity as to the location of the Island of Meroe.

The other Nile

Meroitic sites

Intermediate river course joins River Atbara after the first Nile silts up

Meroitic sites No Meroitic sites?

Meroitic sites

Meroitic sites

KHARTOUM

Artefactual Evidence for Meroitic Presence along the Road Line and Wadi Muqqadam

Blue Nile

Pottery1

Sites dateable to the Meroitic period along the line of the Road across the Bayuda are mainly identifiable through the forms of the funerary structures apparent on the surface; the proportion of sherds clearly identifiably from this period is not large. For the purposes of this chapter, it should be noted that the identification of sherds as being Meroitic or from periods including the Meroitic (if not dated solely to one period), are based on the identifications kindly made by colleagues at the pottery workshops during the Gdansk Bayuda Conference, in 2017, and at a workshop in Gdansk during July 2018. Those sherds for which a Meroitic identification is uncertain are not included here. The majority of the sherds are eroded and so, in most cases, it has not been possible to identify

1 By L. Smith, with assistance in the study of the pottery from Dr. J. Phillips, particularly in the co-organization of the pottery workshop in Gdansk at the Conference in 2017, in our visits in 2018 to the pottery workshop in Gdansk and for studying comparative material at the Poznań Archaeo­logical Museum, and in advice on identifications.

Nile confluence moves south

Meroe 1

Overlay of two geological maps Muqqadam

Meroe 2 Final confluences; Merotic settlement at Soba, later the capital

Old Blue Nile crossovers

Figure 6.5. a) Distribution of Meroitic sites in relation to current and suggested previous courses of the Nile. After: Geo­logical Map 2004; b) distribution of Meroitic sites in relation to current and suggested previous courses of the Nile. After: Geo­logical Map, 1988.

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Figure 6.6. Main types of vessel forms and decorations assigned to the Meroitic period. Drawings: L. Smith; inked by J. Doole.

6. me ro e and t he moving nile

them as Meroitic based on the style of painted decoration. As such, dating and identification of period has been based largely on vessel form, incised decoration, and on fabric. The material identified to date can be divided chrono­logically into three main periods: early Meroitic, Meroitic (undifferentiated by phase), and Late Meroitic. Several sherds could only be assigned to a broader period, extending beyond but including the Meroitic. These covered the periods Late Meroitic to early post-Meroitic, Late Meroitic to post-Meroitic, and Late Meroitic to Christian. Early Meroitic

There are very few early Meroitic sherds identified to date. These comprise only one form, a jar with inward-sloping short neck and slightly pointed rim in cross-section, slightly thickened on the exterior (Fig. 6.6a). Sherds of vessels having this jar form were found only at Site 117, thus falling just to the north-west of the Qoz Abu Dhulu. Meroitic (undifferentiated)

Types of pottery that can be assigned to the Meroitic period generally fit into a small range of different vessels. These include the most clearly diagnostic Meroitic material, namely sherds of apparently handmade ‘footed stands’ or ‘offering tables’. The sherds consist of rim fragments from very shallow, straight-sided, bowl-like forms, some of which exhibit depressions resulting from the attachment of handles. Pieces of handle, likely to be from vessels of this type, were found in association with the rim sherds (Fig. 6.6b) at Site 171.3, although no examples have been found that are still attached to the vessel. The shape of the rim and the angle at which the handles appear to have been attached indicate that the Gabolab examples are similar to the forms of offering table from the West Cemetery at Meroe, which have been illustrated by Dows Dunham (1963, figs C, 27, 28). The ‘offering table’ sherds so far identified are from Sites 171.3 and 59.3, although the examples from the latter site are very fragmentary, comprising only handle and attachment. Both sites contain tumuli; Site 171.3 consists of a small cluster of three tumuli, while Site 59.3 is a large cemetery field, including forty-seven tumuli and twelve box graves. Many of the graves are apparently Christian in date, but in addition, an earlier Meroitic presence is indicated. The other main types of pottery assigned to the Meroitic period in general comprise a few bowls,

ranging from almost vertical-sided, with rounded rim and irregular profile to the exterior body wall (Fig. 6.6c), to much more open forms. One type (Fig. 6.6d) has an upper body wall that is slightly thinned on the interior and exterior just below the rim, which is flattened but slightly convex, and has a small lip on both exterior and interior. Another form (Fig. 6.6e) is similar, but with the rim more everted (out-turned) and with the top of the rim sloping to the exterior. The rim is modelled with a lip on the exterior and is approximately square in cross-section. Two rare types of pottery are also included in the general Meroitic group. One is a heavy ring base (Fig. 6.6f), initially thought to be a jar rim until the presence of ‘decoration’ in the form of irregular clay blobs just below the ‘rim’ meant this piece was instead reinterpreted as a base. The other form (Fig. 6.6g) is a vessel of large size (c. 45 cm external diameter), with sides that are not-quite vertical but slightly inward-sloping, and a flat rim with a lip on both the exterior and interior. One isolated handle is also considered to be of generally Meroitic date (Fig. 6.6h); this is of a type that could be associated with the ‘offering-tables’. Although most of the sherds that have been found are eroded, some body sherds have been discovered with incised decoration. Two isolated decoration types have been included in the general Meroitic group; one comprises a zig-zag below two approximately horizontal lines (Fig. 6.7i), while the other is a multiple-line zig-zag, cross-cut by additional horizontal and vertical lines (Fig. 6.7j). Two fabric types, represented by otherwise ‘undiagnostic’ sherds, can be taken as examples of fabrics of the Meroitic group. Fabric OGF2.20 is an orange-pink dense fabric with frequent, fine, white opaque particles. It has a light orange-brown exterior and core, with a light brown interior. It is hard and smooth, with a dense texture and very fine to fine rare irregular voids, rare, very fine to fine voids from vegetable temper, and very rare fine to medium linear indentations. Features on the surface include very fine to fine abundant cream inclusions (perhaps fragments of calcitic rock fragments?), sparse very fine quartz, rare black iron oxides, and sparse very fine mica. The main visible inclusion types are as follows: sparse, very fine, sub-angular to rounded quartz; rare, very fine, sub-angular to rounded feldspar; sparse, very fine to fine, opaque white, sub-angular to rounded calcitic rock fragments; rare, very fine, opaque, reddish-brown, sub-angular to rounded iron oxides; rare, very fine, opaque black, sub-angular to rounded iron oxide(?); rare, very fine, golden and reflective, sub-angular to rounded mica (Fig. 6.7a). It is considered that this fabric may be ‘local’ in ori-

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Late Meroitic a

b

Figure 6.7. Examples of pottery fabrics assigned to the Meroitic period. Photo­graph: G. J. Owen.

gin, but it is not currently known whether it would have come from a production site within the Bayuda, or from the northern or southern end of the transBayuda route. The second fabric, OGF4.2, is mid-brownish pink all through, with no distinct zoning. It is very hard, laminated, and dense, with rare, very fine to fine irregular voids, and very rare, very fine voids from vegetable temper. Features on the surface include abundant, very fine black, and sparse, very fine red inclusions (perhaps iron oxides). The main inclusions visible in the break comprise: sparse, very fine to fine, opaque reddish-brown, poorly sorted, subrounded to rounded iron oxides; sparse, very fine, opaque black, poorly sorted, angular to sub-rounded iron oxides(?); rare, very fine to fine, moderately sorted, sub-rounded to rounded quartz; sparse, very, very fine, transparent, reflective, well-sorted mica and quartz fragments; very rare, very fine to fine monomineralic, white, well sorted, sub-rounded to rounded feldspar; very rare, very fine to fine, opaque white or cream, sub-angular to rounded calcitic rock fragments (Fig. 6.7b). This fabric is similar to those of contemporary material made at Aswan, and so may represent an import into the region. The above types were found at sites distributed over much of the survey line. The sites nearest to the Omdurman end are Sites 50.4. 59.3, 86.1, 115.1, and 117. The sites are of mixed type, including tumulus cemeteries and a well, and Site 115.1 consists of spreads of generally much earlier material that dates from the Khartoum Mesolithic or Neolithic period. There appears to be a gap in the distribution after Site 117, as the next identified site is not until 171.3, near to the Ganetti end of the road line.

Five types of pottery have been assigned to the Late Meroitic period. These comprise forms ranging from closed to open. Two pottery types are fully closed forms, with the first (Fig. 6.6k) being a jar with an in-turned upper body wall, and a flattened rim that slopes inwards to the interior and is thinned below the rim on the interior. The second (Fig. 6.6l) is a presumed jar neck, with concave exterior profile and a rounded rim, slightly everted, and flattened on the top surface. An intermediate form is a bowl with a slightly in-turned upper body wall and a flattened, horizontal rim, thinned below to form a distinct lip on the interior, as can be seen in the cross-section (see Fig. 6.6m). Two open forms have been identified. These comprise firstly a bowl (Fig. 6.6n) with outward-sloping sides (at least in the surviving upper body wall), and an abrupt change of angle just below the rim so that the uppermost body is approximately vertical. The rim is flattened on the top surface and smoothed to make it vertical on the exterior and interior, forming a square in cross-section. The rim is intermittently under-cut on the interior (Fig. 6.6n). The second such form, and the final form in the Late Meroitic group, is an open, thin-walled, hemi-spherical bowl with a slightly everted rim, which is indented on the top surface, while the exterior body has been mat-impressed from just below the rim down almost to the base (Fig. 6.6o). Some irregular blobs of clay were added to the lowest body wall, indicating that this vessel could have been used for cooking. In terms of distribution, the areas from which these sherds were recovered are: the cemetery at Site 59.3; the sloping ground south of Site 74.2; Site 115.1; the surface of a tumulus at Site 135.1; and a tumulus at Site 185.2. As such, it can be seen that these Late Meroitic type specimens tend to come from cemetery sites, and from the middle to the further end of the road line (from Omdurman). Late Meroitic to post-Meroitic

A somewhat larger number of pottery types than those outlined in the group above can be assigned only to the later Meroitic through to the earlier postMeroitic period. These comprise several jar and bowl forms, again ranging from fully closed to fully open forms, together with one type of base, and a few decoration motifs on body sherds. The most fully closed form identified is a jar with a gradual transition from the shoulder to a short neck, with no sharp angle in the profile (Fig. 6.6p). It has irregular furrows in the clay below the rim, as if the

6. me ro e and t he moving nile

neck has been compressed vertically in the formation of the vessel. The rim itself has a flattened top surface, and is squared off, with slight thickening, on the exterior to form an approximately square cross-section. The example found has a hole just below the rim. Decoration comprising three incised lines, at an acute angle to the vertical, is present on the shoulder. The next closed form is a jar with in-turned upper body, and ‘club-shaped’ rounded rim, which is thickened on the interior (Fig. 6.6q). There is irregular decoration on the exterior, comprising short, straight or curved lines that are cross-cut with very short lines. This may be a form of mat impression. Two forms may have nearly vertical sides, although one (Fig. 6.6r) is very fragmentary and the stance is uncertain. This form has a slight thickening on the interior, just below the rim, which is poorly preserved and has an apparent ‘step’ in the uppermost surface, as seen in cross-section. The other form with vertical sides is better preserved, and the stance is more definite. This form (Fig. 6.6s) is an open bowl. It has sides at an angle of c. 45 degrees in the lower body, but they change abruptly to approximately vertical in the upper part. The rim is simple rounded, but is asymmetric in cross-section, with the exterior being more noticeably sloping than the interior. A further four forms have body walls that slope at an angle of c. 45 degrees in the parts preserved. One is either a small bowl or a jar neck (Fig. 6.6t). It has somewhat irregular body walls with a flattened rim. Incised decoration, forming an irregular cross-shape within an inverted V and with two horizontal lines, appears just below the rim on the exterior. The second form (Fig. 6.6u), of which little depth of the profile has been preserved, has a slightly everted rim, with a shallow, intermittent undercut on the exterior. A fragment of incised decoration, comprising a portion of a curved line, remains. The third form (Fig. 6.6v) is distinguished by having a rim that is thickened on both the interior and exterior, and features incised lines across a flattened rim, to give a ‘pie-crust’ decoration. On the fourth form (Fig. 6.6w), the uppermost body wall is thinned on exterior and interior, with a rounded rim. Other types of pottery that are assigned to the Late Meroitic through to the post-Meroitic periods are a simple flat base (Fig. 6.6x); a type of relatively deep mat or basket impression (Fig. 6.6y); and a shallow ‘mat-’ or — perhaps more likely — textile-impression (Fig. 6.6z). This latter type is similar to the ‘tabby weave’ impressions that were produced experimentally by Jacke Phillips (2010, 230, fig. 3). The majority of sites that were identified in the field, and from where these sherds came, were either tumulus fields (such as Sites 54.2 and 82.1) or indi-

Figure 6.8. Thumb-ring or archer’s loose from Site 59.3, similar to Meroitic types. Figure: L. Smith.

vidual tumuli (e.g., Site 117.3). Sites 54.2 and 82.1 had box graves as well as tumuli, while the only identified non-funerary structure was the hut foundation at Site 125.2. Most tumuli, where they could be dated in the field, were considered to be post-Meroitic. This would fit with the identification of the form types as Late Meroitic to (early) post-Meroitic in date but may indicate that some of these tumuli could be from the time of the ‘transition’ between the Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic periods, recognizable archaeo­logically. A small find indicating a Meroitic date

Evidence other than pottery that is identifiable as indicating a Meroitic presence is very restricted, and thus far consists only of a portion of a thumb ring recovered from Site 59.3 (Fig. 6.8). This site also yielded some fragments of possible Meroitic ‘offering-table’ sherds. In terms of its present size, the thumb-ring is 3.2 cm long, with a maximum diameter of 3.8 cm, suggesting that the ratio of length to diameter approaches 1:1. It is noticeably straightsided, without a strong convex curve between the narrow and the wide end. In terms of Hayes’ classification (1973, 114–16, fig. 4), the ring appears nearest to Type II, a type considered to be an archer’s loose, and dated within the period c. 100 bc–c. ad 200. According to Williams (1991, 86), the characteristic form of the archer’s loose, at least during the X-Group period in Lower Nubia, was that it was longer in proportion than those rings common in the Meroitic, and featured concave rather than straight sides. On this basis, the survey example is closer to Meroitic forms than to post-Meroitic forms. As previously discussed, reasonably close parallels to the thumb ring have been found at a number of sites that might be dated to a period other than the Meroitic, among them an X-Group cemetery at Faras, a ‘post-Meroitic’ tumulus containing early Christian

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Site number 24.2 26.1/1 32.1/7 50.2 50.4 50.4 54.2 54.3 59.3 59.3 59.3 59.3/6 61.1 68.2 74.2/8 74.2/8 75.1/1 81.4 82.1 86.1 86.1 101 102.2 113.2 113.7 115.1/8 115.1/9 115.1/9 115.1/9 117 Pt 47 117 Pt 47 117 Pt 47 117 Pt 47 117 Pt 47 117 Pt 47

Location Surface Tumulus 1   Tumulus 1 Scatter near Tumulus 5 Scatter near Tumulus 5 Tumulus 1 S14 and S15 Tumulus 1, 5 m east General surface General surface Surface General surface STR 10 (slope S of) (slope S of) Surface Tumulus 2, 13.7 m west 4 Trans Around edge Around edge     Tumulus 6, west and north of tumulus Tumulus 3, surface             Wadi Bed Wadi Bed Wadi Bed Wadi Bed

Date Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/early post-Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic Late Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Meroitic Early Meroitic Early Meroitic Late Meroitic/early post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic

117 Pt 47 117.3 117.3 121[?] 125.2 135.1/135.2 171.3 179.1 185.2 185.2

Wadi Bed Near Tumulus 1 Near Tumulus 1 Tumulus, north side Hut Surface Surface west of Tumuli 5&6 Tumulus 4, surface Tumulus 3, 4.5 m west Tumulus 3.2

Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Late Meroitic/early post-Meroitic Late Meroitic Meroitic Late Meroitic/post-Meroitic Meroitic or Late Meroitic/early post-Meroitic Late Meroitic

6. me ro e and t he moving nile

material at Hammur el-Abbassia found during the Southern Dongola Reach Survey,2 and the site of Soba. However, it can be concluded that the Meroitic remains the most likely period to which the thumb ring may be assigned, even if at the present stage of research on this class of artefact, a later dating cannot be excluded (Mallinson and others 2018, 348).

Conclusions Table 6.1 shows the sites from which the Meroitic material identified thus far has been recovered, including both type specimens of pottery, and other sherds of the same type (whether vessel form or fabric); the latter are assumed to be of the same date as the type specimens identified. It is evident that there is no very clear chrono­logical patterning in the geo­ graphical distribution, with most sub-periods being present sporadically along the road line. However, a few points may be noted. Firstly, the ‘early Meroitic’ type occurs at only one location, Site 117. At this location, there are two tumulus fields on the jebel and a scatter of artefacts in the bed of the wadi, from which the sherds were collected. The paucity of early Meroitic remains is likely to be the result of their visibility and collection as much as their actual presence. Nonetheless, the occurrence of this earlier material indicates that the Wadi Muqaddam could have continued in use from previous periods into early Meroitic times and so could have been a route from the ‘northern Meroe’ to the southern regions near to the junction of the Niles. Sites containing general Meroitic period material appear to be distributed quite evenly along the road line, as might be expected with the broader chrono­logical span. They extend from nearer to the Omdurman end of the road, at kilometres 24, 26, and 32, up to kilometre 117. Beyond this point, there is a gap until the sites nearer the Ganetti end, with the ‘offering-table’ sherds found at Site 171.3. The Late Meroitic and Late Meroitic/ postMeroitic material was found along the road line from sites such as 50.2 and 50.4 onwards, but it did not occur as near to the Omdurman end of the road as the sites located around kilometres 24 and 26. This may relate to the position of the Qoz Abu Dhulu, as the sites at which this later material has been found

2 We are indebted to Dr B. Żurawski of the Polish Academy of Sciences Centre for Mediterranean Archaeo­logy, Director of the Southern Dongola Reach Survey, for permission to cite this unpublished artefact. The tumulus was excavated by Dr Mahmoud el-Tayeb, who uses the term ‘Early Makurian’ for post-Meroitic but pre-Christian material in the Dongola Reach (El-Tayeb 1998).

lie just to the north-west of the dunes. With regard to this later period material, it is most noticeable that all sites from 117 onwards, with the exception of 171.3, are Late Meroitic to post-Meroitic. Site 117 is the area in which the road line begins to diverge from the course of the Wadi Muqaddam, subsequently following the Wad el-Hassan through to the present main Nile at Ganetti. This would be consistent with the shifting of the route towards the west and away from the Napata/Jebel Barkal area in later periods, instead forming a more direct route from the present junction of the Niles at Khartoum, across the Bayuda, to the southernmost part of the Debba bend of the main Nile. The chrono­logical sub-division notwithstanding, there appears to be a reasonably even distribution of sites with Meroitic artefacts along the road line. Given that, as noted above, most are associated with tumuli, it appears that Meroitic pottery, and a few other artefacts such as the thumb-ring, were buried with either the nomadic population living within and traversing the Bayuda, or else with merchants/travellers from the settlements at either end of the route across the Bayuda via the Wadi Muqaddam, and subsequently, the Wadi el-Hassan/Wadi Muqaddam. This further emphasizes the significance of this route for the links between the regions of the ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ Meroes.

‫ لورنس إسمث‬,‫مايكل مالينسون‬

‫مروي والنيل المتغير‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫المسح االثري الذي قامت به جمعية ابحاث االثار السودانية للمنطقة‬ ‫ القت الضوء على صحراء‬،‫الممتدة من أم درمان إلى القبوالب‬ ‫ يمكن ربط ذلك باألدلة‬.‫بيوضة خالل جميع الفترات الرئيسية للتاريخ‬ ‫البيئية والجيولوجية التي اشارت الي أن وادي المقدم كان فرعًا سابقًا‬ ‫ تم استخدام أدلة التغيرات في مجاري نهر النيل مع السجل‬.‫لنهر النيل‬ ‫األثري والتاريخي للنظر فيما إذا كان هذا هو الحال فقط في فترات‬ ‫ والتي تتعلق بانتقال‬،‫ أو أيضًا في العصور التاريخية‬،‫ما قبل التاريخ‬ ‫ “من” مروي “الشمالية (نبتة) إلى مروي الجنوبية في‬.‫العاصمة‬ .‫البجراوية‬

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Acknowledgements We are grateful to the staff of the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums, Sudan (NCAM), for all their assistance during the preparation and conduction of the Survey, and in particular to Dr Hassan Hussein Idris, then Director General of NCAM, to Dr Salah Mohammed Ahmed, then Director of Fieldwork, and to our Inspector, Dr Abdelrahman Ali Mohammed. Thanks are further due to the latter for his continued support of the project when Director General of NCAM. Funding for the Survey is gratefully acknowledged from the Sudan Archaeo­logical Research Society and the Haycock Memorial Fund of the British Institute in Eastern Africa. The project received much assistance from Mr D. Sloan and staff of the British Council in Khartoum at the time the original survey was carried out. Artefacts illustrated in this article were drawn in the field and inked by Mr A. England. The pottery forms and decorations were drawn by the author, whilst the illustrations

of decoration types were inked by Ms J. Doole. Thanks are due to the following for advice and help in the identifications of the material from the SARS Survey Omdurman-Ganetti, including the Meroitic pottery and the small finds used in this article: Ms J. D. Bourriau, Dr S. Baginska, Dr J. Bunbury, Dr A. Cedro, Dr M. Cłodnicki, Dr K. Danys, Prof. J. Harrell, Dr E. Kolosowska, Dr H. Paner, Dr J. Phillips, Dr P. J. Rose, Dr Mahmoud el-Tayeb, D. D. A. Welsby, Ms I. Welsby-Sjöström, Dr P. Wolf, and Dr B. Zurawski. We are most grateful to Dr Henryk Paner for permission to hold the pottery workshop (co-organized by Dr J. Phillips) at the Second International Bayuda Conference ‘Bayuda and its Neighbours’ in Gdansk in 2017, and for the workshop ‘Nubian Ceramics from the Bayuda Desert’, held in Gdansk in 2018. This chapter’s second author (L. Smith) is also grateful to the Director of the Poznań Archaeo­logical Museum, Dr Marzena Szmyt, for permission to work and consult collections there.

Works Cited Binder, M. and N. Spencer. 2014. ‘The Bioarchaeo­logy of Amara West in Nubia: Investigating the Impacts of Political, Cultural and Environmental Change on Health and Diet’, in Regarding the Dead, ed. by A. Fletcher, D. Antoine, and J. D. Hill (London. British Museum), pp. 123–36 Dunham. D. 1963. The West and South Cemeteries at Meroe. The Royal Cemeteries of Kush V (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts) El-Tayeb, M. 1998. ‘Burial Customs in the Early Makurian Period: An Uncommon Type of Mound Grave’, in Abstracts of Papers: International Society of Nubian Studies Ninth International Conference. August 21–26, 1998, ed. by T. Kendall and P. Der Manuelian (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts), pp. 93–94 Geo­logical Map of the Sudan. 1981. (Khartoum: Geo­logical and Mineral Resources Department) Geo­logical Map of the Sudan. 1988. (Khartoum: Geo­logical Research Authority of Sudan & Robertson Research) Geo­logical Map of the Sudan. 2004. 1:2,000,000 Scale (Khartoum: Geo­logical Research Authority of the Sudan) Hayes, R. O. 1973. ‘The Distribution of Meroitic Archer’s Rings: An Outline of Political Borders’, Meroitica, 1: 113–22 Mallinson, M., A. M. Abdelrahman, D. Fuller, and L. Smith. 2018. ‘Road Archaeo­logy in the Wadi Muqaddam, SARS Survey from Omdurman to Gabolab: Environmental and Cultural Change in the Bayuda’, in Bayuda Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeo­logy of the Bayuda Desert in Sudan, ed. by A. Lohwasser, T. Karberg, and J. Auenmüller, Meroitica, 27 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), pp. 309–57 Phillips, J. 2010. ‘Preliminary Analysis of “Mat”- and “Basket”-Impressed Ceramics from the Southern Dongola Reach Survey’, in Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the Conference for Nubian Studies. Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, ii: Session Papers, ed. by W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean Supplement Series 2.2 (Warsaw: Warsaw University Press), pp. 227–36 Survey of Sudan. 1953. (Khartoum: Sudan Survey Department) Williams, B. B. 1991. Noubadian X-Group Remains from Royal Complexes in Cemeteries Q and 219 and from Private Cemeteries Q, R, V, W, B, J and M at Qustul and Ballana, University of Chicago Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition, 9 (Chicago: Oriental Institute)

Pawel Wolf

7. The Natural and Cultural Landscape of the Meroe Region Introduction The heart of the Kingdom of Meroe was located on the edge of the Western Butana, about halfway between the Fifth and Sixth Nile Cataracts, in a self-contained landscape bounded by the Nile and Wadi el-Hawad, and surrounded by a massive sandstone plateau (Fig. 7.1). In the third–second millennia bc, when the Kingdom of Kerma flourished in Upper Nubia, the region was only sparsely populated. However, about a thousand years after the fall of Kerma, this region created an iron ‘industry’ that was barely known elsewhere during the African Iron Age, and gave rise to one of the most important sub-Saharan towns of its day. At the end of the first millennium bc, when this town, ‘Meroe City’, had become the political centre of a kingdom extending from at least the Sixth Cataract down to Lower Nubia, a previously unseen state-generated ‘urbanization programme’ transformed the region around Meroe into a cultural landscape. Just a few centuries later, when the economic and political power of its rulers weakened and finally collapsed, Meroe and its ‘urban landscape’ perished and finally faded from memory, while the region once again gradually became depopulated. Archaeo­logical research, which has been centred on Meroe City, the royal pyramid cemeteries, and other monumental sites in its vicinity, has yielded important data on Meroe’s history and the development of these sites, but ‘[… has] added little to information on more general aspects of Meroitic and later occupation’ (Edwards 1989, 63), particularly regarding the interrelationship with the regional landscape and environment. Many interesting questions remain unresolved, such as the role of the morpho­logy, eco­ logy, and natural resources of the region around Meroe in the historic development of the city; the environmental factors that turned Meroe into one of the most powerful centres of the African Iron Age; the impact of Meroe’s eventful history on the region

and its environment; the relation between regional human occupation and the sub-Saharan climate and environmental dynamics; and not least, the question as to if there is a steady development to be plotted from a natural to a cultural landscape, or were there stronger or weaker fluctuations characterizing land use and landscape development? Addressing such questions requires survey work that ‘… covers all aspects of the natural, political, economic and cultural landscapes of a well-defined territory…’ (Grzymski 2006, 386). However, field research at a regional level in the Meroe area remained a desideratum until recently. Notwithstanding the inscription in 2011 of the ‘Island of Meroe’ site on the combined UNESCO World Heritage List, many blank spots remain on the archaeo­logical map of the region and its natural landscape has barely been studied. Apart from engendering a research interest, the region around Meroe is in need of a systematic reconnaissance and establishment of an archaeo­logical site inventory in the face of growing threats from expanding agricultural land and settlement use, infrastructural development (asphalt roads, pipelines, power lines, and gas stations) and flourishing tourism, vandalism, and looting. Addressing the questions raised above in a comprehensive manner is obviously beyond the scope of the present chapter, but a better understanding of the landscape around Meroe can be reached by presenting some of the preliminary results of the archaeo­ logical survey and palaeo-environmental studies that have been conducted since 2013 by the Hamadab Archaeo­logical Project in the region between Meroe and the Wadi el-Hawad. These results, combined with the outcome of fieldwork by other missions, reflect on the Meroe landscape, its natural resources and anthropic development over the millennia, and, in particular, its transformation into a cultural landscape during the Kushite period.

Pawel Wolf ([email protected]) German Archaeo­logical Institute. This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128053 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 117–152

FHG

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Figure 7.1. The Meroe-Shendi reach with the main archaeo­logical sites mentioned in the text. Satellite data: Google Earth 2.12.2014; map: N. Salamanek 2014.

The Archaeo­logical Reconnaissance in the Meroe Region Nineteenth-century travellers visiting Meroe and the royal pyramid cemeteries after their discovery by Frédéric Cailliaud in 1821 (see Wolf 2017) seldom reported on other sites in their environs. Following his travels in the Western Butana between 1903 and 1908, John W. Crowfoot published valuable observations on the natural environment, agricultural potential and land use, but commented only briefly on Meroe and a number of hitherto unrecorded sites, such as Abu Erteila and Awlib in the Wadi el-Hawad (Crowfoot 1911, 6–9, 12–13). The 1909–1914 University of Liverpool excavations for the first time provided archaeo­logical information not only about Meroe, but also sites beyond it, such as the ‘Sun Temple’ (M250), the temple of Hamadab, and the tumulus cemeteries east of the city (Török and others

1997, 102–16, 232–34, 263–80). The royal pyramids of Meroe and the virtually untouched landscape at that time, long before its obstruction by large dune fields, were recorded in photo­graphs taken by the Egyptian Expedition of Chicago University in 1906,1 as well as by the Harvard-Boston Excavations at the royal pyramid cemeteries in 1921–1923. In 1958, the region saw a more systematic archaeo­ logical reconnaissance carried out by Humboldt University within the framework of the Butana Expedition; this prepared a detailed epi­graphical record of Meroe and the royal cemeteries, documenting in addition the sites of Awlib and Abu Erteila and locating a number of smaller sites like the stone quarries at Jebel Umm Ali, the el-Maroqa tumulus cemetery, the settlement of Gadu, and a large sandstone slab structure at the foot of Jebel Qudeim (Hintze 1 See ‘Breasted Expeditions’ website.

