Atolls of the Maldives: Nissology and Geography (Rethinking the Island) 9781786606617, 2020952062, 9781786606624, 1786606615

Table of contents :
Atolls of the Maldives
Contents
Foreword
Acknowledgements
Editors’ Introduction
1 Environment and Education
2 The Gender Dimension of Environment in the Maldives
3 Energy Production and Waste Management: The Human Ecology of Maldivian Islands
4 Water Management and Consumption Models
5 The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives: A Reading of the Contemporary Demographic Transition between Domestic Migration and Forced Displacement
6 Greening the Resort, De-Bordering the Enclave
7 New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma
8 Governance, Activism and Environment in the Maldives
9 Environment and Ecosystems Protection
10 Sea-Level Changes and the Reefs of the Maldivian Archipelago
11 Coral Reef Biodiversity of the Maldives
Index
About the Editors and Contributors

Citation preview

Atolls of the Maldives

Rethinking the Island The Rethinking the Island series seeks to unsettle assumptions by comprehensively investigating the range of topological and topographical characteristics that lie at the heart of the idea of ‘islandness’. Series Editors: Elaine Stratford, Professor in the Institute for the Study of Social Change, University of Tasmania, Australia. Godfrey Baldacchino, Professor of Sociology and Pro-Rector at the University of Malta, UNESCO Co-Chair in Island Studies and Sustainability. Elizabeth McMahon, Associate Professor in the School of the Arts and Media, University of New South Wales, Australia. Titles in the Series Theorizing Literary Islands: The Island Trope in Contemporary Robinsonade Narratives by Ian Kinane Island Genres, Genre Islands: Conceptualization and Representation in Popular Fiction by Ralph Crane and Lisa Fletcher Postcolonial Nations, Islands, and Tourism: Reading Real and Imagined Spaces by Helen Kapstein Caribbean Island Movements: Culebra’s Trans-Insularities by Carlo A. Cubero Poetry and Islands: Materiality and the Creative Imagination by Rajeev S. Patke Contemporary Archipelagic Thinking: Towards New Comparative Methodologies and Disciplinary Formations edited by Michelle Stephens and Yolanda Martínez-San Miguel The Notion of Near Islands: The Croatian Archipelago edited by Nenad Starc Atolls of the Maldives: Nissology and Geography edited by Stefano Malatesta, Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg, Shahida Zubair, David Bowen and Mizna Mohamed

An Introduction to Island Studies by James Randall Ecocriticism and the Island: Readings from the British-Irish Archipelago by Pippa Marland (forthcoming)

Atolls of the Maldives Nissology and Geography

Edited by Stefano Malatesta, Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg, Shahida Zubair, David Bowen and Mizna Mohamed

ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Rowman & Littlefield An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com 6 Tinworth Street, London SE11 5AL, United Kingdom Copyright © 2021 by Stefano Malatesta, Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg, Shahida Zubair, David Bowen and Mizna Mohamed All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. ISBN: HB 978-1-78660-661-7 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Library of Congress Control Number: 2020952062 ISBN: 978-1-78660-661-7 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN: 978-1-78660-662-4 (electronic) The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992.

Contents

Forewordix Hon. Mohamed Nasheed Acknowledgementsxi

Editors’ Introduction Stefano Malatesta, Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg, Shahida Zubair, David Bowen, and Mizna Mohamed

1

 1 Environment and Education Naashia Mohamed and Mizna Mohamed

23

 2 The Gender Dimension of Environment in the Maldives Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg and Aminath Abdulla

45

 3 Energy Production and Waste Management: The Human Ecology of Maldivian Islands Stefano Malatesta  4 Water Management and Consumption Models Cecilia Castaldo and Stefano Malatesta

64 77

 5 The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives: A Reading of the Contemporary Demographic Transition between Domestic Migration and Forced Displacement89 Muna Mohamed  6 Greening the Resort, De-Bordering the Enclave Elena dell’Agnese vii

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 7 New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma Shahida Zubair and David Bowen

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 8 Governance, Activism and Environment in the Maldives Fathmath Shadiya

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 9 Environment and Ecosystems Protection Mizna Mohamed

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10 Sea-Level Changes and the Reefs of the Maldivian Archipelago176 Daniela Basso and Alessandra Savini 11 Coral Reef Biodiversity of the Maldives Paolo Galli, Simone Montano, Davide Seveso and Davide Maggioni

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Index213 About the Editors and Contributors

227

Foreword

When I, as president, endorsed the agreement in 2009 between the Maldivian government and the University of Milano-Bicocca, the island of Magoodhoo in Faafu atoll was in a sorry state. Many of the island’s inhabitants were rebuilding their lives, having only recently been released from prison. The previous regime, which ruled the Maldives with an iron fist for three decades, jailed numerous Magoodhoo islanders for criticizing the then government and calling for democracy (they were all released after the transfer of power to a democratic government in 2008). Meanwhile, the island’s atoll office lay abandoned, after the former regime relocated the functions of the office to another island. It was, therefore, particularly serendipitous when I ran into officials from the University of Milano-Bicocca during a trip to Italy at the start of my presidency, and we hatched a plan to build a marine research station on Magoodhoo. Since the research outpost became operational, it has conducted impressive work, examining various aspects of the Maldivian marine environment, while providing an economic windfall for the residents of Magoodhoo. During the past decade, the Maldives changed too. The implementation of the Decentralization Act in 2010 that afforded more powers to local island councils, allowing guesthouse tourism in inhabited islands (something that was banned under the 1978–2008 regime), as well as improving ferry services between islands, has all transformed hitherto remote and often impoverished islands into much wealthier and attractive places to live. No longer are Maldivians forced to move to Malé to seek work: many can now earn a good income working in their home islands. With the election of President Solih of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) in 2018, and with a healthy MDP majority in parliament, we are now implementing phase two of the decentralization project: giving island ix

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Foreword

councils control over budgets and development. There is a healthy flow of power and democratic accountability underway: from the bureaucrats in Malé to democratically elected local island councillors. I hope this process will continue to spur development in the islands and improve the lives of the people who live there. Now is also the time for more research into our marine environment, and how best to protect it from ever-worsening climate change. I am particularly pleased to be involved in the newly established Maldives Coral Institute, which is finding ways to make corals more resilient to rising sea temperatures, as well as advocating for coral friendly infrastructure. I am also glad that the University of Milano-Bicocca outpost in Magoodhoo has recently had its operating permit extended, so it can continue the important work of studying, and protecting, the Maldives’ fragile marine ecosystem. – Hon. Mohamed Nasheed, Speaker of the People’s Majlis and former president of the Republic of the Maldives

Acknowledgements

As readers may know, editing a book can be a pretty demanding task, especially when working with contributors bringing different approaches, languages and knowledge. Therefore, on behalf of our fellow editors (Mizna, David and Shahida), we sincerely thank the chapters’ authors for their cooperation during this long-run project. Scarlet Furness, Dhara Snowden, Kira Hall and Gurdeep Mattu, of Rowman & Littlefield, deserve considerable credits for their patience and professionalism throughout the project development. This book represents, among other projects, a meeting between the Maldives and Italy and many people, in the two countries, have helped us since its very first days. A special thank goes to Giorgia Marazzi (Italian Honorary Consul in Malé). Without her support, this ‘meeting’ would not have been possible. Shifah Mohamed has always been more than our ‘focal point’: a friend to come back to, every time we passed through the capital. FaafuMagoodhoo has been our home. A special thought goes to the people of the island, the women staff and the Island Council. Mr Addulla Waheed (President of Faafu-Magoodhoo Island Council), Mr Ibrahim Hathim (President of the Dhaalu-Rinbudhoo Island Council) and Mr Ibrahim Naseer helped us to set the network through which we have built the backbone of this book. The Maldives National University has assisted us during this long journey: Dr Shazla Mohamed (Dean of Science and Technology School) deserves a special thank. Since the early stages of the work, Dr Abdulla Naseer has been an indispensable advisor; his deep knowledge of the environmental dynamics of the archipelago has helped to detail many of the issues that readers find in this book. The University of Milano-Bicocca has provided the financial and institutional support, and of course the human energy, we asked along all the stages xi

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of this history. A special dedication to the Rector Professor Giovanna Iannanutoni, and to Professor Maria Cristina Messa. This project has occupied part of our work for almost four years; the Department of Human Sciences for Education has guaranteed us the conditions to be able to afford it. The Marine Research and High Education (MaRHE) Center is at the heart of every project our university has conducted in the Maldives over the past 11 years. Thanks to the contribution made by the staff (Anna Marchetti, we would have been lost without you), but even by those who have been guests even for just a few days. Thanks to Paolo Galli, there is no need to add anything else. One of the first nights of July 2017 on Kangaroo Island, during the ISISA Island of the World Conference, Elaine Stratford told Stefano ‘take your time’. Back in Italy, Stefano called Marcella and together they agreed, with the other editors, that time would no longer be a source of anxiety. If they tell you that the toughest challenge, in a long project, is staying focused, please don’t trust them: it is much more difficult to share the office with two colleagues who have been talking about the same subject for years. Thank you, Enrico Squarcina, for your resilience and your inspiring ‘geographical’ glance. Anyway, staying focused on the final target for years could be a daunting test. It would have been a pure utopia, without the energy and fantasy of the students of our postgraduate course in marine sciences and, above all, of the 135 young minds who have animated our Places and Local Communities Winter-School. – Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg and Stefano Malatesta

Editors’ Introduction Stefano Malatesta, Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg, Shahida Zubair, David Bowen, and Mizna Mohamed

This book is born from the meeting between the University of MilanoBicocca and the Republic of Maldives. In 2009, Professor Paolo Galli (University of Milano-Bicocca), looking for a place to practice tropical marine biology with students, landed in the Maldives and, after negotiations with the government, obtained an outpost for research and teaching on the island of Faafu-Magoodhoo. The Marine Research and High Education (MaRHE) Center was officially inaugurated in Magoodhoo on 28 January 2009, in the presence of President Nasheed. The purpose of the MaRHE Center is to carry out research and teaching activities in the fields of environmental sciences and marine biology, science of tourism and human geography, to teach how to protect the fragile marine environment and biodiversity, and how to use and manage resources in a responsible way. Such interdisciplinary activity, one of the cornerstones of the MaRHE mission, gave rise to the idea of this book which aims to present contributions by researchers of the MaHRE Center and Maldivian scholars on the themes of sustainability and environmental policy in the Maldives, highlighting the importance of international collaboration. The book is the result of one choice among many possibilities. Other colleagues, scholars and activists from the Maldives and other countries could have been involved in research that aims to highlight the rapid environmental change in a country vulnerable to climate change, and this interdisciplinary collaboration may be followed by other publications. Atolls of the Maldives: Nissology and Geography is an interdisciplinary work. The volume is the result of the dialogue among two geographers (Stefano Malatesta and Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg), two ecologists (Shahida Zubair and Mizna Mohamed) and a researcher of tourists and tourism destinations within a social science and business perspective (David Bowen). 1

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Editors’ Introduction

It collects chapters written by political and cultural geographers, political scientists, sociologists, geologists, biologists and experts in environmental policies. The ecosystem of the Maldives is characterized by high biodiversity but is extremely fragile and subject to recent profound transformations. In the past few decades, there have been rapid changes in local population pressure, land use, fishing, tourism and landscape (Schmidt di Friedberg, 2019), not forgetting the threats of climate change, with higher temperatures and ocean acidification. The Republic of the Maldives has also undergone rapid and complex changes in its political and socio-economic structure, with the constant increase in foreign investment in the tourism market, dependence on oil-producing countries and introduction of new consumption patterns. In seeking strategies of mitigation and adaptation to new environmental challenges, the Maldives government has aligned its national development policies and programmes with international Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and models. In collaboration with the Ministry of Fisheries of the Maldives and other institutions, the MaHRE Center aims through teaching and research to contribute to combining technology, development and sustainability for the protection of the natural environment and resilience of human activities. TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE The culture of the Maldives is very ancient. According to archaeological and historical evidence and inscriptions on the ancient Loamaafaanu (copper plates), the Maldives has been inhabited for over 3,500 years. The islands have always been a point of contact between trade and people, as Eva Knoll writes: The coming and going of settlers, migrants, explorers, castaways, slaves, and merchants and merchandise, religions, supernatural beings, building structures, currencies, calendars, counting and measuring systems, and scripts, as well as of old and new concerns and hazards, indicates the location of the Maldives Islands at a complex set of crossroads of major historic tidal currents of the Indian Ocean. (Knoll, 2018, p. 15)

Over the centuries, the Maldivian population has developed a wealth of traditional knowledge in close relation to a fragile environment dominated by the sea and the scarcity of land resources. In addressing the response to the current environmental challenges, it seemed important for us to pay attention to the specific contribution of ancient Maldivian ideas on the themes of the sea and the environment. The body of information, rituals, and practices passed down through generations in the Maldives can provide valuable and accurate



Editors’ Introduction 3

information on the local context of the atolls and islands. If ‘the dominant role of Western (natural) science in climate change adaptation often seems to sweep away local knowledge structures’ (Klepp et al., 2018, p. 11), we are instead convinced that indigenous knowledge must be integrated into the Western scientific model and not be ignored: Indeed, it can be argued that indigenous knowledge has an advantage over western science in the context of poor communities, in that information is tested in the context of survival, and hence is not just true or false in some dispassionate way (as western science might conclude), but is either more or less effective in providing the means of survival, a conclusion more meaningful in the context of everyday existence. (Briggs, 2005, p. 103)

Traditional knowledge remains important in many aspects of daily life, such as fishing, agriculture, food preparation, care, health and medicine, navigation and interpretation of meteorology and climate (ICSU, 2002). The use of traditional knowledge has already proved important for conservation management and the protection of charismatic species such as whale sharks and manta rays, with the identification of ‘hotspots’ for aggregations and local ecological knowledge of the species, as in the Baa Atoll UNESCO biosphere reserve (Mantatrust, 2014). In the Maldives, it can also help to tackle the environmental crisis, pivoting on the body of narratives and myths connected to nature and the ocean. This is not unusual: traditional knowledge from communities that have lived in a very close, long-term relationship with the natural environment has been used all over the world, as is the case in the Maldives. Furthermore, ideas of nature (in particularly the imagery connected to the ocean) can be used to understand the complex social and cultural transition the country has been experiencing, by stressing the importance of myths within local art, practices and language. In the Dhivehi language, above all, we find a detailed understanding of the natural properties of the islands and the use of natural resources. From Dhivehi, a linguistic heritage spoken today by about 370,000 people, one word has taken on a global dimension: the word atoll. According to linguistics studies, atoll is a ‘global’ legacy that Dhivehi has left to scientific knowledge and popular cultures. In fact, the etymological root of atoll may be traced back to the Dhivehi word athoḷhu. Charles Darwin in The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs (1842) recognizes the indigenous origin of the word and its long-established use in Europe: Well did François Pyrard de Laval, in the year 1605, exclaim, ‘C’est une merveille de voir chacun de ces atollons, environné d’un grand banc de pierre tout autour, n’y ayant point d’artifice humain’. . . . I have invariably used in this volume the term ‘atoll’, which is the name given to these circular groups of coral

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Editors’ Introduction

islets by their inhabitants in the Indian Ocean and is synonymous with lagoonisland. (Darwin, 1842, pp. 1–2)

The materials and the way people make their dwellings, the types of food consumed, clothing, pastimes and rituals and customs that define a society come from intricate exchanges with the surroundings. Often described as a duality, nature and culture are inseparable and closely interrelated. These distinct linkages are clearly brought out in the Maldivian word for the environment, thimaa-veshi. Thimaa refers to the self and veshi denotes the surroundings. For Maldivian communities, these surroundings are the coastal environment: the islands, reefs, mangroves, seas and their resources. This book tries to capture the interactions between the people and this dynamic atoll environment. Everyday narratives of people’s lives get passed across generations via oral traditions such as stories and song. Fishers going about their daily activities sing songs about their adventures, the politics of the time and impacts on their lives. Stories of fishing, swimming and making boats out of the pandanus leaves, festivities and travels across the sea get passed down from grandparents to children. One of these Maldivian ways of knowing are athelheveshi, meaning the atoll environment songs which are found in some of the southern atolls of the Maldives (Saeed, 2003). The songs narrate stories which embed knowledge of the natural environment of the atoll and how people interact with the environment. For example, the story of the ‘golden tree’ of GDh Fiyori (Gaafu Dhaalu) embeds in it the hau plant (a special reed grown in the island) which is a culturally and economically important plant for Fiyori and nearby islands of the atoll (Abdulla, 2015). Even today the hau leaves grown in Fiyori are known for their premium quality among weavers who make traditional mats out of them. As an archipelagic country, stories of the sea are among the most popular in the Maldives. One such popular story is that of how the skipjack tuna came into being. Though there is slight variation across different narrations of the story, it tells of a royal girl who fashions a fish out of dough and how it comes to life as she lets it go into the sea. According to this story, the signature parallel lines on either side of the skipjack tuna are the marks that the girl’s fingers made as the fish slipped into the water. What is wondrous about this almost-forgotten story is its detailed description of pole-and-line fishing, practised to this day by Maldivian fishers, which is a more sustainable way of fishing compared to other techniques (e.g., trawling which damages coral reefs): The most important widespread reef fishery is tuna bait, which has been carried out effectively for hundreds of years. Maldivians use the pole-and-line method



Editors’ Introduction 5

for tuna fishing, which requires large amounts of live bait. Commonly caught bait fish varieties include silver and blue sprats, fusiliers, cardinal fish and anchovies. Live bait fish are collected from shallow reef areas and kept alive for the duration of the tuna fishing activity. Virtually all types of reefs are used for bait fishing in the Maldives, making it the most widespread reef associated activity. (Naseer, 2007, p. 154)

The importance of skipjack in the Maldivian diet and as an exchange commodity has been well documented by historical accounts of travellers to the Maldives such as Ibn Batuta and Pyrard de Laval. In the Maldives, pole-andline tuna fishing as an alternative to commercial net fishing aims to limit the serious by-catch problems of nets and protects marine life. From 1987, the Fisheries Law of the Maldives (Law No. 5/87 24 August 1987) has banned the use of poison, dynamite or any other explosive, and any kind of gun during fishing. The use of nets is also regulated. Fishing systems change locally. Abdulla Naseer (2020) has studied the traces of ancient stone weirs systems, observed until now only in the Faafu Atoll (figure I.1). The weirs are dug in the coral, to convey and catch Mushimas (mackerel) schools. Traditionally, Maldivian fisherman identified and followed local sea birds, whose number is now decreasing,1 to locate schools of fish (Jauharee and Adam, 2012).

Figure I.1.  Fishing Weirs Systems in Faafu, Dhorugali Falhu. Source and image credit: Luca Fallati, February 2020.

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Editors’ Introduction

Traditional knowledge regarding agriculture is also essential. It provides empirical insight into crop domestication and breeding, crop rotation, forestry, pest, soil and biodiversity management (ICSU, 2002, p. 15): Substantial local knowledge exists regarding crop diversity in the Maldives. For instance, local men and women on Kela Island are knowledgeable about and able to identify different crop varieties. The ‘Women Farmers of Kela’ have collected and documented local names for the main crops cultivated on their island. (Kanvinde, 1999, p. 27)

Dhivehi Ruh, the coconut palm (Cocos nucifera), was declared the national tree in 1985. It is represented on the national emblem and occupies first place among the plants of the Maldives. Stands of coconut, both cultivated and also forming forest in the wild, are found in abundance on the islands. The traditional Varuvaa system to manage uninhabited islands was based on the leasing of islands ‘to individuals not to undertake major economic activities but to obtain benefits from the island in terms of the coconuts they generate from the islands. . . . The rents of Varuvaa islands are fixed by the number of mature coconut palms on the island’ (Naseer, 2007, p. 152). The attention to the richness of the national tree, today also a tourist symbol, emerges first of all from the several Dhivehi names attributed to its fruit. Seven words indicate the fruit in its different stages of ripening: gòbolhi, miri, kiha, kurumba, gabhuli, kashi and kurolhi. Kurumba, the young fruit of which one can drink the refreshing juice and is usually offered to visitors, was the name chosen for the first resort opened in the Maldives, on 3 October 1973, on the island of Vihamanaafushi, and now it is a five-star resort. The not very ripe meat, gabhuli, is used to make desserts and local cakes. Coconut can be used in all its parts: Maldivian people can use the coconut tree in many ways, not just for food or coconut milk. Women can make coir rope (roanu) from coconut husks, thatch leaves together to make roof materials (fangi), or baskets (vashi) or make brooms (iloshi fathi) from the mid-rib of the palm leaves. Palm toddy (raa), a sweet drink, can be made from fermented coconut sap and the palm toddy is cooked to make palm syrup (dhiyaa hakuru) and palm sugar (karu hakuru). Coconut oil (theyo) can be made from heating up dried coconut and squeezing the oil out for use on the hair and body. The charcoals from the coconut shell (naashi) can be used to bake cakes or barbeque fish or put inside an iron because the charcoals to keep the heat for a long time. The fibre from the coconut palm (ilaa) can also be used as a strainer and the coconut shell can be made into a toddy container (raa badhi). (Fien et al., 2008, pp. 39–40)

The art of thatched roofs, now replaced by corrugated iron on inhabited islands, survives in the resorts and provides women a source of income. Palm leaves are still used for household items, like baskets and mats, for decorative



Editors’ Introduction 7

objects in the form of fish and birds and for the Bodumas Beynun, a performance where the fishers try to catch a large fish made of palm leaves, on the occasion of the Eid celebrations. Coconut wood was also used to make dhoni, the traditional sea-transporting Maldivian vessels. Many traditional practices are now at risk of disappearance and, in some cases, owe tourism to their survival and the recovery of handicrafts and memory. The newly established National Center for Cultural Heritage (2019), under the mandate of the Ministry of Arts, Culture and Heritage, started an impressive survey of the country’s material and intangible heritage to ‘safeguard the perpetuation of items and sites of historical significance to future generations and (ensure) the documentation, preservation and protection of cultural heritage’.2 Due to the scarcity of arable land on the islands, the poly-cultural home garden has been in the past the most important form of agriculture in the Maldives, used throughout the year: Maldivian home gardens represent an enormous range of plant species equaling that found anywhere else in Asia. At least 35 fruit crops, 40 vegetable, 4 cereal, 8 spice, 20 timber and 62 ornamental/flower species are known to be cultivated in Maldivian home gardens. This does not include the vast numbers of medicinal and other utility plants that are grown. (Hunter, 1996a, p. 3)

Traditional medicine, called Dhivehi beys, is important in the Maldives. In some islands, traditional healers, women and men, collect medicinal plants and herbs for treating different diseases. Though traditional forms of medicine have not been completely documented, many species of plants with medicinal properties have been recorded in the Maldives. For example, the Glory lily plant (Vihalagodhii) is used to treat arthritis and kill head lice (Kanvinde, 1999; Mohammad, 2007). The Maldivian government recognizes and regulates traditional medicine services and practitioners. A Catalogue of Plants, prepared by the Ministry of Fisheries and Agriculture and regularly updated, lists 423 species of plants (2018).3 However, with the increasing popularity of western medicine, together with the loss of habitat and a lack of texts about local biodiversity, this knowledge is at the risk of being lost (ERC, 2006).4 Humans have long been curious about the unknown dark space above, often related to as heavens. Observing and wondering about the heavenly canopy, the different patterns and positioning of the celestial bodies and how these changes interact with the seasons have been studied by many cultures: Traditional societies, usually with strong cultural roots, have nurtured and refined systems of knowledge of their own, relating to such diverse domains as astronomy, meteorology, geology, ecology, botany, agriculture, physiology, psychology and health. Such knowledge systems represent an enormous wealth. Not only do they represent other approaches to the acquisition and construction

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of knowledge and harbour information often as yet unknown to science, but they are also the expression of other relationships between society and nature in general and of sustainable ways of managing natural resources in particular. (ICSU, 2002, p. 3)

Many ancient cultures believe that their everyday life is linked to the changes in the stars and often develop their customs and practices based on such predictions. In the past, Maldivians carefully studied the weather and climate and based on those observations, they developed an indigenous calendar system called nakaiy, transmitted orally from generation to generation through songs. Based on the similarities of the Maldivian nakaiy names to a similar Sinhalese calendar, works of earlier scholars conclude that the Maldivian nakaiy is of an ancient Indian origin (Maniku, 1989). The nakaiy calendar, used by Maldivians for centuries, is derived from the positioning of the star constellations and the changes in days and seasons. It is scientific in nature as it is based on repeated observations noted over time. At the base of the system are the two distinct seasons determined by the monsoons (Hulhan’gu and Iruvai). A nakaiy is a time period of approximately 13 or 14 days,5 and the system predicts how minor climatic changes affect fishing and the weather (Jauhary and Chamberlain, 1998). The calendar year is divided into 276 nakaiy with 18 falling in the southwest monsoon (Hulhan’gu) and nine in the northeast monsoon (Iruvai) (table I.1). Everyday life and everyday activities of Maldivians revolved around the nakaiy calendar before the introduction of the current calendar systems. For example, travelling, fishing, land clearing, planting and harvesting of crops were among the many activities regulated according to the nakaiy day. Maniku (1989) relates that nakaiy was also used to foretell people’s fortunes as well as determine auspicious (or inauspicious) times to do things. For example, digging of wells was deemed to be auspicious during the nakaiys funoas, fus, vihaa, reyva, fasbadhuruva and ahuliha (Maniku, 1989). Building keels for new boats was considered good in burunu, kethi, roanu, fus, uthura, atha and uthuruhalha nakaiys. The launching of new fishing vessels was done during assidha, burunu, kethi, ahuliha, hitha, hei and dhinasha nakaiy. Mohamed (2012) reports that fishers could tell when the bait would come, and which seasons were for spawning based on the nakaiy calendar. Many people today have the impression that the duration and condition of nakaiy are changing and that this is due to climate change. In 2011, a Maldivian start-up led by entrepreneur Shahee Ilyas developed a smartphone application called Nakaiy Nevi which combines the indigenous Maldivian calendar system with weather observations (Nakaiy Nevi, 2011): This application, in entrepreneurially updating a long-standing interest in adaptation for the software market, reflects the notion that private individuals know



Editors’ Introduction 9

Table I.1.  Maldivian Nakaiy Calendar Nakaiy Assidha Burunu Kethi Roanu Miahela Adha Funoas Fus Ahuliha Maa Fura Uthura Atha Hitha Hei Vihaa Nora Dhosha Mula Furahalha Uthuruhalha Huvan Dhinasha Hiyavihaa Furabadhuruva Fasbadhuruva Reyva

Period

Season

8–21 April 22 Apr–5 May 6–19 May 20 May–2 June 3–16 June 17–30 June 1–14 July 15–28 July 29 July–10 Aug 11–23 Aug 24 Aug –4 Sep 5–20 Sep 21 Sep–3 Oct 4–17 Oct 18–31 Oct 1–13 Nov 14–26 Nov 27 Nov–9 Dec 10–22 Dec 23 Dec–5 Jan 6–18 Jan 19–31 Jan 1–13 Feb 14–26 Feb 27 Feb–11 Mar 12–25 March 26 Mar–7 Apr

Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Hulhangu Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai Iruvai

Source: Maniku, 1989.

best how to deal with environmental rhythms. Thus, in Ilyas’ pitch, the national collective is only important as a source of an enduring indigenous culture that gives today’s Maldivians the tools for remaining mobile and resilient individuals. (Hirsch, 2015, p. 197)

ATOLLS OF THE MALDIVES: NISSOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY As previously reminded, the etymological root of atoll may be traced back to the Dhivehi word atoḷu. Beyond its linguistic and cultural relevance, ‘atoll’ is essentially a spatial category geographers can adopt to interpret the phenomenology of many island regions, such as the case of the coral archipelagos of the Indian Ocean, including the Maldives. In geophysical terms, the atoll

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is a structure of volcanic origin where benthic organisms, such as corals and seagrasses, create ecosystem fundamentals for marine biodiversity. It is an ecological region gathered by physical boundaries (the reef crests) that may enclose a humanized space (the islands and lagoons). It is an administrative unit through which power organizes space. It is a basic spatial entity to plan environmental policies, service provision and more generally the presence of the state on the territory. It is an iconic form that represents the lure and touristic attractiveness of tropical islands. In our perspective, atoll is a scale that facilitates the description of the Maldives through multiple approaches and disciplinary languages. In 1994, McCall defined ‘nissology’ as the study of islands on ‘their own terms’, stressing the reciprocity among islands and archipelagos across the world and underlining the need for an interdisciplinary field of study focused on islands as a research object: what the scientific community currently defines ‘Island Studies’. Two years later, he proposed a golden rule: ‘one must take islands as they are and not impose . . . notions on them’ (McCall, 1996, p. 78). The geographical reading of the Maldivian atolls that the authors and editors propose in this volume was inspired by McCall’s lesson: that is, to give readers the opportunity to know the social, ecological and political features shaping the spatiality of the archipelago, combining different overviews on a selection of socio-environmental issues emerging from the territory. In this regard, the volume aims to give a contribution to the interdisciplinary reflection on the ‘theoretical, metaphorical, real and empirical power and potential of the archipelago’ (Stratford et al., 2010, p. 113). In geographical terms, the Maldives7 is: an archipelago of islands in a double chain of coral atolls scattered between 7° 6’ 35” N to 0° 42’ 24” S, lying in a narrow band of 72° 32’ 19 E to 73° 46’ 13” E. The Maldives consists of about 1,192 small, low-lying coral islands which are grouped into 26 natural atolls, stretching over 860 km from north to south and 80 to 120 km from east to west. The total reef area of approximately 4,513 km2 is the seventh largest reef system in the world and the largest in the Indian Ocean. (Mohamed et al., 2016, p. 2)

During the past decades, at least since the 1990s, the country has been facing radical change and hard challenges due to a range of different factors. These include, for example, environmental crises, over-dominant foreign investment in the tourism sector, the introduction of new consumption models and the worsening of social and economic imbalances between the outer islands and the Greater Malé Region. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the Maldives has become a symbol of vulnerability to climate change. In this period, the reef ecosystems, materially the systems that build the geography of Maldivian atolls, have



Editors’ Introduction 11

coped with repeated events of massive bleaching, resulting from the combination of macro-regional processes, such as the constant rise of sea temperatures. Mitigation and adaptation have become keywords on the national political agenda (Malatesta and Schmidt di Friedberg, 2017). One peak of this visibility coincided with former President Mohameed Nasheed (2008–2012) attending the COP 15 Copenhagen Climate Change Conference in 2009. Tourism is one mirror of the complex socio-environmental changes and challenges the country has been coping with. Within the international market, the Maldives has been branded for over 40 years using the successful strapline ‘The Maldives: The sunny side of life’. This has shaped a wellknown geographical image of the Maldives as an enclavic, exclusive, tropical paradise within the Indian Ocean. During the period 2010–2014, 55–60 per cent of resorts were either foreign owned or joint-ventures (Ministry of Tourism, 2015). Over the past decade, whilst the contribution of tourism to GDP remained constant at close to 25 per cent (23 per cent according to last official data), the percentage share of tourism revenue in total government revenue rose from 27 per cent in 2010 to 31 per cent in 2017 (Ministry of Tourism, 2018). In its 2018 Yearbook, the Ministry of Tourism emphasized the strategic role of this sector within the national economy by claiming: The highest contribution to GDP by any given sector in Maldives and more than one third of government revenue is generated from this (tourism) sector. This makes Maldives highly reliant on tourism and the economy thrives on the multiplier effects of the tourism industry. Apart from this, the tourism industry is a platform with several fields of work, providing plenty of employment opportunities to a vast number of people. (2018, p. 23)

Currently, there is a potential challenge to the branded, upmarket oneisland-one-resort (OIOR) tourism model, ubiquitous since the 1980s, from the rapid expansion of guesthouse tourism that is orientated towards less upmarket, independent travellers. Since the beginning of the past decade, overall guesthouse bed capacity has been constantly growing from around 1,900 units in 2013 to more than 7,000 units in 2017 (Ministry of Tourism, 2018). That transition brings complex social, economic and political consequences. The introduction of new consumption models is a process affecting many spheres of public and private life: food consumption, the massive introduction of foreign products, the recession of sectoral economies (e.g., local fishing and small-scale agriculture which are topics indirectly addressed by the essays here collected) and above all the relationship between society and the environment. For example, the Maldives heavily depends on the import of diesel and kerosene. Such dependency brings significant geopolitical consequences and creates spatial inequalities within the archipelago8 (Ministry of Environment

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Figure I.2.  View on the City of Malé. Source and image credit: Stefano Malatesta, April 2017.

and Energy, 2018). A similar analysis can be applied to solid waste production (Ministry of Housing and Environment, 2010; Peterson, 2013; Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016), stressing how the introduction of new patterns of consumption has created serious unequal geographies in waste management practices and management (Malatesta et al., 2015). Moreover, in 2004–2005, the human ecology of many islands, above all in central and southern areas of the archipelago, has been shocked by the material and pervasive effects of the 2004 tsunami. The tsunami impacted infrastructure and drinkable water supply systems and also indirectly reinforced ‘the support given by external agencies, actors and sponsors in the fields of environmental policy and climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies’ (Malatesta, 2018, p. 105). Finally, the demographic and infrastructural growth of the Greater Malé Region that covers Malé, Villingili and Hulhumalé islands has concentrated public services’ accessibility (hospitals, schools, universities, transport) and real estate growth. This has exacerbated spatial hierarchies, strengthening the attractiveness of the central region across the archipelago. THIS VOLUME’S STRUCTURE AND AIMS According to the general scope of the Rowman & Littlefield book series, Rethinking the Island, this volume aims to rethink the geography of the Maldives focusing on its complex body of transformative forces and shaping the image of this archipelago beyond the narratives of tropical paradise and small



Editors’ Introduction 13

island vulnerability. Atolls of the Maldives: Nissology and Geography does not deal directly with the role of the Maldives within the international chessboard and its political consequences. However, the macro-regional framework makes the presentation of the environmental, social and geographical dynamics of the Maldives even more relevant. Two eminent volumes on the history of the Indian Ocean (Pearson, 2003; Alpers, 2014) emphasized environmental challenges as key drivers to read the geography of the region. The environmental question is at the heart of debate and public discourse in the Indian Ocean. Moreover, international debate on regional environmental challenges has stressed the emergence of the geopolitics of climate change (Rumley, 2010; Hommel and Murphy, 2013; Doyle, 2015) and the quest for shared international roadmaps for environmental actions, both of which will benefit from consideration through a Maldivian lens. In summary, as a consequence of their environmental geography, the Maldives represents a particularly privileged platform to develop debate at a supra-regional and international scale. A set of key-themes emerging from island studies criss-crosses the essays here collected: the dialectic between island vulnerability and resilience, the geographical role of island cities, the lure of tropical islands as tourist destinations, and intra-archipelagic power relationships (Hay, 2006; Baldacchino, 2008; Kelman 2010, 2014; Baldacchino and Niles, 2011; Stratford et al., 2011; Taglioni, 2011; Grydehøj, 2014; Baldacchino, 2018; Ratter, 2018). These themes should be read with constant reference to the social and cultural implications of the environmental policies, the power relations between the centre and the periphery, and the response to change (Malatesta and Schmidt di Friedberg, 2017). The chapters separately offer overviews and information on the key topics which define the geography of the contemporary Maldives. Nevertheless, the cross-thematic analysis and echoes within and between the chapters, with contributors from different disciplines and cultural backgrounds, may help readers to understand the Maldives through its complex net of socioenvironmental inter-relations, connections and disconnections. Readers will not find a specific chapter on climate change; however, climate change is a cross-cutting theme within most of the contributions collected in the volume. Moreover: The response to climate change and large-scale disasters is just one of the dimensions defining the relationship between environmental and social systems in island regions. Kelman, Gaillard and Mercer have reminded us that ‘the most prominent or fundamental development challenges are neither climate change nor globalisation’ (2015, p. 23). Socio-environmental relations interact with a processual (dynamic and constantly changing) network of cultures, ecologies,

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knowledge, policies and practices. The dominance of climate change and environmental crisis in the discourse on [Small Island States] often leads to this complexity being overlooked. Vice versa, a procedural perspective might help us to focus on coping strategies and on the constantly evolving set of resilient practices, structures, or adjustments that define socio-environmental interaction. Furthermore, a procedural perspective reads socio-environmental relations as mutually transformative processes. Change is the basic category required to understand these processes. . . . Thus, adopting a procedural perspective is key to understanding the human ecologies of small islands and the responses activated by local systems to deal with environmental challenges. (Malatesta, 2018, p. 97)

The editors planned this volume so that each chapter is self-contained. However, readers might approach the volume as a monograph and so next we provide a plan that guides readers across the various languages and intradisciplinary perspectives. The volume opens with two chapters (chapters 1 and 2) mainly addressing the cultural dimension of the environment. Practices, artefacts and indigenous knowledge are adopted as fundamental elements to introduce readers to the understanding of the Maldivian social context. Experts in cultural studies and education will find, moving across these chapters, the discussion of some key concepts: such as the relations between environment and heritage and the civic value of environmental awareness and place stewardship. The importance of environmental education, conservation and protection is recognized by both the Maldivian government and its citizens. The Maldivian

Figure I.3.  View on the Coastline in Fuvahmulaku. Source and image credit: Stefano Malatesta, February 2016.



Editors’ Introduction 15

government has been committed to advancing environmental education through formal and informal means. Many conservation programmes recognize the need for environmental awareness and education to better achieve conservation objectives. In formal education, the current national curriculum ascribes sustainability and environmental heritage protection as key competencies to be achieved by all students. Naashia Mohamed and Mizna Mohamed, in their contribution on ‘Environment and Education’, underline the opportunities and constraints in the introduction of environmental education as a cross-curricula subject. In the chapter ‘Gender Dimension of Environment in the Maldives’, authors Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg and Aminath Abdulla aim to integrate the discussion of gender issues with an understanding of the environmental challenges. As the theme has become very topical today, they mainly draw on two theoretical references: environmental and climate change on one side, and gender studies on the other. Their contribution combines the reading of the gendered dimension of the environmental debate in global dynamics with an understanding of the national context of the Maldives. To deal with the local level, they present a case study of the southern atoll of Gaafu and the links between craftsmanship and environmental conservation in the projects carried out by the women of the islands. During the past two decades, the Maldives has been passing through a constant dialectic between concentration and dispersion. Chapters 3 to 5 provide a few pivotal issues of contemporary Maldives (environmental management and migration), emphasizing the differences between the core region and the outer islands. Both international scientific literature and official reports have identified energy production and waste management as two key elements for environmental vulnerability in the Maldives. Chapter 3 ‘Energy Production and Waste Management: The Human Ecology of Maldivian Islands’ by Stefano Malatesta presents a multi-layered analysis of political and geographical features related to two major environmental issues for local islands. Regarding energy production, the argument shows how recent public and private actors have been investing to develop renewable technology within a scenario still largely based on kerosene and fossil fuel. Regarding waste management, Stefano Malatesta stresses the elements that are strongly linked to the Maldivian case: the coexistence of different waste management models within the same territory; the geographical relevance of distance and dispersion on solid waste disposal procedures and costs; the implementation of regional and national regulations; and the impact of exogenous consumption models and lifestyles. Water management is a third challenge, after energy production and waste management, that shapes socio-environmental relations at a local level. In chapter 4 ‘Water Management and Consumption Models’, Cecilia Castaldo

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and Stefano Malatesta describe sources, practices and strategies commonly adopted to manage drinkable water supply. The top-down approach in use is characterized by a fragmented system of actors involved in the water sector. Furthermore, freshwater availability is influenced by a set of spatial and social dynamics. Smallness, accessibility, and scarce availability of groundwater sources due to the low level of land above the sea mean that small islands are de facto ‘water-scarce’. In chapter 5 ‘The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives: A Reading of the Contemporary Demographic Transition between Domestic Migration and Forced Displacement’, Muna Mohamed explores the observation that in the recent history of the country, an evenly distributed population who were living a simple but comfortable life started to move in large numbers to the capital Malé. In so doing, Malé became one of the most densely populated and unsustainable islands in the world. The migration phenomenon is mainly described by reporting official data through tables and figures. In addition to the overview of the demographic transition, the chapter focuses on two drivers of change that have characterized the Maldivian society in recent decades: the dialectic between centralization and decentralization, and the increase of the inequalities between the centre and local islands. Chapters 6 and 7, specifically dedicated to the main economic sector of the country, namely international tourism, propose, if readers approach them as a single corpus, the evolution of another fundamental dialectic shaping the geography of the Maldives: the island-resort enclaves and the tourism business on the inhabited islands. Tourism is one mirror of the complex socio-environmental relations shaping the human geography of the archipelago. Moreover, the luxury market has been acting as a driver of the national economy. In chapter 6 ‘Greening the Resort, De-Bordering the Enclave’, Elena dell’Agnese, after a short introduction to the history of the OIOR tourism model and its associated literature, presents the concept of ‘sustainable luxury’. She emphasizes how the idea has been developed by the tourism practices of some now renowned resorts in the Maldives. Finally, she discusses some of the proposals promoted by the Fourth Tourism Masterplan (2013–2017) in order to highlight both the process of ‘greening’ within the resorts and the lessening of their enclavic isolation. A related account by Shahida Zubair and David Bowen, ‘New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma’, outlines the forces leading to the recent growth of guesthouse tourism with resultant shaping and shifting of power amongst the various stakeholders. It evaluates whether the power shaping/shifting and spatial spread of guesthouse tourism has been concomitant with what was originally conceived. Resultant implications and attendant dilemmas are subsequently discussed.



Editors’ Introduction 17

Chapters 8 and 9 emphasize the political dimension of socio-environmental relations. Experts in environmental politics and political geography will find useful elements to understand the processes of construction and the establishment of the environmental governance machine currently operating in the country. In chapter 8, Fathmath Shadiya informs readers on the historical evolution of governance, activism and environment in the Maldives, with a specific focus on the transitions that occurred among the presidencies of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom (1978–2008), Mohamed Nasheed (2008–2012) and Yameen Abdul Gayoom (2013–2018). She proposes an overview of the competences and areas of intervention of the main actors of environmental governance, completing the analysis with a presentation of the context in which environmental activism currently moves in the Maldives. By giving readers an overview of conservation and protection measures, in chapter 9 ‘Environment and Ecosystems Protection’, Mizna Mohamed introduces environmental policies as a fil rouge of the volume. Governance, environmental policies and conservation are the main areas of focus in the chapter. The author analyses theoretical underpinnings of conservation and preservation dichotomies through a background of the physical environment of the Maldives and discussion of environmental attitudes and behaviour. The closing chapters (10 and 11) introduce readers to two fundamental disciplinary perspectives, one biological and the other geological, that show how coral reef archipelagos are constantly evolving systems and how they should be read as ecotones (Gillis, 2014): places where the terrestrial and marine ecosystems cannot be separated. Daniela Basso and Alessandra Savini in their chapter ‘Sea-Level Changes and the Reefs of the Maldivian Archipelago’ critically discuss predictions of future scenarios of sea-level rise in response to present-day environmental changes. They attempt to clarify to what extent future predictions of mean sea-level rise take into account local and regional processes in controlling sea-level position in the Maldives, including the potential response that can be expected from reef corals. Maldivian coral reefs are among the largest reef areas in the world. Furthermore, they are iconic in terms of diversity of life forms that they host, even if the real biodiversity of this environment is still scarcely known. Paolo Galli, Simone Montano, Davide Seveso and Davide Maggioni provide, through their chapter ‘Coral Reef Biodiversity of the Maldives’, a detailed overview of coral health. They focus on the threats to coral survivorship such as coral diseases or coral bleaching caused by global warming. The authors include a range of possible solutions to preserve this fragile ecosystem whose integrity is essential for the Maldivian population.

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Figure I.4.  Map of the Maldives, Map No. 4479, 2012. Source: United Nations, 2012, http://www.un.org/Depts/Cartographic/.

