Australia's Boer War: the war in South Africa, 1899-1902 9780195516371

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page IX)
List of Maps (page XII)
List of Tables (page XII)
Preface (page XIII)
I BEFORE Australia and South Africa before the war (page I)
2 SOUND A LOUD REVEILLE The long commitment to war, December 1895-May 1900 (page 15)
3 JOURNEY Reaching the front (page 45)
4 COLOURING THE MAP FOR HER MAJESTY Conquering the Boer republics, October 1899-June 1900 (page 56)
5 WAR A day on the veld (page 89)
6 TO SCOUT FOR THE NATION Beira to the siege at Elands River, March-August 1900 (page 102)
7 HORSES Riding and remounts (page 131)
8 A PRETTY BIT OF FIGHTING Belfast to Wildfontein, August 1900-March 1901 (page 142)
9 FEVER Disease and its treatment (page 175)
10 NEW AT THE GAME Australia and the draft contingents, June 1900-August 1901 (page 184)
11 LADIES Australian women and the war (page 222)
12 LEAVE NO LIVING THING BEHIND YOU Biesjeslaagte to Langverwacht Hill, August 1901-June 1902 (page 233)
13 INTERLOPER Arthur Lynch, Irish-Australian Boer (page 262)
14 SCALLYWAGS AND BUSHWHACKERS Irregulars and the Bushveldt Carbineers affair, July 1899-May 1902 (page 269)
15 IDENTITY Australians in the army in South Africa (page 297)
16 RISING SUN Australia and its first expeditionary force, September 1901-July 1902 (page 310)
17 AFTER The war's aftermath and legacy (page 344)
APPENDIX I Maps (page 369)
APPENDIX 2 Australians in South Africa (page 375)
APPENDIX 3 Australian contingents in South Africa (page 389)
Glossary and guide to pronunciation (page 414)
Notes (page 424)
Bibliography (page 490)
Index (page 517)

Citation preview

Boer War

Boer \\V The War in South Africa 1899-1902

CRAIG WILCOX

Published in association with the Australian War Memorial

OXFORD

UNIVERSITY PRESS

293 Normanby Road, South Melbourne, Victoria 3205, Australia Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York

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other countries

Copyright © Australian War Memorial 2002 First published 2002 This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior written permission. Enquiries to be made to Oxford University Press.

Copying for educational purposes Where copies of part or the whole of the book are made under Part VB of the Copyright Act, the law requires that prescribed procedures be followed. For information, contact the Copyright Agency Limited. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication data: Wilcox, Craig, 1959-. Australia’s Boer War: the war in South Africa, 1899-1902. Bibliography.

Includes index. ISBN 0 19 551637 0.

1. South African War, 1899-1902—Participation, Australian. 2. Australia—History, Military. I. Title. 968.04840994

Edited by Ruth Siems Text designed by Propellant Cover designed by Racheal Stines Typeset by Cannon Typesetting Printed in China through the Bookmaker International Ltd.

Foreword That thousands of Australian volunteers crossed the Indian Ocean to fight in the Boer War of 1899-1902 is now viewed with puzzlement. Why should events in two Boer republics so concern them? And yet most Australians at the time believed that they had every reason to be concerned with what went on in up-country South Africa. One reason was simple.

Many former Australians lived under Boer rule—a rule that most saw as oppressive. In fact, so many Victorians then lived in Johannesburg that Aussie Rules football briefly thrived there. [wo later prime ministers of Australia, John Curtin and Ben Chifley, married women with South African connections. Australia’s once strong ties with South Africa have now slipped from public memory. When the war with the Boer colonies began, most Australians sympathised with the British, not only for ethnic and cultural reasons but also because the British Empire was a vast trading and defensive network, from which Australia greatly gained. Moreover, they believed that the empire on the whole was a global force for good, a belief that is widely challenged today. For the security of that empire the Cape of Good Hope and the nearby sea routes were seen as vital—indeed, Australia was the terminus of one of those sea routes that rounded the Cape. In Australia, for a time, the fighting itself aroused bursts of intense interest. People waited outside newspaper offices to read the latest despatches from the battlefronts. News of the relief of the besieged town of Mafeking was greeted with rejoicing not unlike that seen again in Australia in 1918 and 1945. Enthusiasm for the war then faded. It is now almost forgotten that South Africa, in a minor way, was a training ground for Gallipoli and other campaigns in the First World War. Indeed, one Australian soldier who had won the Victoria Cross in South Africa was to be severely wounded at Gallipoli in 1915, and another winner was to be killed at Beersheba in 1917. Large-scale South African and British histories of the Boer War were published, but apart from a ‘statistical register and reference’ work, no official history of the Australians’ part in the Boer War was written. To repair this neglect, the Australian War Memorial resolved to sponsor, in effect, a centenary history. Craig Wilcox was chosen. He carried out his research with thoroughness, speed, and alertness. It must have been a most difficult history to reconstruct, for its events were scattered over a vast terrain, the Australian soldiers

served under various commands, and there were a thousand and one episodes worth recording but no momentous, gripping battles. The war in Australia is now remembered mostly for sidelights, especially the controversial execution of ‘Breaker’ Morant, with whom Wilcox ends his story. Extending the tradition begun by Charles Bean in the nation’s official histories of the First World War, Craig Wilcox allows the private soldier again and again to march out in front, and even take the salute. It is doubtful whether any previous Australian war history looks so persistently at the individual soldiers in all their diversity. It is fair to say that Craig Wilcox’s his tone of voice and his mixture of social and political views are not always those of the earlier war historians. He writes, with fluency and zest, for a new generation of readers. Geoffrey Blainey AC

Contents

List of Illustrations IX

List of Maps XII List of Tables XII

Preface XIII I BEFORE I Australia and South Africa before the war

2 SOUND A LOUD REVEILLE 15

3 JOURNEY 45 Lhe long commitment to war, December 1895—May 1900

Reaching the front

5 WAR 89 4. COLOURING THE MAP FOR HER MAJESTY 56 Conquering the Boer republics, October 1899—June 1900

A day on the veld

6 TO SCOUT FOR THE NATION 102

7 HORSES 131 Beira to the siege at Elands River, March—August 1900

Riding and remounts

8 A PRETTY BIT OF FIGHTING 142

g FEVER 175 Belfast to Wildfontein, August 1900—March 1901

Disease and 1ts treatment

IO NEW AT THE GAME 184 Australia and the draft contingents, June 1900—August 1901

| VII

II LADIES 222 CONTENTS

Australian women and the war

12 LEAVE NO LIVING THING BEHIND YOU 233 Bieseslaagte to Langverwacht Fill, August 1901—June 1902

13 INTERLOPER 262 Arthur Lynch, Irish-Austrahan Boer

I4 SCALLYWAGS AND BUSHWHACKERS 269 Irregulars and the Bushveldt Carbineers affatr,

July 1899-May 1902

I5 IDENTITY 297 Australians in the army in South Africa

16 RISING SUN 310 Australia and tts first expeditionary force,

17 AFTER 344 September 1901—July 1902

Lhe wars aftermath and legacy

APPENDIX I 369 APPENDIX 2 375 APPENDIX 3 389 Maps

Australians in South Africa

Notes 424 Bibliography 490 Index 517

Australian contingents in South Africa

Glossary and guide to pronunciation AI4

VIL |

ist of Illustrations List trati The Bonner family outside their Queensland home 1 Trooper Alfred Henry Du Frayer wearing the scarf

Inside a modest home in Victoria 2 crocheted by Queen Victoria 77 Inside arural church 3 The charge by the New South Wales Mounted Rifles at Vet

New South Wales shearers 5 River 82 Tom Price 6 Regular infantry cross the Vaal 83

George Reid / Regular cavalry in Johannesburg's market square 84

A bushman in Khaki 9 New South Wales Mounted Riflemen in Pretoria 85 Australian gum trees shading the South African veld 13 Breakfast on the veld 90

Johannesburg's bustling market square 14 Onthe march 91 The Australian Corps outside the Robinson mine near A rest after a night march 92

Johannesburg 16 Boer women watch the khakis pass by 93

17 A farmhouse burns 95

Australian soldiers in the Diamond Jubilee parade of 1897 Commandeering 94

Nelson Illingworth’s statuette ‘When the empire calls’ 21 Photographing the ruins 96 A senior non-commissioned officer with his family before MI apparently in action, but probably posing for a

leaving for war 24 photographer 9/

The crowd that farewelled Victoria's first contingent 25 doth Victorian Mounted Rifles waiting to advance into action

Ann Midgely’s painting of the departure of Queensland's 98

first contingent 27 Four of Hasler’s Scouts rest on the march 100 Studio portrait of Harry Morant 29 Peace on the veld 101 The South African Light Horse in Cape Town’s Adderley How to win the war: bushmen bail up Paul Kruger 103

Street 31 Bushmen and ababoon 104

Trooper Alfred Prussing of the New South Wales Citizen On the march through Rhodesia 105

Bushmen 33 6th Imperial Bushmen training outside Mafeking 109 Bushmen recruits learn the first truth about army life 34 Arthur Forbes 110 Trooper Justin Willing of the Victorian Imperial Bushmen Arthur Forbes’ bugle = 110

3/ Officers of the New South Wales medical team 112

Victorian Imperial Bushman recruits 39 William Dargie’s 1960s interpretation of Neville Howse Captain Granville Ryrie and his younger brother Vincent earning his Victoria Cross 116

AQ Neville Howse VO 117

Farewelling the Victorian Imperial Bushmen 42 Elands River, probably looking from Zouch’s kopje 720

Britannia trusts young, slouch-hatted Australia 44 James Francis Thomas 124

Onatroopship 46 John Waddell 124

Horses landing by sling 50 Remains of a stone wall thrown up to shelter the Elands