7. t he nat u ral and cu lt u ral land scape o f t he me ro e region

1959). In the following decades, Friedrich W. Hinkel (1977) compiled massive amounts of archaeo­logical data for a geo­graphically organized site inventory, but the monumental Archaeo­logical Map of the Sudan was never completed, leaving unpublished information amassed for about 100 ‘lesser’ sites identified in the Meroe region.2 Hinkel’s detailed documentation of the temple complex (M250) and a number of monuments on its peripheries was published in a supplementary volume of the Archaeo­logical Map (Hinkel 2001). In 1979, test excavations at Hamadab, Awlib, and Abu Erteila were undertaken by Khidir Abdelkarim Ahmed (1984) for his study of Meroitic settlement in the region and the Western Butana, while the National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM) and the Section française de la direction des antiquités du Soudan (SFDAS) conducted fieldwork at Jubal Makbor, Ardeb, and Um Mileha (Lenoble 1987; Lenoble 1992), and at Hillat Hassab Allah near the Wadi el-Hawad (Reinold 1992, 199, with further literature; Reinold and Lenoble 1989). In the 1990s, construction of the Geili–Atbara asphalt road necessitated rescue surveys along the planned route. NCAM and SFDAS conducted an initial site survey in 1992 (Reinold 1992; Reinold and Ahmed 1992). The Gdańsk Archaeo­logical Museum joined the project in 1995, undertaking an archaeo­logical evaluation of identified sites between Shendi and Meroe within a 200 m-wide strip along the planned route, with attention paid in particular to Awlib and Abu Erteila (Paner 1997; Paner 1998; Paner and Masojć 2016, 11–12). Part of the route north of Meroe, between Jebel Ardeb and Atbara, was surveyed in 1993 by a team from the Sudan Archaeo­ logical Research Society (SARS), with test excavations at a number of sites in 1994 (Mallinson and Smith 2017; Mallinson and others 1996). In 2002, Patrice Lenoble embarked on an archaeo­ logical map systematizing information on archaeo­ logical sites in a reach 100 km in length and 20 km in width, centred at Meroe (Lenoble 2008), but this work was interrupted by his untimely death in 2007. The University of Khartoum commenced a large- scale reconnaissance north of Meroe in 2004 (Salih 2015). In 2014, revived fieldwork at the royal pyra- mids of Meroe, undertaken by the Qatari Mission for the Pyramids of Sudan (QMPS), included a detailed archaeo­logical survey, geophysical prospection, and test excavations in the area around the cemeteries at Begrawiya North and South (Riedel and others 2016). A survey of Meroe’s ‘industrial heritage’ recorded the regional stone quarries in 2013–2015 (Cech and

2 These records are kept at the Hinkel-Forschungsarchiv, Berlin.

others 2018), while geo­logical and archaeo­logical investigations by UCL-Qatar identified an iron-ore mining area on the sandstone plateau north-east of the royal cemeteries in 2015 (Humphris and others 2018; Bussert and others 2019). Besides the continuous excavations at Meroe, smaller sites in the region such as Hamadab, Awlib, Abu Erteila, Mutmir, and el-Sour also became the focus of archaeo­logical fieldwork over the past two decades.3

The Hamadab Survey Project The Hamadab Archaeo­logical Mission launched fieldwork in 2013, focusing on the natural and cultural landscape of the southern Meroe region within a research area covering diverse morpho­logical units and ecozones over an 8-km broad stretch between Meroe and the Wadi el-Hawad.4 The main objective of the archaeo­logical survey was to record hitherto unknown and only cursorily documented archaeo­ logical sites.5 It was prepared on a set of survey maps based on satellite data, aerial photo­graphs, and previous carto­graphical records. The map set was complemented by airborne photogrammetry and digital elevation models of specific sections of the research area. A field reconnaissance was carried out by systematic field-walking in 500 × 500 m squares. Identified sites were numbered following Hinkel’s (1977) designation system and recorded by surface observation without excavation, and selected sites were documented by airborne photogrammetry. Fieldwork comprised preliminary studies of regional sedimento­logy and geomorpho­ logy, a survey of present-day eco­logy and land use, as well as an ethno­graphic study. These were complemented by core drillings and geophysical surveying at specific sites.6

3 For these excavations, see, for example, Wolf and others 2019, 732–39; Lebedev 2019, 29, 36, 38. For el-Sour, see Sadig 2015, 399–403. 4 A preliminary evaluation of the study area was already carried out by Baldur and Katharina Gabriel during the 2003 season of the Hamadab project. 5 Known sites, such as Meroe and the iron slag heaps, Cemeteries 100–599 and the ‘Sun Temple’ (M250) east of the town, as well as the royal cemeteries of Begrawiya and the sites of Hamadab, Awlib, and Abu Erteila, were deliberately excluded from the reconnaissance. In the northern part of the research area the project closely cooperates with the QMPS archaeo­logical survey for the UNESCO World Heritage site ‘Island of Meroe’. 6 The data is kept in the German Archaeo­logical Institute, Berlin. For preliminary reports, see Wolf 2015, 121–31; Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 110–20; and Wolf and others 2015.

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Figure 7.2. Geo­logical map of the Shendi–Atbara Basin. Map: R. Bussert 2019, modified after Robertson Research 1988.

Geomorpho­logical and Eco­logical Setting of the Meroe Region Many aspects of human occupation in central Sudan during the African Iron Age are associated with the landscape of the Western Butana, the heartland of the Meroitic Kingdom and the north-western part of the ‘Island of Meroe’ (Wolf and Nowotnick 2021). This landscape is located in the so-called Shendi–Atbara Basin, spanning the region between the watershed near the Sixth Cataract and the confluence of the Atbara and Nile Rivers (Fig. 7.2) (Bussert 2018, 13 and fig. 1). This rift basin is of Cretaceous and Tertiary age, the result of an east–west running ‘half graben’ through Late Precambrian granites and gneisses.7 A major fault-line corresponds roughly to the course of the River Atbara. The basin is filled by sandstone sediments of the so-called ‘Shendi Formation’ formed in alluvial-to-shallow marine environments during the Late Cretaceous (Bussert 2018, 15; Bussert and others 2019, 29–30), and by Quaternary sediments. The ‘Shendi Formation’ sediments dominate the

7 These prevail to its north and south, and also form the Fifth and Sixth Cataracts.

landscape in the basin with 30–50 m-high buttes and mesas (jebel, jubal) in several places. The largest outcrop of this kind is the impressive plateau that encircles the Meroe region to the north and east. The Meroe region itself is dominated by Late Quaternary landforms: the terrain south of the outcrop has formed since the Middle Pleistocene, when the drainage systems of the Atbara and Blue Nile (and most likely also of major wadis such as the Wadi el-Hawad) developed (Said 1981, 104), and the river has reworked the Nile basin west of these mountains since the Late Pleistocene. Riverine occupation in the Shendi–Atbara Basin has always been more developed along the east bank of the Nile rather than the west one (e.g., Edwards 1989, 60–78, 127–29; Wolf and others 2019, 729–42). For example, larger Kushite sites, in particular those with an urban character and monumental architecture such as Dangeil, Gadu, Meroe, Hamadab, el-Hassa, Muweis, and Wad ben Naqa, are known exclusively from the river’s east bank in this region and this is not because archaeo­logical research has concentrated on the east side. Rather, it is mainly due to the course of the Nile in the Shendi–Atbara Basin and the resulting morpho­logy of its floodplain. Entering the basin roughly 40 km downstream of the Sixth Cataract,

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Figure 7.3. Downstream shift of lateral and side-bars in the Nile’s riverbed between Meroe and Kabushiya since 1961: a) 1961 (aerial image 831 056–060; Khartoum Survey Department, 5.11.1961); b) 1984 (aerial image AC23 053–059; Khartoum Survey Department, 22.6.1984); c) 2010 (satellite image: Google Earth 2.12.2010). Figure: compiled by N. Salamanek 2014.

the Nile initially turns south-east, but then executes a wide backward bend that starts at the first larger Meroitic site a few kilometres further downstream, namely, Wad ben Naqa, and continues until the Berber-Abidiya reach (see Figs 7.1–7.2). This bend resulted in steep terraced banks on the eastern riverside and shallow side-bars up to 3 km-wide along the west bank. As the western side-bars are flooded widely during the annual Nile inundation, flood-­ secure occupation places are at quite a distance from the streambed, which impedes water supply after the floods retreat and during the winter months. They therefore provide perfect farmland but not favourable locations for larger and permanent settlements. The side- and middle-channel bars (‘Nile islands’) within the riverbed are, for the most part, flooded during the inundation, and the Nile’s vigorous sinuous courses, which flow at high velocity, lead to their constant relocation (Fig. 7.3) (Wolf 2015, 124–25; Wolf and others 2015, 262–73). This so-called gezira

land traditionally constitutes areas with high agricultural potential (Ahmed 1984, 89; Hewison 1948, 740), but the evolution of larger settlements here is impossible. Instead, the only places favourable for sedentary occupation are the higher terraces along the steep east bank, which offer elevated flood-proof locations in the vicinity of the riverbed. An arid-to-seasonally-humid subtropical climate with a predominant dry season now prevails in the Western Butana, with temperatures sometimes peaking as high as 45–50°C between the end of March and October, and an average 70–100 mm annual precipitation, with more than 95% of the rainfall occurring between July and September (Akhtar 1990, 11–31; Akhtar-Schuster 1995, 12–25; Scheibner 2017, 48). The landscape in the Shendi–Atbara Basin beyond the Nile valley is therefore characterized by desert to semi-desert dry and thorn-shrub savannahs (AkhtarSchuster 1995, 12–25; Scheibner 2017, 38–39).

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Figure 7.4. Landscape units and sediments in the Meroe region. Figure: © Hamadab project; map: C. Weiß, N. Salamanek, and P. Wolf 2014–2019.

Figure 7.5. Floodplain between Hamadab and the Wadi el-Hawad, view south-west from the Hamadab site: a) present high-flood riverbank and settlements; b) ‘natural’ levée between riverbank and the Hamadab site; c) ‘upper’ river terrace (seluka land); d) ‘natural’ levée with South Mound of Hamadab; e) ‘lower’ river terrace (gerif land); f) mid-channel bar (gezira land); g) ‘natural’ levée with North Mound of Hamadab. Figure: © Hamadab project; photo: F. Stremke 2019.

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The Landscape and Natural Resources of the Meroe Region The landscape of the Meroe region can be subdivided into four major morpho­logical units and corresponding environmental zones, the morpho­logy and natural resources of which contributed to the development of human occupation in the region (Fig. 7.4):8 1. the riverbed of the present Nile and its Holocene floodplain; 2. the adjoining lowlands, constituting a peneplain resulting from protracted erosion and sedimentation processes of the Late Quaternary Nile, and a pediplain in front of the sandstone plateau; 3. the Late Cretaceous sandstone plateau and its escarpments; 4. the lower reach of the Wadi el-Hawad. The Nile and its Floodplain

The ever-present threat of fluvial erosion is a serious disadvantage to settlement along the cut bank of a river. In the Meroe region, however, the location of Kushite settlements, such as Meroe and Hamadab, indicates that the Nile has followed its present streambed for several millennia. Both the resistance of the east bank to fluvial erosion and the locations of riverine settlements can be explained by the alternating processes of erosion and re-deposition of the Late Quaternary Nile. Core drillings in several places of the floodplain around the Hamadab site encountered coarse gravel and sub-rounded quartz pebbles up to 5 cm in size within a fine-grained sediment matrix at a depth of 3–6 m, often associated with a relatively high concentration of nodular carbonates (calcretes). In some places, they are overlain by a layer of sandy deposits 30–40 cm thick. Comparable sediments in the Upper Nubian Nile valley and along the Fourth Cataract were deposited by a Late Pleistocene Nile with high bed load and high-energy channel flow (see Marks and others 1968; Pflaumbaum 1987, 62–63 and fig. 15; as well as Ritter

8 The following outline of the morpho­logy, sedimento­logy and eco­logy of the regional landscape units is based on preliminary evaluation of the regional sedimento­logy (Weiß 2014; Weiß 2015), an eco­logical survey (Malterer 2014), a survey of the floodplain morpho­logy in the region, as well as about 50 core drillings executed in 2015 and 2018. See also the preliminary reports (Wolf 2015; Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014; Wolf and others 2015). See Gabriel 1997 for the landscape of the Keraba in the Western Butana.

Figure 7.6. ‘Natural’ levées in the area of Hamadab, marked by dots. © Hamadab project; map: R. Schomacker 2015; satellite data: Google Earth 2.12.2014.

2012, 88–89 for the so-called ‘Goshabi Formation’; and Williams 2019, 202, 205–06 for the Kerma Basin). In the Meroe region, these carbonate-rich sediments are locally called sara and protrude up to the surface 600–800 m east of the present streambed at Hamadab, where they constitute a stable riverbank (Figs 7.5, 7.23). After the Early Holocene wet phase, the Nile’s hydro­logy became increasingly seasonal, with reduced discharge and load resulting in the contraction and incision of the floodplain. This must have caused most Early Holocene sediment deposits to erode, but the Nile apparently was unable to remove the Late Pleistocene gravels and river pebbles by side erosion. The present floodplain is filled by several metrethick sediments of silt, clay, and fine sand with a rather low carbonate content. In the Hamadab site area, these deposits form two alluvial terraces west of the Pleistocene riverbank (see Fig. 7.5). Large parts are laterally eroded, but still clearly marked by so-called ‘natural’ levées (Fig. 7.6). These wedgeshaped landforms evolve through the deposition of fine-grained sediments along the edges of riverbank terraces during flooding (e.g., Brown 1997, 98 and 108–11; Wolf 2015, 126–27; Wolf and others 2015, 267–73). In the region, they are easily recognizable by ‘gallery forests’ of Acacia nilotica, seyal, albida, and Tamarix nilotica communities (see Malterer in

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Figure 7.7. Natural vegetation in the southern Meroe region. Figure: © Hamadab project; map: A. Malterer and N. Salamanek 2014.

Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 115). Bushes and grasses evolve at such locations shortly after the floods retreat, stabilizing the ground and catching additional silt and sand, with the result that large dune bodies build up capable of withstanding the annual Nile floods. Of little use for agriculture themselves, but being surrounded by inundated fertile land, these dune bodies represent elevated, floodsafe places for occupation in immediate proximity to water. The fundamental role of ‘natural’ levées for occupation in the Meroe region is illustrated by the fact that all riverine settlements are located on levées and their dune bodies. The floodplain provides the most important resource for regional agriculture and economy. The

150–250 m-wide ‘lower’ river terrace west of Hamadab represents fertile gerif land (see Fig. 7.5). In traditional agriculture, millet types such as pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum), corn, wheat, barley, and beans are grown on such farmland, utilizing residual moisture after the Nile floods recede (Hewison 1948, 745–46, here subsumed under seluka land; see also Ahmed 1984, 90, 97–98). Preliminary analyses of paleobotanical samples from Hamadab illustrate that sorghum and millets, such as Pennisetum glaucum and Setaria sp., were among the most common cereals in Meroitic times, while wheat and barley were consumed at Meroe in the earlier Kushite periods (Fuller and Gonzalez Carretero 2018, 116; see Fuller 2014, 167–68, 170–72). The 300 m-wide

7. t he nat u ral and cu lt u ral land scape o f t he me ro e region 12 5

Figure 7.8. Peneplain between Meroe and the Wadi el-Hawad, view south-west from the Begrawiya West cemetery: a) pediplain east of the tarmac road; b) alluvial terraces (sandy-to-gravely sediments, calcretes); c) high-flood riverbank and settlements; d) recent floodplain; e) Wadi Hadjala; f) temple M250 and hafir; g) the Begrawiya West cemetery. Figure: © QMPS; photo: F. Stremke 2019.

floodplain east of the Hamadab site is locally called seluka land due to its location farther from the Nile bed and alongside the present villages (Mohammed Ahmed, pers. comm., 2019; see also Ahmed 1984, 90) (see Fig. 7.5). It forms a shallow basin filled by several metre-thick horizons of clay and silt between the levée that constitutes the ground of Hamadab to the west, and the Pleistocene riverbank with the present villages to the east. Apart from being a perfect settlement location, natural levées facilitate ‘basin cultivation’ (Ahmed 1984, 90–91; Allan and Smith 1948; Hewison 1948, 743–44), since they retain water and fertile Nile silts after the floods retreat and additionally channel local wadi discharge parallel to the riverbed. This likewise prolongs irrigation time and allows for substitute irrigation in years of low Nile floods (see Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 118 and fig. 10).9 In addition, their gentle slope away from the river facilitates controlled farmland irrigation, as water lifted onto their crests naturally flows down

9 In summer, the site of Hamadab becomes an island encircled by the Nile to the west and the outflow of the Wadi el-Hawad to the east even before the Nile flood reaches its peak (own observation and personal communication from local inhabitants in 2014).

along irrigation channels into the fields. Basin cultivation on so-called nagda land allows for superior yields than on gerif land, especially for traditional crops like dura, Dolichos lablab, and chickpea (Cicer arietinum), but it needs a higher input from an organized workforce in order to dig irrigation and drainage channels, retaining dams, and earth banks (Ahmed 1984, 90–91; Hewison 1948, 743–44). In the nineteenth century, several places along the west bank opposite the Meroe region and upstream as far as the Sixth Cataract practised basin cultivation (Allan and Smith 1948, 623–27 and fig. 250; see Ahmed 1984, 90–91). Due to the regional floodplain morpho­logy, saqia land that traditionally involved arduous irrigation by shaduf and/or saqia for agricultural use apparently played no significant role in the region, but places for earlier saqia use are known, for example at the present riverbank west of the Hamadab site (Mohammed Ahmed, pers. comm., 2019). Supported by mechanical pumps and a network of irrigation channels, modern agriculture in the region permits large-scale, market-orientated farming of onions, beans, millet, wheat, corn, potatoes, and alfalfa, as well as millet and cowpeas, together with sheep and goat herding (Malterer in Wolf, Nowotnick

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Figure 7.9. Pediplain in front of the sandstone plateau; view west from Jebel Qudeim, building 4-F-1 in the foreground. Figure: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab 2014.

The Lowlands

Geomorpho­logically, the lowlands constitute two glacis terraces: an approximately 2 km-wide peneplain adjoining the present Holocene floodplain, which probably developed since the Late Pleistocene, and a pediplain farther east, in front of the sandstone plateau (Figs 7.8 and 7.9). The peneplain is characterized by relatively even alluvial terraces of sandy to gravely sediments with varying silt and clay contents and a widespread concentration of nodular calcretes, mostly covered by a serir-like stratum of medium-to-coarse gravel. ‘Abandoned natural levées’ along the western edge of these terraces are occupied by the settlements of Kabushiya, Hamadab, and Begrawiya, where traditionally dug water wells reach stratum water at a depth of about 6–8 m below ground level. The settlements are increasingly affected by active sand dunes due to current desertification in the region. Calcrete-rich deposits and duricrusts reminiscent of Early Holocene Nile sediments10 have been

and Wöß 2014, 115–16). Farming and the exploitation of basic resources such as clay for traditional construction and pottery production were undoubtedly the main forms of past land use in the floodplain. In addition, natural vegetation provided important commodities (see Fig. 7.7): Acacia nilotica sp. constituted a major fuel for Kushite pyrotechnical ‘industries’ (Humphris and Eichhorn 2019) and provided fodder for livestock, timber for construction, tannin for leather production, and gum arabic (von Maydell 1990, 123–26). In the first half of the twentieth century, acacia forests cultivated on ‘basin land’ in the Shendi region produced fuel for steam pumps (Hewison 1948, 758) and certain woodland management strategies conceivably existed already in the Kushite period (Humphris and Eichhorn 2019, 50). Natural vegetation in the floodplain, especially the long-living species such as Acacia nilotica, Ziziphus spina-christi, and Capparis decidua, have, however, been largely superseded in recent decades by large- 10 The so-called ‘Girra Formation’ in Upper Nubia and the Fourth Cata­ract; see Pflaumbaum 1987, 62–63 and fig. 15; Ritter 2012, 88–89. scale farmlands.

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Figure 7.10. The sandstone plateau ( Jebel Hadjala) with stone quarries 4-F-4 and 4-F-5. Figure: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab 2013.

observed at higher locations beside the recent floodplain at the mouth of the Wadi el-Hawad and Wadi Hadjala, and some 40–60 m west of the present tarmac road (see Fig. 7.4), where they testify to the limits of the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene Nile floodplain. The terrain farther east is more characteristic of a pediplain, and features undulating reg surfaces with round-weathered, mostly black-patinated sandstone detritus and heterogeneous colluvial deposits that cover the regolith and protruding ferruginous sandstone ridges of the subsurface bedrock (see Fig. 7.9). Stabilized fossil dunes, probably of Late Pleistocene age, with medium-to-fine quartz sands sometimes covered by gravels and a thin grass vegetation, overlay the south-facing hillslopes of these ridges and the foothills of the sandstone plateau, while active dunes increasingly cause serious damage to archaeo­logical remains (Munro and others 2012; Riedel and others 2016, 71–73). Relics of fossil soils are limited to basin-like landforms, such as the valley between the Begrawiya North and South cemeteries. Here, the remains of a consolidated sandy-loamy reddish-brown paleo-soil, over 1 m thick and with the prismatic structure of backfilled dry cracks, are preserved in several places. It is presumably a laterally capped nitisol or a ferralic arenosol that could originate in the Middle Pleistocene (see Schmidt 1998). Local wadis cut across the lowland in several places. The terrain between Meroe and the western spurs of the sandstone plateau forms an east–west running watershed between the Wadi Hadjala and Wadi Tarabil, constituting firm ground for the royal pyramid cemeteries of Begrawiya North, South, and West. 11

Natural vegetation is rather sparse in this desert to semi-desert landscape unit (see Figs 7.7–7.9). Wadi beds and other depressions are covered by pasture grass (Panicum turgidum) after the rainy season, while longer-living plant species consist predominantly of thorn trees and low bushes of Acacia tortilis ssp. raddiana, Maerua crassifolia, and Balanites Aegyptiaca, as well as shrubs such as Calotropis procera, Citrullus colocynthis, Aerva persiva, Cassia senna and Fagonica cretica (see Malterer in Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 115). Breeding of small domestic animals like goat and sheep is limited to the local wadis with their pasture grass and acacia scrublands, which also provide limited fuel for cooking and heating. This eco­logically rather unfavourable landscape unit was always a transit area and constituted the region’s main burial ground during the Kushite period. However, construction of artificial water basins (hafa’ir) in the local wadis has also enabled limited urban, sacral, and probably also agricultural projects here, and the Quaternary alluvia represented an immense resource deposit for construction materials: their sand and gravel sediments are perfect aggregates for plaster and mortar. Even today, calcrete-bearing clays remain a preferred construction material in the region, and calcretes are traditionally used for limewashing building walls.11 Crushed marble particles in analysed Meroitic lime plasters (Hinkel and others 1985) indicate lime was generally imported from the el-Damer/Atbara region, but the local calcrete-duricrusts could also have been used as a secThe so-called ‘Omdurman lime’ (Whiteman 1971, 255).

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Figure 7.11. Sandstone quarry 4-F-8 at Jebel Abu Sha’ar, east of the Begrawiya North and South cemeteries. Figure: © QMPS; photo: P. Wolf 2016.

ondary source for burning lime.12 Coarse-grained sands from aeolian dunes have been found as a street surface in front of the Meroitic temple at Hamadab, and coarse sand collected in the lowlands is still used for screeds on mud floors in the living rooms of traditional dwellings. Wadi clays were also used to manufacture specific Meroitic pottery wares (Wolf, Nowotnick, and Hof 2014, 730–33). The Sandstone Plateau

The plateau’s high mesas and buttes, which stand up to 50 m in height, consist of fine- to medium-grained quartzose sandstones and kaolinitic mudstones (Figs 7.10–7.11). They are topped by a flat, roughly dissected planation surface, the so-called ‘Shendi’ or ‘Shendi-Togni’ surface (Berry and Whiteman 1968, 23–27; Bussert and others 2019, 30), typified by steep 12 These duricrusts are generally usable for lime-burning but depending on their calcium carbonate content and the presence of impurities, they are usually a less productive resource for quicklime production (see Gallala and others 2008).

and deeply cut canyons, gorges, and erosion gullies that drain into local wadis. The ‘Shendi-Togni’ surface consists of black-patinated, iron oxide-rich sandstone bands and their detritus in the form of hammada and serir plains. The hillslopes are covered by sand dunes, colluvial slope debris, and large boulders, indicative of heavy landslides during the Early Holocene or an earlier wet phase. Due to the generally friable character of the sandstone, virtually no escarpments are useful for rock drawings (see Gabriel 1997, 25 for similar evidence in the Keraba further south). As the plateau lacks any vegetation other than occasional hassocks in depressions and gullies, it is hardly favourable for agriculture or animal husbandry, but it nonetheless provides many important resources. Ferruginous sandstone from the mountains was the major raw material for Middle and Late Palaeolithic tools. Mesolithic, Neolithic, and later tool industries used Hudi chert clasts and quartz pebbles of the iron-cemented ‘Wadi Awatib Conglomerates’ that overlay the Shendi Formation sediments in various places (Fig. 7.12) (Bussert and others 2018). These conglomerates also provided granite and gneiss for grinding implements, mace heads, hammerstones, and other hard-stone tools found in many sites in the region. Numerous quar-

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Figure 7.12. ‘Wadi Awatib Conglomerates’ overlie the sandstone plateau in many places. Photo: R. Bussert.

ries testify to exploitation of sandstone and ferricrete for monumental Kushite architecture and art (Cech and others 2018). Iron accumulations in the upper horizon of the Shendi Formation sediments, particularly ferricrete and eolithic ironstone beds, were the preferred ore sources for iron production (Fig. 7.13) (Humphris and others 2018, 15–16; Bussert and others 2019). Kaolinitic mudstone was used for Meroitic fine ware ceramics and as a white pigment (Fig. 7.14), while iron oxides in the sandstone provided red and yellow pigments (see Gabriel 1997, 25). The Wadi el-Hawad

The Wadi el-Hawad catchment area reaches far into the central Butana in the ‘Island of Meroe’.13 Solid large pebble deposits in its lower bed indicate a dynamic discharge with high-energy channel flow during its formation in the Mid-Pleistocene, and it must still have been a perennial river during the Early Holocene (Bussert 2018, 16; Said 1981, 104). When it became a non-perennial stream after the Early Holocene wet phase, in contrast with other large wadis in the Western Butana — strikingly so, given its huge catchment area — it developed a distinctly reduced, low-energy discharge that protects the lower wadi reach from heavy floods and erosion, and causes the deposition of fine-grained alluvial sediments and the development of vertisols (Akhtar 1990, 87–90, 99–100, 103, 105; AkhtarSchuster 1995, 75–76, 79; see Schmidt 1998, 69–70). This phenomenon has been explained by blockage of the drainage lines in the wadi’s middle reach by sand dunes accumulating in the lee of the massive 13 It has the largest catchment area of all non-perennial streams in the Butana.

Figure 7.13. Debris of the ‘Shendi-Togni’ surface at iron-ore mining area 4-F-74. Figure: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab 2015.

sandstone plateau (Akhtar 1990, 87; Akhtar-Schuster 1995, 75–76). From a geomorpho­logical point of view, however, sand dunes can hardly block water streams, as they easily erode, and the highly permeable nature of sand usually leads to dam breakage (R. Schomacker, pers. comm., 2019; see also Schomacker 2014, 147–48). The generally low-relief wadi gradient, and a large basin-like depression of about 15 km in diameter around Basa, are probably responsible for the wadi’s low-energy discharge and braided floodplain in its middle and lower reaches. In addition, ironstone crusts in the sandstone plateau’s foothills between Jebel el-Tarabel and the Jubal el-Dayqa/Kereiba complex — located respectively north and south of the wadi — form a shallow barrier or terrace that may likewise lower the speed of the wadi flow (see Figs 7.1 and 7.4).

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Figure 7.14. Lenses of kaolinitic mudstone intercalated into fine-grained sandstones with ferribands (sandstone plateau near Umm Ali). Photo: R. Bussert.

These morpho­logical features affected the wadi course and caused favourable occupation and landuse conditions in its middle and lower reaches from the Early Holocene: settlement along the wadi banks from Mesolithic times, the development of the Kushite sites of Awlib and Abu Erteila near to the wadi, and the establishment of a large, artificial water basin (hafir) in the lower wadi bed between them (see Fig. 7.27, below). An even more important impact on past and present agriculture, which probably resulted from these morpho­l ogical features, is a relatively high discharge percolation into the wadi alluvium. These high-stratum water levels permitted the large-scale cultivation of summer crops from as early as the Meroitic period, based on ground moisture in the Basa basin (see Fig. 7.1) (Ahmed 1984, 29–31; Akhtar 1990, 93–96; Hintze 1959, 178). The braided wadi bed, up to 2.5 km-wide in many places, is now almost completely occupied

by farmland far into the wadi’s upper reach near Jebel Qeili. In addition, aeolian sediments deposited in the northern wadi mouth have formed a fertile basin in its southern part (Akhtar 1990, 97 and fig. 31b, 105–06; Akhtar-Schuster 1995, 79), where millet and sorghum are cultivated based on discharge from the wadi and on the Nile floods that still sometimes reach the Kushite hafir (local inhabitants, pers. comm., 2015). Finally, the high ground moisture is a favourable factor for natural growth of high-quality forage plants such as Acacia tortilis and Balanites Aegyptiaca, in addition to Heliotropium sp., Aerva Javanica, and Citrullus colocynthis, as well as Aristida and other grasses (Akhtar 1990, 92, 95–96). It is not improbable that Acacia nilotica species also grew in this environment in more humid periods (cf. Neumann 1989, 132–34, 140–41). The Wadi el-Hawad therefore plays an outstanding role in regional agriculture and animal husbandry, and its significance in antiquity should not be underestimated.

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Summary of the Archaeo­logical Reconnaissance The archaeo­logical survey carried out in these landscape units recorded 228 findspots associated with funerary and occupation sites, as well as activity zones like mining sites and temporary settlements (Fig. 7.15).14 Many sites appear to be multi-period but dating without excavation is problematic, especially as surface finds, such as pottery and lithics, are generally rare. Based as far as possible on surface features, site dates or reasonably assumed dates 14 See the preliminary reports in Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 110–15, and Wolf 2015, 121–24. Roughly 100 of these sites, partly known from former surveys, were already inventoried by F. Hinkel. About 7.5 km2 in the central area of the lowlands are still to be surveyed.

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Figure 7.15. Preliminary map of archaeo­logical sites recorded by the Hamadab and QMPS surveys in the southern Meroe region (site symbols according to preliminary site types; blue line — research area of Hamadab survey; grey area not yet surveyed). Figure: © Hamadab and QMPS projects; satellite data: Google Earth, 2.12.2014.

are Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic, Napatan, Meroitic, and post-Meroitic. Protohistoric (that is, third–second millennia bc) and mediaeval sites are remarkably under-represented. Features on the few prehistoric sites are limited to artefact scatters because the original surfaces of these sites were probably at a higher level but have been eroded by fluvial, aeolian, and anthropic erosion processes. Individual flakes at two lowland sites (Sites 3-J-1219 and 3-J-1254), which have otherwise been dated later, can be assigned to the Middle

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Figure 7.16. Smashed Meroitic pottery at Site 4-F-58 on top of Jebel Qudeim. Image: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab, 2015.