Island image is often the result of the super-imposition of powerful and historically determined narratives. Elaine Stratford defined islands as ‘paradoxical spaces’ able to incorporate sets of antithetic geographical features: they are ‘bounded but porous, isolated, connected, colonized, postcolonial; . . . vulnerable to linguistic, cultural, environmental changes; robust but able to absorb and modify, placed in regions . . . paradisiacal, utopian and dystopian, tourist meccas, ecological refugias’ (2003, p. 495). Stratford’s vision stresses



Editors’ Introduction 19

the binary nature of island place-making: both a process of objectification produced by mainlanders’ cultural, scientific and ideological systems, and the affirmation of islands as subjects through islanders’ languages, images, practices and heritages. The dialectic between outsiders’ and insiders’ knowledge and values is a key topic of island studies. Recently, Beate Ratter has brilliantly discussed this antithesis describing the islands as victims and objects of conquest, and also as outposts of globalization and forerunners of global innovation. Starting from the description and analysis of a set of socio-environmental changes and processes, Atolls of the Maldives aims to recompose the dialectic between geographical imagery and insider knowledge, and to contribute to the questioning of the categories that science, environmental policies and popular culture use to define small island states: vulnerability, marginality and uniqueness. The Maldives, as readers will have the opportunity to acknowledge, shares with other small island states many of the environmental challenges shaping the contemporary world. At the same time, these islands face fast, massive and impactful processes of transformation through a set of knowledge, practices, behaviours and political choices that give value to the expression ‘dealing with change’ for millions of human beings who, today, inhabit the archipelagic regions of our planet. NOTES 1. One of the main reasons for the decline in seabird numbers today is due to habitat destruction. 2. 22 September 2019, Ref: 2019–741. 3. Approved Alternative Medicine/Dhivehi beys list. Document No: MTG / RE-AH/ Li0018/2018/0001. 4. We find in Malé a Divehibeys Clinic, and in Kurumba Resort Spa Divehi beys healers who integrate modern medicine with traditional techniques. 5. According to nakaiy periods given in Maniku (1989), except for Fura nakaiy with 12 days and Uthura nakaiy with 16 days, all other nakaiy have 13 or 14 days. 6. According to Maniku (1989), the earlier calendar had an additional nakaiy, Avihi, which is no longer in use. This nakaiy was an interpolation used to bring the calendar to the correct timing with the sun. 7. In the volume, administrative atolls are named according to the toponomy adopted by the Department of National Planning. 8. The Special Economic Zones (SEZ) Act, approved on 1 September 2014, impacted on the regional and supra-regional geopolitical scenario. In this volume, due to a thematic choice, there is no specific analysis of the relationship between the geography of the SEZs and the energy policies of the country.

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REFERENCES Abdulla, A. (2015). Fiyoree Rangas. Malé: MACCS. Alpers, E. A. (2014). The Indian Ocean in World History. New York: Oxford University Press. Baldacchino, G. (2008). ‘Studying Islands: On Whose Terms? Some Epistemological and Methodological Challenges to the Pursuit of Island Studies’. Island Studies Journal 3, no. 1: 37–56. Baldacchino, G. (2018). The Routledge International Handbook of Island Studies: A World of Islands. New York: Routledge. Baldacchino, G. and Niles, D. (Eds.). (2011). Island Futures: Conservation and Development across the Asia-Pacific Region. Tokyo: Springer. Briggs, J. (2005). ‘The Use of Indigenous Knowledge in Development: Problems and Challenges’. Progress in Development Studies 5, no. 2: 99–114. Darwin, C. R. (1842). The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs: Being the First Part of the Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the Command of Capt. Fitzroy, R.N. during the Years 1832 to 1836. London: Smith Elder and Co. Doyle, T. (2016). ‘Climate Change and a Comprehensive Security in the Continuum: Geostrategy and Geoeconomies in the Time and Place of the Indo-Pacific’. In New Regional Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific: Drivers, Dynamics and Consequences, edited by Chacko, P., 60–73. London: Routledge. ERC (2006). Our Medicinal Plants. Malé: Environment Research Center, Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water. Fien, J., White, C., Bergmann, I., Griffiths, M., Parker, M. and Sayers, J. (2008). Schools for a Healthy Environment: Ourselves. Malé: UNICEF and Educational Development Centre. Geographische Zeitschrift 84: 74–85. Gillis, J. R. (2014). ‘Not Continents in Miniature: Islands as Ecotones’. Island Studies Journal 9, no. 1: 155–166. Grydehøj, A. (2014). ‘Guest Editorial Introduction: Understanding Island Cities’. Island Studies Journal 9, no. 2: 183–190. Hay, P. (2006). ‘A Phenomenology of Islands’. Island Studies Journal 1, no. 1: 19–42. Hirsch, E. (2015). ‘It Won’t Be Any Good to Have a Democracy If We Don’t Have a Country: Climate Change and the Politics of Synecdoche in the Maldives’. Global Environmental Change 35: 190–198. Hommel, D. and Murphy, A. B. (2013). ‘Rethinking Geopolitics in an Era of Climate Change’. GeoJournal 78, no. 3: 507–524. Hunter, D. (1996a). ‘Maldivian homegardens; A stable farming system in a fragile environment’. Permaculture International Journal l, no. 58: 19–21. Hunter, D. (1996b). ‘Traditional Pest Control and Agricultural Development in the Atolls of the Maldives’. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 4, no. 3: 10–12. ICSU (2002). ‘Science: Traditional Knowledge and Sustainable Development’. ICSU Series on Science for Sustainable Development No. 4. Accessed 27 February 2020, https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000150501. Jauharee, A. R. and Adam, M. S. (2012). Significance of Seabirds to the Maldivian Tuna Fishery. Malé: Marine Research Centre. Jauhary, A. R. and Chamberlain, A. I. (1998). Understanding Fisheries Science. Malé: Educational Development Center, Ministry of Education, Republic of Maldives.



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Kanvinde, S. H. (1999). Maldivian Gender Roles in Bio-Resource Management. Bangkok: FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. Kelman, I. (2010). ‘Hearing Local Voices from Small Island Developing States for Climate Change’. The International Journal of Justice and Sustainability 15, no. 7: 605–619. Kelman, I. (2014). ‘No Change from Climate Change: Vulnerability and Small Island Developing States’. The Geographical Journal 180, no. 2: 120–129. Kelman, I., Gaillard, J. C. and Mercer, J. (2015). ‘Climate Change’s Role in Disaster Risk Reduction’s Future: Beyond Vulnerability and Resilience’. International Journal of Disaster Risk Sciences 6, no. 1: 21–27. Klepp, S., Chavez-Rodriguez, L. (2018). ‘Governing climate change: The power of adaptation discourses, policies and practices’. In A Critical Approach to Climate Change Adaptation. Discourses, Policies, and Practices, edited by S. Klepp and L. Chavez-Rodriguez, 3–34. New York: Routledge. Knoll, E. M. (2018). ‘The Maldives as an Indian Ocean Crossroads’. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Doi:10.1093/ acrefore/9780190277727.013.327/. Malatesta, S. (2018). ‘International Actors as Policymakers? Discussing the Influence of International Actors on the Environmental Policies of Small Island States’. Small States & Territories 1, no. 1: 95–110. Malatesta, S. and Schmidt di Friedberg, M. (2017). ‘Environmental Policy and Climate Change Vulnerability in the Maldives: From the “Lexicon of Risk” to Social Response to Change’. Island Studies Journal 12, no. 1: 53–70. Malatesta, S., Schmidt di Friedberg, M., Pecorelli, V., Cajiao, M. A. and Di Pietro A. (2015). ‘The Right Place. Solid Waste Management in the Republic of Maldives: Between Infrastructural Measures and Local Practices’. Miscellanea Geographica: Regional Studies on Development 19, no. 2: 25–32. Maniku, H. A. (1989). Nakaiy. Malé: Department of Information and Broadcasting. Mantatrust (2014). The value of traditional knowledge in manta ray conservation in the Maldives. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/ 5a196500914e6b09132e911f/t/5d82097c57e3753573d71651/1568803214358/MT_ MMRP_Thesis+Report+2014_The+Value+of+Traditional+Knowledge_Tam+ Sawers.pdf. McCall, G. (1994). ‘Nissology: A Proposal for Consideration’. Journal of the Pacific Society 17, nos. 2–3: 1–8. McCall, G. (1996). ‘Clearing Confusion in a Disembedded World: The Case for Nissology’. Geographische Zeitschrift, 84(2): 74–85. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2013). Maldives Energy Outlook for Inhabited Islands. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://www.environment.gov.mv/v2/wpcontent/files/publications/20131222-pub-maldives-energy-outlook-for-inhabitedislands-2013.pdf. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018). Island Electricity Databook 2018. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://www.environment.gov.mv/v2/wp-content/ files/publications/20181105-pub-island-electricity-data-book-2018.pdf. Ministry of Housing and Environment (2010). Solid Waste Management Regulation 2010. Malé: Ministry of Housing and Environment.

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Ministry of Tourism. (2015). Tourism Yearbook 2015. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://archive.tourism.gov.mv/pubs/tourism_yearbook/tourism_year_ book_2015.pdf. Ministry of Tourism. (2018). Tourism Yearbook 2018. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://archive.tourism.gov.mv/pubs/tourism_yearbook/tourism_year_book_2018.pdf. Mohamed, M. (2012). ‘Changing Reef Values: An Inquiry into the Use, Management and Governance of Reef Resources in Island Communities of the Maldives’. Unpublished Doctoral thesis. University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand. Mohamed, M., Shareef, A., Khaleel, Z., Husny, M. M., Niyaz, A. A. and Abdulla, A. (2016). Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Malé: Ministry of Environment and Energy. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/SNC%20 PDF_Resubmission.pdf. Mohammad, S. (2007). From the Treasure of Maldivian Traditional Medicine. Guide 1, Thrissur, India: Word Offset Printer. Naseer, A. (2007). ‘Pre- and Post-Tsunami Coastal Planning and Land-Use Policies and Issues in the Maldives’. In Proceedings of the Workshop on Coastal Area Planning and Management in Asian Tsunami-Affected Countries, 27–29 September 2006. Bangkok: FAO, 147–163. Naseer, A. (2020). ‘Fishing for Bigeye Scad (Selar crumenophthalmus) Using Fish Weirs on Coral Reefs: Expressions of Traditional Fishing Knowledge in the Maldives’. Oral Lecture, Workshop ‘Places and Local Communities’. Marine Research and High Education Center, Faafu-Magoodhoo. Pearson, M. (2003). The Indian Ocean. London: Routledge. Peterson, C. (2013). Assessment of Solid Waste Management Practices and Its Vulnerability to Climate Risks in Maldives Tourism Sector. Malé: Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture. Ratter, B. M. W. (2018). Geography of Small Islands: Outposts of Globalisation. Cham: Springer. Rumley, D. (2010). ‘Ideology, Carbon Emissions and Climate Change Discourses in the Indian Ocean Region’. Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 6, no. 2: 147–154. Saeed, S. (2003). ‘Maldivian Ways of Knowing: An Inquiry into Cultural Knowledge Traditions and Implications for Schooling’. Unpublished Doctoral thesis. University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada. Schmidt di Friedberg, M. (2019). ‘History of the Landscape Gaze: The Image of Tourism in the Maldives’. In Paisaje y Turismo, Instituto del Paisaje de la Fundaciòn Duques de Soria, edited by E. Martìnez de Pisòn and N. Ortega Cantero. Madrid: UAM Ediciones. Shahee I., Ayeshath F. (2012). Nakaij Nevi. Seasons of the Maldives – a mobile app. Accessed 3 December 2020, https://shaheeilyas.com/project/nakaiy-nevi/. Stratford, E. (2003). ‘Flows and Boundaries: Small Island Discourses and the Challenge of Sustainability, Community and Local Environments’. Local Environment 8, no. 5: 495–499. Stratford, E., Baldacchino, G., McMahon, E., Farbotko, C. and Harwood, A. (2011). ‘Envisioning the Archipelago’. Island Studies Journal 6, no. 2: 113–130. Taglioni, F. (2011). ‘Insularity, Political Status and Small Insular Spaces’. Shima: The International Journal of Research into Island Cultures 5, no. 2: 45–67.

Chapter 1

Environment and Education Naashia Mohamed and Mizna Mohamed

The environment is something we interact with every day: from it, we build our dwellings, obtain our sustenance and earn our livelihood. It serves as both our protection and a source for our leisure. Education has long been recognized as being critical for achieving awareness about the environment, to inculcate values and attitudes consistent with sustainable development, and to practise skills and behaviours necessary for effective participation in environmental decision-making (Gough, 2017). As Barnes, Moore and Almeida (2018) acknowledge, education is recognized as a conduit for an informed community and signals the values and priorities of that community. The importance of education as the main driver in transforming lives and communities is globally recognized (UNESCO, 2015). Several of the current goals in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (United Nations, 2015, pp. 18–25) relate closely to education and the environment in various ways: seeking ‘good health and well-being’ (Goal 3), ‘gender equality’ (Goal 5), ‘clean water and sanitation’ (Goal 6), ‘decent work and economic growth’ (Goal 8), ‘responsible consumption and production’ (Goal 12) and ‘climate action’ (Goal 13). These goals encourage us to question the way in which we educate and build the consciousness of our societies to support sustainable practices and to examine how cultural practices have affected our environment over time. Environmental histories of many cultures show that environmental conservation develops from learning and becoming aware of how our interactions are negatively impacting our surrounding ecosystems. For indigenous communities, this knowledge is in the form of traditional ecological knowledge of how they use, manage and govern the environment and its resources. Traditional ecological knowledge puts human societies as part of the ecosystem, as ‘inhabitants’ rather than ‘ex-habitants’ (Ingold, 2011). In today’s 23

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globalized world, environmental education and awareness are recognized as vital tools for environmental conservation and sustainability (Jiménez et al., 2017; Zorrilla-Pujana and Rossi, 2014). The importance of environmental education, conservation and protection is recognized by both the Maldivian government and its citizens. The existence, development and livelihood of Maldivians are dependent on the rich coastal ecosystem of the country. Due to the vulnerability of the islands, the Maldivian government has been committed to advancing environmental education through formal and informal means. Many conservation programmes recognize the need for environmental awareness and education to better achieve conservation objectives. In formal education, ever since the first national curriculum, environmental education has been a prominent focus (Lutfi, 2011). The current National Curriculum Framework (NCF) (National Institute of Education, 2015) ascribes sustainability and environmental heritage protection as key competencies to be achieved by all children. It provides further evidence of the importance of environmental issues within education policies. This chapter examines environmental education and consciousness in the Maldives through a discussion on environmental awareness efforts and an analysis of the place of environmental education in the school curriculum. While there is a significant level of importance given to environmental education and awareness by the Government of the Maldives, the translation of the knowledge to individual concern for and stewardship of the environment is not visible. We highlight the need to further investigate this disconnectedness. Among several issues that were identified, lack of local content and the modes of instruction were the main issues raised by most local researchers. In this chapter, we present an analysis of both the development of environmental education programmes within the NCF and the environmental awareness programmes in the Maldives. PEOPLE-PLACE CONNECTIONS Many scholars believe that conservation behaviours and concerns are rooted within deep connections of the individual to the place (Adams, Ibrahim and Lim, 2010; Junot, Paquet and Fenouillet, 2018; Tuan, 1977). Continued interactions with the surrounding environment and so experiences that create memories and connection help develop these deep people-place relationships. According to Thomasshow (2002) cited in Kudryavtsev, Stedman and Kransy (2012), this sense of place is at the core of environmental learning initiatives. The people-place relationship such as sense of place, place attachment and connectedness to nature has been well documented in the works of human



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geographers, conservation environmentalists and other environmental scholars (Bailey, 1903; Leopald, 1949; Tuan, 1974). Kudryavtsev et al. (2012) highlights that despite the wide place literature showing how childhood experiences and sense of place or connectedness to nature help develop pro-environmental behaviour, there is limited work on development of sense of place in environmental education. Those that look into developing sense of place use (1) experiential learning through direct, frequent and positive experiences, (2) instructional learning through teaching about place using indirect means, or a combination of the two methods (Kudryavtsev et al., 2012). Saeed (2003) and M. Mohamed (2012) discuss the disconnect between the direct nature experiences in Maldivian schooling. M. Mohamed narrates a discussion on environmental education with two students, who had travelled from the capital where they lived to their home island for the school holidays. The students were impressed with Mohamed’s knowledge of local plants. They explained their own lack of such knowledge and also told her that the subject of environmental science (in school) was not interesting. They could not relate to many of the things that were taught. Concepts relating the local environment were as alien to them as those about environments in other countries. Much of the approach used was instructional and the need for more experiential learning was clearly desired by the students. M. Mohamed claimed that, without connectedness to nature, the younger generations did not have the same values and concern for the environment as earlier generations. Saeed (2003) attributes this disconnect to both the teaching method and the foreign-based content. She proposed a combination of experiential and instructional learning through direct experiences as well as indirect methods such as storytelling, dramas and traditional books. One island chief fondly tells of his schooling as a young boy and how all the children had to help collect flowers as part of the blessing ritual for an auspicious fishing season (Mohamed, 2012). The island chief’s deep attachment to place and nature is evident in his narrative. Such learning experiences had been used in the past in the schools before the modern curriculums were in place. Compared to the teaching experience in the capital those studying in the islands still got some level of engagement and opportunities for direct learning. For example, in a recent field visit to the island of ADh. Dhigurah, it was observed that the students engaged in many experiential learning activities such as learning the craft of traditional thatch weaving (e.g., the process of harvesting coconut fronds) or preparation of festive foods. Environmental education if used with the right approach can have the potential to enhance environmental conservation through the development

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of a sense of place and connectedness to nature. This is a potential focus for empirical research in the Maldives. ENVIRONMENTAL KNOWLEDGE FOR ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION Learning about the environment has long been recognized by many cultures and societies as an important element for sustainable use and conservation (Berkes, 2012; Harmsworth and Awatere, 2013; McGlone, 1989). Berkes (2012) identifies local knowledge of land and animals at the core of worldviews, social institutions and land and resource management systems. Scholars studying environmental behaviour have identified knowledge as a factor that influences the values we assign to the environment and thus our behaviours (McFarlane and Boxall, 2000; Pothitou, Hanna and Chalvatzis, 2016; Seymour et al., 2010; Sterling and Cooper, 1992). M. Mohamed (2012) discusses how knowledge of the local environment is embedded into the many norms and local rules of resource use in Maldivian island communities. For example, life cycles of fish and seasonal availability and linkages with the seasons are used by Maldivian fishermen. Linkages between the seasonal changes, the movements of the currents and tides and the movement of the sand spits are used in developing local rules governing the use of sand on the beach. For example, communities in the southern atolls use observation-based rules in their communal gathering of sand to decorate their homes for Ramadan (Mohamed, 2012; Saeed, 2003). Saeed (2003) describes this communal gathering of sand as an important part of learning about the environment for young children. They learn the times when it is good to collect sand and where the best sand deposits can be found. Embedded in the learning of this skill is a deeper knowledge of the surrounding environment: the way the sands move, how the tides and currents behave and what changes the seasons bring. Urbanization and rural to urban migration lead to less direct interactions with nature, thus threatening the continuity of such knowledge about the environment. Berkes (2012) attributes the disconnect from nature of people living in built environments as the cause of many current environmental problems. Wildcat (2009) reasons that people who live away from the nature do not have such an intimate understanding and relationship with it as those who live within its proximity. Rural to urban migration, especially to the capital Malé for a better education, has been well documented in the Maldives (May, 2016; Ministry of Planning and National Development, 2008). In a study comprising seven case study islands, M. Mohamed (2012) identifies rural to



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urban migration and thus lowered interaction with reef resources as the cause of changing reef values, especially among the youth. More than half a century ago, Stapp et al. (1969) raised concerns that predicted urbanization in the United States and reduced interaction with nature would diminish the awareness among people about their dependency on the environment. According to the first working definition by Stapp et al. (1969, p. 30), ‘Environmental education is aimed at producing a citizenry that is knowledgeable concerning the biophysical environment and its associated problems, aware of how to help solve these problems, and motivated to work toward their solution’. DEVELOPMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION The discipline of environmental education stemmed as a result of global environmental concerns in the 1960s (Venkatraman, 2008). The crucial role that environmental education can play in addressing environmental problems was first recognized internationally in the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm. Developing on the work of Stapp et al. (1969) and the Stockholm Declaration, the Tbilisi Declaration (1977) adopted one of the most widely accepted definitions of environmental education (Bartosh, 2003). The Tbilisi Declaration defined environmental education as ‘a learning process that increases people’s knowledge and awareness about the environment and associated challenges and fosters attitudes, motivations and commitments to make informed decisions and take responsible action’ (Bartosh, 2003, p. 4). Mintz and Tal point out that environmental education: Embraces normative questions, as environmental issues are normative or valueladen. . . . Is characterized by the interdisciplinary nature of the relationships between people, society, and the environment. . . . Is concerned with knowledge, understanding, attitudes, and values, and includes the development of agency as well in participating and taking action. . . . Blurs boundaries between formal and informal, and between classroom and outdoor learning. . . . Has both global and local aspects. (2018, p. 209)

These characteristics point to the importance given to the three realms of society, economics and environment in environmental education, as Stevenson et al. (2014) emphasized in issues of Education for Sustainable Development (UNESCO, 2007). According to Casinader and Kidman (2018), the ideology of sustainable development gradually penetrated into the discourse of environmental education around the world and has asserted itself as a dominant perspective.

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Despite the widespread acceptance of the definition of environmental education adopted by the Tbilisi Declaration, with its central focus on environmental education programmes, Jickling and Sterling (2018) assert that the history of environmental education has always been problematic, for example, because of its behaviourist orientations and use of instrumentalist ideologies. Referring to the many related terms used in environmental education (e.g., nature education, conservation education, sustainability education and ecological education) Jóhannesson et al. (2011) acknowledge that it is hard to pinpoint a clear pedagogical or conceptual boundary between them. Contending that the acceptance and rejection of these terms depends largely on time, focus and political influences, they emphasize how learning about the environment has long been recognized as an essential element of many education systems around the world (Hensley, 2011). Following an identified need for environmental education, many models of environmental education have been developed. One popular model is the three-dimensional model proposed by Palmer (1998), cited in Bartosh (2003), which centres on education ABOUT, FOR and IN or FROM the environment. Education ABOUT the environment relates to formal schooling as a means to obtain knowledge about the natural environment. Education IN or FROM the environment is part of both formal and informal education in which the environment is used as a practical study tool for the learning process. Education FOR the environment is applied more in informal education to create a sense of caring and ethics towards the environment. Various other models have been proposed by scholars in the field. These models all show the linkages between knowledge (cognitive), values (ethics) and action (behaviour). An empirical study on the relation of environmental knowledge and proenvironmental behaviour in household energy savings showed that residents with greater environmental knowledge and a positive environmental view had more energy-saving behaviour (Pothitou et al., 2016). Yücel and Ozkan (2014) identify that even though environmental education has been there since the 1970s, students’ conceptual understanding and attitudes about the environment and environmental problems are inadequate. Commenting on the insufficiency of educational success during the past half century, Jickling and Sterling (2017) identify the issue of its ever-changing discourse such that ‘new bits . . . and new signifiers’ (p. 1) are continually added to the curriculum. Therefore, they call for a ‘new vision for education’ (p. 1) that moves away from content-awareness and focuses on a more holistic approach to education. Learning is a social practice (Lave and Wenger, 1991) that helps define who we are and our identity. Accordingly, Tugurian and Carrier (2017) highlight the importance of learning environments and modes that contribute to the development of children’s identities as learners of science and explorers



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of the natural world. Clayton (2003) described environmental identity as ‘a sense of connection to some part of the non-human natural environment, based on history, emotional attachment, and/or similarity, that affects the ways in which we perceive and act toward the world; a belief that the environment is important to us and an important part of who we are’ (pp. 45–46). Determined both externally (how others view us) and internally (the way we see ourselves), children’s environmental identities are important for several reasons. Tugurian and Carrier (2017) report on several studies that show how children as young as nine years old have clearly developed environmental identities. However, a disconnection with the curriculum often makes middle school students lose interest in learning and weakens their environmental identities. As Stapleton (2015) argues, strengthening students’ identity and connectedness to their environment is crucial to develop a sense of agency for addressing environmental issues. Curriculum theorists often point out the importance of the ‘hidden curriculum’ or the implicit learning that occurs as a result of the way in which the work of the school is organized; the covert messages in the materials that are used; and the consciousness and attitudes of those who are responsible for organizing learning (Kelly, 2004; Schiro, 2013). Chapman (2011) argues how these implicit messages are more powerful than what is explicitly taught. Echoing Giroux’s (1988) long-held contention that these implicit messages are often buried within the dispositions of teachers, Liu et al. (2015) highlight the important role that teachers’ environmental literacy plays. Robottom and Kyburz-Graber (2000, p. 157) identify that ‘behind every successful environmental education program is a committed teacher’. This highlights the importance of teachers’ positive environmental attitudes, environmental sensitivity, and environmental knowledge and skills in implementing environmental education (Ernst, 2009). ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION IN THE MALDIVES The significance of environmental education in Maldivian society is evident from historical accounts of how the country’s formal education system evolved. Formal schooling was not widely accessible until the late twentieth century and much of the traditional education system depended on trade apprenticeships and community-run edhuruge-style schoolhouses (Mohamed, 2019). Despite this rudimentary system, Lutfi (2011) describes how royal decrees stipulated what knowledge was to be learnt. Whether taught at home by parents or through more formal means, a prescribed curriculum identified four essential domains of knowledge: the Islamic religion, Dhivehi language, the monarchy, and the Maldivian environment

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(Lutfi, 2011). These royal decrees were issued to inform the public about what was useful, important and worthwhile knowing. Despite there being no formal educational system in place, the earliest curriculums used a placebased approach in emphasizing the importance of learning about one’s local environment and geography. Environmental education as a form of conservation education as defined by Stapp et al. (1969) or the Tbilisi Declaration was not started in the Maldives until 1978 with the introduction of environmental studies as a school subject in the newly developed Atoll Education Centres (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). The subject was specifically created for students studying primary grades (grades 1–5) in island schools and was not offered at that stage to any schools in the capital Malé. Interestingly, it was taught in the local language and teaching was heavily dependent on local resources, thereby fulfilling many of the criteria necessary for an effective environmental education programme (Athman and Monroe, 2001). The first formal, centralized, locally written national curriculum was developed in 1984. This curriculum mandated environmental studies as a subject for all primary grades throughout the Maldives. The subject aimed at creating awareness on environmental issues and how to address such issues (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). The importance given to the subject was evidenced by its allocated time in the national curriculum. While English language topped the weekly time allocation for all grades, with eight periods, environmental studies came second in primary grades (tied with mathematics) at six periods per week. While the subject of environmental studies per se was specific to the primary grades at middle school level (grades 6 and 7) the curriculum provided links to environmental education through subjects such as general science and social studies. Later, when fisheries science was developed as an elective subject offered at secondary level, it, too, created strong links to environmental education and sustainable practices, with a strong local focus. Yet all of these lacked any practical application. Education was targeted only at transmitting knowledge ABOUT the environment. During the national curriculum revision of 2000, the subject syllabi underwent considerable changes. The resulting environmental studies curriculum added a focus on encouraging students to be involved in environmental protection and conservation (Lutfi, 2011). The topics covered in the curriculum included biodiversity, physical geography, people and wellbeing, linkages of environment to economy and society, global environmental change and international relations (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). This new revision of the curriculum led to a broadening of the subject. However, no significant pedagogical changes were implied and, therefore, the approach to teaching remained largely unchanged.



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PROBLEM IDENTIFICATION Despite great strides in making environmental education a key aspect of school education in the Maldives, several issues obstructed the implementation of an effective programme. This section describes some of these concerns. Lack of Local Context One of the main criticisms of the curriculum has been with regard to the lack of local context. Saeed (2003) raised concerns that the curriculum focused more on global environmental issues than local ones. M. Mohamed (2012) raised similar concerns: My ten-year-old son is currently learning about greenhouse gases, rainforests, global weather and climates among others. In the midst of his Environmental Science textbook are a few pages on the Maldive Islands. Looking through these pages, I noticed the lack of depth about our local environment. Perhaps any world atlas or encyclopaedia would give a similar amount of information about the Maldives. (p. 206)

M. Mohamed (2012) further points out the lack of depth in linking the natural environment and the social environment. For example, the local tradition of fishing is taught under the title of ‘Fishing Industry’ indicating importance to the economic sphere. Absent in these lessons are many of the linkages to the historical, cultural and social aspects of fishing. What are the traditional stories that pass down knowledge about the reefs, the bait and fish across generations? How did the fishermen know where to find bait or fish? What did the fishermen do with their catch? How were women involved in processing the tuna? These and many more aspects of fishing were conspicuously absent in these lessons. An important opportunity to include local context and cultural practices in the curriculum came about in 1983 when the subject fisheries science was introduced in schools at secondary level. It was assessed through the external EdExcel examinations body, although the curriculum as well as all teaching materials were developed locally in the Maldives. The focus of fisheries science remained mainly on developing the interest of young school leavers in the Maldivian fishing industry. The effectiveness of this initiative in developing interest in the fisheries industry has not been formally studied. When the external examinations body was changed to Cambridge International Examinations (CIE) in the 2000s, there was pressure to bring about changes to fisheries science. When CIE took over the running of fisheries science, it underwent a name change to marine science and the curriculum was revised considerably. Notable changes in the marine science curriculum were the

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reduction of fisheries components and the inclusion of a more ecosystem focus (A.R. Jauhary, personal communication, May, 2019). Between 2007 and 2009, wide-scale stakeholder consultations were conducted by the Educational Development Centre to identify problems with the existing curriculum. Stakeholders included policymakers, employers, educators, parents, community leaders and students themselves. The lack of local context was raised as a critical issue across all areas of the curriculum (Educational Development Centre, 2009). Athman and Monroe (2001) highlight the importance of relevance in any effective environmental education programme. Ensuring that the taught content is localized to the students’ surroundings is one key aspect of relevance. M. Mohamed (2012) describes the difficulties of Shadiya and Rasheeda, two teenage girls, in relating to the non-local content in their environmental science classes. Shadiya found ‘the subject very boring as she did not understand many of the topics’ (Mohamed, 2012, p. 213). As described by the girls, this difficulty in understanding the subject has led them to believe that they must not be intelligent enough to understand the subject. The introduction of a westernized system of schooling and, particularly, English medium education in the early 1960s was a significant juncture in the educational history of the nation. While it opened opportunities for Maldivian youth to seek higher education overseas, it also removed the localized content and cultural elements from the curriculum (Lutfi, 2011). Lutfi states how such westernized education changed the whole worldview of the young generation. Rather than grow up with knowledge of the world around them, they were introduced to a new worldview. For example, while world geography was a core subject of the secondary curriculum, there was no focus on local geography at all. Lufti notes how the local knowledge and skills of key industries in the country – fisheries and agriculture – and the rich history, culture and traditions of Maldivians were neglected in the British-imported curriculum. With the use of a foreign language as the medium of instruction and a dependence on a westernized curriculum, (Hameed 2007, cited in Lutfi, 2011) notes how school education became an avenue that alienated Maldivian young people from their own culture. Language of Instruction Environmental education began as a subject taught in Dhivehi in island schools (at a time when the medium of instruction in most schools outside of Malé was Dhivehi). However, as a result of equity demands from island schools, by the beginning of the twenty-first century, all schools across the country had adopted English medium education (Mohamed, 2013). Despite its initial foreign language status, due to the influence of education and the



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forces of globalization, English has rooted itself as a significant language of power in contemporary Maldivian society (Mohamed, 2019). McLaren and Giroux (1997) highlight the centrality of language in meaningmaking and transforming education into social change. The fact that students learn about their environment in a language that is not their own is problematic. If knowledge of the local environment is discussed in school in a language that is not commonly used outside the boundaries of the school, a question can be raised about the applicability of that knowledge. N. Mohamed (2013) outlines such concerns from students, parents and educators alike. The Educational Development Centre (2009) reports that parents and community leaders raise concerns about how students remain unaware of local terminology when talking about the environment in which they live. The English language does not have the equivalent vocabulary for all the nuances of Dhivehi when discussing the Maldivian environment. As a result, rather than strengthening the Maldivian identity, the use of English as a medium of instruction has created further distance. A second reason why the use of a foreign language as a medium of instruction is problematic relates to the essence of constructivism and learner-­centred philosophies. Benson and Kosonen (2013) argue that lack of valorization of the local language and identification of the learner as ‘the problem’ due to their ‘language barrier’ goes against placing the learner at the centre of the learning process: The ‘language barrier’ appears to place the blame on learners who do not speak the language of the school at home. This represents backward planning, because in fact, the school is imperfectly designed for the learners. Instead of meeting learners where they are in their developmental processes, building on their languages, cultures, identities and experiences and motivating them to grow, the school imposes an unrealistic and rigid curriculum and approach on learners, preventing large numbers of them from succeeding. (Benson and Kosonen, 2013, p. 288)

While the issue is not only specific to environmental education, the language issue is applicable to all areas of the curriculum and, therefore, needs to be highlighted here. Teaching and Teacher Quality In a report analysing the quality of education in the Maldives, Aturupane and Shojo (2012) identify teacher quality as one major factor. They report that a shortage of adequately qualified teachers has necessitated the employment of a large number of expatriate teachers, particularly for secondary levels. Due to their lack of local knowledge, expatriate teachers are unable to adequately contextualize the curriculum (Lutfi, 2011).

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To exacerbate matters, Lutfi (2011) describes how teaching is no longer an attractive career choice. As a result, pre-service education programmes are unable to attract top achieving applicants. The low education level of preservice teachers who are locally trained does not result in the calibre of teachers expected to provide the quality of education demanded by the national curriculum. With little knowledge of the subject, these teachers are unable to inculcate in their students a passion for learning (Aturupane and Shojo, 2012) or a concern for their environment. The teaching of environmental studies as a subject has also received criticism (Yücel and Ozkan, 2014). Learning about the environment alone is insufficient and will not solve the present problems that the environment faces. Active engagement and the empowerment to take action are linked with developing positive attitudes, critical thinking and problem-solving skills (Shobeiri, Omidvar and Prahallada, 2007). The stakeholder consultations of 2007–2009 identified the need to address such issues, along with others. The new national curriculum drafted in 2009 was piloted between 2012 and 2014 and rolled out to all schools from 2015 (National Institute of Education, 2014). The next section will describe the curricular and pedagogical changes relevant to environmental education that this new curriculum required. Curricular and Pedagogical Shift The new national curriculum (National Institute of Education, 2014) promised a paradigm shift in Maldivian school education. The NCF envisions the learner at the heart of the learning process and identifies eight principles upon which the curriculum and its delivery are based. Of these, Identity and Culture, Preparation for Life, and Relevance are particularly pertinent to environmental education. The NCF ‘encourages providing an in-depth understanding of the unique Maldivian culture, and the appreciation of its heritage’ (p. 9); ‘fosters the development of skills in preparation for life’ (p. 10); ‘offers learning that is purposeful . . . [and] relevant to their present and future lives, by exploring significant contemporary and emerging issues such as technology, sustainability, enterprise and citizenship’ (p. 10). The NCF also identifies values that are vital to grow, thrive and live in harmony. These values are categorized as those relating to the self, to others, to the local and global community and to the environment. The category of values that relate to the environment are associated with ‘understanding and preserving the Maldivian culture and heritage; and to promote ideas of conservation and sustainable development’ (p. 11). Three broad values are acknowledged here: preserving diversity, respecting cultural heritage and sustainability. This integration of environmental stewardship into the foundation of the curriculum is very promising and needs to be applauded.



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In promoting a holistic approach to education, the NCF highlights the importance of three foci in planning learning: knowledge, skills and values. It must be acknowledged that the national curriculums of 1984 and 2000 also identified skills to be developed and values to be encouraged in learners. However, they were not integrated into the subject syllabi and, therefore, remained secondary to the content to be delivered. A significant change in the new NCF is the vital role of cross-curricular key competencies. Eight key competencies are identified, with each built on a combination of cognitive and practical skills, knowledge, values, attitudes and other social and behavioural components. The NCF observes that these key competencies are the foundation upon which key learning areas are organized. Of relevance to environmental education is the key competency Using Sustainable Practices. This key competency aims to raise awareness to engage in sustainable practices and learn conservation for the future. It encourages students to treat the environment with respect and to manage their resources wisely. The knowledge, skills and attitudes they develop through this key competency will help students to satisfy their basic needs and have a quality life without jeopardizing future generations (National Institute of Education, 2014). The Key Competency Guide (National Institute of Education, 2015) that accompanies the NCF points out that learning must go beyond awareness raising. It must lead to action learning. This will help students ‘understand how sustainable societies function, and work towards creating a healthy, just and sustainable society for all, now and in the future’ (National Institute of Education, 2015, p. 76). The NCF lists eight key learning areas under which individual subjects fall. In the interests of offering a broad and balanced curriculum, students are expected to undertake learning from all of eight areas, from the foundation stage (lower and upper kindergarten), through primary (grades 1 to 6) and the first two years of lower secondary stages (grades 7 to 8). One of these key learning areas is environment, science and technology. The most glaring change that is directly relevant to environmental education has been the complete removal of the subject previously included as environmental studies. While this may seem to be a backward step, closer study of the NCF reveals that although no specific subject focuses on environmental education, it has been given much attention through cross-curricular links. In terms of subjects within the environment, science and technology key learning area, students are mandated to take science from grade 1 to grade 8. In grade 9 to grade 12, students are offered specialized disciplines of physics, chemistry, biology and marine science. The environment, science and technology curriculum is organized around five strands. Life and living looks into the biology of humans and that of other living things. It also explores the impact of the environment on life and the

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effects of human intervention on the environment. Earth and beyond looks at the uniqueness of the planet earth and the importance of protecting and preserving resources of earth and its environment. Matter and materials looks at the composition and properties of matter in general and, specifically, at how to use and manage various materials and how the use of materials influences the environment. Energy and change looks at various forms of energy, and the social implications related to their use. While these four strands are all content strands, the next one (Working scientifically) is a process strand which focuses on the inquiry and investigation skills students develop through their study of science. An overview of the strands of this key learning area suggests that environmental education is at the forefront of the science curriculum and its dual emphasis on building knowledge and skills is particularly assuring. Social studies is another key learning area that has relevance to environmental education. The curriculum for social studies is mapped along six strands: culture and identity; people, places and environment; the economic world; time, continuity and change; active citizenship; and investigation, communication and participation. The key learning area has a strong Maldivian focus and encourages students to reflect on the potential consequences of individual and social actions, and also consider effective resource management options. Therefore, it appears to fill the gap of a lack of local context, as identified in previous curriculums, and provides the skills required in putting problem-solving into action. An evaluation of the curriculum documents alone suggests that environmental education has a strong focus in the learning processes students go through at school. However, whether these become effectively implemented as planned is a matter that needs to be investigated. The outcome-based curriculum is designed along constructive approaches to learning and teachers have been advised to follow a new system of assessment, in order to reflect the learning outcomes to be attained, which considers both subject-specific content knowledge and cross-curricular key competencies. Therefore, teachers are expected to cope with a whole range of unfamiliar issues: a curriculum that is outcomes-based; a curriculum that places a heavy emphasis on key competencies; a curriculum that requires a pedagogical mind-shift to implement; a curriculum that requires teachers to move from summative to formative assessment practices. Those are in heavy demand on any teaching force. How successfully teachers are able to put them into practice remains to be seen. Highlighting the important role that teachers play in educating environmental consciousness and sustainable practices, Samuelsson and Park (2017) argue that an effective environmental education curriculum must be open and flexible enough to afford teachers opportunities to reflect on how children’s learning can be supported and contextualized. Gough (2017) supports



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this argument, pointing out that a traditional teacher-centred approach is not appropriate for effective environmental education. Learning needs to be experiential to allow students to engage meaningfully with environmental problems through a combination of field work and critical reflection, building skills of problem-solving, innovation and citizenship. ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS IN THE MALDIVES Formalized environmental education allowed development of concern for the environment in young children and future generations. This is undoubtedly an essential part of environmental protection and conservation. At the same time generating this concern in the general public needs to be part and parcel of this movement. Establishing the environmental sector was identified as an urgent need by the government in the early 1980s. The Maldivian government invited a prominent marine biologist from Australia, Professor Kenchington, to develop environmental management in the Maldives (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). Appointing a minister for planning and environmental affairs and establishing an environmental authority under the minister were among the recommendations by Professor Kenchington. The need for environmental awareness among the public was identified as a priority in such early efforts. The proposed organizational structure for the environmental authority by Professor Kenchington had a separate department called Department for Public Awareness and Education (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). The mandates of the staff of that department included coordinating environmental awareness programmes and generating publicity to create environmental awareness among the public. Environmental awareness raising was conducted through information sessions given by the staff of the Energy Authority, public seminars by international experts as well as incorporating environmental information sessions in sectoral training. For example, such information sessions were incorporated into the island chief training courses conducted by the Ministry of Atolls (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). A National Environment Action Plan (NEAP) was developed in the early 1990s. The first NEAP, 1991–1996, focused more on institutional development of the sector. At a programme level, attention was placed on the preparation of public awareness and non-formal education materials (Ministry of Planning and Environment, n.d.). In the second NEAP, the awareness raising was focused on developing pro-environmental behaviours such as ‘waste minimisation, shopping habits, responsible use of non-renewable resources and transport related aspects’ (Ministry of Home Affairs, Housing and Environment, 1999, p. 29). Over the years, the development of the environment

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sector, environmental awareness and education have remained a central objective. However, they have been integrated sectorally as seen in the third NEAP in which the focus was on improving the quality and outreach of such programmes (Ministry of Housing, Transport and Environment, n.d.). The environmental sector in the Maldives emerged with top-level government initiation by the then President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, signalling the high-level official priority given at national level to the development of the sector. The involvement of the president in many environmental sector initiatives and activities both locally and internationally garnered media attention. Among the most notable activities were the World Environment Day (WED) celebrations, noted as ‘a colourful event’ by the Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water (2008). National addressing by the president and the environment minister were highlighted among the important activities of the first WED celebration. This highest-level government interest also had the effect of subconsciously developing the idea of environmental issues among the public. WED activities had a much more central role in awareness raising as from the beginning, they were celebrations bustling with activity and with involvement from the whole public. Activities such as tree planting, island and lagoon clean-ups and no-vehicle days were celebrated at a national level, with individuals, community groups and office staff working together in a festive atmosphere. That helped create hype among the public regarding the environment and environmental issues. Together, the ‘colourful celebrations’ and the highlevel endorsement from the president helped establish the term thimaaveshi (the Dhivehi word for environment) as a household word in the country. Today, the level of celebration and involvement has lessened compared to the early heydays. M. Mohamed (2012) describes how the use of the word thimaaveshi led to people associating the term more with the Ministry of Environment and government-led environmental activities. That was so much the case that M. Mohamed (2012) had to completely avoid the word thimaaveshi in field work and instead used terms from the natural environment such as ‘reef’, ‘lagoon’ and ‘coral’ to talk with people about their natural environment and how they interacted with it (Mohamed, 2012). Engagement of civil groups emerged as the next wave of awareness raising. One such notable group is Writers on the Environment (WE). WE was established on 5th June 1988 with the aim to raise public awareness on the environment through news and writings. Among its notable work was the leaflet series Aharemenge Thimaaveshi (Our Environment) which was published and circulated to all inhabited islands. Prominent writers contributed to writing about the Maldivian environment and its fauna and flora. Through the work of WE, a section on writings on the environment was opened in the National Library on 17 November 1994.



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At the same time in the late 1980s and early 1990s, civil groups, such as environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and eco clubs, interested in environmental conservation began to emerge. Blue Peace and Ecocare are among the earliest and most notable environmental NGOs that still continue to work in the arena.1 From the early days, environmental awareness raising among the public and schools has been at the heart of the work of environmental NGOs. Today environment clubs are part of all schools in the Maldives and contribute to the efforts of awareness raising. To promote environmental stewardship and to recognize the efforts of NGOs and other environmental organizations, the Government of the Maldives started the Green Leaf Award in 1995 (Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 2008). Similarly, the President of Maldives Green Resort Award was introduced in 1997 with the aim of creating awareness about the importance of the fragile Maldivian environment for sustainability of the tourism sector (Ministry of Tourism, 2016). Both the awards are not given presently but recent talks have been ongoing to resume them. Many other awards both for NGOs and the tourism sector incorporate recognition of services to protection of the environment. EFFECTIVENESS OF ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS EFFORTS As can be seen from the earlier-given narrative, environmental awareness efforts have continued to be a prominent part of the development of the environmental sector in the Maldives. Questions remain. Have these awareness efforts been effective? Have these efforts created an environmentally conscious society that practises pro-environmental behaviours? Various studies on environmental awareness among Maldivians show that they have high awareness and understanding of local and global environmental issues (Environment Research Centre, 2007; Shafeeqa and Clothier, 2009; Smith et al., 2006). This may be attributed to the many national-level environmental awareness campaigns that have been conducted in the country. Participants of these studies show high awareness of local environmental issues such as waste management, coastal erosion and global environment. Participants have high knowledge of climate change and sea-level rise. The government has spent a lot of efforts in creating awareness about climate change and especially the vulnerability of islands to rising sea levels. In 1989, the Maldives hosted the Small States Conference on Sea Level Rise. In addition, addresses by Maldivian political leaders on perils to the global community continued to add media attention, thus increasing the level of awareness on such global environmental issues among the Maldivian public.