Newly landed Victorians 91 River Post garrison 126 Maitlandcamp 92 The graves of James Mitchell, James Duff, James Walker, New South Wales Mounted Riflemen training at Green John Waddell, and Harry Norton 12/7

Point 52 A 3rd New South Wales Imperial Bushman looks over

Riding a train to war 53 Elands River Post 128

A kopje 54 Aid for a dying horse 132 Boer prisoners and some of their Queensland captors 55 Leaving a friend to die 133

Australian horsemen outside a farmhouse 09 A Waler of Great War vintage 134

The Ladysmith Christmas trees 61 A Bushman ona Cape pony 135

Percy Ricardo 62 5th South Australian Imperial Bushmen skirmishing close The grave of Victor Stanley Jones and David McLeod 63 to their horses 136 French’s cavalry cross the Modder, February 1900 69 Trooper Francis Halsted with Scratcher 137 Bloemfontein, latest acquisition of the British empire 73 Soldiers obliged to walk 138 By the grave of a fever victim, Captain William Hopkins 75 Bloemfontein remount camp 139

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

‘Abandoned’ by Norman Hardy 141 Studio portrait of Frederick Purcell 243 Kenneth Mackay of the 6th Imperial Bushmen 146 The grave of Albert Houghton of the oth Victorian Mounted

Samuel Hubbe’s headstone 147 Rifles 244

Lieutenant Allan Gidley King 148 After Onverwacht: Sth Victorian Mounted Rifles and a

some of Lord Methuen’s bodyguard 149 wounded Boer 250

Guy WyllyVC 153 After Onverwacht: the funeral of Major Vallentin 251

John Bisdee VC 153 Tableau at Nathaniel Horsfall’s grave 254

154 Lancers 256

Herbert Plumer on the veld with his staff, February 1902 Charles Cox as commander of the New South Wales Tom Price and others leave Cape Town on the Harlech oth Victorian Mounted Rifles returning to camp with

Castle 159 firewood 20/7

A Bushman is buried 163 The Bulletin mocks war souvenirs 260 Army wagons crossing a flooded river 16/7 Arthur Lynch with Captain Oates 265

A captured Boer convoy 1/71 Arthur Lynch’s Irish brigade 266 The grave of Trooper John Hesketh 172 James Rogers VC 273 New South Welshmen and New Zealanders snatching de Civilians watch a military band 275

la Rey’s wagons and guns 173 Robert Lenehan 278 Ambulance cart with African driver 177 Lenehan at the head of his Bushveldt Carbineers 279 Unloading casualties from an ambulance 178 Hensoppers wait for passes that will document their Sydney Selman of the 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles loyalty to imperial rule 281

recovers from his wounds 1/9 Peter Handcock, Harry Morant, Dr Johnson or Johnston,

A hospital ward 180 Percy Hunt. Alfred Taylor, and Harry Picton 282 A hospital train 181 An Australian intelligence officer interrogates two Boers

Convalescing 181 283

Convalescents at lunch, cheered by the news of the Boers ina covered wagon 284

capture of Pretoria 182 A fort garrisoned by the Bushveldt Carbineers 285

On a hospital ship 183 An African spy for the imperial cause 290 Houses named Mafeking and Pretoria 185 Harry Morant’s death as Norman Lindsay imagined It

The cycle company of the 5th Queensland Imperial 296 Bushmen about to embark 191 Captain Granville Ryrie instructs the army in Australian The Marquis of Tullibardine and his Scottish Horse 192 culture 298 Officers of the 2nd New South Wales Mounted Rifles 195 Canadian artillery pass through Cape Town 300

A blockhouse 196 Norman Hardy’s sketch ‘Horseguardsman on service’ 303

Rifles 199 officer 305

Trooper Herbert Anderson of the 5th Victorian Mounted ‘Two types’: the English and the colonial intelligence

‘A battlefield burial’ by Norman Hardy 207 African drivers with Hasler’s Scouts 306

Some of Hasler’s Scouts 215 African groom with officers’ horses 307 Nelson Illingworth’s bust of Edmund Barton 219 Simon with the Thomson family 308 Nurses outside a Melbourne hospital 226 Some 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles bartering with Africans The ideal of military nursing: a British nurse at work in 309

Natal 227 An African family 309 228 A returned soldier seeks work 312

Nurses and orderlies outside a Bloemfontein hospital | Neville Howse receives the Victoria Cross 311 Nellie Gould, Julia Frater, and Julia Jonnston of the New A returned soldier asks for work, not commemoration 313

south Wales medical team 230 A crue! Bulletin jest at the personal cost of war service

A nurse’s cape 231 314

Marianne Rawson's chatelaine or toolkit 231 The Bulletin imagines a father weeping with pride 315 Captured Boers forced to destroy their ammunition and One awful cost of joining in the war—militarism in the

weapons 234 saddle 316

Raw materials for building blockhouses 236 Another awful cost of imperial engagement—accepting

Frederick Dau, killed at Kambuladraai 239 the non-white immigrant 317 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles crossing a river 241 The infant Commonwealth christened with blood 322 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles marching for Utrecht 242 Edward Hutton 32/7

x|

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

The rising sun badge of the Australian Commonwealth The unfinished memorial to Johannesburg's uitlander

Horse 328 irreguiars 349

The band of the 1st Australian Commonwealth Horse Australian children dressed for Empire Day 351

329 The Boer bible Leslie Maygar brought back from the war Tasmania’s squadron of the 8th Australian Commonwealth 353

Horse 330 Chocolate tin Kept by Bugler Herbert Masters 353 How the Bulletin saw the hecklers at the South Africa Day Kitchener joins Bathurst's leaders in saluting the town’s

picnic 333 war memorial 354

How the Bulletin remembered Harry Morant 336 Bathurst’s war memorial today 355 How Friendly Society members remembered Frederick The Hobart war memorial 356

Dau 337 The Adelaide war memorial 357

farmhouse 338 360

An Australian Commonwealth Horseman outside a ruined Kitchener inspects Bathurst's war veterans and cadets

A crowd greets news of peace 341 The grave of Harry Morant and Peter Handcock 366 A happy homecoming: Jonn Bisdee returns 345 Australian and other war graves in old Pretoria cemetery

Back to part-time soldiering 347 36/7

XI

List ist

ist of Maps List of ‘Tables

Map 1 Elandslaagte, 21 October 1899 58 Table 1 Menu on the femplemore 47 Map 2 The Colesberg front, 6-14 February 1900 Table 2. Organisation of the Australian Regiment 60

66 Table 3 Australian contingents with Roberts’ initial

1900 121 1900 69

Map 3 The siege of Elands River Post, 4-16 August advance on the Free state, mid February Map 4 Bothaville, 6 October 1900 151 Table 4 — 1st Mounted Infantry Brigade, as conceived

Map5 — Rhenoster Kop, 25-29 November 1900 157 April 1900 79 Map 6 Australians in the great De Wet hunt, Table Australian contingents in advance from

February-March 1901 164 Bloemfontein to Pretoria, May-June 1900 81 Map 7 Wilmansrust, 12 June 1901 205 Table 6 Initial organisation of the Rhodesian Field

Map8 Graspan,6 June 1901 211 Force 107

Map fe) The drive to the Modder, July-August 4901 Table 7 Australian contingents in the advance to

943 Middelburg, July 1900 118

Map 10 The region garrisoned and patrolled by the Table 8 Australian contingents in the advance to

Bushveldt Carbineers 287 Komatipoort, August-September 1900 143 Map 11 The drive against de la Rey, 7-11 May 1902 Table 9 Australian contingents in the west under

240 Carrington then Methuen, August-October

Map 12 South Africa, 1895-1902 369 1900 1660

Map 13 Eastern Cape Colony and southern Free State Table 10 = Australian contingents in the north under

270 Plumer, November 1900 155

Map 14 Orange Free State and western Transvaal Table 11. Australian contingents in the west under

374 Methuen, January-February 1901 171

Map 15 Eastern Transvaal and Natal 372 Table 12 initial deployment of Australian draft

Map 16 Rhodesia anc northern Transvaal 37S Table 13 wuctalen onneents an vata Map 1/ Cape Midlands and southern Free State 374 irregular regiments in the north-east Transvaal, Aprit-May 1901 198 Table 14 = Australian contingents in the eastern Transvaal, May—-August 1901 201

Table 15 Australian contingents in the Natal campaign, August-November 1901 240 Table 16 ~~ Australian contingents and part-Australian irregular regiments in and supporting Bruce Hamilton’s drive east, December

1901 247 Table 17 — Australian contingents in the Free State drives, December 1901—-February 1902 2523

Table 18 Australian Commonwealth Horse organisation,

1902 326

XII |

Preface The South African War had not quite run half its course when, on 1 January 1901, six British colonies in the southern hemisphere federated to form the Commonwealth of Australia. On that day there were contingents from every one of those six colonies, now dignified with the name of states, fighting within the British army in South Africa against the Boer republics of the Transvaal and Orange Free State. Dozens of so-called irregular regiments raised in South Africa for part of the war's duration also contained Australians.

Early in 1902 the new Commonwealth Government sent off a further batch of contingents, the Australian Commonwealth Horse, which constituted our first military expeditionary force. The South African War was the first war fought by Australia. It was also the first significant war fought by people who called themselves Australians.

Their fathers and grandfathers had taken an entire continent from its indigenous inhabitants and the ugly process was still not quite over, but it never required them to go on campaign as militiamen and only a few apprehensive explorers manned interior forts, two signs of conventional frontier war. And if the people they dispossessed sometimes fought for their livelihoods and lives, they had little notion of themselves as a single

people, let alone as Australians. Although a few Victorian sailors crossed the Tasman in the 1860s to help beat down the Maori, most Australian volunteers were more British settlers than Australian soldiers; land was their objective, and they were to be used as a

militia to defend it. A contingent of 700 New South Wales volunteers sailed to the Sudan in 1885 to help crush a Sudanese revolt against British rule; its members thought of themselves as Australian Britons, wore military uniforms, and made ready for bloody combat. They missed any real fighting, and returned home glumly.