Figure 7.17. Gravel tumulus in the peneplain (Site 3-J-1250, village of El-Dahwab / Kabushiya). Image: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab, 2015.

and Late Palaeolithic industries.15 Four sites with rather substantial Mesolithic, and sometimes also Neolithic, pottery and stone artefact surface scatters were recorded on the banks of the Wadi el-Hawad (3-O-411 and 3-O-415, as well as Site 3-N-18 on the south bank, and 3-O-418 on the north bank). The potsherds identified have an inorganic temper (mica, lime, and quartz sand), relatively thick walls, coarse surfaces, and a variety of wavy line, dotted, and rocker stamp decoration (see Wolf 2015, 123–24 and pl. 10). Lithic material from these sites comprises small quartz flakes, cores, and various blade and scraper types, as well as occasional finds of other stones including Hudi chert and jasper. Two smaller sites (3-O-430 and 4-F-48) with a few Mesolithic but probably also Neolithic artefacts were recorded on flat hillocks in the terrain between the wadi and the 15 Attribution of the sites mentioned here and below to specific prehistoric periods is based on preliminary analysis of the pottery and lithics by Donatella Usai, for which the present author is grateful.

sandstone plateau. Only one site (3-N-18), which has a substantial scatter of Mesolithic and later potsherds, was located near to the Nile.16 Apart from known Kushite settlements and sacral centres such as Meroe, Hamadab, Awlib, and Abu Erteila, very few sites have revealed structural remains or larger artefact concentrations that are indicative of long-term occupation in the historic periods. Site 3-I-8 represents a more substantial habitation area of three hectares, possibly of Late Napatan date, in the floodplain midway between Meroe and Hamadab (Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 117).17 Half a dozen smaller, probably Meroitic sites occupied similar locations on sand dunes and the adjacent riverbank, with a concentration noted near to the mouth of the Wadi el-Hawad (e.g. Sites 3-N-7, 3-N-10, 3-N-11, 3-N 16 The site is located on an alluvial plain in the mouth of the wadi and it is very possible that these artefacts were merely dislocated by wadi discharge. 17 Larger amounts of Napatan potsherds were also observed at Goz Burra on the west bank of the Nile opposite Meroe.

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14,15,16, and 3-J-1117). A larger quantity of mediaeval pottery, including Alwa ware sherds, was recorded at Site 3-I-13 on the southern mound of Hamadab, where a substantial kom of fired-brick fragments marks subsurface structures that are also indicated in geophysical prospection.18 Settlement remains and smaller occupation places in the floodplain and on the riverbank are often obscured by current farming activity and settlement areas. In particular, the extension of agricultural activity over the past few decades could have destroyed many remains of earlier villages and farmsteads. Therefore, the number of occupation sites identified in these areas is very likely unrepresentative, and a considerably higher number of such sites must have existed in antiquity. The number of occupation sites drops significantly in the lowlands to the east of the present villages. The only exceptions are in wadis, including the north bank of the Wadi Hadjala with the ‘Sun Temple’ (M250) and the large artificial water basin (hafir), and their associated monuments, and the Awlib and Abu Erteila sites at the Wadi el-Hawad. Smaller occupation places recorded near both wadi beds yielded only insubstantial stone settings and/or gravel clusters associated with potsherds and grinding tools (e.g., Sites 3-J-1225, 3-J-1226, and 3-J-1228). A multi-roomed stone structure (4-F-1.1) near to the sandstone plateau at the foot of Jebel Qudeim is an exceptional monument that earlier surveys had assumed was related to Meroitic quarry activities (Hintze 1959, 176, no. 10; Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 115 and pl. 9). A number of sediment-filled depressions were recorded atop Jebel Tarabiya (e.g., Sites 4-F-67, 4-F68, 4-F-72, and 4-F-75). They are bordered by piled sandstone debris and resemble spots identified as Kushite iron-ore mining places on the plateau some 5 km farther north (Humphris and others 2018) (see Fig. 7.12). Larger scatters of broken wheel-made vessels noted on the Jebel el-Hadjes slopes (4-F-58, Fig. 7.16), not far from a number of looted tumuli with scattered bones (4-F-57), may represent a phenomenon comparable to pottery disposals on the Jebel Ardab and Jebel Mileha hillslopes (Lenoble 1992). The reconnaissance also observed more recent remains. A small settlement (4-F-35) with ruined stone structures comprising storage facilities, kitchens, and a number of waste dumps, was documented south of Jebel el-Hadjies. One former inhabitant stated that it was abandoned less than a decade ago. Some potsherds, however, also indicate earlier occu-

18 A clear association of the mediaeval pottery with these structures has not yet been confirmed.

pation. Other pre-modern-to-recent structures are circular and/or sub-rectangular ‘shelters’ made of gravel and small-sized stones, occasionally supplemented by jalous walls (3-J-1215 and 3-J-1229). They closely resemble features documented in the northern part of the region (Mallinson and others 1996, 24–26). Finally, a number of recent prayer zones, consisting of circular, oval, and rectangular stone settings with niches pointing north-east, were found in smaller wadi beds. Funerary sites are the most common feature in the area, with over 150 documented, ranging from isolated graves to larger cemeteries containing up to 160 graves. No clear indication of spatial concentration of the burial grounds can be noted. Generally avoiding the Nile’s floodplain and wadi beds, most cemeteries are located on gravel ridges and other slightly elevated positions, such as on the elevated banks of the Wadi el-Hawad and atop sandstone mountains and their foothills. A remarkable exception is the Meroitic to mediaeval cemetery on the South Mound of Hamadab (3-I-12); unusually, this is situated on a levée in the midst of the Holocene floodplain. Almost all recorded cemeteries comprise tumuli and/or cairns of varying scale. Sometimes several smaller graves cluster around one or more larger ones, possibly indicating a hierarchical or genealogic relationship. Construction materials and corresponding superstructure shapes relate to their surrounding geo­logy. In the peneplain, most graves are shallow dome-shaped mounds of Type FT08 (Borcowski and Welsby 2012), made of fine- to coarse-grained sediment, often with a substantial content of calcretes and usually covered by gravel of varying size (Fig. 7.17). Some cemeteries feature gravel tumuli with a flat top and a stone revetment, often with a slight depression in the centre filled with sand. In the pediplain near the sandstone mountains, the superstructures are usually cairns made of black-patinated stones that were collected from sandstone ridges and ferricrete crusts (Fig. 7.18). Cemeteries on top of the sandstone mountains and their foothills naturally contain a much larger amount of stone material, usually due to the presence of dome-shaped cairns constructed from stone (Fig. 7.19). Without excavation, diagnostic artefacts, or radiocarbon dating, it is largely impossible to determine the date or cultural affiliation of burials below grave monuments. The tumuli and cairns marking protohistoric through mediaeval graves are similar across the wider region (see Edwards 1998, 202–09; Lenoble 1987; Mallinson and Smith 2017, 1–10; Mallinson and others 1996, 8). One is inclined to assume that protohistoric burial places are concentrated along the plateaus and ridges of the sandstone mountains,

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Figure 7.18. Stone-covered tumulus in the pediplain east of the tarmac road (Site 3-J-1276 south of the QSAP com­pound). Image: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab, 2015.

Figure 7.19. Stone-built cairn on the sandstone plateau (Site 4-F-12 on top of Jebel Abu Sha’ar). Image: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab, 2015.

while Kushite and later cemeteries are located not far from the contemporary habitation sites in the lowlands. However, tested graves as at Jebel Makbor (Lenoble 1987) demonstrate that this assumption may be premature given the present stage of research. Notwithstanding the fact that only a few Meroitic burials north of Meroe (e.g., at Gabati) were covered by tumulus-like superstructures (Edwards 1998, 194–95), the significance of the region at that time

suggests that most cemeteries recorded in the lowlands, if not generally in the research area, are likely to date to the Meroitic period. In a large cemetery (3-J-1280/3-O-428) comprising over 160 tombs, fragments of a two-handled Napatan marl clay ‘amphora’ and other potsherds of this period were recovered from looted graves (Wolf 2015, 123 and fig. 6). Meroitic potsherds were also scattered around the cemetery, suggesting its use throughout the entire Kushite

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period. Cemeteries 4-F-64, located on top of Jebel Qudeim, and 4-F-2, in the foothills of Jebel el-Hadjes, could be dated to the protohistoric and mediaeval periods respectively (see below and Figs 7.21 and 7.28), but no cemeteries that clearly dated to the pre- and protohistoric and mediaeval periods were identified in the survey. Islamic cemeteries are located next to present-day villages.

Occupation and Land Use in the Meroe Region and its Transformation into a Cul­tural Landscape: Diachronic Outline Combining landscape and eco­logical studies carried out by the Hamadab project and the preliminary results of the reconnaissance together with the results of other regional surveys and excavations at various sites provides a basic outline of occupation and land use in the Meroe region. Prehistoric Occupation

Figure 7.20. Middle Paleolithic stone tools from the southern hillslope of the Begrawiya North cemetery. Image: © QMPS; photo: M. Sip, 2016.

haps semi-permanent lifestyle of hunter-­gatherers and fishers during this climate optimum.19 This is paralleled by Mesolithic sites recorded in riverine environments elsewhere along the Middle Nile valley and in central Sudan (e.g., Dittrich and others 2007; Edwards 2004, 26–31; Salvatori and Usai 2019, 178–82). The location of Sites 3-O-411, 3-O-415, 3-O418, and 3-N-18 suggests that Epipaleolithic occupation also preferred the banks of the Wadi el-Hawad (see Fernández and others 1997, 361–64 for the distribution of Mesolithic sites along the Wadi Soba and on the Blue Nile), which was most probably a slow-running perennial watercourse at that time (Bussert 2018, 16). Sites such as 3-O-415, which featured both Mesolithic and Neolithic lithics and pottery, indicate that the Neolithic population apparently utilized places occupied earlier. Settlement focus may have moved nearer to the Nile with the beginning of environmental desiccation and lower Nile levels in the Mid-Holocene, as evidenced by the Late Neolithic sites of el-Sour in the northern Meroe region and el-Kadada in the Shendi reach (Sadig 2015). The ridges and hillslopes of the sandstone plateau, rich in ferruginous sandstone, chert, and quartz pebbles, were used continuously for stone-tool production from the Palaeolithic onwards (see Smith in Mallinson and Smith 2017, 45–48 for lithics recorded north of Meroe). Mesolithic and Neolithic production areas are indicated by Sites 4-F-82 and 4-F-88, and by scatters of abundant tools and debitage, but the QMPS survey on and around the hillocks of Begrawiya North and South recorded no contemporary potsherds.

The singular flakes attributable to Middle and Late Palaeolithic industries identified at two sites (3-J-1219 and 3-J-1254, interestingly located on the shoreline of the Pleistocene floodplain), are hardly enough to characterize the Palaeolithic occupation in the region. However, the SARS survey also found a number of sites with Middle-to-Late Palaeolithic artefacts north of Meroe (Mallinson and others 1996, 1), and Middle Palaeolithic occupation has been attested by scatters of ferruginous sandstone blades and scrapers, denticulated flakes and cores in Levallois techno­logy recovered by the QMPS mission on the southern hillslope of the Begrawiya North cemetery (Riedel and others 2016, 68) (Fig. 7.20). A clear outline of the region’s later prehistory is also premature at this stage. In the Early Holocene wet phase, the riverbank presumably ran along the line of the present tarmac road, and certainly swamps, lakes, and muddy ponds characterized the Nile floodplain. Erosion of these sediments in the Mid- and Late Holocene could explain the absence of Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the peneplain further west. However, Mesolithic sites recovered by the SARS survey along the line of the road north of Meroe attest to an occupation along this riverbank (Mallinson and others 1996, 2). They also show that the environmental conditions in the river valley during the African Humid Phase (e.g., Kuper and Kröpelin 2006) were sufficiently safe and econom- 19 As has sometimes been assumed in relation to other areas, e.g., ically favourable to support a more sedentary, perKarberg and Lohwasser 2018, 43.

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Protohistoric Occupation

Figure 7.21. Cemetery 4-F-64 on top of Jebel Qudeim. © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab 2015.

New archaeo­logical observations from the Meroe region in the third–second millennia bc contribute to the discussion of the protohistoric period in central Sudan (e.g., Edwards 2004, 61–64). The survey found no distinct evidence of a settled protohistoric population in the form of occupation scatters, clearly dated tombs, or cemeteries. However, more general features such as grave size, tumulus type, and nucleated tomb clusters on sites like Cemeteries 4-F-2 and 4-F-64 (Fig. 7.21), located on the elevated plateaus of the Jubal Qudeim and el-Hadjes, are reminiscent of cemeteries dated to the Kerma period in the Fourth Cataract, the Bayuda (e.g., Paner 2014; Paner 2018, 293 [Site BP164]; Welsby 2010, I–III and pl. L.2 [Site 4-L-2]; Wolf and Nowotnick 2007, 30–31) and nucleated ‘Ridge Tumuli Period’ cemeteries in the Wadi Abu Dom dated to the Late Kerma and New Kingdom periods (Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 58 [Site 5174] and fig. 52). Sites 4-F-32–34, 4-F-63, 4-F-66, 4-F-69, 4-F-70, and 4-F-81, occupying prominent burial places atop single mountains and near to the edges of the plateau, could be dated to the

same period and thus suggest a funerary tradition on prominent ‘hill-top sites’ (Mallinson and others 1996, 6) comparable to those seen in the Fourth Cataract and the Wadi Abu Dom in the Bayuda (e.g., Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 56–59; Paner 2014; Paner 2018; Wolf and Nowotnick 2005, 187–89). Potsherds with decoration reminiscent of Kerma pottery from the region of the Fourth Cataract have been observed on the hilltop and slopes of the Begrawiya South cemetery (U. Nowotnick, pers. comm., 2015). Excavation of a cairn-shaped grave at Cemetery 4-F-94, located on an elevated foothill of Jebel Rassas some 100 m east of the Begrawiya North cemetery, revealed an oval grave pit; this contained an inhumation in contracted body position and on its right side, with its head to the west but devoid of any grave goods (Fig. 7.22) (Riedel and others 2016, 68). Radiocarbon dating of a long bone sample from the skeleton yielded dates burdened with a very broad error margin of 2402–549 cal. bc (3150 ± 340 bp; Poz–88136). Another tomb, broadly dated to the same period, was excavated in a Late/post-Meroitic-to-­

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mediaeval cemetery at Jebel Makbor, 6 km south of the Wadi el-Hawad (Lenoble 1987, 227–32 and 236–37, and figs 3, 8, 9, and 10). It contained a similar inhumation: a skeleton in contracted position on its right side and with head to west, without grave goods but associated with potsherds reminiscent of Kerma pottery. Three tombs, likewise associated with ceramics similar to Kerma and Pan-grave pottery, were excavated in a Late Meroitic-to-mediaeval cemetery near Dangeil (Anderson and others 2015, 89–90 and pl. 6). The deceased were buried in oval grave pits without grave goods, in crouched positions and on their right sides, with head turned to either east or west. One grave was radiocarbon-dated to the second half of the second millennium bc ( J. Anderson, pers. comm., 2019). Finally, a fireplace at the Umm Singid cemetery near Wadi el-Kenger in Khartoum province provided a radiocarbon date of 1520 bc (3220 bp) (Caneva 2002, 235). This evidence, albeit quite limited in scope, nonetheless indicates that a protohistoric population with ‘Sudanic’ features — at least in its pottery and funerary traditions — existed in the wider region of Meroe, a conclusion that finds further support in the presence of these cultural traits in the subsequent Kushite period. Climate-driven desiccation after the African Humid Period in the north constrained human habitation along the Nile in favour of a riverine agriculture-based subsistence economy, as in the Kerma Basin. However, the central Sudanese savannas still offered many opportunities for rainfed agriculture, as in the large basin landscapes around Basa at the Wadi el-Hawad, and it continued to constitute a habitat for hunters, gatherers and fishers, or groups in flexible agro-pastoral subsistence economies. Without climate-driven pressure towards the Nile valley, such groups may have continued to inhabit these wide savannah regions instead of concentrating in large riverine settlements and utilizing large cemeteries. The Emergence of a Cultural Landscape in the Kushite Period

Figure 7.22. Grave pit with skeleton in contracted position at Cemetery 4-F-94 on Jebel Rassas. © QMPS; photo: M. Sip, 2015.

the Middle Nile valley forced human occupation to concentrate within a narrow reach along the Nile. Environmental conditions in the riverine central Sudan and Western Butana also approached present conditions, but these areas were (and still are) within the sub-Saharan rain belt (e.g., Gabriel 1996, 1997; Scheibner 2017, 51). Several indicators suggest a slightly more humid environment and more intact fauna than in pre-modern times, before the recent anthropically-induced desertification of this region (Ahmed 1984, 83; Ahmed 1999a, 294–95; Akhtar and Mensching 1993; Akhtar-Schuster 1995; Gabriel 1996; Gabriel 1997; Scheibner 2017, 54–56; Schmidt 1998). In addition, a period of high floods during an assumed wet phase around 2000 bp (Kröpelin 1999, 490; Macklin and others 2013, 697), during the early Kushite period, could mark a temporary reversal of the long-term aridification trend since the end of the Early Holocene wet phase. Considering these general environmental conditions and the above-mentioned relocation of the side- and mid-channel bars in the Nile’s riverbed, it is highly improbable that Meroe evolved on an unstable Nile island.20 Instead, its topo­graphy and

The earliest known structures recovered in Meroe date to the beginning of the first millennium bc (Grzymski 2005, 56–57; Grzymski and Grzymska 2008, 49; Shinnie and Anderson 2004, 85 and 364). By this time, climate-driven desiccation of the Eastern Sahara had almost reached present conditions and the Nile’s fluvial regime had stabilized to its current state (e.g., Kröpelin and others 2008; Macklin and others 2013). Meanwhile, environmental desiccation, 20 As assumed in Bradley 1982, 167–69. See Török and others 1997, drying Nile channels, and decreasing Nile floods in 23–25, and Ahmed 1999b.

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Figure 7.24. Aerial orthophoto­graph of temple M250 and the hafir in the Wadi Hadjala near Meroe. Image: © Hamadab project; photo: F. Stremke 2015.

Figure 7.23. Digital elevation model of the terrain between Meroe and Hamadab. Image: © Hamadab project; modelling and elevation data: F. Stremke 2016.

the morpho­logy of the surrounding floodplain, as well as sand deposits and calcrete-bearing sediments below the anthropic horizons at the ‘Royal Baths’ of Meroe, indicate that the ‘Royal City’ is located on a sand dune that developed upon a so-called ‘abandoned natural levée’ of the Late Pleistocene riverbank. In geomorpho­logical terms, this situation corresponds to the Late Pleistocene riverbank east of the Hamadab site 3.5 km upstream of Meroe (Fig. 7.23).21 Like the present-day Hamadab site, the 21 The presence of river-pebble deposits in trench TT 5 at line 79/80 (mentioned in Bradley 1982, 163–65; see also Grzymski 2005, 55) corresponds with the presence of similar pebble deposits of probably Late Pleistocene age on the riverbank beside the present-day village of Hamadab and indicates the edge of the Pleistocene riverbank. The sterile clay and silt sediments

early ‘Royal City’ may have been situated on a seasonal island originally formed by a ‘natural’ levée, engulfed by the Nile in the west and the outflow of the Wadi Hadjala in the east during the summer months (Grzymski 2005, 56; Wolf 2015, 127; Wolf and others 2015, 273). Its later convergence with the riverbank was very probably not determined geomorpho­ logically but resulted from urban expansion of the settlement in the first centuries bc /ad (see below). Extensive iron production developed opposite the settlement on the eastern palaeo-riverbank between Wadi Hadjala and Wadi Tarabil in the seventh to fourth centuries bc (Carey and others 2019; Humphris and Scheibner 2017), its resource supply in particular making it an optimal place for an ‘industrial’ area. It is situated only a short distance from the iron-ore mining places and quarries atop the sandstone plateau (Bussert and others 2018; Humphris and others 2018; smaller iron-ore mining spots are probably represented by Sites 4-F67, 4-F-68, 4-F-72, and 4-F-75 atop Jebel Tarabiya; encountered in the 50-line trench at Meroe, in the shallow basin between the riverbank and the ‘Royal City’, are probably not the result of silting-up of a westward shifting Nile, which is hardly conceivable due to the general course of the Nile in the region. Instead, they rather correspond to the fine-grained Holocene sediments between the riverbank and the levée at Hamadab, representing a mixture of wadi-sediments with Holocene highflood sediments of the Nile.

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see Cech and others 2018 for the stone quarries). Certainly, local transport of important commodities like iron ore, sandstone, and ironstone was facilitated by donkey carts passing on gravel tracks that crossed the shallow ridge, with the royal pyramid cemeteries between the two wadis. The preferred fuel for pyrotechnical crafts, Acacia nilotica (Humphris and Eichhorn, 2019), was available in the nearby floodplain. Carbonate-bearing clay and materials for kiln and furnace construction, as well as for mud-brick production for workshops, dwellings, and sanctuaries, was directly obtainable from the local sediment. In addition to iron production workshops, it can be assumed that pottery, brick, and charcoal furnaces, and possibly also lime kilns, as well as associated workshops, may have increasingly populated a developing ‘industrial landscape’ spanning this area and the North Mound of Meroe. The administration of the production was certainly based in the settlement of Meroe, located at a fair distance of just half a kilometre away, at the ‘shoreline’ of the fertile Holocene floodplain. The general locality of Meroe on the Nile and near to Wadi el-Hawad, reaching far into the savannah, near to tracks leading to the Red Sea coast, and opposite the river near the Bayuda tracks to the northern Kushite centres (e.g., Crowfoot 1911, 7; Karberg and Lohwasser 2018, 102–04; Lebedev 2019, 28–29; Shinnie 1991), was undoubtedly favourable for products and goods exchange, as well as for the supply of commodities not abundantly available in the region such as lime and salt from the el-Damer and Atbara areas and the Bayuda (ElMahi 2000; Fadlelmola 2018). Meroe’s economic success, which derived from the production of iron weapons, as well as agricultural and other equipment (Humphris and Scheibner 2017, 401–04; cf. also Sutton 2004) must have paved the way for population growth and the development of a complex state-level society that in turn led to the progressive transformation of the environment into a cultural landscape. From as early as the first half of the first millennium bc, richly equipped tombs at the Begrawiya South and West cemeteries testify to the emergence of a stratified population. Royal building activity is attested at Meroe from the second half of the seventh century bc including monumental temples, multi-storeyed palaces, and villas (Hinkel and Sievertsen 2002, 15–19, 33–37; Pope 2014, 5–33; Sievertsen 2003, 113–14). Satellite settlements such as Site 3-I-8 developed in the Nile floodplain. Tumulus cemeteries, like those at Sites 3-J-1280 and 3-O-428, created a wide funerary landscape in the lowlands. By the fourth century bc, the first pyramids began to appear in the Begrawiya South cemetery (Wolf and others 2018), while the increasing

exploitation of sandstone and ironstone quarries, together with iron ore, kaolin, and other mineral mines, transformed the sandstone plateau into an industrial landscape (see Figs 7.11–7.12 and 7.14–7.15). In the last centuries bc, Hellenization and urbanization in Ptolemaic Egypt also influenced the Kushite Kingdom. In the Meroitic period, Meroe underwent an urban transformation affecting both the entire region and lands beyond it. The ‘Royal City’ was restructured following a planned urban design with large building complexes and an orthogonal street system (Hinkel and Sievertsen 2002, 19–23, 40–44; Sievertsen 2003, 114–22; Török and others 1997, 33–38). The ultimate size of the entire city of Meroe is unknown, but evidence suggests that it would have totalled roughly 60 hectares, including the area of the modern Kejek and Daragab settlements. The central area was extended toward the east in the first centuries bc /ad by the construction of the Amun temple forecourt (M271) and establishment of a processional avenue with lateral shrines. These large-scale construction projects closed the inter-levée basin between the ‘Royal City’ and the riverbank in the east. Iron production at the riverbank site had terminated by about 200 bc, probably moving to the North Mound area (Carey and others 2019, 447; Humphris and Scheibner 2017) where pottery production and other crafts were also concentrated at this time (Shinnie and Anderson 2004, 73–79; Török and others 1997, 173–74). The former ‘industrial area’ was transformed into a sacral landscape by erecting shrines atop iron slag terraces, now banked up over the former production sites (Carey and others 2019, 447). This urban building programme extended 1.5 km into the lowlands with the establishment of a representative sacral complex on the bank of Wadi Hadjala, comprising the terraced peripteral temple (M250) inspired by Hellenistic and Egyptian architectural traditions, together with a number of palatial buildings, and a large artificial water basin (Hinkel 2001) (Fig. 7.24). The Begrawiya North, South, and West cemeteries developed into elaborate royal necropolises and became widely visible landmarks, while numerous tumulus cemeteries such as M100–599 populated the lowlands, and probably most tumulus cemeteries recorded by our survey in this landscape unit (see Fig. 7.25) (for Cemeteries M100–599 see Török and others 1997, 263–80; see also Mallinson and Smith 2017, 1–3; Mallinson and others 1996, 6–7 for the region to the north of Meroe, and Edwards 1998 for Gabati, as well as Lenoble 1987 for the Meroitic tombs at Jebel Makbor). The urban settlement of Hamadab, and probably other riverine settlements such as Gadu, emerged along the river valley. Hamadab, a

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Figure 7.25. The royal pyramid cemeteries of Begrawiya North and South. Image: © QMPS; photo: P. Wolf 2015.

brick-built satellite settlement located some 3.5 km from the ‘Royal City’ of Meroe, developed on a levée in the midst of the Holocene floodplain from the third century bc onwards. It was extended by an enclosed ‘Upper Town’ in the first century bc, with a planned layout and components influenced by Ptolemaic urban traditions (Fig. 7.26). Its prima facie unusual location may provide a clue to its original function. Comparable to the Ptolemaic urban settlements in the Fayum (Davoli 2011), for example, its specific floodplain location may have been selected to organize and administer agricultural and forestry works for the subsistence of a growing non-agrarian population. It may have supplied Meroe with fuel, timber, bricks, and other commodities by housing the necessary workforce and administration. As a self-contained settlement with a temple, a multi-storied tower building that housed the settlement’s administration, and its own cemetery (see Hof forthcoming; Wolf and others 2019, 736–38),22 it probably also commanded workshops for the production of pottery, iron tools, etc.23 Smaller sites of probably Meroitic date recorded at similar locations and near the mouth of the Wadi el-Hawad (e.g., Sites 3-N-7, 3-N-10, 3-N-11, 3-N-14–16, and 3-J-1117) may also have been involved in subsistence economy at that time.

Some kilometres beyond the Nile valley, the sacral and administrative centres of Abu Erteila and Awlib emerged on the bank of Wadi el-Hawad (Wolf and others 2019, 738–39; Lebedev 2019, 36–43). Their function is yet to be determined but their locations indicate association with a population closely linked to pastoral, farming, and hunting communities in the savannah hinterland and particularly in the fertile Wadi el-Hawad. It is likely that these sites were involved in the exchange of agricultural products, livestock, fuel, human resources (slaves) (see Ahmed 1999a, 302–04), and game animals with farmland, pasture, and hunting areas along the wadi and in the central and southern Butana, as well as in the rural centres of Basa and Umm Usuda. In their economic and exchange functions, they may thus be comparable to present-day Kabushiya and Kabushab. Large-scale water management systems established in connection with such hinterland sites likewise contributed to the cultural transformation of the region. A water basin (hafir) of approximately 180 m in diameter was established in the Wadi Hadjala next to the M250 temple complex near Meroe, while the other hafir in the wadi bed between Awlib and Abu Erteila had a diameter of 250 m (see Figs 7.24 and 7.27). These artificial basins constituted the largest Meroitic monuments in this region but, due to their shallow depth of 1–2 m, their storage capacities were quite limited (Hinkel 2015, 158–66 (3-J-256 and 3-O-3)).24 The function of these large basins remains speculative. Although farmland irrigation use is generally assumed, it is likely that they fulfilled

22 Cemetery 3-I-13 was located on a nearby levée, the ‘South Mound’ of Hamadab, representing the only regional cemetery so far recorded in the floodplain. 23 The pottery workshop and waste heaps with iron slag recorded 24 See also Wolf 2015, 128, pl 14–15 and fig. 11, for the hafir in the Wadi so far at Hamadab date to the Late and post-Meroitic periods Hadjala. Calibrated radiocarbon ages of five charcoal samples from of the settlement (Humphris and Scheibner 2017, 395–401, the earth-wall of the hafir date to the second century bc–second 403; Wolf, Nowotnick, and Hof 2014, 728–30). However, site century ad. The low mound of excavation material around the hafir magnetometry revealed further subsurface anomalies indicative in the Wadi el-Hawad and core drillings in 2018 indicate a shallow of earlier places of production. basin depth similar to the hafir in Wadi Hadjala.

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a variety of purposes (e.g., Reinecke in Hinkel 2015, 124–26; Scheibner 2014, 308–20). They initially provided building materials such as clay, sand, gravel, and calcretes and were certainly used to store water for construction work at sites such as the M250 temple complex, the royal cemetery of Begrawiya West, Awlib, and Abu Erteila. Thereafter, they may have served a role in settlement and temple water management, the watering of livestock, temple garden irrigation, and the controlled cultivation of cotton and other crops with specific irrigation needs.25 25 Cotton seeds found at Hamadab indicate it was grown in the region (Fuller and Gonzalez Carretero 2018, 116). The mature plants do not tolerate high water levels in the summer months

Figure 7.26. Plan of the Upper Town of Hamadab. Figure: © Hamadab project; plan: C. Hof 2019.

‘Urbanization’ also spread beyond the Meroe region with the development of central towns that had highly visible multi-storey palaces, monumental sanctuaries, and crowded habitation quarters. Settlements such as Wad ben Naqa, Muweis, and el-Hassa, which most likely housed large non-agrarian populations, must have interrelated with smaller

and therefore are unsuitable for cultivation in the floodplain, but could have been grown in the wadis of the region (Yvanez and Wozniak 2019, 12–13).