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Although those efforts increased information to the public, they also alienated local thinking and added to the illusion of something that is happening at a distance. Arnall and Kothari (2015) discuss the issue of climate change and how for locals the impact of climate change in the form of rising sea levels is not as significant as more immediate issues such as beach erosion. In fact, there was widespread scepticism regarding climate change among the locals. Mohamed (2012, p. 49) reports that ‘participants find the idea of climate change to be far-fetched’. This different understanding of timescales in relation to climate change is highlighted by Arnall and Kothari (2015). CONCLUSION This chapter has shown that the current national curriculum places a high priority on environmental education and that there appears to be an equally high level of awareness and knowledge about environmental issues among the public. However, it is alarming to note that there is little translation of such policies and knowledge to pro-environmental behaviour. The amount of litter on the roads of Malé or the accumulated garbage on the beaches of both inhabited islands and picnic islands that locals visit are testimony to the lack of effectiveness of environmental awareness raising. This leads us to question whether the modes of awareness raising are sufficient. It suggests that the fundamentals of environmental education, demonstrating the interconnectedness of the natural ecosystem and the social and economic spheres, have not been truly achieved. There appears to be a disharmony between educational efforts and individual motivation. There is an immediate and urgent need for local research on understanding the disparity between environmental education, consciousness and action. NOTE 1. To deepen the discussion on Maldivian environmental NGOs, see Shadiya, chapter 8, ‘Governance, Activism and Environment in the Maldives’, this volume.

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Arnall, A. and Kothari, U. (2015). ‘Challenging Climate Change and Migration Discourse: Different Understandings of Timescale and Temporality in the Maldives’. Global Environmental Change 31: 199–206. Athman, J. and Monroe, M. C. (2001). ‘Elements of Effective Environmental Education Programs’. In Defining Best Practices in Boating, Fishing, and Stewardship Education, edited by Fedler, A., 37–48. Washington, DC: Recreational Boating and Fishing Foundation. Aturupane, H. and Shojo, M. (2012). Expanding Access and Enhancing the Economic Benefits of Education in the Maldives: Challenges and Prospects. South Asia: Human Development Unit Discussion Paper Series. Accessed 2 May 2019. http:// documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/docsearch/country/82523. Bailey, L. H. (1903). The Nature-Study Idea: Being an Interpretation of the New School-Movement to Put the Child in Sympathy with Nature. New York: Doubleday, Page & Co. Barnes, M., Moore, D. and Almeida, S. (2018). ‘Sustainability in Australian Schools: A Cross-Curriculum Priority?’ Prospects. Accessed 4 June 2019. https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11125-018-9437-x Bartosh, O. (2003). ‘Environmental Education: Improving Student Achievement’. Unpublished Master’s thesis. The Evergreen State College, Washington. Benson, C. and Kosonen, K. (2013). Language Issues in Comparative Education: Inclusive Teaching and Learning in Non-Dominant Languages and Cultures. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Berkes, F. (2012). Sacred Ecology. New York: Routledge. Casinader, N. and Kidman, G. (2018). ‘Fieldwork, Sustainability, and Environmental Education: The Centrality of Geographical Inquiry’. Australian Journal of Environmental Education 34, no. 1: 1–17. Chapman, D. J. (2011). ‘Environmental Education and the Politics of Curriculum: A National Case Study’. The Journal of Environmental Education 42, no. 3: 193–202. Clayton, S. (2003). ‘Environmental Identity: A Conceptual and an Operational Definition’. In Identity and the Natural Environment, edited by Clayton, S. and Opotow, D., 45–65. Hong Kong: MIT Press. Educational Development Centre (2009). Report on Stakeholder Consultations for Curriculum Reform. Unpublished report. Malé: Educational Development Centre. Environment Research Center (2007). Public Perceptions on the Environment: A Maldivian Perspective. Malé: Environment Research Center. Ernst, J. (2009). ‘Influences on U.S. Middle School Teachers’ Use of EnvironmentBased Education’. Environmental Education Research 15, no. 1: 71–92. Giroux, H. A. (1988). Teachers as Intellectuals: Towards a Critical Pedagogy of Learning. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. Gough, A. (2017). ‘Educating for the Marine Environment: Challenges for Schools and Scientists’. Marine Pollution Bulletin 124: 633–638. Harmsworth, G. and Awatere, S. (2013). ‘Indigenous Māori Knowledge and Perspectives of Ecosystems’. In Ecosystem Services in New Zealand: Conditions and Trends, edited by Dymond, J. R., 274–286. Lincoln: Manaaki Whenua Press. Hensley, N. (2011). Curriculum Studies Gone Wild. Bern: Peter Lang.

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Ingold, T. (2011). Being Alive: Essays on Movement, Knowledge and Description. London: Routledge. Jickling, B. and Sterling, S. (2018). Post-Sustainability and Environmental Education. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Jiménez, A., Monroe, M.C., Zamora, N. and Benayas, J. (2017). ‘Trends in Environmental Education for Biodiversity Conservation in Costa Rica’. Environment, Development and Sustainability 19, no. 1: 221–238. Jóhannesson, I., Norðdahl, K., Óskarsdóttir, G., Pálsdóttir, A. and Pétursdóttir, B. (2011). ‘Curriculum Analysis and Education for Sustainable Development in Iceland’, Environmental Education Research 17, no. 3: 375–391. Junot, A., Paquet, Y. and Fenouillet, F. (2018). ‘Place Attachment Influence on Human Well-Being and General Pro-Environmental Behaviours’. Journal of Theoretical Social Psychology 2, no. 2: 49–57. Kelly, A. V. (2004). The Curriculum: Theory and Practice. London: SAGE. Kudryavtsev, A., Stedman, R. C. and Kransy, M. E. (2012). ‘Sense of Place in Environmental Education’. Environmental Education Research 18, no. 2: 229–250. Lave, J. W. and Wenger, E. (1991). Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leopald, A. (1949). A Sand County Almanac and Sketches Here and There. New York: Oxford University Press. Liu, S., Yeh, S., Liang, S., Fang, W. and Tsai, H. (2015). ‘A National Investigation of Teachers’ Environmental Literacy as a Reference for Promoting Environmental Education in Taiwan’. The Journal of Environmental Education 46, no. 2: 114–132. Lutfi, M. (2011). Dhivehi raajjeyge school manhajaai thauleem [School curriculum and education in the Maldives]. (n.p.) May, J. F. (2016). Maldives’ Population Dynamics: Policy Prospects for Human Growth and Opportunity. Malé: UNFPA Maldives Country Office and Ministry of Finance and Treasury. McFarlane, B. L. and Boxall, P. C. (2000). ‘Factors Influencing Forest Values and Attitudes of Two Stakeholder Groups: The Case of the Foothills Model Forest, Alberta, Canada’. Society and Natural Resources 13, no. 7: 649–661. McGlone, M. S. (1989). ‘The Polynesian Settlement of New Zealand in Relation to Environmental and Biotic Changes’. New Zealand Journal of Ecology 12: 115–129. McLaren, P. and Giroux, H. (1997). Writing from the Margins: Geographies of Identity, Pedagogy and Power. Boulder: Westview Press. Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water (2008). Dhivehi Rajjeyge Thimaavesheege Tharaqee 1978–2007 [Development of Environment Sector of Maldives 1978–2007]. Malé: Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water. Ministry of Home Affairs, Housing and Environment (1999). National Environment Action Plan. Malé: Ministry of Home Affairs, Housing and Environment. Ministry of Housing, Transport and Environment (n.d.). Third National Environment Action Plan. Malé: Government of Maldives. Ministry of Planning and Environment (n.d.). Second National Environment Action Plan. Malé: Government of Maldives. Ministry of Planning and National Development (2008). Analytical Report 2006: Popoulation and Housing Census 2006. Malé: Government of Maldives.



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Ministry of Tourism (2016). Designing the Trophy Given as the Maldivian Tourism Green Award TOR. Malé: Government of Maldives. Mintz, K. and Tal, T. (2018). ‘The Place of Content and Pedagogy in Shaping Sustainability Learning Outcomes in Higher Education’. Environmental Education Research 24, no. 2: 207–229. Mohamed, M. (2012). ‘Changing Reef Values: An Inquiry into the Use, Management and Governance of Reef Resources in Island Communities of the Maldives’. Unpublished Doctoral thesis. University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand. Mohamed, N. (2013). ‘The Challenge of Medium of Instruction: A View from Maldivian Classrooms’. Current Issues in Language Planning 14, no. 1: 185–203. Mohamed, N. (2019). ‘From a Monolingual to a Multilingual Nation: Analysing the Language Education Policy in the Maldives’. In Routledge Handbook on Language Education Policy in Asia, edited by Kirkpatrick, A. and Liddicoat, A., 414–426. London: Routledge. National Institute of Education (2014). National Curriculum Framework. Malé: National Institute of Education. National Institute of Education (2015). Key Competency Guide. Malé: National Institute of Education. Pothitou, M., Hanna, R. and Chalvatzis, K. (2016). ‘Environmental Knowledge, ProEnvironmental Behavior and Energy Savings in Households: An Empirical Study’. Applied Energy 184: 1217–1229. Robottom, I. and Kyburz-Graber, R. (2000). ‘Recent International Developments in Professional Development in Environmental Education: Reflections and Issues’. Canadian Journal of Environmental Education 5: 1–19. Saeed, S. (2003). ‘Maldivian Ways of Knowing: An Inquiry into Cultural Knowledge Traditions and Implications for Schooling’. Unpublished Doctoral thesis. University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada. Samuelsson, I. P. and Park, E. (2017). ‘How to Educate Children for Sustainable Learning and for a Sustainable World’. International Journal of Early Childhood 49: 273–285. Schiro, M.S. (2013). Curriculum Theory. London: SAGE. Seymour, E., Curtis, A., Pannell, D., Allan, C. and Roberts, A. (2010). ‘Understanding the Role of Assigned Values in Natural Resource Management’. Australasian Journal of Environmental Management 17, no. 3: 142–153. Shafeeqa, F. and Clothier, H. (2009). A Rapid Assessment of Perceptions: Regional Development Project (Phase II) Community Mobilization and Environmental Awareness. Malé: Live and Learn Environmental Education. Shobeiri, S. M., Omidvar, B. and Prahallada, N. N. (2007). ‘A Comparative Study of Environmental Awareness among Secondary School Students in Iran and India’. International Journal of Environmental Research 1, no. 1: 28–34. Smith, J., Neilson C., Shafeeqa F., Ahmed Z. and Henderson, R. (2006). A Rapid Assessment of Perceptions into Environmental Management in the Maldives Volume 1: Environmental Education and Community Mobilization. Malé: Live and Learn Environmental Education. Stapleton, S. (2015). ‘Environmental Identity Development through Social Interactions, Action, and Recognition’. The Journal of Environmental Education 46, no. 2: 94–113.

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Chapter 2

The Gender Dimension of Environment in the Maldives Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg and Aminath Abdulla

The environmental concern, in the broadest sense of the term, manifests itself in different ways in different parts of the world but also produces different impacts on people’s lives, depending on their cultural belonging, their role and responsibility and the socio-economic, political and legal context in which they live. This difference depends on a multiplicity of variables, among which gender stands out (Zelezny, Chua and Aldrich, 2000; UNEP, 2016; Resurrección, 2017). The issue of gender, related to climate change, is relatively new, as noted by MacGregor in 2010: ‘The concept of gender is almost completely absent in policy documents and research reports on climate change at all levels. This comes as no surprise since there is persistent blindness to gender within the broad field of environmental politics’ (MacGregor, 2010, p. 223). In recent years, the theme has taken on full international visibility and entered significantly into the environmental debate concerning environmental justice and gender equality: The different ways in which environmental conditions impact the lives of women and men is largely a result of existing inequalities around the world. Gender roles often create differences in the way men and women act about the environment, and in the ways, men and women are enabled or prevented from acting as agents of environmental change. (UNEP, 2017, p. 4)

Women, for cultural and social reasons, are often the most vulnerable part of society, and are the first victims in case of environmental disaster. At the same time, the political representation of women, women’s empowerment and women’s agency in climate action are still very limited in many countries.

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In most societies even today, there persist deep-rooted gender inequalities that adversely affect the urban and rural environment: Their different positions in relation to the environment may mean women and men have exposures to very different environmental problems and risks and have very different ideas about the seriousness of environmental problems and appropriate interventions, adaptations and solutions. Furthermore, because of structural inequalities in societies, they may have different – usually unequal – capacities and adopt different approaches with respect to environmental interpretation and change. (UNEP, 2017, p. 43)

Gender belonging, in relation to environmental issues, however, cannot be treated as a dichotomous division – woman/man – or a homogeneous whole but must be placed in the more complex context of difference, such as a multidimensional construction defined according to age, ethnicity, religion, social status, sexual orientation and so on: Recent feminist theories point to the need to understand gender in antiessentialist ways in terms of gendered roles, values, ideologies, and performances, and in terms of how gender cannot be understood in isolation from other constructed categories like race, caste, and ethnicity. . . . Gender and environment theories try to follow this lead and also add to this the ways that gendered subjects are constituted through the environment and natures and our relations to the nonhuman. (Hawkins and Ojeda, 2011, p. 241)

This complexity must be accounted for as a starting point for reading the historical elaboration of gender roles and their links with the environment and nature. In traditional cultures, the use of natural resources, the relationship with plants and animals and their use have produced specific knowledge and different methods of use related to gender roles: ‘The gendered division of labour has resulted in men and women in many societies having distinct forms of traditional knowledge related to biodiversity. Ignoring women marginalizes their specific knowledge’ (Momsen, 2007, p. 154). The rural economy of many societies has, in fact, historically been built on the basis of precise male and female roles that are reflected in well-defined practices, skills, responsibilities and knowledge in activities such as agriculture, animal management, forestry, fishing, hunting, water use, food preparation and waste management. In the cultural and social context of many countries, including the Maldives, this rigid categorization of gender roles has allowed the perpetuation of widespread disparities between women and men in many fields. Land tenure and access to and management of resources are predominantly male dominated: in 2011, globally, less than 20 per cent of landholders were women



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(FAO, 2010). Differences worldwide can also be observed in energy use and production and the health consequences of pollution that every year causes the death of 4.3 million people from exposure to household air pollutants. Women involved in domestic activities and also young children are disproportionately exposed to the health risks associated with household energy use (WHO, 2016). The concept of waste, in turn, is not a gender-neutral, objective concept, but one that is deeply rooted in the local social context. In many societies, such as the Maldivian one, women are responsible for the management of waste within their own families, and often the whole community (Malatesta et al., 2015; Schmidt di Friedberg and Malatesta, 2017). Therefore, the design of interventions to modify the use, production or management of waste such as plastic requires a gender perspective (Buckingham, Reeves and Batchelor, 2005). The destruction of forests (Agarwal, 1992), the depletion of marine resources (Clabots, 2013) and, in general, changes in ecosystems can have particularly severe effects on women’s activities linked to subsistence practices in these sectors: As Agarwal (1992, p. 126) argues, women’s and men’s relationship with nature is shaped by the specific ways in which they interact with the environment. Insofar as there is a gender and class (caste/race)-based division of labour and distribution of property and power, gender and class (caste/race) structure people’s interactions with nature and so structure the effects of environmental change on people and their responses to it. (Kurian, 2018, p. 6)

Recently the theme of climate change is proposed as a cross-cutting issue in the linkages between gender and the environment in relation to a large number of thematic areas, including food production and food security, domestic water and sanitation, energy, waste management, sustainable consumption and production, marine and coastal communities and ecosystems, forests, health, conflicts and disasters (UNEP, 2016). At the global level, gender perspectives and a gender mainstreaming policy have been introduced in many international frameworks and multilateral environmental agreements (see Convention on Biological Diversity’s Gender Plan of Action 2015–2020, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement1). The Millennium Development Goals 2000–2015 (MDGs) have promoted women’s empowerment and gender equality as key objectives to be achieved by 2015. However, gender-specific targets were limited in the MDGs and gender targets were not linked to environmental sustainability targets (UN 2015). In the 2015–2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), a strong focus on gender issues is reaffirmed, in particular in Goal 5 (Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls). A significant step forward, however, is the fact that gender equity is now related with environmental issues,

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integrating Goal 5 with other goals,2 through explicit indicators (Loewe and Rippin, 2015). The impacts of ‘natural’3 disasters, in turn, are gender-differentiated: ‘natural disasters on average kill more women than men or kill women at a younger age than men, and the more so, the stronger the disaster’ (Neumayer and Plümper, 2007, p. 552). According to Emma Fulu: Disasters occur in highly gendered contexts. . . . How men and women are impacted by and respond to, a disaster is directly related to existing gender roles, relative socio-economic status and political power differentials in predisaster situations. . . . At the same time, disasters also offer opportunities to challenge gender and social inequalities by setting changes in motion. (Fulu, 2007, pp. 843–844)

International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR) have been working jointly to integrate gender issues and gender mainstreaming into disaster risk reduction since 2006 (UN, UNISDR, UNDP and IUCN, 2009, p. vi). Gender, therefore, could be considered as an indicator of vulnerability (Mehta, 2007). Vulnerabilities, however, ‘are dependent on a complex interplay of various factors including gender, class, ethnicity and age. The definition of all women as vulnerable is not only oversimplified but reinforces stereotyped gender roles which in turn has a negative effect on their recovery’ (Fulu, 2007, p. 845). Women, men, girls and boys commonly have distinct vulnerabilities, depending on age and socio-economic status. This difference shapes the way they experience disaster, and also their resilience to recover from it. The consequences during the aftermath of disaster and recovery are also gender-differentiated. For instance, following disasters, women and girls suffer more from shortages of food and availability of drinking water, lack of health care and economic resources (Neumayer and Plümper, 2007) and it is more likely that they will be at higher risk from the increase of domestic and sexual violence: women often even avoid using shelters for fear of being sexually assaulted (Davis et al., 2005). According to the Red Cross, the tsunami of 2004 killed more than 220,000 people while more than 1.6 million people have been displaced (Oxfam, 2005). In the Maldives, almost one-third of the country’s 300,000 people were directly affected, with nearly 12,000 people displaced and another 8,500 temporarily relocated within their islands4 (World Bank, 2005, p. 4): ‘The tsunami which reached the Maldives at 9:20 a.m. on 26 December 2004 was the worst natural disaster in Maldivian history’ (Fulu, 2007, pp. 848–849). As in many other countries, despite the tendency to highlight only the vulnerability of women during the 2004 tsunami, what has strongly



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emerged is their resilience and ability to cope with disaster. As Emma Fulu reiterates: Women are in fact central to disaster management. . . . Women of the Maldives were not merely passive victims of the tsunami, but continually demonstrated agency, strength and resilience. For example, women actively cared for families and communities and set up communal kitchens, cooking in shifts for the displaced populations on each island. They were also heavily involved in the re-establishment of school and pre-school facilities. (Fulu, 2007, p. 854)

This chapter aims to integrate the discussion of gender issues with an understanding of the environmental challenges. As the theme has become very topical today, we mainly draw on two theoretical references: environmental and climate change on one side and gender studies on the other, proposing a reading of the relations between the two themes. The trans-scalar perspective is generally essential for any discussion of local community responses to environmental challenges. We combine the reading of the gendered dimension of the environmental debate in global dynamics with an understanding of the national context of the Maldives. To deal with the local level, we present a case study of the southern atoll of Gaafu and the links between craftsmanship and environmental conservation in the projects carried out by the women of the islands. GENDER AND ENVIRONMENT IN THE MALDIVES: FACTS AND FIGURES Pervasive environmental risk is a crucial topic in the contemporary history of the Maldives (Kelman et al., 2019). With three-quarters of the land less than a meter above sea-level, the Maldives is one of the lowest countries in the world: ‘The low elevation of the islands makes them vulnerable to slow-onset hazards, such as coastal erosion, sea-level rise, salinity intrusion, and change in monsoon patterns and hence rainfall’ (Stojanov et al., 2017, p. 1). All the islands are affected by ‘ecological fragility and economic vulnerability’ (Ghina, 2003, p. 139) to climate change: ‘climate change is a cross-cutting development issue as it affects every aspect of the Maldivian way and livelihoods’ (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2015, p. 10). The subject has been addressed in many recent national documents: the Strategic National Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation 2010–2020 (SNAP) ‘aims to build the resilience of the nation and the island communities to disasters and climate change impacts . . . by incorporating risk reduction into the strategy for development’ (Republic of the Maldives,

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2009, p. 11). The Government of the Maldives has ensured that national policies and programmes follow principles of sustainable development and supports progress related to SDGs, such as those related to health, water resources, clean energy and climate change mitigation and adaptation. Human settlement in the Maldives is very long established. The islands, inhabited for over 2,000 years, have always been a meeting point for international cultures and trade: ‘The country is connected by bonds of language and religion. Everyone speaks Dhivehi and is required by law to be Muslim. Islam is integral to the Maldives and is woven into many aspects of daily life, particularly matters related to the family. The Maldives has historically prided itself on its liberalism, although recent years have seen a spread of more conservative strain’ (Fulu, 2007, p. 846). The status of women in the country has traditionally been fairly high in the family and community. The writings of ancient travellers, such as Al-Idrisi (Maqbul, 1960) and Ibn Batuta (Batuta, 1984), mention the presence of sultanas and women rulers. Maloney (1980) and Kulikov (2014) suggest the existence of matrilineal patterns of lineage in ancient times. Historically and to this day, gender roles have always been mediated by social positioning based on socio-economic and religious conditions, with different constraints and opportunities to participate in public life (Razee, 2000). Another essential element of identity-belonging is the urban versus outer island divide and the tradition of inequalities between Malé and the atolls. The total registered population of the Maldives, in 2018, available through administrative data sources, reported 374,775 inhabitants, including resident foreigners, of which 182,945 were females and 191,830 males. The projected mid-year population of the capital Malé in the same year consists of 204,965 inhabitants, of which 80,885 were females and 124,080 males, on an area of about 5.8 kilometre square (National Bureau of Statistics, 2019). The difference between the male and female population can be explained by the fact that there are many more male immigrants than female immigrants. The share of female-headed households in the country is very high. According to the 2014 Census, 56 per cent of the households are headed by males, 40 per cent by females (Women Headed Households, 23,756) and the rest is not stated. The proportion of female-headed households is higher in the atolls (42 per cent compared to 38 per cent in Malé) (National Bureau of Statistics, 2016, p. 21) and they are likely to be poorer than households headed by men (Asian Development Bank, 2014, 2015; El-Horr and Pande, 2016). The Maldives made significant progress towards the MDGs and achieved five out of the eight MDGs ahead of the 2015 deadline. Despite this notable progress, MDG Goal 35 – gender equality and women’s empowerment – was not achieved. Discrimination of women, gender-based violence and abuse, and lack of women at the decision-making level or in political position are



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still urgent challenges: ‘Women face legal obstacles to their participation in development in some areas including with respect to property rights, inheritance and provision of legal evidence’ (Department of National Planning, 2010, p. 9). In the new 2030 Agenda of Sustainable Development, additional emphasis has been placed on SDG Goal 5 – Achieve Gender Equality and Empower All Women and Girls – and an increased focus on gender parity in all goals (National Bureau of Statistics, 2018). The Maldivian Communication Strategy and Action Plan 2019–2023 includes these priority areas: ‘eliminating violence and abuse against women, recognition to unpaid domestic work and childcare, breaking stereotypes in the society for roles of men and women, the importance of women in decision making and economic empowerment of women’ (Rahman, Shaad and Khaleel, 2019, p. 30). The Maldives, over the past few decades, has undertaken national and international commitments to promote gender equality. In 1993, the Maldives became a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) and to the CEDAW Optional Protocol in 2006. The 2008 Constitution of the Maldives ensured gender equality6 and introduced gender mainstreaming as national policy (UNDP, 2011; Ritchie, Rogers and Sauer, 2014). In 2016, the Gender Equality Act of August (Act Number: 18/2016) guaranteed gender equality between men and women and served the purpose of eliminating gender-based discrimination and violence. However, according to the Global Gender Gap Report 2018, Maldives ranks 113 (score 0.662) out of 149 countries (World Economic Forum, 2018, pp. 10–11). The best score is on educational attainment, with significant improvement in gender equality, literacy rates, enrolment and school achievements at all levels. Less positive is health, political, economic and social empowerment (Asian Development Bank, 2014). There is also an evident gender disparity in labour force participation rate and unemployment rate (5.9 per cent women, 4.8 per cent men).7 For women, in addition to the difficulty of finding a suitable job on their island of residence, there is the burden of household chores and family care and there are no organized child-care facilities available. The Maldives currently has a limited presence of women in political affairs. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the Maldives ranks 183rd out of 193 countries in terms of the number of female Members of Parliament. In the elections of April 2019, 4 women (4.6 per cent) were elected in the 87-member People’s Majlis (IPU 2019). Women are starkly under-represented also at the local level. Of the 653 islands councillors, only 40 of them were females (Transparency Maldives, 2015). To support community needs, in most of the islands and cities, a Women’s Development Committee (WDC) is periodically elected by all the inhabitants of the island, serving three-year terms. The institution, formalized in 1982 throughout the archipelago, has a long history (Maloney, 2008). The main functions of the WDC, which works under

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the local council, are the care of the public space, the organization of some events and demonstrations, the education of pre-school age children and, in some cases, the management of relations with other neighbouring islands. However, despite the fact that WDCs have obtained legal standing by Articles 35–38 of the Decentralization Act of 2010, in many cases, their operation is limited by the lack of funds (UNDP, 2011; Transparency Maldives, 2015). WOMEN TRADITIONAL ‘CURATORS’ OF DIVERSITY The collective response to environmental changes is deeply connected to the public roles women and men play within local communities. Historically, the rigid gendered division of labour has reduced women to a subordinate position and has limited women’s active participation in economic leadership and the political sphere. In the Maldives, as we have seen, women are on one side the most vulnerable members of local communities, since many activities implying mobility are strongly gender polarized, privileging men, while women are committed to daily household routines. On the other hand, women have always been key actors both for the social structure of the islands and for their economic balance, as they are formally in charge of pupils’ education and of several cultural, economic and political activities, and usually have the responsibility of caring and maintaining public sites and places. The island communities have always depended on natural resources for their sustenance and livelihood security (Mohamed, 2018). Gendered local knowledge and community-based practices have contributed over the centuries to the maintenance of natural resources and the concern for the conservation of the biological diversity of the islands: Biodiversity constitutes an important component of women’s coping mechanisms to deal with environmental hazards. Recognising the importance of biodiversity, women have become ‘curators’ of diversity and strive endlessly to maintain it. Yet while women have historically played an important and central role in producing food and managing the environment, especially in the conservation and enhancement of genetic resources, this work often remains hidden and is not acknowledged. (Kanvinde, 1999, 5, p. 2)

As a result of the division of labour, women in the Maldives have traditionally played a major role in rural and household production, based on access to and maintenance of the islands natural resources. Fishing in the islands has always been a male-dominated activity. However, women have always had a dominant role in the preharvest and postharvest stages of fishing, such as fish processing, drying and salting fish, rihaakuru (fish paste) making and making food to sell (Asian Development Bank, 2014; Wessels, 2017). The



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decline of traditional fisheries, mechanization and commercialization of fishing substantially reduced the need for processing, which was done mostly by women, causing a decline in their labour force participation (Fulu and Miedema, 2015). According to HSIES, in 2011 the agriculture sector employed 4,695 registered farmers, 2,511 of whom were women (54 per cent) (Shafia, 2012, p. 14). Generally, women play a significant role in the production sphere and lack participation in management and decision making. The reasons for their poor participation in leadership can be stated as the overwhelming family and onfarm responsibilities, lack of capacity and awareness on the opportunities that exist for women. (Shafia, 2012, p. 4)

Women are engaged in all activities related to agricultural production, from the selection of agricultural plots, to seed selection, harvesting and pest control. They are also responsible for home gardens and crops for commercial use (traditionally chilli) (Kanvinde, 1999, 4, p. 4). Women’s traditional skills remain as well in the handicraft sector, with different crafts present in different islands (Forbes and Ali, 1980). In the past, women used to collect natural materials, like cowry shells, breadfruit and firewood and they used to make local fibre-based handicrafts, like coir ropes, ekel brooms, thatch for roofing, coconut’s husks and oil products and mats (Maloney, 1980). Women have developed capacities to use in a balanced manner the interwoven ecosystems of forests, farms, home gardens and livestock production. Women’s collection of fuel and other forest materials, coupled with their farm and home production activities, play an essential part in helping to balance resource flows and maintain local economic systems in a sustainable fashion. (Kanvinde, 1999, 5, p. 3)

At present, increased dependence on imported products is likely to reduce local agro-biodiversity in the long-term. At the same time, specific traditional processing skills are at risk to disappear with the older generation of women. At the local level, ahead we present a case study of the manufacture of decorative mats in the southern atoll of Gaafu, which connect the preservation of a specific marshland ecosystem with the preservation of the fine art industry, carried out exclusively by women. CASE STUDY: HAU CULTIVATION AND THUNDU KUNAA WEAVING IN GAAFU ATOLL (HUVADHOO) Gaafu Atoll is situated in the south of the low-lying coral island nation of the Maldives and is one of the largest natural atolls in the world (MEEW,

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2007, p. 36). For administrative purposes, the atoll is divided into two atolls: Gaafu Alifu (GA) Atoll (North Huvadhoo Atoll) and Gaafu Dhaalu (GDh) Atoll (South Huvadhoo Atoll). The capital of Gaafu Alifu is Villingili and the capital of the Gaafu Dhaalu is Thinandhoo. Fiyori lies south-west in GDh Atoll and is one of the few islands that cultivate the reed – locally known as hau (Cyperus polystachyos) – which is used to weave the authentic reed mat, traditional handicrafts of the Maldives.8 The wetland system of Fiyori could be regarded as an essential ecosystem, and it is ecologically significant because several migratory birds, most of which are protected species of the Maldives, are sighted on the marshland. Fiyori is vital for the Thundu Kunaa (traditional reed mat) industry for the high-quality hau or swamp grass reed it produces. Several other islands in the atoll, in the past, attempted hau production, but none of them were able to surpass Fiyori, in terms of quality or quantity. The island’s particular soil conditions and its marshy swamps, locally known as olhu, seem to be particularly conducive to the production of robust and durable hau. While Fiyori supplies the raw materials, the best Thundu Kunaa is produced on the island of Gahdhoo. Given the dearth of historical research on Thundu Kunaa production, it is almost impossible to attribute a specific period as to when kunaa production in Gahdhoo began. However, from the little material available, it can be gleaned that Gahdhoo’s reputation, as a Thundu Kunaa production centre, started in ancient times.9 During the Maldives interaction with colonial powers, kunaa produced in Gahdhoo were exchanged as royal tributes to the Dutch and British. Likewise, lithographs and drawings, published in the late 1800s, indicate that the kunaa of Gahdhoo had cemented its reputation as a centre for high-quality craftsmanship a few centuries ago (Forbes and Ali, 1980). The preservation of the hand-woven mats, made by women as national heritage of the Maldives, is thus linked to the preservation of an entire ecosystem, producing the raw materials and the colours for weaving. Traditionally, Thudu Kunaa produced in Gaafu atoll used three distinct colours: namely black, brown, and yellow for the design motifs. These colours were produced by dyeing the hau or reed through an intricate process. In this regard, the brown is produced by boiling the hau in a mixture of saltwater, roots of Ahi or Noni Tree (Morinda citrifolia). Black requires a more intricate dyeing process and is a tedious and time-consuming process conducted in two phases. The first requires boiling the hau in a mixture of the bark of the Unigas or Beach Gardenia (Guettarda speciosa) and Midhili or Beach Almond (Terminialia catappa) leaves. The hau is then again boiled in a mixture of fermented coconut water and rusty pieces of metal. The dark black hue of the hau is given by oxidization. Yellow colour is produced through a less rigorous process and involves boiling the hau in turmeric. In addition to these three colours, a fourth colour known as white, even though it is the



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Figure 2.1.  Hau Cultivation in Gaafu Atoll. Source and image credit: Federica Adamoli, February 2019.

neutral hue of the dried hau, is also used in the traditional Thundu Kunaa. Once the hau is dyed, the haru or loom is prepared for weaving. The first step involves rodhi furun or threading the loom with string. In earlier times, the stringy bark of the Dhiggaa tree (Sida rhombifolia) was used, according to the specific size and requirement of the mat. If the mat or Thundu Kunaa has specific design motifs on it, then the mat weaver would thread the coloured hau as required. While the design motifs on specific mats varied depending on their use and the social status of the person using them, their meanings and social significance are mostly lost. Weaving is traditionally a female activity in the Maldives. Women have always been involved in all the process of hau cultivation, drying and dyeing to the end product of mat weaving. In Gaafu, a special relationship has thus been maintained between the cultivation and protection of a specific plant – the hau from Fiyori – and the ancient women’s craft of weaving. Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS) is a handicraft cooperative purposed for developing and marketing authentic handicraft items of the rural artisans, registered in 2011. Based on the capital Malé, MACCS was founded by a group of women to assist and promote the development of local arts and facilitate market access for local products. MACCS is also committed through its cooperative to support and educate local communities in the revival of handicrafts and thereby make it a sustainable livelihood activity. In its initial stages of formation, MACCS developed an interest

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Figure 2.2.  Traditional Thundukunaa Weaving. Source and image credit: Federica Adamoli, February 2019.

in Thundu Kunaa as one of the age-old handicrafts in the Maldives, solely practised by women. While working on reviving Thundu Kunaa, MACCS tries to understand the way and context of how this work is done, from the raw materials to the end product. Hau (reed used for mat-weaving) grows in swampy areas in all the southern atolls, but weavers prefer hau from Fiyori, carefully cultivated and harvested by the community. In other islands, the communities do not cultivate reeds or process them like the Fiyori community. The weavers find it more durable and lighter in colour and they say the reed is not hollow inside. MACCS has recognized the cultural value of both the reed growing and mat weaving process practised by women, which has passed down from generation to generation. Only three older people from Fiyori were still continuously growing reed, and this was not enough supply for the weavers, although they got reed from their respective islands. MACCS immediately acted on it by accessing the Global Environment Facility’s Small Grants Programme, implemented by UNDP. The revival was done through an environmental lens and four plots of reeds on the marshland area of Fiyori were cultivated by a group of 20 women. MACCS received two grants for the project Restoration and Regeneration of Natural Vegetation – Reed of duration of one year,10 but there was more work to be done in terms of marketing reeds as well as mats. The project was a success as 20 women learnt the traditional hau cultivation and, at the end of September 2013, four plots of hau were thriving.



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The major challenges are still to transport reed to the weaving islands and the limited business skills of the women. There were no ferry boats between Gahdhoo and Fiyori until 2017 and the only option was to transport it to the capital island of the atoll, Thinadhoo, which is where all the rest of the islanders come for banking, other economic activities and the hospital. MACCS tried to introduce an intermediary who can carry reeds to Thinadhoo and from there to Gahdhdhoo. However, the economic concept of forgoing some money for the middleman did not convince the women involved in the project. MACCS also worked to revive mat weaving in Fiyori and other efforts were made through two more projects again from small grants with Global Environment Facility and Mangroves for the Future (MFF), implemented by UNDP Malé. According to MACCS, the mat weaving industry in Gaafu has been revived and a market for the mats is slowly growing. In its revival efforts, MACCS documented the special process of reed growing, drying, dyeing and some mat patterns, and published two books: Fyoree Rangas (2015), by Aminath Abdullah, literally The Gold Tree of Fiyoree, a Divehi folk story for children, related to the hau; and (in English) The Production & Design of Thundu Kunaa Mats in Huvadhu Atoll (Hood, 2017). During these project periods, MACCS also developed usable products, such as laptop bags, clutch bags and table mats made from the traditional mat in order to increase the demand. MACCS also taught other women how to make the products, so that a supply chain can start. The idea is that they can train additional people, market the products and try to connect the weavers to the resorts within Gaafu Alifu (GA) and Gaafu Dhaalu (GDh) atolls. At present (2019), two weavers from Gahdhdhoo have received a chance to show their work once a week in Ayada resort. In July 2019, MACCS also took some weavers to Medinipur in West Bengal, India, to show them similar kind of mats (called Madur in India), their weaving and process. In Medinipur district, the local weavers use a similar kind of reed (Cyperus Tegetum) and powder dyes for colouring. During the visit, weavers visited an exhibition in the village where all the community members participated. The visit showed to Maldivian weavers how an exhibition can be organized at the community level and the possibility to adopt other kinds of dyes. This gave them the idea to showcase their work at the island level. CONCLUSION This chapter attempted to relate environmental change, and especially heritage biodiversity conservation, to gender issues in the Maldives. A gendered understanding of environmental issues is essential for introducing the cultural and social element into the discussion on climate change, going beyond a

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reduction to the purely geographical or natural dimension. In the rapid social and economic transformation of the country during the past decades, tourism has come to contribute a major element of the Maldives GDP (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2017) and accounts for more than a fifth of employment (National Bureau of Statistics IV, 2018). However, these employment opportunities have not benefitted Maldivian women (Shakeela, Ruhanen and Breakey, 2010; Maldives Human Development Report, 2014): ‘Maldivian women are almost non-existent in the resorts sector’ (Ministry of Tourism Arts and Culture, 2012, p. 43). Social and cultural norms often restrict women from engaging in most tourist-related activities, especially staying on resort islands (Shakeela et al., 2010, p. 67): ‘Adaptation to change has not only created unfavourable gender roles but has also engrained the unequal gender division of labour’ (Lama, 2018, p. 122). The case study shows how the revitalization of earlier traditions and knowledge related to biodiversity and heritage conservation can become an important market niche in the Maldivian economy and a source of income for women. In this context, the role of the NGOs and cooperatives is fundamental to contribute to the association of local handicraft production and the resorts tourism market (Alm and Johansson, 2011). The collaboration of the local IWDC, as provided for in the Fourth Tourism Master Plan, can also increase opportunities for local women in the sector. Small-scale cooperative systems as in the case of MAACS can help reduce overall transaction costs, bring assistance in situations of scarce resources and act as an intermediary in the supply of raw materials and marketing of manufactured products. NOTES 1. In article 7.5: ‘Parties acknowledge that adaptation action should follow a country-driven, gender-responsive, participatory and fully transparent approach [. . .] with a view to integrating adaptation into relevant socio-economic and environmental policies and actions’. Article 11.2 states, ‘Capacity-building should be guided by lessons learned [. . .] and should be an effective, iterative process that is participatory, cross-cutting and gender-responsive’. 2. Goal 3 on health, Goal 7 on energy, Goal 12 on consumption and production, Goal 13 on climate action, Goal 14 on oceans, and Goal 15 on life on land. 3. ‘The impacts of natural disasters are never merely determined by nature on its own. Indeed, it becomes even questionable whether one can talk of “natural” disasters at all’ (Neumayer and Plümper, 2007, pp. 551–552). 4. ‘The Ministry of Gender and Family and the locally well-established UNFPA pushed strongly for an adequate reflection of the gendered impact of the tsunami and the need for a gendered approach to recovery. As a result of this “local” push, the



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report includes a detailed section on gender and also notes gender issues throughout the document in relation to other sectors’ (Fulu, 2007, p. 849). 5. Progress was slow also for MDG 7: Ensuring environmental sustainability, MDG 8: Develop a global partnership for development. 6. Gender Equality Act, 2016, 1, 2: ‘To ensure that every person enjoys, without discrimination based on sex or gender, the fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic of Maldives, as provided by Article 17 of the Constitution of the Republic of Maldives which determines the rights and freedoms to everyone, without discrimination of any kind, including sex or gender and as provided by Article 20 of the Constitution of the Republic of Maldives which states that every individual is equal before and under the law, and is entitled to equal protection and equal benefit of the law’. 7. Unemployment rate by sex, 2014, National Bureau of Statistics Malé, Republic of Maldives). 8. ‘The Maldivian traditional arts and crafts include coir rope work, lacquer work, stone carving, mat weaving and plaiting, textiles and embroidery, metal work, recreational and ceremonial crafts and boatbuilding. From a very early period, visitors have admired Maldivian craftsmanship and skills’ (Jameel and Ahmad, 2012, p. 36). 9. ‘No records of mat-weaving survive from the pre-Islamic era, though it would seem likely that mat-weaving in some form has been practised in the islands since their first settlement over two thousand years ago. The earliest known reference to mats in the Maldives Islands is in Arabic and appears in the Rihla of Ibn Batuta, the renowned “Traveller of Islam” who visited the remote archipelago in 1343–4 and again in 1346’ (Forbes and Ali, 1980). 10. MDV/SGP/OP5/CORE/MF/12/2USD 21,150.

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Razee, H. (2000). Gender and development in the Maldives. A review of twenty years 1979–1999. UN Theme Group on Gender. Accessed 13 November 2020. https:// maldives.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Gender_and_Development_in_ Maldives.pdf. Republic of the Maldives (2009). Strategic National Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation 2010–2020. Malé: Republic of the Maldives. Resurrección, B.P. (2017). ‘Gender and environment from “women, environment and development” to feminist political ecology’, in Routledge Handbook of Gender and Environment, edited by MacGregor, S., 71–85. Oxon: Routledge. Ritchie, M., Rogers, T.A and Sauer, L. (2014). Women’s Empowerment in Political Processes in the Maldives, Washington: IFES. Schmidt di Friedberg, M. and Malatesta, S. (2017). ‘La risposta sociale al cambiamento. Il ruolo delle donne in una comunità insulare: il caso di Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep. of the Maldives)’, Geotema, 53: 88–96. Shafia, A. (2012). Scoping Study on Women’s Leadership in Agriculture Sector in the Maldives. Malé: IFAD-WOCAN. Shakeela, A., Ruhanen, L. and Breakey, N. (2010). ‘Women’s Participation in Tourism: A Case from the Maldives’, in Tourism in the Muslim World, edited by Scott, D. and Jafari, A., 61–71. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Stojanov, R., Duzi, B., Kelman, I., Nemec, D. and Prochazka, D. (2017). ‘Local Perceptions of Climate Change Impacts and Migration Patterns in Male, Maldives’, Geographic Journal 183, no. 4: 370–385. Transparency Maldives (2015). Assessment of Women’s Development Committees in the Maldives. Accessed 1 June 2019. www.transparency.mv. UN-Women and Mary Robinson Foundation (2016). The Full View – Second Edition: Ensuring a comprehensive approach to achieve the goal of gender balance in the UNFCCC process. Accessed 29 November 2019. https://www.unwomen. org/en/digital-library/publications/2016/11/the-full-view-ensuring-gender-balancein-the-unfccc-process UN, UNISDR, UNDP and IUCN (2009). Making Disaster Risk Reduction GenderSensitive Policy and Practical Guidelines. Geneva: UN, UNISDR, UNDP and IUCN. UNDP (2011). Women in Public Life in the Maldives. Situational Analysis, Malé: United Nations Development Programme in the Maldives. UNEP (2016). Global Gender and Environment Outlook, Nairobi: UN Environment. UNEP (2017). Gender and environment: Support kit for UN environment staff. Accessed 28 July 2019. www.unenvironment.org. Wessels, P. (2017). The Roles of Women in Maldivian One-by-One Tuna Supply Chains: A Scoping Study. Dalhousie: International Pole & Line Foundation. WHO (2016). Household air pollution and health. Fact Sheet No. 292. Accessed 10 August 2019. http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs292/en/. World Bank (2005). Maldives Tsunami: Impact and Recovery. Joint Needs Assessment by World Bank-ADB-UN System. Malé: Republic of the Maldives.



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World Economic Forum (2018). The Global Gender Gap Report 2018. Cologny/ Geneva: World Economic Forum. Zakariyya, A., Nisha, M. and Rasha, A. (2007). Handicraft in the Maldives. Malé: Enterprise Development Unit, Ministry of Economic Development and Trade. Zelezny, L.C., Chua, P.P. and Aldrich, C. (2000). ‘Elaborating on Gender Differences in Environmentalism’, Journal of Social Issues 56, no. 3: 443–457.