South Africa was different. It took nearly three years, from October 1899 to May 1902, for the British Empire to defeat the Boer republics and their “Cape rebel’ allies in adjoining Cape Colony. Australian volunteers were involved even before the war began,

with an ‘Australian Corps’ forming among antipodeans working on the Rand late in 1895. Despite unease about participating in a war of brutal conquest, around 20,000 men and more than eighty women from Australia helped to wage it; we will probably never know the precise number, as many enlisted more than once and those with irregular

regiments have never been counted and may not be countable. Most of them proved useful members of the army, especially as members of mounted columns that rode out from the towns and railway lines to break the Boers’ will. Along with fellow volunteers from Britain, South Africa, Canada, and New Zealand, they briefly turned the British army into a genuinely imperial one. Permanent imperial mingling seemed a likely consequence. Proposals were heard from Westminster to Woollahra about how to build a stronger and more united empire when peace came. The war thus posed great questions for Australians and their cousins around the empire; questions not confined to its morality. Would they lift their military efforts permanently from securing their local soil and aiding the army in an emergency to

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PREFACE

building an imperial militia? Would they lift their horizons, too, from discovering their own land’s natural resources and building national institutions to helping the imperial government exploit the whole empire’s wealth and build imperial institutions? At the height of the war, from December 1899 to June 1900, many Australians might have answered yes. By the end of the war in 1902 things seemed different, or rather back to normal. There would be Australian contingents to future serious wars, of course; that much had been confirmed in South Africa. Otherwise, Australians wanted to concentrate on developing their own back yard. This turning inward, along with the war’s failure to provide ennobling battle for Australian soldiers, made the war seem small beer even before it ended. It seemed even

smaller in the light of the titanic struggles of 1914-18 and 1939-45. The Boer War, as everyone came to call it, shrank to a synonym for the remote, the old-fashioned, the ridiculous. Ignorance about it prevailed. “They used bows and arrows back then,’ my grandfather assured me when, eight or nine years old, I first wondered what the Boer War was and asked him—a veteran of World War II, and hence the resident military historian. But by then, the late 1960s, the war was beginning to pass from memory into history. The process sparked a spate of writing about the war, a flicker of public interest in it, and a consensus about what to make of it. It had been a prologue to Gallipoli, perhaps also to Vietnam. An old nationalist belief that Australians had proved magnificent soldiers in South Africa was taken up with little questioning. An old radical belief that imperialists had hoodwinked Australians into helping capitalists conquer the Rand was widely accepted, at least in the universities. So the war was understood to have been a drama that prefigured and justified Australia’s recent drift from its British past. The script of the drama was a radical nationalist one, and in the life and death of Harry ‘Breaker’ Morant it found a Ned Kelly in khaki. Here, it seemed, was a bushman-poet who had been made scapegoat for the sins of the British Empire when, towards the end of a brutal war, he was singled out almost alone by British generals, found guilty by British officers of murdering Boer prisoners, and executed by a firing squad of British soldiers. This understanding of Australia’s experience of the South African War lingers today, but it is too comfortable, too convenient, too contemporary, and too short on detail. Despite impressive research by a dozen or so enthusiasts for the subject, most campaigns in which Australians fought during the war remain largely unknown to general readers and scholars, as does the Australian experience at the front and much of the war’s impact on Australians back home. This book is an attempt to fill these gaps in knowledge and to move beyond studies that increasingly reflect the interests of the decades in which they were created rather than the Australian experience of a war in the early 1900s. After an initial chapter describing Australia in 1895, eight long chapters present a narrative of Australians and the war from the formation of the Australian Corps to the war’s end and a conference in London where Australian leaders rejected a proposal to continue military engagement in imperial defence into peacetime. Shorter chapters frame these longer ones, constituting essays on single aspects or experiences of the war. The final chapter considers the war’s aftermath and how Australians came to understand what they had

XIV |

PREFACE

done in South Africa. Maps of the theatres of war and diagrams of some important skirmishes illuminate troop movements described in the text. Guides to Australians and Australian contingents sketch the major military characters in the book and each contingent that left Australia. A glossary and pronunciation guide helps make sense of South African place names and military jargon. I have adapted or dispensed with some of the jargon of the time to make the narrative clearer for readers who are not well versed in military history and to reduce the false distance we sometimes impose between things Australian and things British a century ago. I write, as most Australians then spoke, more often of the ‘imperial’ government in London rather than of the British government. I divide the army in South Africa less often into Britons and ‘colonials’ than along what was a more significant institutional

fault line—on one side the majority of ‘regulars’, or professional soldiers who were recruited in Britain, and on the other the minority of ‘volunteers’, those men who enlisted from Britain, South Africa, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand purely to help fight the war. Most volunteers belonged to contingents raised by their governments or at least possessing a firm geographical identity, like Britain’s Imperial Yeomanry or Australia’s Bushmen. Others were ‘irregulars’, who enlisted in stateless regiments raised in South Africa by the army or by its agents.

Most Australians fought in the war on horseback, calling themselves privates or troopers and belonging to units with a bewildering variety of titles—Light Horse, Mounted Intantry, Mounted Rifles, Bushmen, Imperial Bushmen, Carbineers. The titles disguised the fact that all horse soldiers in the army used rifles as their main or sole

weapon, but there were important differences in competence and attitude between mounted riflemen, as I call volunteer horse soldiers; the regular cavalry, who were professionals ready to use sword and lance if the opportunity presented itself; and the regular mounted infantry, who were pulled out of regular infantry regiments and given horses. These last I dub ‘MI’, following Rudyard Kipling and others, to avoid confusion with Australian units who called themselves mounted infantry. I call private soldiers who ride horses ‘troopers’, and their subunits ‘squadrons’ rather than the companies they sometimes were, to make clear I am writing of horse soldiers. I also call all Australian Bushmen either ‘Citizen’ or ‘Imperial’ Bushmen to clearly identify whether they belonged to the first or second wave of those contingents that left Australian shores during 1900. In the text I prefer to call the war “South African’ rather than “Boer’ because the Boers were not the only enemy and the war was fought not only in their republics but also in the adjoining British colonies of Rhodesia, Natal, and Cape Colony. In any case, “South African War’ is now the preferred term in South Africa and among scholars, and it seems likely to supplant older names for the war. However, the Australian War Memorial Council, together with Oxford Univeristy Press, made their preference clear, and I acceded to it; hence the book’s title. More controversially, when quoting from contemporary letters, diaries, and memoirs I have corrected and modernised spelling and punctuation and unless the result proved misleading, I have omitted the customary ellipses (three dots) when reproducing more than one part of the same sentence or passage.

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PREFACE

The Australian War Memorial commissioned this book and, although it is not an official history, put all the resources behind it that were needed to make it possible. The Memorial’s principal historian, Peter Stanley, was project manager and, assisted by Ian Hodges and Brad Manera, gave me the benefit of his energy, enthusiasm, insight, and advice. An advisory committee established by the Council of the Memorial monitored my progress and read my drafts. Its members—Geoffrey Blainey (in the chair), Adrian Clunies Ross, Peter Edwards, Digger James, Patricia Mitchell, and Memorial director Steve Gower—were advisers, encouragers, and critics. They had no brief to temper my conclusions, though, and made no effort to do so. Through the Memorial I was able to draw on pioneering research done by others. Three young summer scholars attached to the Memorial's military history section researched and wrote up poorly understood aspects of Australia’s war in South Africa under my supervision. Darren Clifford looked at the 2nd Tasmanian Imperial Bushmen’s service against raiders and rebels in Cape Colony; Richard Lehane questioned perceptions of disease and wounding during the war; Georgia Ramsay examined Australian soldiers’ relationships with and attitudes towards black Africans. I was guided to the Memorial’s artefacts from the war principally by a research paper written for a cultural

heritage management degree by Julia Hogan at the University of Canberra. ‘The Memorial paid for research done by Claire Cruickshank, who sifted through records left

by the Scottish Horse. I was steered straight on a couple of occasions by Cheryl Mongan, editor of the Memorial’s database of Australian soldiers and nurses in the war. The Memorial was not my only patron, however. Several months before 1t commissioned me I travelled to London on grants from the Australian Army History Unit and the Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, now at King’s College, London, to begin research on several subjects including a book I was planning to write on one aspect of Australia’s war in South Africa. I thus began research used for this book sustained by the

Army and the Menzies Centre. When I returned to Australia, the head of the Army History Unit, Roger Lee, allocated—at his own initiative, and at Army expense— Cameron Simpson, a diligent soldier with a wide knowledge of the war, to be my research assistant for several months until Timor called him to higher duty. Writing most of this

book in the spare bedroom of a cramped inner-Sydney terrace house was not always comfortable, and for four months the Department of Veterans’ Affairs provided an office for me in their Sydney branch after I grumbled about my existing accommodation to Richard Reid, the department’s irrepressible commemorations officer. The members of the Memorial’s advisory committee were not the only ones to read this book in draft form. Journalist and commentator Stephen Matchett read one chapter, Frank Bongiorno at the University of New England read several, most were read by Ian van der Waag of the Faculty of Military Science at the University of Stellenbosch, and all were read by Max Chamberlain, who knows more about the campaigns fought by Australians in South Africa than anyone else. These critics found many embarrassing errors, misreadings, and misjudgments. Even more were found by Ruth Siems, who edited the manuscript. Those that remain are truly my responsibility.