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Figure 7.27. Aerial orthophoto­graph of the hafir and the site of Awlib in the Wadi el-Hawad. Image: © Hamadab project; photo: F. Stremke 2015.

settlements and rural villages through a network of communication roads (Wolf and others 2019, 739–41, 751–56). The discovery of a large ‘industrial’ area with furnaces in Muweis indicates that largescale craft production also played a significant role in such ‘urban’ centres (Baud 2008, 53–55). This is supported by Pliny’s explicit mention of many artisans on the ‘Island of Meroe’ (Eide and others 1998, 884–88, no. 206). The royal palatial buildings of these ‘urban’ centres (Maillot 2016) must have served to redistribute agro-pastoral and craft products, and were also apparently involved in the kingdom’s long-distance exchange network. Finally, rural

centres in the Western Butana, such as Naga and Basa, also experienced a state-supported ‘urbanization’ (Wolf and others 2019, 742–47). In the second to third centuries ad, royal building activity and administration began to decline, indicating a growing deficit in the economic potential and political power of the central authority. This is well-illustrated by the abandonment of the enclosure wall of the ‘Royal City’ at Meroe and the loss of its monumental character, as well as the disrepair of temples and state-generated structures in urban settlements across the entire Meroitic heartland (Hinkel and Sievertsen 2002, 50–51 and 329–31; Lebedev 2019, 41–42; Sievertsen 2003, 122–23). However, the population in these settlements, at least at Hamadab, continued to grow. The ‘Upper Town’ of Hamadab expanded beyond its abandoned enclosure wall; its habitation quarters became denser and now featured multi-storeyed houses, while an increasingly irregular road system, together with the disrepair of the temple and the sacral installations in the main street, the town wall, and tower-house, indicates an imminent lack of central administration (Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 110; Wolf and others 2015, 117–18). Builders at this time now used drystone, red brick, and particularly unfired mud brick at Hamadab, reusing building material from earlier houses. The decline of state-supported construction activity in these settlements, in particular for monumental and sacral architecture, must have seriously affected stone-quarrying and quarry labour organization on the nearby sandstone plateaus. A decline in centrally organized supplies of commodities and products to urban settlements likely involved the emergence and/or extension of local workshops for pottery and faience production, ironmaking, and glass-working, with decentralized production modes providing the necessary goods for the settlement’s economic self-subsistence and exchange with other communities. This is indicated by a workshop area at Hamadab with several Late Meroitic pottery kilns beside the now-ruined ‘Upper Town’ enclosure wall; the site featured thick ash layers radiocarbon-dated to this period, with ‘production waste’ in the form of fragments of faience and raw glass, and evidence of ironworking in the suburbs (Humphris and Scheibner 2017, 395–401; Nowotnick and Wolf in Wolf and others 2011, 234–37; Wolf, Nowotnick, and Hof 2014, 728–30). The post-Meroitic and Mediaeval Periods

It is generally assumed that sub-Saharan climate and environmental factors only gradually evolved over the past two millennia (see above). A decreasing annual

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rainfall in the Western Butana over the first few cenlandscapes when he writes of the straw- and brickturies ad has been assumed (see Berking 2011, 93). built settlements of the Kasu and Noba that his For the mediaeval period, adjusted records of the troops attacked (Eide and others 1998, 1097–100). Nilometer on Rôda Island in Egypt show a sequence Ironworking, and thus probably other crafts, surof generally low Nile floods before the number of vived until the mid-sixth century ad (Humphris high Nile floods increased from the mid-thirteenth and Scheibner 2017, 395–401), representing decencentury ad onwards, particularly in the fourteenth tralized economies that were sufficient to sustain and fifteenth centuries when flood levels in Lower a smaller population. Necessary commodities like Nubia possibly even exceeded the average Meroitic iron ore were still procured from locations similar to levels (Adams 2005, 87; Said 1993, 155–69, esp. 166; earlier periods (Humphris and others 2018, 307) but Williams 2019, 31). changes in modes of production certainly affected An impoverishment of the population, abandonthe volume and methodo­logy of resource procurement of an urban lifestyle, and the gradual depopument. The smaller occupied places with insubstanlation of the Meroe region has been assumed for the tial stone settings and gravel clusters (e.g., 3-J-1225, post-Meroitic period, particularly given the proba3-J-1226, and 3-J-1228), recorded near the beds of ble political fragmentation of earlier Meroitic terrilocal wadis could date from this period, while eartories and a shift in power-centres southwards and lier urban settlements ultimately disappeared from to the west bank of the Nile (Edwards 2019, 947–51; the landscape by the mid-first millennium ad. Geus and Lenoble 1985; Lenoble 2004; Lenoble Larger mediaeval settlements and Christian 2018). The discontinuity in state-generated monmonuments have likewise not been identified. One umental architecture and Egyptianized burial traexception is possibly Cemetery 4-F-2, located on the ditions after the downfall of central authority in southern hillslope of Jebel el-Hadjes, which features the mid-fourth century ad particularly altered the elongated superstructures arranged in several rows, ‘urban’ aspects of the landscape. The multi-stoand rectangular grave pits orientated east–west, as rey palaces and monumental temple complexes at observed in three looted graves (Fig. 7.28). However, Meroe, Awlib, and Abu Erteila fell into ruin, and the mediaeval tumuli north of Meroe and graves that royal pyramid cemeteries also became increasingly date from the seventh to eleventh centuries ad at ruinous, although they remained largely intact until Gabati (Edwards 1998, 202–09; Mallinson and Smith their ‘discovery’ in the nineteenth century. The low2017, 1–10), the re-use of Awlib and Abu Erteila as lands probably felt the least change. It is impossible cemeteries in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries to determine the number of post-Meroitic tumuli ad (Borcowski and Paner 2005, 58; Lebedev and in the lowlands without excavation. However, in Reshetova 2017; see also Lenoble 1987 for the medicontrast to earlier estimates of a very high numaeval tumuli at Jebel Makbor), and a grave at the ber of post-Meroitic tumuli between the Fifth and South Mound of Hamadab26 all attest to a limited Sixth Cataracts, the relatively small percentage of but continuing occupation of earlier settlement sites post-Meroitic graves in ‘common’ cemeteries north throughout the mediaeval period.27 The Hamadab of Meroe and at Gabati suggest their number was population apparently re-settled in a more elevated instead rather limited in this area and most tumuli habitation place (3-I-13) on the South Mound, perin the region date from the Kushite period (Edwards haps during a period of higher Nile floods. The SARS 1989, 160–61; 1998; 2004, 187; Mallinson and Smith survey also recorded settlement remains of a rather 2017, 1–10; Mallinson and others 1996, 7–8; Török rural type (postholes of circular dwellings and rectanand others 1997, 264, 271). gular house structures made of collected stones) in No settlements have been identified that were the hinterland north of Meroe (Mallinson and Smith newly founded in this period, and indeed, it is 2017, 1–3, 19–20; Mallinson and others 1996, 8–9). unlikely that such exist. Instead, it is possible to The ‘explosion’ of urban settlement and burial identify a ‘squatter occupation’ that persisted at grounds, installation of large-scale water manageMeroe, Hamadab, and Abu Erteila, attested by postment systems, extensive agro-pastoral exploitation, Meroitic ceramics rather than distinct building strucand immense community demand for acacia fuel tures (Dittrich 2003; Lebedev 2019, 42; Malykh 2018; seem likely to have exceeded the limited regenerShinnie and Anderson 2004). At Hamadab, dwellings that were most likely made of jalus and/or light wooden materials replaced earlier urban structures, 26 Two wood samples from am excavated grave (Wolf 2015, 121) were radiocarbon-dated to 1447–1634 cal. ad (370 ± 30 bp and as evidenced by fireplaces and postholes that some365 ± 30 bp; Poz-88134 and Poz-88135). times cut into Late Meroitic walls. The Aksumite 27 It is also attested by many mediaeval graffiti at the royal pyramids of king Ezana may refer in his stela to such settlement Begrawiya North and South (Kleinitz in Riedel and others 2016, 65).

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Figure 7.28. Cemetery 4-F-2 at Jebel el-Hadjes. Image: © Hamadab project; photo: G. Raab and mapping: N. Salamanek 2015.

ation potential of the region and other productive Akhtar-Schuster 1995, 33–34). Degradation of the places in the eco­logically vulnerable savannahs of political, economic, and also eco­logical bases necesthe Western Butana. This may have had severe longsary to sustain a larger urban population could have term consequences for communities and their land led to larger population groups gradually shifting use that could not be compensated for by a succeedaway from the Meroe region during the post-Meroitic ing period of a more favourable climate — a process period, with a shift particularly to the eco­logically comparable to a certain degree with the recent, largely less-stressed territories farther south and on the anthropically-induced desertification in the Butana west bank of the Nile.28 Smaller population groups (Akhtar and Mensching 1993; Akhtar-Schuster 1995). remained, however, and gradually resumed the more Regional land degradation in the environs of Meroe mobile lifestyle of agro-pastoralists, predominantly and its savannah hinterland may also have fostered using the savannah hinterland without recreating the economic decline and ultimate collapse of the the riverine urban landscape of preceding periods. kingdom’s central administration. Urban communities have a certain delayed response to such forms of eco­logical degradation (usually by colonizing virgin territories), while flexible traditional forms of subsistence economy allow smaller groups to adapt 28 At a time when natural resources like sandstone and iron ore no longer played the important role of a millennium earlier. continuously to existing eco­logical potential (see

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Pre-modern and Recent Occupation

According to local tradition, agriculturalists from the Jaaliyin tribes reoccupied ‘a largely unpopulated’ Meroe region in the sixteenth century. The site of Hamadab, for example, was resettled by the extended family of one Hamad, who originally dwelt in circular non-permanent birish-huts (Weschenfelder in Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 118) and gave the site its present name of Domat el-Hamadab. The remains of several large galus round huts from a dispersed rural settlement (Fig. 7.29) were recovered overlying the south-western quarter of the former Late Meroitic town. The radiocarbon date of a fireplace from one hut aligns with the ethno­graphic record.29 Between the eighteenth and–mid-nineteenth centuries, the present settlements between Kabushiya and Begrawiya emerged on the higher (Pleistocene) river terrace, and the inhabitants of Domat el-Hamadab also resettled to the area of the present village of Hamadab after digging a well on the riverbank. Close contacts between this population and nomadic groups operating in the savannah hinterland (for example, the Fadniya, who lived in the lowland east of the present settlements) though intermarriage and other connections can also be assumed for the earlier periods. Some semi-permanent homesteads populated (and still populate) the wadi banks and elevated places near the plateau foothills, such as settlement 4-F-35. Together with stone shelters, jalous walls (e.g., at 3-J-1215 and 3-J-1229), and prayer zones defined by stones, they evince a rather scattered lowland occupation ongoing from pre-modern to recent times. Construction of the Atbara–Khartoum railway and the establishment of train stations at Kabushiya and Umm Ali by the British led to the introduction of bakeries, shops, and blacksmiths concentrating alongside the marketplaces of these new regional centres. The rather poor economic conditions in Sudan prevented industrial use of the Meroe region, but meanwhile agriculture, utilizing diesel pumps and larger irrigation channels, transformed virtually the entire Nile floodplain into farmland. The buckthorn shrub mesquite (Prosopis chilensis), introduced in 1917 by the British government as a way to control farmland erosion, increasingly displaced the last few remnants of natural vegetation in the area (Malterer in Wolf, Nowotnick, and Wöß 2014, 115). Since electrification of the region about a decade ago, electric ground water pumps and long-distance irrigation channels dug by heavy machinery have facilitated 29 315 ± 30 bp (Poz-60475, cal. ad 1484–1648).

Figure 7.29. Foundation remains of two jalous round huts of the ‘Islamic’ village of Domat el-Hamadab. Image: © Hamadab project; photo: P. Wolf 2013.

expansion of a more industrially orientated agriculture into the wadi beds in the semi-desert pediplain, to the east of the tarmac road. Deep groundwater wells furnished with mechanical pumps also have enabled settlement expansion into the lowlands, a development that has intensified since electrification (Fig. 7.30). Unpopulated lowland areas are preferred for communal schools, medical points, and trans-regional infrastructure such as oil and gas pipelines, while the Shendi–Atbara tarmac road attracts gas stations and bus stops with cafeterias. With the notable exceptions of increasing tourism and associated hotel construction in the wider wadi plains between the sandstone mountains, the sandstone plateau is the only landscape element that has remained more or less untouched since the Kushite period.

Conclusion The impact of occupation and land use on the transformation of the Meroe region from a natural to a cultural landscape over the past millennia was apparently discontinuous. The prehistoric and protohistoric periods have left little evidence with which to characterize the processes underlying this change. Archaeo­logical evidence of the Kushite and later periods testifies to relatively sudden changes in population dynamics and the emergence — and disappearance — of urban and industrial landscapes that were obviously not one-dimensionally related to the rather slow and gradual character of Late Holocene environmental development. The complex urban community of the region in Kushite times, with its

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Figure 7.30. Land use and occupation pattern between Meroe and Kabushiya, 1965 vs. 2014. Left side: aerial image set D10/107-19, Khartoum Survey Department 18.11.1965; right side: satellite data, Google Earth 2.12.2014.

associated and various demands related to subsistence, economy, administration, and representation, as well as its religious and burial practices, caused a very radical transformation of the area into a cultural landscape and, at the same time, enacted the greatest impact on its natural environment before modern times. These processes were largely anthropically determined by the introduction, development, and decline of techno­logical approaches, modes of subsistence and economy, and associated forms of social and political organization relating to the Iron Age in north-eastern Africa. The contribution of the natural landscape around Meroe to its development as a key locus over these one and a half millennia consists of three major factors: the agro-pastoral potential for subsistence of a large population; local

availability of most of the required resources; and a favourable geo­graphic location for interregional exchange (see also Lebedev 2019, 43). The Nile floodplain and its landforms represented the basis for urban occupation and subsistence of a population of which a considerable proportion were non-agrarian specialists. The fundamental role of its levées for urban settlement is well-illustrated by the location of Hamadab and its cemetery, as well as the establishment of other sites such as 3-I-8 and probably also Meroe, on such landforms. The levées also may have facilitated land irrigation and basin cultivation. The Wadi el-Hawad provided abundant grazing land, ‘breadbaskets’ like the Basa basin had as much potential as the Nile valley, and it linked the region to the Butana pastures and hunting grounds.

7. t he nat u ral and cu lt u ral land scape o f t he me ro e region 147

John W. Crowfoot (1911, 7) has aptly expressed this potential in almost poetic words: […] Traffic in slaves and ivory and ebony and gold and gums and feathers brought added wealth to the rulers of Meroe; but the true basis of their prosperity was agricultural and pastoral, and therefore they chose for their capital, not a site like Berber or Atbara in command of the shortest routes to the principal markets of the world, but a place itself situated on a spot of great fertility and leading directly to the fat valleys of the interior. Techno­logies introduced into the Meroe region in the Iron Age such as ironmaking, sandstone and ironstone working, the use of fired bricks and lime plaster, ‘industrial’-scale pottery manufacture, faience production, and glass-working required a variety of specific natural resources, especially given that pyrotechnic ‘industries’ were very energy intensive. The local availability of most required resources was fundamental for the region’s economic success, and its location represents a major advantage over other regions in the Middle Nile valley. The floodplain provided acacia wood as fuel for iron production, pottery- and brick-making, timber for construction, and abundant Nile mud as the major traditional resource for both pottery and brick production. Iron production and monumental architecture were closely correlated with the presence of the sandstone plateau, without which procurement of iron ore, sandstone, ironstone, pebbles for stone tools, kaolin, pigments, etc. would not have been feasible, while the lowlands provided abundant gravel, sand, and carbonate-rich clay for construction purposes, as well as wadi clays for pottery production. The Meroe region is located at the crossroads of the Nile, with routes to the northern centres of the kingdom across the Bayuda, through the Wadi Abu Dom, and from there to Egypt, as well as routes eastward to the Red Sea. The widely ramified Wadi el-Hawad facilitated communication and exchange with the savannahs of the central Butana and southern parts of the ‘Island of Meroe’. This favourable geo­graphic location thus enabled Meroe to become a major central node in a regional and trans-regional network for exchange of goods and commodities, human resources, techno­logical innovations, and cultural traditions during the African Iron Age.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my thanks and gratitude to the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums and the funding bodies, the Qatar Sudan Archaeo­logical Project and the German Archaeo­logical Institute, for hosting and supporting the project, as well as the UCL-Qatar for co-funding the post-fieldwork analysis. I am indebted to all team members who have contributed to the fieldwork: Florian Wöß, Björn Briewig, Gerald Raab, Nicole Salamanek, Abdelmunim Mohamed Ahmed, Fathia Ahmed (archaeo­logical survey team); Ann-Li Rodenwaldt (translation of survey database entries); Thomas Scheibner (excavations); Saskia Büchner, Samreen Suliman, Pietro Fusco (pottery and small finds documentation); Frank Stremke (airborne photogrammetry and surveying), Christian Weiß (sedimento­logical studies); Vincent Eichmann, Daniel Kelterbaum, Ronny Schomacker; Janis Müller, and Jonas Schober (geomorpho­logy and core drillings); Arnaud Malterer (eco­logy and land use survey); Petra Weschenfelder and Nahid Abdellatif (ethno­graphical studies); Burkart Ullrich, Rudolf Kniess, Dana Pilz, and Nicolas Noorda, as well as Mohammed Abdelwahab, Abdelhalim Maroun, and Musaab Hussein (geophysical survey teams), and last but not least Asaida Ma’awiya and Ibn Jubair (NCAM officers), our rais, Mohammed Ahmed, and our cook, Mahmoud al-Tayeb. I would also like to thank Baldur and Katharina Gabriel for a preliminary evaluation of the study area, as well as Bernd Meißner, Neil Munro, Jane Humphris, and Frank Stremke for their kind support in obtaining data and information for the preparation of the survey maps. Finally, I am grateful to Ronny Schomacker, Robert Bussert, and Ulrike Nowotnick for their valuable comments on the manu­script and to Steve Mathews, Jacke Phillips, and Henryk Paner for proof-reading this text.

‫بافل وولف‬

‫المشهد الطبيعي والثقافي إلقليم مروي‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫ ذات كثافة سكانية منخفضة فقط‬،‫كانت المنطقة المحيطة بمروي‬ ‫ وطورت‬،‫في فترات ما قبل التاريخ والفترات التاريخية االولي‬ ‫“صناعة” حديدية هائلة في األلفية األولى قبل الميالد وأصبحت‬ ‫ على الرغم من األهمية التاريخية‬.‫المركز السياسي للمملكة الكوشية‬ ‫ إال أن الدراسات البيئية القديمة والبحوث األثرية على‬،‫لهذه المنطقة‬ ‫ استنادًا إلى‬.‫المستوى اإلقليمي ظلت حتى وقت قريب بمثابة أمنية‬ ‫ بين موقع‬،‫النتائج األولية للمسح األثري والبيئي في جنوب مروي‬ ‫ يحاول هذا الفصل أن يقدم فهم أفضل لوحدات‬،‫مروي ووادي الهواد‬ ‫ وتطورها‬،‫المناظر الطبيعية والموارد الطبيعية المختلفة في المنطقة‬ .‫في البيئة الثقافية‬

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Mohamed, and C. Kleinitz. 2016. ‘The Qatari Mission for the Pyramids of Sudan: Archaeo­logical Investigation, Conservation and Site Management at Meroe 2015/2016’, Sudan & Nubia, 20: 62–74 Ritter, M. 2012. ‘Boni Island — Holozäne Landschaftsdynamik und Mensch-Umwelt-Beziehung am Vierten NilKatarakt (Nord-Sudan)’ (unpubl. Ph.D. diss., Universität zu Köln) [accessed June 2021] Sadig, A. M. 2015. ‘The Late Neolithic: Regional Diversity and Cultural Unity in Central Sudan’, in Hunter-Gatherers and Early Food Producing Societies in Northeastern Africa, ed. by J. Kabaciński, M. Chłodnicki, and M. Kobusiewicz (Poznań: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Poznaniu), pp. 387–416 Said, R. 1981. The Geo­logical Evolution of the River Nile (New York: Springer) —— . 1993. The River Nile, Geo­logy, Hydrogeo­logy and Utilization (Oxford: Pergamon) Salih, A. O. M. 2015. ‘The Archaeo­logy of Greater Meroe: The University of Khartoum, Department of Archaeo­logy, and Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Joint Archaeo­logical Activities’, in The Kushite World: Proceedings of the 11th International Conference for Meroitic Studies, Vienna, 1–4 September 2008, ed. by M. H. Zach (Vienna: Verein der Förderer der Sudanforschung), pp. 115–21 Salvatori, S. and D. Usai. 2019. ‘The Mesolithic and Neolithic in Sudan’, in Handbook of Ancient Nubia, ed. by D. Raue (Berlin: de Gruyter), pp. 171–93 Scheibner, T. 2014. ‘Entstehung, Ursprung und Nutzung — Die Hafire in Musawwarat es-Sufra und in der Keraba als Wirtschaftsbauten’, in Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten. Zum 80. Geburtstag von Steffen Wenig, ed. by A. Lohwasser and P. Wolf (Berlin: Sudanarchäo­logische Gesellschaft), pp. 299–322 —— . 2017. ‘Wasserbauliche Infrastruktur und Wassermanagement in Musawwarat es-Sufra in kuschitischer Zeit’ (unpubl. Ph.D diss., Universität Wien), available online at: https://othes.univie.ac.at/49252/ [accessed 23 June 2021] Schmidt, R. 1998. ‘Boden- und Landschaftsentwicklung im Gebiet der Tempel von Musawwarat es Sufra/Nordsudan’, Der Antike Sudan, 8: 68–75 Schomacker, R. 2014. Die Niederlausitz: Geomorpho­logische Untersuchungen zu jungquartären Landschaftsentwicklung (Herzogenrath: Shaker) Shinnie, P. L. 1991. ‘Trade Routes of the Ancient Sudan 3000 bc–ad 350’, in Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam, ed. by W. V. Davies (London: British Museum), pp. 49–53 Shinnie, P. L. and J. R. Anderson (eds). 2004. The Capital of Kush 2: Meroe Excavations 1973–1984 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz) Sievertsen, U. 2003. ‘Herrschaftsarchitektur in Meroe. Kontinuität und Wandel in der urbanen Entwicklung einer kuschitischen Hauptstadt’, Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, 8: 107–45 Sutton, J. E. G. 2004. ‘Africa, Agriculture and Iron’, in Combining the Past and the Present: Archaeo­logical Perspectives on Society. Proceedings from the Conference “Pre-history in a Global Perspective” held in Bergen, August 31st – September 2nd 2001, in

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Honour of Professor Randi Haaland’s 60th Anniversary, ed. by T. Oestigaard, N. Anfinset, and T. Saetersdal (Oxford: Archaeopress), pp. 107–17 Török, L., I. Hofmann, and I. Nagy. 1997. Meroe City: An Ancient African capital. John Garstang’s Excavations in the Sudan (London: Egypt Exploration Society) von Maydell, H.-J. 1990. Trees and Shrubs of the Sahel: Their Characteristics and Uses (Weikersheim: Margraf) Weiß, C. 2014. ‘Report to the Field Campaign in Hamadab (26. 2. to 8. 3. 2014)’ (unpubl. report, Berlin: German Archaeo­ logical Institute, Friedrich-Hinkel-Forschungsarchiv, Hamadab project) —— . 2015. ‘The Natural History of the Hamadab area/Sudan. Report to the Field Campaign in March 2014’ (unpubl. report, Berlin: German Archaeo­logical Institute, Friedrich-Hinkel-Forschungsarchiv, Hamadab project) Welsby, D. A. 2010. ‘SARS Gazetter of Sites: Grid Square N.E. 36-F/4-L. Draft Report’ (unpubl. report) [accessed June 2021] Whiteman, A. J. 1971. The Geo­logy of the Sudan Republic (Oxford: Clarendon Press) Williams, M. A. J. 2019. The Nile Basin: Quaternary Geo­logy, Geomorpho­logy and Prehistoric Environments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Wolf, P. 2015. ‘The Qatar-Sudan Archaeo­logical Project. The Meroitic Town of Hamadab and the Palaeo-environment of the Meroe Region’, Sudan & Nubia, 19: 115–31 —— . 2017. ‘James Bruce und die Entdeckung von Meroe’, in Wanderer in der Wüste: Zum 80. Geburtstag von Baldur Gabriel, ed. by T. Karberg and J. Eger (Munich: Heyne), pp. 49–62 Wolf, P. and U. Nowotnick. 2005. ‘First Season of the SARS Anglo-German Survey at the Fourth Cataract’, in Proceedings of the ‘Archaeo­logy of the Fourth Nile Cataract’, Gdańsk–Gniew, 23–25 July 2004, ed. by H. Paner and S. Jakobielski (Gdańsk: Muzeum Archeo­logiczne w Gdańsku), pp. 181–98 —— . 2007. ‘The 4th Season of the SARS Anglo-German Expedition to the Fourth Nile Cataract’, Sudan & Nubia, 11: 26–33 —— . 2021. ‘The Meroitic Heartland’, in The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia, ed. by G. Emberling and B. Williams (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 511–44 Wolf, P., U. Nowotnick, and D. N. Edwards. 2019. ‘Settlement in the Meroitic Kingdom’, Handbook of Ancient Nubia, ed. by D. Raue (Berlin: de Gruyter), pp. 713–82 Wolf, P., U. Nowotnick, and C. Hof. 2014. ‘The Meroitic Urban Town of Hamadab in 2010’, in The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, ed. by J. R. Anderson, and D. A. Welsby, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 1 (Leuven: Peeters), pp. 719–37 Wolf, P., U. Nowotnick, and F. Wöß. 2014. ‘Meroitic Hamadab — A Century After its Discovery’, Sudan & Nubia, 18: 104–20 Wolf, P., A. Riedel, M. S. Bashir, J. W. Yellin, J. Hallof, and S. Büchner. 2018. ‘The Qatari Mission for the Pyramids of Sudan: Fieldwork at the Meroe Royal Cemeteries — A Progress Report’, Sudan & Nubia, 22: 3–20 Wolf, P., R. Schomacker, U. Nowotnick, V. Eichmann, T. Scheibner, and N. Salamanek. 2015. ‘The “Island of Meroe” and the Palaeo-environment of the Greater Meroe Region’, in Der andere Blick: Forscherlust und Wissensdrang. Museumsgabe zum 80. Geburtstag von Karl-Heinz Priese, ed. by K. Finneiser and J. Helmbold-Doyé (Berlin: Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung der Staatlichen Museen), pp. 247–91 Wolf, S., P. Wolf, H.-U. Onasch, and U. Nowotnick. 2011. ‘Meroe und Hamadab — Stadtstrukturen und Lebensformen im afrikanischen Reich von Kusch: Die Arbeiten der Kampagne 2010’, Archäo­logischer Anzeiger, 2011.2: 213–45 Yvanez, E. and M. M. Wozniak. 2019. ‘Cotton in Ancient Sudan and Nubia. Archaeo­logical Sources and Historical Implications’, Revue d’ethnoéco­logie, 15 https://doi.org/10.4000/ethnoeco­logie.4429

Fawzi Hassan Bakhiet

8. The Archaeo­logy of the Sabaloka Region Introduction The Sabaloka region is an important area in the history of Sudan because it has archaeo­logical remains from most historical periods, and from an environmental perspective, it is located in a central area. As such, its study can shed light on both the relationship existing between the archaeo­logical remains from the climates of northern and central Sudan, and the relationship between the different settlements along the banks of the River Nile and the surrounding areas in the Butana, from where a number of archaeo­logical investigations have proven the cultural depth of the area (see Fig. 8.1). The Sabaloka region is located 80 km north of Khartoum and consists of a rocky area that stretches across both banks of the Nile, together with a series of mountains that border the course of the Nile and include the Sixth Cataract — the first cataract of the south Nile Valley. The region is bordered to the north by the villages of the River Nile State, around the Hagar Elasal, and to the east by the rolling mountains and eastern wadis that descend from the south-western Butana, namely Wadi Abu Qidum, Abu Ghaddad, and Wadi Al-Saeed. The volcanic plateau rises about 137 m above its surroundings and forms a number of mountains, most notably Jebels Malikit, Ruyan, and Al-Atashan, in the southern part, and Jebel al-Daul, Jebel Um Marahik, and Jubailat Alhomr in the northern region near to the area of Hajar al-Asal. There are a number of wadis here, the most important of which are Wadis Qidum, Abu Ghadad, and Diri. The geo­logical sequence of the region consists of two main elements comprised of metamorphic and igneous rock, known as the Basement Complex Rocks, together with sedimentary rocks and some modern

sediment (Whiteman 1971, 1–40; Almond and Ahmed 1993, 6–17). The geo­logy of the Sixth Cataract region (Sabaloka) contains a unique basement configuration of granite, rhyolite, and schist, overlain by sediments from the Mesozoic and Cenozoic Eras. This rocky nature predominates over the whole area near the cataract, and has greatly influenced the flow of the Nile, leading to the formation of a rocky gorge with several small islands (see Fig. 8.1). These rock formations, together with the wadis running east to west, have created a diversity of both transient and permanent water resources that have played a very important role in attracting humans and animals to live in the region since prehistoric times. Humans were drawn to the area as they could establish settlements that received natural protection from the mountains, as well as benefit from the Nile in the west, and the forests that were scattered in the east at the borders of the geo­graphical region called the Butana Reach. This area is adjacent to the southern border of the capital of Kush, Meroe. There are a number of scattered small islands that were inhabited by the people of the region from ancient times, but that were later abandoned due to the Nile floods. Such islands have been used in the period since agriculture was introduced, and the island of Al-Abdalab (Mernati), the largest island, was in fact one of the most productive areas for horticultural crops in the River Nile State. The people of the region also took advantage of the areas along the banks of the Nile for both settlement and cultivation; this helped to expand the quantity of land available for agriculture in the region, and to increase the number of villages in the area (see Fig. 8.1) (Whiteman 1971, 1–40).

Fawzi Hassan Bakhiet ([email protected]) Senior Inspector (NCAM) and Head of Department of Archaeo­logy, Al-Neelain University This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128054 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 153–167

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History of Archaeo­logical Work in the Region

Figure 8.1. An overview of the Sixth Cataract region. Map: F. Bakhiet.

Topo­graphy of the Region The most prominent natural features in the region between the villages in the south and the village of Hajar Al-Asal in the north are the valleys, plains, and mountain ranges, together with the River Nile. This topo­graphy limits the area of agricultural land available in the west. The inhabitants use the land along the riverbanks, cultivating vegetables such as onions, tomatoes, potatoes, and other products for which the riverbanks provide the ideal soil. The extension of settlement onto the islands of the Nile thus represented an important historical development for life in the region; it provided people with independence in housing and agriculture, as mentioned above in connection to the island of Al-Abdalab. To the south of the settlement area explored in this chapter, the main topo­logical feature is the plateau of the Sabaloka Mountains. This, as noted above, consists of a number of basal rocks such as granite and rhyolite.