Chapter 3

Energy Production and Waste Management: The Human Ecology of Maldivian Islands Stefano Malatesta

TWO ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES: ENERGY PRODUCTION AND WASTE MANAGEMENT This chapter discusses environmental policies and socio-environmental interactions on local islands by presenting an overview of the main challenges and complexities that characterize waste management and energy production in the Maldives. At local level, these issues may be understood as human activities with a heavy impact on small island environments. At supralocal levels (both national and international), they may be seen more as part of the transition towards sustainable solutions and key actions within climate change mitigation and adaptation policies (Peterson, 2013; Colombo et al., 2014; UNEP 2014; Malatesta et al., 2015; Mohamed et al., 2016c; Malatesta and Schmidt di Friedberg, 2017; Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2017c; Liu et al., 2018). The Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Mohamed et al., 2016), by reporting data gathered by the National Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Inventory of Maldives, indicated energy production and waste management as the primary anthropic factors determining GHG emissions at national level. The chapter provides a multi-layered analysis of political and geographical features related to these issues. Regarding energy production, the argument shows how recent public and private actors have been investing to develop renewable technology, within a scenario still largely based on kerosene and fossil fuels burning. Regarding waste management, emphasis is placed on the elements that are strongly linked to the Maldivian case: the coexistence of different waste management models within the same territory; the geographical relevance of distance and dispersion on solid waste disposal procedures 64



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and costs; the implementation of regional and national regulations; and the impact of exogenous consumption models and lifestyles. The chapter adopts a perspective, inspired by the ‘human ecology’ paradigm, showing how the description of the ‘interactions between social practices, values and change’ (Adger et al., 2013, p. 112) is vital to understand socio-environmental systems. Moreover, as reminded by Pelling and Uitto, the discussion of socio-environmental processes on small islands must focus on the relations among local dynamics and the ‘global political and economic systems and of physical processes that are global in scale’ (Pelling and Uitto, 2001, p. 52). The description of human ecology of the Maldivian islands shows the coexistence of two strategies: the strengthening of a place-based vision that privileges on-site processes, and the need to promote regional connections that allow the establishment of efficient territorial systems at supra-local scales. With primary reference to official and ministerial sources, the chapter focuses on inhabited islands, with few references to tourist or urban areas. The overview reports only on data and documents of the past decade. However, as already stressed in this volume, the 2004 tsunami played an important role in political change both with regard to the development and environmental agenda (Malatesta, 2018). Moreover, the introduction of the consumption models that we can detect in the contemporary picture can be traced back to more than 20 years ago. ENERGY PRODUCTION: MODELS AND STRATEGIES The Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Mohamed et al., 2016) attributed to energy production and waste management a key role for mitigation and, broadly speaking, environmental policies at the local and national scales. Specifically, the use of fossil fuels for energy production is responsible for 94 per cent of CO2 emissions. The Island Electricity Databook 2018 (Ministry of Environment and Energy 2018f ) gives an outlook on this fundamental environmental sector. Officially, the whole population achieved access to electricity in 2008. The electric supply system is largely provided (89 per cent of the overall amount) by onsite powerhouses that burn fossil fuels (kerosene and diesel). Across the archipelago, there are 186 powerhouses located on the inhabited islands. These powerhouses are run by public bodies: state companies (Fenaka operates on 148 islands) or islands’ councils (on four islands). An exception must be underlined, namely Maamigili (Alifu Dhaalu), where energy is provided by a private company. Energy production is the sector impacting the most on

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the fuel market. Over 79 per cent of imported fuel serves the powerhouses’ system. The spatial analysis of energy production confirms the binary dynamics, often mentioned in this volume, between the core region (so-called Greater Malé that covers Malé, Villingili and Hulhumalé islands) and the local islands. Indeed, electricity generation for the Greater Malé region ‘accounts for 56.9 per cent of the total electricity generation of all the inhabited islands’ (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2018f, p. 10). The energy system may be partly related to the geography and demography of the archipelago, above all to the dispersion of human settlements. As pointed out by the official data (National Bureau of Statistics 2015a), 61 per cent of the population lives on the outer islands with a significant number of villages settled on very small islands (with a surface of less than 20 hectares), and 91 islands have a population of less than 1,000 inhabitants. The onsite powerhouses consume an average of 220 litres of fuel per day, on the islands with a population of less than 500 inhabitants, and over 400 litres of fuel per day on the islands with a population between 500 and 1,000 (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2018f ). Currently, powerhouses can assure the energy autonomy (based on diesel and kerosene consumption) of villages. Whilst this strategy might discourage financial and political efforts for technological innovation on local islands, public and private initiatives have recently been carried out to develop the generation of energy from renewable sources which, according to ministerial data, currently stands at 11 per cent.1 The energy system is best reviewed by adopting a time perspective. Official data reported here covers the 2008–2018 period. Since 2008, electricity consumption, fuel imports and installation of new powerhouses have been constantly recording significant growth rates. At the same time, investments in renewable energies also have been experiencing impressive growth trends (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2018f ). Over ten years, the import of diesel has increased by over 180,000 metric tons: from 267,000 to 447,000 metric tons per year. At the same time, electricity consumption has steadily grown. This evolution, like many other recent processes, confirms the heterogeneity of socio-environmental relationships across the archipelago, emphasizing, once again, the binary system: central region versus outer islands. From 2015 to 2017, for example, electricity consumption in Malé has increased around 9 per cent, compared to 36 per cent in the outer islands. Figure 3.1 shows the efforts of both private and public investors aiming at implementing solar energy production across the archipelago (on inhabited islands and resorts). It is noticeable that after a decade, this sector, moving from a pioneering stage, may now be viewed as a valid alternative to diesel and kerosene consumption. The imbalance between the two technologies is



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Figure 3.1.  Private and Public Solar PV Installation (2008–2018). Source: Author’s elaboration. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018f). Island Electricity Databook 2018. Accessed 10 August 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv.

still undeniable, but the upward trend in solar may offer a clue regarding potential transition in the future and an energy model in line with the political objectives set by the past presidencies. Other interesting considerations emerge from data on urban consumption patterns, mainly referable to the islands located within the border of the Greater Malé region. In 2017, the Ministry of Environment and Energy published the outcome of research on consumers’ behaviour (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2017a). Less than 40 per cent of interviewed households claimed to understand the meaning of energy efficiency in relation to their private use of electric items, while a significant number of energy-intensive items were reported within their houses: electric fans, ovens and air conditioners. Lack of information, financial sources and support are listed as the strongest impediments for energy saving measures (consumer choices and sustainable behaviours). ENERGY PRODUCTION: POLICIES AND PROGRAMMES Energy policy has been taking on a key role in Maldivian development strategy. Targeting the transition of the existing model towards sustainability, the Ministry of Environment identified domestic energy efficiency and the implementation of renewable energies as pillars of the national environmental policy.

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The Ministry of Environment and Energy (2016b, 2016c) listed five key statements guiding national environmental policy: 1. Strengthen the institutional and regulatory framework of the energy sector. 2. Promote energy conservation and efficiency. 3. Increase the share of renewable energy in the national energy balance. 4. Improve the reliability and sustainability of electricity service and maintain universal access to electricity. 5. Increase national energy security. During the decade 2008–2018, planning has been based essentially on three sources (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016c). The Energy Action Plans include ‘a series of actions, measures, programmes and targets for a period of five years to achieve greater energy efficiency and conservation awareness, reductions in CO2 emissions’ (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016c, p. 11). The Energy Policy and Strategy documents present ‘statements and strategies for developing greater sustainability conservation and efficiency in energy whilst promoting low carbon technologies and the quality of energy supply’ (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016c, p. 11). The Government Manifesto mentions ‘solutions under pledges for reducing spending on electricity bills and getting economic benefits from clean energy’ (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016c, p. 11). The energy policy has been carried out through actions and business in various fields: energy efficiency, training and public awareness programmes,2 energy independence of local systems, public-private partnerships and investments in renewable technologies. These actions set a mitigation mechanism that aims to minimize the emission of CO2 from the energy production system. Considering the geography of the archipelago and the priority axes declared at ministerial level, solar and wind energy represent two practicable alternatives fostering the transition of the system towards sustainability, as demonstrated by various actions implemented in collaboration with international actors and private investors (e.g., in the tourism sector).3 At the local level, dozens of initiatives have been promoted. At the same time, structural and medium-term programmes have also been implemented. Two assessments give an idea of the role that these technologies could play over the coming years. The Solar Research Overview of the Maldives (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2017b) presents the promising findings of a twoyear measurement campaign carried out on four pilot islands, Hanimaadhoo (Haa Dhaalu), Hulhulé (Kaafu), Kahdhoo (Laamu) and Gan (Seenu). In addition, the Wind Resource Map in the Maldives (World Bank, 2018) reports the preliminary results gathered from the assessment campaign carried out on two measurement sites in Hoarafushi (Haa Alifu) and Thulusdhoo (Kaafu).



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WASTE MANAGEMENT: MODELS AND STRATEGIES Due to geographical features of small islands, ‘the international community emphasized the centrality of waste management as a major SIDS challenge since at least the beginning of the Nineties’ (Malatesta et al., 2015, p. 26). A massive body of international documents and reports have confirmed (and reconfirmed) this centrality by pointing out that waste management on small islands should be based on the integration among onsite solution and regional networks. In the Maldives ‘with a highly dispersed population spread across numerous islands there is a little scope for harnessing scale economies as costs of delivering services are high’ (Environment Research Centre, 2008a, p. 5). Similar to the case of energy production, the transition to a sustainable waste management system has been approached as a local challenge, because ‘disposal and treatment capacity available in the Country is insufficient’ (Mohamed et al., 2016c, p. 26). However, it has also been approached as part of national climate change mitigation measures, because ‘emission from waste amounts for 5.9 per cent of the total emission. . . . Waste is also the main source of methane (96.3 per cent) and nitrous oxide emissions (72.2 per cent)’ (Environment research Centre, 2008a, p. 48). Official reports estimate annual production of 365,000 metric tons of waste throughout the Maldives. Solid waste represents the large majority (85 per cent of the total) reaching annually around 312,000 metric tons. Pooled data, however, does not provide a consistent and informative description of the waste management system. Several public documents and scientific studies (Environment Research Centre, 2008b; Peterson, 2013; Colombo et al., 2014; Malatesta et al., 2015; Ministry of Tourism, 2015; Mohamed et al., 2016; Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2018c) agree on the coexistence, over the Maldives, of at least three systems that, in some way, reflect the administrative geography and demography of the country: the Greater Malé region, the outer islands and the resort islands. In the resort islands, solid waste production ranges from 7.0 to 7.5 kg per day per person; in the Malé region from 2.5 to 2.8 kg per day per person; while in the outer islands from 0.8 to 1.0 kg per day per person. Recently, Peterson revised his estimates, indicating that solid waste is generated at a rate of 1.8 kg per person per day in Malé, 0.8 kg per person per day on the other inhabited islands, and 3.5 kg per person per day in resort islands (Peterson, 2015). Regardless of the estimates we decide to adopt, there is a significant difference between the three local systems in the country. The bulk of waste generated in Malé region is collected, shipped and burned, mostly without distinction, on the nearby island of Thilafushi. On the outer islands, waste management depends ‘on the availability of disposal

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facilities and local custom. The segregation of waste by householders is not commonly practised. The common practice is to take wastes from houses to the informal waste sites where it is openly burnt’ (Mohamed et al., 2016, p. 48). Resort islands are required by law to build onsite incinerators, and few properties treat plastic, cans and paper though onsite crushers. However, as highlighted by the Ministry (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016b), in many cases, onsite incinerators do not operate. Therefore, solid wastes are shipped to Thilafushi or other closest islands.4 Quoting data from the Ministry of Tourism (2015), in resort-islands 89 per cent of the waste generated is composed of organic waste: food (40 per cent) and garden waste (38 per cent). Food is treated separately and discharged into the sea. The paper is burned on onsite incinerators while glass and plastic are processed using crushers. On inhabited islands, there is a prevalence of organic waste (70 per cent), while only 3 per cent of waste can be fully attributable to recyclable items: mainly metals and plastics. Waste management may be considered as one of the most complex environmental issues that environmental policy deals with, heavily influenced by the geography of the Maldives. For this reason, during the past decade, political attention has focused on sustainable solutions. The Ministry, atolls and islands councils, NGOs and tourist operators have moved this sector towards sustainability through state’s and donors’ investments on pilot projects, the publication of documents, planning and plans and the design and implementation of awareness activities. WASTE MANAGEMENT: POLICIES AND PROGRAMMES A synthetic overview of the most recent policies and measures can better articulate this analysis and outline the governance on waste management currently operating across the country. Law n. 4/93 (Environment Protection and Preservation Act of Maldives) indicates waste as one of the areas on which the Ministry of the Environment has competences and responsibilities. In the two years 2006–2007, the government formulated and subsequently adopted the first National Policy on waste management. In 2013, the Ministry of Environment and Energy promulgated the Waste Management Regulation. In the same year, the Tourism Regulation established the coordination of waste management in the resort islands as a fulfilment of the Ministry of Tourism. Meanwhile, in 2008, the Ministry of Housing and Environment published the National Solid Waste Management Policy and in 2010, the Solid Waste Management Regulation. Finally, in 2014, the Ministry of Environment and Energy institutionalized the Waste Management Department that oversees waste management



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policies, and in 2015, islands’ council were officially declared responsible for waste management on local islands. According to national policies, islands’ councils should adopt an agenda of common targets: foster responsibility at individual level; establish local requirements for households’ waste management; submit a Waste Management Plan; support waste management through a fee system; cooperate with state utility companies; and improve environmental awareness and local operators’ skills. As shown, waste management has been a central theme in the articulation of environmental policies in key sectors for the development of the Maldives: tourism, administrative decentralization and islands’ management. The priorities identified at national level are: empowering supranational waste management systems (at regional level); acting on consumption models; improving environmental awareness; and developing waste management infrastructures. These priorities have been pursued through: a multi-scalar approach; waste management governance establishing competences and duties; and the promotion of pilot projects. This strategy is based on the principle of integrating infrastructures and practices ‘both at local and regional scale, by the promotion and implementation of two parallel structures. These are Island Waste Management Centres (IWMCs) across the archipelago, able to deal locally with the management of all the solid waste cycle (production, disposal, dumping and burning); and Regional Waste Management Sites (RWMSs) where the residual wastes coming from the IWMCs can finally be disposed’ (Malatesta et al., 2015, p. 28). National Solid Waste Management Policy for the Republic of Maldives defines IWMC as: a concrete pad, covered waste storage bays, guttering, a rainwater tank, a chain link fenced enclosure with lockable gates. The solid waste generated by the island communities is brought to the IWMCs where it will be separated into recyclables, hazardous wastes, and residual waste requiring final disposal. The separated wastes will be stored in respective waste storage bays for regular collection and transport to the RWMS. (Environment Research Centre, 2008a, p. 28)

In addition to IWMC, local councils are asked to establish an Island Waste Management Committee, composed by citizens, members of the council and members of the Women’s Development Committee. Island Waste Management Committee oversees the information of the local community and coordinates the partnership with NGOs or state companies. The list of feasible RWMC sites is generated by intersecting geographical, administrative and technical criteria (e.g., geomorphology of atolls, navigation routes, surrounding agriculture areas and accessibility). RWMC are run by a state company: Waste Management Corporation.

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As previously mentioned, island resorts are commonly equipped with onsite incinerators, can-compactors, garden waste shellers and plastic and glass crushers. Tourism Regulations sets up the standards for waste management within resort islands: ‘waste should be collected in closed containers. Food waste should be disposed of daily. Waste from resorts should be disposed in a manner that causes the least damage to the environment. Plastic or polythene bags should not be thrown into the sea’ (Hassan, 2005, p. 68). Furthermore, ‘resorts need to have a comprehensive waste management programme. The management programme would consist of the following activities: assessment of the amount and composition of waste; minimisation of waste generated; collection and separation of solid waste; intermediary storage; treatment/ recycling inside the resort area; treatment/recycling outside the resort area; and final disposal’ (Hassan, 2005, p. 69). The governance established over the past decade follows, once again, the administrative geography of the Maldives and confirms the need for a multiscalar and multi-layered approach (from local island to the national scale) to land and environment management. • Islands’ councils are asked to submit a local Waste Management Plan and manage on-site the collection, treatment and disposal of waste from households. Relevant exceptions due to their administrative status are the urban areas (Greater Malé Region and Addu City) where the government directly coordinates waste management. • Each region should be provided with an operating RWMC, although currently this measure is under implementation. • At the national level, the Waste Management Department is responsible for national waste policies, while the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) provides overviews and reports on solid waste management operations. • As in other sectors, waste management in the resort islands falls under the regulatory and coordination competences of the Ministry of Tourism. Furthermore, the institutionalization of a political and operative vision that integrates on-site management and regional cooperation has allowed the implementation of pilot projects based on a flexible idea of scale: ranging from the Greater Malé Region to regional areas gathering more atolls. The Maldives Clean Environment Project: Environmental and Social Assessment (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016b) focuses on three regions (Malé, Southern and North Central Regions) gathering 13 atolls. The Republic of the Maldives Greater Malé Environmental Improvement and Waste Management Project (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2018b) aims to establish a sustainable system for the core and larger urban area. The project is expected to generate three pivotal outputs: a waste collection,



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transfer and disposal system minimizing the current shipping of waste to Thilafushi; the implementation of community-based waste management systems through the start-up of at least 22 IWMC across the surrounding islands; and the development of institutional capacity and public awareness through technical training, assessment and public campaigns. FUTURE CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES As pointed out, the geography of the archipelago (accessibility, settlement dispersion, island dimensions) may be a challenge to the implementation of sustainable management systems. At the same time, the technological shift does not seem to be the main obstacle from consideration of the number of pilot projects currently under development, especially in the tourism sector. The key driver is the transition, as recent policies show, towards a new paradigm. There is a need for a political vision that not only in the development and management strategies but also in the design of administrative competences supports the integration between local and regional systems. An example is a current policy on waste management. In fact, ‘by the promotion and implementation of local and regional infrastructures, this policy seems to be both promising and capable of coping with the chronic weak points connected to multi-scale waste management. Hence, considering the centreperiphery distance and the costs of disposal services, this model would be able to ship wastes from isolated places to regional or national dumpsites’ (Malatesta et al., 2015, p. 26). Synergies must be activated among sectors (transport, resort, training, NGOs) and actors (islands’ councils, public committees, ministries and private companies). Furthermore, investments, according to government priorities, must be allocated to training and raising awareness of new consumption patterns. In fact, training plays a key role in the implementation of sustainable standards and models, while awareness programmes can act both on the growth of awareness and on local entrepreneurs and policymakers’ choices, especially in the tourism sector. The scenario presented here should be read by stressing two dynamics that have strongly influenced Maldivian politics and society in recent decades and that emerge from the other chapters collected in this volume: namely the centralization of the population, investments and institutions, well represented by the demographic and infrastructural development of the Greater Malé Region, in opposition to a strategy that promotes the autonomy of the islands in land and resources management, thanks to institutional drivers such as The Act on Decentralization (Department of National Planning, 2010).

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NOTES 1. The Ministry of Environment provided a systematic overview of the period 2013–2016 (see: Ministry of Environment and Energy [2016a]. Energy Sector at a Glance 2013–2016.) 2. Energy Sector at a Glance 2013–2016 (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2016a) may give readers a glance on the awareness and training plans the Government carried out during that period. 3. For instance, in 2019, Lux Resort in South Ari launched the world’s largest floating solar system at sea able to reach 678 kWp, enough to power all villas with solar energy (http://theislandchief.com). Club Med’s Gasfinolhu Island Resort has been the world’s first 100 per cent solar-powered resort. The island features approximately 6500 m2 of solar panels. 4. For more details on the analysis of waste management in the resort islands, see dell’Agnese, chapter 6, this volume.

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Malatesta, S. and Schmidt di Friedberg, M. (2017). ‘Environmental policy and climate change vulnerability in the Maldives: From the “Lexicon of Risk” to social response to change’. Island Studies Journal 12, no. 1: 53–70. Malatesta, S., Schmidt di Friedberg, M., Pecorelli, V., Di Pietro, A. and Cajiao, M. A. (2015). ‘The right place. Solid waste management in the Republic of Maldives: between infrastructural measures and local practices’. Miscellanea Geographica 19, no. 2: 25–32. Ministry of Environment and Energy (1993). Environment Protection and Preservation Act of Maldives, Law n. 4/93. Accessed 7 December 2018. http://www. environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2012). Maldives SREP Investment Plan 2013– 2017. Malé: Ministry of Environment and Energy. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2014). Environment and Social Management Framework for the Proposed Solar PV Projects under Accelerating Sustainable Private Investment for Renewable Energy (ASPIRE) Programme. Malé: Ministry of Environment and Energy. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2016a). Energy Sector at a Glance 2013–2016. Accessed 22 October 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2016b). Maldives Clean Environment Project. Environmental and Social Assessment. Accessed 10 November 2018. http://www. environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2016c). Maldives Energy Policy and Strategy 2016. Accessed 21 August 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2017a). Research on Consumers’ Behaviour and Preferences Regarding Energy Efficiency in Households. Accessed 8 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2017b). Solar Resources Overview of the Maldives. Accessed 20 September 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2017c). State of the Environment 2016. Accessed 10 August 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018a). Environmental and Social Management Plan for the Establishment of Waste Management Center. July 2018. M Mulah. Accessed 22 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018b). Environmental and Social Management Plan for the Establishment of Waste Management Center. July 2018. Th Kin’bidhoo. Accessed 21 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018c). Environmental and Social Management Plan for the Establishment of Waste Management Center. July 2018. Th Madifushi. Accessed 22 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018d). Environmental and Social Management Plan for the Establishment of Waste Management Center. July 2018. Th Omadhoo. Accessed 22 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018e). Environmental and Social Management Plan for the Establishment of Waste Management Center. July 2018. Th Thimarafushi. Accessed 22 December 2018. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018f ). Island Electricity Databook 2018. Accessed 22 July 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv.

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Ministry of Environment and Energy (2018g). Republic of the Maldives Greater Malé Environmental Improvement and Waste Management Project. Accessed 23 March 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ministry of Housing and Environment (2010a). Maldives National Energy Policy & Strategy. Malé: Ministry of Housing and Environment. Ministry of Housing and Environment (2010b). Solid Waste Management Regulation 2010. Malé: Ministry of Housing and Environment. Ministry of Tourism (2015). Assessment of Solid Waste Management Practices and Its Vulnerability to Climate Risks in Maldives Tourism Sector. Malé: Ministry of Tourism. Mohamed, M., Shareef, A., Khaleel, Z., Husny, M.M., Niyaz, A.A and Abdulla, A. (2016). Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Malé, Ministry of Environment and Energy. Accessed 21 June 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. National Bureau of Statistics (2015a). Maldives. Population and Housing Census 2014. Statistical Release: 1. Population & Households. Accessed 3 July 2019. http://statisticsmaldives.gov.mv. National Bureau of Statistics (2015b). Maldives. Population and Housing Census 2014. Statistical Release: 2. Migration. Accessed 3 July 2019. http://statisticsmal dives.gov.mv. National Bureau of Statistics (2018). Statistical Yearbook of Maldives 2018. Accessed 3 July 2019. http://statisticsmaldives.gov.mv. Pelling, M. and Uitto, J.J. (2001). ‘Small island developing states: Natural disaster vulnerability and global change’. Environment Hazards 3: 49–62. Peterson, C. (2013). Assessment of Solid Waste Management Practices and Its Vulnerability to Climate Risks in Maldives Tourism Sector. Malé: Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture. Peterson, C. (2015). Assessment of Solid Waste Management Practices and Its Vulnerability to Climate Risks in Maldives Tourism Sector. Increasing Climate Change Resilience of Maldives through Adaptation in the Tourism Sector. Ministry of Tourism: Republic of Maldives. Accessed 12 July 2019, http://www.tourism. gov.mv/. Ratter, B.M.W. (2018). Geography of Small Islands: Outposts of Globalisation. Cham: Springer International Publishing. SPREP & UNEP (1999). Guidelines for Municipal Solid Waste Management Planning in Small Island Developing States in the Pacific Region. Apia Samoa: SPREP. UN (1994). Programme of Action for Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States. New York: UN. UNEP (1999). Waste Management in Small Island Developing States, Commission on Sustainable Development, Seventh Session, 19–30 April 1999. New York: UN. UNEP (2014). Emerging Issues for Small Island Developing States. Results of the UNEP Foresight Process. Accessed 2 March 2019. https://sustainabledevelopment. un.org. World Bank (2018). Wind Resource Mapping in the Maldives, Accessed 2 July 2019. https://documents.worldbank.org.

Chapter 4

Water Management and Consumption Models Cecilia Castaldo and Stefano Malatesta

This chapter presents water management as one of the main socio-­environmental challenges of the Maldives, by describing sources, practices and strategies commonly adopted, and by proposing a reading of water accountability and social actors’ relationships. In the Maldives, water management often faces poor levels of political and public awareness. High water losses and scarce maintenance of water and wastewater management are commonly reported. The top-down approach of the resource is characterized by a fragmented system of actors that are involved in the water sector, and the lack of transparency and communication does not facilitate the coordination. In small islands, resource management may be understood by focusing on a local scale: this means that every island has its setting and peculiar need in terms of social, geographic and economic feasibility. Freshwater availability is influenced by a set of spatial and social dynamics. Smallness, accessibility and scarce availability of groundwater sources, due to the low level of land above the sea, make small islands de facto water-scarce. Furthermore, social and spatial trends, such as increasing demand (population growth and tourism) and decreasing supply (pollution and changes in precipitation level), exacerbate the conflicts among users (Gheuens, Nagabhatla and Perera, 2019). In this chapter, water resource management is analysed with reference to a centre-periphery model related both to demography and space availability. Overpopulation, limited space resources, and small island inaccessibility negatively impact on water supply. Moreover, centralization policies, promoted during the past decade, further impact a series of difficulties in the development of a homogeneous water management system through the Maldives. 77

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WATER RESOURCE MANAGEMENT IN THE MALDIVES: AN OVERVIEW Water shortage is an emerging issue in the Maldives and it is worsened by demographic trends and by technical limits in the preservation of water sources. Globally speaking, water demand in archipelagic countries will increase during the next decades, which compounds the inability of current water sources to satisfy human needs (Gheuens et al., 2019). Before the 2004 tsunami, potable water supply was based on conventional sources: groundwater and rainwater. Every household collected water from rooftops and caught water from their wells. However, groundwater was the principal source, due to the difficulties of collecting rainwater, not every household in inhabited islands had proper collection equipment. The tsunami acted as a catalyst for change in the use of water resources, legitimizing the centralization of the water management supply chain. At the time of the tsunami, about 137,275 islanders were relying on groundwater for domestic use, either entirely or in part (Wickramagamage, 2017). The over-extraction and pollution from human activities have worsened the quality of aquifers of many inhabited islands so that they are unfit for potable consumption. The tsunami event, alongside the progressive exploitation of groundwater, caused general destruction of the main aquifers in most of the islands, causing saltwater intrusion and an aggravation of the pollution level. This condition generated the lack of reliable water sources in many of the islands. The government activated a strong campaign to inform people to not depend on groundwater anymore. At the same time, together with international funding agencies, the government provided the population with rainwater tanks to collect water. Thanks to this solution, the rainwater collection capacity of households increased substantially between 2004 and 2010. However, the water provisioning still has been left under the only responsibility of the households. Many difficulties can be noticed regarding water quality and proper methods to collect the usable water. In most cases, because of insufficient provision of rainwater to fulfil households’ needs, it is necessary to integrate rainwater, and there is not an alternative to groundwater: the inhabited islands do not have desalination facilities because they are either not established or are not operational. Figure 4.1 shows a graphic macro representation of current divergence of main sources used to provide water for potable purposes between capital islands and peripheral islands.1 Groundwater Groundwater represents a potential sustainable source of water, but it needs a high engagement of local population to participate in water quality



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Figure 4.1.  Potable Water Sources: Centre versus Periphery Source: Authors’ elaboration. Adapted from Wickramagamage, P. (2017); Ibrahim et al, 2008; World Bank (2013).

monitoring, protect fragile lenses and equip the islands with proper sanitation and technical support, for example, to evaluate aquifers’ capacity. Furthermore, the 2004 tsunami did not act merely on potable water resources, as it changed domestic practices: the majority of households shifted from groundwater to rainwater. Water supply by pumping or collecting groundwater is connected to island geomorphology. The islands are very low lying – the medium average is less than two metres above the sea – and the water table is no more than two metre below the ground surface. Besides, the high permeability of the soil makes the groundwater exposed to water pollution. Across the region, coral islands have freshwater lenses with very limited thickness, and this means that the sources are prone to seawater intrusion. Despite few heavy industries in outlying atolls and not widespread intensive agriculture, the main cause of groundwater pollution are households’ sanitation conditions and the absence of sewage systems. Households are in general provided by septic tanks and soakaways. Often, they are built close to the freshwater lenses because of space constraints. In many cases, they are not properly built and isolated and, for that reason, they are subjected to erosion. They become permeable and prone to leakages that can easily reach the groundwater. These conditions contribute to making groundwater unusable for domestic purposes unless treated, for example, through boiling. In the islands, groundwater is perceived by locals as polluted. However, it is used for irrigation, toilet flushing or other washing uses. In islands of the Greater Malé Region, freshwater lens conditions are also poor in terms of quality due to high-density population and industrial activities. In Malé, in particular, groundwater has been progressively abandoned since the first desalination plant was built in 1988 (Ibrahim, Bari and Miles, 2002). According to a survey on water use and water budgeting conducted

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in those areas, Malé has a sustainable freshwater capacity from groundwater of 8,266,310 litres/day (Wijerathne and Zubair 2017). However, it is largely forgotten as a reliable potable water source in the capital and central islands. Despite the high exposure to pollutants, the advantage of the groundwater source in the islands is that shallow water has easy access and does not need deep and powerful pumping systems. Also, freshwater lenses represent a natural water basin for storing.2 Throughout the country, the perception that groundwater is unsafe has been influenced by public and private advertising campaigns promoted after the 2004 tsunami. In many islands, currently, drinking groundwater is highly dangerous for health. As a result of these conditions the groundwater resource remains unchallenged in the Maldives. The second issue arising from this condition is that the locals have not been provided with other alternatives in case of lack of rainwater. Therefore, a large number of people choose to treat groundwater themselves at home and use it for drinking purposes (see table 4.1). The evaluation of the status of groundwater sources demonstrates that the generalized perception does not represent the real situation. According to a study conducted by the World Bank in 2012, it is estimated that safe groundwater yield could provide water of 180/L/per day for 288,000 people. There are 77 possible islands, located in the mostly uninhabited central and southern part of the country, that may be suitable for groundwater harvesting (World Bank, 2013a, 2013b). Rainwater Since the end of the 1980s, rainwater collect capacity has been provided in the outer islands by a different type of tank (steel or ferro-cement), financed Table 4.1.  GW Usage Total number of inhabited islands in 2014 Total number of islands with fresh groundwater Total number of islands with salty groundwater Total islands drinking GW all the time Total islands drinking GW when no rainwater Total no. of wells Average no. Pers./well No. of people drinking GW all the time No. of people drinking GW some of the time No. of people drinking untreated GW Estimated total annual volume of GW use (m3/y)

188 132 17 15 146 38,467 5.2 32,300 104,975 95,815 10,269,637

Source: Adapted from: Wickramagamage, P. (2017), p. 9. Data from White & Falkland (2015) and Ibrahim (2008) and Bari (2013) and National Bureau Census (2005).



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and distributed by the government in cooperation with international organizations and agencies. It has also been improved by the introduction of more durable types of tanks that have increased islands’ capacity. As a result of the tsunami, a great part of rainfall storage capacity was destroyed. Therefore, the households in the inhabited islands have been provided, by government and other funding agencies, with large black tanks to collect rainwater (capacity 2,500–5,000 litres) increasing the total capacity of over 162 islands (Ministry of Housing and Transport, 2009). This measure permitted the replacement, and even expansion, of the destroyed storage capacity. The black tanks were distributed to every household and main public buildings of each island (e.g., mosques, schools and health centres). Currently, people can take water for free if their reserves are not enough. Rainwater collection capacity is related both to the number and size of tanks available for each household or community tank and to the efficiency of roofs in intercepting water. This efficiency mostly depends on roofs’ size and shape. Rainwater harvesting has increased the potential availability of water in the small islands. However, this system is directly correlated to many factors that can lead to water scarcity or contamination. One is the seasonal distribution of the rainfall. During the southwest monsoon, islanders collect rainwater in private and public tanks and partially save it for the dry season. The private management of the rainwater is hampered by lack of knowledge or awareness of technologies. In many cases, people are not technically prepared to collect rainwater at the end of the dry periods. Tanks need to be cleaned and preserved before collecting new water. Therefore, people frequently use the inadequate community tanks during the dry season. Practices and skills are further influenced by following additional factors: 1. The impact of climate change on seasonal variations. Seasons are becoming more unpredictable for locals. The rainy months are expected to decrease in frequency but increase in the quantity of rainwater fallen, with more likelihood of storms and flooding because of the lack of the correct infrastructure to channel stormwater (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2006; Stojanov et al., 2017; World Bank 2013). Also, due to the variability of weather altered by climate change, the traditional cultural references of prediction used to prepare people for the seasonal turnover may not correspond to the real changes. The consequence is unpreparedness among locals. 2. The increasing dependence from bottled water for drinking purposes. This dependence may negatively impact on individual and family attitude in collecting and saving rainwater to be prepared for dry seasons.3 The Green Climate Fund (GCF) project reports a 2012 survey demonstrating that 141 islands had a rainwater storage capacity for eight months or less. The issue

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applied particularly to the northern islands. The World Bank (2014) estimated that to entirely satisfy water needs of the communities, the capacity needs to add 14,350 tanks of 7,500 litres each (GCF, 2015). 3. Every year about 80 municipalities from peripheral islands run out of water for four or five months and they request desalinated water imported from Malé. This ‘emergency water’ is shipped and delivered through cargo-ships by the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), which in general should intervene only in case of extreme disastrous events, for example, tsunami. Another concern about rainwater is its quality because it is rarely treated4 and in most cases is positive to E. Coli pathogens (often people report the ‘bad smell’ of the water). Although people add mineral salt tablets, in the long-term, they suffer from eye diseases and skin pathologies. This particularly applies to women, children and aged people, who generally spend more time at home.5 In Malé, people are provided entirely with desalinated water but, according to the Environmental Protection Agency,6 there are projects to integrate desalinated water with 30 per cent of rainwater, especially during the dry period. However, the main challenge to overcome in Malé is the problem of space: on the island, there is not enough space to collect rainwater and store it. A project exists to use rooftops from private and public buildings as collecting areas with consequent transmission to a central treatment plant.7 MWSC, STELCO and Fenaka are the main public/private utility companies which provide water and sewage services in the Maldives and they have implemented a similar system in the island of Raa Dhuvaafaru. Where rainwater is mostly used (peripheral islands), the decay of collecting structures and lack of knowledge and awareness about rainwater conditions, and the correct procedure to properly collect water during the rainy season, causes a continuous gap between available water (caught water in storage tanks) and the water demanded during the year. The opposite condition is observed in Greater Malé, where rainwater is considered as the potential second source of potable water. However, it does not satisfy the entire demand due to lack of space for storage. Desalination of Seawater While desalinated water is the primary source of potable water in Malé, this technology has been rarely introduced in the outer islands.8 The dependence of Malé from a unique source may reinforce its vulnerability in case of failures of the main desalination plants. In 2014, Maldives had to declare a state of emergency because the plant caught fire leaving the city relying exclusively on bottled water imported from nearby countries.



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In Malé, the first desalination plant was installed in 1988 with a capacity of 200 m3/day (Ibrahim, Bari and Miles, 2002). However, the gradually increasing population required an intensified capacity of the plant: in 2002, the total capacity stood at 5,800 m3/day, while data on 2017 registered a total capacity of 17,000.00 m3/day (Wijerathne and Zubair, 2017). Furthermore, desalination is a high consumptive technology and, therefore, water has high costs in Malé. Moreover, the city landscape is shaped by a great number of tall buildings which require extra-energy to supply upper floors and rooftops. The unsustainability of this system has caused frequent blackouts during the dry season. These events can be associated with the overuse of energy to meet the peak in water demand. In outer islands, few families have installed desalination plants on their own. Some municipalities, with higher density population, may have the chance to provide desalination plants in public buildings with the help of funding agencies or other funders co-participating. However, these cases are still not sufficient when compared to the total need of freshwater on outer islands, mostly met through untreated rainwater. This is the case despite many projects to support vulnerable communities to manage climate change–induced water shortages as financed, for example, by the GCF and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Emergency Water As mentioned earlier, emergency water is considered another source of potable water for outer islands. After the water crises caused by the 2004 tsunami the central government provided the islands with big containers full of desalinated water. This strategy has been converted into a common procedure, even after the post-disaster period. Currently, de facto, it is an ordinary method: potable water is shipped from Malé every time island councils need to cope with an emergency. It is estimated that between 80 and 88 islands rely on annual deliveries.9 These deliveries are organized by the National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC) that receives the alarm from the Ministry of Environment, contacted directly by the local municipalities. Utility and service provision companies (e.g., Fenaka) lead the operation to catch, treat and collect water for the shipments, while the ships are leased from private companies. This procedure has high costs and high risks. Lead times are long because it takes time to travel towards peripheral islands, increasing the risk that the communities remain without water. Furthermore, ships are rarely fully equipped for purpose and during the trip, water can be contaminated. There are a number of islands with regular requests for emergency water. This shows a trend of dependency, exacerbated because the local municipalities commonly do not cover the costs of shipping water. It is peculiar to notice that in Shaviyani Atoll, one of the most water

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self-sufficient islands named Komanhoo contrasts 12/14 islands that annually request emergency water (GCF, 2015; World Bank, 2013b). In the beginning of 2019, the government acted to start up a project to establish a water supply facility in Fokaidhoo Island. Since 2017, the ministry, in accordance with NDMC, is considering the creation of desalinated water production and storage hubs sites, especially in inhabited islands, to serve water during shortages and dry periods and avoid long delivery times. ACCOUNTABILITY: MAIN ACTORS INVOLVED IN WATER MANAGEMENT IN THE MALDIVES Many different actors, with overlapping responsibilities and duties, are involved in water management in the Maldives. The different tasks in regulating, providing and monitoring the water service providers are not well established and consequently the system is characterized by gaps and overlaps. Water shortage can be caused by a lack of integrated governance and regulation policy, with top-down management of the resource. For example, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) collaborates with the Ministry of the Environment to establish tariffs and monitor standards. At the same time, these tasks are partly covered by the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Another example of overlapping competences and lack of communication is evident in the relationship between the NDMA, and the Ministry of the Environment.10 An important role for water sector implementation is played by international organizations, funding agencies and private financing (e.g., UNDP, Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], World Bank and USAID). They are shown in table 4.2 as cross-sectoral actors that have relevance for decision-makers, regulators, operators and users. Table 4.2 frames the main actors and summarizes their main tasks and duties. In water management, efficient governance emerges when stakeholders engage and participate, cooperating in a transparent and accountable manner (Hukka, Castro and Pietilä, 2010; Loucks et al., 2017). Many actors are involved but, apart from within the constitution, there are no national water laws on water quality standards or protection and control of water sources (World Bank, 2013a, 2013b). This causes a lack in monitoring systems able and formally legitimized to share information to the central institution about the quality of water provided in the islands. Furthermore, there are no staff specifically qualified and skilled to cover that role. The private sector, represented by Fenaka and STELCO, faces many obstacles in creating efficient solutions for water management in the islands, partly because of the costless traditional system of provision but also because of the plurality of the

Local level community representation, presence on the territory

Operation, service provision, infrastructure project development (contract and construction), maintenance activities (O&M)

Regulatory and policy

Specific Actor

Environmental Protection Agency (semi-autonomous) under MEE, Ministry of Health MHI, Public Enterprises Monitoring and Evaluation Board (PEMEB), MWSC, Fenaka, STELCO NGOs and funding agencies, UNDP (GEF project), FAO, EPA

FAO, UNDP, USAID, World Bank

Ministry of Environment and Energy (MEE)/Water and Sanitation Department

Disaster and emergency NDMC recover Institutions, private sector, third sector at a local level (Municipalities, companies, service providers, NGOs, Health Centre) Private citizens Local users’ representations (water committees), water users’ associations, charities

NGOs, international organizations, founding agencies, foreign financial partners (single state) MEE, Ministry of Housing and Transport Water Utilities, Infrastructure, service provision

Financing

General Sector National political leadership, ministries and commissions

Decision making

Sources: Authors’ elaboration from Asian Development Bank (2009), World Bank (2013), Bari (2016).

Customer Interface

NDMA

Private, public, public/ private partnership companies, Ministry of Housing NGOs and funding agencies.

– Governmental and institutional frames – International organizations

Level

Table 4.2.  Structure Design of Main Actors Involved in Water Resource Management in the Maldives Role

Self-monitoring and provision of potable water.

Water Supply and Sewage system, tariffs establishment and quality monitoring Water supply (means and technical instruments), water storage system (tanks, containers), water conveyance, treatment plants and distribution systems (pumps, pipelines) water shipments.

Governance and contract establishment, fixation of standards and requirements for water and sanitation Financing, planning, technical advisory, support engineering

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actors that are involved in short-term projects that do not consider long-term outcomes. Local councils lack in responsibility and a proactive approach to lead on improvement of water service and avoid recurrent water risks. Communities are not included in water security and safety procedures to prevent diseases. In other cases, to better develop rainwater conveyance systems and to avoid water losses and prevent flooding, knowledge among local people of the vulnerable water status of their island needs to be set alongside public water safety plans (in particular on islands that annually run out of water). Moreover, for a long-term solution focused on sustainability, disaster prevention and water self-sufficiency, the use of desalination to meet the increasing demand of users’ needs to be set alongside the use of rainwater and the reintroduction of groundwater. NOTES 1. At the time of the tsunami, the Maldivian population was 298,968 and people living in atolls were 195,275 (http://statisticsmaldives.gov.mv/nbs/wp-content/ uploads/2006/12/Census_2006-Island_level_Indicators.pdf ). 2. Consultation with Mr Bari Rasheed (expert in water sources in small islands and groundwater implementation), founder of WaterCare association, Maldives. 3. Consultation interview at National Disaster Management Centre, Maldives. 4. It is important to notice that water resource management in outer islands, completely left to households, means that the islands do not have funds at the local level to improve water service and develop monitoring systems for both the quality of water and storage instruments. This system has become an obstacle to develop a more efficient form of water resource management by private sector utility companies. 5. Consultation with general Doctor of Health Centre of Magoodhoo Island (Faafu Atoll). 6. Consultation with representants of EPA Maldives in Greater Malé. 7. UNDP Asia and Pacific https://www.asia-pacific.undp.org/content/rbap/en/ home/presscenter/pressreleases/2017/05/12/towards-a-climate-resilient-future-in-thewater-sector-government-of-maldives-signs-project-document-with-undp-.html. 8. This refers to islands inhabited by locals. Resort islands are different because they all rely entirely on desalination plants and imported bottled water for drinking purposes so as not to encumber water resources. Desalination plants are required by law in resort islands, because of the high-water consumption of tourists. 9. Consultation with NDMC, February 2019. 10. Since 2015, the municipalities of peripheral islands that run out of potable water can communicate directly with NDMC. Before that the mediation of the Ministry of the Environment was necessary. A new legislative asset to more efficiently coordinate the intervention of the NDMC is planning to be introduced (Consultation at the NDMC, February 2019).



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REFERENCES Asian Development Bank (2009). Guidance Note: Urban Water Supply Sector Risk Assessment. Manila: Asian Development Bank. Alsumaiei, A.A. and Bailey, R.T. (2018). ‘Quantifying threats to groundwater resources in the Republic of Maldives Part II: Recovery from tsunami marine overwash events’. Hydrological Processes 32, no. 9: 1154–1165. Bari, M.R. (2019). Addressing Barriers in Social Enterprise Business Modelling for water service provision in small Communal Islands of the Maldives. Lahore: International Conference on Safe Drinking Water Governance. Bari, M.R. (2016). The Core of Limitations in Access to Sanitation of the Marginalized. A Civil Society Perception. Presentation for Fansa RSC Meeting, WaterCare Integrity, Malé. Bebbington, A. (2004). ‘NGOs and uneven development: Geographies of development intervention’. Progress in Human Geography 28, no. 6:725–745. Environmental Protection Agency (2011). Planning for an Emergency Drinking Water Supply. Malé: Environmental Protection Agency. Gheuens, J., Nagabhatla, N. and Perera, E.D.P. (2019). ‘Disaster-risk, water security challenges and strategies in small island developing states (SIDS)’. Water 11, no. 4: 637. Green Climate Fund (2015). Support of Vulnerable Communities in Maldives to Manage Climate Change-Induced Water Shortages. Funding Proposal Version 1.0. Malé: UNDP. Accessed 30 May 2019. https://www.greenclimate.fund/ documents/20182/574760/Funding_proposal_-_FP007_-_UNDP_-_Maldives. pdf/17a31686-4428-4f37-b784-0aa77ec3eedb. Hukka, J.J, Castro, J.E. and Pietilä, P.E. (2010). ‘Water, policy and governance’. Environment and History 16, no. 2: 235–251. Ibrahim, S. A., Bari, M.R and Miles, L. (2008). ‘Water resources management in Maldives with an emphasis on desalination’. In Maldives Water and Sanitation Authority Report. Malé: Republic of Maldives. Loucks, D.P., Van Beek, E., Stedinger, J.R., Dijkman, J.P.M. and Villars, M.T. (2017). Water Resource Systems Planning and Management. An Introduction to Methods, Models, and Applications, e-book. Springer. http://www.springerlink. com/content/978-3-319-44234-1. Malatesta, S. and Schmidt di Friedberg, M. (2017). ‘Environmental policy and climate change vulnerability in the Maldives: From the “lexicon of risk” to social response to change’. Island Studies Journal 12, no. 1: 53–70. Ministry of Energy and Environment (2006). National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA). Malé: Ministry of Energy and Environment. Ministry of Energy and Environment (2011). State of the Environment, Maldives 2011. Malé: Ministry of Energy and Environment. Ministry of Housing and Transport (2001). An Assessment of Rainwater Catchment & Storage Capacity in the Maldives. Malé: Ministry of Housing and Transport. Ministry of Housing and Transport (2009). Guidelines and Manual for Rainwater Harvesting in Maldives. Malé: WHO. Accessed 21 March 2019. http://www.