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PREFACE

Max Chamberlain lent even further help, freely sharing the fruits of decades of research and preparing several briefs for me on obscure aspects of Australia’s war in South Africa. From Zimbabwe, Robert Burrett passed me his discoveries on the deaths and graves of Australian soldiers in what was once Rhodesia. Midge Carter and Trish Woodman gave me much useful advice and shared with me their discovery of a watch presented to Emily Back, a South African woman, by a Queensland contingent; Trish Woodman also answered many questions about the meaning and pronunciation of South African place names. Jeff Cossum allowed Cameron Simpson to freely copy his collection of soldiers’ diaries and letters for my use. Robin Droogleever and Max Chamberlain gave me an advance copy of The War with Johnny Boer: Australians in the Boer War 1899-1902, an Argus-eyed view of the war from the pens of Australian soldiers. Len Harvey permitted me to draw on his similar book compiled from Queenslanders’ pens called Letters from the Veldt. Bill Woolmore shared some of his knowledge with me on the Bushveldt Carbineers and Frederick Ramon de Bertodano.

Many others helped me along the way, notably relatives and descendants of Australians who fought in South Africa. Fiona Bekkers let me read her typescript ‘Soldier of the Queen’, about her great-uncle Victor Stanley Jones. Marie Bignold discussed her great-uncle James Francis Thomas with me. Stephen Coles gave me material on Frederick Dau. Alfonso de Bertodano wrote to me about his father Frederick

Ramon de Bertodano. Ursula Davidson typed up letters by her uncle Douglas Rich and gave these to me. Margot Downes showed me the diary of her relative John Sidney. Mike Eddy let me read his family’s scrapbook on their grandfather George Eddy. Ian Grimwood gave me details on his great-grandfather Walter Button. David Hill sent me a memoir of his grandfather William Henry Hill. Judy Hoggan wrote to me about her grandfather James Hurst. Geoff McDonald showed me his research into his ancestor Richard McDonald. Merle McDonald gave me copies of articles and letters that her grandfather George Robert Rogers sent home from South Africa. Bob Pankhurst posted me excerpts from the memorrs of his grandfather Ernest George Foster. Les Perrett gave me a copy of his book on his relative Frederick Avard. Gordon Thomson wrote to me about his father Walker Thomson and gave me a photograph of him. Jan Watkins let me see her miniature archive on her great uncle Walter Karri Davies. Gough Whitlam told me about his grandfather who went to South Africa during the war as a civilian. Jill Willis sent me material on William ‘Alby’ Wise. Others shared ideas with me and, sometimes, the fruits of their research: Michael and

Louise Bands of Bloemfontein Cathedral; Jacqueline Beaumont; Ian Beckett of Luton University; Michael Barthorp; Bill and Janet Billett; Elizabeth Bowman; Allan Box; Stuart Braga; Terry Bugg; Peter Burness of the Australian War Memorial; David Chinn of the Australian War Memorial; Julienne Clunies Ross; Peter Cochrane; Anne-Marie

Condé of the Australian War Memorial; Graeme Colless of the Australian High Commission in Pretoria; John Crawford of the New Zealand Defence Force; Arthur Davey; Peter Dennis at the Australian Defence Force Academy; Don Diespecker; Samantha Dodsworth; Barbara Edwards; Ashley Ekins of the Australian War Memorial;

| XVII

PREFACE

Kent Fedorowich of the University of the West of England’s Bristol campus; Ian Gordon; Jeffrey Grey at the United States Marine Corps University; Paul Goldstein of New Zealand’s Department of Internal Affairs; Allan J. Guy at the National Army Museum in London; Ken Halliday of the Tenterfield Star, Glyn Harper of the New Zealand Defence Force; Anthony Harris of State Records of South Australia; Ken and Amirah Inglis; C. J. Jacobs of the South African National Defence Force’s Krygsimulasiesentrum; Elwyn Jenkins; Gary Kent; Melva Kruckow; John Lack of the University of Melbourne; Peter Londey of the Australian War Memorial; lan McGibbon of New Zealand’s Department of Internal Affairs; Neil McGlashan; Janie Meadows of the John Oxley Library; Carman and Pamela Miller of McGill University; Tsadi Moeti

of the governing board of the War Museum of the Boer Republics; Betty Moore; Thomas Pakenham; Hamish Paterson at the South African National Museum of Military

History; John Pennefather; Peter Phillips, National President of the Returned and Services League; Simon Potter of the National University of Ireland; Alicia Powell; Garth Pratten; Fransjohan Pretorius of the University of Pretoria, Bhadra Ranchod, South Africa's High Commissioner in Canberra; Brian Holden Reid of King’s College, London; Michael Roe; Keith Ross; Penny Russell of the University of Sydney; Leigh Ryan; Anne-Marie Schwirtlich of National Archives of Australia; Gary Sheffield of the United Kingdom's Joint Services Command and Staff College; Colin Simpson; Felicity Sinclair; Neil Smith; Simon Smith; Gavin Souter; Iain Spence of the University of New England; Anthony Staunton of the Department of Veterans’ Affairs; Keith Surridge of the University of Notre Dame’s London program; Ralph Sutton; Robert Todd; Robert Wallace; Brian Wilder; Peter Wilmot; John Wilson; Gillian Winter of the Tasmaniana Library; Lionel and Eithne Wulfsohn; and Bart Ziino of the University of Melbourne. Bronwyn Crawford helped too. My greatest debt, though, is to Lynne Ashpole, who lived through another book with me, and this one is dedicated to her.

XVII |

Austraha and South Africa before the war

cAustralia The worn landscape with its blanched grass and soft blue hills, the mocking laughter of crows perched on tired eucalypts, the hard enamelled sky lit by a triumphant sun—all these were there, just as they are now, in the Christmas of 1895, the moment when Australians began to join in events that led to war in South Africa, the forced Incorpo ration of two republics into the British Empire, and the deaths of 70,000 people. But the society that dominated that land in 1895 and fought in that war was different from ours. Mentally, socially, economically, and politically, its members inhabited a different world.’

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50 |

REACHING THE FRONT

filled with a cacophony of bangs, clangs, and curious tongues. Landing the horses and stores was a long and tedious business, although an army of black and ‘coloured’ (mostly mixed race) men did most of the lifting and lugging. The spirit of imperial camaraderie seemed faint among the overworked military and naval officials on the docks. It was news to the officer supervising the landing of Major Percy Ricardo’s contingent that Queensland was an Australian colony. ‘Nobody seemed to have the faintest idea of who we were’, Major Hubert Murray from Sydney discovered, ‘or what we had come for, or what was to be done with us.’ The hearty welcome that Cox’s New South Wales Lancers received when they landed in November 1899, and which all Australians who came after them expected, was unusual. Many contingents had to make do with a few cheers from local loyalists as they marched through town, and dinner for their officers with local notables or, if lucky, imperial celebrities like Sir Alfred Milner or Rudyard Kipling.” Most Australian contingents spent at least a few days in the vast military camps that grew up near the port cities. The largest and most commonly frequented were Cape Town’s Maitland camp, under Table Mountain, and Green Point camp near ‘Table Bay. ‘The cattle drinking and the foliage about the valley’ around Maitland made for ‘a very pretty piece of scenery’, thought Captain Robert St Julien Pearce. Green Point was a pleasant grassy meadow by the sea, or it had been grassy until tents, wagons, and boots turned it into a sandpit which sea breezes regularly whipped into miniature sandstorms.

At the camps the Australians were equipped with modern rifles and plain khaki uniforms if they lacked them, and often better saddlery than they brought with them. They were also drilled according to the regulars’ drill books.’”

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some Australian contingents. In command of the regiment was Major Rupert Carington, a younger brother of Lord Carrington who as a regular officer had fought in the Zulu War of 1879 before marrying and settling in Australia.’

The army that Kitchener was rejuvenating seemed likely to swamp its enemies. There were five soldiers for every Boer or Cape rebel. Most, including the bulk of the regular infantry, were detailed to secure what had already been won. It was the army's 80,000 horsemen, supported by light artillery and when necessary by infantry, who would have to ride out on to the veld, find and run down enemy bands, burn farms and villages, destroy or impound crops and stock, and bring civilians in to railway stations for internment in concentration camps. Some would be directed by a batch of generals and staff officers newly imported from India—Generals Edward Locke Elliot, Bindon Blood, Stuart Beatson, and others—who had experience and toughness born of years of colonial

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AUSTRALIA AND THE DRAFT CONTINGENTS, JUNE 1900-AUGUST 1901

campaigning. [hey would be the right men to begin a new herding of the veld’s human inhabitants. The first blockhouse lines—fences of barbed wire stretched between prefabricated concrete and iron forts—had appeared in January to guard the railways from attack. Now they would stretch out into the countryside to form barriers against which the Boers could be driven. It would not be easy. As Birdwood warned, ‘it is a most difficult game in this vast country’. The Boers were elusive, experienced, and fanatical. And many of the army’s horse soldiers were untrained, unready, impatient, and naive, weakened by exposure to cold autumn nights, their horses dying rapidly from strange diseases.‘

‘Pietersburg to ‘Khenoster Kop The first major campaign fought by the draft contingents was also the last major one fought by the Bushmen, and it bought success cheaply. The only significant Boer town still securely in Boer hands was Pietersburg. Terminus of the northern railway and administrative centre of the vast Zoutpansberg and Waterberg districts, it manufactured ammunition, flour, paper money, and postage stamps, put out the last openly republican newspaper, and provided a base for the refugee Transvaal government. Possession of Pietersburg would give the army a northern base, prevent Boers rallying there, and outflank Ben Viljoen’s refuge in the mountainous Lydenburg district north of Machadodorp

and the Delagoa railway. Kitchener wanted a rapid lunge against the town and chose one of his best mounted commanders and mounted columns for the job. Most of the 1300 horse soldiers in Brigadier General Herbert Plumer’s column were Bushmen, veterans of the recent repulse of Christiaan De Wet from Cape Colony. Supported by regular infantry, artillery, and engineers, they were now joined by the Bushveldt Carbineers who were destined to join the region’s occupation force. The lunge began at Pienaar’s River station, 300 kilometres south-west of Pietersburg, on 29 March. Wagons and guns were loaded on to trains and moved cautiously up the line, protected by the infantry and surrounded by swarms of Carbineers. Small parties of Boers sniped at the column and tried to blow up the trains, but Christiaan Beyers and most of his northern commandos were fifty kilometres away and there could be little determined resistance. When Beyers heard of the advance he and his men raced for Pietersburg, reached it just ahead of Plumer’s column but too late for a successful defence,

and rode out again. On 8 April, after a fortnight in the saddle, Plumer’s column rode into the town, past its two banks and two hotels, and along its tree-lined streets. The Transvaal flag was hauled down and the Union flag hauled up, railway wagons were seized, and the job of destroying the printing press, flour mills, and ammunition stores began.'®