The Sixth Cataract area, known as the Sabaloka, has a rich historical heritage, distinguished by its geo­graphical location that links it to the central and northern regions of Sudan. It thus forms a link between some of the cultures that originated in northern Sudan and those that spread to the south of the region or into surrounding areas, from Prehistory onwards, up to the Islamic period (Arkell 1949, 5–10). The first mention of the Sabaloka region during the Funj Kingdom appears in the writings of the French traveller Charles-Jacques Poncet in 1709, who spoke about the region of Qarri (1709, 25), although the German Theodor Krump apparently visited it earlier when he crossed the Qarri area on June 22, 1703. He was travelling en route from Sennar to the Manjalk (Sheikh Qarri) and stayed there for about three months. In 1772, the Scotsman James Bruce described Qarri as a village consisting of some 140 houses (Bruce 1808). The French explorer Linant de Belfonds also visited the region after joining the campaign of Ismail Pasha in 1821; he stated that on the first Saturday in December 1821, he came from Shendi by camel together with an interpreter and stopped at Qarri. Osbert Crawford, writing in the 1950s, gave a description of the area in his account of the expansion of the civilization of Sennar, north of Khartoum, in the area of Sabaloka (1951, 53–84). In the mid-twentieth century, a number of archaeo­ logists and Antiquities inspectors visited the Sabaloka region and recorded the sites of the Kushite monuments when they were passing through central Sudan to Khartoum. At this time, Anthony Arkell identified stone tools from the Lower Palaeolithic (1949, 9). Some archaeo­logical sites were also recorded and described by the German expedition to the Hajar Al-Asal area in the 1950s, which conducted archaeo­ logical surveys of the Nile Valley and adjacent areas (Hintze 1959, 231). In 1963, H. Neville Chittick published some information about fortified cities on the southern plateau of the Sabaloka region on the edge of the Nile; here, he described these settlements as the last extension to the south of the fortified villages of the region of Christian civilization (1963, 264–68). The French Mission (SFDAS) that took place in the 1980s together with NCAM also described several circular tombs scattered over the mountains of the Sabaloka area and along the road, observed during archaeo­logical surveys conducted between Khartoum and Shendi (Geus 1984, 17). Another mission was carried out by the University of Rome, Italy, led first by Salvatore M. Puglisi and later, from 1971 to 1983, by Isabella Caneva. Through their work, they noted

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Figure 8.2. Site distribution in the area of the Sabloka dam (SDASP) and the sub-survey. Image: Y. Mohammed, 2011.

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Figure 8.3. Neolithic site at Hegair Abu Dom. Photo: Gasim Hassan (NCAM).

a number of archaeo­logical sites from the Neolithic period, as well as some cemeteries from a late period of civilization based on irrigated agriculture around the region of Geili (Caneva 1988). Later, in the 1990s, a British mission conducted surveys and excavations along the line of the Khartoum–Atbara asphalt road and described some of the archaeo­logical sites to the east of the Sabaloka; these were for the most part circular tombs of the civilization of Meroe, or else from the post-Meroitic period (Mallinson and others 1996, 16). Subsequent studies took place along the left bank of the Nile as part of a mission from the Czech Republic directed by Lenka Suková (Suková and Varadzin 2012, 118–31). In addition, some individual researchers have also added to the number of archaeo­logical sites recorded in the region. In 1978, for example, Hashim Al-Sangik recorded a number of archaeo­logical and historical sites around Gebel Ruwian and the village of Qarri. It is notable that most of the archaeo­logical sites recorded by these previous studies in and around the region consist of spreads of prehistoric stone tools and pottery sherds, or else tombs of the Late Meroitic and postMeroitic periods.

This dam will impact both banks of the Nile for a distance of about 40 km. A national team from NCAM and the University of Shendi surveyed both banks of the Nile in this region in April 2011.30 They located a total of 113 sites within the endangered area, and sub-surveys were also undertaken (see Fig. 8.2). The majority of these sites belonged to Prehistoric times and the post-Meroitic period. The region of Sabloka may be considered one of the most striking features — both geo­ logically and from an archaeo­logical perspective — of the Nile in Sudan. Many Palaeolithic sites were identified in the area that will be affected by the dam. These were indicated by the presence of artefacts produced from the very common red microgranite of ring dykes. The Neolithic artefacts were commonly concentrated in the area of Hegair Abu Dom. Numerous rock gong representations were found in many different sites, and in particular in the area of Wadi Eltawil and Abu Mikhkhiet (Abdelrahman and others 2014, 71). A granite quarry, which remains imprecisely dated, was located at the site of AltikainaJebel Alhajar. Thousands of tumuli in the region have been identified that appear to be in Meroitic and post-Meroitic style. A Mahdist fort (Tabiya) of mud brick, located close to the Nile in the village of Misektab, on the right bank, together with other fortresses of stone in Alhogna, on the left bank, were documented (see Figs 8.3–8.5). The Department of Archaeo­logy at Al-Neelain University began work in the region of the eastern Sabaloka in 2013 with a training archaeo­logical survey. This was located in the southern part of the project area, running from south to north and extending from the river to the border of the Al-Tahadi road that runs from Khartoum to Atbara in the east (Nasr 2013, 2–50). On the eastern banks of the Nile, there are a number of mountains called the Jibailat Alhomer, which stretch towards the plain that is encountered after passing Jebel Alpablos in the east. These mountains explain the abundance of wadis flowing from east to west towards the Nile, the mouths of which have been exploited by humans from prehistoric times

Results of NCAM Work A small dam is planned for the Sabloka (Sixth Cataract region), about 80 km to the north of Khartoum.

30 The NCAM team consisted of Fawzi Hassan, Eltaher Elnur, Enaam Abdelrahman, Rehab Khider, Mohammed Saad, Amel Nasr, Magdi, and Mohamed Hayati, from the University of Khartoum.

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Figure 8.4. Granite quarry in Wawisy Village. Photo: Gasim Hassan (NCAM).

Figure 8.5. Tabiya Madhist Fort, Misektab Village. Photo: Gasim Hassan (NCAM).

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Figure 8.6. Map showing the distribution of archaeo­ logical sites in the Neelain concession. Map: M. Jadain, 2018.

onwards, as indicated by the establishment of settlements from which fishing and hunting of those animals attracted by the environment could take place. The most important of these wadis are, from north to south respectively, Wadi al-Saeed, Abu Qidum, Wadi Abu Talih, Abu Gadad, and Wadi Al-Abyad near to Qari. It is worth mentioning that in modern times, the inhabitants of the region exploit even the wadis far from the Nile and the nearby land that is suitable for agriculture (Almond and Ahmed 1993, 6–17). The Department of Archaeo­logy began surveys in the region in 2009 under the late Khider Abdulkarim Ahmed, the founder of the department. Field work in the current project started in 2013 and is still ongoing. The sites revealed in the survey and their associated historical periods will be discussed below in an attempt to understand their significance in the past, as well as to test the effectiveness of the use of GIS and remote sensing in archaeo­logical surveys (Nasr 2014, 1–20; Khalid 2013, 60–89; Fawzi, and others 2014, 72–79).

Preliminary Report of the Archaeology of the Late and post-Meroitic Periods in the Sabaloka East Project (ALPMSE) This project is sponsored by the Ministry of High Education and Scientific Research with the aim of studying the archaeo­logy of the late and post-Meroitic periods in the east of the Sabaloka area, from Quarri up to Hajar Al-Asal in the north (see Fig. 8.6).31 The study of the cemeteries played a significant role in the development of archaeo­logy in the region, and particularly funerary archaeo­logy, thanks to the rich array of grave goods used to accompany the deceased. Researchers have been able to construct many of the details of human life in the Sabaloka region across the different periods of the civilizations of Sudan, from the prehistoric through to the beginning of the Kushite civilizations, and afterwards to the Christian and Islamic periods, on the basis that the grave goods placed with the deceased provide details of cultural differences and of the different ideas of burial customs and the associated religious beliefs that underlay these. The studies 31 The team from this first season (2017–2018) consisted of Fawzi Hassan, Ahmed Nasser, Modathir Jadain, Salah Matar, Ibrahim Mohamed, Abellah El-Nour, Abubaker Adam, Mokhtar Mohamed, and Mohamed Ali.

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of the Meroitic and post-Meroitic periods are considered particularly important as they will help to fill in a number of gaps in our understanding of the history of ancient Sudan, not least by confirming a Meroitic presence in the study area, which is not far from the core Meroitic territory within the region. The project aims to trace the archaeo­logy of the late Meroitic period and beyond in the Sabaloka region, and to formulate an integrated vision of its expansion south, by conducting archaeo­logical surveys, comprehensive ethno­graphic surveys, and prospection, together with excavating test pits at selected sites. It also aims to train a national team of students and professors in scientific research in the fields of archaeo­logy and ethno­graphic studies. At the same time, it will contribute to scholarly discourse around the location of the borders of the Kingdom of Meroe in the south, a topic that has long occupied researchers, as we expand our understanding of post-Meroitic archaeo­logy. Project implementation stages: Phase I: the implementation of an archaeo­ logical survey and test pitting; Phase II: excavations of selected sites; Phase III: scientific analysis and comparison with other regions. The survey followed a descriptive and geo­graphical approach to the fieldwork through satellite images and field visits in order to evaluate the status of all archaeo­logical sites, and to prepare maps showing both the condition of those sites that had already been destroyed and the extent of the destruction that had hitherto occurred (see Fig. 8.2). The methods of exploration undertaken as part of this project are pioneering, and one of its major aims is to shed light on new areas using new methods that allow researchers to obtain detailed information about selected features to represent each site. A special form has been designed to help build a database of the area under study; this will be extended to the rest of the region in the future. The Sabaloka region is linked to the Middle Sudan by the Sixth Cataract, which is a natural meeting point for human groups and, perhaps, a meeting point for the exchange of goods from north, south, west, and east. The large quantity of wadis in Butana that reach from the Nile Valley to the east supports the hypothesis of seasonal migrations of pastoral and agricultural groups from desert to river; this makes it possible to study the seasonal cultural changes of groups living on land and river, especially in the periods of the later Neolithic. Here, our research touches upon an issue related to the development

of the economic pattern of living, namely the transformation from hunting to grazing and agriculture. In addition to hypotheses that indicate the general importance of the Sabaloka region to the culture of Kush, the vicinity of the area to one of the most important Meroitic cities makes reasonable the hypothesis that inhabitants from these cities might have settled in Sabaloka; perhaps the area was a province of Meroitic civilization (Ahmed 1984, 34). When Meroe became decentralized and its groups expanded in the central Sudan, some would likely have emigrated to the Sabaloka area, especially in the post-Meroitic period. Tumuli on hillsides and on high mountain heights are indicative of the presence of dominant cultural groups in the area for long periods of time, with these large tombs being left as cultural remains. The difference in the presentation of the superstructure, the forms of the mounds, and the proportions of their distribution allow us to put forward the hypotheses that these variations were due to chrono­logical differences, to the presence of different cultural or ethnic groups, or to differences in wealth and power between — and perhaps even within — these groups. The survey showed satellite images of a fort and defensive buildings at the top of the mountain range on the edge of the Nile, in the area where they were indicated and drawn by Chittick (1963, 266–70). The history of Islamic civilization is of special interest in that this region was part of the Muslim Kingdom of Abdalab and includes an area of Islamic villages. This raises further questions for the study about the role of the region in the development of the Christian kingdoms of Sudan, as well as in the establishment of fortified villages in the Islamic kingdoms and the alliance between north and central Sudan. For these reasons, it is important to explore the geo­graphical role of the Sabaloka area in the development of successive Sudanese civilizations.

The Results of the First Season of Archaeo­logical Survey of the Project on the Remains of the Late Meroitic and Post-Meroitic Periods in the Sabaloka Region The fieldwork that has been undertaken as part of the ALPMSE project, seeking traces from the Meroitic and post-Meroitic in the area of the eastern Sabaloka region, resulted in the registration of 110 archaeo­logical sites, the majority of which were concentrated on the edges of the waterways, and on the slopes of the mountains and rocky heights. The geo­graphical space in which these archaeo­logical

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Figure 8.7. Rock gong on top of Hagar Dabah SP68. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

Figure 8.8. Large tumulus, SP74. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

sites were located reflects the extent to which the area was attractive to ancient people for accessing its natural resources. The nature of the rocky area has also helped to preserve archaeo­logical remains. It is clear from the distribution map of archaeo­logical sites that was obtained using geo­graphic information systems (GIS) data that the settlement sites were concentrated near to the River Nile, with some of them on the edge of seasonal waterways coming from the desert, while cemeteries and some temporary camps of Stone-Age fishermen were located on the high mountain peaks. There is also a clear contrast between the size of archaeo­logical sites from different periods; large settlements were less visible and were confined to the settlements of the Stone Ages, which covered some of the upper levels of the Holocene sediments near the flood plain of the Nile. It is clear that most of the settlement remains of a large size that date to the later periods of the Kushite civilization are

overlain by the current villages, most of which were built on the ruins of ancient villages. Seasonal settlements and some workshops from the Stone Age were still in situ at certain sites and seem to have been characterized by their small size; these were mostly located on the tops of flat mountains. Some of the archaeo­logical sites had limited remains consisting of clay rubble and stone houses relating to the various groups under study. The most common and widespread sites were the later cemeteries of the Meroitic civilization and after; these were distributed on the rocky highlands and occupied large areas that were either concentrated or scattered. The survey revealed the variation in the shape, content, and heights of drystone tombs and indicated how the occupation of the region over successive periods of time and during differing cultural traditions showed clear variation from the onset of irrigated civilization onwards, until the arrival of Islam in Sudan. The fieldwork at all archaeo­logical sites was conducted according to a unified methodo­logy of recording archaeo­logical site data and collecting samples to be placed within a temporal and cultural framework. This enabled a database of some eighty-one archaeo­logical sites of different types and periods to be established (Fig. 8.7). This includes forty-five sites containing cemeteries that, through their variations in tumulus form, can be classified as belonging to the Late Meroitic and post-Meroitic. Nonetheless, if the distribution of tombs in the study area is examined in relation to variation in superstructures and differences in raw material (see Fig. 8.8) — which in most cases tends to be the material that is obtainable within the burial area — it would appear that these characteristics only vary when location changes. Such a suggestion raises a number of questions, which this project aims to address either in subsequent seasons or else by providing explanations through an analytical study of finds thus far. Models of the following sites were made using data from in-depth studies by remote sensing and GIS software: Site SP65: all circular and high-density tombs were plotted on a map Site SP04: statistics were recorded for all landforms and from measuring the diameters and heights of each tumulus.

Archaeo­logical Excavations Excavations of the tombs, which could be dated to the Late and post-Meroitic periods, were undertaken. Based on the results of the archaeo­logical survey, it seems that the tombs form the most visible

8. t he archaeo ­l o gy o f t he sab alo k a region

Figure 8.9. Distribution of tumuli in Gebel um Marahik, Site SP04. Map: M. Jadain 2018.

archaeo­logical traces in the region. It was this finding that led the researchers to test the construction of the superstructure, together with its internal features and contents. These are cemeteries comprising the adjacent tombs and located at the foot of the mountains or the edges of the valleys. Such cemeteries are indicated by groups of tombs, the largest of which were tumuli of a medium oval shape, while the smallest were circular. Examples were excavated at the sites of Jebel Umm Marahik (Site SP04), Awd Hissouna (Site SP03), Al-Wadi Alsaeed (Site SP63), and Konaisat (Site SP29). Jebel Umm Marahik, SP04

Archaeo­logical surveys revealed a large site to the west of the Umm Marahik Mountains, which extended for about a kilometre in distance from west to east and contained circular and roughly circular mounds. The tombs found at this site vary in shape and size; they range from circular to halfmoon shaped, with the diameter of the sub-circular ones varying from 9–17 m and the circular tombs from 8–13 m. The tumuli are between 6 and 9 m in length and spread irregularly from the plain to the top of the mountain and along the edge of the wadi (see Fig. 8.9).

Most of the tombs found still have a superstructure, but a high number have also clearly been destroyed over time, damaged by the building activities of the current population and the search for gold in the region. In general, this site comprises the largest complex of graves so far identified in the southern part of the concession area. It is likely to be the site mentioned by Friz Hintze in his archaeo­logical survey of the Butana area, where he referred to a site dating back to the post-Meroitic period (1959, 231). Three types of tombs were observed at Site SP04: 1. The first is the large form of tumulus in the middle of the site, with a circular shape and superstructure in the form of a kom, which is rare. Some of these tombs have been affected by cliff erosion and human activities. 2. The second type is not significantly different to the first; however, the form of the superstructure is oval and features stones placed around the perimeter as an outer wall of oval shape, with a concentration of quartz gravel in the middle. 3. The third type comprises small-scale tombs, which look like domed structures of rocks (see Fig. 8.10). These three forms are known from other postMeroitic cemeteries in Sudan (Eltayeb and Kołosowska 2005, 51–74; Ahmed 1984, 34).

161

162 fawzi ha s s a n b akh i e t

Figure 8.10. Domed structure shape at Site SP04. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

Excavations 1. Tomb 53

Figure 8.11. Plan of T53. Plan: M. Jadain 2018.

Figure 8.12. Disarticulated skeleton T53. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

The surface of the tomb was cleaned of sand and any rock dust/small stones so that the rocks could be uncovered in situ, until the general picture of the shape of the tomb and the components of its construction were revealed. The archaeo­logical excavation began with the removal of every 10 cm of fill in each quarter, leaving intervals between each quarter of the box to test the section, so that it was possible to focus on detecting changes in the soil and on looking for the internal construction of the grave accurately and carefully. The excavation continued to a depth of 70 cm. The shaft fill was blocked in the northern part of the general tomb with a soil that was different from the general colour. This fill was 226 cm long and 80 cm wide. When the work continued, entrance to the burial was found at a depth of 127 cm from the surface, in the form of large rocks placed on the southern side of the underground structure of the tomb. After the removal of the rocks, and following documentation and planning, the walls of the burial pit were revealed through digging. Here, the skeleton was found in a side niche dug at a depth of 107 cm, with length 105 cm and width 38 cm. In terms of position, it appears to have been a contracted burial; however, the skeleton was partially disturbed. In contrast to what might have been expected, no funerary furniture was found in the tomb; it appears that the tomb was looted in ancient times, and it is possible that any tomb furniture was removed outside the burial pit at that time.

8. t he archaeo ­l o gy o f t he sab alo k a region 163

Figure 8.14. Male skeleton in contracted position T190. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

Figure 8.13. Plan of T190. Plan: M. Jadain 2018.

2. Tomb 190

T190 lies in a cemetery located about 25 m southwest from T53. The grave has a sub-circular superstructure some 11 m in diameter, with a ring of granite stones at the edge and an extension to the northern side in the shape of the horseshoe. The north-eastern quarter of the tomb was excavated; the process began by cleaning up to the entrance of the burial chamber near to the middle of the mound. This area was then extended by 2 m to the south-western side, to include the entrance to the burial chamber. After a descent of 75 cm, stones appeared forming an oval shape, which covered the entrance to the tomb. Once these stones were removed, a pottery jar was found in its original location in the middle of the tomb. The skeleton was then found in contracted position, extending from north-east to south-west. The skull was located to the east, facing northwards. A pottery bowl was found by the skull, with an arrowhead made of iron lying over it; beads of coloured stones, predominantly green, were also found near to the skull. Taphonomic effects have caused the bones to become very fragile and some have been displaced. The body has been determined as male, aged over 40 years, and suffering from anaemia. On the basis of the structure of the tomb and its internal organization, it appears to be closely related to the tombs of the post-Meroitic period.

Figure 8.15. Superstructure of T78. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

3. Tomb 78

This tomb is located at the foot of Mount Umm Marahik, on the western side of a stony area. It is a circular tomb, with a diameter of 3.50 m and a height of 70 cm. During excavation, the superstructure was removed to a depth of 90 cm, after which stone was found in the shape of a rectangle in the middle of the excavation square (4 × 4 m). After descending a little, it was found that the plan of the burial shaft had begun to take a shape that was closer to a rectangle extending from east to west. The skeletal remains were found at a depth of 60 cm, heavily eroded because they lay close to the water table. The head is to the east and faces north, lying on the right side. There were no grave goods with the deceased.

164 fawzi ha s s a n b akh i e t

Tomb 1

Figure 8.16. Superstructure of T1 at Site SP03. Photo: F. Bakhiet.

Tomb 1, a circular mound of stones 3.5 m in diameter and 70 cm in height, is located on the northern slope of the mountain. The tumulus superstructure was removed to a depth of 110 cm, where stones were found in the shape of a small square in the middle of the excavation square (4 × 4 m). After descending slightly, it was found that the plan of the burial shaft had begun to form a rectangular shape extending from east to west, descending to a depth of 70 cm. The skeleton, on which the skull was located to the east and facing north, resting on the body’s right hand, has suffered much water damage and the upper body is heavily fragmented. Sex and age have been determined as that of a male over 40 years. There were no grave goods with the deceased. Al-Wadi Alsaeed, SP63

Figure. 8.17. Konaisat, SP29: skeleton with grave goods. Figure: after Nasr 2017, 97.

Wad Hissounah, SP03

Jebel Wad Hissounah is located about a kilometre to the east of Umm Marahik; the name of this peak comes from the local people, who believe that Sheikh Hassan Wad Hissounah was buried in the summit of mountain. There are 135 circular and roughly circular tumuli located on the surface of the mountain, varying in size from 3–10 m in diameter and 30–90 cm in height. One tumulus was selected for excavation.

The site is located to the west of the village of Wadi Al-Saeed, about 500 m from the Nile and to the south of Hagar Elasal. On the top of the rocky hill scatters of stone artefacts and pot-sherds dating to the Neolithic period were identified. In the southern part of site, three tumuli were found with different shapes. One tumulus was chosen for excavation. T1 was an isolated oval-shaped tomb, 3.5 m in length, and located on the southern part of the wadi banks. After cleaning the surface, the entrance to the burial was found. The contracted skeleton was reached at a depth of 196 cm, and was lying on bedrock. It was very badly preserved and disturbed due to humidity and the presence of running water. Konaisat, SP29

Site SP29 is located to the west of the village of Konaisat and to the mountain, on the floor of the valley. It comprises a dense spread of tombs, with a superstructure composed of black rocks. These vary between about 30–90 cm in height and 6–15 m in diameter. Four tombs were excavated from this site,

8. t he archaeo ­l o gy o f t he sab alo k a region 165

around the skeleton, including a large pottery jar, a small jar with polished red surface, and three black bowls. Some beads lay around the pelvic area, the neck, and the skull (Nasr 2017, 97–99). The study of the grave goods from this tomb and others of its type reveal that it dates back to the later periods of Meroitic civilization, and is similar to those known from central Sudan (El-Tayeb and Kołosowska 2005, 51–74; Abdelrahman 2008, 103–06). The discovery of these rich tombs is evidence of the expansion of the Meroitic civilization at its furthest geo­graphical extent, into the eastern Sabaloka. Certainly, the pottery vessels found with the deceased, varying from small to large jars and bowls, provide evidence of the development and abilities of these groups through their local industries, customs, and traditions. Moreover, these finds indicate the importance of eastern Sabaloka for the study of the significance of burial customs in late Kushite civilization and they provide fertile material for in-depth anthropo­logical studies and laboratory dating, given the scarcity of untouched archaeo­logical sites of this type in Sudan. Finally, they provide evidence for the spread of various types of tomb from the later Meroitic and the post-Meroitic, as identified through the similarity of the tombs and their contents with those known in Gabati Shendi and the Fourth Cataract region (Edwards 1998, 186). In addition to the distinctive pottery vessels found in the tombs, many of the dead were buried with numerous bright beads made of different coloured stones. The deceased in SP29 also possessed a type of stone ring made of granite rock called an ‘archer’s-loose’; this style is particularly associated with the ancient Kushite state (in both the Meroitic and post-Meroitic).

Figure 8.18. Iron arrowhead and green stone beads from T190, Site SP04. Photos: F. Bakhiet.

and in all cases, the superstructure of rocks was of a form that completely surrounded the outer tomb with gravel and the excavated mounds to a depth of 60–80 cm. The first burial pit had the form of a oval, lying east-west, and cut into solid sedimentary silt (Fig. 8.17). Excavations revealed that the main burial chamber in Tomb SP29 (7) was cut in the lowest part of the rectangular shaft to about 80 cm in depth, and horizontally to about 70 cm inside the mound. The skeleton lay on its right, in a contracted position inside the burial chamber, with the head to the south and facing east. Many grave goods were found

Conclusions and Recommendations Although the Sabaloka region is close to the centre of the Kushite state and its capital at Meroe, there is no clear evidence for a Kushite presence in this area, from the inception of this state until its collapse. However, some of the references to the late and post-Meroitic kingdom periods are clearly visible through the surveys that have been conducted in the region by the NCAM and the Department of Archaeo­logy from Al-Neelain University. These have revealed a large spread of tombs of a circular shape throughout the study area, but the tombs vary in the form of their superstructure in terms of both size and construction materials. The Department of Archaeo­logy carried out many excavations at the sites of Umm Marahik and Alkonissat, which

166 fawzi ha s s a n b akh i e t

Many prehistoric sites have been identified as belonging to the Palaeolithic, to Neolithic cultures most closely resembling the Shaheinab culture, and to the late Neolithic period. Nonetheless, some of the grave goods recovered from these sites revealed the presence of common cultures among the groups in central Sudan, with local features that were characteristic of the region. To conclude, these archaeo­logical studies undertaken in the area of the Sabaloka region have revealed that this region is home to many previously unknown aspects of ancient Sudanese inhumation practice. These elements are likely to have been distinguished by the area’s location, in the middle of the most important Kushite region. Despite the huge number of archaeo­logical sites so far recorded and the quantity of artefacts discovered from the excavations, however, there is still much that needs to be done; so far, the investigations carried out have covered only 30% of the region. It is thus strongly recommended that more, as well as more in-depth studies be carried out that will contribute to providing many additional missing parts of Sudan’s ancient history. Figure 8.19. Pottery objects and personal ornaments from Site SP29. Figure: after Nasr 2017, 98–99.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Ministry of High Education and Scientific Research for funding the ALPMSE to study the archaeo­logy of the late and post-Meroitic in the east Sabaloka area from Quarri to Hajar Al-Asal in the north. I also thank NCAM for the support.

revealed that in the majority of cases, burial position tended to be contracted, with different grave goods such as pots, jars with a long neck, and different types of beads and iron objects placed near to the deceased. The results of the fieldwork on the archaeo­logical remains in the eastern area of the Sabaloka region is a testament to the importance of this region more broadly for Sudanese heritage. These finds justify the Department of Archaeo­logy’s selection of the Sabaloka as a concession and the decision to present it as formal project to be funded by the Ministry of High Education and Scientific Research. Initial archaeo­logical surveys have yielded 110 archaeo­logical sites, which are evidence that many human groups inhabited the region over a long period of time. In addition, the archaeo­logical remains recorded on the surface of these archaeo­logical sites are from the remains of settlements and cemeteries that range in date from the Palaeolithic up to the Islamic period.

‫فوزي حسن بخيت‬

‫آثار منطقة السبلوكة‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫يهدف هذا الفصل إلى تسليط الضوء على نتائج االبحاث األثرية‬ ‫ ويركز هذا‬.‫التي أجريت في منطقة السبلوكة على طول نهر النيل‬ ‫الفصل على المسح الذي قامت به الهيئة العامة لآلثار والمتاحف‬ ،‫م‬1102 ‫في خالل مشروع اإلنقاذ األثري لسد السبلوكة في عام‬ ‫ومشروع قسم االثار بجامعة النيلين على الضفة الغربية لنهر النيل‬ ‫ أسفرت هذه المسوحات عن ثروة من‬.)‫م‬8102-9002( ‫في الفترة‬ ‫ والعصر الحجري‬،‫األدلة األثرية تعود الي العصر الحجري القديم‬ ‫ يمكن‬.‫ والعصر اإلسالمي‬،‫ وما بعد مروي‬،‫ والمروي‬،‫الحديث‬ ‫تصنيف المواقع بشكل مختلف على أنها مستوطنات ومباني دفاعية‬ .‫ورسومات صخرية وطبول صخرية مع محاجر‬

8. t he archaeo ­l o gy o f t he sab alo k a region 167

Works Cited Abdelrahman, M. F. 2009. ‘Akad Rescue Project Season 2008’, Sudan & Nubia, 13: 103–06 Abdelrahman A. M., H. B. Fawzi, and M. S. Muawia. 2014. Salvage Archaeo­logy of Dams on the Nile Preliminary Report of NCAM & DIU, Khartoum. Ahmed, K. A. 1984. Meroitic Settlement in the Central Sudan. An Analysis of Sites in the Valley and the Western Butana, BAR International Series, 197 (Oxford: BAR) Almond, D. and F. Ahmed 1993. Field Guides to the Geo­logy of the Sabaloka Inlier, Central Sudan (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press) Arkell, A. J. 1949. The Old Stone Age in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers, No. 1 (Gloucester: Bellows) Bruce, J. 1808. Travels to Discover the Sources of the Nile, in the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, 1773, 5 vols (Edinburgh: Ruthven) Caneva, I. 1988. El-Geili. The History of a Middle Nile Environment 7000bc–ad1500, BAR International Series, 424 (Oxford: BAR) Chittick, H. N. 1963. ‘The Last Christian Stronghold in the Sudan’, Kush, 11: 264–72 Crawford, O. G. S. 1951. The Fung Kingdom of Sennar (Gloucester: Bellows) Edwards, D. N. 1998. Gabati. A Meroitic, Post-Meroitic and Medi­eval Cemetery in Central Sudan, Sudan Archaeo­logical Research Society Publication, 3 (London: SARS) El-Sangak, A. H. 1978. ‘An Archaeo­logical Survey Between Raw’an and Jebel Qarri Station from the Railway Line to the Nile’ (unpubl. BA thesis, University of Khartoum) El-tAyeb M. and E. Kołosowska. 2005. ‘Burial Traditions on the Right Bank of the Nile in the Fourth Cataract Region’, Gdansk Archaeo­logical Museum African Reports, 4:51–74 Geus, F. 1984. Rescuing Sudan’s Ancient Culture (Khartoum: French Unit of the Directorate General of Antiquities and National Museums of the Sudan) Hintze, F. 1959. ‘Preliminary Report of the Butana Expedition’, Kush, 7: 171–96 Jadain, M. A. 2017. ‘Archaeo­logy of Sixth Cataract, GIS Study’ (unpubl. Masters dissertation, University of Al-Neelain) Khalid, A. B. 2013. ‘Old Human Settlement in the Area between Gaili and Hagar El-Asal’ (unpubl. Masters dissertation, University of Shendi) Mallinson, M., L. Smith, S. Ikram, C. Le Quesne, and P. Sheehan. 1996. Road Archaeo­logy in the Middle Nile, vol. 1: The SARS Survey from Bagrawiya-Meroe to Atbara 1993 (London: SARS) Nassr, A. H. 2016. ‘Late Prehistoric Sites from the Sabaloka Province North of Khartoum on the Eastern Bank of the Nile, Sudan’, Afrique: Archéo­logie & Arts, 12: 21–42 Nasr, A. H. 2017. ‘The Vision of the Late Khader Abdul Karim in the Field of Archaeo­logical Training in the Area Sabaloka’, Adab Alneelain 3: 73–103 Poncet, C.-J. 1709. A Voyage to Aethiopia Made in the Years 1698, 1699, and 1700; Describing particularly that Famous Empire, likewise the Kingdoms of Dongola, Sennar, Part of Egypt, etc.; With the Natural History of those Parts. (London: Lewis) Suková, L. and L. Varadzin 2012. ‘Preliminary Report on the Exploration of Jebel Sabaloka (West Bank), 2009–2012’, Sudan & Nubia, 16: 118–31. Whiteman, A. J. 1971. The Geo­logy of the Sudan Republic (Oxford: Clarendon Press)

Bogdan T. Żurawski

9. Makuria Deserta Some Observations on the Changing Pattern of Desert Trails in the Western Bayuda Desert and its Impact on the History of the Region What is the Bayuda? What is its territorial extent? There are at least two answers to these questions. While the northern and eastern limits of this area, drawn by the Nile, have always been defined beyond question, and the southern border has remained more or less established, serious doubts arise when we try to delimit the Bayuda’s western border. In a collective work prepared by officers of the AngloEgyptian government of Sudan, published in 1905, the Bayuda was defined as a tract of country ‘north of Kordofan […] bounded on the north and east by the Nile and on the west by the Wadi el-Melik (nota bene spelt Wadi el-Melh)’ (Gleichen 1905, i, 207).1 Consequently, the next question that must be asked here is: was Wadi el-Melik the natural western border of the Bayuda?

first arid tributary of the Nile to the east of Wadi el-Melik. Contrary to Edward Gleichen’s remarks in 1905, Rüppell (1829, 99) noted that the toponym ‘Bayuda’ was used by the local population, albeit without clarifying whether he referred to the settled or nomadic populace. This view is shared by contemporary geo­graphers (cf. ‘Bayuda Desert’). The division of the Bayuda into western and eastern parts, separated either by the range of Gebel Gilif or by Wadi Abu Dom, also harks back to Rüppell’s description.3 One thing demands clarification at this point, namely whether extending the definition of the Bayuda to include territories between Wadi Muqaddam and Wadi el-Melik — something to which this author unhesitatingly subscribes — requires consistency in making use of the more general term, ‘the Bayuda’, as opposed to the more specific ‘Bayuda Desert’. The reason for the use of this broader termino­logy is obvious: the Bayuda, in the most general sense of the word, does not conform with the use of ‘desert’ because its southern part is a typical savanna. The border between the Bayuda’s two ecosystems runs roughly along latitude 17° N. On some maps, for example the chart of Inner Afrika produced by August Heinrich Petermann and Bruno Hassenstein in 1861,4 the border between these

Between Desert and Savanna The delimitation of Bayuda proposed in 1905 more or less agrees with earlier descriptions, such as that put forward by Arthur Holroyd (1839, see map after p. 190).2 It profoundly disagrees, however, with that of Eduard Rüppell (1829, 9). Rüppell, who crossed the Bayuda at the end of 1824, provided an excellent description that, in contrast with other accounts, abounds in notes on the antiquities in the region (Rüppell 1829, 99–106). He defined the Bayuda’s western limit as being the Wadi Muqaddam, the



1 Interestingly, the author of the compilation (Gleichen 1905, i, 20) noted that the name ‘Bayuda’ was unknown to the nomadic pastoralists who were roaming the desert in his day. 2 According to the editor’s note (Holroyd 1839, 165), the toponym ‘Bayuda’ is derived from the Arabic word bayaad, denoting the white colour of its sand. In recent times, the desert has also been known to local Arabs as the ‘Sea of Satan’ (Negro and Castiglioni 2002, 411).