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searo.who.int/maldives/documents/Maldives__Guidelines_and_manual_of_Rain_ Water_Harvesting_in_Maldives_2009.pdf?ua=1. National Bureau of Statistics (2015). Maldives. Population and Housing Census 2014. Statistical Release: 2. Migration. Accessed 13 July 2019. http://statisticsmaldives. gov.mv. Programme des Nations Unies pour l’environment. (2002). Rainwater Harvesting and Utilisation: An Environmentally Sound Approach for Sustainable Urban Water Management: An Introductory Guide for Decision-Makers. Osaka: UNEP International Environmental Technology Centre. Stojanov, R., Duží, B., Kelman, I., Němec, D. and Procházka, D. (2017). ‘Local perceptions of climate change impacts and migration patterns in Malé, Maldives’. Geographical Journal 183, no. 4: 370–385. White, I. and Falkland, T. (2015). ‘Integrated Management of Urban Water Supply and Water Quality in Developing Pacific Island Countries’. In Understanding and Managing Urban Water in Transition, edited by Grafton, Q., Daniell, K.A., Nauges, C., Rinaudo, J-D. and Chan, N.W.W., 489–526. Dordrecht: Springer: White, I., Falkland, T., Metutera, T., Metai, E., Overmars, M., Perez, P. and Dray, A. (2007). ‘Climatic and human influences on groundwater in low atolls’. Vadose Zone Journal 6, no. 3: 581–590. World Health Organization. (2009). Guidelines and Manual for Rainwater Harvesting in Maldives National. Malé: Ministry of Housing Transport and Environment. Wickramagamage, P. (2017). A Review for Water Resources of Maldives. Digana: Foundation for Environment, Climate and Technology. Accessed 2 March 2019, http://www.climate.lk/drought_climate/reports/PW_Water_Resources_in_MV_ Review_pdf.pdf. Wijerathne, K. and Zubair, L. (2017). Survey of Water Use and Water Budgeting in Greater Malé Maldives (Malé, Villingili, Hulhumalé Hulhulé). FECT Technical Report 2017–01, Digana: Foundation for Environment, Climate and Technology. World Bank (2013a). Combating Water Insecurity in Maldives: An Integrated Water Management Approach. Malé: World Bank. World Bank (2013b). Rapid Assessment of the State of Water Resources in the Republic of Maldives. Malé: World Bank. World Bank (2014). Maldives: Country snapshot. Malé: World Bank. Accessed 1 March 2019 https://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/document/SAR/ maldives-country-snapshot-spring-2014.pdf.

Chapter 5

The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives: A Reading of the Contemporary Demographic Transition between Domestic Migration and Forced Displacement Muna Mohamed The earliest known census information of the Maldives, provided by H.C.P. Bell in his book The Maldives Islands: Monograph on the History, Archaeology and Epigraphy, stated that in 1921, the population of the Maldives was 70,413 (Bell, 2002). Bell’s work also showed an evenly distributed population throughout the country. Haa Dhaalu Atoll (Thiladhunmathi in Bell work), in the North (table 5.1). had the highest number of people (over 10,000, 14 per cent of total population), followed by Kaafu atoll, including the capital Malé, with 13 per cent of the total population. By comparing this data with the current scenario, we can observe that several relevant changes have occurred in the demographic structure of the archipelago. The last available census data (2014) shows a concentration of the population in the island of Malé with 155,379 residents and a distribution, in all the other islands, of the remaining 246,560 inhabitants (including both the temporary and permanent populations of resorts, agricultural islands and industrial islands). Haa Alifu and Haa Dhaalu, as in Bell’s analysis, remained populated atolls, about 13,412 and 19,207 inhabitants, respectively, while if we look at the extreme South of the country, Seenu, which constitutes the second demographic pole of the archipelago, reached 21,236 inhabitants. This number is bolstered by the presence of the only urban settlement outside the Greater Malé Region: Addu City. In the remaining regions of the country, a substantial correspondence between the geographical sizes of the atolls and the distribution of the population may be noted. For example, Faafu and Dhaalu, in the central-southern region, with their limited geographical surfaces, were among the least populated atolls (around 6,054 and 9,029 89

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Table 5.1.  Share of Population in Different Administrative Units in 1921 and 2014

31,923 12,266 11,072 15,088 10,012 8,734 17,630 129,381 16,877 1,669 4,817 4,164 5,872 8,968 11,992 20,467 7,984 19,518

70,413

338,434

Atoll/administrative unit share. registered pop

14% 4% 6% 6% 5% 5% 4% 9% 6% 3% 2% 2% 3% 6% 4% 10% 3% 6%

Atoll/administrative unit share enumerated

10,108 2,502 4,519 4,426 3,367 3,592 3,058 6,127 4,219 2,226 1,744 1,622 2,242 4,011 2,980 7,020 2,185 4,465

Registered population

census population

Haa Shaviani Noonu North Raa Baa Lhaviani Kaafu Malé (Capital) island Alifu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Fuvahmulah Seenu Abroad Not stated Total

Atoll/administrative unit share

Atoll/administrative unit

1914

Resident pop during census

1921

44,642 16,292 15,088 20,933 13,154 11,862 12,244 57,338 17,321 2,385 6,807 5,266 7,124 14,243 15,465 32,010 11,215 29,371 296 5,378 338,434

9% 4% 3% 4% 3% 3% 5% 38% 5% 0% 1% 1% 2% 3% 4% 6% 2% 6%

13% 5% 5% 6% 4% 4% 4% 17% 5% 1% 2% 2% 2% 4% 5% 10% 3% 9%

Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2015b).

inhabitants, respectively), while Gaafu, combining the population of two administrative atolls (Gaafu Alifu and Gaafu Dhaalu), had 22,010 inhabitants (National Bureau of Statistics, 2015a). The last census provided data on the inter-censual transitions (2006–2014). Annual growth rates are reported for every atoll and demographic unit. Malé has experienced an annual growth rate close to 3 per cent, while the medium average of the outer islands is around 0.60 per cent (National Bureau of Statistics, 2015a, 2005b). According to the 2006 census, in Malé, 42 per cent of almost 14,000 households were rented places. In the same period, this number was just 1 per cent



The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives 91

Table 5.2.  Nature and Ownership of Dwellings in Malé and Atolls (2006)

Place Malé Atolls Total of Maldives

Owned by a member of household

Rented

Other

Unspecified

Total household

% of rented households

6,398 28,809 35,207

5,914 421 6,335

328 2,334 2,662

1,467 523 1,990

14,107 32,087 46,194

42% 1% 13%

Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2015a).

in the atolls (table 5.2). Currently, 56 per cent of the population living in temporary accommodation (mostly flats) are migrants coming from outer islands. In 2008, a survey on housing by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM, 2008) showed that 68 per cent of Malé population were living in abject conditions in small spaces where ventilation, sanitation, quality of cooking facilities and degree of privacy were deficient, qualifying those apartments as slums. Slums are a contemporary phenomenon in the Maldives. However, during an informal interview, the Dhivehi Bahuge Academy informed the author that in Dhivehi, there is no word to describe this kind of urban settlements. Moreover, the HRCM report estimated that families in Malé spent almost 85 per cent of their income on rent. The rental market is an interesting tool for outlining socio-economic differences between the Greater Malé Region and the outer islands. On the outer islands, families get free land plots directly from the state. The nature and quality of houses in these land plots may vary depending on the wealth of the owner. These plots are inheritable and can be used even for commercial purposes after getting official permission. Nevertheless, between 2006 and 2014, approximately 33 per cent of the population has left the external atolls, mainly to live in flats in Malé or Hulhumalé (Hulhumalé is a large sized island, mostly reclaimed, included in the so-called Greater Malé Region). When analysing census data, a very important distinction must be applied. Upon birth, every citizen is required to be registered (according to the 1978 Law on Becoming a Resident of an Island in Maldives) and often it is done in the house built on the land plot given to the family on the island they live. A child cannot be registered in an island if a parent or guardian (in case of no parent) is not registered in a land plot of that particular island. The registered house becomes the permanent address of the person in all his or her official documents. Maldivians may spend their entire lives in another island, but their permanent address will never change unless they (or their guardian

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in case of minors) have a land plot to register on the island they moved to. Thus, official surveys take information on inhabitants at the time of the census as well as the number of registered inhabitants in that island (table 5.3). A comparison of these two population figures gives an extra indication of the extent of migration over the decades (figure 5.1). Across the archipelago, in 1985, the gap between registered and living population was 9 per cent. In 2014, this gap increased to 20 per cent. In that period, Malé experienced a similar evolution, passing from 11 per cent in 1985 to 21 per cent in 2014. Tables 5.4 and 5.5 show exact census figures of residents and registered population in the Maldives for the past decades. The data indicates two significant trends: first, the demographic structure of the Maldives is characterized by a marked imbalance between the capital and the outer islands and, second, this imbalance has been strengthened in the decade between the last two national censuses (2006–2014). Table 5.3.  Resident Population Compared to Registered Population and In/Out Migration (2014)

Haa Shaviani Noonu North Raa Baa Lhaviani Kaafu Malé (Capital) island Alifu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Fuvahmulah Seenu Other Not stated Total

Census Population (1)

Registered Population (2)

In/Out Migration (1–2)

% of Population Decline or Surplus

31,923 12,266 11,072 15,088 10,012 8,734 17,630 129,381 16,877 1,669 4,817 4,164 5,872 8,968 11,992 20,467 7,984 19,518 – – 338,434

44,642 16,292 15,088 20,933 13,154 11,862 12,244 57,338 17,321 2,385 6,807 5,266 7,124 14,243 15,465 32,010 11,215 29,371 296 5,378 338,434

–12,719 –4,026 –4,016 –5,845 –3,142 –3,128 5,386 72,043 –444 –716 –1,990 –1,102 –1,252 –5,275 –3,473 –11,543 –3,231 –9,853

–40% –33% –36% –39% –31% –36% 31% 56% –3% –43% –41% –26% –21% –59% –29% –56% –40% –50% – –

Source: Statistical yearbook of Maldives 2015.



The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives 93

Figure 5.1.  Percent of Population Registered and Living in Atolls and Malé: 1921–2014. Source: Author elaboration. National Bureau of Statistics (2015a). Statistical Yearbook of Maldives, 2015. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics, and Bell, H.C.P., 2002. The Maldive Islands: Monograph on the history, archaeology and epigraphy. Novelty Printers Publishers.

Table 5.4.  Registered Population by Locality Haa Shaviani Noonu North Raa Baa Lhaviani Kaafu Malé (Capital) island Alifu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Fuvahmulah Seenu Other (not stated and unregistered, overseas) Total Registered

1921

1985

1995

2006

2014

10,108 2,502 4,519 4,426 3,367 3,592 3,058 6,127 4,219 2,226 1,744 1,622 2,242 4,011 2,980 7,020 2,185 4,465 –

24,253 8,277 8,170 10,718 7,543 7,295 5,515 26,245 8,232 1,436 4,142 2,454 4,188 8,496 7,913 17,740 5,940 18,143 3,388

33,648 11,792 11,457 15,129 10,146 9,250 7,855 34,583 11,616 1,823 5,543 3,573 5,587 11,620 11,320 24,502 8,034 23,835 3,501

39,144 14,111 13,198 18,357 11,544 10,725 9,846 47,262 14,288 2,062 6,216 4,384 6,410 12,630 13,734 28,374 9,705 26,602 10,376

44,642 16,292 15,088 20,933 13,154 11,862 12,244 57,338 17,321 2,385 6,807 5,266 7,124 14,243 15,465 32,010 11,215 29,371 5,674

70,413

180,088

244,814

298,968

338,434

Sources: Statistical yearbook of Maldives 2015 and Bell, H.C.P. (2002). The Maldives Islands: Monograph on the history, archaeology and epigraphy.

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Table 5.5.  Resident Population of the Administrative Atoll and Units as per Census: 1921, 1985 and 2006 Atoll Haa Shaviani Noonu North Raa Baa Lhaviani Kaafu Malé (Capital) island Alifu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Fuvahmulah Seenu Total Census

1921

1985

1995

2006

2014

10,108 2,502 4,519 4,426 3,367 3,592 3,058 6,127 4,219 2,226 1,744 1,622 2,242 4,011 2,980 7,020 2,185 4,465 70,413

20,748 7,509 6,865 9,416 6,982 6,414 8,734 45,874 7,861 1,419 3,490 2,148 3,568 6,949 7,212 14,959 4,983 14,957 180,088

29,041 10,462 10,103 12,953 8,712 8,038 11,675 62,519 11,955 1,678 4,859 3,165 4,793 9,545 10,156 20,152 7,004 18,004 244,814

29,732 11,940 10,015 14,756 9,578 9,190 15,441 103,693 14,155 1,606 4,710 3,765 4,967 8,493 11,990 19,275 7,636 18,026 298,968

31,923 12,266 11,072 15,088 10,012 8,734 17,630 129,381 16,877 1,669 4,817 4,164 5,872 8,968 11,992 20,467 7,984 19,518 338,434

*Single Island managed as one administrative unit. Sources: Statistical yearbook of Maldives 2015 and Bell, H.C.P., 2002. The Maldives Islands: Monograph on the history, archaeology and epigraphy.

Starting from such evidence, this chapter, adopting a historic perspective, moves from the assumption that in the recent history of the country, an evenly distributed population living a simple but comfortable life started to migrate to the capital Malé, leaving their islands and making the capital one of the most densely populated and unsustainable islands in the world. At the end of the demographic transition here described, the population density in Malé exceeded 65,000 persons per km2. Mainly through tables and figures this migration phenomenon is described by reporting official data, referring to the period between the last two national census surveys (2006–2014). The analysis here presented, in addition to the overview of this demographic transition, focuses on two drivers of change that have characterized the Maldivian society in recent decades: first, the dialectic between centralization and decentralization and, second, the role played by the centralization of public services in increasing the inequalities between the centre and local islands.



The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives 95

CENTRALIZATION VERSUS DECENTRALIZATION In 1995, Colton described the Maldives as one of the most centralized states in the world, referring to both administration and economy (Colton 1995). At the same time, decentralization has been a relevant political issue during the past two decades. The Maldives adopted a new constitution in 2008. Clause 230 of the new constitution stated: ‘The administrative divisions of the Maldives shall be administered decentrally and the jurisdiction and characteristics of constituencies, posts and councils created to provide for decentralized administration shall be specified in law’. Dialectics and tensions between centralization and decentralization have historical roots and may be understood by analysing a set of socio-economic processes that have occurred in the past decades: the transition of fish production and trades; the establishment of atoll stores in Malé; and the recent development of guesthouse tourism.1 According to the historian Naseema Mohamed, the Maldivian export industry, long based on fisheries and agriculture, has faced limitations due to three historical processes that occurred in the second half of the twentieth century: the geopolitical instability caused by the Second World War; the restrictions on selling dried fish imposed, in the 1970s, by the Government of Sri Lanka (at that time the main importer of Maldivian dried fish); and the success of the Maldives as an international tourism destination (Mohamed, 2014). In the 1970s, the government started rejuvenating the fisheries sector by mechanization of vessels and introduction of fish-canning factories. The mechanization of vessels produced both positive and negative feedback: it increased fish catch and improved factory activities but at the same time lessened the contribution traditionally made by island communities (Adam, Anderson and Waheed, 1998). This indirectly caused a decrease in the national demand of the labour force in the fishing industry. Introduction of tourism and changes to the fisheries industry can be viewed both as a start and an end. The end came for the traditional lifestyle the people of the Maldives had been living for centuries which acted as a powerful driving force, pushing labour from far-distant islands. After the disastrous Second World War experience, which involved a widespread famine in Northern atolls and two uprisings in both the North2 as well as Southern Maldives (Mohamed, N. 2017),3 in 1966, the government allowed every atoll to establish a store in Malé to ensure availability of staple food and export of goods made by island communities. Every atoll was provided with a plot to build its store in the waterfront of Malé. Documented history (Novelty Printers and Publishers, 2016a, 2016b, 2016c) report that

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in a few cases, the citizens of the atolls themselves not only contributed, but actively participated in the construction of the stores belonging to their atoll. In 1963, Viyafaari Miadhu (Business Today), the first daily newspaper in the Maldives, published audit records showing that profits made from the Atoll Stores were divided equally between atolls administrations and the Government of the Maldives (table 5.6). The profits were used to build schools and mosques and to provide financial support to other activities authorized by the atoll committee created by then President Nasir in 1961 (Zameer 2014). After President Nasir, the management of the atolls stores was handed over by President Gayoom to the Ministry of Atoll Administration. The Ministry created an account for each atoll and started depositing profits to that account (LGA, 2015). In 2005, it was handed to the Ministry of Finance and Treasury. In 2011, the Minister of Economic Development and Trade, Mahmood Razee, stated that ‘since the Decentralization law allows councils to collect rent from land and buildings they own, the Ministry (will) be making an appropriate decision regarding the matter after clarifying who owns the atolls stores’ adding that all atoll stores were under the control of the central government (Hamdhoon, 2011). Finally, during the 2015 Atolls and City Councils Symposium, organized by Local Government Authority (LGA), the councillors proposed a redistribution of profits, from atoll stores in Malé to atoll administrations. Table 5.6.  Distribution of Profits Made from Atoll Stores in 1963 Atoll HA. Atoll HDh. Atoll Sh. Atoll N. Atoll R. Atoll B. Atoll Lh. Atoll K. Atoll A. Atoll V. Atoll M. Atoll F. Atoll Dh. Atoll Th. Atoll L. Atoll GA. Atoll GDh. Atoll

Profit for the Atoll (Maldivian ruffiya)

Profit for the Government (Maldivian ruffiya)

55,003.52 60,648.79 15,462.93 26,515.11 31,329.49 6,023.53 17,916.74 2,990.29 12,450.44 1,194.69 194.19 17,868.12 n.d. 889.10 n.d. 40,464.15 241.02

55,003.52 60,648.79 15,462.93 26,515.11 31,329.49 6,023.53 17,916.74 2,990.29 12,450.44 1,194.69 194.19 17,868.12 n.d. 889.10 n.d. 40,464.15 241.02

Source: Novelty Printers and Publishers (2016a).



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The first tourists came to the Maldives in 1972 and stayed in guesthouses on the inhabited islands. The opening of Kurumba Village, the first resort, happened seven months after the launch of guesthouse tourism (Niyaz, 2002).4 In the early 1970s, several guesthouses around Malé rapidly developed their business to serve both high-end and middle-income tourists. The islands of Hinmafushi, Guraidhoo, Gulhi and Gaafaru (Kaafu Atoll) witnessed a lot of direct financial and economic gains with the introduction of tourism. In 1984, the government withdrew permits to operate guesthouses on inhabited islands. The official reason provided by the government was ‘to preserve the indigenous values of locals living in inhabited islands’. After 1984, island communities lost a chance to rebuild their economies which had been declining since the nineteenth century. Commenting on change in the tourism market, some entrepreneurs argued that ‘as the tourists moved to cheap guesthouses in local islands, the demand for resort hotels decreased’ (Niyaz, 1998). In 2009, a new phase of the Maldivian tourism industry started renewed permission to operate guesthouses on inhabited islands (Ministry of Tourism, 2009). However, currently, island councils do not get any direct revenue from such development (not even green tax) since most of the profits are collected to central government.5 The limited fiscal decentralization centralization in Malé of many public services had negative impact on the development and empowerment of island communities. Therefore, in the 2000s, public opinion started claiming for decentralized governance and the fostering of equitable inclusive development. As mandated by the constitution, the Decentralization Act ‘allow(s) the island communities to make their own decisions . . . to improve people’s living standards through social, economic and cultural development; to empower the people; to (increase the) scope (for) services closer to the people’ (Department of National Planning, 2010). The United Nations Maldives Human Development Report (2014) stated: The Decentralization Act identified land management as a core responsibility of the councils. However, this contradicts the Land Act, which provides that the Ministry of Housing and Infrastructure manage land distribution. Similarly, the Decentralization Act and the Constitution make provision for fiscal decentralization, revenue generation and management of own revenues by councils. This contradicts the Finance Act, which mandates all revenues collected from any Government body be deposited in the Government’s central public account. (UNDP, 2014, p. 99)

The draft of the 2010 Decentralization Act proposed to distribute the profits made by state-owned enterprises through activities based on external atolls. In addition, Article 78 empowered councils to provide services by imposing

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fees. However, delays in the implementation of the decentralization act due to the lack of regulations, as well as the limits of fiscal decentralisation, were highlighted by the 2015 Atolls and City Councils Symposium. The Symposium presented the following changes to the Decentralisation Act. 1. Payment of an amount not less than 40 per cent of earnings to councils from services provided by State Secretariats (Qaumee Idhaaraa). 2. Payment of an amount not more than 40 per cent to the government from services provided by councils. 3. Partition to the atolls’ councils of part of the taxes that citizens pay to the government of Malé. 4. Appointment of some uninhabited islands as a ground for agricultural and social activities. This political dialectic briefly summarized here shows how in the recent history of the country local development has been subject to different pressures and limits. On the one hand, there is the demand by local government (in this case represented by the 2015 Atolls and City Councils Symposium) for greater autonomy in the management of the territories of islands and atolls. On the other hand, there is the trend, promoted by the central government, to centralize services and infrastructures across the Greater Malé Region. The next section deals with the social consequences of this ‘centralization’ strategy. The Centralization of Public Services and the Demographic Growth of the Greater Malé Region International reports on South Asia human development compare the Maldives with Sri Lanka and Bhutan. Although the Maldives has the highest per capita income in South Asia, it also has relatively high-income inequality by sub-regional standards (Park and Mercado, 2015). The Human Development Index for Maldives (0.701) has remained stable during the past decade. However, these figures do not consider the deep internal differences and imbalances in terms of development and availability of public services between the capital and the outer islands. Focusing on Malé, the HRCM (2009) published a report on the state of the job market in the Maldives, highlighting that the concentration of economic activities across the Greater Malé Region forced people from outer islands to migrate to Malé. Urbanization and the demand for better services have been recently listed as the most relevant push factors determining this massive migration phenomenon (Speelman, Nicholls and Dyke, 2017).



The Centralization of Governance and Economy in the Maldives 99

During the past decade, spatial inequalities have affected several levels of public life in the country. The household income and expenditure survey (Ministry of Planning and National Development, 2012) showed that in Malé unemployment was low (table 5.7); that saving rate was very high; but that poverty was increasing (table 5.8). This suggested that surviving in Malé was tough for its residents, even if they were employed. In the same period, in the Maldives, unemployment for females was 39 per cent and19 per cent for male (Ministry of Planning and National Development, 2012). Starting from the assumption that people living in Malé have better opportunities for education, jobs, healthcare and many services provided by the state, fostering regional development and decreasing developmental gaps between the capital Malé and atolls have been constant priorities of both national institutions and international actors. However, during the period analysed by this contribution, the government has promoted and pursued a policy of demographic and services centralization around the Greater Malé Region. As Kothari (2014) observes, these policies have been linked to a specific development and management vision: providing services for a population concentrated across a small number of islands (10–20 islands surrounding the central area of the country) is economically and environmentally more sustainable than overseeing services providing for a population distributed across the archipelago (Kothari, 2014). Table 5.7.  Unemployment and Savings in the Maldives Definition

Republic

2010 ILO definition 2010 Broad definition Household saving rate (including durables) Total saving (Maldivian Rufiyya) Total saving %

Malé

Atolls

12% 28% 21.2%

9% 24% 33%

13% 31% 7.3%

2,000,000,000

1,440,000,000 72%

560,000,000 28%

Source: National Bureau of Statistics (2011).

Table 5.8.  Poverty Gap Ratios for 2002/2003 and 2009/2010 Republic

Malé

Atolls

Relative Poverty Line

2003

2010

2003

2010

2003

2010

MDG Line of US$1.25 MDG Line of US$2

2% 9%

2% 7%

0% 2%

1% 5%

3% 12%

2% 7%

Sources: National Bureau of Statistics 2011.

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One of the negative consequences of these policies has been the congestion of the city of Malé. During the past decade, the national governments have tackled the overcrowding of the city of Malé as an issue linked to a lack of land. Thus, in Malé and Hulhumalé, several reclamation projects have been launched to provide homes for hundreds of homeless families who are living in the capital (Department of Public Works and Labour, 1985). Figure 5.2 indicates the size of the capital Malé compared to the largest natural islands in the Maldives. If we look at the archipelago as a whole, we may notice that the concentration of the population in the Greater Malé Region is not the direct consequence of spatial limitation. Rather it is a development strategy that is justified by the presumed sustainability of a model of land management based on concentration, in a limited number of islands, of public services and investment in infrastructure. By 2015, full reclamation produced 400 hectare of land in Hulhumalé, while, quoting but the most illustrative case, Fuvahmulah Atoll in the Southern part of the archipelago has more than 490 hectare of naturally available land ready for development (National Bureau of Statistics, 2015).

Figure 5.2.  Size of Malé and Its Satellite Islands Compared to Naturally Occurring Largest Islands of Maldives. Source: Author elaboration. National Bureau of Statistics (2011b). Statistical Yearbook of Maldives, 2011. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics.



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Referring to such evidence, the UN Special Repertoire for Housing (Rolnik 2009) stated that the main problem in the Maldives was not lack of housing but rather the absence of ‘urban’- or city-level facilities in parts of the Maldives (except Malé). Surprisingly government seems to be aware of this observation as well, and the Key Priorities and Sectors in the Seventh National Development Plan 2006–2010 reported that ‘urban areas [will be] developed within regions to enable greater access to and more efficient provision of services’ (Ministry of Planning and National Development 2007, p. 9). While over the past two decades the implementation of the Hulhumalé development project has been carried out at full speed, the national political establishment has never prepared a national masterplan to foster the development of urban regions in other areas of the Maldives as formally suggested by the Seventh National Development Plan 2006–2010. Moreover, during the preliminary stage, since most of the land in Hulhumalé has been reclaimed, the government did not follow the traditional system of giving free land for dwelling purposes. Initially, land plots have been sold in an open bidding process. The Hulhumalé project, formally launched to alleviate housing needs in Malé, has been repackaged as an intervention to combat climate change. Concern for climate change is being used to introduce resettlement and migration policies in the Maldives (Kothari, 2014). In that sense, economies of scale in the Maldives are taking place at the expense of ecological limits and societal wellbeing (Rasheed and Zakariyya, 2017). MIGRATION OR DISPLACEMENT? Over the past decades, the capital Malé has established and consolidated its predominant role in the distribution of services and the administration of internal and external trade. Historically, local consumer goods as well as exports were produced in island communities mainly through fishing and agriculture (Mohamed, 2014). The decline of an economy based on activities at local scale combined with the policies of centralization carried out by the government (UNICEF, 2013) have acted as limits to the development of island communities. These socio-economic transitions can be indicated as one of the main forces that have, in recent decades, generated significant migration flows from the periphery to the Greater Malé Region. Migration to the centre has been publicly communicated as an economic (South, 2007) or environmental (Khotari, 2014) issue. The demographic dynamics within the Greater Malé Region must also be taken into consideration. For example, in the decade between the last

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two censuses, which has continued since, many residents have migrated to Hulhumalé mainly due to housing congestion in the capital Malé. Hulhumalé was designed and publicly presented as the key to alleviating the social and demographic problems of the capital, as well as the island with the highest concentration of public services in the country. At the same time, very limited measures have been adopted to promote regional development policies in the atolls where the islands with the largest surface area are located (e.g., Seenu and Laamu) thus reducing migration pressures from the periphery to the centre (Rasheed and Zakariyya, 2017). In this contribution, the choice was made to link social and economic elements to the recent demographic transition. However, the migratory flows may also be defined as forced displacement. A NEW BEGINNING? The year 2019 ended on a positive note since the parliament passed a proposed amendment to the Decentralization Act which was close to the recommendations of the Atolls and City Councils Symposium (2015). Moreover, the new parliament also passed an amendment to the constitution changing the duration of councils from three to five years.6 The outcome of new amendments is island councils getting more direct revenue and direct powers to engage in economic activities. The budget proposed for 2020 tried to address central-periphery imbalances and to increase service quality on local islands in terms of health and education. These are political signals of great importance if we stress the inequalities that have emerged in recent decades. To develop a new meaningful equitable, sustainable development that focuses on wellbeing and reduces forced migration, current and future governments should provide more assistance to peripheral regions. NOTES 1. See Zubair and Bowen, chapter 7, this volume. 2. In 1943, during the Second World War, a famine spread across the Maldives. This resulted in the people of Bodu Thiladhunmathi atoll developing a feeling of hatred and revolt against the government. They staged a mass protest, with the support of all northern atolls of Maldives against the central government in Malé (Jameel, 1943). 3. Similarly, southern atolls comprising Addu, Fuvahmulah and Huvadhu atolls declared an independent state of United Suvadive Republic on 13th March 1959, claiming that the administration in Malé did not care about the basic needs of the



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citizens in these atolls. According to Afeef Didi (the president of the new republic), there was not one single doctor for some 18,000-people living in the south, resulting in outbreaks of diseases like diarrhoea, killing notable numbers of citizens. 4. See dell’Agnese, chapter 6, this volume. 5. See Zubair and Bowen, chapter 7, this volume. 6. Readers may refer to the complete report provided by Transparency Maldives in 2019.

REFERENCES Adam, M.S., Anderson, R.C. and Waheed, A. (1998). ‘The tuna fishery resources of the Maldives’. Maldives Marine Research Bulletin 3: 180. Bell, H.C.P. (2002). The Maldives islands: Monograph on the history, archaeology and epigraphy. Malé: Novelty Printers Publishers. Colton, E.O. (1995). The elite of the Maldives: Sociopolitical organization and change (Thesis London School of Economics and Political Sciences). Accessed 1 September 2019. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1396/1/U079701.pdf. Department of National Planning (2010). The act on decentralization of the administrative divisions of the Maldives. Accessed 31 October 2018. Department of Public Works and Labour (1985). Malé land reclamation project 1985. Malé: Department of Public Works and Labour. Hamdhoon, A. (2011). With the introduction of councils, decision on the fate of atolls stores under discussion. Accessed 30 December 2018. Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (2009). Rapid assessment of employment situation of the Maldives. Malé: Human Rights Commission of the Maldives. Jameel. M.D. (1943). Recollection of my Thiladhunmathi journey. Malé: National Centre for Linguistics and Historical Research. Kothari, U. (2014). ‘Political discourses of climate change and migration: Resettlement policies in the Maldives’. Geographical Journal 180, no. 2: 130–140. Local Government Authority (2015). Symposium of City and Atoll Councils. Accessed 2 May 2019, http://lga.gov.mv/uploads/files/2475.pdf. Ministry of Finance and Treasury (2019). Approved Budget Book 2019. Accessed 20 May 2020, https://www.finance.gov.mv/public/attachments/dDIeYuxPYdtVU7 xN1caHCxTcL8xfdlWc6QtlF97k.pdf. Ministry of Planning and National Development (2007). Key priorities and sectors in the seventh national development plan 2006–2010. Malé: Ministry of Planning and National Development. Accessed 21 October 2019. Ministry of Planning and National Development (2012). Household income and expenditure survey 2009–2010. Malé: Ministry of Planning and National Development. Ministry of Tourism (2009). Regulation on operating guesthouses in inhabited islands. Malé: Ministry of Tourism. Mohamed. N (2014). Maldivian business. Malé: Dhivehi Bahuge Acadmey.

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Mohamed, N. (2017). Rebellion of the southern atolls. Malé: National Center for Linguistic and Historical Research (NCLHR). Accessed 1 September 2019. http:// www.qaumiyyath.gov.mv/docs/whitepapers/history/southern%20rebellion.pdf. National Bureau of Statistics (2001). Statistical yearbook of Maldives, 2001. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics. National Bureau of Statistics (2006). Analytical Report: Census 2006. Accessed 2 May 2019, http://statisticsmaldives.gov.mv/nbs/wp-content/uploads/2006/12/ analysiscd/ National Bureau of Statistics (2009). Statistical yearbook of Maldives, 2009. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics. National Bureau of Statistics (2011b). Statistical yearbook of Maldives, 2011. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics. National Bureau of Statistics (2015a). Statistical yearbook of Maldives, 2015. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics. National Bureau of Statistics (2015b). Maldives: Population and housing census 2014. Statistical release: 1. Population & households. Accessed 3 July 2019. http://statisticsmaldives.gov.mv. National Bureau of Statistics (2015). Maldives. Population and housing census 2014. Statistical release: 2. Migration. Accessed 3 May 2019. National Bureau of Statistics (2016). Household income and expenditure survey. Malé: National Bureau of Statistics. Niyaz, A. (1998). Tourism in the Maldives – 25 Years of Sustainable Development. Malé, Ministry of Tourism. Niyaz, A. (2002). Tourism in the Maldives: A brief history of development. Malé: Ministry of Tourism. Novelty Printers and Publishers. (2016a.). Dhivehi digest 45, Malé: Novelty Printers and Publishers. Accessed 1 December 2019, http://books.novelty.com.mv Novelty Printers and Publishers (2016b). Dhivehi digest 46, Malé: Novelty Printers and Publishers. Accessed 1 December 2019, http://books.novelty.com.mv Novelty Printers and Publishers (2016c). Dhivehi digest 46, Malé: Novelty Printers and Publishers. Accessed 2 December 2019, http://books.novelty.com.mv Park, C.Y. and Mercado, R. (2015). Financial inclusion, poverty, and income inequality in developing Asia. Working Paper Series 426. Manila: Asian Development Bank Economics. Accessed 27 June 2019. https://www.adb.org/sites/default/ files/publication/153143/ewp-426.pdf. Rasheed, R. and Zakariyya, N. (2017). ‘Small, dispersed, sustainable, and prosperous: An alternative paradigm to population consolidation in the Maldives’. Solutions Journal 8, no. 2. Accessed 2 May 2019. https://www.thesolutionsjournal.com/ article/small-dispersed-sustainable-prosperous-alternative-paradigm-populationconsolidation-maldives/ Rolnik, R. (2009). Report of the special rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard of living, and on the right to nondiscrimination in this context. Accessed 1 October 2019. https://www.ohchr.org/en/ issues/housing/pages/housingindex.aspx.



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South, A. (2007). ‘Defining “forced migration” in Burma’, Forced Migration Review 30. Accessed 1 September 2019. https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/ 1885/112804/1/south_defining.pdf. Speelman, L.H., Nicholls, R.J. and Dyke, J. (2017). ‘Contemporary migration intentions in the Maldives: The role of environmental and other factors’. Sustainability Science 12, no. 3: 433–451. Symposium of City and Atoll Councils (2015). Report. Malé: Local Government Authority. Accessed 2 June 2019. http://lga.gov.mv/uploads/files/2475.pdf. Transparency Maldives (2019). Review of the decentralization framework in the Maldives. Accessed 2 December 2019. http://transparency.mv/v16/wp-content/ uploads/2019/08/RDFM_ENG_FINAL-for-Website.pdf. UNDP (2014). Human Development Report 2014: Bridging the divide; assessing vulnerability, reducing inequality United Nations Development Program. Malé: Ministry of Finance and Treasury. UNICEF (2013). Study on the decentralization process in the Maldives. Malé: UNICEF Maldives. Zameer, A. (2014). Atoll committee: Start of local government system. Malé: National Institute of Education.

Chapter 6

Greening the Resort, De-Bordering the Enclave Elena dell’Agnese

‘Like tourists, resorts have been the butt of jokes and criticism and make easy targets’ (King 2001, p. 175). Indeed, resorts, and enclave tourism in general, have been the subject of much criticism in tourism studies, in terms of cultural, economic and social repercussions, as if they were the embodiment of ‘many of the excesses of modern tourism’ (King 1997, p. 12). Krippendorf (1987, pp. 70–71), for instance, defined tourism enclaves as ‘fenced off and sterilized’ spaces, not only incapable of offering anything ‘authentic’ to their visitors but also free of any possible contamination by the ‘real society’ outside of them. With a similar attitude, Claudio Minca (2000, p. 389) described enclavic tourist spaces as ‘extreme forms of spatial segregation’, Carlisle and Jones (2012, p. 10) wrote that they are ‘very effective at shielding tourists from the stark reality of poverty in the area’ and Jarkko Saarinen (2017, p. 433), with a pun intended, defined ‘all-inclusive resorts’ as ‘all-exclusive spaces for local communities in development’. Where coastal areas and small islands are concerned, resorts are also commonly accused of having very negative effects on the environment; in this regard, tourist literature reports ‘innumerable accounts of the destruction wrought by resort developers’ (King 2001, p. 186).1 Despite all these criticisms, the idea of maximizing ‘income from the industry by encouraging mass tourism with a minimum of local contact’ (Lea 1988, p. 24) has been cultivated by many low-income countries, where enclave tourism has been planned to avoid the ‘cultural contagion’ that can result from tourism. This is what happened in the Maldives where for 35 years, international tourism was confined to ‘resort islands’, that is, on selected uninhabited islands, each of which is fully devoted to the activities of a single tourist resort. This strict segregation of tourism has meant that the islands intended for tourism have been environmentally modified to meet 106



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the needs of tourists, that tourists are kept in a kind of ‘quarantine’ (Richter 1989) on the same islands, and that much of the tourism income remains concentrated in the hands of a few groups of entrepreneurs. So, Maldivian resort islands have been accused of offering a non-authentic experience to tourists, of having a limited impact on the economic development of the country, and also of having negative environmental repercussions. Arguably, due to the numerous rules imposed by the government, the resort islands have proved to have good performance in terms of sustainability. For this reason, they have recently been subject to a new assessment, not only of their environmental impact, but also of the benefits they can bring to the local community. For example, the need to manage their own waste, as required by Maldivian laws, has meant that equipment capable of also providing assistance to the inhabited islands has been built on the spot. Moreover, many resorts appear to be characterized by an increasing attention to green matters, and even to create a positive ‘resort effect’ with regard to the quality of the reef that surrounds them (Moritz et al. 2017). This process has been recognized by the local policy that, starting from the Fourth Tourism Masterplan 2013–2017, has assigned them a series of tasks, to be carried out in collaboration with the inhabited islands. One of the objectives is to transform them into the nodes of a network of protected environmental areas covering the entire archipelago. In this chapter, after a short introduction to the history of the ‘one-islandone-resort’ tourism model and the literature dedicated to it, the concept of ‘sustainable luxury’ will be presented, to emphasize how the idea has been developed by the tourism practices of some famous resorts in the Maldives. Finally, some of the proposals promoted by the Fourth Tourism Masterplan will be discussed, in order to highlight both the process of ‘greening’ of the resorts and the lessening of their enclave isolation. ‘ONE-ISLAND-ONE-RESORT’: TOURISM DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING IN THE MALDIVES Tourism in the Maldives was born at a specific time, 1972, the year when the first resort, called Kurumba Village, was opened on an uninhabited island near Malé; for a few decades, it followed in an equally precise manner a single model of development, the ‘one-island-one-resort’ pattern. According to this model, at first spontaneously inspired by the example of Kurumba, and then imposed by government policies, international tourism could only be practised on certain uninhabited islands of the archipelago, each of which was leased to private entrepreneurs for the purpose of setting up a single all-inclusive accommodation facility. At the beginning, the practice

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of developing tourism resorts on uninhabited islands was followed, because it ‘gave the opportunity to develop purpose-built rooms for accommodating tourists’ (Amhed Niyaz, personal communication, 31 March 2017). Later, the separation between tourists and locals was imposed by the Maldivian government, which forbade international tourism on the inhabited islands outside of Malé, with the manifold aim of protecting the resort market, ensuring the quality of the tourism offer and preserving the cultural specificity of the inhabited islands.2 In addition, the physical separateness of the resort-islands from the inhabited islands and the absence of a permanent Maldivian population made it possible to offer international tourists ‘spaces of exception’ where, in a regime of extra-territoriality (Gay 2001), they could ignore the norms imposed on the rest of the archipelago by the Islamic religion. The pattern was interrupted only in 2008, when an amendment to the Maldives Tourism Act (Law 2/99) officially authorized the possibility of practising tourism outside the resorts (Zubair, Bowen, and Altinay 2015). Thus, for 35 years, the ‘one-island-one-resort’ pattern represented the only possibility of tourist development in the archipelago. Small, based on the presence of a single commercial establishment, physically delimited by insularity and socially segregated by law, the Maldivian resort island represents a heterotopic space par excellence (dell’Agnese, 2018a). The landscape is staged according to the Western dream of the ‘tropical island’, while references to the cultural tradition of the Maldives are practically absent or mixed with vague features of exotic orientalism. No allusion is made to contemporary Maldivian society or its religious norms, and most of the workers do not even come from the Maldivian population (dell’Agnese, 2018b). From an economic point of view, the vast majority of the tourist income that derives from the islands resorts remains concentrated in the hands of the groups that own the structures, often foreigners, or, if Maldivians, belonging to a very small number of local families. Thus, both from the point of view of the lack of authenticity and the strict segregation of the tourist experience from the local society, the resort island encounters all the critical aspects usually moved to tourist enclaves. As Sathiendrakumar and Tisdell (1989) highlighted, this policy of isolation can be criticized from the point of the local society, because it reduces the benefits that investment in tourism could bring to them: ‘Although infrastructure was developed to improve the handling of foreign tourists to and from Hulhulé Airport and the tourist resorts, little has been done to improve the transport of the people in outer atolls to other atolls. . . . Good quality water is made available in the tourist resorts. But there is no spillover benefit from this to the local people in terms of availability of improved quality



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of water for domestic consumption. This spillover benefit is prevented because tourist resorts are established in separate uninhabited islands’. . . . Moreover, ‘almost all expenditure by the tourist goes into the accounts of the resorts. . . . Thus, the economy of the tourist resorts is largely separated from the general Maldivian economy’.