Meanwhile the column’s advance guard of 4th Imperial Bushmen under Captain Arthur Sale, the Tasmanian who had dismissed the capture of De Wet’s guns on the Orange River as mere luck, trotted to one of the hills beyond the town. Beyers’ men had long departed and the town had officially surrendered, but official surrenders now meant

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TABLE 13

AUSTRALIAN CONTINGENTS AND PART-AUSTRALIAN IRREGULAR REGIMENTS IN THE NORTH-EAST TRANSVAAL, APRIL-MAY 1901

CONTINGENT SENIOR OFFICER SERVING WITH NSW Citizen Bushmen (leave mid April) Maj Thomas Plumer’s column Qld Citizen Bushmen (leave mid April) Maj Tunbridge Plumer’s column 3rd (WA and Vic.) Citizen Bushmen (leave late April) = Maj Vialls Plumer’s column

Ath (SA, WA and Tas.) Lt-Col Rowell Plumer’s column Imperial Bushmen (leave mid June)

Qld Imperial Bushmen (leave mid June) Maj Deacon Plumer’s column

oth Vic. Mounted Rifles Col Otter Beatson’s column oth Qld Imperial Bushmen Lt-Col Flewell Smith = Plumer’s column oth and 6th WA Mounted Infantry Maj Bridges Walter Kitchener’s column

2nd Scottish Horse Maj Dymoke Murray Benson’s column

Bushveldt Carbineers Maj Lenehan Plumer’s column (join Pietersburg garrison early May)

little. A schoolmaster hidden in some long grass shot Sale off his horse, mortally wounding him. Lieutenant Herbert Walter, another Tasmanian Imperial Bushman, rode toward his captain and was shot dead. ‘Trooper William Wadley crawled toward Sale and tried to stem his gushing blood. He was joined by Captain Walter Gibson, a Western Australian medical officer, who rode up despite the danger. Enraged by the shootings, the other Bushmen set out to hunt down the sniper. They lost another man dead, Trooper William Fraser from Western Australia, before finding their quarry. Major Richard Lewis commanding the Tasmanians later wrote that the schoolmaster was kalled instantly by a volley of bullets. Accounts at the time told a different story. “They put thirteen bullets into him and then bayoneted him’, according to one Queenslander. Or was it seventeen bullets before breaking two rifles over his body, as someone in Cape Colony heard? Sale, Walter, and Fraser were buried in Pietersburg amid the crackle of burning ammunition. Some of Plumer’s soldiers looted the town in retaliation.!? Chaplain James Green thought the capture of Pietersburg the most successful march Australians had taken part in during the war. Certainly it cost few Australian lives and isolated Beyers from other Boer forces. Kitchener expected no more trouble in the town, with the Bushveldt Carbineers about to patrol the countryside and the regular infantry coming up behind them. Also coming up were 500 5th Queensland Imperial Bushmen under Lieutenant-Colonel John Flewell Smith to release their state’s Citizen Bushmen

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i

AUSTRALIA AND THE DRAFT CONTINGENTS, JUNE 1900—AUGUST 1901

contingent for home. Green thought the 5th looked well in their new uniforms, although they had not yet learned to cast aside their tents and much of their equipment on the march. They would learn soon enough. The campaign was about to enter a second phase,

where Plumer’s column rode south to block fords across the Oliphants (Elephants) River while six columns under Bindon Blood marched north from the Delagoa railway against Ben Viljoen.”° Plumer’s column reached the river, as usual no more than a stream, after two days’

riding on half rations across a flat countryside that was home to monkeys and the odd crocodile. The fresh Queenslanders had an early success when they rounded up some women and children and the editor of the Pietersburg newspaper recently put out of

business. Any pride felt at these captures was eroded as their horses began dying of disease and two of their comrades were shot accidentally. To the south and east Bindon Blood’s troops were on the march too, with the 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles in Stuart Beatson’s column forming one of his largest units of horsemen. Viljoen had few armed men, but Blood had problems of his own. He did not know Africa let alone the local terrain, intelligence was poor, Boer raids on the railway line were distracting, and the vast distances between his columns made coordination difficult. At least he could carry out the campaign’s secondary aim of making the countryside uninhabitable.?* The Victorians were already weakened by tiredness, colds, fever, and dysentery when

half of them rode out of Middelburg on 15 April to join hands with Plumer, Alfred

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Otter at their head despite his orders to return to Victoria. ‘I think this regiment is going to have a rough time of it’, worried Frederick Stebbins; ‘we are a green lot and want some good officers.’ They toiled up and down hills and across streams, under fire from snipers almost from the start. By 20 April a hundred of their horses were dead, fifty of their men were ill or exhausted, and five men had been shot. But the contingent was keen, and it liked its dashing general, Beatson. He seemed ‘a grand man’ to medical officer James Patterson, ‘a fine fellow to work under’ to Major William McKnight. A hard fellow too: Beatson demanded the highest standards of behaviour and, like Plumer, punished looting with imprisonment. Not all the officers proved as useless as Stebbins feared. Lieutenant Joseph Brabazon, a former ranker in Tom Price’s Victorian Mounted Rifles, took six soldiers and patrolled deep into the countryside, far across the Oliphants, and seized ten wagons and fourteen Boers. To the north, Plumer’s veterans were out

patrolling too. On the night of 24 April near Commissie Drift, Lieutenant Herbert Reid and twenty men of the 4th Imperial Bushmen rode silently to a Boer /aager, surrounded it, and rushed it at dawn. They bagged wagons, horses, cattle, a machine-gun, and twice their own number of men including a commandant, Schroeder. Equally remarkable was the four-day ride across country by two Western Australians from Plumer’s headquarters to Beatson’s and back. But the real prize eluded the columns when Viljoen slipped between them and fled south. Harry Vialls’ 3rd Bushmen were sent home a few days later, free at last from military servitude; most other Citizen Bushmen had already left the front. Vialls, soon to be a lieutenant-colonel and Companion of the Bath, stayed on, and Plumer promised to find him a regiment to lead.” Soon Plumer’s and all of Blood’s columns were regrouping along the Delagoa railway, sharing stories of sniping and marching, wagon captures and farm burning. Viljoen had escaped, but much had been achieved. More than a thousand Boers had been captured or had surrendered, thousands of women and children had been brought in to the bulging concentration camps, countless farms had been looted and destroyed, and Viljoen was

convinced the war was lost. Frederick Stebbins believed only a few snipers were left behind in the columns’ wake, ‘bushrangers’ who could be left to mounted police. It would not be that easy. A warning came on 7 May near Rhenoster Kop, where Viljoen had pinned down Paget’s column for a day back in November. Four squadrons of 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles rode out to clear some gullies of Boers and found what seemed to be only a few fugitives. The fugitives nevertheless drew some of the Victorians into a trap and shot down a captain, a lieutenant, and several men. There was worse to come in the winter campaigns conducted in the eastern Transvaal, in the western Free State and south-west ‘Transvaal, and in the eastern Cape.”

Winter in the eastern Transvaal As winter approached, Kitchener launched Plumer’s and Blood’s columns and other columns based at Standerton in a vast sweep between the Delagoa and Natal railways designed to end resistance to imperial rule in the eastern Transvaal and scoop up the

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AUSTRALIA AND THE DRAFT CONTINGENTS, JUNE 1900—AUGUST 1901

refugee Transvaal government. Louis Botha ordered Viljoen and Christiaan Hendrik Muller to harass the approaching columns as best they could. The job would not be easy. The cold would deter many Boers from leaving their farms or hideouts, and the soldiers were coming in tens of thousands.

The soldiers’ job would be difficult too. Lieutenant Douglas Rich with the 6th Queensland Imperial Bushmen coming up from Standerton put the best gloss he could on it. Much of the country seemed fertile and well watered, he thought, ‘but the cold! It was putting dozens of men into hospital and helping to kill hundreds of horses. Boer bands were evaporating ‘into thin air’, unless they wished to pounce under cover of darkness on an isolated or outnumbered patrol. Long-range sniping by elusive individuals was relentless. ‘I had my first experience of being popped [at] the other day’, Rich told his mother; ‘I can tell you it ain't so pleasant.’ There were some compensations—

poultry and pigs to eat, if no previous column had got them first, and the thrill of destruction.?*

Major Charles Cox’s 3rd New South Wales Mounted Rifles also marched out of Standerton, constituting half the horsemen of Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Rimington’s column and accompanied by four guns and their gunners from long-serving A Battery

under Major Edward Antill (brother of John Macquarie Antill of the original New South Wales Mounted Rifles squadron) now Colonel Sydenham Smith had been given

TABLE 14

AUSTRALIAN CONTINGENTS IN THE EASTERN TRANSVAAL, MAY-AUGUST 1901

CONTINGENT SENIOR OFFICER SERVING WITH Ath (SA, WA and Tas.) Imperial Bushmen (leave mid June) —_Lt-Col Rowell Plumer’s column