3 Modern archaeo­logical research has hitherto concentrated on the eastern part of the Bayuda, particularly in and around the Wadi Abu Dom. The western part was, until recently, rather neglected; in the second decade of the twenty-first century, however, field research was conducted by teams from the universities of Co­logne and Münster, which have profoundly expanded our knowledge of the history and topo­graphy of the region (Eger 2011; Eger 2019; Eger and Karberg 2019, with short resume at 131). 4 Printed in Gotha by Justus Perthes.

Bogdan T. Żurawski ([email protected]) Institute of Mediterranean and Oriental Cultures, Polish Academy of Sciences This is an open access article made available under a cc by-nc 4.0 International License. 10.1484/M.NUBIA-EB.5.128055 Bayuda and its Neighbours, ed. by Artur Obłuski, Henryk Paner, and Mirosław Masojć, NUBIA 1, pp. 169–187

FHG

170 bo gda n t. żur aw s ki

Figure 9.1 Part of Petermann’s and Hassenstein’s Inner-Afrika (1861).

ecosystems is demarcated; here, the whole region is defined as Bayuda Steppe (Fig. 9.1).5 The toponym ‘Bayuda’ made an early appearance in both European travel narratives and carto­graphy. Harold MacMichael (1912, 240) and Ugo Monneret de Villard (1938, 65) liked to associate it with the ‘Desert of Gorham’ mentioned by Leo Africanus (Pory 1600, 128). It was known in 1698 to Giacomo d’Albano (Giamberardini 1961, 49) and to CharlesJacques Poncet (1698).6 Theodor Krump traversed the Bayuda twice, first in April 1701 (Krump 1710, 258–62) and then in August 1702 (1710, 370–71). On this second crossing, he joined a caravan of 2500

5 In a similar manner, the Bayuda is labelled on the 1905 map Ägypten, Dar Fur und Abessinien. 6 ‘[…] the great Desart of Bihouda’ (Poncet 1709, 15).

camels.7 In 1707, three years before Krump managed to publish his Reisebeschreibung, the Bayuda was marked on the Carte de l’Égypte, de la Nubie, de l’Abissinie produced by Guillaume de Lisle (Fig. 9.2).8 Strangely enough, the caravan route that is shown on de Lisle’s map (Fig. 9.2) runs southward, along the left bank of the Nile towards Baker (today known as Al-Bakri), before crossing to the right bank at Dongola. Thereafter, the route returns to the left bank 7 Krump 1710, 369. Judging from his description of the second passage, the main cargo was slaves. 8 De Lisle 1707. The western border of the Bayuda runs along the Wadi el-Melik on de Lisle’s map (Fig. 9.2). In a similar manner, the westernmost limits of the Bayuda were vaguely marked on to a number of later maps, among them Rigobert Bonne’s map (Nubie et Abissinie) of 1771 (Fig. 9.3) and John Pinkerton’s map (Abyssinia & Nubia) from the year 1818 (Fig. 9.4).

9. M aku ri a Des erta

Figure 9.2. Part of Guillaume de Lisle’s Carte de l’Égypte, de la Nubie, de l’Abissinie (1707).

and proceeds upstream via Kesse or Kenise (Kenissa in other maps) towards Corti (Korti), where it enters the Bayuda. The reason behind undertaking this laborious and logistically complex crossing of the river twice within just a few days was the compulsory visit to the checkpoint at Dongola.9 Krump’s experience,



9 Herzog (1957, 124) has expressed doubts as to the possibility of such a route. However, although such a trail is not explicitly described by Krump, as Herzog claims, it nonetheless results from the itinerary of Krump’s return journey in 1702. Krump (1710, 371–74) records that on 15 August, the caravan with which he was travelling arrived at Korti and shortly afterwards crossed

in which he spent two long months bargaining with the customs officers there, proved that it was impossible to avoid paying duties to the makk of Dongola, a minor king in the region. The duties extracted from the caravans were an important source of income for the mukkuk (sg. makk) of the Middle Nile. In 1811, the Swiss traveller Johann Ludwig Burckhardt (1819, 238) calculated the yearly income from the caravans passing Berber as being some three or four thou-

to the right bank, to Dongola. On 28 August, however, they ‘were marching towards Khandaq’.

171

172 bo gda n t. żur aw s ki

Figure 9.3 Part of Rigobert Bonne’s map (Nubie et Abissinie) of 1771.

Along the Track dollars.10

sand Spanish The local makk received the payment either in dammour (Arabic: cotton cloth exchanged in standard lengths) or else in weight of coins (Burckhardt 1819, 237). Together with other riverine rulers, the makk of Dongola maintained the ferryboat communication between both banks of the Nile, which was an important service, especially for the large slave caravans (Krump 1710, 239; Herzog 1957, 125). Needless to say, the ferries were also a source of substantial income; however, as Poncet (1709, 13–14) noticed when crossing the Nile to Dongola in 1698, ‘all Merchandise pay a duty, but the passengers pay nothing’.11

As a general rule, the caravan routes that traversed the Bayuda can be divided into two categories: the shortcuts, which lead, more or less, alongside the Nile, and routes that went from the river to regions outside the Nile Valley.12 To the latter group belong the routes to Darfur and Kordofan, which expanded out into the Bayuda from the river termini along the Nile’s left bank at Khandaq, Abu Gussi, Tanqasi, Ed-Debba, and Abu Dom near Goshabi.13 These

were in frequent use on the river in the Dongola Reach in early nineteenth century (cf. Waddington and Hanbury 1822, 72). 12 Of course, the former trails, which travelled along the course of the Nile, might well have linked with longer trails that extended away from the banks of the river. Indeed, this is undoubtedly the case, although the sections of trail that traverse the Bayuda might also be considered as trade routes in their own right. 10 These figures make for an equivalent of 330 ounces, or 10 13 The desert termini of Khandaq, Abu Gussi, Ed-Debba, and Abu kilograms of pure gold. The early nineteenth-century value of Dom are well-documented in travel narratives. The expansion gold in Sinnar was calculated according to Burckhardt (1819, 310). of different branches of trails into the Bayuda from the river 11 Poncet (1709, 13–14) wrote that merchants approaching Dongola terminal at Tanqasi (spelled Dongosi) is briefly mentioned by from the left bank passed to the right bank by ‘a great Boat which d’Albano in 1700 (Giamberardini 1961, 67). that Prince keeps for the Convenience of the Publick’. Ferryboats

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Figure 9.4. Part of John Pinkerton’s map, entitled Abyssinia Nubia &c. (Pinkerton 1818).

sites were described by a dozen or so European travellers, as well as British officers who reconnoitred the Bayuda during and after Sudan’s brief period of independence known as the Mahdiya (1881–1898).14 Their reports, which contained notes on the availability of water, capacity of wells, etc., reveal that travelling conditions deteriorated alarmingly throughout the western Bayuda in the first decades of the twentieth century. A drop in groundwater level, caused by a decrease in precipitation, led to significant changes in the pattern of traditional caravan routes and also affected the quantity and quality of goods transported from south to north, and north to south. The merchandise that was affected first, and most significantly, was cattle because of the latter’s dependence on a good supply of water.

14 Rüppell (1829, 173), during his visit in 1824, was aware of three routes linking Haraza with Ed-Debba on the Nile.

At the very beginning of the seventeenth century, one of the major towns on the left-bank, and a desert terminus of particular importance, was Kenissa. It is marked in most historic maps of the Middle Nile, beginning with de Lisle’s 1707 map (Fig. 9.3). Ottoman explorer Evliya Çelebi, who travelled through the region in the 1670s, wrote, with an exaggeration that is typical of his narratives, that Kenissa was a fortified site second only in importance to Ibrim (Prokosch 1994, 157)! Regardless of whether this description reflects a certain amount of hyperbole, it certainly seems to have been the case that the site lost most of its glory in subsequent years, since it appears for the last time on Rüppell’s map from the year 1825. Thereafter, it disappears from records, and its function was superseded by the fast-growing nearby trade centre at Ed-Debba.15 This latter site, which is nowa-

15 In 1907 there was an imposing, partly covered suug (Żurawski 2003, fig. 16).

173

174

bo gda n t. żur aw s ki

Figure 9.5. The Baros Piers in February 1998. Photo: Bogdan Żurawski.

days the biggest commercial and administrative centre between Karima and New Dongola, made a late appearance in the record. It was known to neither Evliya Çelebi, nor to any of the eighteenth-century carto­graphers named above, although it is mentioned by Krump (1710, 254, after Spaulding 1974). Ed-Debba rose to prominence at the same time as Khartoum, with the two centres connected by a convenient desert track.16 In the nineteenth century, and probably earlier, the most important slave trading centre, and a terminus for the western Bayuda crossing, was the site of Abu Gussi (‘Report’ 1897, 57).17 Located seven miles upriver from Old Dongola, it is also known variously as Abugus, Abu Gussa, Abu Gossi, Abu Qoz, and Um Guzah.18 Needless to say, the city figured prominently on old maps of the Middle Nile.19

Malte-Brun (1863, 47) wrote in 1863 that the caravans to El-Obeid left from ‘Abu-Gossi’. Today Abu Gussi is a small village that is not even marked on the modern map of Sudan.20 In the past, however, located at a distance from the famous slave market, there was also a river port at which human cargo could be loaded onto the Nile barges.21 Abu Gussi lost its importance after the collapse of the long-distance caravan trade in the westernmost Bayuda. Nevertheless, until the very end of the nineteenth century, it served as the main assembly point for slave caravans. By 1882, the trade in slaves was already in decline, but the business continued to thrive in Abu Gussi as the (Confidential) Report on Egypt. Compiled in the Intelligence Branch of the British Army reveals (‘Report’ 1882).22 Fifteen years later, the Report on the Nile and Country between Dongola, Suakin, Kassala and Omdurman, complied by Gleichen (1897, 10), says that Abu Gussi (here spelt Abu Gus) was a straggling village located some 400 yards from the river

16 The Report from the year 1882 describes it as a small town being a river terminus of the desert track to Khartoum (‘Report’ 1882, 405). 17 Abu Gussi, is marked on George Waddington’s map as Old Town, located precisely vis-a-vis Banganarti and the Tanqasi Island (Waddington and Hanbury 1822, 66 and map after vi). 20 It was still marked on the Sheet 45-E map of the Sudan. 18 Kussa, as a personal name or a place name, is attested in Old 21 An important Nile port was located in Abu Gussi, as revealed in Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim and among wall inscriptions from the modern testimonies collected from the region by Andrzej Sonqi Tino and Banganarti (Łajtar 2020, cat. nos 455 and 638 Leligdowicz in 2018/2019; see Leligdowicz 2019. with comments). 22 ‘A short stoppage may be made at Handak, Old Dongola and 19 The etymo­logy of the toponym Abu Gussi, as reconstructed on Umguzah. This last town, which is marked in the maps as Abu the basis of information collected from the local inhabitants, Gussa, is the point of departure of the large caravans of Darfur seems to have much in common with a particular form of an and Kordofan. A few days stay here among the slave-traders, earthenware vessel called gussi. The term has the same root as where they are out of the reach of consuls and other troublesome gusseba (earthenware grain container), cf. Leligdowicz 2019. people, might be entertaining and instructive’ (‘Report’ 1882, 405).

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and comprising a mosque, 45 well-built brick huts, and 200 inhabitants. By 1905, after the Condominium Government took more decisive steps to curb the slave trade, it was deserted (Gleichen 1905, i, 31). The so-called Baros Piers (seen by De Cadalvéne and De Breuvéry (1836, 305) in 1831), which featured a flight of steps cut into the riverward side of the outer pier, might have been part of an embankment that was constructed during the first Turkiya period (1821–1885) to facilitate the mooring and loading of the cargo boats that took the slaves from Abu Gussi to Mahas and further north (Żurawski 2003, 163).23 In March 2019, Sayed ‘Alī Saalih al-Haami, interviewed by Andrzej Leligdowicz (2019),24 provided some information about the twentieth-century slave trade in Abu Gussi. According to his testimony, the slave market was still functioning in the first quarter of the century, held besides the great camel market at which other domestic animals were also traded. However, it was only a shadow of the huge slave markets of the past. The camel caravans from Kordofan and Darfur used to bring no more than twenty to forty people — men, women, boys, and girls. There was also a tukul (Arabic: makeshift kitchen) where food was prepared for the slaves. The buyers were the slave dealers from Mahas. The transactions were carried out in money or corn brought from Dar Mahas. The latter commodity was willingly accepted by the local merchants because corn was in short supply on the market. The slaves boarded the cargo boats that sailed downriver. In addition to the large slave-and-animal market, a commercial market (suuq tijaari) was also held in another part of the village. The Abu Gussi markets were the responsibility of the special representative of the local administration, which was centred in Ed-Debba. Until the year 1937, this function was held by ‘Iza at-Taliit and later Jidd al-Miyya, a native of the island of Baros. His responsibilities included, among others, collecting duty. The large camel market in Abu Gussi was destroyed by the record flood of 1988. After this disaster, the suug was

transferred to El-Ghaaba, where it continues to be held even today. Part of the northbound merchandise was traded in Dongola where there was a huge walled zeriba, with a caravanserai (wakala) inside; here, even the greatest caravans, which counted two thousand camels or more, could easily be accommodated. Important trans-Bayuda tracks departed the Nile Valley also at El-Khandaq, Abu Dom, and Ed-Debba, the latter two lying near the mouth of the Wadi el-Melik. As this overview indicates, it is evident that the fortunes of the left-bank river termini were closely related to the shifts in the desert caravan routes caused by the lowering of water levels in the wells and by the decline in safety on the desert trails.25 Naturally, such situations impacted on the volume of trade and, consequently, on the amount of duty that was paid at the checkpoints which, for security reasons, were located in fortified settlements on the right bank of the river.26 In the natural course of events, the rise and fall of the desert termini thus also affected the economy of their counterparts on the opposite bank. The overall length of travel was not the deciding factor for merchants when choosing a route through the desert. Safety and distance between watering stations were more important. The shortest path across the Bayuda to Darfur through Simrie and Bir Abu Gerad was chosen by Rüppell in 1824 (‘Report’ 1897, 58).27 The trail through Webri, although taking a day and a half more, had a huge advantage over the track through Simrie because it avoided the difficult, rocky stretch of the desert near to the Simrie wells. Instead, this longer but somewhat easier trail went through the wells of Webri, Elai, Safi, and Kagmar,28 where water was quickly available by digging in the sand (Rüppell 1829, 122).29 In April 1903, the Webri track was followed by James Curie who described it as little-used even during the khariif (Arabic: rainy

25 The lower water levels were a result of reduced rainfall, and the neglect of maintenance of the wells. On the ‘dangerous Bayuda desert, full of Arabs and rebellious subject’, cf. Krump 1719, 369 (after Spaulding 1974). 23 In 1834, Edmond Combes witnessed 300 slaves being loaded 26 The level of security in Bayuda was always low (cf. note above). onto three large barges (grandes barques) in Ed-Debba, which Krump’s caravan hired the cavalry for escort ‘during the six-day then sailed downriver to Dongola (Combes 1846, ii, 58–59). trip through the desert, which was full of robbers and soldiers at Slaves were packed up onto the barges after the mealtime on the war with the king of Sinnar’ (Krump 1710, 256; after Spaulding riverbank. It is not clear whether they were loaded in Ed-Debba 1974). or at another place upriver. However, knowing the difficulties of 27 Abdin Bey ordered a stone-lined well to be dug in Abu Gerad to sailing upriver and against the prevailing northerly wind on the boost the caravan traffic. The work, however, had to be aban­doned stretch of river between Ed-Debba and Karima, the first option is after the well caved in, burying fourteen men (Rüppell 1829, 120). more plausible. 24 The interview was conducted as part of project sponsored by the 28 Also spelled Kadjemar or Kretschmar. 29 On one night, near to Es–Safi, lions or hyenas devoured eight National Science Centre, Poland, entitled ‘Angels and Locusts. bulls and ‘grands troupeaux de boeufs’ were seen by Cuny, while Everyday Life in Banganarti, the Pilgrimage Centre on the in Es-Safi itself, around the ‘lake’, there were 15,000 camels and Middle Nile between the 6th and 16th Century’ (no. 2016/21/B/ sheep ‘in equally incalculable numbers’ (Malte-Brun 1863, 113). HS3/03724).

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season) when water was comparatively plentiful.30 Rüppell’s visit (Rüppell 1829, 120). Nonetheless, the The first watering station on this trail was at Bir region around the well thrived and was rich with game Kufra, eleven miles south of Ed-Debba. According such as ostrich and antelope. Nine hours by camel to the south from Abu Gerad was Wadi Musettere, to Curie’s Arab guides (1905, 130), water here was not far from the surface. At the close of the ninewhich was full of tall trees and grass pasturage. The teenth century, the Webri watering-place consisted most important watering-place on this trail was at of three stone-lined wells twelve feet deep with an Simrie, where there was a circular reservoir 180 feet abundance of water (Curie 1905, 130). in diameter in a depression among the rocks. It gathFrom Haraza to Kagmar there was only one track ered rainfall from the area around (thirty minutes of to the south (Rüppell 1829, 174–75). This track was rainfall would refill the pool). Rüppell noticed abanused by caravans when the Simrie pool dried up, doned stone habitations nearby (Rüppell 1829, 121). although it was longer. Gleichen (1905, i, 208), based In 1824/1825, the region extending south from on reports of survey parties, wrote that the trail the Simrie wells was rich in grass, forage trees, and between Ed-Debba and El-Obeid, which went via bushes, which sustained a variety of fauna. The lack Amri, Hobagi, and Haraza was ‘used a little during of water was overcome by local residents who used rainy season and the road Ed-Debba – El-Obeid to sell on to passing caravans the rainwater that had via Amri, Elai and Habisa was two days longer but gathered in the natural rock depressions (Rüppell enjoyed more water’. Malte-Brun (1863, 100) noticed 1829, 125). In the region of Gebel Haraza, there was that on 15 March 1858, Charles Cuny met seven or enough water to keep cattle and to grow crops.33 An eight slave traders near the sources at El-Amri who important source of income for the local population were heading north (Malte-Brun 1863, 103). He met was commerce (Rüppell 1829, 126–28). Chiefs of the another slave caravan in Gebel Haraza (Malte-Brun local tribes, who were all fugara (sg. fagiir, Arabic: a 1863, 142). mystic) wore two-horned cotton caps that to Rüppell Apart from the climatic shifts that occurred over were reminiscent of the horned headgear of the longer periods, changes in living and travel condiNubian kings (1829, 129). South of Kagmar, accordtions in the Bayuda also happened at more frequent ing to his observations, the region of gum Arabic intervals, sometimes altering from year to year. As a trees began (Rüppell 1829, 129).34 Rüppell stressed result, the caravans were forced to transport a safe the presence of the jallaaba (northern Sudanese supply of water in case the water level in the wells traders) on the track. During his visit, they formed ever fell to such an extent that there was no guaranthe main inhabitants of Bara and both Nubiantee of replenishment. In 1858, Charles Cuny travelled Dongolawi and Arabic were spoken (Rüppell 1829, with a caravan that carried water from Abu Gussi to 130). Horticulture was possible due to the extenKagmar (Malte-Brun 1863, 66).31 sive use of slave labour.35 Nevertheless, the slaves As noted at the very beginning, we owe the best captured in the region inhabited by the Nuba tribes description of the route from the Debba Bend to were mostly traded northwards, to Egypt. Rüppell El-Obeid to Eduard Rüppell. His account, which is estimated that two-thirds of them died before they astonishingly restrained for an early nineteenth-cenreached Cairo.36 Apart from slaves, the merchandise tury traveller in Africa, provides a vivid picture of the exported from the region to Dongola and further trail through the wells at Simrie and Abu Gerad, one north included gum Arabic, hides, ostrich feathof the most important routes through the Bayuda. ers (on which there was a state monopoly), gold in The significance of this route was well-understood by the Turco-Egyptians. In 1823 Abdin Bey, the first towards Sinnar after the Battle of Korti. He was relieved by governor of the province of Dongola, intending to Qasim Agha in 1825 (Hill 1967, 20). enhance the commercial exchange with Kordofan 33 In Haraza, ‘on digging to the depth of two or three feet, and and Darfur, commissioned a stone-lined well at sometimes less, they never fail of finding water’ (Hoskins 1835, 179). Abu Garad, some fifteen hours’ camel ride from Ed-Debba.32 The capacity of the Abu Gerad well 34 The gum trees exude the crop with the beginning of the rainy depended on the rainfall, which was very poor during 35 season. To ensure the safety in the region and to promote trade, the 30 Merchants carried dates to El-Obeid and brought back gum in exchange. 31 From Bara southwards, there was water at each station (MalteBrun 1863, 66). 32 Abdin Bey was charged with the government of the country between Wadi Halfa and Merowe, when Ismail’s army moved

Turco-Egyptians built a fortified settlement at Bara where a garrison of forty riders was stationed (Rüppell 1829, 131). The main fortified camp, however, was established in El-Obeid. Fortifications were also erected in Molfat and Abu Haraza (Rüppell 1829, 135). 36 Rüppell (1829, 135) estimated that of the 40,000 slaves captured in the Nuba mountains, no more than 5,000 were present in Egypt in 1824.

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granules and rings, elephant tusks, rhinoceros horns, senna leaves, tamarind, leather water bags, salt, sesame, and honey (Rüppell 1829, 159; MacMichael 1912, 26, 30). Rüppell made no mention of the trade in cattle, probably because it was in decline during his visit to the region.37 Deterioration of the water supply on the desert trails led to the cattle trade being officially forbidden shortly before Ignaz Pallme visited Kordofan in 1838 (MacMichael 1912, 29). Pallme wrote: during several years, 8,000 heads of horned cattle were annually sent to Cairo, the greater part of which perished on the road. The government have now had their eyes opened to the absurdity of driving beasts so great a distance, and the transport of cattle to Cairo has consequently ceased; they are now only driven to Khartoum (Pallme 1844, 37).38

The above examples indicate that there was a large and profitable exchange of goods across the Bayuda in the first half of the nineteenth century. In addition to slaves, gum Arabic was traded on a large scale. 2500 camels loaded with gum Arabic alone were said to arrive in Cairo each year from Kordofan (Hoskins 1835, 178). The profits made by traders were vast; Hoskins (1835, 178) mentioned elephant tusks that ‘were purchased in Kordofan for sixteen dollars the kantar and sold in Cairo for eighty dollars, and often more’.

The King’s Road to Darfur The trail through the Bayuda that is of most interest to us because of its antiquity, as confirmed by archaeo­ logical discoveries runs along the Wadi el-Melik to Foga, at the border between Darfur and Kordofan. In 1853, this track was chosen as a route of travel by Wilhelm von Schlieffen.40 He left the river at Abu Gussi and followed the Wadi el-Melik. Four years later, the Wadi el-Melik route was travelled by Cuny (Malte-Brun 1863, 78). To Cuny, or rather to his bio­ grapher Conrad Malte-Brun (1863, 78–79), we owe a good description of the wadi, which abounds in interesting details obtained from the Arabs.41 He suggested that the royal name of the wadi, comes from the fact that it went to the capital of ‘empereurs fouriens’ in El-Fasher (Malte-Brun 1863, 79).42 Cuny also claimed that during the heavy rains of the khariif, the wadi-bed was filled with water, but that this did not last for a period of more than ten to fifteen days (Malte-Brun 1863, 79). The most comprehensive description of the ‘King’s Road’ to El-Fasher, however, comes from a later period. In 1876, Sidney Ensor, a civil engineer,

Pallme also mentioned that duties were paid partly in money, and partly in products and slaves.39 Forty years earlier during Browne’s visit to Darfur (1793–1796), trade in cattle was already in decline but oxen remained the means of payment. Browne mentions a payment in oxen that was due to him and since the oxen were of very little use to him, he preferred for the payment to be converted into slaves (Browne 1799, 222). Both oxen and slaves remained high-value commodities in nineteenth-century Darfur. For smaller transactions, however, arrow-shaped pieces of iron known locally as haschasch, which were about three inches in length and resembled an anchor, were used (cf. MacMichael 1912, 67 n. 1; O’Fahey 1980, 134). The rate of exchange was usually 150 haschasch for one Spanish dollar, which by the end of the eighteenth century had become the standard currency throughout Sinnar (O’Fahey and Spaulding 1974, 70–71, after Burckhardt 1819, 216). In 1824, the value of haschasch dropped to 250 for one dollar. Larger transactions were effected in durra or 40 Von Schlieffen is the least well-known European explorer of Nubia and was unknown to Hill (1967). He did not publish a pieces of locally woven dammour (three pieces of single word of his Nubian travels. However, the exact course dammour for one dollar) (Rüppel 1829, 139).

of his Bayuda crossings are known from his correspondence between August Petermann, Richard Lepsius and others, kept in the Berlin Archives (cf. a short note in Weidmann 1895, 155 and the Wikipedia entry ‘Wilhelm von Schlieffen’. 41 Generally, Cuny followed the course of Wadi el-Melik, however 37 Rüppell (1829, 143) does, however, speak about cattle breeding he made detours to the wells which had abundant water at the by the native Nuba of Kordofan, who were Muslims and sent time of his travel. He mentioned Kagmar and Safi wells, which levies in slaves and cattle to El-Obeid. He also mentions pig are located quite a distance from Wadi el-Melik. Schweinfurth breeding and stresses the abundance of honey, which could also (1874, ii, 449), when speaking about the caravan routes linking be an article of trade (Rüppell 1829, 157–58). the Nile with Darfur and Kordofan across Bayuda, mentions 38 These figures are contradicted by those of Escayrac de Lauture only the trail from Abu-Harras to Dongola via El-Safi. (1854, 575), who claimed that in the mid-nineteenth century, 42 Ensor (1881, vi) claimed the wadi took its name not from melik Sudan delivered 15–20,000 head of cattle to Egypt. (Arabic: king) but from milik (Arabic: property), nota bene 39 ‘[…] in the year 1838, the country was obliged to contribute, spelled milkh. Wadi Milkh, therefore meant, according to him, an in addition to the imposts of money, besides cattle, butter and ‘Inalienable Valley’, that is, a valley owned by someone — in this slaves about 4000 ardeb (118,000 sacks) of dura, or millet, and the case the Sultans of Darfur — who claimed the sole right to use it. Baggaara nomads 12,000 oxen and kine […]’ (Pallme 1844, 37).