Yet, this tight separation was praised for its ability to reduce ‘the social cost of tourism’. As remarked by the same two authors, prostitution, typical of other tourist contexts, is absent in Maldivian-type resorts and even the demonstration effect, linked to tourists’ consumption patterns, is minimal. So, as they concluded: ‘The policy of isolation of foreign tourists in the Maldives’ had reduced the risk of a “culture shock” in the country’. As Domroes (1993, p. 71) pointed out a few years later, ‘In general, tourism does not affect the culture of the Maldivians who are Muslims’. So, in the first phase of tourism development in the archipelago, resort islands were criticized for the regime of ‘economic and social duality’ they implemented, but also praised for their capacity of limiting the cultural impact of tourism on the Muslim society of the Maldives. They were also scrutinized for their environmental impact. In its early years, the development of tourism on the resort islands had been carried out in an unregulated manner. The first efforts to regulate tourism were launched in 1978, when the Department of Tourism and Foreign Investment was created.3 Following the Law No. 15/79 (Law on Tourism in Maldives), from January 1979 onwards, the project for the construction of new resorts or extensions of existing resorts had to be presented to the Department of Tourism and Foreign Investment, and it was supposed to follow some rules regarding the height of buildings and the size of rooms, restaurants and staff quarters. Besides these norms pertaining with the carrying capacity and the aesthetics of the resorts (Brown et al. 1997), at the beginning of the Eighties, the first evaluations of the environmental effects of tourism in the Maldives were also carried out. A conference covering the subject of ‘Preservation of Natural Resources’ was held in Malé on January 1981, where the result of special survey of the effect of tourism on the sea and the coral reefs were presented. The scope of the survey was to examine the ‘conditions of the marine environment with special emphasis on the corals, to evaluate the influence of human activities on the corals, and to give recommendations for a controlled tourism development and use of the natural resources without damaging the marine environment’ (Dangroup International 1983, p. 240). So, in 1983, in the Final Report for the Tourism Development Plan Republic of Maldives (the first ‘masterplan’), it was highlighted that ‘protection and conservation of the natural resources are other important features of the plan’ (Dangroup International 1983, p. 64).4 It was also suggested to introduce regulations ‘concerning building construction on

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all islands. Because the scenery is open to a wide view, one ugly shed can spoil the view for many kilometers around. Uncontrolled disposal of sewage and solid waste is also a visual form of pollution as well as a health hazard’. In the following years, following the suggestions and the recommendations of this first ‘masterplan’, a series of measures to protect the environment and the coral reef were issued. Guesthouses on inhabited islands were prohibited. In addition to controlling the aesthetics of the resort islands and their built environment, the Maldivian government provided strict standards on their environmental qualities, accommodation capacity, the island’s vegetation, solid waste, wastewater production and recycling practices, as well as on water and energy consumption. In addition, the opening of each new resort is subject to a mandatory environmental impact assessment (EIA). In 1989, a National Environment Action Plan (MPE) was implemented, to provide the guidelines for environmental planning and management for the country.5 In the 1980s, the main issue seemed to be raised by sewage and garbage, even though, while ‘it is the usual practice of the residents to dispose their garbage and sewage to the ocean . . . some form of control is seen in the tourist resorts’ (Domroes 1985, p. 126).6 Conversely, the use of corals for building was then not felt as a problem, because ‘although corals are used as a substitute in place of bricks or rock stones for construction in every resort, all Maldivians feel that there is no threat by their quarrying corals far out from the sea’ (Domroes 1985, p. 126). A few years later, the same Domroes (1993) pointed out that the main issue among the many environmental conflicts resulting from the impact of tourism on the atoll ecosystem was coastal erosion, which was affecting ‘practically all resorts’ (Domroes 1993, p. 80).7 Amidst its main causes, there was ‘the careless destruction of the coral reefs’, due to the mining of corals for construction materials although, in 1992, coral stone mining in resort islands was banned and coral stone construction was no longer possible (Jameel and Yahaya 2015). Among the other reasons for coastal erosion, Domroes (1993) highlighted the construction of waterways for boats through coral reefs and the cutting of openings through the external reef for divers and snorkelers (regarding this aspect, however, separating the environmental impacts of the resorts from those of other forms of anthropization of the islands is difficult: so, when a few years later Ismail Firaag listed the ‘environmentally detrimental effects of tourism’ on the reef, in connection with the ‘construction of coastal structures’, he did not distinguish them from those that occurred because of ‘the habitation of islands’ (Firaag 1997). Generally speaking, ‘too much human activity’ appears to be affecting the marine ecosystem, independently if it is connected with tourism or habitation. However, the considerable production of garbage, due to the consumption patterns of the tourists, was still a big issue, because ‘although each tourist resort has to provide non-polluting refuse and wastewater disposal, waste is



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still dumped into the ocean’ (Domroes 1993, p. 80). For this reason, seawater pollution from the discharge of wastewater, sewage and garbage, was also presented as a problem. In 2001, in a third article, Domroes raised again the issue of garbage, due to the ‘consumptive leisure lifestyle of the tourists’ (Domroes 2001, p. 122). Broadly speaking, however, he praised the ‘tight government policies that act toward a sustainable, environment-friendly tourism structure’ (2001, p. 123), and specifically the resort island structure, for its effectiveness with respect to environmental protection (idem). This change in attitude can be explained by the general effectiveness of the introduced measures, which on the one hand had limited the spread of tourism to controlled and specific areas (the resort islands), and, on the other hand, had applied a set of rules on their development. Domroes was not the only one to make a positive assessment of the ‘one-island-one-resort’ model in environmental terms, not even the first one. The ‘care and concern’ applied by the Maldives to the development of its tourism industry had been praised, already 1989, by Linda Richter.8 In the following years, the positive comments in this regard multiplied, and the Maldivian policy on tourism was praised in terms of ‘environmental sustainability’ both by independent scholars (Saeed and Annandale 1999; Zulfa and Carlsen 2011; Kundur and Murthy 2013), and by international organizations, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO).9 Obviously, also ‘the Maldives’ self-promotion has followed similar lines’ (Scheyvens 2011, p. 152).10 From this point of view, an analysis by Price and Firaq11 (1996) about ‘the environmental status of reefs on Maldivian resort islands’ opened up entirely new horizons; although the reefs of many resort islands suffer a decrease in their overall condition, in some instances the authors noted ‘a dramatic improvement in reef condition . . . together with much increase in coral cover and diversity, reef fish variety and abundance’. (p. 93)

In their opinion, ‘this reflects change in reef use from highly destructive coral mining . . . to less harmful use following development of the site as a resort’. So, they advanced the idea that ‘resorts can function as protected areas’ (1996, 93, emphasis added). THE EMERGENCE OF THE ECO-RESORTS: GREENWASHING, ‘SUSTAINABLE LUXURY’ AND BEYOND In 1996, the idea that tourist resorts could function as ‘protected areas’ not only was pioneering, but it risked sounding extravagant. First of all, by then many of the numerous measures introduced by the government in order to

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limit the environmental impacts of tourism were often applied in an irregular manner and ‘many illegal practices continue[d]’ (White and Rajasuriya 1995).12 Then, even in the most law-abiding context, the morphology of the islands had to be altered by some inevitable interventions. And eventually, there was the enormous consumption of energy and water and the equally huge production of waste, typical of every resort (‘in per-capita terms, much higher than the Maldivian average, with resorts producing up to 16.5 kg of solid waste per visitor per week’) (Brown et al. 1997, p. 320). So, speaking about well-managed tourism locations, it was perhaps more acceptable idea that ‘the net environmental effect . . . reflects a dynamic balance between harmful impacts and benefits. The latter are shown to include a conservation benefit, since the creation of a resort island can lead to discontinuation of earlier, more harmful practices (e.g., coral mining) at that site’ (Price and Firaq 1996, p. 93). In the subsequent years, however, Price and Firaq’s vision became less bizarre. Like many other small island destinations (Fotiou, Buhalis and Vereczi 2002), the Maldives started being affected by a growing trend towards nature-based tourism practices, such as manta ray watching and whale-shark watching. This fashion contributed to the increase in environmental protection measures. For instance, when it was clear that shark-based ecotourism makes a significant contribution to local GDP, shark fishing, already prohibited in tourism zones since 1998, was banned in all the Maldives (Anderson and Waheed 2001; Gallagher and Hammerschlag 2011). The growing awareness that ‘nature’ had an economic value and that the reputation of the Maldives as a tourism destination was ‘heavily reliant on the health of its marine ecosystems’ (Cater and Cater 2007, p. 42) encouraged at the same time hotel management to pay increasing attention to environmental issues. Moreover, in the wake of the general effort to greener the tourism industry, the emergence of eco-resort projects could also provide ‘an element of respectability’ (King 2001, p. 186) to the luxury sector. The attempt to combine the traditional luxury of Maldivian resorts with latest eco trends (de-Miguel-Molina, de-Miguel-Molina and Rumiche-Sosa 2011) started thus calling into question the oxymoronic relationship between ‘sustainability’ and ‘luxury’ (Moscardo and Benckendorff 2010). In many different local experiences, the intersection of the two concepts, which are as much ‘apparently incompatible’ (Robbins and Gaczorek 2015) as they are substantially elusive (Moscardo 2017), proves to be only superficial; in other cases, however, it is made possible precisely by the ‘fluid’ character of their definition.13 Sometimes, what is at stake is just a matter of image. ‘Green sells’ (Font 2001, p. 1) and ‘sustainability’ may become ‘a source of competitive advantage in the tourism industry, especially in the segments targeted at high



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spenders’ (Robbins and Gaczorek 2015, p. 170). So, under many circumstances, green initiatives in the hotel sector are just a marketing choice, aimed at limiting the negative image of its environmental impacts and meeting the tastes of those contemporary travellers who give priority to products marketed as ‘sustainable’. For this purpose, resorts may use an ecolabel or a certificate just ‘as a competitive advantage thus enhancing their “green” image’ (de-Miguel-Molina et al. 2014). Or they adopt practices advertised as green, but with a very limited impact on the environment (in this regard, it is difficult to consider something more than ‘greenwashing’, initiatives such as the ‘local herb garden’ or the hydroponic greenhouses offered by some resorts).14 On other occasions, the attempt of combining luxury and environmental sustainability reducing emissions or limiting the import of goods and of fresh food seems to be more genuine. Among the best practices, Jamaludin and Yusof (2013, p. 25) enumerate some initiatives taken by the Veligandu Island, Alifu Alifu Atoll. The resort island, which is included in a Marine Protected Area, promotes a ‘reef conservation program’, where guests and staff work together in beach cleaning, marine life conservation, diving course and coral rehabilitation. Moreover, the resort has been built by local people, using local timber, and offers only natural ventilation in the guestrooms and in the public area. Also Sun Island Resort has been praised for its efforts in recycling waste, composting organic wastes from kitchen for gardening activities, managing wastewater and reusing treated water on the resort for irrigation purposes, and also for its efficient energy management and for the installation of solar water heaters on the rooftop of each bungalow (Domroes 2008). Many other resorts offer awareness programmes, together with a Marine Lab and other activities of coral restoration (figure 6.1). Among the staff, a sustainability manager and a group of marine biologists are usually at work, while a ban on single-use plastic straws and bags, or plastic bottles is often advertised in the public area. In many resorts, in general, the issue has been addressed from the point of view of sustainability, that is, trying to make the activities offered more ‘sustainable’, without reducing the range of services available to customers (de-Miguel-Molina et al. 2014). Beyond these initiatives, there are also resorts where the very concept of luxury has been questioned and redefined, under the (very similar) formulas of ‘intelligent luxury’, ‘barefoot luxury’ or ‘sustainable luxury’. To this effect, luxury is no more a form of conspicuous and extravagant consumption, albeit in a presumably sustainable fashion, but must be enjoyed as a rare pleasure obtained by a few, in remote locations, where it is possible to enjoy privacy, enriching experiences and relax. In this perspective, ‘everything still has to be superlative, but it turns traditional notions of luxury on its head. Luxury is no longer a thousanddollar shoe. Rather, it is no shoe at all’ (Pinkhasov and Rachna 2014, p. 75).

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This is what is suggested, for instance, by Soneva, which not only aims at promoting a new ‘slower, more appreciative lifestyle’, but also at changing ‘a little’ its customers.15 The company, which owns two very expensive resorts in the Maldives (Soneva Fushi and Soneva Jani), presses so much on the sustainability theme as to periodically release a sustainability report and even provide the ‘total impact assessment’ of its many activities.16 Soneva is often taken into account as an example in tourism studies, when issues of ‘sustainable luxury’ or ‘intelligent luxury’ are raised (Robbins and Gaczorek 2015; Giron 2016; Moscardo 2017), because its first resort, Soneva Fushi, is self-defined as ‘the No News, No Shoes blueprint for all barefoot desert island hideaways’.17 Comments are generally positive, because ‘the practices at the resorts go beyond marketing gimmicks and the company achieves better sustainability performance in terms of energy consumption than most luxury resorts and demonstrates examples of good practices and evidence or real intent’ (Robbins and Gaczorek 2015, 166). Soneva’s commitment goes beyond environmental issues, to cover other dimensions of sustainability, such as gender equality, and community engagement. In this way, even doing good conveys part of the experience of luxury, because the ‘external validation that was once enjoyed when carrying a particular brand is being replaced

Figure 6.1.  Coral Restoration with the Marine Lab Expert in Thudufushi Resort. Source and image credit: Elena dell’Agnese, 2020.



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by the first-hand rewards that come from a sense of authenticity, responsibility, and connection’ (Pinkhasov and Rachna 2014, p. 75). Still, the conflict remains. Water and energy consumption in luxury resorts is generally higher than elsewhere, and the guests seem to be willing to accept sustainability initiatives on condition that these initiatives do not compromise their comfort, alter their activities or limit their actual consumption. ‘For example, while water conservation efforts at Soneva Fushi are admirable, it is clear that guests expect and enjoy having access to multiple baths, private swimming pools and limitless showers’ (Moscardo 2017, p. 184). Therefore, it can be said that despite the good practices and the many efforts to reduce negative impacts, even in the most dedicated luxury resorts, the pursuit of real environmental sustainability remains a ‘work in progress’ (Robbins and Gaczorek 2015, p. 182). DE-BORDERING THE ENCLAVE: THE ISLAND-RESORT IN ITS TERRITORIAL NETWORK Talking about community engagement by a resort may seem a little odd, just as, in 1996, talking about resorts that could function as protected areas might seem extravagant. But the current tourism policy of the Maldives goes precisely in these two directions: to intensify relations between resorts and inhabited islands and turn resorts into protected areas. Indeed, one of the most important characteristics of the Maldives’s resortisland has been, by definition, its isolation. As a tourist enclave, the resort island has ensured over a period of 30 years that both the negative environmental impacts of tourism and most of its economic benefits remain separate from the inhabited islands of the Maldives. It has also ensured, thanks to the many measures imposed to minimize its environmental impact, a rather strict control on selected parts of the Maldivian territory (the uninhabited islands designed for tourism). These measures have had results, so much so that, despite the heavy transformations imposed by tourism development, already in 2000, Rajasuriya et al. (2002, p. 103) could say that, in the Maldives, the main damage to reefs occurs not in the resorts, but ‘around those islands that are heavily populated and where there is a high level of development’. In fact, while tourist islands were subject to stringent measures (although not always respected), inhabited islands were less so. In the meanwhile, also the population of the Maldives has changed, has increased in number and has changed habits. Although religious positions have remained firmly Islamic, modern media and social media are widespread, arguably overcoming fears of demonstration effects and other forms of ‘cultural contamination’ that tourism may induce. This allowed the ban on tourism on inhabited islands to

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be lifted in 2008. This also means that there is also a need for greater mobility both for tourists and for the local population and, therefore, a demand for the creation of ports and other transport infrastructures which alter the morphology of the islands. Consumption patterns are also different and with them also the amount of solid waste produced in the inhabited islands. Until recently, waste was not a problem in the Maldives.18 Until the mid-1980s, most household waste was organic and decomposed when disposed. Today, solid waste has changed in quantity19 and composition,20 mainly due to the increased consumption of disposable products such as plastics. What has not changed, unfortunately, in many inhabited islands is the ability to manage the metabolism of these new forms of consumption. Inhabited islands, due to inadequate resources, still lack, in many cases, an efficient waste disposal system. So, ‘discards are left on a beach or discarded in low lying areas in woody sites’ (Peterson 2015, p. 9).21 However, while inhabited islands often do not have an adequate system of waste management, resorts are more advanced (Malatesta et al. 2015), and are equipped with incinerators, glass crushing machines and other solid waste recycling systems. Therefore, a potential form of collaboration between resorts and island communities’ concerns waste management. In the Fourth Tourism Master Plan (2013–2017), Strategy 2.1 has the ambitious title ‘Improving Waste Management Practices of Local Communities’. The general idea is to help the tourism industry, which ‘is already proactive in terms of environmental management practices, often working well beyond regulatory requirements’, to overcome the ‘bad media coverage in this regard’ proving to be able to guide local communities to do likewise, driving improvements in waste management. Action 2.1.1 aims at assisting inhabited islands near resorts to establish a self-sustaining waste management system. The Guidelines state that it is necessary to ‘develop waste management plans for inhabited islands in atolls with tourism development with the assistance of tourism facilities in the area’.22 In this perspective, for instance, Soneva resorts plants will recycle plastic collected from neighbouring islands as well. In addition to recycling plastic from the inhabited islands, Soneva seeks to reduce the ‘overall production of waste, especially as regards non-biodegradable waste’. In this perspective, they produce their own drinking water and have banned bottled water since 2008. They also roll out their bottled water to the neighbouring island Maalhos ‘reducing dependence on unreliable rainwater and increasing access to pure, filtered water in reusable glass bottles’. The collaboration about waste management systems between resorts and local islands is active also in other areas of the archipelago, as the inhabited island of Magoodhoo, in Faafu Atoll, and the Angsana Velavaru island-resort23 in Dhaalu Atoll. Six Senses Laamu, in the framework of a rather articulated network of collaboration with the local community, promoted not only the creation of a waste



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management centre but also the reduction of waste, buying every day fresh fish caught daily by local fishermen and from the zero-waste tuna factory located in Laamu Atoll. In this way, it is possible to give tourism a new role in relation to the country, not only as an economic but also as an environmental driving force. In addition to the task of helping inhabited islands to deal with the problem of waste, there is also the task of indicating the model of management of tourist activities in protected areas. Specifically, Strategy 2.2 asks for ‘developing and enforcing management plans for sensitive environments’. Here, after recognizing that efforts to manage most of the marine protected areas established across the Maldives ‘have been hampered due to the lack of proper management plans and mechanisms to enforce management plan’, the masterplan advances the suggestion to follow the example of pilot management programme implemented in Baa. In this case, Soneva Fushi is called directly into action, again as a possible example for the rest of the archipelago, because the ‘Man and Biosphere UNESCO Reserve of Baa Atoll’ was recognized in 2011 thanks to the joint efforts of Soneva and other five resorts in the atoll (Oines 2016, p. 44). As written in the masterplan, ‘Similar programs need to be introduced across all MPAs and sensitive environments, especially in places where the tourism industry is active’. Because the ‘need to conserve and manage the marine environment around resort islands’ is clear, the general idea is that the ‘tourism sector should help drive the national “biosphere reserve” program’. Strategy 2.3 (‘Establishing Marine Managed Areas in Resort House Reefs’) goes even further in this direction, because it says: The Maldives has announced a national level policy to make the entire country as a ‘biosphere reserve’. The house reefs of most resort islands are already well managed due to their importance to the tourism product, particularly in relation to aesthetics, snorkelling and diving. The tourism industry leads the way in environmental management and conservation in the Maldives. The announcement of the ‘biosphere reserve’ concept provides an opportunity for industry leaders to spearhead policy implementation that will help resorts manage house reefs. (Emphasis added)

Far from being spatial entities isolated from the rest of the country, resorts become in this way territorial actors. Beyond the voluntary commitment towards local communities, made in the perspective of ‘pro-poor tourism’ of some of them (Soneva, Six Senses24), the push towards the break of the logic of the enclave comes now from the political guidance of the government. Such a change in tourism policy can certainly help to remove tourists from the ‘quarantine’ (Richter 1989). However, it is necessary to understand whether this quarantine is a flaw or a further element in the tourist appeal of the Maldives. Generalizing is

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certainly difficult. It deserves to be reported, in this regard, an exchange of views present on Tripadvisor (an online travel company), between the author of one of the very few negative reviews for the Soneva Fushi, and the management of the resort. The guest complains: ‘The terrible location of the island. What do you expect from a trip to the Maldives? Why are you ready to fly 10 hours and pay huge money? Probably not to get out of your bungalow to see an inhabited island in front of you (at arm’s length) – the capital of Baa atoll: buildings in 4 floors, TV and telephone towers . . . infinitely moving transport, and the first time at 6 a.m.’.25 The answer from the resort is interesting too, because the manager writes, ‘From our perspective, we are actually quite proud of the island as over the years have fully supported the Education facilities on the island as well as the Hospital, not to mention the employment opportunities provided to the local Maldivian’s from both Soneva Fushi and the other resorts in the Maldives’. It is just a negative review, in front of a thousand and more positive or even enthusiastic reviews. Perhaps the time for quarantine is really over. NOTES 1. In this volume, David Bowen and Shahida Zubair briefly address enclavic tourism by focusing on power unbalances within the Maldivian context. See, Bowen and Zubair, chapter 7, this volume. 2. This choice was made following the indications of Dangroup International (1983, pp. 3–4) which stressed that ‘A substantial increase in the number of guest houses on inhabited islands will make control of the cultural and social effects of tourism very difficult, and social friction similar to what is found at other tourist destinations is likely to occur; problems which the Maldives up to now have been able to avoid. Furthermore, guest houses generally attract low-budget travellers which only give limited economic benefits to the country’. It added, ‘The best possible way of keeping friction between the tourist sector and the local communities at the lowest level possible is by abiding by the rule that tourism should only be allowed on uninhabited islands, and that tourist visits to inhabited islands should be kept at an absolute minimum. . . . The control of social and cultural effects is facilitated when the development of tourism is confined to special tourist zones keeping the development away from particularly vulnerable areas and keeping the tourist demonstration effect within certain well-defined physical areas’ (Dangroup International 1983, pp. 14–15). 3. In November 1982, this department was renamed as the Department of Tourism and made solely responsible for tourism management. The tourism sector was given elevated status in 1988 with the establishment of the Ministry of Tourism. 4. Indeed, the results of a survey produced for the same report underlined that some tourists complained about ‘the pollution of the sea with garbage, piles of waste found in the resorts often close to tourist cottages, the picking of corals, the use of spearguns. . . . Also, a few tourists have seen the killing of sea turtles, which has been



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an extremely negative event. The tourists are even concerned with the sale of female lobsters with eggs and very small lobsters in resort restaurants. Therefore, tourists are also indignant at other tourists if they are found to spoil nature or the peace’ (Dangroup International 1983, p. 109). 5. For a complete list of the measures affecting island tourism development in the Maldives, see Zulfa and Carlsen (2011). 6. In 1983, there was no specific government regulation concerning waste disposal, and the resorts handled the problem individually. Paper was separated and burned in drums, and food waste and empty tins were collected in plastic bags and thrown into the sea. No resort possessed waste recycling facilities, even if ‘in order to reduce the tin can problem some resorts such as Kurumba, Villingili, Baros, Nackacha and Kuramathi [were planning] to get a minor plant for pressing tin cans’. As a general suggestion, the report recommended to provide every resort with an incinerating plant. As far as sewage is concerned, government requirements for the construction of sewerage systems including septic tanks were at the time specified in the ‘Sanitation Code for Tourist Resorts’ and an official inspection of the sewerage installations was carried out before a resort was permitted to start operations (Dangroup International 1983, p. 162). Generators provided energy but, even if it was not realised, the possibility of installing a solar energy plant for electricity supply was already investigated. 7. ‘According to a survey carried out in August 1995 (Ministry of Planning, Human Resources and Environment) involving the management of 47 resorts, beach erosion was identified to be the major existing environmental problem facing the resorts’ (Kundur and Murthy 2013, p. 45). 8. Although the idea that ‘each resort is an autonomous island with its own boats, generator, restaurant and bar, staff accommodation, sports facilities, sewage and waste disposal systems, etc.’ suggested to Richter the ironic vision of the Maldives as a ‘whole nation composed of Club Meds’ (Richter 1989). 9. However, some doubts about the actual sustainability, at least in social and economic terms, of this tourism system have been raised. See on this respect Scheyvens (2011) and also Shakeela, Ruhanee and Breakley (2011). 10. As demonstrated by the title of a paper offered by the Ministry of Tourism of the Maldives: ‘Presentation on Exemplary Island Destination in the World’ at an international conference on ‘Sustainable Tourism in the Islands of the Asia-Pacific Region’, organized by WTO/UNEP in 2001 (emphasis added). 11. Mr Ismail Firaag was at the time deputy director for Planning and Development of the Ministry of Tourism. 12. Many years later, even EIAs were still ‘conducted by the developers themselves rather than by a government official’ (Purandare 2009, p. 8; and also Zubair, Bowen and Elwin 2011). 13. As is well known, sustainability is not just about the environment. As well demonstrated by Scheyvens (2011) and Sahkeela, Ruhanen and Breakey (2011), the measures adopted by the government to focus tourism development in defined areas, albeit effective on the green side, have not brought the Maldivian population the positive impact in economic terms which other forms of tourism development could have delivered. In this chapter, however, we will focus only on the environmental dimension.

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14. Author’s field research. 15. ‘Wealthy people today live in the cities in boxes: our apartments are boxes; our cars are boxes and our offices are boxes. It’s nearly impossible to breathe healthy air! Spending a short time at Soneva Fushi, people forget about life’s supposed necessities: checking the smartphone, wearing elaborate outfits. Our customers change a little while they’re with us’ (Girón 2016, p. 151). 16. See https://soneva.com/sustainability-reports%E2%80%8B. 17. https://www.soneva.com/. 18. At the end of the 1980s, the problem of solid waste was only perceptible in Malé, where, as observed by Ahmed Mohamed (1992, p. 5), ‘due to the sudden increase in population, the amount of garbage increased tremendously. . . . The garbage can no longer be buried in backyards nor can it be thrown into the sea because the quantity has increased so much as well, which has given rise to the present day garbage problem in Malé’. What a change from the ‘the spotless cleanliness to be observed everywhere’, noted by the American botanist Francis Raymond Fosberg, when he visited the capital of the Maldives 35 years before (Fosberg 1957, p. 3). 19. ‘[Inn 2005] Tourist resorts produce[d] on average 2.5 kg of waste per person per day, as opposed to only 0.3–0.5kg of waste per person per day for Maldivians living on outer islands and 0.8–1 kg of waste per person per day for those living in the capital, Malé’ (Scheyvens 2011, p. 154). Today, ‘recent estimates indicate that solid waste is generated at a rate of 1.8 kg per person per day in Malé, 0.8 kg per person per day on the other inhabited islands, and 3.5 kg per person per day in resort islands’ (Peterson 2015). 20. ‘Island community solid waste was reported to have a high organic fraction (70%). Recyclables (metals and plastics) account for only 3% of discards; while the balance of the solid waste is classified as residuals. At tourist resorts the share of organics waste were estimated to account for 89% of discards. The primary components being food waste (40%) and garden / yard (landscaping) trash (38%)’ (Peterson 2015, p. 8). 21. The problem is made even more acute by the population’s habits. As remarked by a UNICEF Report (Orłowska 2018), ‘Definitely, the biggest obstacle to transfer to more environmentally friendly garbage management in Maldives is people’s mindsets and fighting consolidated habit of discarding waste anywhere. Until recently, most waste was generally degradable since it was organic in nature and Maldivians got used to throw it to the road, beach or sea as it was considered a part of the natural surroundings. Unfortunately, this custom continues even after the introduction of plastic and paper bags to the islands. There is some difference noticed in beliefs regarding what is waste and where is its place between children and adults. The older generation seem to be used to throwing waste anywhere but youngsters seem to be a little more sensitive, most probably because study of environment is covered in the school curriculum’. 22. For an overview of waste management practices in inhabited islands, see Malatesta et al. 2015. 23. Author’s field research. 24. As written on the Six Senses Lamu website: ‘Fifty-percent of water sales in all restaurant outlets goes into a fund specifically for projects providing clean, reliable



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drinking water to local communities in need. This fund has donated a reverse osmosis water plant to the regional hospital, as well as thirty household water filters to a local island’. Then, there is the ‘Eku Eky’ Program: ‘“Eku-Eky” means “together” in the local language of Dhivehi. This program is an initiative by Six Senses Laamu to strengthen relationships with Laamu Atoll communities, work towards sustainable development and achieve environmental conservation. All island councils and the Laamu Atoll council, as well as representatives from schools, police, and NGOs are invited to the resort quarterly to discuss sustainable development in the atoll and how the resort can assist the islands with funding and service. From this programme, the team visited all 11 inhabited islands in Laamu to conduct education session with schoolchildren, council meetings with the secretariats and open community forums for people of all ages. The results of this programme are a platform in which ideas can be shared and life can be improved for all residents of Laamu Atoll’. See http:// www.sixsenses.com/resorts/laamu/sustainability. 25. https://www.tripadvisor.it/Hotel_Review-g3252668-d301967-ReviewsSoneva_Fushi-Kunfunadhoo.html.

REFERENCES Ahmed, M. (1992). ‘Population and environment related issues in Maldives’. In AMIC, Workshop on Environmental Reporting. Dhaka: Bangladesh, Apr 18–22, 1992. Singapore: Asian Mass Communication Research & Information Centre. Anderson, C. and Waheed, A. (2001). ‘The economics of shark and ray watching in the Maldives’. Shark News 13, no. 1: 1–3. Brown, K., Turner, R.K., Hameed, H. and Batemann, I. (1997). ‘Environmental carrying capacity and tourism development in the Maldives and Nepal’. Environmental Conservation 24, no. 4: 316–325. Carlisle, S. and Jones, E. (2012). ‘The beach enclave: A landscape of power’. Tourism Management Perspectives 1: 9–16. Cater, C. and Cater, E. (2007). Marine ecotourism: Between the devil and the deep blue sea. Wallingford: CaBi. Dangroup International (1983). Tourism development plan Republic of Maldives final report – May 1983, Vol. 1, Malé: Ministry of Tourism. Accessed 1 July 2019, http://saruna.mnu.edu.mv/jspui/handle/123456789/1319. de-Miguel-Molina, B., de-Miguel-Molina, M. and Rumiche-Sosa, M. (2011). ‘Does luxury indicate sustainability? An analysis of the Maldives’. EJBO Electronic Journal of Business Ethics and Organization Studies 16 no. 1 de-Miguel-Molina, B., de-Miguel-Molina, M. and Rumiche-Sosa, M. (2014). ‘Luxury sustainable tourism in Small Island Developing States surrounded by coral reefs’. Ocean & Coastal Management 98: 86–94. dell’Agnese, E. (2018a). ‘ “One island, one resort”. Il turismo enclave alle Maldive come eterotopia pianificata’. Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana 14, 1, no. 1: 27–39. dell’Agnese, E. (2018b). ‘ “Islands within Islands?” The Maldivian resort, between segregation and integration’. Tourism Geographies: 1–17.

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Domroes, M. (1985). ‘Tourism resources and their development in the Maldive Islands’. GeoJournal 1, no. 10: 119–126. Domroes, M. (1993). ‘Maldivian tourist resorts and their environmental impact’. In Tourism vs Environment: The Case for Coastal Areas, edited by Wong, P.P., 69–82. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Domroes, M. (2001). ‘Conceptualising state‐controlled resort islands for an environment‐friendly development of tourism: The Maldivian experience’. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 22, no. 2: 122–137. Domroes, M. (2008). ‘Visitors’ environment awareness in the Maldives’. Global Environmental Research 12, no. 2: 83–92. Firaag, I. (1997). ‘Tourism and the environment: Current issues for management’. In Workshop on Integrated Reef Resources Management in the Maldives, edited by Nickerson, D.J and Maniku M.H., 187–198. Madras: Bay of Bengal Programme. Accessed 30 June 2019. http://www.fao.org/docrep/X5623E/x5623e0p.htm. Font, X. (2001). ‘Regulating the green message: The players in ecolabelling’. In Tourism ecolabelling: Certification and promotion of sustainable management, edited by Font, X. and Buckley, R., 1–17. Wallingford: CaBI. Fosberg, F.R. (1957). ‘The Maldives Islands, Indian Ocean’. Atoll Research Bulletin. 58: 1–37. Fotiou, S., Buhalis, D. and Vereczi, G. (2002). ‘Sustainable development of ecotourism in small islands developing states (SIDS) and other small islands’. Tourism and Hospitality Research 4, no. 1: 79–88. Gallagher, A.J. and Hammerschlag, N. (2011). ‘Global shark currency: The distribution, frequency, and economic value of shark ecotourism’. Current Issues in Tourism 14, no. 8: 797–812. Gay, J-C. (2001). ‘L’île-hôtel symbole du tourisme maldivien’. Les Cahiers d’OutreMer 54, no. 213: 27–52. Girón, M.E. (2016). Sustainable luxury and social entrepreneurship: More stories from the pioneers. Sheffield: Greenleaf Publishing. Jamaludin, M. and Yusof, Z.B. (2013). ‘Best practice of Green Island resorts’. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences 105: 20–29. Jameel, M.M. and Yahaya A. (2015). Architectural heritage of Maldives and its revival through tourism. Conference Islam and Multiculturalism: Islam in Global Perspective, Abu Dhabi: NYU. King, B.E.M. (1997). Creating island resorts. London: Routledge. King, B.E.M. (2001). ‘Resort-based tourism on the pleasure periphery’. In Tourism and the less developed world: Issues and cases studies, edited by Harrison D., 175–190. Wallingford: CaBI International. Krippendorf, J.C. (1987). The holiday makers: Understanding the impact of leisure and travel. London: Heinemann (transl. of Die Ferienmenschen: für ein neues Verständnis von Freizeit und Reisen. Zürich: Orell Füssli, 1984). Kundur, S.K. and Murthy, K. (2013). ‘Environmental Impacts of Tourism and Management in Maldives’. International Journal of Environmental Sciences 2 no. 1: 44–50. Lea, J.P. (1988). Tourism and Development in the Third World. London: Routledge. Malatesta, S., Schmidt di Friedberg, M., Pecorelli, V., Di Pietro, A. and Cajiao, M.A. (2015). ‘The right place. Solid waste management in the Republic of Maldives:



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Between infrastructural measures and local practices’. Miscellanea Geographica 19, no. 2: 25–32. Minca, C. (2000). ‘The Bali Syndrome: The explosion and implosion of “exotic” tourist spaces’ Tourism Geographies 2, no. 4: 389–403. Moscardo, G. and Benckendorff, P. (2010). ‘Sustainable luxury: Oxymoron or comfortable bedfellows’. In Proceedings of the 2010 international tourism conference on global sustainable tourism, Mbombela, Nelspruit, South Africa, 15–19. https:// researchonline.jcu.edu.au/15752/. Moscardo, G. (2017). ‘Sustainable luxury in hotels and resorts: Is it possible?’. In Sustainable management of luxury, edited by Gardetti, M.A., 163–189. Singapore: Springer. Moritz, C., Ducarme, F., Sweet, M.J. et al. (2017). ‘The “resort effect”: Can tourist islands act as refuges for coral reef species?’. Diversity and Distributions 23, no. 11: 1301–1312. Oines, A. (2016). ‘Transformation towards a more sustainable hospitality industry’. In Global report on the transformative power of tourism: A paradigm shift towards a more responsible traveller, volume 14. Madrid: UNWTO, 44–45. Orłowska, J. (2018). Climate change and its effect on children. A study on how children perceive and are affected by climate change in the Maldives. Accessed 15 July 2019. https://www.unicef.org/maldives/reports/climate-change-and-its-effect-children. Peterson, C. (2015). Assessment of solid waste management practices and its vulnerability to climate risks in Maldives tourism sector. Increasing climate change resilience of Maldives through adaptation in the tourism sector. Ministry of Tourism, Republic of Maldives. Accessed 10 July 2019, http://www.tourism.gov.mv/. Pinkhasov, M. and Rachna, J.N. (2014). Real luxury. How luxury brands can create value for the long term. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Price A.R.G. and Firaq, A. (1996). ‘The environmental status of reefs on Maldivian resort islands: A preliminary assessment for tourism planning’. Aquatic Conservation: Marine and Freshwater Ecosystems 6: 93–106. Purandare, J. (2009). ‘How can tourist developments in popular tourist destinations, such as the Maldives, also be sustainable developments’. International Journal of Small Economies 1, no. 1: 1–14. Rajasuriya, A., Zahir, H., Muley, E.V. et al. (2002). ‘Status of coral reefs in South Asia: Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Sri Lanka’. In Proceedings of the Ninth International Coral Reef Symposium, Bali, 23–27 October, 2: 841–845. Richter, L.K. (1989). The politics of tourism in Asia. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Robbins, D. and Gaczorek, J. (2015). ‘Luxury and sustainability in tourism accommodation – an exploration of how to reconcile apparently incompatible objectives using a case study approach’. In Conference proceedings of BEST EN Think Tank XV: The environment-people nexus in sustainable tourism: Finding the balance. Townsville: James Cook University, 166–186. Saarinen, J. (2017). ‘Enclavic tourism spaces: Territorialization and bordering in tourism destination development and planning’. Tourism Geographies 19, no. 3: 425–437. Saeed, S. and Annandale, D. (1999). ‘Tourism and the management of environmental impacts in the republic of Maldives’. 総合政策研究 7: 81–88.

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Sathiendrakumar, R. and Tisdell, C. (1989). ‘Tourism and the economic development of the Maldives’. Annals of Tourism Research 16: 254–269. Scheyvens, E. (2011). ‘The challenge of sustainable tourism development in the Maldives: Understanding the social and political dimensions of sustainability’. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 52, no. 2: 148–164. Shakeela, A., Ruhanen, L. and Breakey, N. (2011). ‘The Maldives: A sustainable tourism success story?’. E-review of Tourism Research 9, no. 5. Accessed 30 May 2019, https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/143889816.pdf. White, A.T. and Rajasuriya, A. (1995). ‘South Asian regional report on the issues and activities associated with coral reefs and related ecosystems’. In Proceedings of the International Coral Reef Initiative – South Asia Workshop – Bandos Island, Republic of Maldives, vol. 29. Zubair, S., Bowen, D. and Elwin, J. (2011). ‘Not quite paradise: Inadequacies of environmental impact assessment in the Maldives’. Tourism Management 32, no. 2: 225–234. Zubair, S., Bowen, D. and Altinay, L. (2015). ‘Enclave resort tourism in Maldives: Destination development and resistance to change’. Proceedings: Rising tides and sea changes. CAUTHE, Southern Cross University, Coolangatta, Gold Coast, Australia, February, 793–798. Zulfa, M. and Carlsen, J. (2011). ‘Planning for Sustainable Island Tourism Development in the Maldives’. In Island Tourism: Towards a Sustainable Perspective, edited by Carlsen, J. and Butler, R., 215–227, Wallingford: CaBI International.

Chapter 7

New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma Shahida Zubair and David Bowen

As identified in the editors’ introduction, the Maldives is an archipelago state of 1,192 low-lying islands in the Indian Ocean comprising 26 natural atolls administered as seven provinces. The archipelago extends north from the equator over seven degrees of latitude. The census of 2015 recorded a population of 402,071, of whom 38% live in Malé (UNFPA, 2016). Islam is the official state religion and all citizens are required to be Muslim. Tourism growth since the 1970s has been continuous except for a short period following the 2004 tsunami. In 1980, visitor numbers totalled 42,000, in 2000 there were 500,000 visitors and in 2013, for the first time, 1 million visitors (GDP 28 per cent). Maldives welcomed the 1,500,000 visitor of 2019 in November 2019 (Ministry of Tourism, 2019). During the 1980s, First Tourism Master Plan 1983–1992 was developed with the help of the European Union and this allowed the creation of a new tourism zone in Alifu Atoll, away from Malé, with the lease of 14 islands for tourism. Following both a Second Master Plan 1996–2005 and a Third Master Plan 2007–2012, which was extended during a period of intense political turmoil, tourism development expanded into additional atolls so that development of some sort reached almost every corner of the Maldives (Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation, 2007; Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture 2012). Barring rare exceptions, the government owns the land in the Maldives and periodically allows the lease of islands for tourism resort development. In 2017, there were 135 tourism resorts in operation (Ministry of Tourism, 2018) and each is an enclave resort, with one resort per island.1 These island resorts are autonomous units, totally self-contained, providing their own infrastructure of electric power, water supply, accommodation, restaurants, leisure facilities, sewage and solid waste disposal as well as housing and other facilities for employees (Zubair, Bowen and Elwin, 2011). Over each year during the period 2010–2014, 55–60 per cent of resorts were either foreign-owned 125

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or joint-ventures (Ministry of Tourism, 2015). The contribution of tourism to GDP remained constant at close to 25 per cent over the same period, although, in part due to changes in tax and the resort lease rent formula, the percentage share of tourism revenue in total government revenue rose from 27 per cent in 2010 to 31 per cent in 2017 (Ministry of Tourism, 2018). Shakeela and Weaver (2013) characterized the Maldives economy as hyper-dependent on tourism. The strict policy of enclave resort tourism, locally known as the oneisland-one-resort (OIOR) tourism, was modified in 2008 by the Maldivian parliament or Majlis after a period of nearly twenty-five years. The second amendment of the Tourism Act 2/99 allowed the spread of tourism beyond the confines of otherwise uninhabited islands (Ministry of Tourism, 2014). A compelling argument advanced for the relaxation of the policy was the growth of guesthouse tourism, an alternative to OIOR tourism, and the supposed creation of a new wave of tourism development that was spatially less confined than in the period 1983–2008. Incoming (and Maldivian) tourists would benefit from a wider choice of location, on inhabited islands otherwise beyond tourist reach, and a wider type of accommodation product (specifically guesthouses) with attendant spin-off opportunities for local entrepreneurs and local employees. Power allocation among stakeholders was projected to shift from its established core of commercial Maldivian and international elites and centralized government. Bowen, Zubair and Altinay (2017) investigated the evolution of tourismrelated power relations in the Maldives, with the shaping and shifting of power, in the form of power dominance, subservience and decline. This chapter develops from the springboard of that study. Whilst it is evident that there have been new opportunities for tourists to experience the Maldives beyond enclave resorts, it was felt by this chapter’s authors that guesthouse development and the attendant shaping and shifting of power was diverging from what was thought likely in the original 2017 study. Accordingly, with the use of evidence from restricted secondary sources, the chapter evaluates whether the power shaping/shifting and spatial spread has been concomitant with what was originally conceived. Resultant implications and attendant dilemmas for tourism destination management are discussed within the joint lens of geography and power/politics. ENCLAVE TOURISM, POWER Enclave tourism resorts are frequently criticized in the academic literature. Freitag (1994, p. 551) notes that ‘the enclave resort is not designed to promote economic linkages at the community level’. Enclaves are dominated by what Shaw and Shaw (1999, p. 69) label ‘metropolitan control via transnational



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corporations’ and typically consist of an inclusive, controlled, social and spatial environment in which tourists are set apart from local people, other than those who serve their immediate needs and wants within the environs of the resort. Tourists are separated from economic and cultural interaction beyond the resort gate and opportunity for interaction with the local population is fleeting. Enclave tourism is predicated on a fundamentally different rationale from that which considers the foundation of destination development and branding to be the sense of place as articulated by local residents (Campelo, Aitken, Thyne and Gnoth, 2014).2 Church and Coles’ (2007) pragmatic consideration of power is viewed as the interplay of individuals, organizations and agencies influencing or trying to influence the direction of policy. It directs attention to relations among both individuals and stakeholder groups as they strive to change behaviours in the decision-making process. Individuals capable of influence are necessarily specific to a particular destination but it is possible to identify some general stakeholder groups that are important in a consideration of tourism and power. First, government in the widest sense (so including its machinery in the form of ministries) is often presumed to be the most powerful stakeholder group in tourism planning and development. Scheyvens (2011) argues that it’s government that has the power to establish policies and consequently influence the utilization of economic gain from local communities as well as the preservation of social, cultural and environmental resources. Second, tourism entrepreneurs are also identified as one of the most influential stakeholder groups. The notion that tourism is simply a private sector activity is flawed (Sofield, 2003) but the private sector, which is principally profit-driven, is often dominant in terms of tourism ownership and financial resources (Waligo, Clarke and Hawkins, 2013). Third, the local community can also be important as a stakeholder group. Murphy (1985) argues that tourism relies on the goodwill and cooperation of local people because they are part of the product (a characterization that does not fit with Maldivianstyle OIORs). Where development and planning do not fit with local aspirations and capacity, resistance and hostility can reduce the industry’s potential (Jamal and Getz, 1995). According to Byrd (2003), stakeholders in the host community need to be actively involved in planning and development and not merely recipients of tourism plans. Fourth, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) also have a stake in the tourism industry. Their role is frequently important in the formulation and implementation of policies as NGOs often act as consultants to the government and private sector (Kennedy and Dorman, 2009). Special interest or pressure groups also put pressure on governments, industry and communities regarding issues such as environmental protection, education and social aspects of tourism development. In recent years, the importance of NGOs and pressure groups as well as the

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local community are often highlighted (Choi and Sirakaya, 2005; Kennedy and Dorman, 2009). The power allocation between the various stakeholder groups has the consequence that those with less power and influence have to accept less than they would like to (Beritelli, Bieger and Laesser, 2014; Erkus-Ozturk and Erayin, 2010; Krutwasho and Bramwell, 2010). Some stakeholder groups are regularly not integrated or are even totally ignored by others. Some sub-stakeholder groups, too, are marginalized within a larger stakeholder grouping. POWER SHAPING AND SHIFTING: MALDIVES 1983–2014 Different patterns of what were deemed power shaping and power shift emerged from the study of Bowen, Zubair and Altinay (2017), the catalyst source for this chapter. Power shaping and power shift are illustrated in figures 7.1 and 7.2, respectively, a summary evaluation of evolving patterns of power dominance, subservience and decline evident in the Maldivian case. Power shaping (figure 7.1) involves an attempt to influence behaviour of stakeholder groups, whilst emphasizing the consensus and the collective. Partial power shift (figures 7.2 and 7.3) involves a partial break with

Figure 7.1.  Power Shaping/Power Shift: Variants. Source: Authors’ elaboration.