Qld Imperial Bushmen (leave mid June) Maj Deacon Plumer’s column

Four guns of A Battery Maj Antil Rimington’s column 3rd NSW Mounted Rifles Major Cox Rimington’s column oth Vic. Mounted Rifles Col Otter, then Beatson's column Maj Umphelby and Maj McKnight

oth Qld Imperial Bushmen Lt-Col Flewell Smith = Plumer’s column

6th Qld Imperial Bushmen Lt-Col Tunbridge Grey's then Garratt’s column

oth and 6th WA Mounted Infantry Maj Bridges Walter Kitchener’s column

2nd Scottish Horse Ma} Dymoke Murray — Benson’s column

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a static district command. The ride across grassy, treeless plains took the column nearly two weeks, the soldiers gradually getting used to their horses and the constant sniping. On 22 May they came into Bethal, a tiny town between Standerton and Belfast—or, rather, what was left of Bethal. Plumer’s column had skirmished its way into the town

two days before, and next day removed the women and children and burned every building. It had to be done, insisted Trooper George Horsburgh from Queensland, as ‘the Boers were living in luxury here’ with ‘warm beds to sleep in at night, and good stables for the horses’. Rimington’s column finished the job, dynamiting anything Plumer’s men had left standing. The sight of two or three hundred homeless women and children in the army’s hands amused Saddler John Wadham, a South Australian who had been at war for a year—long enough to lose sympathy for even the most defenceless of his enemies. The destruction of the town and the incarceration of its inhabitants was

hoped to break the will of local men still in arms. ‘As we Australians left the place’, Horsbugh wrote, ‘I am afraid Mr John Boer will have to do a bit of roughing it.’ An entire town had been erased from the veld and its unarmed residents removed for incarceration in a camp where many would die from neglect and disease. Mr Boer would not

forget. Plumer took command of all the columns in and around Bethal—5000 soldiers in all,

including the veteran Imperial Bushmen of Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia and Tasmania, the four guns and gunners from A Battery, and Charles Cox’s and John Flewell Smith’s draft contingents from New South Wales and Queensland— and marched them back to Standerton. It was no easy journey. The columns were burdened with loot, fog lay thick on the veld each morning, and snipers were everywhere. On 24 May Flewell Smith’s Queenslanders lost four men wounded or killed, two from their comrades’ fire. Next day near Mooifontein (Pretty Spring) Ben Viljoen pounced on the columns’ ox-hauled wagons, the thousands of farm animals they had seized, and the infantry companies and small patrols of horsemen guarding them. The soldiers, with some Australians among them, fought well and kept the convoy moving. But it took them seven hours to persuade Viljoen to ride off with some sheep as a consolation

prize. Lieutenant Charles Reese and a patrol of Queenslanders lost a man killed and six | others wounded including Trooper Edmund Sweeney, who lay all night on the veld with a bullet in his chest.*° As the soldiers approached Standerton they drank a double issue of rum to mark the birthday of their new king and emperor, Edward VII, who had come to the throne in January on the death of the much-loved Victoria. In town they were issued new boots, new horses, and new equipment. Most of the force remained together, and early in June

it marched east toward the tangled Wakkerstroom and Piet Retief districts, marked down to receive the same harsh treatment as Bethal. The increasingly hilly country proved impossible for the Queensland cyclist company, which so far had rarely found the good roads and hard ground they needed. The horsemen, too, were weary of riding every day in cold wind and dense fog on little food apart from what they could strip from farms. On 9 June the columns entered the empty town of Piet Retief,

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AUSTRALIA AND THE DRAFT CONTINGENTS, JUNE 1900—AUGUST 1901

and their Imperial Bushmen were released for home—‘home, sweet home’, George Horsburgh exulted. Before leaving they dragged a piano from a Boer house to present to a Perth woman who was largely responsible for the flow of comforts that had reached them in the field over the past year.?’ The rest of Plumer’s force, the cyclists now riding the Bushmen’s horses, began scouring ravines and thickets to flush out their enemies. It was dangerous work, and their most experienced comrades had left them. On 17 June, as Flewell Smith’s 5th Queensland Imperial Bushmen were searching the Slangapiesberg (Snake and Monkeys Mountain) range, one of their patrols came upon a /aager deep in a scrubby hollow by a hill called Eileen. There was a white flag flying from one of the wagons, and the patrol went forward to accept a surrender. A thunder of rifle fire broke out from all directions. Trooper William McCabe, a Sydney-born shearer, went down with a bullet in the forehead, but like Lawrence Palmer at Poplar Grove he was still alive. The rest of the patrol fled to cover, but two men came back to carry McCabe to safety through a storm of rifle fire. Another Queenslander risked his life carrying messages between the trapped patrol and the rest of the contingent. [hey were not the only soldiers in trouble; another patrol had walked into a similar trap nearby. By the end of the day eighteen Queenslanders were missing in the deadly hollow. Fortunately only two were badly wounded and none died. It was ‘the biggest fight that we have had since we came out here’, ‘Trooper Christopher Mealing confided in his diary. There was some rest in sight. Five days later Plumer’s force surrounded the village of Paul Pietersburg after a night march, and three days after that the force was camping, safe at last, at Utrecht on the Natal railway. They had brought in nearly eighty Boer prisoners and more than a hundred wagons—not much to show for three weeks’ riding and ravaging. At least they had not met with disaster, as the Western Australian and Victorian draft contingents had done.*® Six weeks earlier the 5th and 6th Western Australian Mounted Infantry had marched south-east from Middelburg in Walter Kitchener’s column to scour the land either side of the Little Oliphants River. The work seemed mundane enough, just the usual stripping of farms and driving off snipers. Early on 16 May Captain John Campbell, formerly a lieutenant in Western Australia’s first contingent, took ninety men to a farm at Brakpan (Brackish Pond) to seize its occupants and wagons. The wagons were mired in a creek, and when some of the soldiers hopped off their horses to pull them out bullets began to zip overhead. A few snipers, perhaps. The soldiers crossed the creek to drive them off,

veteran lieutenants out on the flanks—Stanley Reid to the left, to the right Frederick Bell, another former first contingent ranker. The Boers seemed everywhere, in the long grass, in the farm buildings and corn field just across the creek, in the rising ground beyond. Campbell shouted to the men to dismount, fix bayonets and go forward; that would frighten them off. Most of the Western Australians dashed ahead to the high ground, but dozens of men were firing at them from all round. Reid was shot and his men retreated. Bell’s men began to retreat too. It was a trap; the only way out was to run.

On Campbell’s orders the Western Australians tumbled back toward the creek and leapt on to their horses, Bell and his troop covering the others. Campbell began to

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NEW AT THE GAME

gather up men still on foot and pulled one horseless soldier up behind his saddle. Bell did the same, but his horse could not take the weight of two men. He dismounted, stood

behind an anthill, and began shooting at the pursuing Boers while everyone else galloped or ran for shelter, from which some covered Bell’s retreat. Sergeant Thomas Kidd and other Western Australians who were off with some wagons being used to haul away farm occupants took little notice of the first shots ringing out from nearby Brakpan. They were trotting back to the main column when the firing grew louder and Campbell’s men began to ride through them at a frantic gallop. Lieutenant Anthony Forrest, the young nephew of the former Western Australian premier who was now Edmund Barton's defence minister, realised what was happening and deployed his troop to cover Campbell's retreat. He was quickly shot down. Bullets were now dropping around Thomas Kidd, a clerk in civil life and only 22; he had nevertheless seen such things before, having served in an irregular regiment. Experience made him too sanguine. Two regular officers rode up near him and peered through their binoculars at some of the men racing toward them. ‘My God, they are Boers!’ exclaimed one of the officers. ‘No sir’, replied Kidd, ‘they must be our own men and we will support them.’ They were Boers all right. Some Western Australians rushed towards them unformed and heedless of rifle fire, as raw volunteers were given to doing. At the same moment Walter Kitchener arrived with reinforcements from the main column. The Boers fled, the fight was over as suddenly as it had begun, and six Western Australians were dead including Forrest. Nine more were wounded, two later dying. The little skirmish at Brakpan had been as costly in Australian lives as the siege at Elands River Post or the debacle at Koster River. ‘Our first disaster and a bad day’ was

how one Western Australian summed it up. There was one bright side—a Victoria Cross would soon be struck for Frederick Bell, the fourth such award earned by an Australian and the first by a Western Australian. At the burial service next day, 17 May,

Walter Kitchener urged the men not to avenge themselves on individual Boers. He promised to give them every opportunity to wipe out the score in a fair fight. There was some scope for satisfaction a month later when the column entered Ermelo on 20 June and destroyed ‘everything of value’ and had ‘some great fun’. The fun did not last long.

Some Victorians had been routed at a farm called Wilmansrust, and Bindon Blood ordered all nearby columns to the spot. On the way Stanley Reid, who had recovered from his wounds at Brakpan, was killed in an ambush.?? The 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles, reduced to 700 men by exhaustion, exposure, and disease, and astride indifferent horses, had marched from the Delagoa railway a month earlier into the clear, undulating grassland that stretched toward Bethal. The march started well enough. Then on 29 May a patrol was attacked and four Victorians were killed. William McKnight blamed bad luck, but also ‘some curs’ among the contingent. His opinion now mattered. Alfred Otter had been sent home—at his age, agreed Major David Miller back at Kenneth Mackay’s office in Cape Town, it was simply ‘asking too much of Dame Nature’ to go to war—and the Victorians had been divided into two

204 |

AUSTRALIA AND THE DRAFT CONTINGENTS, JUNE 1900-AUGUST 1901

battalions under Majors McKnight and Thomas Umphelby, a veteran of ‘Tom Price’s contingent. But Beatson had ensured the two men would have no real power. McKnight found himself taking orders from Major Morris, a regular artillery officer placed in command of the column’s left wing that counted McKnight’s 400-strong battalion and two pom-poms. McKnight hated being ‘ordered about by a gunner’. He also objected to that ‘awful brute’ Bertram Waterfield, Beatson’s arrogant staff officer who, like his general, had also come from the army in India. Many Victorians shared similar feelings. They respected their general, but there seemed too much of the barrack room about his column for their liking. Beatson in turn was beginning to consider his Victorians to be undisciplined and unreliable.°° When the column's right wing halted at Van Dykes Drift, almost midway between Balmoral and Bethal, its left wing rode east to run down a group of Boers said to be close by. Nothing but the usual odd sniper proved close enough to chase, and toward evening on 12 June, after grazing their horses and seeing off some Boers with pom-pom fire, Morris's command camped on bare rising ground above a creek on a farm named Wilmansrust (Wilman’s Resting Place). Some carts trundled complacently into the