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surveyed the track that ran along the course of the Wadi el-Melik to assess its suitability for laying a railway line from Abu Gussi to El-Fasher (Ensor 1881, v). At this time, the route was deemed to be a most convenient track from the Debba Bend to Darfur,43 although it was seldom used (Ensor 1881, vi and 62). By the turn of the twentieth century, however, the Wadi el-Melik route was abandoned; Gleichen, writing in 1905 (i, 207–08), defined it as ‘seldom if ever used’. The water that could be obtained along Wadi el-Malik was, according to Ensor’s observations, derived from pools that were filled during the rainy season and from the wells sunk in the wadi bed to a depth of thirty or forty feet (Ensor 1881, 5). The trees, Ensor noted (1881, 35), became more numerous and the grass more plentiful almost hourly after leaving the well of Mahtoul.44 This is interesting, because Mahtoul lies thirty miles from Ed-Debba, at the point where Wadi el-Melik reaches the Nile (Gleichen 1905, i, 207). It thus means that the most difficult part of the desert route from Ed-Debba to El-Fasher was in fact the short northernmost section closest to the river. Further information on the Wadi el-Melik is contained in Garstin’s report of 1897 (Gleichen 1905, i, 207–08). The caravan trek along Wadi el-Melik began either in Abu Gussi or in Ed-Debba and hit the wadi itself at the wells of Mahtoul. The next watering station after Mahtoul was in Soteir, another thirty miles to the south (Gleichen 1905, i, 210). A direct shortcut to the confluence of both Niles at Khartoum via the Gabra wells starts from this point. During Ensor’s visit, there was plenty of water available from two wells in a valley to the east of the wadi (Ensor 1881, 55). Huge flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of cattle were watered there (Ensor 1881, 56; Rodis 1968, table 2). In El-Ain, another watering station after Soteir, excellent water was easily obtainable in 1876 from the well or rather a spring, at a place called Ain Hamed (Ensor 1881, 64–65). Thirty years later, the water supply in El-Ain remained good and abundant (Gleichen 1905, i, 211). In Baggareeyeh, the next watering station on Ensor’s path, there were about 150 wells, varying between ten and thirty feet in depth (Ensor 1881, 72).45

In Umm Badr, north of Foga, 500 wells were reported by his guides. Mohammed Effendi, one of Ensor’s companions, made an attempt to count the sheer numbers of men and beasts who made use of the Umm Badr wells. His figures are remarkable: 10,000 camels each day from a herd 50,000-strong, together with 50 horses, 150 oxen, 2400 sheep, and 1350 goats, in addition to 1050 men, 2100 women, and 3000 children (Ensor 1881, 80). In December 1901, however, Major E. B. Wilkinson reported that many hundred wells and waterholes dug in former times in Umm Badr could now be found empty (Wilkinson 1905, 139).46 He was informed by Arabs that no caravans now visited the place because of the lack of water (Wilkinson 1905, 140). He noticed, however, that in Khor Dormaia, between Umm Badr and Foga, in December 1901 ‘there were signs of a big flood coming down in rain’ (Wilkinson 1905, 139). Ensor abandoned Wadi el-Melik in Umm Badr, choosing instead the southern path to El-Fasher via the wells of Foga, Gebel Surug, and Karnac (Ensor 1881, 97; cf. Gleichen 1905, i, 207). A quarter of a century later, on this same path, at Foga, Colonel B. Mahon saw ‘remains of hundreds of old wells’ (Mahon 1905, 136), which were found dry in both winter and summer by 1912 (MacMichael 1912, 160).47 The fall of the groundwater level in this region can be attributed to the decrease in precipitation from about 0.5 m/year in the early 1900s to about 0.2 m/year or less by the turn of the new millennium (LovisonGolob 2014, 235).

Slaves on the King’s Road The desert trade in the western Bayuda continued throughout the nineteenth century, despite the significant fall in water level both along the desert trails and at their final destinations. In 1853, Stanislas d’Escayrac de Lauture, based on the testimonies obtained from the Nuba of Kordofan, wrote that in some places ‘one should dig three or four times deeper for water than his father or forefather did’ (d’Escayrac de Lauture 1853, 66). In the years 1837 to 1841, when Pallme was in Kordofan, water was found in El-Obeid at a depth just over 15 m — that is, 9 m

43 Interestingly, the name of Wadi el-Melik (spelled Wadi el-Melh) yards across’ (Newbold 1924, 47). was, at the beginning of the twentieth century, unknown to the 46 Three wells were opened and twenty feet down no water was western Bayuda Arabs (Wilkinson 1905, 139). obtained; see Wilkinson 1905, 139; MacMichael 1912, 160. 44 Mahtoul was the first well met in Wadi el-Melik by the caravan 47 Foga wells, in October 1902 consisted of a series of thirty fuulaat coming from either Old Dongola or Abu Gussi (Ensor 1881, 54). (sg. fuula, Arabic for pool of rainwater) thirty to forty feet in In 1875 there were two wells that never ran dry (Ensor 1881, 55). diameter located in a depression. When the water gave out, the 45 In September 1923, Newbold found Wadi el-Melik at Abu Zaima, people used to dig wells in the bottom of the depression (Lloyd south of Baggareeh, flooded ‘with water about 4 feet deep and 30 1905, 134).

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deeper than during the 1820s (Pallme 1844, 52). By 1911, the average depth of wells in El-Obeid was 18 m. In 1919, a well drilled at El-Obeid hit water at a depth of 35 m; by 1927, this was 85 m and by 1939, 111 m (Rodis and others 1968, table 2). The reports and narratives extensively quoted above prove that the most important merchandise of the nineteenth-century western Bayuda trade was slaves. Pallme (1844, 307) estimated that in the year 1825, ‘four years after the conquest, the number of slaves which had been led away into captivity was forty thousand; and in the year 1839, the total number amounted at least to 200,000, without reckoning the thousands seized by the Bakkara and bought by the Djelabi [original spelling]’. In another place, he says that in the year 1838 alone, Muhammed Ali requested and obtained five thousand slaves from Kordofan (Pallme 1844, 43). The above figures seem almost unbelievable and might be considered overestimated; however, when set alongside the more reliable statistics on the number of enslaved Oromo people transferred through the border point at Gallabat from Ethiopia to Sudan, which Schweinfurth provided in 1874 (ii, 447), it is apparent that these vast figures are, in fact, quite likely.48 The lack of reliable data for the total number of slaves sold in Egyptian markets means that the figures quoted by Pallme cannot be properly verified. However, in 1796, William G. Browne (1799, 298) recorded that he returned to Egypt from Darfur with a caravan which ‘comprised about five thousand slaves’, while another indication of the high volume of the slave trade can be seen by Muhammed Ali’s decision, in March 1822, soon after the conquest of Sudan, to commission the construction of special quarters near the Cairo Citadel for female slaves and children (Walz 1978, 238; after Douin 1944, 340).49 More reliable, but still very high figures on the volume of the slave trade in 1840, are those provided by Richard Madden, based on a customs register. Of a total of 10,490 slaves who passed through the customs office in Metemma, 5090 were sent to Cairo and Alexandria while the rest were sold in Sennar, Darfur, and elsewhere (Madden 1841, 134). Somewhat more moderate numbers are given by Hoskins. He claims that ‘Hourshid Bey, the governor of Sennar […] extends every campaign the Pasha’s dominion on the Blue Nile River, and sends every year never less than 500, and often as many as 3000 slaves, the tro 48 According to the quotas provided by Schweinfurth, 18,000 slaves passed through the checkpoint at Gallabat in the year 1865. 49 The adult male slaves coming from the newly conquered territories in the south were sent directly to army training camps in Upper Egypt (Walz 1978, 238).

phies of his victories, to Cairo’ (Hoskins 1835, 146). Against the backdrop of these figures, the 400 slaves delivered to Egypt by the Nubian king as the fulfilment of the conditions stipulated by the baqt look very modest. This suggests that the seventh-century treaty concluded between the Christian Kingdom of Makuria and the Muslim conquerors of Egypt was more a symbolic pact of allegiance, with only a moderate economic impact. The actual number of slaves sent north through Nubian brokers must have been much higher.

Wadi el-Melik in Mediaeval Trans-Saharan Trade Arguments in favour of the thesis that Wadi al-Melik was a busy trade route connecting the Christian Kingdom of Makuria with Darfur and Kordofan are many and their number continues to grow. Although the information on the Wadi el-Melik route has grown significantly in recent years, the evidence gathered by travellers to the region from the Early Modern period onwards is also noteworthy. They provided some evidence to suggest that the people who followed the trail before possessed technical capabilities suggestive of affiliations with well-developed societies. For example, the old well at Karnac, visited by Ensor in 1876, was the widest and deepest in Darfur. It was sunk mainly through solid sandstone rock to a depth of 85 m (Ensor 1881, 107). Ensor failed to obtain information from the local inhabitants as to when this well was sunk, and by whom, but it unmistakably bore evidence of having been dug in a much earlier period — Ensor calculated it might have been between 300 and 800 years old — and it had been constructed using tools and skills that were not available to the people then living in the area (Ensor 1881, 107–08). Similarly, in Boota, some three hours’ march from Karnac, there was a well that was cut through the rock to a depth of 45 m. According to Ensor, the Boota well was of even greater antiquity than that at Karnac, a conclusion based in part on the fact that the well was executed with uncemented but extremely well-laid stones (Ensor 1881, 109). In addition to Ensor’s observations from the nineteenth century at Karnac, Foga, and Boota, an interesting phenomenon was observed by Colonel B. Mahon in December 1901 at Bir Sedeiri, located between Foga and Kaja. Here, in two villages at a place called Kuku, there were no wells but a good deal of land was under cultivation. A good supply of water for the fields was provided by tanks or reservoirs of water in the mountains. These were largely

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Figure 9.6. Magnetic map of the archaeo­logical site of Soniyat rendered with Fluxgate gradiometer, sampling grid 0.5 × 0.25 m, zigzag mode. Contour map: Roman Lopaciuk; magnetic data processing: Tomasz Herbich.

9. M aku ri a Des erta

natural but had at some point been greatly improved artificially. The local people knew nothing about how these reservoirs were originally constructed, nor did they have any tools at their disposal to execute work of this kind. Mahon concluded that the Kaja district, which in 1901 was covered with the remains of old villages, had at some time in the past been very densely populated (Gleichen 1905, ii, 136). Mahon’s conclusions found support over the years from reports respectively by Gleichen,50 Douglas Newbold,51 Albert Penn,52 and James Edmonds.53 Importantly, Edmonds, together with R. C. Wakefield, also identified enclosures at the site of Dar Hawawir, south of Debba Bend, which were used to store rainwater, and which closely resembled the hafaayir (Arabic, sg. hafiir) of Meroitic date known from the northern Butana (Edmonds 1940b: 295–303).54 In 1951, Anthony Arkell (1951, 353–54) published an Old Nubian inscription from Abu Negila, near Gebel Awadun, thirty-five miles from Wadi el-Melik.55 The inscription was found near to an old well known as Bir el-Kay, which was discovered and reopened by an Arab in 1938, and it was reported that there were six more ancient wells in the same gorge (Arkell 1951, 353). Several crosses, including two Maltese ones, were noticed near one of these wells (Arkell 1951, 354). An inspiring set of information on the southern expansion of mediaeval Nubia was published by Derek Welsby (2002, 86–88). Since this publication, more evidence has surfaced, and those examples already known to us have been illuminated by new discoveries. The new data has provided deeper insights into the issue of the trade routes linking riverine Nubia with Darfur and Kordofan in the periods before European penetration (Eger 2011; Eger 2019; Eger and Karberg 2019), and confirm the preliminary thesis that in the Middle Ages and earlier, the western Bayuda was under control of the principalities centred in the Middle Nile region. Among

this wave of new discoveries, the Abu Negila graffito published by Arkell was re-edited by Grzegorz Ochała in 2011. Ochała’s work (2011, 149–55) confirmed the presence of Makurian officials in this region in the fourteen century during the reign of King Siti of Dotawo. The same king left a memento of his visit in Banganarti Church, located at the river terminus of the track to El-Ain and further south (Łajtar 2008, 328). Concurrent with Ochała’s publication came Jana Eger’s discovery of the church ruin in Gebel el-Ain (Eger 2011, 115–20),56 while just a few years earlier, Brigitte Gratien conducted her ground-breaking excavations in Zankor and Abu Sofyan (Gratien 2007, 29–38). The C14 dating of the material discovered showed that both sites, located at the end of the Wadi el-Melik route, were inhabited as early as the beginning of the first century (Gratien 2007, 32) and in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Gratien 2007, 34). An important supplement to the discoveries in the Bayuda were the results of the surveys and excavations in the Debba Bend where several sites probably owed their prominence to the trans-Bayuda trade. Amongst these is Soniyat near Abkur, a multicultural site in the mantiga of Tergis, which spanned from the Kushite period to the mediaeval era. It was visited by Lord Prudhoe in 1829 and briefly mentioned in his hitherto unpublished travel description.57 The temple was rediscovered in 1997 and a survey conducted during the Southern Dongola Reach Survey in 1998–2000 (Żurawski 2003, 243–49). Situated on the right bank of the Nile, opposite the mouth of the Wadi el-Melik, and located halfway between two important desert terminals at Abu Dom and Ed-Debba, Soniyat occupied a perfect position to profit from the north-south trade (Żurawski 2018, 472). The first suggestion that the temple complex at Soniyat in the mantiqa of Tergis might be identified with the Meroitic township of Tergedum, once visited by Nero’s centurions in the year ad 60, was on the map compiled by Kiepert and Lepsius in 1859 (Fig. 9.7).58

50 Gleichen reported finds of stone dwellings at El-Ain (1905, i, 210–11). 51 In 1923, Newbold discovered a large complex of rock drawings, graves, stone-walled enclosures, burnt-brick ruins, and habitations at Abu Sofian, to the west of Wadi el-Melik 56 Quite recently Eger (2019) suggested identifying the area around (Newbold 1924, 78–80; cf. MacMichael 1912, 85 n. 2). Gebel al-Ayn with the Land of Tari known from the Hudud 52 In December 1928, A. E. Penn started excavations at Zankor al-Alam, a geo­graphic work from the tenth century written in (Penn 1931, 179–84). Persian by an anonymous author. 53 In 1940, J. M. Edmonds published a report on Khufriyat el-Atash 57 The temple was first visited by Lord Prudhoe in 1829: ‘In half an in Wadi el-Qasr (a tributary of Wadi el-Melik) where a hydreuma hour after starting we passed the foundation of a temple without was located near two wells, twenty-six miles south of Ed-Debba inscription […]’. Noticed under the date 11 February (1829) in (Edmonds 1940a, 161–67). Ceramics found there were identified the unpublished typescript of his Memoranda of his journey as medi­eval (see Arkell in Edmonds 1940a, 161–67). from Old Dongola to Ez-Zuma (kept in the Griffith Institute in 54 Examples of these hafaayir include those at Basa and Umm Oxford). Usuda (cf. Crowfoot 1911, 14, 22). 58 The possibility that Tergedum might be one and the same as 55 This region is close to where Edmonds and Wakefield found the the Napatan town Tergebe, was vaguely suggested by Priese enclosures. (1984, 494).

181

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Figure 9.7. Portion of the Übersichtskarte der Nilländer compiled by Kiepert and Lepsius (1859), showing the region between Debba Bend and Bara in North Kordofan. Tergedum is (incorrectly) marked on the left bank of the Nile.

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Soniyat vel Tergedum vel Tergebe had an extremely favourable location at the southernmost tip of the Debba Bend. The merchandise brought in from the south by camels could easily be reloaded here onto cargo boats and transported to the foot of the Third Cataract, where it was then reloaded onto pack animals to be carried further north.59 The study of the ceramics recovered from the trial pits in Soniyat, dealt with in her Master’s thesis by Mariola Orzechowska, revealed a considerable mixture of Napatan wares. Contacts with Egypt were confirmed by a fragment of a wheel-thrown Egyptian storage jar of Upper Egyptian provenance (Orzechowska 2003, 442, pl. 4) and three handmade sherds dating from between the fourth and the early second century bc (Orzechowska 2003, 443). Tergedum, like all of the townships on the right bank, was already declining when it was visited by Nero’s centurions. Its dependence on trade made it vulnerable to the effects of the general crisis that plagued Egypt, Meroe’s main trading partner, in the first century ad.60 The centre rose to prominence once more in the sixth century when the region downriver of Tergedum became the heartland of the Kingdom of Makuria. The end of the first century was also a turning point in the history of Selib 2, a Meroitic site in the Debba Bend some 30 km downriver from Soniyat (Żurawski 2016, 102–07). Selib 2 was a short-lived site; it reached its zenith in the first century and declined soon thereafter. There is virtually nothing from the site that could be dated to the second century bc or earlier, and surprisingly, nor is there any post-Meroitic period in the Selib 2 ceramic material (Żurawski 2016, 107–08). However, the site was refounded in the late sixth century with the revival of a strong principality in the region centred at Tungul/ Dongola that was able to safeguard caravan routes, thus promoting commerce, and the mediaeval revival in the region witnessed the fortified rectangular enclosure with a church and saagiya built in Selib 1, neighbouring Meroitic Selib 2. Selib 1 primarily served its neighbouring Christian villages as a site of refuge. The walls, at six metres in height, warded off the desert dwellers, and the saagiya guaranteed the supply of water in case of a prolonged siege, while the Saint Menas church provided spiritual protection by the town’s patron. It is also quite likely that Selib 1 served also as a shelter for the caravans that

proceeded downriver along the right bank towards Tungul/Dongola. On the opposite side of the Nile is the site of Khufriyat el-Atash. The plan of the Khufriyat sketched by Edmonds in 1940 is embarrassingly imprecise — the site is in fact a rhomboid, not a rectangle — but it nonetheless exhibits many similarities with the mediaeval site of Selib1 (Żurawski 2016, 91–102). The stairs that lead to the top of the buttress in Khufriyat el-Atash, also known from Selib 1, suggest a defensive purpose to its girdle wall (Edmonds 1940, 160 fig.). Khufriyat el-Atash was probably the last watering station (hydreuma) for caravans coming from the south along Wadi el-Melik, before crossing the Nile to Selib 1. From here, a road along the right bank led to Banganarti and Tungul/Dongola or, in the opposite direction, to Diffar and Abkur.61 The recent discoveries in western Bayuda and on its margins prove the presence of Christian Nubians both in Wadi el-Melik and on other tracks in the Western Bayuda. The evidence available to us suggests that Nubian power was dependent on commerce and the exchange of goods, thus corroborating the thesis that the driving factor behind the ascendancy of the Nubian kingdoms was driven by their ability to act as agents in the trade between Egypt and Africa. The rise of Tungul/Dongola to regional power was most probably caused by the revival of the trans-Bayuda trade in the fifth/sixth centuries, which was enhanced by the introduction of the camel to the desert routes and the improvement of security along many of the caravan trails. The many forts and enclosures that emerged during this period along the Middle Nile were probably intended to safeguard the riverine sections of these routes. Similarly, the evidence presented above proves that the source of wealth and prosperity that underpinned the Kingdom of Makuria was trade with territories at the southern end of Wadi el-Melik, a location where slaves were captured or — more plausibly — traded with local tribal chiefs (Hasan 1977, 89–90). According to Ibn Hawqal’s Kitāb șūrat al-ard, composed in the tenth century, the authority of the ‘Lord of Dongola’ extended far beyond the Nile Valley, reaching far enough south to incorporate areas inhabited by the people known as ‘Highlanders’ (al-Jabaliyyūn) (Vantini 1975, 165; cf. also Edwards 2004, 252; Seignobos 2015, 184). Their hilly habitat, according to Ibn Hawqal, was separated from the Alwa heartlands by a ‘sandy desert’ and the vast

59 Such a scheme was continued even in the late nineteenth century 61 In the 1940s, a camel-route from Ed-Debba to Omdurman (cf. Ensor 1881, 26). passed through Khufriyat el-Atash. Edmonds reported three 60 For the literature in support of this position see Morris 1978, wells near the ruined fort (?) buried by sand and debris. The Nile 263–73. is 26 miles to the north (1940, 162–63).

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and well-peopled district of Amqul ‘where iron and gold are found’ (Seignobos 2015, 184–85). In 1840, the traditional iron-working region in Northern Kordofan was visited by Joseph Russegger. The EisenDistrikt, according to his estimation ‘[…] stretched from Glèha towards the west […] to Bara and from Chursi towards the north to Mugnos’ (Russegger 1844, ii, 286).62 If Ibn Hawqal’s account is taken at face value, the Amqul district can be identified with this area. Consequently, the lands of the Al-Jabaliyyūn ought to be sought in the opposite direction namely in the Nuba Mountains and other hilly regions in south-western Kordofan, as well as the border zone between Kordofan and Darfur. These regions, which connected directly with Makuria’s heartlands by Wadi el-Melik, were the main source of slaves for ‘central and western Sudan cattle (and some camel) Arab nomads; Hadendowa peoples in eastern Sudan and Moslem agriculturalists along the Nile north of Khartoum to the Egyptian border’ (McLoughlin 1962, 360). The economic and political affiliation of this region with the Kingdom of Makuria seems to be beyond dispute.63 *** Paradoxically, the arrival of Islam in Egypt, which led to the incorporation of Makuria’s natural trading partner into a Muslim commonwealth that was far larger in both size and potential than the Byzantine Empire, caused an increase in long-distance commerce in the region. The establishment of slave-thirsty markets in Egypt at this time made Makuria’s agency in managing the trade between north and south more profitable. Wadi el-Melik, a huge arid tributary of the Nile and an important thoroughfare that led into to the heart of Africa, continued to play an important role in Makuria’s economic ascendancy during the so-called ‘Golden Age’ (Godlewski 2002). But it was the gradual Islamisation of the Saharan desert trade, which culminated in the early thirteenth century, which also sealed Nubia’s fate and caused the process of the Middle Nile’s gradual decline and col-

62 The iron-working region extends further north to Gebel Abu Hadid and Gebel Haraza in Northern Kordofan (Spaulding, n.d., The Ironworking Industry; Edwards 2015, 252; Seignobos 2015, 185). 63 It is worth noting here MacMichael’s suggestion (1912, 87) that when King Ani’s sought refuge in the country of Anag in face of the advancing Muslim army at the end of the thirteenth century, he was, in fact, escaping to Northern Kordofan where ‘so rife are mentions of the Anag’. The king had a narrow escape, made possible only because the pursuing army had to turn back owing to lack of water in the country, ‘[…] which was only a wasteland, the abode of elephants, monkeys, boars, giraffes and ostriches’ (Ibn Abd Az-Zahir in Vantini 1975, 426).

lapse. By the mid-thirteenth century, Dunama, Sultan of Kanem, gained control over the trade route to Sai Island (Arkell 1959, 47), while at the same time, Islam made significant progress in Darfur and North Kordofan. The Kingdom of Makuria ultimately ceased to function as an important intermediary between the African and Mediterranean commercial systems, and the trade in slaves, cattle, gold, ivory, and other commodities was taken over by the Islamic sultanates of Darfur and Sinnar. Although the caravan traffic continued along the Wadi el-Melik and other transBayuda routes, profits instead went to the local mukkuk and Funj tax collectors, who resided at the river termini of the desert tracks and the crucial points of the riverine stretch of the routes.

‫بقدان زوارسكي‬

‫ بعض المالحظات حول النمط‬.‫المقرة المهجورة‬ ‫المتغير للمسارات الصحراوية في غرب صحراء‬ ‫بيوضة وأثرها على تاريخ المنطقة‬ ‫المستخلص‬ ‫ يبحث هذا الفصل عن أسباب وديناميكيات التحوالت في‬:‫المستخلص‬ ‫ ويؤكد‬،‫نمط طرق التجارة في الجزء الغربي من صحراء بيوضة‬ ‫بشكل خاص على أهمية المسار على طول وادي الملك وعالقته‬ ‫ كما يستكشف ايضا الدور المحتمل الذي‬.‫بصعود المقرة للسلطة‬ ‫لعبته السونيات (موقع كوشي يقع على الضفة اليسرى يقابل ملتقى‬ ‫وادي الملك والنيل) في التجارة مع األراضي الممتدة جنوب غرب‬ ‫ إلى جانب سقوط موقع‬،‫ كان أفول السونيات‬.‫منحنى الدبة على النيل‬ ‫ يرجع بشكل معقول إلى التراجع العام في التجارة‬،‫سلب المجاور‬ ‫في هذه المنطقة من إفريقيا بسبب األزمة االقتصادية في مصر‬ .‫ في القرنين السادس والسابع الميالدي‬.‫في القرن األول الميالدي‬ ‫استؤنفت التجارة مع دارفور وكردفان عبر كل من وادي الملك‬ ‫والطرق الموازية للوادي بعد ظهور كيانات سياسية جديدة في‬ ‫ كان الوصول إلى طرق التجارة إلى الجنوب‬.‫منطقة النيل األوسط‬ ‫ واألرباح من التجارة المربحة في العبيد والماشية والسلع‬،‫الغربي‬ ‫ من األسباب الرئيسية وراء صعود السلطة السياسية والنمو‬،‫األخرى‬ ‫ وقعت األراضي الواقعة في نهاية وادي‬.‫االقتصادي لمملكة المقرة‬ ‫ التي‬،‫الملك وعلى طول مساره تحت تأثير السلطة المدنية والكنيسة‬ ‫ بعد فترة وجيزة من تنصير مملكة‬،‫ دنقال‬/‫كان مركزها في تنقل‬ ‫ كان أحد اسباب تدهور المملكة وسقوطها في القرن الثالث‬.‫المقرة‬ .‫عشر هو تحول طرق التجارة من منطقة دنقال‬

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Works Cited Arkell, A. J. 1951. ‘Nubian Inscription from Kordofan’, American Journal of Archaeo­logy, 55.4: 353–54 —— . 1959. ‘The Medi­eval History of Darfur in its relation to other Cultures and to the Nilotic Sudan’, Sudan Notes and Records, 40: 44–47 ‘Bayuda Desert’, Wikipedia [accessed April 2021] Bonne, R. 1771. Map of Nubie and Abissinie, from Atlas Moderne ou Collection de Cartes sur Toutes les Parties du Globe Terrestre by R. Bonne and others (Paris: Lattré and Hérissant) Browne, W. G. 1799. Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria from the year 1792 to 1798 (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies) Burckhardt, J. L. 1819. Travels in Nubia (London: John Murray) Cadalvéne, E. de and J. de. Breuvéry, 1836. L’Égypte et La Turquie de 1829 à 1836 (Paris: A. Bertrand) Caneva, I. and A. Roccati (eds). 2006. Acta Nubica. Proceedings of the X International Conference of Nubian Studies, Rome 9–14 September 2002 (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato) Combes, E. 1846. Voyage en Égypte, en Nubie, dans les déserts de Beyouda, des Bicharys, et sur les côtes de la Mer Rouge, 2 vols (Paris: Desessart) Crowfoot, J. W. and F. Ll. Griffith (eds). 1911. The Island of Meroë: Meroitic Inscription, i: Sôba to Dangêl (London: Egypt Exploration Fund) Curie J. 1905. ‘Debba to El-Obeid, viâ Wabri, Elai, Safia and Kagmar’, in The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: A Compendium Prepared by Officers of the Sudan Government, ii, ed. by A. E. W. Gleichen (London: HMSO), pp. 130–31 Douin, G. 1944. Histoire du Soudan Égyptien, i: La pénétration, 1820–1822, Société royale de géo­graphie d’Égypte (Cairo: l’Institut français d’archéo­logie orientale) Edwards, D. N. 2004. The Nubian Past. Archaeo­logy of the Sudan (London: Routledge) Edmonds, J. M. 1940a. ‘A Ruin in the wadi El Qasr’, Sudan Notes and Records, 23.I: 161–67 Edmonds, J. M. 1940b. ‘Some Stone-Walled Enclosures in Dar Hawawir’, Sudan Notes and Records, 23.2: 295–303 Eger, J. 2011. ‘Ein mittelalterliches Kloster am Jabal al-Ain?’, Der Antike Sudan, 22: 115–20 ——— 2019. ‘The Land of Ṭarī and Some New Thoughts on Its Location’, in The Archaeo­logy of Medi­eval Islamic Frontiers. From the Mediterranean to the Caspian Sea, ed. by J. Eger and A. Asa (University Press of Colorado, Louisville), pp. 119–36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5876/9781607328773) Eger, J. and T. Karberg. 2019. ‘Neue Forschungen in Nord-Kordofan. Vorbericht über die Feldkampagnen des InterLINKProjekts der Jahre 2017 und 2018’, Der Antike Sudan, 30: 131–46 Ensor, F. S. 1881. Incidents of a Journey through Nubia and Darfur (London: Allen) D’Escayrac de Lauture, P. H. S. 1854. Le Désert et le Soudan (Paris: Dumaine) Gleichen, A. E. W. (ed.). 1905. The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: A Compendium Prepared by Officers of the Sudan Government, 2 vols (London: HMSO) Giamberardini, G. (ed.). 1961. G. D’ Albano, Historia della missione Francescana in alto Egitto-Fungi-Etiopia, 1686–1720, Studia orientalia christiana. Aegyptiaca, 18 (Cairo: Cairo Centro Francescano di Studi Orientali Cristiani) Godlewski, W. 2002. ‘Introduction to the Golden Age of Makuria (9th–11th Centuries)’, Africana Bulletin, 50: 75–98 Godlewski, W. and A. Łajtar (eds). 2008. Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the Conference for Nubian Studies. Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, i: Main Papers, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean Supplement Series 2.1 (Warsaw: Warsaw University Press) Gratien, B. 2007. ‘Royaumes de Soudan lointain’, in Pharaons noirs: sur la Piste des Quarante Jours, ed. by M. C. Bruwier (Morlanwelz: Musée Royal de Mariemont), pp. 29–38. Hasan, Y. F. 1977. ‘Some Aspects of the Arab Slave Trade from the Sudan, 7th–19th Century’, Sudan Notes and Records, 58: 85–106 Herzog, R. 1957. ‘Ethno­graphical Notes on the Sudan in an Early Traveller’s Account, Sudan Notes and Records, 38: 119–29 Hill, R. 1967. A Bio­graphical Dictionary of the Sudan (London: Cass) Hinkel, F. 1979. The Archaeo­logical Map of the Sudan, ii: The Area of the South Libyan Desert (Berlin: Akademie Verlag) Holroyd, A. 1839. ‘Notes on a Journey to Kordofán, in 1836–7’, Journal of the Royal Geo­graphical Society of London, 9: 163–91 Hoskins, G. 1835. Travels in Ethiopia. Above the Second Cataract of the Nile (London: Longman) Krump, T. 1710. Hoher und Fruchtbarer Palm-Baum des Heiligen Evangelij (Augsburg: Schulter & Happach) Lisle, G. de. 1707. Atlas de Géo­graphie, Carte de l’Égypte, de la Nubie de l’ Abissinie (Paris: Quai de l’Horloge a l’Aigle d’Or) Lepsius, K. F. 1859. Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Abt. 1, BI. 1 (Berlin: Nicolaische Buchhandlung) Lloyd, W. 1905. ‘El-Obeid to Foga, viâ Masrub’, in The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: A Compendium Prepared by Officers of the Sudan Government, ii, ed. by A. E. W. Gleichen (London: HMSO), pp. 133–34