New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma 129

Figure 7.2.  Power Shift: Partial 2012–2014, Non-Dominant Control. Source: Authors’ elaboration.

the consensus and collective. By contrast, complete power shift (figure 7.4) involves a complete break, the establishment of a new power nexus, a new centre of dominant control, and a new period of equilibrium/status quo. Control is envisaged as influence over the tourism resource within the economicpolitical system. Figure 7.1 illustrates the long-standing equilibrium/status quo in the Maldives during the period 1983–2008 when the OIOR policy was dominant, and largely unchallenged, and guesthouse development was forbidden. The power centre was lodged between entrepreneurs (#1) and the long-established one-party government (#2), with another key power input from the Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture (MOTAC, #3). The power of government opposition (#4), official or otherwise, and the local community (#6) was limited. Figure 7.2 illustrates a partial power shift towards the ideas of the Maldives Democratic Party (MDP, #4) prior to and during their short period in government (2008–2012) and the passage of the second amendment of the Maldives Tourism Act 2/99. The power nexus is not lodged in a new position of equilibrium/status quo entirely within MDP control. Entrepreneurs and members of the former government maintain some control: power shaping continues but there is a partial power shift. Figure 7.3 illustrates the uptake of MDP ideas as increasingly accepted mainstream policy and thought, reflected in the fastmoving growth of guesthouses on the ground, even though the power nexus has reverted to its former position. The ongoing shaping that parallels a partial

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Figure 7.3.  Resorts’ Location across Malé and Proximate Atolls. Source: Maldives Finest, 2018, https://maldivesfinest.com/location-map.

power shift created a power situation that almost mirrored MDP pre-election policies, but without the dominant control that MDP would have exercised if they had been elected. Such a situation was emerging during the time of the field research. It continued following the defeat of the MDP in late 2013 by the re-elected coalition. The power nexus in figure 7.3 is lodged back between the entrepreneurs (#1) and the new post 2012 government (#2), but there is



New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma 131

Figure 7.4.  Guesthouse Ownership and Operation by Island, Kaafu Atoll. Source: Authors’ Elaboration. Ministry of Tourism (2018), Tourism Yearbook 2018. Accessed 8 December 2019, https://www.tourism.gov.mv/.

a very strong power pulse from #4 (MDP) and a strengthened pulse from #6 (local community). Figure 7.4 represented a projection of complete power shift (envisaged as possible but not accomplished) and the establishment of a new equilibrium/status quo. Such a position was articulated by opposition politicians, a situation that was thwarted by narrow electoral defeat. Further details on the forces that created partial power shift (2012–2014) instead of power shaping are added in figure 7.2. Although they are specific to the Maldives, it is arguable that they can be applied, with due moderation, to other small islands states. First, the beginnings of democracy in 2008, although threatened in the (contested) coup d’état of February 2012 and elections of 2013/14, offered a glimpse of democratic power and associated accountability, even in a very nascent form. Those in positions of power in government were not indistinguishable from those prior to 2008. However, they were somewhat more accountable. They needed to address disparity in the spread of economic wealth across social strata and geographical space, a common thread in small island states. The guesthouse policy was most enthusiastically espoused by the MDP opposition, but it offered visible evidence to voters in local communities that some tangible action by the government was forthcoming on economic disparity. As recognized by Causevic and Lynch (2013), periods of political instability can alter the bonds of government and business that otherwise confirm equilibrium/status quo. Second, there was a vacuum regarding decision-making during the run-up period of the elections (November 2013) and re-run of election (March 2014). A number of stakeholders, particularly from MOTAC and MATATO, commented on the way in which the development of guesthouses was proceeding without the planning and control that characterized the development of the

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OIOR policy since 1983. It was recognized that such laxity of control, the result of which suggested a shift towards the demand of the MDP and the local community, could be no more than a mirage. There was already some evidence that, during the vacuum, some Maldivian entrepreneurs who previously focused on resort development were making note of a business opportunity and were developing their own guesthouses in a style much more like smallscale hotels and apartment complexes. In other words, the same operators who owned/operated resorts had established themselves as guesthouse owners. Parallels were envisaged in other locations. Indeed, Bianchi (2004, p. 522) recognized, in the Islas Canarias, that the regional elite from non-democratic times in Spain were able to insert themselves at the centre of a new tourism policy ‘at the expense of labour, civil society, small investors and, of course, the region’s ecology’. There was some similarity in the Maldivian context such that power and wealth was still remaining in the hands of the few. Some evidence from interviewees in Bowen et al. (2017) suggested that the vacuum had injected a sudden, cathartic release from a long-term situation of no jobs, limited jobs or unwanted jobs (filled mainly by Bangladeshi migrant workers) and an antipathy to effort as regards employment and entrepreneurial activity. Interviewees described a far-from-bucolic-island life, characterized as an ‘island jail’, with 12 per cent endemic unemployment, underemployment, drug addiction (3,154 in the atolls and 4,342 in Malé) and crime (UNODC, 2013). Yet they were optimistic of a tourism future in 5 or 10 years based around guesthouse tourism and the latent talent and endeavour that it would release. There were other forces that had contributed to the partial shift of power. For example, the Maldives was by no means as isolated geographically or socially as in the 1970s. A number of stakeholders commented on the growing international awareness of sections of the population who no longer relied on fishing; who had some contact with international visitors; who had been trained and educated outside the Maldives; and who were wellconnected inside and outside the Maldives by mobile phones, computers and social media. From that point of view, there was a growing mixture of ideas, including some questioning of religious purity, even if not expressed overtly and explicitly. Moreover, internet growth has also allowed guesthouse operators to bypass tourism intermediaries. There was a growing presence of guesthouse options that tourists could access direct through e-Tourism websites such as booking.com, agoda.com, hotels.com. The development of the wealthy elite in China, Southeast Asia, Russia and satellites had fuelled the expansion in the numbers of OIOR developments and helped to maintain resort occupancy levels even during times of recession in Europe. However, there had also been a concomitant growth of tourists seeking alternatives to the established destination and resort brand in the Maldives, sometimes out of economic necessity and sometimes as a search for more independent tourist



New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma 133

experiences common elsewhere (Bowen and Clarke, 2009; Pearce, 2012). Diversification, including guesthouse development on inhabited islands, with all that meant for a shift of power to the local community and islanders, was not possible without a matching of supply and demand. Fortuitously or otherwise, the rejection of the OIOR product by one segment of tourists has aligned with e-tourism growth. Whilst the forces above were specific to the Maldives, they were also closely related to wider changes in the region and beyond. The struggle for the spread of tourism in the Maldives beyond OIOR appeared to be a window to wider events. Those included democratization; technological developments; ideological movements and counter- movements (as in the search for a supposed counter to jihadism through economic development); new tourist motivations and behaviours; the development of new economies in China, Southeast Asia, Russia and satellites and ongoing recession of threat of recession, particularly in Europe. As recorded elsewhere (Nelson, 2012), it was recognized that the power redistribution could be thrown in reverse. First, there was much at stake, both financially and with regard to private patronage, for those involved in government and also for entrepreneurs with resort developments whose raison d’être was the OIOR model. Power is not easily relinquished. Partial power shift was not rejected outright by any grouping, but the polarization of politics and the associated antipathies did not encourage compromise. Second, community-based dialogue and action of the sort isolated by Hwang, Stewart and Ko (2012), which could minimize negative tourism impacts and maximize positive impacts, was by no means firmly founded and was, rather, barely evident. It was surmised that the benefits of guesthouse development might not accrue with the resultant negative effect on host support identified in social exchange theory (Latkova and Vogt, 2012). Third, of all the range of forces discussed in relation to figure 7.2, it was considered that Islamic belief, moderate and extreme, was most likely to create a reverse shift. It was concluded that the future trajectory of power shaping or power shift in the Maldives, whichever way that developed, even in the extreme to a potential point of chaos, was well worth additional research so as to extend comment on the influences that affect the development, maintenance and resistance to power equilibrium/status quo. The evidence given ahead is an initial attempt, using secondary information, to fulfil that intention. POWER SHAPING AND SHIFTING: POST 2014 EMERGENT EVIDENCE OIOR tourism in the Maldives has been focused around the main international airport island (Hulhulé now renamed Velana International Airport) immediately proximate to Malé in Kaafu Atoll (figure 7.3). Over 80 per cent

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of tourist resort bed capacity is concentrated within Kaafu Atoll and the four adjoining atolls namely Alifu Alifu, Alifu Dhaalu, Baa and Vaavu (table 7.1). During the period 2013–2017, overall accommodation and bed capacity showed considerable increases (table 7.2). In 2013, there were a total of 428 accommodation establishments with a total bed capacity of 29,747. Those numbers increased to 736 establishments by the end of 2017 with 41,255 beds (Ministry of Tourism, 2018). Guesthouses showed a dramatic rate of growth followed by slower growth in resorts/marinas. There was a decline in (city) hotels and safari vessels. It is immediately noticeable that the pattern of distribution of resorts is very similar to that of guesthouses (table 7.3). The top four resort locations are Kaafu (45 resorts), Alifu Dhaalu (17), Alifu Alifu (13) and Baa (13). With only slight change of order, the top four guesthouse locations are Kaafu (225 guesthouses), Alifu Alifu (69), Alifu Dhaalu (44) and Baa (31). Of the atolls proximate to Malé, only Vaavu is ranked in the lower 50 per cent (rank 12/20). However, with regard to guesthouses, Vaavu is ranked 5/20 with 23 establishments. The Greater Malé Region, located in Kaafu Atoll, is the core urban and economic centre in the country and the main gateway for international tourists. From that point of view, the very similar pattern of distribution shown by the newly emergent guesthouses and the long-established resorts is not surprising, as the tyranny of distance is problematic in archipelago states. Even within a single atoll distance is critical. Within Kaafu atoll, there is a distinct peak of guesthouses based around Malé-Hulhulmalé and Maafushi (figure 7.4). Arguably transport connections present a greater challenge for guesthouses than resorts because they operate without the individual or collective means of resorts and attract a different socio-economic group of tourists. An affordable public or private transport service is essential for the growth of the guesthouse sub-sector. As the islands are widespread and open seas separate them, it is not easy to travel by local boats, or even speedboats, because it will take several hours to reach them, and hence opting for a seaplane or domestic flight transfer is necessary. In addition to the time required to travel, the cost of travel is a deterrent for tourists travelling to stay in guesthouses on inhabited islands. Currently, the price of a return seaplane transfer can range from US$200 to US$600 per person, often more than the international flight itself. The onward development of new airport hubs is continuing but not yet advanced. The islands in the relatively distant Baa Atoll are comparatively easy to access due to the domestic airport in Dharavandhoo island. Islands that are relatively successful as locations for guesthouses, beyond those more proximate to Malé, most often have a domestic airport that they can capitalize on. Dhigurah island in Alifu Dhaalu atoll that has a domestic airport in

456 159 796 470 1,704 1,476 9,268 2,156 3,818 402 400 250 590 46 194 576 200 830 23,791

Beds

Source: Ministry of Tourism, 2018.

Haa Alifu Shaviyani Noonu Raa Baa Lhaviyani Kaafu Alifu Alifu Alifu Dhaalu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Alifu Gaafu Dhaalu Seenu Total

Atoll

1.9 0.7 3.3 2.0 7.2 6.2 39.0 9.1 16.0 1.7 1.7 1.1 2.5 0.2 0.8 2.4 0.8 3.5 100.0

% Share

2013

464 159 796 656 1,704 1,636 8,968 2,216 3,862 402 400 250 590 132 194 576 200 826 24,031

Beds 1.9 0.7 3.3 2.7 7.1 6.8 37.3 9.2 16.1 1.7 1.7 1.0 2.5 0.5 0.8 2.4 0.8 3.4 100.0

% Share

2014

Table 7.1.  Distribution of Resorts by Atolls, 2013–2017

464 159 796 680 1,700 1,636 9,088 2,244 3,982 402 400 250 778 152 194 576 550 826 24,877

Beds 1.9 0.6 3.2 2.7 6.8 6.6 36.5 9.0 16.0 1.6 1.6 1.0 3.1 0.6 0.8 2.3 2.2 3.3 100.0

% Share

2015

464 159 832 810 2,302 2,138 9,506 2,454 3,982 434 400 250 962 152 194 616 550 826 27,031

Beds 1.7 0.6 3.1 3.0 8.5 7.9 35.2 9.1 14.7 1.6 1.5 0.9 3.6 0.6 0.7 2.3 2.0 3.1 100.0

% Share

2016

594 227 1,176 1,616 2,562 2,250 10,094 2,488 4,036 434 400 250 1,512 152 194 616 550 826 29,977

Beds

2.0 0.8 3.9 5.4 8.5 7.5 33.7 8.3 13.5 1.4 1.3 0.8 5.0 0.5 0.6 2.1 1.8 2.8 100.0

% Share

2017

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Table 7.2.  Accommodation Establishments and Bed Capacity, 2013–2017 2013

2014

Type of Establishment

Nos

Resorts/Marinas Hotels Guest Houses Safari Vessels Total

110 23,487 111 24,031 19 1,626 19 1,704 136 1,918 220 3,199 163 2,716 161 2,739 428 29,747 511 31,673

Beds

Nos

Beds

2015 Nos

Beds

2016 Nos

Beds

115 24,877 126 26,933 17 1,648 16 1,713 313 4,621 393 6,034 170 2,939 144 2,694 615 34,085 679 37,374

2017 Nos

Beds

135 29,977 10 1,456 458 7,304 133 2,518 736 41,255

Source: Ministry of Tourism, 2018.

Maamigili is one among them, drawing a regular flow of visitors due to its proximity to seas in which whale sharks can be observed. In another representation of power, beyond spatial concentration, there is an emerging similarity in the relationship between ownership and operation of guesthouses in those atolls (e.g., Kaafu, Baa, Alifu Alifu and Alifu Dhaalu) situated within close proximity to airports. For example, land owners in Kaafu who own and operate guesthouses appear to be outnumbered by those who have leased land to guesthouse operators. Entrepreneurs and investors from other islands/atolls see an opportunity to have a share of the earnings from guesthouse tourism and lease land from Kaafu owners who are living elsewhere (e.g., in Malé for work, school or medical reasons). It is striking that in Hulhumalé, Kaafu, the majority of guesthouses (60/76) are owned and operated through such a lease basis. In Maafushi, the relationship is almost identical (32/39). Investment into developing and operating a guesthouse is both a time and financial commitment. Securing a bank loan to construct a guesthouse can be difficult if the land owner does not have a regular income. Therefore, many land owners prefer the option of having an income without the commitment (as mentioned earlier). Plots of land are typically leased to investors for a period of 25–30 years. Moreover, entrepreneurs and investors compete with each other to secure prime locations, particularly near beach areas. Accordingly, the rental price of land has soared in Hulhumalé and Maafushi since 2010. This restricts development within a comparatively tight group from among the existing well-off elite. That was not the vision when guesthouse tourism was muted as a counter to established concentration of power in 2008. Figure 7.5 illustrates that whilst the disjuncture between ownership and operation is most pronounced in Kaafu atoll, there is an emerging dominance of different owner-operators vis-a-vis same owner-operators in Alifu Alifu, Alifu Dhaalu and Baa. Vaavu also shows a parallel emerging pattern. The atolls have Marine Protected Areas and domestic airports. For example, Baa Atoll is world renowned for large numbers of mantas and whale sharks in the

3 0 2 6 6 13 8 45 13 17 2 2 1 6 1 1 4 3 2 135.0

Haa Alifu Haa Dhaalu Shaviyani Noonu Raa Baa Lhaviyani Kaafu Alifu Alifu Alifu Dhaalu Vaavu Meemu Faafu Dhaalu Thaa Laamu Gaafu Alifu Gaafu Dhaalu Seenu Total

Beds

594 0 227 1,176 1,616 2,562 2,250 10,094 2,488 4,036 434 400 250 1,512 152 194 616 550 826 29,977

Source: Ministry of Tourism, 2018.

Nos

Atoll

Resorts

2.0 0.0 0.8 3.9 5.4 8.5 7.5 33.7 8.3 13.5 1.4 1.3 0.8 5.0 0.5 0.6 2.1 1.8 2.8 100.0

% Share of Beds 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 10

Nos

Table 7.3.  Accommodation Facilities by Atolls, 2017

104 0 0 0 0 146 0 914 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 136 0 156 1,456

Beds

Hotels

7.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.0 0.0 62.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 9.3 0.0 10.7 100.0

% Share of Beds 9 7 2 4 3 31 3 225 69 44 23 1 6 6 1 5 6 3 8 458.0

Nos 87 62 18 40 24 404 32 4,523 712 556 260 8 70 42 12 226 38 50 120 7,304

Beds 1.2 0.8 0.2 0.5 0.3 5.5 0.4 61.9 9.7 7.6 3.6 0.1 1.0 0.6 0.2 3.1 0.5 0.7 1.6 100.0

% Share of Beds

Guest Houses

13 7 4 10 9 45 11 276 82 61 25 3 7 12 2 6 11 6 11 603

Nos

785 62 245 1,216 1,640 3,112 2,282 15,531 3,200 4,592 694 408 320 1,554 164 420 790 600 1,102 38,737

Beds

Total

2.0 0.2 0.6 3.1 4.2 8.0 5.9 40.1 8.3 11.9 1.8 1.1 0.8 4.0 0.4 1.1 2.0 1.5 2.8 100.0

% Share of Beds

New Waves: The Guesthouse Dilemma 137

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Figure 7.5.  Guesthouses Ownership and Operation by Atoll. Source: Authors’ Elaboration. Ministry of Tourism (2018), Tourism Yearbook 2018. Accessed 8 December 2019, https://www.tourism.gov.mv/.

UNESCO Biosphere of Hanifaru Bay. It has attracted investors who seek to lease land on the island of Dharavandhoo, which is easily accessed through its domestic airport. The flight time from Velana International Airport is 15 minutes and there are 12 flights per day. Alifu Dhaalu has a domestic airport in Maamigili with a 30-minute flight time and has nine flights per day. The Maamigili Marine Protected Area extends from the southern tip of Alifu Dhaalu Atoll to the northern tip of Dhigurah and north western tip of Rangali Island Resort. Whale sharks are seen there almost every day of the year. Land on inhabited islands from Baa and Alifu Dhaalu atolls are in high demand. Entrepreneurs and investors develop guesthouses and set up operation in quick succession. It is common knowledge that owners are quick to lease their land as they prefer to live in the capital for work, schooling and medical purposes. The drivers of guesthouse development as mentioned above, post 2008 and especially post 2014, have placed extra social and physical environmental pressures on the established core areas of tourism development in the central atolls, leading to evidence of over-tourism in islands such as Maafushi. Therein lies one dilemma: limiting the growth of what was so sought after just over 10 years earlier. There is much local press and social media comment on the situation and demand from current and potential guesthouse



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owners across the archipelago to develop additional domestic airports in more peripheral atolls (Mohamed, 2019; Rasheed, 2018). Establishing airports within a distance of 20 minutes of each inhabited island was a pledge of President Yaameen Abdul Qayoom (2013–2018). Moreover, speaking at a ceremony to inaugurate Maafaru International Airport (MIA) on 2 December 2019, the planning minister of the current administration confirmed the policy. Aviation companies are indeed working with the government to introduce new routes in the northern and southern atolls (Corporate Maldives, 2019). It is claimed that six additional airports are required to implement the policy and the administration claims that they will be complete before the end of its current five-year term which concludes in November 2023 (Public Service Media News, 2019). However, therein lies as much a dilemma as the concentration of growth within the central atolls. The development of new runways may act as a counter to further over-tourism and so spread guesthouse development. However, it comes at a high cost to the fragile environment and ecosystem. During construction activities, the operation of heavy machinery can compact soil and cause flash flooding. Flooding can wash away the topsoil and protective vegetation causing siltation and sedimentation which reduces sea water quality. Oils from machinery can contaminate the soil and aquifers. Dewatering work can cause salinity in the aquifer. Large areas of vegetation and habitats can be destroyed with a loss of biodiversity because existing trees and parts of mangroves have to be removed or destroyed. The construction process can also cause a change in currents and sand movement, which may then lead to beach erosion. Dust and emissions from asphalt-laying lead to health issues for the community (Johnson, 2018). Airport operation, fuel storage, refuelling and aircraft and vehicle cleaning and maintenance can also result in discharge of pollutants to the aquifer. Emergency and fire training use complex chemicals which can release volatile organic compounds. Inadequacies of the environment impact assessment system as identified 10 years ago (Zubair, Bowen, Elwin, 2011) have not been fully addressed. Reclamation work can lead to permanent loss of large areas of lagoons. That affects the surrounding coral reef ecosystem and seagrass beds which are a habitat for juvenile fish and turtles. Nearly every island has turtle nesting sites, which can be destroyed during airport construction. For example, Maafaru island in Noonu atoll has a long history as an important nesting site for hundreds of turtles. Development of the airport on Maafaru destroyed a turtle nesting habitat which was part of the beach. Sea turtles almost always return to the exact same location where they were born to lay their clutches of eggs, sometimes taking multi-year journeys to reach the same patch of sand. Reports emerged of green turtles, listed as endangered by the International

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Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), laying eggs on the tarmac in the middle of the 2,200 metre runway (Mohamed, 2019). As another example, airport development in Kulhudhuffushi in Haa Dhaalu atoll, pledged by former President Yaameen Abdul Qayoom during his presidential campaign in 2013 and completed just prior to the elections in 2018, has caused serious environmental and social impacts (Maldives Independent, 2018b). A lagoon was reclaimed all the way to the westerly reef edge. Strong waves, surges and seasonal swells damaged the breakwater causing flooding in the area reclaimed for airport development. The mangrove previously served as the catchment area for the flood drainage system of the island and acted as a natural barrier and protection. Reclamation of the mangrove included felling of 2,500 trees with consequent destruction of the habitat for migratory birds and reduction of biodiversity. The habitat was rich in different species of crabs, shrimps, fish and invertebrates and a feeding ground for different types of protected birds (Maldives Independent, 2017). Construction/development has also caused losses to community (Maldives Independent, 2018c). Coir rope from Kulhudhuffushi has historically been significant as it is superior to that of other parts of the Maldives. Coir ropemaking in Kulhudhuffushi involved soaking coconut husks in the mangrove for up to five months, to soften and strengthen the coconut fibres, prior to spinning into coir rope. However, there are now only 5 acre of white clay mangrove remaining, a reduction from 12 acre. Previously rope making engaged 404 families in a community activity worth MVR9.3 million a year (US$600,000+) (Maldives Independent, 2017). Additionally, around 80 people from 15 houses had to be relocated as their homes were demolished to construct the airport. This caused much distress and loss and the families are still waiting to be compensated (Maldives Independent, 2018c). The local communities in such islands are in great need of basic services such as housing, adequate and consistent water supplies, sewage treatment, waste collection and inter-island ferry transport. The dilemma relates to priorities. It does not seem extreme to suggest that authorities should first meet the need for basic services rather than develop or extend airports for guesthouses or, indeed, other forms of tourism. CONCLUSION Whilst indeed there are now opportunities for tourists to experience the Maldives beyond enclave resorts, the concept of guesthouse development has diverged from what was officially advocated. For example, evidence from secondary sources demonstrates that spatial spread of guesthouses has been less marked than was originally conceived. This has a concomitant effect on



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power shaping and shift which is compounded by the evident concentration, too, of entrepreneurship and investment within the wealthy elite. This creates resultant implications and attendant dilemmas for tourism destination management and wider change in economy and society. It also has implications for the physical environment. Further research into shaping and shifting of power could focus on primary work in the field through, for example, interviews and group meetings with entrepreneurs and investors, local people who lease their properties, and local people who do not have land or property from inheritance or other sources. The latter group are disenfranchised from participating in any current or future wave of guesthouse development. Netnographic research could also monitor the vibrant discussion that occurs through social media (Twitter, Facebook etc.) which will reveal, despite its potential to shape and shift power, the multi-sided dilemmas caused by the post 2008 change in policy away from an exclusive OIOR focus. NOTES 1. At the time of writing the chapter, Tourism Yearbook 2018 was the last official report provided by the Ministry of Tourism 2. In this volume, Elena dell’Agnese develops a reading of enclavic tourism by focusing on resort islands. See, dell’Agnese, chapter 6, this volume.

REFERENCES Beritelli, P., Bieger T. and Laesser, C. (2014). ‘The New Frontiers of Destination Management: Applying Variable Geometry as a Function-Based Approach’. Journal of Travel Research 53, no. 4: 403–417. Bowen, D. and Clarke, J. (2009). Contemporary Tourist Behavior: Yourself and Others as Tourists. Wallingford: CABI. Bowen, D., Zubair, S. and Altinay, L. (2017). ‘Politics and Tourism Destination Development: The Evolution of Power’. Journal of Travel Research, 56, no. 6: 725–743. Byrd, E.T. (2003). An Analysis of Variables That Influence Stakeholder Participation and Support for Sustainable Tourism Development in Rural North Carolina. Accessed 15 November 2013. http://repository.lib.ncsu.edu/ir/bitstream/1840.16/ 5365/1/etd.pdf. Campelo, A., Aitken, R., Thyne, M. and Gnoth, J. (2014). ‘Sense of Place: The Importance for Destination Branding’. Journal of Travel Research 53, no. 2: 154–166. Causevic, S. and Lynch, P. (2013). ‘Political (In)stability and Its Influence on Tourism Development’. Tourism Management 34: 145–157.

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Choi, H.S. and Sirakaya, E. (2005). ‘Measuring Residents Attitude toward Sustainable Tourism: Development of Sustainable Tourism Attitude Scale’. Journal of Travel Research 43: 380–394. Church, A. and Coles, T. (2007). Tourism, Power and Space. London: Routledge. Corporate Maldives (2019). Planning Minister Announces Development of 6 New Airports. Accessed 4 December 2019. https://corporatemaldives.com/planningminister-announces-development-of-6-new-airports/ Erkus-Ozturk, H. and Eraydin, A. (2010). ‘Environmental Governance for Sustainable Tourism Development: Collaborative Networks and Organisation Building in the Antalya Tourism Region’. Tourism Management 31, no. 1: 113–124. Freitag, T. (1994). ‘Enclave Tourism Development: For Whom the Benefits Roll?’ Annals of Tourism Research 21, no. 3: 538–554 Hwang, D., Stewart, W.P. and Ko, D.W. (2012). ‘Community Behaviour and Sustainable Rural Tourism Development’. Journal of Travel Research 51, no.3: 328–341. Jamal, T.B. and Getz, D. (1995). ‘Collaboration Theory and Community Tourism Planning’. Annals of Tourism Research 22, no. 1: 186–204. Johnson, K. (2018). ‘Airport Construction and Environmental Sustainability Concerns’, International Airport Review. Accessed 10 June 2018. https://www.inter nationalairportreview.com/article/70008/airport-environmental-concerns/. Kennedy, K. and Dornan, D. (2009). ‘An Overview: Tourism Non-governmental Organizations and Poverty Reduction in Developing Countries’. Asia Pacific Journal of Tourism Research 14, no. 2: 184–200. Krutwaysho, O. and Bramwell, B. (2010). ‘Tourism Policy Implementation and Society’. Annals of Tourism Research 37, no. 3: 670–691. Latkova, P.and Vogt, C.A. (2012). ‘Residents Attitudes towards Existing and Future Tourism Development in Rural Communities’. Journal of Travel Research 51, no. 1: 50–67. Maldives Finest (2018). Maldives Map with Resorts, Airports and Local Islands 2019. Accessed 8 December 2019. https://maldivesfinest.com/location-map Maldives Independent (2017). ‘The Ropemakers of Kulhudhuffushi: The Livelihood of Ropemakers in Kulhudhuffushi Is Under Threat Because of Plans for a New Airport’. Accessed 8 November 2017. https://maldivesindependent.com/business/ the-ropemakers-of-kulhudhuffushi-134013. Maldives Independent (2018a). ‘Raa Atoll Airport Project Handed Over to Island Aviation: A Maldives NGO Has Warned That Not Enough Is Being Done to Minimise Damage Caused by Airport Construction’. Accessed 30 May 2018. https://maldivesindependent.com/business/raa-atoll-airport-project-handed-overto-island-aviation-138564. Maldives Independent (2018b). ‘Flooding as Strong Waves Damage Kulhudhuffushi Breakwater’. Accessed 28 May 2018. https://maldivesindependent.com/environ ment/flooding-as-strong-waves-damage-kulhudhuffushi-breakwater-138463. Maldives Independent (2018c). ‘Islanders Still in the Dark about Relocation due to Airport Project: Neither the Housing Ministry nor the Island Council Has Contacted Families about Relocation Plans’. Accessed 14 August 2018. https://maldivesinde pendent.com/environment/islanders-still-in-the-dark-about-relocation-dueto-airport-project-140176.



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Ministry of Tourism. (2003). Review and Recommendations Maldives Tourism Master Plan 1996–2005. Malé: Ministry of Tourism. Ministry of Tourism. (2014). Tourism Yearbook 2014. Accessed 7 December 2020. https://vdocuments.net/tourism-yearbook-year-book-2014pdfnational-bureau-ofstatistics-maldives-inland.html Ministry of Tourism. (2015). Tourism Yearbook 2015. Accessed 7 December 2020. https://archive.tourism.gov.mv/pubs/tourism_yearbook/tourism_year_book_2015.pdf Ministry of Tourism. (2018). Tourism Yearbook 2018. Accessed 7 December 2020. https://archive.tourism.gov.mv/downloads/stats/Tourism-Yearbook-2018.pdf Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture (2012). Third Tourism Master Plan 2007– 2012. Malé: Ministry of Tourism Arts and Culture. Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture (2013). Tourism Yearbook 2013. Accessed 26 November 2013. http://www.tourism.gov.mv/downloads/lists/registeredguest houses.pdf. Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation (2007). Maldives Third Tourism Master Plan 2007–2011. Malé: Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation. Mohamed, S. (2019). ‘Turtle Steals Maiden Landing on Maafaru Runway’. Accessed 29 December 2019. https://edition.mv/news/10034. Murphy, P. E. (1985). Tourism: A Community Approach. New York: Routledge National Bureau of Statistics (2015). Maldives. Population and Housing Census 2014. Statistical Release: 1. Population & Households. Accessed 2 May 2016. http:// statisticsmaldives.gov.mv. Nelson, F. (2012). ‘Blessing or Curse? The Political Economy of Tourism Development in Tanzania’. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 20, no. 3: 359–375. Pearce, P.L. (2012). Tourist Behavior and the Contemporary World. Bristol: Channel View. Public Service Media News (2019). ‘Maldives Requires Additional Airports: Planning Minister’. Accessed 2 December 2019. https://psmnews.mv/en/60814. Rasheed, L. ‘A Hindrance to the Thriving Guesthouse Business’. Accessed 31 July 2008. https://edition.mv/report/6669. Scheyvens, E. (2011). ‘The Challenge of Sustainable Tourism Development in the Maldives: Understanding the Social and Political Dimensions of Sustainability’. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 52, no. 2: 148–164. Shakeela, A. and Weaver. D. (2012). ‘Resident Reactions to a Tourism Incident; Mapping a Maldivian Emoscope’. Annals of Tourism Research 39, no. 3: 1337–1358. Shaw, B.J. and Shaw. G. (1999). ‘Sun, Sand and Sales: Enclave Tourism and Local Entrepreneurship in Indonesia’. Current Issues in Tourism 2, no. 1: 68–81. Shaw, S. and Williams, A. (2004). Tourism and Tourism Spaces. London: SAGE. Sofield, T. (2003). Empowerment for Sustainable Tourism Development. Oxford: Pergamon. UNFPA (2016). ‘Maldives’ Population Dynamics: Policy Prospects for Human Growth and Opportunity’. Accessed 10 December 2019. https://maldives.unfpa.org/ sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Policy%20implications%20bookletWEB.pdf. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2013). World Drug Report. New York: UNODC.

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Waligo, V.M., Clarke, J. and Hawkins, R. (2013). ‘Implementing Sustainable Tourism: A Multi-stakeholder Involvement Management Framework’. Tourism Management 36: 342–353. Zubair, S., Bowen, D. and Elwin, J. (2011). ‘Not Quite Paradise: Inadequacies of Environmental Impact Assessment in the Maldives’. Tourism Management 32, no. 2: 225–234.

Chapter 8

Governance, Activism and Environment in the Maldives Fathmath Shadiya

ENVIRONMENTALISM IN THE MALDIVES The Maldives is an island nation blessed with rich biodiversity. Globally, the Maldives represents the seventh-richest reef biodiversity and the seventhlargest reef ecosystem in the world (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2015a; Mohamed et al., 2016). Since land is a scarce resource in the Maldives, to carry out large-scale development projects, both deforestation of woodland and reclamation of vast areas of lagoons are often required. Undeniably largescale developmental projects are economically and socially beneficial to the local communities. However, if these projects are implemented in an unsustainable manner, there is no doubt that they cause environmental destruction and degradation of the many delicate ecosystems present in the Maldives. The Maldivian economy heavily depends on the tourism and fisheries sectors. Moreover, tourism and fisheries both depend on the country’s rich biodiversity for growth and development. Therefore, there is a close relationship between sustainable development practices and the pillars of the country’s economy. To protect and preserve the country’s delicate ecosystems from overexploitation and degradation, a strong well-functioning governance system is needed in the Maldives. This chapter presents an overview of the competences and areas of intervention of the main actors of environmental governance and also analyses the context in which environmental activism currently exists in the Maldives. Governance, in general, includes the overall management of human activities by the government, civil society and businesses. Governance can be defined as the exercise of political authority to manage society’s problems and affairs (Brunner, 2019). The governance system enables civil rights such as equality, equity, justice and empowerment of the society (Lemos and Agrawal, 2006). 145

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It is important to note that attaining a well-functioning governance system is very difficult to achieve due to the multifaceted nature of social problems that occur at different scales (Ravnborg et al., 2013). For example, air pollution can be viewed as an environmental problem, as a local health concern or as a transboundary matter. Thus, the multifaceted nature of social problems that occur in a community requires not only specialized knowledge about specific issues but also a solid functioning governance system to resolve complex problems through collaborations between local and global partners. The role of the government in influencing the national and local governance systems is changing. Today, in the global arena, governments are no longer the most important source of decision-making (Armitage, de Loe and Plummer, 2012). Instead, new actors such as international organisations and local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are influencing governments to halt unsustainable development practices through unified worldwide environmental activism. Similar trends can be observed in the Maldives following the 2008 democratic election. With the change in the political atmosphere, more concerned voices of civic activists can be openly heard against unsustainable development practices implemented in the country. Today, these voices are unifying, and they are passing strong messages to the government to stop unsustainable development projects carried out across the country. This chapter will discuss the progress of environmental governance and the influence of environmental activism on the country’s contemporary developmental practices. GROWTH OF ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE IN THE MALDIVES The progression of a fully functional environmental governance system has proceeded very slowly in the Maldives. During 1984, President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom recognized the environment as a key topic deserving action by the government. Upon this recognition, the president created the Environment Affairs Division Unit in the Ministry of Home Affairs and Social Service and introduced the post of environmental officer to monitor and coordinate environmental concerns across the country (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2015b). Over the past few decades, the Environment Ministry has progressed with new names under different leaderships. Figure 8.1 shows a schematic representation of the progression of the Environment Ministry since 1984. Throughout the course of political reform, the Environment Ministry experienced quick policy changes under different leaderships. One notable transition in policy was the shift of the priority towards the renewable energy sector in 2009 by President Mohamed Nasheed’s administration. This



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Figure 8.1.  Schematic Representation of the Development of the Environment Ministry since 1984. Source: Author elaboration. Ministry of Environment, 2019. Accessed 2 March 2019, https://www.environment.gov.mv/v2/en/.

change was in line with a target to achieve 50 per cent reduction in fossil fuel usage for electricity generation in the Maldives by 2020 (Ministry of Housing and Environment, 2010). The Maldives is blessed with abundant renewable energy resources such as solar, wind, wave and biomass. Today the Maldives heavily depends on petroleum fuels such as diesel, gasoline, aviation fuel, kerosene and liquified petroleum gas for various activities such as power generation, transportation, lighting and food preparation1 (Ministry of Housing and Environment 2010). When Ibrahim Mohamed Solih became the president in 2018, the Ministry name changed from ‘Ministry of Environment & Energy’ to ‘Ministry of Environment’. Even though energy was removed from the Ministry’s name,

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all the mandates related to energy were still delegated to the Energy Department of the Ministry. Figure 8.2 shows the specific responsibilities of the Environment Ministry with respect to different departments. According to the organizational structure shown in figure 8.3, there are six departments in the Environment Ministry to take care of priority areas, such as climate change, energy, environment, water, sanitation, solid waste and pollution. The specific tasks of the departments are as follows. The ‘Climate Change Department’ ensures sustainable development while safeguarding security, economic sustainability and sovereignty of the Maldives from the negative impacts of climate change. The ‘Energy Department’ is accountable to formulate policies related to the energy sector in line with the legislative

Figure 8.2.  Specific Tasks Mandated by the Ministry of Environment. Source: Author elaboration. Ministry of Environment, 2019. Accessed 2 March 2019, https://www.envi ronment.gov.mv/v2/en/.



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Figure 8.3.  Organizational Structure of the Environment Ministry. Author elaboration. Source: Ministry of Environment, 2019. Accessed 2 March 2019, https://www.environ ment.gov.mv/v2/en/.

framework of the Maldives. The ‘Environment Department’ which, as established in 1984, is the oldest department in the Ministry, focuses on the preservation of the Maldives’s unique natural habitat by guiding the government on laws, regulations and policies related to environmental protection and preservation. To solve issues related to solid waste and pollution concerns, the ‘Waste Management and Pollution Control Department’ is responsible for the delivery of safe waste disposal methods in the Maldives. To ensure water security and safe disposal of sewage, the ‘Water and Sanitation Department’ is mandated to provide safe water and sustainable, affordable sewerage systems across the Maldives (Ministry of Environment, 2019). THE EMERGENCE OF CIVIC ACTIVISM IN THE FIELD OF ENVIRONMENT Party systems are a relatively recent political concept for most Maldivians. Prior to 2008, there were no political parties involved in the presidential elections. Slowly, in the wake of early 2000, protest for political freedom started to emerge in the capital city Malé by a younger element of the population seeking to change the government system. At the fore-front of this movement was former President Mohamed Nasheed. By 2004, the series of protests began to intensify and as a result, in June 2005, for the first time in the Maldives, the constitution allowed the freedom to establish political parties. However, it was only in August 2008, following political unrest in the country, that President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom allowed the first multiparty elections to be held (South Asians for Human Rights 2006). During this election, Mohamed Nasheed succeeded to become the first elected president of the Maldives since the introduction of a party system.

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One notable policy change of the President Nasheed administration was the introduction of decentralisation, as carried out from 2010.2 The purpose of this strategy was to allow the island communities to make their own decisions in a democratic and accountable manner. The decentralisation policy proposed by President Mohamed Nasheed gave island councils the decision-making power to govern their natural resources (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2013). However, for a country that had never experienced such an approach to territorial management, devolution of powers to the local councils was considered as too rushed. Accordingly, the sudden shift in the political context from command to delegation was not well received by some local councils. Furthermore, it is observed that, even though the Decentralization Act gave a fair share of decision-making powers to the local councils, the councils were not able to implement decentralized strategies within the atolls due to the shortage of human resources, lack of experience and limited budget. This led to difficulties in establishing a well-functioning governance system across the atolls. In addition to the lack of human resources and technical capacities in the islands, climate change is also a threat to the Maldives. To highlight the seriousness of the consequences of climate change to the Maldives, President Mohamed Nasheed held an underwater cabinet meeting which grabbed the attention of the world leaders across the globe in 2009. The active involvement of President Nasheed in the fight against climate change and the leadership he showed in changing policies to make the Maldives more positive towards renewable energy sources altered the view of global leaders regarding the position of Small Island Developing States in the fight against climate change. By 2012, in the global world, President Nasheed was well known as the ‘Island President’. However, back in the Maldives he was facing political turmoil when he ordered the arrest of Judge Abdulla Mohamed, Chief Justice of the Criminal Court. By detaining the judge, Nasheed disregarded the constitutional separation of powers and this detention led to massive protests by the supporters of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. On 7th February 2012, after military forces entered the presidential residence, Mohamed Nasheed resigned from his presidential post. Following the resignation of President Nasheed, his vice-president, Dr Mohamed Waheed, was sworn into the presidency by the congress of the Maldives. President Waheed governed the Maldives from 2012 to 2013. In 2013, the second democratic election was held and this time, Yameen Abdul Gayoom, half-brother of the former president Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, became the sixth president of the Maldives (Indian Council of World Affairs, 2015). By launching a vigorous infrastructure development strategy, especially in the area of the Greater Malé Region, Yameen’s presidency has marked



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a turning point in national environmental policies. During his campaigns, he promised large-scale infrastructure projects, such as airports and land reclamation actions. Upon winning the election, President Yameen immediately began to work on his promised projects and on strategic changes to the national environmental governance. One notable initiative the president brought was the transfer of the environment impact assessment (EIA) evaluation process from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to the Tourism Ministry. This was a very sudden and unexpected move from the president. Prior to President Yameen’s administration, the EPA was authorized to carry out regulatory activities related to environmental conservation and protection in the Maldives as specified by the Environmental Protection and Preservation Act (4/93) (Environment Protection Agency, 2019). The Environmental Protection and Preservation Act provided the necessary framework for policymakers to make the essential regulations and policies needed to protect and preserve the natural environment of the Maldives when carrying out developmental projects. The Act specifies development practitioners to carry out a proper EIA before starting a development project (Environment Protection Agency, 2019). EIA is an effective tool to regulate the environment and to assess the impact of developmental projects on the local communities and their environment. However, environmentalists report cases of negligence in the application of EIA. For example, in Kulhudhufushi, the capital of Haa Dhaalu Atoll, the government announced an airport development project in the Kulhudhufushi wetland area (Maldives Independent, 2017). Kulhudhufushi wetland ecosystem was the seventhlargest wetland ecosystem in the Maldives (figure 8.4). Wetland ecosystems are biologically rich ecosystems that protect islands against flood and storm winds. Socially, Kulhudhufushi wetland was significant because more than 400 women and their families depend on this territory for their livelihood activities (Maldives Times, 2017). The EIA conducted for the airport development project identified both social and environmental problems such as significant damage to the livelihood of the 400 families who depended on the wetland for income. It also identified ecosystem impacts such as loss of large-scale biodiversity and an increased risk of flooding in the area (Maldives Independent, 2017). However, even though the EIA of the project showed irreversible social and environmental drawbacks, the government went ahead with the project as planned. EIA is a technical process with a political component in it. The political component begins when the EIA is submitted for the approval of public institutions. It could be argued that a successful EIA process needs to have a transparent government decision-making and approval stage. A proper EIA process is important to carry out because EIA is the only opportunity the local communities get to contest against unsustainable development projects.

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Figure 8.4.  Haa Dhaal Kulhudhufushi Wetland Area. Source and image credit: Fathmath Shadiya, February 2017.