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| 341

RISING SUN

News reached most of Australia on 2 June, a Monday. Bells rang, work halted for a time or occasionally for the rest of the day, flags came out, and thousands rejoiced. It was not another Ladysmith or Mafeking celebration, not a moment of mass engagement

with the war and its aims—the mood needed for such a moment had long ago evaporated. It was, nonetheless, a proud moment for the loyalists who had been the backbone of Australia’s war effort for two and a half years. In Adelaide the stock exchange

ground to a halt and brokers cheered the king, Joseph Chamberlain, and British soldiers. Outside the building the mayor gave away Bugler to the man who had bid highest for him at the Bushman auctions two years earlier. Bendigo’s mayor sent a telegram to Lord

Hopetoun expressing joy that the king’s coronation would be held in peace. Port Augusta cheered Kitchener, the king and the empire. In Melbourne an ecstatic crowd crammed themselves into the town hall to sing “God Save the King’, ‘Rule Britannia’, and Handel’s Hallelujah chorus, and to cheer Chamberlain for his will and perseverance. ‘For the first time in our history’, the governor told the crowd, the whole empire ‘stood before the world as a united people’. Alfred Deakin echoed Chamberlain in saying that

the British people—he meant all Britons, and thus Australians too—had found themselves to be truly a people, but the colonials among them had found themselves to be their own branch of that people; standing beside Tommy, doing their full share, had

been ‘the long-limbed, brown-skinned, large-hearted, independent sons of Canada, Australia and New Zealand’. There was no great meeting in Sydney, where public celebrations were rare. Perhaps Australia’s largest city had other events to focus on, like the return of the draft contingents. Perhaps the state government’s decision not to lead any celebrations—a decision in line with John See’s initial opposition to sending further contingents—was decisive.*®

“The empire has gone through a great trial,’ the Commonwealth Senate heard on 3 June from Richard O’Connor, the government leader in the house. ‘It has met with some reverses; it has overcome many difficulties, and I think it has emerged triumphantly by the exercise of stupendous energy and magnificent resources.’ A high price had been paid, but the result seemed to be a united white South African people who would soon enjoy the same prosperity and independence as white Australians. Gregor McGregor responded for Labor senators: ‘I am quite certain that, no matter what position any British subject has taken up in connection with the war, everyone is glad that it is over, and it is only the great calamity that has befallen many of the widows and orphans in Great Britain and her colonies that will make any disagreeable memory last for any time.’ A few days earlier in the House of Representatives someone asked whether Chamberlain had consulted colonial governments about peace terms. Deakin said that the government had not been consulted. Nothing had come after all of Chamberlain's earlier hope that the colonies would help shape the peace, but Labor was not troubled. ‘It is not for me nor for the members of this house’, John Christian Watson said, “to indicate the terms upon which the war should be concluded.’ Then again, the terms pleased many dissenters, or so they said. The Boers would have reparations, few Cape rebels would be punished, the former republics would one day have self-government,

342 |

AUSTRALIA AND ITS FIRST EXPEDITIONARY FORCE, SEPTEMBER 1901-JULY 1902

and no white man would have to suffer the indignity of serving on a jury with a black man, or walking towards a polling booth beside him. London had almost put in place the program of the Anti-War League, the Bulletin mocked, and made fools of the loyalists. In a sense, then, peace was a proud moment for dissenters too. Some loyalists and returned soldiers indeed felt cheated. Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Airey hoped to be given a farm in South Africa in return for having led the New South Wales Citizen Bushmen to the front, and he resented the fact that the Boers were to have their farms stocked while those who had shed their blood for the empire were promised nothing.*? Back in South Africa the army was attending thanksgiving services and singing the ‘Recessional’, a hymn with words by Kipling which warned that ‘all our pomp of yesterday’ might become as ‘one with Nineveh and Tyre’. The imperial government sensed that this was the moment to call on its white colonies not to end the military effort that the war had roused or look away from the imperial vistas it had opened up. “The weary titan staggers under the too vast orb of its fate, Chamberlain warned colonial prime ministers at a conference held in London in July to coincide with Edward VII’s coronation. ‘We have borne the burden for many years, he continued; “We think it is time our children should assist us to support it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils.’ The support requested was trade preference, an imperial reserve, and an end to restricting some of the Royal Navy’s ships to protecting local shores. ‘rade preference seemed painless enough, and most Australians agreed with Edmund Barton that it was ‘a matter of common fairness’

that they should help defend the empire in a military emergency. But permanent engagement with the empire seemed an unacceptable burden, even to many loyalists. Cape Colony, Natal, and New Zealand favoured an imperial reserve, but the great federations of Australia and Canada knew themselves to be Britannia’s young sisters, not her children. Barton agreed to double Australia’s contribution to maintaining Royal Navy ships in Australian waters and to relinquish any restraint on their deployment, but he joined Canada in bluntly opposing an imperial reserve. The khaki-clad empire that dissenters had feared was coming would not come after all. Imperial policing was too inglorious, too inconvenient. Australians would hang up their rifles and, safe behind the Royal Navy’s iron shield, turn their backs on the empire once again.°°

| 343

¥ amy

AFTER Lhe wars aftermath and legacy

The victory It had taken thirty-one months for nearly half a million soldiers fielded by the world’s largest empire to crush two thinly populated republics defended by 70,000 farmers, clerks, and shopkeepers with no industrial base behind them. Yet the victory was more impressive than it seemed. The Boers had fought on their home ground, had been armed with modern rifles, had learned to avoid fighting battles they could not hope to win, and had plenty of allies in Cape Colony and sympathisers around the globe. There might have been a replay of the American War of Independence, with the British army bogged down in alien terrain by a rebellious militia, local loyalists ill-used, a coalition of rival powers entering the war, riots at home, abject defeat abroad, and the amputation of rich provinces. This time, however, the Royal Navy had been strong enough to deter rival powers from intervention, and the regular army, however small and amateurish by European standards, had grasped what had to be done and how to do it, and had been supported in the task by an improvised mass of generally able civilian volunteers—more farmers, clerks, and shopkeepers. Thus reinforced and with the navy holding the ring, the army subjugated the veld by destroying its resources, dividing it with blockhouses and barbed wire into a bleak and barren chessboard, running down most resisters, and incarcerating women and children in concentration camps or letting them starve at large. The strategy was often used by European armies in colonial warfare. Its use against a white people disturbed common morality and thus raised some alarm, as it had when the Spaniards had used it in Cuba a few years earlier, although the army’s inefficiencies and early blunders provoked greater concern. There was also praise—and protest among dissenters— for the rally of so many of the empire’s white men to a brutal war that consolidated imperial borders at the expense of a small rural society.

344 |

THE WAR'S AFTERMATH AND LEGACY

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THE WAR'S AFTERMATH AND LEGACY

Some returned soldiers named their houses ‘Pretoria’, ‘Sunnyside’, ‘Elands’, or ‘Mateking’. Many kept one or two war souvenirs on display. William Henry Hill hung

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a sjambok whip above the front door of the house he built in north Queensland in 1906: somewhere inside was a Boer rifle, and the doors were stopped open with empty artillery

shells. Leslie Maygar was one of many who kept a family Bible he had taken from a Boer household. Other, less tangible relics were brought home from the front. Man

families adopted their returned soldier’s views on the war, on the regular army, and on South Africa, reinforcing an underlying folk wariness of all three, as well as his faith in the ability of the Australian soldier—reinforcing the ‘fatuous belief in the minds of very large numbers of Australians’, as Jack Abbott put it, that ‘we are match for any enemy to whom we may be opposed’.®

A few soldiers put their experiences into print. The only one with enduring literary

merit, Abbott’s Tommy Cornstalk, viewed the war from ‘the point of view of the Australian ranks’. Richard Lewis's On the Veldt reminded readers that the viewpoint was not as distinctive as they might want to believe. These and other memoirs were joined

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— product. (AWM REL/00455) | 353

AFTER

by a handful of histories of one or more contingents. The best was John Bufton’s Lasmanians in the Transvaal War, which collected, and pontificated on, a mass of ordinary

soldiers’ impressions. The infirmity and death of Edmund Barton’s older brother George

in September 1901 deprived Australians of what might have been an exhaustive if uncritical history of their war. Impressively detailed up to the occupation of Bloemfon-

tein in March 1900, the manuscript was hurried to the end of the war by a team of contributors that included Frank Wilkinson, Mo Williams, and Banjo Paterson, and was published as the second volume of an American general history of the war and its background called The Story of South Africa. The small spate of books was rounded off

in 1911 with a 600-page volume bound in sombre green called Official Records of the Australian Military Contingents. Authorised by John Hoad, now one of the most senior Australian officers, and hastily compiled by Pembroke Murray, who had been a lieutenant with the 2nd New South Wales Mounted Rifles, the volume consisted almost entirely of nominal rolls, and ignored the service of the thousands of Australian irregulars apart from the half page it devoted to the Victorians with the Scottish Horse. It was all that would ever come of earlier plans for an Australian official history of the war. Few saw a need for one, especially when the War Office produced its four-volume official history from the army’s perspective between 1906 and 1910.7

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354 |

VHE WAR'S AFTERMATH AND LEGACY

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More tangible legacies of the fighting were the memorials that a hundred or more local communities and four state committees erected by 1914. Most were topped with a cheap obelisk or sometimes a more expensive statue of a soldier generally pensive and respecttul in pose. The state memorial in Hobart featured a trim helmeted figure suffciently emblematic of the mounted trooper of his day to top a memorial in Yorkshire as well. His counterparts in Perth, Adelaide, and Ballarat were not so easily transferable.