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Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006, i: Main Papers, ed. by W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar, Polish Archaeo­logy in the Mediterranean Supplement Series 2.1 (Warsaw: Warsaw University Press), pp. 321–33 —— . 2020. A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in Nubia: The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at Banganarti, Journal of Juristic Papyro­logy Supplement Series, 39 (Leuven: Peeters) McLoughlin, P. 1962. ‘Economic Development and the Heritage of Slavery in the Sudan Republic’, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 32.4: 355–91 MacMichael, H. 1912. The Tribes of Northern and Central Kordofán (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) Madden, R. 1884. Egypt and Mohammed Ali. Illustrative of the Condition of his Slaves and Subjects. (London: Hamilton, Adams & Co.) Mahon, B. 1905. ‘Foga to Kaja (Bir Soderi)’, in The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: A Compendium Prepared by Officers of the Sudan Government, ii, ed. by A. E. W. 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Index of Geographical Names

Abka, ancient village in Sudan: 85 n. 16 Abkur, village in Sudan: 181 Abu Darbein, archaeological site: 30, 54 Abu Dom, wadi: 172 n. 13 Abu Erteila, archaeological site: 118, 119, 119 n. 5, 132–33, 140, 141, 143 Abu Gadad, wadi: 158, 160 Abu Garad, village in Sudan: 176 Abu Ghadad, see Abu Gadad: Abu Gossi, see Abu Gussi Abu Gussa, see Abu Gussi Abu Gussi, archaeological site: 172, 172 n. 13, 174 nn. 17 and 19, 174–78 Abu Hamid, town in Sudan: 106, 108 Abu Mikhkhiet, wadi: 156 Abu Negila, hill: 181 Abu Qidum, wadi: 153, 158 Abu Qoz, see Abu Gussi: Abu Sofyan, archaeological site: 181 Abugus, archaeological site: 174 Africa, continent 29–30, 108, 176 Al-Abdalab, island in the River Nile State: 153–54 Al-Atashan, mountain: 153 Al-Bakri, town in Sudan: 171 Alhogna, village in Sudan: 156 Al-Meragh, archaeological site: 43–44, 50 Altikaina- Jebel Alhajar, archaeological site: 156 Al-Wadi Alsaeed, archaeological site: 161 Amri, village in Sudan: 176 Aneibis, archaeological site: 54 Ardeb, town in Sudan: 119 Askur, town in Sudan?: 84 n. 13, 85 Atbara, river: 108, 120, Atbara, town: 8, 10, 14, 25, 27, 29, 31, 35, 42, 47, 49, 108, 119, 120, 139, 147 Awd Hissouna, archaeological site: 161 Awlib, archaeological site: 118, 119, 119 n. 5, 132–33, 140–41, 143 Bahr Al Ghazal, river: 106 Baker, see Al-Bakri Ballana, archaeological site: 19 Banganarti, archaeological site: 19, 183

Basa basin: 130, 140 Bayuda, desert: 13–20, 21 n. 6, 21–59, 93–94, 103, 105–15, 147, 169, 170, 171–84 Begrawiya, cemetery: 106, 119, 119 n. 5, 126, 136, 141, 145 Berber, town: 47, 49, 147, 171 Bir Kufra, town: 176 Bir Merwa, (ancient) town in Sudan: 49 Buhen, ancient town in Nubia: 84 n. 13 Butana, plain between the Atbara River and the Blue Nile: 17, 108, 129, 153, 161 Cairo, capital of Egypt: 88 Cataract of the Nile: fifth: 59, 84 n. 13, 117, 120 n. 7 fourth: 14, 19–21, 35, 39, 42–43, 52–53, 71–72, 73 n. 2, 73–77, 78 n. 5, 78–83, 84 n. 13, 84–88, 103, 123, 126 n. 10, 136, 165 second: 78 n. 5, 85 sixth: 15, 25, 31, 108, 117, 120, 120 n. 7, 125, 143, 153–54, 156, 159 third: 78 n. 5, 85 n. 15, 183 Corti, town in Sudan: 171 Dangeil, village in Sudan: 120 Dar Mahas, area in Sudan: 175 Daragab, village in Sudan: 139 Darfur, region in western Sudan: 15, 52, 59, 107, 172, 174–79, 181, 184 Diri, wadi: 153 Dokki Gel, town in Sudan: 14, 59–69 Domat el-Hamadab, archaeological site: 145 Dongola, town in Sudan: 108, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176 Dotawo, ancient kingdom in Nubia: 181 Ed Dab, hill in Sudan: 19 n. 3 Ed Damar, city in Sudan: 31, 54 Ed-Debba, town in Sudan: 115, 172 n. 13, 172–78, 181, 183 n. 61 Egypt: 5, 8, 13, 14, 17, 19, 29, 54, 59–69, 83–86, 104–07, 118, 127, 130, 139, 143, 147, 169, 174, 176, 177, 179, 183–84 Elai, water well in Sudan: 175–76 El-Ain, city in Sudan: 178, 181 El-Aterein, archaeological site: 85 n. 19

190 i n dex of geogr ap hical n ames

El-Damer, archaeological site: 30 El-Fasher, town in Sudan: 177–78 El-Gamamiya, village in Sudan: 71 El-Ghaaba, archaeological site: 175 El-Hassa, archaeological site: 120, 141 El-Hobagi, archaeological site: 19 El-Kab, archaeological site: 60 El-Khandaq, town in Sudan: 175 El-Maroqa, ancient city in Sudan: 118 El-Obeid, city in Sudan: 108, 176, 176 n. 30, 178, 179 El-Qoz, archaeological site: 30 El-Sour, archaeological site: 119 El-Tuweina, archaeological site: 14, 47, 49 Faras, town in Sudan: 19, 113 Fayum, archaeological site: 140 Foga, mountain in Sudan: 177–78 Gabati, village in Sudan: 165 Gadu, archaeological site: 120, 139 Ganetti, town in Sudan: 33, 115 Gash Delta, river delta: 19, 19 n. 3 Gebel el-Ain, plateau in Sudan: 181 Gebel Gordod, archaeological sites: 85 n. 15 Gebel Surug, hill in Sudan: 178 Ghazali, archaeological site: 14, 17, 18, 19, 52 Gorham, desert: 170 Goshabi, town in Sudan: 172 Habisa, town in Sudan: 176 Hadiab, archaeological site: 85 Hagar el Merwa, see New Kingdom Hagar Elasal, city in Sudan: 153, 164, Hamadab, village in Sudan: 118, 119 n. 5, 119–24, 125 n. 9, 125–26, 132, 133, 138, 138 n. 21, 139, 140 nn. 22–23, 141 n. 25, 142, 143, 145 Hammur el-Abbassia, archaeological site: 115 Haraza, town in Sudan: 176 n. 33 Hobagi, archaeological site: 176 Horn of Africa, peninsula of Africa: 29 Inner Africa, 169 Ishashi Island, island in Sudan: 85 Island of Meroe, bounded area between the Atbara River, the main Nile, and the Blue Nile: 108, 117, 120, 129, 142, 147 Jebel Al Ain, archaeological site: 19 n. 5 Jebel Al-Daul, hill in Sudan: 153 Jebel Al-Gharra, hill in Sudan: 31

Jebel Ardab, hill in Sudan: 119, 133 Jebel Barkal, archaeological site in Sudan 17, 18, 36, 39 Jebel El-Az, mountain in Sudan: 29 Jebel El-Cristal, complex of archaeological sites in Sudan: 36, 53 Jebel El-Fuel, hill in Sudan: 31, 35, 39 Jebel El-Gharra, hill in Sudan: 39 Jebel El-Hadjies, hill in Sudan: 133 Jebel El-Sadat, hill in Sudan: 33, 36, 39 Jebel El-Tarabel, hill in Sudan: 129 Jebel Fox, archaeological site in Sudan: 31 Jebel Ghandziar, hill in Sudan: 40 Jebel Makbor, hill in Sudan: 134, 143 Jebel Mileha, archaeological site in Sudan: 133 Jebel Moya, archaeological site: 33 Jebel Muwelha, mountain in Sudan: 54 Jebel Naser, archaeological site: 33 Jebel Qeili, hill in Sudan: 130 Jebel Qudeim, hill in Sudan: 118, 133 Jebel Tarabiya, hill in Sudan: 133, 138 Jebel Um Marahik, mountain in Sudan: 153, 161 Jebel Umm Ali, archaeological site in Sudan, 118 Jebel Wad Hissounah, archaeological site in Sudan: 164 Jebels Malikit, mountain in Sudan: 153 Jibailat Alhomer, mountain in Sudan: 156 Jidd Al-Miyya, personal name: 175 Jubailat Alhomr, mountain in Sudan: 153 Jubal El-Dayqa, hill in Sudan: 129 Jubal Makbor, archaeological site: 119 Kabbashi, archaeological site: 30 Kabushab, village in Sudan: 140 Kabushiya, town in Sudan: 126, 140, 145 Kagmar, town in Sudan: 176 Karima, town in Sudan: 36, 174 Karnac, town in Sudan: 178–79 Kassala, town in Sudan: 19, 59 Kejek, village in Sudan: 139 Kenya, 77 Keraba, name of specific geological feature: 20 Kerma, ancient town in Sudan: 5, 8, 14, 18–19, 25, 42, 54, 59, 60, 63, 68, 73 n. 2, 85 n. 21, 85, 86, 117, 123 Khandaq, town in Sudan: 172, 172 n. 13 Khartoum, city in Sudan: 33, 35, 72, 108–09, 112, 115, 119, 121, 137, 145–46, 153–54, 156, 174, 177–78, 184 Khor Shingawi, ancient town in Sudan: 47 King’s Road, ancient trade road: 17–18, 177–78 Kingdom of Abdalab, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 159 Kingdom of Kush, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 21

index of g eog ra phica l n a m e s 1 9 1

Kingdom of Makuria, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 52, 179, 183, 184 Kingdom of Meroe, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 47, 117, 159 Kingdom of Napata, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 42 Konaisat, archaeological site: 161, 164 Kordofan, region in Sudan: 15, 19 n. 5, 106, 107, 172, 176, 177, 179 Kumma, archaeological site: 84 n. 13 Kurgus, see New Kingdom Kush, see Kingdom of Kush Kushite, ancient kingdom in Sudan: 15, 18, 44, 126, 139, 166

Oasis of El-Rum, archaeological site: 17 Old Dongola, town in Sudan: 19, 108, 174, 178, 181 Old Kush: 5, 7, 9, 18, 20–21, 33–36, 38–41, 47, 53–54, 93–103 see also Kerma Omdurman, city in Sudan: 112, 115–16, 127, 174, 183

Libya: 29 Luxor Temple, ancient temple in Thebes: 84 n. 14

Red Sea, 59, 139, 147 Rôda Island, island in Egypt: 143 Royal Baths of Meroe: 138 Royal City, see Kingdom of Kush Ruyan, mountain in Sudan: 153

Mahas, ancient town in Sudan: 175 Mahdist fort, archaeological site: 156 Mahtoul, archaeological site: 178 Makuria Kingdom, see Kingdom of Makuria Manjalk, town in Sudan: 154 Merawi, city in Sudan: 17 Meroe, see Kingdom of Meroe Merowe, city in Sudan: 29 Middle Sudan, 159 Misektab, village in Sudan: 156 Muqqadam, wadi in Sudan: 105–08 Mutmir, archaeological site: 119 Muweis, ancient town in Sudan: 120, 141 Napatan, ancient city in Sudan: 14–19, 36, 42–44, 65, 106, 109 New Kingdom, ancient Egypt: 14–15, 33–38, 42–43, 47, 53–54, 60, 63–65, 84 nn. 13–14, 93–103, 107, 136 Nile: 121 River: 5, 8, 10, 14–19, 21, 23, 49, 54, 59, 71, 72, 85, 105–06, 108–09, 115, 120–21, 123–26, 130, 132, 135, 137, 138 n. 21, 138–40, 143–47, 153–60, 164, 169, 171–72, 174–75, 177–79, 181, 183–84 route: 106 Valley: 93, 105, 107, 135, 137, 146, 147, 159, 172–75, 181, 183 Nuba Mountains: 184 Nubia, ancient region in Africa: 14, 19–20, 29–30, 33, 35, 43, 52–54, 59, 63, 69, 72–74, 77, 78–84, 86–88, 113, 117, 123, 126, 143, 170, 173–74, 176–77, 181, 184 Nubian Desert: 78 n. 5, Nuri, cemetery in Sudan: 47

Punt, ancient kingdom: 60 Qarri, town in Sudan: 154 Qoz Abu Dhulu, sand dune: 105, 111, 115 Qustul, archaeological site: 19 Quweib, archaeological site: 14, 17, 47

Sabaloka Mountains., 154 Sabaloka, region in Sudan: 153–66 Saggai, archaeological site: 30 Sahara Desert: 54 Sarurab, archaeological site: 30 SBK, see Jebel Fox Sennar, city in Sudan: 52, 109, 154, 179 Shaqadud, archaeological site: 30 Shendi, town in Sudan: 25, 154 Shendi-Atbara Basin, river basin of the Nile in Sudan: 120–21 Soniyat, archaeological site: 183 South Darfur, region in Sudan: 106 Sudan, 19, 54, 59, 69, 77, 88, 120, 137, 153–54, 158–60, 165, 174 Sun Temple, archaeological site: 118, 119 n. 5, 133 Tabiya, see Mahdist fort Tanqasi, archaeological site: 19, 172, 172 n. 13 Tungul, ancient town in Sudan: 183 Um Guzah, see Abu Gussi Um Mileha, hill in Sudan: 119 Umm Badr, village in Sudan: 178 Umm Khafour, archaeological site: 14, 17, 47 Umm Marahik, mountain in Sudan: 161–64 Umm Ruweim, archaeological site: 14, 17, 47 Umm Singid, archaeological site: 137 Umm Usuda, archaeological site: 140

192 i n dex of geogr ap hical n ames

Wad ben Naqa, wadi: 120–21, 141 Wad El-Hassan, wadi: 115 Wadi Abu Dom: 5, 7, 13, 17- 23, 27, 33, 47, 49, 49 n. 3, 52–53, 136, 147, 169 Wadi Abu Qidum: 153 Wadi Abu Talih: 158 Wadi Al-Abyad: 158 Wadi Al-Me: 179 Wadi Al-Saeed: 153, 158, 164 Wadi El-Arab, 30 n. 1 Wadi El-Hassan, see Wadi Muqaddam Wadi El-Hawad: 117–20, 125 n. 9, 127, 129, 130, 132–33, 137, 140, 140 n. 24, 147 Wadi El-Kenger: 137 Wadi El-Malik, see Wadi el-Melik Wadi El-Melik, 15, 52, 169, 170, 170 n. 8, 175, 177, 177 n. 41, 178, 178 nn. 43–44, 181, 183–84 Wadi Eltawil: 156 Wadi Es-Sebua: 53 Wadi Hadjala: 127, 133, 138, 139, 140 n. 24, 140 Wadi Howar: 33 Wadi Korai: 33 Wadi Kurmut: 31, 35 Wadi Mugaddam: 15, 27, 43 Wadi Muqaddam: 15, 115, 169 Wadi Muqqadam: 105, 106, 107, 108 Wadi Musettere: 176 Wadi Shingawi: 8, 47 Wadi Soba: 109, 115, 135 Wadi Tarabil: 127, 138 Wadis Qidum: 153 Zankor, archaeological site: 181 Zuma, archaeological site: 19

index of su r n a m e s 1 93

Index of Surnames

Abdelrahman, M. F.: 116, 156 n. 30, 156, 165 Abdin, B.: 176 n. 32 Acsádi, G.: 93 Adams, W. Y.: 143 Africanus, L.: 170 Ahmed K. A.: 119, 121, 124–25, 130, 137, 140, 153, 158–59, 161 Ahmed, M.: 125, 137 n. 20 Ahmed, S. M.: 116 Akhtar, M.: 121, 129–30, 137, 144 Akhtar-Schuster, M.: 121, 129–30, 137, 144 Ali, M.: 30, 158 n. 31, 179 Allan, W. N.: 125 Allard-Huard, L.: 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5, 83, 85 n. 15 Almond, D.: 153, 158 Anderson, J.: 137, 139 Arkell, A.: 30, 84, 84 n. 14, 154, 184 At-Taliit, I.: 175 Auenmüller, J.: 13, 27 Aufderheide, A.: 95 Azhari, M. S.: 30–31, 33 Bagińska, S.: 85 n. 18 Bard, K.: 59 Basch, A.: 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5 Baud, M.: 142 Berking, J.: 143 Berry, L.: 128 Bietak, M.: 84 Binder, M.: 106 Bonnet, C.: 13–14, 59–69, 73 n. 2, 84, 85 nn. 20–21, 85–86 Borcowski, Z.: 35, 46–47, 52, 133, 143 Bradley, R. J.: 137 n. 20, 138 n. 21 Breyer, F.: 59 Brickley, M.: 95, 103 Bronowicki, J.: 27–28, 35 Brown, A. G.: 123 Browne, W. G.: 177 Bruce, J.: 154 Budka, J.: 53, 73 n. 2 Buikstra, J. E.: 93 Burckhardt, J. L.: 171, 172 n. 10, 172–77

Burkitt, M. C.: 78 n. 5 Buschendorf, O.: 72, 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5, 79 n. 9, 80, 84 n. 13, 84–85 Bussert, R.: 119–20, 128–30, 135, 138, 147 Calce, S. E.: 93 Caneva, I.: 154, 156 Carey, C.: 138–39 Carretero, G.: 141 n. 25 Cech, B.: 119, 129, 139 Červíček, P.: 77 n. 3, 78 nn. 5–6, 8, 82 n. 12, 83–84 Chaix, L.: 77, 86 Chittick, H. N.: 154, 159 Chłodnicki, M.: 33, 35, 54, 71, 78 n. 6, 81, 83, 84, 85 n. 18 Ciesielska, A.: 52 Combes, E., 175 n. 23 Coote, J.: 75, 86, 87 Crawford, O.: 154 Crowfoot, J. W.: 118, 139, 147 Cuny, C.: 175–77 Curie, J.: 175–76 Curto, S.: 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5 D’Es, S.: 178 Davies, V.: 60, 84 n. 13, 84 Davoli, P.: 140 De Lisle, G.: 170 n. 8 Dioli, M.: 77, 80 Dittrich, A.: 135, 143 Doole, J.: 116 Douin, G.: 179 Dubosson, J.: 75, 77 n. 4, 80, 86, 87, 87 n. 25 Dunham, D.: 111 Edmonds, J.: 181 n. 53, 183 n. 61, 184 n. 62 Edwards, D. N.: 77 n. 3, 79, 84, 86, 117, 120, 133–36, 139, 143, 165, 183–84 Effendi, M.: 178 Eger, J.: 19 n. 5, 19, 23, 27, 49, 52, 169, 181 Eichhorn, B.: 126, 139 Eide, T.: 142–43 Eigner, D.: 27, 47

194 i n dex of s ur n ames

ElMahi, A.T.: 139 Elnur, E.: 156 n. 30 El-Tayeb, M.: 18–19, 19 n. 4, 115 n. 2, 115–16, 161, 165 Emery, W. B.: 84, 85 n. 20, 85 Ensor, F. S.: 177 n. 42, 177, 178 n. 44, 178–79, 183 n. 59 Ensor, S.: 177 Evans-Pritchard, E. E.: 75, 77, 87 Evliya, C.: 173–74 Fadlelmola, M. E.: 139 Fattovich, R.: 59 Fauvelle-Ayma, F.X.: 59 Fawzi, H. B.: 15, 153–66 Ferembach, D. I.: 93 Fernández, V. M.: 135 Firth,C. M.: 85 n. 20, 85 Folkens, P. A.: 93 For el-Sour, A.: 119 n. 3 Forstner- Müller, I.: 19 n. 3 Friedman, R. F.: 85 n. 20 Fuller, D. Q.: 33, 124, 141 n. 25 Gabati, S.: 134, 139, 143 Gabolde, L.: 68 Gabriel, B.: 27, 119 n. 3, 120 n. 8, 128–29, 137 Gabriel, K.: 119 n. 3 Gallala, W.: 128 n. 12 Gatto, M.: 35 Geus, F.: 143, 154 Giamberardini, G.: 170, 172 n. 13, 172 Gladykowska-Rzeczycka, J.: 95 Gleichen, E.: 169, 174–76, 178, 181 Gleser, G. C.: 93, 98 Godlewski, W.: 184 Gorbea A., 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5 Grant, A.: 86 Gratien, B.: 86, 181 Griffith, Ll.: 85 n. 20 Grzymska, I.: 137 Grzymski, K.: 117, 137, 138, 138 n. 21 Haaland, R.: 30, 54 Hamdeen, H. M.: 79 Hanáková, H.: 93 Hanbury, B.: 172 n. 11, 174 n. 17 Hansen, J. W.: 77 Harrell, J.: 35 Hassan, Y. F.: 78 n. 5, 83, 156 n. 30, 183 Hassenstein, B.: 169 Hawqal, I.: 183

Hayati, M. : 156 n. 30 Hayati, M.: 156 n. 30 Hays, T. R.: 35, 113 Hazel, R.: 77 Hellström, P.: 77 n. 3, 78 nn. 5–6, 79, 82 n. 11, 85, 85 n. 15 Herbich, T.: 63 Herzog, R.: 171, 171 n. 9, 172 Hewison, J. W.: 121, 124–26 Hill, R.: 176 n. 32, 177 n. 40 Hinkel, F. W.: 119, 127, 131 n. 14, 139–42 Hintze, F.: 75, 84 n. 13, 130, 133, 154, 161 Hissounah, H. W.: 164 Hof, C.: 128, 140 n. 23, 140–42 Holroyd, A.: 169 Honneger, M.: 30 n. 1 Hoskins, G.: 176 n. 33, 176–77, 179 Huard, P.: 77–78, 83, 85 Humphris, J.: 119, 126, 129, 133, 138–39, 140, 140 n. 23, 142–43, 147 Idris, H. H.: 116 Inschrift, I.: 84 n. 13 Ives, R.: 103 Jacquet-Gordon, H.: 77 n. 3 Jaroni, E.: 71, 72 n. 1, 81, 88 Jesse, F.: 33–35 Junker, H.: 85 n. 20 Karberg, T.: 5, 7, 13–14, 17 n. 1, 17–25, 27, 47, 49, 49 n. 3, 52–54, 77 n. 3, 79, 84, 86, 135 n. 19, 135–36, 139, 169, 181 Kendall, T.: 43–44, 50 Khabir, A. M.: 30 Khalid, M.: 158 Khider, R.: 156 n. 30 Kiepert, H.: 181 Kirwan, L. P.: 84, 85 n. 20 Kleinitz, C.: 73 n. 1, 73–74, 77 n. 3, 78 nn. 5 and 8, 81, 82 n. 10, 83–84, 85 n. 19, 85–87, 87 n. 26, 143, 143 n. 27 Koenitz, R.: 83 Kołosowska, E.: 18–19, 49, 85, 85 n. 15, 87, 161, 165 Kronenberg, A.: 77, 87 Kröpelin, S.: 135, 137 Krump, T.: 170, 170 n. 7, 171 n. 9, 172, 174, 175, 175 n. 26, 176 Kuciewicz, E.: 71, 72 n. 1, 81, 88 Kuper, R.: 135

index of su r n a m e s 1 9 5

Langballe, H.: 77 n. 3, 78 nn. 5–6, 79, 82 n. 10, 85 n. 15 Lebedev, M.: 119 n. 3, 140, 142–43, 146 Leclant, J.: 78 n. 5, Leligdowicz, A.: 174 nn. 19 and 21 Lenoble, P.: 119, 133–34, 137, 139, 143 Lepsius, R.: 181 Lloyd, W.: 178 n. 47 Lohwasser, A.: 2, 5, 7, 13–14, 17 n. 1, 17–20, 22, 25, 27, 44, 47, 49, 49 n. 3, 52–53, 73 n. 2, 135 n. 19, 135–36, 139 Lovison- Golob, L.: 178 Łajtar, A.: 174 n. 18, 181 Macklin, M. G.: 137 MacMichael, H.: 170, 177, 178 n. 46, 178, 181 n. 51, 184 n. 63 Madden, R.: 179 Magid, E. A.: 30, 54 Mahon, C. B.: 178 Maillot, M.: 142 Mallinson, M. D.: 15, 25, 105–16, 119, 133, 135–36, 139, 143, 156 Malte-Brun, V. A.: 174, 175, 175 n. 29, 176 n. 31, 176–77 Malterer, A.: 123 n. 8 Manzo, A.: 19 n. 3 Marks, A. E.: 54, 123 Martin, R.: 93 Masojć, M.: 13, 29, 33–35, 93, 117, 153, 169 Matthews, B.: 88 Maydell, H.: 126 Meinhold, K. D.: 14, 27 Mensching, H. G.: 137, 144 Monneret de Villard, U.: 170 Morris, R.: 183 n. 60 Munro, R. N.: 127 Näser, J.: 84 Nasr, A. H.: 156 n. 30, 156, 158, 164–66 Nasser, A.: 158 n. 31 Nemeskéri, J.: 93 Neumann, K.: 130 Newbold, D.: 178 n. 45, 181 n. 51 Nordström, H. : 85 n. 20 Nowotnick, U.: 119 n. 6, 120, 120 n. 8, 124–25, 127–28, 131 n. 14, 132–33, 136, 140, 140 n. 23, 142, 145 O’Fahey, R. S.: 177 Obłuski, A.: 13, 52, 93, 117, 153, 169 Obsomer, C.: 59 Ochała, G.: 181

Olsson, C.: 73 Ortner, D.J.: 95, 103 Orzechowska, M.: 183 Osman, A.: 77 n. 3, 79 Osypińska, M.: 54, 71–72, 77, 83 Osypiński, P.: 72, 85 n. 18, Otto, K.-H.: 77 n. 3, 78 n. 5, 79 n. 9, 84 n. 13, 85 Pallme, I.: 177 n. 39, 179 Paner, H.: 3, 5, 7, 13–14, 17–19, 25, 27, 29, 35–36, 36 n. 2, 39–41, 43, 46–47, 52–53, 59, 71, 85 n. 15, 93 n. 1, 93, 103, 116–17, 119, 136, 143, 147, 153, 169 Parker, O. F.: 78 n. 5 Penn, A.: 181 n. 52 Petermann, A. H.: 169–70, 177 Pflaumbaum, H.: 123, 126 n. 10 Phillips, J.: 13, 35, 109 n. 1 Polkowski, P.: 14, 71–88 Poncet, Ch. J.: 154, 170, 172 n. 11 Pope, J. W.: 139 Pory, J.: 170 Priese, K.-H.: 181 n. 58 Pritchard, E.: 75 Privati, B.: 63 Prokosch, E.: 173 Pudło, A.: 14–15, 25, 35, 38–39, 93–103 Puglisi, M.: 154 Qelebi, E.: 173 Raue, D.: 86 Reineke, W. F.: 84 n. 13 Reinold, J.: 119 Reisner, G. A.: 86 Resch, W. F. E.: 77 n. 3 Reshetova, I.: 143 Riedel, A.: 19, 127, 135–36, 143 n. 27, 143 Ritter, M.: 123, 126 n. 10 Roccati, A.: 59 Rodis, H. G.: 178–79 Rodríguez-Martín, C.: 95 Rose, P.: 19 n. 3 Ross, I. T.: 35 Rozwadowski, A.: 80, 88 Ruffieux, P.: 63 Rüppell , E.: 16 , 173 n. 14, 175, 175 n. 27, 176 nn. 35–36, 176, 177 n. 37 Russegger, J.: 184 Russell, T.: 77 Ryndziewicz, R.-S.: 63

196 i n dex of s ur n ames

Saad, M.: 156 n. 30 Sadig, A. M.: 119 n. 3, 135 Said, R.: 120, 129, 143 Salih, A. O. M.: 119 Saller, K.: 93 Salvatori, S.: 30, 33, 135 Säve-Söderberg, T.: 84, 85 nn. 15 and 20, 85 Schaefer, M. S.: 93 Scheibner, T.: 121, 137–39, 140 n. 23, 141–43 Schmidt, R.: 127, 129, 137 Schomacker, R.: 129 Schweinfurth, G. A.: 177 n. 41, 179 n. 48 Seignobos, R.: 183 n. 62 Seligman, C. G.: 77 Shamsalola, L.: 45–47 Shinnie, P. L.: 137, 139 Sidebotham, S. E.: 35 Sievertsen, U.: 139, 142 Sloan, D.: 116 Smith, L.: 13, 15, 25, 33, 84, 88, 105–09, 109 n. 1, 116 Smith, M. V.: 25, 33, 84, 84 n. 13, 125, 135, 139, 143 Somaglino, C.: 65 Spaulding, J.: 174, 175 nn. 25–26, 177, 184 n. 62 Spencer, N.: 106 Steckel, R. H.: 93, 95 Steindorff, G.: 84 Stloukal, M.: 93 Strabon, 108 Suková, L.: 33, 84, 156 Sutton, J. E.: 139 Szmyt, M.: 116 Thutmose I, pharaoh of Egypt: 65 Tite, M. S.: 54 Török, L.: 118, 137, 137 n. 20, 139, 143 Trotter, M.: 93 Tschernig, J.: 45–47 Ubelaker,D. H.: 93 Usai, D.: 33, 132 n. 15, 135

Váhala F.: 77 n. 3, 78 nn. 5–6 and 8 Valbelle, D.: 60, 68 Van Hoek, M.: 81 Vantini, G.: 183, 184 n. 63 Varadzin, L.: 33, 156 Varadzinová, L.: 33 Vila, A.: 78 nn. 5–6, 86 n. 23 Waddington, G.: 172 n. 11, 174 n. 17 Walz, T.: 179 n. 49 Wegner, J. W.: 84 n. 14, Weidmann, C. : 177 n. 40 Weiß, C.: 123 n. 8 Welc, F.: 54 Welsby, D. A.: 19, 133, 136 Welsby-Sjöström, I.: 35 White, T. D.: 93 Whiteman, A. J.: 127 n. 11, 128, 153 Wildung, D.: 84 Wilkinson, E. B.: 178 nn. 43–46 Williams, B.: 84, 85 nn. 17 and 20, 85, 86 n. 21, 113, 143 Witkowski, P.L: 71 Wolf, P.: 116–18, 119 nn. 3 and 6, 119, 120 n. 8, 120–27, 128 n. 24, 128–30, 131 n. 14, 131–39, 140 n. 23, 140–42, 143 n. 26, 143–47 Wöß, F.: 119, 119 n. 6, 120, 120 n. 8, 123–27, 131 n. 14, 131–33, 142, 145, 147 Woźniak, M. M.: 141, 141 n. 25 Yvanez, E.: 141, 141 n. 25 Zając, A.: 80–81, 88 Žába, Z.: 84 n. 13 Żurawski, B.: 5, 12, 15, 52, 115 n. 2, 115–16, 169–84

NUBIA: STUDIES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY OF NORTHEAST AFRICA

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In Preparation Grzegorz Ochała, Life and Death at a Nubian Monastery: The Collected Funerary Epigraphy from Ghazali