More dashing, nore obviously colonial, they wore slouch hats in case any observer missed the point. One contingent erected a memorial to itself—the 5th Victorian Mounted Rifles, who defiantly listed Wilmansrust among their battle honours. Small memorials were erected in South Africa too, in places where the deaths of Australians seemed significant. The Victorian government paid for a cairn at Wilmansrust; | Tarry Chauvel oreanised for one to be erected at Sunnyside. Contributions were given to South Africa’s Guild of Loyal Women, a lovalist organisation that placed permanent

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markers over the army’s graves, while tour South Australian women continued to place crosses of Angaston marble by the dead of their state's contingents.” Middle-class lovalists dominated the patriotic funds who, in informal coalition with the War Office and state governments, offered pensions, medical treatment, and tem-

porary assistance to injured or debilitated returned soldiers and to widows and dependent mothers of the dead. The stern doctrine of offering assistance rather than providing support was vencrally insisted upon by all three benefactors, and the funds were anxious

not to encourage the dissolute. Yet a spirit of compassion was present too. Some applicants were aided by two or even all three benefactors, while assistance could be generous by the standards prevalent a generation before the welfare state. Robert Brown, formerly a sawmill operator from Walter Karri Davies’ family’s estate in Western

| 355

AETER

Australia who would have earned £3 to £4 a week, received £1 a week for a time from his state’s South African Relief Fund as well as free medical treatment to clear up the effects of rheumatic fever contracted in an army hospital. Albert Smythe, a farm labourer on twenty-five shillings a week before he enlisted, returned to Australia with a ‘bad leg’ after a typhoid attack and by 1911 had received £226 from the Queensland Patriotic Fund to help him establish a small dairy farm—eftectively a pension of nine shillings a week for a decade. Nevertheless, the combination of a low casualty rate during the war and adherence to middle-class standards of morality and accountability ensured that the funds retained large sums and their committees puzzled over how to disburse them.’ Some applicants to the tunds believed they were entitled to generous, permanent subsistence, and it may have been conventional wisdom in working-class and poorer rural communities that the funds, and the state war memorial committees too, should distribute their treasure among those whose lives had been in any way disrupted by the war. Jane Conway, whose son had been killed early in the war and who believed that his death had earned her the right to state support despite her comfortable circumstances, complained about the ‘memorials, tablets and statues erected on every available spot in memory of the dead to whom they are useless’, Mutterings against the patriotic fund and memorial committees joined mutterings by returned soldiers over back pay and— together with soldiers’ wisdom about the war and the army, dismay at the Drayton Grange deaths, the farce of the South African settlement scheme, and the importation

iy 356 |

THE WAR'S AETERMATH AND LEGACY

of Chinese labour to the Rand—persuaded many ordinary Australians of the dissenters’ view that the war had been waged purely for the benefit of capitalists and Jews. Former radicals shed the unpopularity they had earned from denouncing khaki-clad tarm burners and women killers to emerge as the returned soldiers triend and the poor widow's champion against the brass hats and top hats who wanted to wash their hands of hurnble folk now the dirty work in South Africa had been done. The alliance between those who had opposed the war and those who had fought it was as curious as the alliance in South Africa between working-class loyalists and Afrikaners. But it was a rally against an old

adversary, the establishment, and had begun during the war with the wartime criticism of contingent administration that dissenters had turned to when unwilling to criticise the war itself!" The alliance found a popular cause in the case of George Witton. It was widely accepted that, whatever the rights or wrongs of the Bushveldt Carbineers attair, Witton had only followed Morant’s orders, and that a loyal middle-class servant of empire had been cruelly wronged by being locked up tor life in an English gaol. The War Oftice was unmoved by a petition from Witton’s tamily, and by another one that gathered more than 80,000 signatures. In South Africa both friends and enemies of the empire rallied to Witton’s side—the friends wanting to see the same lenicnce granted to one of their soldiers as had been granted to most former Boers and Cape rebels, the enemies seeing an opportunity to take a stick to the War Office—and soon the Commonwealth and

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| 357

AFTER

Cape governments asked officially that Witton’s case be reconsidered. ‘he War Office refused to do so. But when Witton’s father became ill and seemed likely to die there were said to be compassionate grounds for release that overrode questions of justice. A wealthy Cape politician went to London to lobby for Witton’s release and succeeded, and a life sentence for murder was over after little more than two years. Witton was angry, not relieved, and returned to Victoria demanding a full pardon and compensation." The War Office now stood firm, but there was another way open to Witton to restore some of his pride and retrieve a little of his lost income. Although James Francis Thomas had proclaimed it his ‘sacred duty’ to ‘let Australia know all the circumstances’ of the Bushveldt Carbincers attair, he had not done so. Remaining in South Africa after the trial, he had joined in carly eftorts to release Witton but had not been a significant figure in them, perhaps because he devoted so much energy to trying to start a business. On his return to Tenterfield in August 1903 Thomas said he intended to write about the trial and its injustice. Then he said he was prevented by the military authorities from doing so, and passed his trial documents and notes to Witton. Witton used them to write his own version of events called Scapegouts of the Empire, published in June 1907. It was not a goodbye to empire, but it was alone among Australian memoirs of the war in being thick with disillusionment. The book portrayed its author as the innocent patriot his public held him to be, Harry Morant and Peter Handcock as “brave and fearless soldiers’ whom ‘the empire could ill afford to lose’, the Carbineers who testified against them as scoundrels settling old scores, and the Boers as a dirty, hateful people requiring ‘generations of purging, educating, and civilising’. It was unfair to judge the purging the Carbineers had embarked on by the standards of civil life, Witton held; in any case, he had imbibed Thomas's belief that only Berlin’s demand that someone be punished for killing the missionary Daniel Heese had brought the regiment to grief, and himself and others before courts martial that were ‘the greatest farces ever enacted outside of a theatre’. Even Thomas judged Scapegoats of the Empire to be superficial, but it was received enthusiastically by those who knew little about the case but were certain that Australian volunteers in South Africa had been exploited. The book ran to two impressions or more, and a rumour spread that the government was buying up copies to

prevent the truth getting out. The view that the empire needed men like Morant had already been asserted by Bulletin contributors who, atter his death, had hailed him as a noble Australian betrayed,

and it inspired journalist Alfred Buchanan to write a novel, Where Day Begins, that appeared in 1911. In Buchanan’s fantasy about a strong man brought down, Harry Morant was reworked into Henry Mordaunt, a vigorous, natural leader who goes to Africa to help extend white rule, fights in the war, and is given command of an Australian contingent. Mordaunt takes his revenge on Boers who killed his friend by bending the

rules of war and executing his prisoners. Fle is himself executed—after insisting on facing the sun so he might look toward his homeland as he dies. Perhaps justice is done, but the empire loses a valuable soldier, and Australians lose the kind of man who might have imposed social reform from above and herded them towards national greatness. 358

TELE WAR'S AFTERMATH AND LEGACY

Few were inclined to challenge the spread of dissenting understandings of the war and its aftermath or romantic retellings of Morant’s lite and death. Loyalists were losing enthusiasm for a war that had never presented the empire with a real challenge. Colonial nationalists regretted that it had never presented Australians with one. “lands River Post was remembered vaguely, from returned soldiers’ tales and words of praise bestowed by Arthur Conan Doyle, as a place where Australians from most states had fought together and tought well. But as Alfred Buchanan put it, “The altar has not been stained with crimson as every rallying centre of a nation should be’. Commonwealth governments, moved either by disenchantment or indifterence, sponsored no official commemoration of the war. There was no South Africa Day atter 1902, no national war memorial, and no Australian official history. Without any urging to remember the war, with waning interest among loyalists, with dissenting wisdoms spreading, Australians shrugged off an event that had scemed so important, so compelling, to them between Black Weel and the relict of Mateking.'° Yet the militia and permanent force were reshaped by the war. Before leaving the post of general offeer commanding in 1904, Edward Hutton moulded Australia’s military torces to yield a mounted division able to fight another war of movement. Most of its members belonged either to the light horse, as Hutton named the successors to the buffcoloured boys of the colonial mounted rifle regiments, or to battalions of foot soldiers

that drilled to be mounted infantry. The khaki uniform and slouch hat that some Australian militiamen had long worn and which the war had made fashionable (Britain's regulars also adopted the style, although they gave up the hats in 1905) now became Australia’s national military dress. Uhe battle honour ‘South Africa’ was rightly claimed by A Battery, the only unit temporarily removed from Australia’s military forces to fight in the war, but it also shone from banners carried by any militia unit that had twenty or

more of its members join the contingents. The war bequeathed a more important military legacy when Australian politicians, determined to avoid a permanent cormmitment to imperial defence and, when it happened in wartime, to quarantine their soldiers trom the most hated aspects of regular army rule, reathirmed Australia’s inheritance of

the British citizen soldier tradition. The 1904 Defence Act that shaped Australia’s military forces tor the next fifty years ensured that service overseas would not be compulsory and that any death sentences awarded soldiers convicted of serious crimes would have to be approved by the Australian government.” Some of the war’s military legacy evaporated with the German challenge and with fears, not realised for a generation, that Japan would break its alliance with the empire and attack Australia. In 1911 Australia abandoned Hutton’s military organisation, and

militia and cadet service became compulsory for many young men and boys. Most trained as infantry, reflecting both the declining tmportance of horses in war and also the growing inability of many urban Australians to ride, and the light horse lost much of its former importance and spirit. Compulsory service produced evaders and objectors, including one of Alexander Krygger’s sons, a bespectacled shop assistant and branch

secretary of the Australian 'reedom League, who hoped to rouse others against what

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AFTER

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| 371

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