‘The public participation platform offered by the EIA process bridges the gap between the institutions and the citizens by balancing powers and influences in decision-making processes’ (Niyaz and Storey, 2011, p. 76). From an ethical perspective, to avoid confusion and miscommunication, it is crucial to inform local communities about the outcome of the EIA process in a transparent manner. ‘To maintain transparency, the EIA process includes a public participation stage. The purpose of this component is to inform the public about the significant social and environmental impacts of the development project and to suggest alternative options’ (Annandale, 2001, p. 193). In instances where the local communities have very poor environmental awareness, demand for economic development takes precedence over conservation of natural resources, as communities do not necessarily see the relationship between natural resource management and sustainable economic development. In the case of the Maldives, a lack of environmental knowledge, poor environmental governance, and loose political legislation and regulations are all contributing factors that incline towards unsustainable development practices. It is possible to state that an environmental policy based on sustainable development depends in part on two pillars: a strong well-functioning governance framework and the involvement of citizens. After the 2008 elections, civic activism slowly began to emerge against unsustainable development practices carried out in the country that were



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supported by the government. This was also driven by the expansion of social media platforms across the country. Even though the Maldives is geographically dispersed, social media platforms offer the opportunity for many civil activists to share a unified voice. Protests by environmentalists led to a public outcry against the airport development project in Kulhudhufushi. What started as a small social media campaign quickly gained momentum across the country. For the first time in the Maldivian history, civic activists from all over the Maldives united openly via social media and so contested the government decision to reclaim the Kulhudhufushi wetland area and construct an airport. Apart from local civic activist groups, several international organizations also voiced their concerns against airport development projects across the archipelago. However, as a result of such unity, the government decided to cancel the public participation component of the EIA process relating to the Kulhudhufushi project. Accordingly, even with the social media presence, there was local support for the project, oblivious to the negative impacts on the local community. The role of international actors in governing environmental-related conflicts is very important to recognise. International actors play key role as legitimate partners in negotiation processes between the government and civil organisations to obtain win-win solutions. International actors enjoy a position of authority as managers of information and environmental data. This position guarantees them a prominent role in consultation and negotiation and, in some instances, provides financial support to redefine political agendas set by governments (Malatesta, 2018). However, it is important to note that the role of international actors can only be facilitated if there are favourable conditions such as the presence of a healthy democracy and active engagement between government, the private sector and civil society. To create an equitable, secure, sustainable and peaceful foundation for a healthy democracy, a flourishing and responsible civil society is required to mobilize local communities. The term civil society is generally used to classify persons, institutions and organizations that have the goal of voicing a common purpose through ideas, actions and demands on governments (Young and Delmas, 2009). The 1992 Earth Summit acknowledged the commitment and genuine involvement of the civil society as critical to reaching sustainable development goals. Unlike governments, NGOs can facilitate negotiations by giving politicians’ access to competing ideas from outside the normal bureaucratic channels. The creativity, flexibility, entrepreneurial nature and capacity for vision and long-term thinking often set NGOs apart from governmental bodies (Young and Delmas, 2009). In the context of the Maldives, the constitution of the Maldives broadly provides the rights and freedoms for the formation and augmentation of civil

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society organisations. The Decentralization Act and the National Strategic Action plan (2009–2013) also identify civil society organisations as potential partners for service delivery and development activities (UNDP, 2011, 27). During the late 1980s, a group of environmentalists became concerned with some of the environmentally harmful practices carried out in the Maldives, such as the dumping of used oil and expired pharmaceutical products into the ocean, slaughter and sale of sea turtles, carnage of sharks and other marine creatures, and destruction of woodlands. To bring a stop to such harmful practices and to raise awareness among the local communities, Blue Peace, the first Maldivian environmental NGO, came into existence in 1989 (Blue Peace, 2019). Following Blue Peace, on 15th November 1994, EcoCare was registered as an independent non-profit NGO. The mission of EcoCare is to work for the protection and sustenance of the environment. Over the years, EcoCare has voiced out against the slaughter of marine turtles, protection of sharks and groupers from over-exploitation, preservation of reef ecosystems from reef blasting and conservation of both terrestrial and mangrove ecosystems from destruction (EcoCare, 2010). During President Maumoon’s reform agenda in 2007, Transparency Maldives (TM), a National Chapter of Transparency International, which is a leading global movement against corruption, was formed in the Maldives to fight against corruption. TM is a non-political organisation that promotes collaboration, awareness and other initiatives to improve governance and eliminate corruption from the daily lives of the Maldivians (Transparency Maldives, 2016). In the case of Kulhudhufushi airport development project, TP along with many environmental NGOs played a critical role in raising awareness about environmental governance in the Maldives. This unity of environmental NGOs in protesting against Kulhudhufushi wetland destruction was a key moment, because the unity among the environmental activists gave birth to a new era of environmental activism in the Maldives. In the past few decades, unsustainable development practices have resulted in the loss of biological diversity at an unprecedented scale. It is stated that ‘the need to address these problems is critical if we are to avoid drastic changes in the earth’s delicate ecosystem equilibrium’ (Farina, 1999, p. 12). Therefore, ‘good environmental governance practices are seen as critical for achieving sustainable development in the future’ (Ravnborg et al., 2013, p. 36). However, the struggle for sustainability is directly linked to the struggle for democracy. Too often, political leaders are motivated by a desire to maximize their chances of re-election, a situation that drives them to think largely in economic terms rather than concern for the environment (Young and Delmas, 2009). On the other hand, sustainable development aims at the unification of economic policies with environmental management policies



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to create synergy between these two disciplines. However, governments are often slow to respond to policy amalgamation processes. On the contrary, NGOs can and often do emerge as important players in efforts to meet the demand for policy overlaps and the need for a transparent governance system. Today, civil society has become a locus of creative initiatives for those seeking to address the need for good environmental governance systems. NGOs and other civil society groups are not only stakeholders in good governance but also a driving force to mobilize public support for a transparent governance system (Young and Delmas, 2009). In this regard, in the Maldivian context, the civic activism movement is slowly gaining momentum in making the Maldivian government accountable. Its role is crucial in strengthening the existing environmental governance system in the Maldives. CONCLUSION For a country like the Maldives, a strong functioning governance system is very much needed to protect the country’s natural resources from overexploitation and degradation. Environmental threats require effective responses that promote peace, justice and fulfilment of environmental and human rights. During the late 1980s, President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom recognized the heavy dependency of the tourism and fisheries industry on the biodiversity of the Maldives. As a result, the first National Environment Action Plan (NEAP) was developed to protect the country’s biodiversity as the country advanced its economic development. Following President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, President Nasheed was very much concerned with the impacts of climate change and sea-level rise in the Maldives. President Nasheed rose to worldwide fame by holding an underwater cabinet meeting in 2009 which highlighted the Maldives’s vulnerability to climate change and sea-level rise. In 2013, a second democratic election was held in the Maldives and Yameen Abdul Gayoom, half-brother of the former president Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, became the sixth president. President Yameen’s development vision focused on strategic infrastructure initiatives and projects. President Yameen’s policies were very much welcomed by some communities of the Maldives, especially where environmental knowledge was limited. In such communities, the demand for economic development at the expense of environmental destruction is very high, because these communities do not perceive the relationship between sustainable development and livelihood. In the future, heightened awareness by such communities is very much a requirement so that they can fully appreciate the relationship between natural resource management and sustainable livelihood.

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The environmental governance system in the Maldives is weak due to a sectoral approach. Often, there is no synergy between institutes which stymies the potential to adopt a holistic perspective and resolve conflicts that arise as a result of unsustainable development practices. Like any other country, for the Maldives to achieve a strong functioning governance system, the role of civic activists is important. Activists in the Maldives already urge the institutes to take accountable measures to protect and preserve the country’s fragile ecosystems that the country so heavily depends on for sustainable economic growth. This urge from the civic activists can be a catalyst in the future to create more synergy. Today, civil society has become a locus of creative initiatives for those seeking to address the need for a transparent governance system. International actors and civil society groups are not only investors in a governance system but also a driving force to mobilize public support for the accountability of developers who engage in unsustainable development practices. This accountability is necessary to make the existing governance system more transparent in the future. NOTES

1. See Malatesta, chapter 3, this volume. 2. See Mohamed, chapter 5, this volume.

REFERENCES Aishath, N. and Donovan, S. (2011). ‘Environmental Management in the Absence of Participation: A Case Study of the Maldives’. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 29, no. 1: 69–77. Alauddin, M. (2002). ‘Environmentalism Economic Development: A South East Asian Perspective’. The University of Queensland School of Economics Working Paper No. 299. https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:11064/DP299Jan02.pdf. Annandale, D. (2001). ‘Developing and Evaluating Environmental Impact Assessment Systems for Small Developing Countries’. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 19, no. 3: 187–93. Armitage, D., de Loe, R. and Plummer, R. (2012). ‘Environmental governance and its implications for conservation practices’. Conservation Letters 5: 245–255. Brunner, J. (2010). ‘Conservation vs. Development: What Are We Talking About?’ IUCN, International Union for Conservation of Nature. Accessed 5 March 2019. https:// www.iucn.org/content/conservation-vs-development-what-are-we-talking-about. Blue Peace. (2019). ‘The Organization’. Accessed 11 November 2019. http://www. bluepeacemaldives.org/aboutbluepeace.htm.



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Daily Mail. (2019). ‘Maldives Government Highlights the Impact of Climate Change . . . by Meeting Underwater’. Accessed 8 November 2019. https://www.dailymail. co.uk/news/article-1221021/Maldives-underwater-cabinet-meeting-held-highlightimpact-climate-change.html. EcoCare. (2010). ‘About Us’. Accessed 1 February 2019. http://ecocare.mv/mv/ about-us/. Environment Protection Agency. (2019). ‘About’. Accessed 8 November 2019. http:// en.epa.gov.mv/about. Farina, S.M. (1999). ‘Community-level participation in governance and development planning: Building capacity for sustainable development livelihoods in the Maldives’. (Master’s Thesis., University of British Columbia). Indian Council of World Affairs. (2015). Political Development of the Maldives. New Delhi: Indian Council of World Affairs. Lemos, M.C and Arun A. (2006). ‘Environmental Governance’. Annual Review of Environmental Resources 31: 297–325. Malatesta, S. (2018). ‘International Actors as Policymakers? Discussing the Influence of International Actors’. Small States & Territories Journal 1, no. 1: 95–110. Maldives Independent. (2017). ‘Environmentalists Cry Foul as Kulhudhufushi Airport Project Begins’. Accessed 11 November 2019. https://maldivesindependent. com/environment/environmentalists-cry-foul-as-kulhudhuffushi-airport-projectbegins-133763. Ministry of Environment. (2018). ‘The Environmental Impact of Coral Mining on Coral Reefs in the Maldives’. Maldives Conservation Portal. Accessed 1 February 2019. https://maldivesconservationportal.org/publications/the-environmentalimpact-of-coral-mining-on-coral-reefs-in-the-maldives/. Ministry of Environment. (2019). ‘Ministry of Environment: Republic of Maldives’. Accessed 3 November 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv/v2/en/department. Ministry of Environment and Energy. (2015a). ‘Environment Sector’. Newsletter, Malé: Ministry of Environment. Ministry of Environment and Energy. (2015b). ‘Maldives Fifth National Report to the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity’. Accessed 2 March 2019. https://www.cbd.int/doc/world/mv/mv-nr-05-en.pdf. Ministry of Housing and Environment. (2010). Maldives National Energy Policy & Strategy. Government Report, Malé: Ministry of Housing and Environment. Mohamed, M., Shareef, A., Khaleel, Z., Husny, M.M., Niyaz, A.A and Abdulla, A. (2016). Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Malé: Ministry of Environment and Energy. Accessed 21 June 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv. Ravnborg, H.M., Larsen, R.K., Vilsen, J.L. and Funder, M. (2013). ‘Environmental Governance and Development Cooperation Achievements and Challenges’. Accessed 1 June 2019. https://www.diis.dk/files/media/publications/import/extra/ rp2013-15-environmental-governance_web_1.pdf. South Asians for Human Rights. (2006). ‘The Reform Process and the State of Human Rights in the Maldives’. http://www.mvlaw.gov.mv/pdf/publications/8.pdf.

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Transparency Maldives. (2016). ‘About Us’. Accessed 11 November 2019. https:// transparency.mv/about-us/. United Nations Children’s Fund. (2013). Study on the Decentralization Process in the Maldives: With Reference to the Impact on Services to Children. Malé: UNICEF. United Nations Development Programme. (2011). Comprehensive Study of the Maldivian Society. Malé: UNDP. Young, O. R. and Delmas, M. A. (2009). Governance for the Environment: New Perspectives. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

Chapter 9

Environment and Ecosystems Protection Mizna Mohamed

The Maldivian archipelago is a coastal environment featuring various atoll formations rich in coral reef systems and marine life forms. With a land area of approximately 300 km2, as much as 99 per cent of the country is lagoons and oceans. Since the fifth century BC, a unique Maldivian cultural group has dwelled in the archipelago, learning from the many interactions they have with this marine environment. As populations increase and the pressures on this natural environment increase, it is imperative that protection and conservation of these ecosystems are a priority in the development agenda. This chapter will evaluate ecosystem protection and conservation in the Maldives. The chapter will commence from a discussion of the theoretical underpinnings of conservation and preservation dichotomies, defining the environment and understanding environmental attitudes and behaviour. A background to the physical environment of the Maldives and its importance is established before providing a discussion of the conservation and protection measures that are being carried out in the Maldives. Governance, environmental policies and conservation through the establishment of protected areas are the main areas of focus in this chapter. DEFINING ‘ENVIRONMENT’ Thoughts about protection or conservation of ecosystems arise from humannature interactions. Humans and nature are undoubtedly the most complex systems to understand, making the interaction between the two undoubtedly fascinating and unpredictable. Barry describes this human-nature relation: ‘the relation between society and environment denotes a series of relationships: physical, social, economic, political, moral, cultural, epistemological 159

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and philosophical, covering a multifaceted, multi-layered, complex and dynamic interaction between society and environment’ (2007, p. 11). Society is at a stage where focus on rapid economic development has left its burden on the environment, its ecosystems and resources. We are forced to start thinking about our place in the environment, how we interact with the environment and how our actions have been transforming the state of the environment for the worse. Before delving further into a discussion on human-nature interactions, it is important to look at the term ‘environment’. Nowadays, the term ‘environment’ is synonymously understood as the non-human or natural world (Barry, 2007). Mohamed (2012) found this to be the case in the Maldivian society as well. While in a general sense environment refers to the surroundings, Barry (2007) urges that an environment can be understood or defined in relation to something that is being surrounded. In our human-centred focus, this relational object is human society. The Maldivian equivalent word for environment is ‘thimaaveshi’.1 This term was coined in the late 1990s from the root words thimaa (the self ) and veshi (surroundings). Thimaa is also used in thimaa-ge, meaning kinship relations. That denotes a personal relationship with surroundings, identifying the integration of man within nature. Whilst the term ‘thimaaveshi’ beautifully captures the relation of one and one’s surroundings, including the natural, social and built environments, not many people understand the term in such a way. That is due to the popular use of the term for government efforts in environmental protection (Mohamed, 2012). The more familiar usage of the term thimaaveshi, by policy makers, as relating to global environmental concerns makes the word more recognized as environmental concern among local communities. . . . I learned to avoid using the word thimaaveshi in my inquiry. Instead I used words meaning island, reef, house reef, ocean, lagoon for specific parts of the reef ecosystem. (Mohamed, 2012, p. 189)

The need to broaden the use of the term ‘environment’ beyond the commonly understood ‘natural’ world is important if we are to address the many environmental issues we are faced with. The involvement of fields such as social theory to address such environmental issues highlights the importance of broadening the meaning of the term ‘environment’. VALUES, ATTITUDES AND ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOUR Environmental attitudes and behaviours stem from underlying values or value orientations (Gatersleben, Murtagh and Abrahamse, 2012; Han, Choi and Oh, 2018; Kennedy, Beckley, McFarlane et al., 2009; Schultz and Zelezny, 1999).



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Bengston, Webb and Fan (2004) characterize these environmental value orientations as a ‘bipolar continuum’ ranging from anthropocentric (based on use to humans) to biocentric (based on intrinsic values of nature).2 It is these value orientations that ultimately lead to our attitudes and our behaviours towards the environment. According to the researchers, the development of these values is based on many factors, including our knowledge, the social and natural environments we have been exposed to and our own experiences, moral principles and economic conditions (O’Brien, 2003; Seymour et al., 2010). It is seen that concern for the environment (or biocentric value orientations) is increasing in today’s societies (Lawrence and Abrutyn, 2015). Such concern for the environment is seen in the Maldives, too, in the levels of environmental protection and conservation activities and dialogues that are ongoing at various levels: state, community groups and individual action. These concerns arise from different value orientations ranging from anthropocentric, based on how useful the environment is to us, to pure biocentric in which concern is to preserve nature for its own sake (Bengston et al., 2004). Studying how Maldivians value the reef environment, Mohamed (2012) found that attitudes towards the environment are distinct in the older generations who have more direct interactions with the reef environment compared to the youth. One way of developing concern for the environment is through experiencing the realities of the environment that we ‘live in, live from and live with’.3 According to Mohamed (2012), even before state regulations on sand and coral mining came into effect, the community in Kendhoo (Baa Atoll) developed local rules4 to ban mining of coral from the island house reef. They noticed large amounts of beach erosion on the island and the community identified that it started after they began mining coral from the protective house reef surrounding the island. The community understood how their interaction with nature was causing harm to the environment and ultimately to their existence. Historically Maldivian communities have moved from islands following severe erosion (Maniku, 1990). Similarly, the community of Hulhudhoo (Seenu Atoll) developed local rules in the 1970s on taking sand from the beach, in response to beach erosion on the island. Scholars such as Nadasdy (2003) and Agrawal (2005) have described how local people come to care about and act in relation to their environment through the creation of ‘environmental subjects’ by the government. Different modes such as resource co-management initiatives, schooling and government programmes are used by the government to create these ‘environmental subjects’. In his study of Kumoan villagers and their interaction with the state, the forest and its resources, Agrawal, using the term ‘environmentality’, proposes the idea that environmentalist logics, projects, and movements are forms of governmentality much like that proposed by Foucault (Agrawal, 2005). As community members became involved in these programmes, they begin to internalize the beliefs about the environment and, therefore, regulate

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themselves according to the wishes of the distant state. Mohamed (2012) deduces that such creation of environmental subjects by the government is not the reason for environmental concern in the communities that depend on the environment. Rather, as seen in the example of rules for sand and coral mining developed by the communities in Kendhoo and Hulhudhoo, the driver comes from awareness and acceptance of the detrimental effects of environmental degradation. However, concern of the younger generations can be seen as a more globalized one created through their schooling.5 Mohamed (2012) states that concerns about sand and coral mining and resultant beach erosion, as raised by the younger generation, relate to more global environmental issues such as impacts of climate change and sea-level rise. The contrasting global and local worldviews of the two groups are evident in such an example. The difference in perceptions regarding nature between those living within the environment and those residing in a distant environment has been often discussed in literature (Ingold, 2011; O’Brien, 2006; Tuan, 1974; Turner and Berkes, 2006). What is positive to note is that a concern for the environment and thus environmental conservation and protection activities are ongoing and growing. Conservation and protection (the idea of preservation) are distinct terms in environmental management. These terms stem from the long and ongoing ­preservation-conservation debate, popularized by the opposing views of John Muir and Gifford Pinchot (Meyer, 1997). Hunter and Gibbs (2007, pp. 4–5) define that a preservationist ‘advocates allowing some places and some creatures to exist without significant human interference’ and a conservationist ‘advocates or practices the sensible and careful use of natural resources’. Based on these definitions, the many actions termed as environmental protection are in fact talking about conservation. Hence, within this chapter, the term ‘conservation’ will be mainly used, unless referring specifically to preservation activities. WHY IS ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION IMPORTANT? The Maldives is a chain of tropical coral reef islands defined by its marine and coastal environment. With over 99 per cent of the country consisting of water, the marine environment is extremely rich with its characteristic coral reef formations, lagoons, beaches, mangroves and marine life forms (Mohamed, 2017; Spalding, Ravilious and Green, 2001). The marine and coastal ecosystem of the Maldives is extremely important for the local people with regard to their very existence, livelihood and socio-economic development. In addition, the reef ecosystem is of importance due to the presence of many species that are globally significant.



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While the livelihood and economic activities such as fisheries and tourism depend heavily on the marine environment, the existence of the people depends very much on the reefs. The reef systems are vital in the formation of the islands in the Maldives. The islands are small in size with more than 85 per cent of the inhabited islands less than 1 km2 in area (Mohamed et al., 2016).6 In addition, the islands are very low lying with more than 80 per cent of the land being less than one metre above mean sea level (Jameel, 2007). This makes the islands very vulnerable to climate change and associated sea-level rise. Protection of the reef ecosystems is important for the very existence of the Maldives islands. Climate change is an imminent threat to the Maldives but at the same time humans add to the threats by their activities. Many studies worldwide have identified overexploitation of marine resources, coastal development and pollution as the greatest threat to marine ecosystems (Hodgson, 1999; Kleypas and Eakin, 2007; Zalasiewicz et al., 2016). Similarly, for the Maldives, human activity has been identified as a major threat to the environment. The rapid growth of the reef fishery is attributed to overexploitation of valuable species (Mohamed, 2017; Saleem and Adam, 2004; Sattar and Adam, 2005). Coastal modifications such as reclamation, harbours, jetties, causeways, breakwaters and dredging of boat channels are an indicator of development in local islands. While the bulk of coastal modifications can be attributed to the tourist industry where structures such as water bungalows, restaurants and spas are popular products7 (Shaig, 2006), reclamation of lagoons for development of tourist destinations has also become prevalent (Mohamed, Gombay and Pirker, 2019). Development of such structures are likely to have negative impacts on the surrounding environment and its coastal processes (Kench, 2010). Pollution, mainly from improper management of waste, is a huge problem (Mohamed, 2017). The groundwater in most inhabited islands is contaminated beyond potable use (Mohamed et al., 2016). So why is it important to conserve the coastal ecosystem? It is intrinsically valuable in itself but ultimately it is how it relates to humans that deciphers the value of ecosystems. Values are human constructs, whether intrinsic, anthropocentric or biocentric. Ultimately existence and wellbeing are at stake. Many cultures believe the world as an interconnected system where humans are integrated with nature. Therefore, a healthy ecosystem will nourish a healthy community now and in the future. ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION IN PRACTICE Environmental protection and conservation have been a prominent official agenda in the Maldives since the mid-1980s. Maldivian political leaders

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were swift to follow the global trend that acknowledges environmental degradation as a serious concern. As a low-lying island state, Maldives is extremely vulnerable to impacts of sea-level rise and the country has taken a lead in highlighting concerns of island states at international level. In 1989, Maldives hosted the Small Islands Conference on Sea Level Rise. At the local level, NGOs, schools and the tourism industry are involved in environmental conservation activities. International organizations are also involved in such efforts in the Maldives. ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION AND POLICY Looking at the policy sphere of the Maldives, it can be said that there are ample policies and legal frameworks for environmental protection and conservation. The National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan 2016–2025 (NBSAP) can be isolated as the main policy document focusing on ecosystem conservation. In line with the government’s emphasis on mainstreaming environmental conservation and protection, a number of sectoral policies exist to support ecosystem conservation and protection. These include the Maldives Climate Change Policy Framework 2015; the Maldives Energy Policy and Strategy 2016; and the National Waste Management Policy 2015. The waste management policy is especially important as waste management is one of the biggest threats to the environment. NBSAP highlights the lack of biodiversity awareness among Maldivians as the biggest gap to ecosystem conservation and protection (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2015). The 10-year plan has six strategies focusing on the following: 1. Strengthening governance, policies and strategies for biodiversity 2. Enhancing communication and outreach through awareness programmes and capacity building 3. Working together globally for biodiversity conservation 4. Ensuring sustainable use of biological resources 5. Addressing threats to conserve biodiversity 6. Strengthening information management and resource mobilisation According to a review of natural resource governance in the Maldives, multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity are key drivers of national environmental policies (The Maldives National University [MNU], 2014). Some other key MEAs that the Maldives is party to are the Cartagena Protocol, Kyoto Protocol, Vienna



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Convention, Basel Convention and World Heritage Convention. The review also highlights that environmental policies in the Maldives are shifting and changing with the changes in government regimes (MNU, 2014).8 While pre-2008 there was a focus on climate change and sea-level rise, the focus of the 2008 government shifted to emissions, carbon neutrality and renewable energy. Overall the government era from 2013–2018 was geared towards economic achievements and often elements of sustainability lagged behind. Large-scale infrastructure development projects such as airports and reclamation of lagoons for tourism development caused several environmental controversies (Mohamed, Gombay and Pirker, 2019; Save Maldives, 2018). Among the most notable of such cases was the development of a domestic airport in Kulhudhuffushi which saw the reclamation of a large part of the existing wetland area of the island (Mohamed et al., 2019). The emphasis on economic development, especially of the tourism sector, was also evident in the modification to the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) regulations in 2015 whereby the EIA approval process of tourism-related projects was moved from the Environment Protection Agency. This evidently disrupted the system of environmental checks and balances within the government as the ministry mandated with tourism sector development also doubled as the environmental regulator for the sector. The current government has been in power since November 2018 and it is early to determine their environmental focus. However, there have been signs of positive change, with priority given at the highest level to environmental conservation initiatives. In early December 2018, the president launched an initiative to minimize single-use plastic at the President’s Office showing commitment at the highest level of the government (The President’s Office, 2018). The establishment of protected areas (PAs) as an indicator of conservation practice during the different regimes is indicative of the changes in conservation focus of the current government (figure 9.1). The reversion of the tourism sector EIA mandate to the Environment Protection Agency is also one of a number of other changes that hint towards a more positive emphasis on environmental conservation. However, it may be too early to make an accurate assessment. The Environmental Protection and Preservation Act, 4/93 (EPPA) has remained as the primary legal instrument for environmental conservation in the Maldives. Under this act, the government of the Maldives has the authority to protect and preserve all the coastal resources of the Maldives and take immediate enforcement actions on any breach of the law. The Fisheries Law (5/87) supports the EPPA by regulating the fisheries, controlling exploitation and protection of numerous marine species. The first ban on fishing whale sharks was introduced in 1995 and since then various restrictions on species and areas have been enforced under the Fisheries Act (Mohamed, 2017). In

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Figure 9.1.  Time Series of Number of Protected Areas Established in the Maldives. Source: Author’s elaboration of data from Environment Protection Agency, Maldives. Table 9.1.  Protected Species in the Maldives Act EPPA 4/93

Fisheries Act 5/87

Species 104 bird species Black Turtle Rays and Skates All turtles Dolphins Napoleon wrasses Giant clams Black coral Whale shark Conch shell Whales Lobsters (berried females and those less than 25 cm from head to tail) All sharks All sandbanks where seabirds lay eggs and breed their young

Source: Mohamed, 2017.

2010, a ban on shark fishing throughout the Maldives was enforced. Table 9.1 gives a list of protected species under the EPPA and Fisheries Act. The Maldives Tourism Act (2/99) is another important piece of legislation important for environmental conservation in the Maldives. The tourism sector on the one hand impacts the environment through its many infrastructure developments while at the same time the natural environment is the main



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market product for the Maldives. Finding the balance in this environmental conservation and economic gain, nexus is tricky for the sector. Nevertheless, many policy measures are in place for sustainable use of the environment, including the Regulation on the Protection and Conservation of the Environment in the Tourism Industry (2006) which guides sustainable practices for environmental conservation. ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Regulations 2012 under the EPPA are extremely significant in ecosystem conservation. Under the EIA Regulations, any development activity can be started only after approval by the Ministry of Environment. Arguably, although a sound EIA process is developed, implementation remains challenging due to various restraints. According to MNU (2014), the EIA process is flawed by a lack of Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA). This is especially true for public sector development projects where project locations and other elements of the project are already decided before they go through the EIA process. For example, projects such as development of domestic airports do not go through a SEA. The EIA process is for the most part imposed on private sector projects, especially in the tourism sector (Mohamed, 2007). In 2015, the EIA approval process for developments in the tourism sector was moved from the Ministry of Environment to the Ministry of Tourism under the EIA Regulation of the Ministry of Tourism (2015/R-157). This sparked criticism from those working for environmental conservation on grounds that, as the institution responsible for tourism development, the Ministry of Tourism had a conflict of interest. However, with the change in government 2018, EIA functions have reverted to the Environment Protection Agency. A review of the EIA process by Niyaz and Storey (2011) highlights the lack of public participation. Often the public are consulted ‘once proposed projects are planned, screened and the scope determined by the proponent and the Government’ (Niyaz and Storey, 2011, p. 72). MNU (2014) report similar findings from their stakeholder consultations. Meaningful public participation is required, among other elements, to strengthen the implementation of the EIA process. Mohamed, Gombay and Pirker (2019) also highlight the flawed EIA processes, including a continued lack of meaningful public consultation. The EIA process is a clear example where implementation of environmental policy is challenged by vested interests of policymakers. Apart from EIAs, enforcement of penalties for environmental non-compliance also suffers (especially at high level) when penalties can be averted or reduced through

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‘gift’ systems. A number of studies show corruption as a major threat to effective natural resource management and hence ecosystem conservation (Harring, 2014; Pellegrini and Vujic, 2003; Sundstrӧm, 2012). According to Harring (2014), pro-environmental policy is less effective in countries that are more corrupt and are economically unequal. PROTECTED AREAS Establishment of PAs is one of the most efficient and cost-effective tools in ecosystem management (Stolton et al., 2015). The EPPA is responsible for declaring protected areas in the Maldives. Since 1995, 61 PAs have been established9 (figure 9.1). These include marine protected areas (MPAs), islands and mangrove areas. Figure 9.2 shows an atoll-wide distribution of PAs in the Maldives. The markers in red show the latest group of areas protected since October 2018. Prior to that no PAs had been established in the four northernmost atolls. The earliest group of PAs had been concentrated in the central atolls near the capital where tourism was well established. The earliest PAs had been popular dive sites (Mohamed, 2007). The whole of Baa atoll, which has been designated as a United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Biosphere Reserve, has the largest area of PAs. A brief description of the Baa Atoll Biosphere Reserve is provided in text box 9.1. The Environmental Protection Agency has also identified a list of ‘sensitive areas’, currently covering 265 sites, selected according to their ecological characteristics. These include mangroves, areas visited by sea-birds and areas of particular marine diversity. A review of MPAs in the Maldives by Mohamed (2007) identifies them more as ‘paper parks’. That is because they lack clear management objectives, management plans, resources allocated by the government (e.g., for management, public participation and research) and monitoring to evaluate effectiveness. However, PA management is slowly receiving much needed commitment from the state. The first PA management plan was implemented in Hanifaru Bay in Baa Atoll in 2011, more than 15 years after the establishment of the first PA. Hanifaru Bay is of global significance as a site for aggregation of whale sharks. The objective of the management plan is ecological conservation with sustainable use, mainly for tourism. Monitoring of visitor activities is in place. Clearly, a review of the effectiveness of the management plan can help development of further such initiatives. Three more PAs have been developed, under a Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) project, with a focus on community-based wetland management plans, and development of ecotourism and other sustainable activities that can provide ecosystem-linked benefits to the community. These are for Eydhigali



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Figure 9.2.  Atoll-Wise Distribution of Protected Areas in the Maldives. (Red markers show areas protected since October 2018). Source: Atoll Ecosystem Conservation project, Ministry of Environment and Energy. Baa Atoll Biosphere Reserve. http://www. broffice.gov.mv/en/index.php/about-baa-atoll-biosphere-reserve/zonation-system.

Kilhi PA in Seenu Hithadhoo and Bandaara Kilhi and Dhandimagu Kilhi in Fuvahmulah (Ministry of Environment and Energy, 2014). Addu Nature Park and Fuvahmulah Nature Park are now thriving travel destinations with both local and international visitors, prided by the local communities. These examples represent positive signs for environmental conservation as it is through involvement of communities that sustainable conservation practices are best created. When a community can truly understand and see direct benefits of conservation more interest is generated by them to care for and sustain their local ecosystem.

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Research has identified ecotourism as a driver for implementing environmental policies (Buckley, 2004; Newsome, Moore and Dowling, 2012; Stronza, 2007). Furthermore, ecotourism and its associated economic benefits promote involvement of locals in environmental conservation and create more environmental awareness within the community. Inclusion of local and indigenous communities in planning, development and operation, and also contributions to local wellbeing are key elements of ecotourism (International Ecotourism Society, 2002). The introduction of local tourism in 2008 on inhabited islands has seen many communities welcoming such economic activities.10 Involvement in tourism makes people more aware that keeping the environment pristine increases the value of the tourism product. Ecotourism can be a positive way forward for reeling in the interest of people towards environmental conservation. TEXT BOX 9.1: BAA ATOLL BIOSPHERE RESERVE (ADAPTED FROM MOHAMED, 2017 P. 117) Baa Atoll in the Maldives has been identified as ecologically rich in its biodiversity. Hanifaru Bay in Baa Atoll is globally significant as a gathering site for whale sharks. Conservation of the atoll first began in 2004 under the Atoll Ecosystem Conservation project with the support from the United Nations Development Programme and the Global Environment Facility. On 28th June 2012, the atoll was declared as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve. The Biosphere Reserve Strategy contains three main programmes: (1) outreach, (2) conservation, and (3) livelihood and sustainable development. A three-tier zonation approach used by the UNESCO World Biosphere Reserve was adopted for Baa Atoll. This includes a core area, buffer zone and transitional areas (figure 9.3). The core area includes nine protected areas which have a high ecological significance. All types of extractive uses are prohibited in these areas and only nondamaging and non-extractive uses are allowed. Minimal use for educational, cultural and recreational purposes is allowed at levels that maintain the natural state. Buffer areas are managed areas that also have high ecological significance. While commercial extraction of resources is banned, some subsistence extractive and non-extractive uses are allowed. Transitional areas allow long-term sustainable resource utilization and livelihood activities. Ecosystem conservation is ensured through an integrated ecosystem management programme.



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Figure 9.3.  Baa Atoll Biosphere Reserve. Source: Atoll Ecosystem Conservation project, Ministry of Environment and Energy. Baa Atoll Biosphere Reserve. http://www.broffice.gov.mv/en/index.php/about-baa-atoll-biosphere-reserve/ zonation-system.

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CONCLUSION As a country with its existence, development and livelihood dependent on the rich coastal ecosystem, it is vital for the Maldives to continue its efforts to conserve the environment. The importance of environmental conservation has been recognized at the national level in the Maldives since the mid-1980s. Whilst the transition of policies and initiatives to active programmes has been slow, there are signs of change with an increase in local capacity and support from the international community. It is vital to continue developing environmental values and behaviors in communities. Increased engagement of people with the local environment through schooling, livelihood practices and participation in conservation are possible ways forward for a more sustainable future.

NOTES 1. Other words such as maahaul and veshi have been used earlier to describe one’s surroundings. 2. These underlying value orientations have been studied by scholars under names such as egocentric, or ecocentric and biocentric. 3. This term is borrowed from O’Neill, Holland and Light (2008) who sum up the depth of human-environment relations as ‘we live from them . . . live in them . . . and live with them’ (p 1). 4. Mohamed (2012) defines local rules as informal rules that local governance institutions in the island communities develop. At the time of these bans, such decisions were made based on the advice of the Island Development Committee (IDC), an advisory committee to the Island Chief. The committee consists of elders, fishermen, business owners and women and is appointed by public voting. The IDCs have been replaced by an elected Island Council under the Decentralisation Act of 2010. 5. For further discussion of the role of education and environmental management see Mohamed and Mohamed, chapter 1, this volume. 6. Only three inhabited islands are larger than 4 km2. 7. Data from 2006 show that there were more than 1,200 over-water structures in the resorts, compared with less than 500 on the inhabited islands (Shaig, 2006). 8. See Shadiya, chapter 8, this volume. 9. During the analysis, the total area of PAs showed some discrepancies between the current official listing and an earlier listing. As this is still in review, at the time of submission of the chapter, by formal authorities the total area of PAs has not been included here. 10. In 2015, there were 315 guesthouses in local islands with a total bed capacity of 4,649 (Ministry of Tourism, 2016). For a complete overview on guesthouses development see dell’Agnese, chapter 6, and Zubair and Bowen, chapter 7, this volume.



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REFERENCES Agrawal, A. (2005). ‘Environmentality: Community, intimate government and the making of environmental subjects in Kumaon, India’. Current Anthropology 46, no. 2: 161–190 Barry, J. (2007). Environment and social theory. London & New York: Routledge. Bengston, D.N., Webb, T.J. and Fan, D.P. (2004). ‘Shifting forest value orientation in the United States 1980–2001: A computer content analysis’. Environmental Values 12: 373–392. Buckley, R. (2004). Environmental impacts of ecotourism, London: CABI Publishing. Gatersleben, B., Murtagh, N. and Abrahamse, W. (2012). ‘Values, identity and proenvironmental behaviour’. Journal of Academy of Social Science 9, no. 4: 374–392. Han, J. H., Choi, A.S. and Oh, C. (2018). ‘The effects of environmental value orientations and experience-use history on the conservation value of a national park’. Sustainability 10, no. 10: 3372. Harring, N. (2014). ‘Corruption, inequalities and the perceived effectiveness of economic pro-environmental policy instruments: A European cross-national study’. Environmental Science and Policy 39: 119–128. Hodgson, G. (1999). ‘A global assessment of human effects on coral reefs’. Marine Pollution Bulletin 38, no. 5: 345–355. Hunter, M.L. and Gibbs, J.P. (2007). Fundamentals of conservation biology. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. Ingold, T. (2011). Being alive: Essays on movement, knowledge and description. London: Routledge. International Ecotourism Society. (2002). Quebec Declaration on Ecotourism. Quebec: World Ecotourism Summit. Accessed 20 November 2019. https://www. ecotourism.org/iye-2002. Jameel, A. (2007). ‘A model to integrate the management of hazards and disasters in the national sustainable development planning of the Maldives’ (Unpublished Master’s thesis, University of Canterbury, Christchurch: New Zealand). Kennedy, E.H., Beckley, T.M., McFarlane, B.L. and Nadeau, S. (2009). ‘Why we don’t “walk the talk”: Understanding the environmental values/behaviour gap in Canada’. Human Ecology Review 16, no. 1: 151–160. Kleypas, J.A. and Eakin, C.M. (2007). ‘Scientists’ perceptions of threats to coral reefs: Results of a survey of coral reef researchers’. Bulletin of Marine Science 80: 419–436. Lawrence, K. and Abrutyn, S. (2015). ‘The degradation of nature and the growth of environmental concern: Toward a theory of the capture and limits of ecological value’. Human Ecology Review, 21(1), 87–108. Maniku, H. A. (1990). Changes in the topography of the Maldives. Malé: Forum of Writers on Environment. Meyer, J.M. (1997). ‘Gifford Pinchot, John Muir, and the boundaries of politics in American thought’. Polity 30, no. 2: 267–284. Ministry of Environment and Energy. (2014). Environment and social assessment and management framework: Climate change adaptation project. Accessed 20 October 2019. http://www.environment.gov.mv/v2/en/.

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Save Maldives. (2018). Irreversible damage, destruction and loss. Accessed 31 December 2019. https://issuu.com/savemaldives/docs/save_maldives_newedition. Schultz, P.W. and Zelezny, L. (1999). ‘Values as predictors of environmental attitudes: Evidence for consistency across 14 countries’. Journal of Environmental Psychology 19, no. 3: 255–265. Seymour, E., Curtis, A., Pannell, D., Allan C. and Roberts A. (2010). ‘Understanding the role of assigned values in natural resource management’. Australasian Journal of Environmental Management 17, no. 30: 142–153. Shaig, A. (2006). Climate change and vulnerability assessment of the land and beaches of Maldives. Technical Papers to the Maldives National Adaptation Plan of Action for Climate Change. Malé: Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water. Spalding, M. D., Ravilious, C. and Green, E.P. (2001). World atlas of coral reefs. Berkeley: University of California Press. Stolton, S., Dudley, N., Avcıoğlu Çokçalışkan, B., et al. (2015). ‘Values and benefits of protected areas’. In Protected area governance and management, edited by Worboys, G.L., Lockwood, M., Kothari, A., Feary, S. and Pulsford, I., 145–168. Canberra: ANU Press. Stronza, A. (2007). ‘The economic promise of ecotourism for conservation’. Journal of Ecotourism 6, no. 3: 210–230. Sundstrӧm, A. (2023). ‘Corruption and regulatory compliance: Experimental findings from South African small-scale fisheries’. Marine Policy 36: 1255–1264. Tuan, Y.F. (1974). Topophilia: A study of environmental perception, attitudes, and value. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Turner, N.J. and Berkes, F. (2006). ‘Developing resource management and conservation’. Human Ecology 34, no. 4: 475–478. Zalasiewicz, J., Waters, C.N., do Sul, J.A.I., Corcoran, P.L, Bamosky, A.D., Cearreta, A. and Yonan, Y. (2016). ‘The geological cycle of plastics and their use as a stratigraphic indicator of the Anthropocene’. Anthropocene 13: 4–17.

Chapter 10

Sea-Level Changes and the Reefs of the Maldivian Archipelago Daniela Basso and Alessandra Savini

Sea-level (s.l.) rise is emerging as one of the dominant impacts of anthropogenic global warming. Such warming is considered as the main influence responsible for increased melting of glaciers and snowfields (particularly in Greenland and Antarctica, where the largest sinks of freshwater are located). Moreover, sea-level rise generates major societal and geopolitical effects on coastal and small island nations (Barnett and Adger, 2003; Dickinson, 2009; Nicholls and Cazenave, 2010; Ferries et al., 2011). These include the Maldives, where the only habitable lands for settlement, agriculture and infrastructure are small low-lying reef islands (Kahn et al. 2002). Studies on regional variability and trends are, therefore, crucial to plan adaptive measures in all coastal countries. Currently, the scientific community is intensively engaged to provide accurate estimates of the rate of future s.l. rise. Nevertheless, locally, the magnitude of s.l. rise may interact with a large set of factors and variables. The most relevant one concerns the concept of ‘level’. Globally, sea surface varies in altitude by over 100 m, mostly reflecting variations in the density of rocks that underlie the oceans (known as the geoid). The sea surface topography at long wavelengths is dynamic and adjusts to regional variations in the gravity field of the earth. So ‘level’ should be considered as a general term, and future changes will vary widely at a local scale from an assumed global value. Furthermore, considering the local scale, reference also needs to be made to the different response that each type of coastal landform can have to s.l. rise which depends on the effects that s.l. rise produces on the geomorphic processes forming them. Coral reef–associated landforms (i.e., coral islands, vegetated or non-vegetated sand cays, reef flat areas and lagoons) are extremely dependent on local-scale s.l. oscillation in their entire extension 176



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and differentiation. Their growth, geometry, composition and spatial pattern of development are directly controlled by the s.l. position and its interaction with ocean dynamics, as well as other additional environmental variables (e.g., light conditions, turbidity and nutrient levels) dependent on s.l. oscillation (Camoin and Webster, 2014). In addition, as discussed by McLean and Kench (2015), there is a lack of studies in order to sufficiently analyse both past and recent shoreline changes on atoll islands that have been clearly subject to known increases in s.l. We miss a precise knowledge on modes and magnitude of island shoreline response to sea-level changes and particularly on the extent to which a negative response (i.e., erosion and inundation) is due to s.l. rise or other coastal change processes, including those associated with human activity. Our chapter attempts to clarify to what extent future predictions of mean s.l. consider regional to local processes in controlling s.l. position in the Maldives, and what kind of potential response can be expected from reef corals. Major gaps in knowledge, critical to predict future scenarios in response to present-day environmental changes, are also presented. WHAT IS AN S.L. CHANGE? S.l. indicates the position of the air-sea interface, to which all terrestrial elevations and submarine depths are referred. The s.l. constantly changes at every locality with the changes in tides, atmospheric pressure and wind conditions. But the earth system is also subject to longer-term changes in s.l., influenced by earth’s changing climates (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC], 2019). The most significant effect of ice sheet growth and decay during the Pleistocene is indeed the change in the volume of water contained in the ocean basins, which caused changes in the relative level of the land and the water body, according to the response of the coast in terms of vertical movements (controlled by tectonic activity or by the glacio-isostatic adjustment mostly due to the growth and decay of the ice sheets). S.l. changes can, therefore, greatly influence the effect of coastal processes on a variety of time scales and the way in which coastal landforms are shaped and evolve. Changes in the relative position of land and sea on a time scale of thousands to millions of years lead to inundation (transgression) or exposure (regression) of the land. During the last glacial period (late Pleistocene) s.l. reached its lowest point around 25,000 years before present (BP) at an elevation of roughly 130 m below the present level. The subsequent Holocene transgression produced a rapid rise in s.l. to something close to its present level about 5,000 years BP.

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Scientists use records of past s.l. preserved in the geologic record to determine how fast and how high it can rise. One of the primary ways to establish s.l. history, identifying different positions of former s.l., is the detection of those landforms that undoubtedly formed along ancient shoreline, such as beach ridges, coral reef terraces, wave-cut escarpments, and that contain shallow-water marine fossils. Besides forming the most diverse of all marine ecosystems and supporting 25 per cent of all marine species on the planet, tropical corals form reefs that are considered good geomorphic indicators of past s.l. Since corals can grow only in a narrow depth range, the exposure to low tides sets the upper growth limit for corals that, during times of stable or slowly rising s.l., build constructional platforms. Moreover, they have a good geological preservation potential and their aragonite skeleton is a suitable matrix for radiocarbon and uranium-series disequilibrium dating methods (Broeker et al., 1968). The recognition of late Pleistocene uplifted coral platforms (i.e., reef terraces), as indicators of past s.l., was indeed one of the pioneering efforts in sea-level research (Chappell, 1974). As the wellknown terrestrial fluvial-glacial counterpart (Penck and Brückner, 1909), fossil coral reef terraces can be used to reconstruct the deglaciation s.l. history that follows the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM, MIS 2; Rovere et al., 2018), although more reliable information have been provided by offshore drilling in Barbados (Fairbanks, 1989; Bard et al., 1990; Fairbanks et al., 2005; Peltier and Fairbanks, 2006), around Tahiti – Integrated Ocean Drilling Program (IODP) Expedition 310, Camoin et al. (2007, 2012) and Deschamps et al. (2012) – and offshore the Australian Great Barrier Reef (Yokoyama et al., 2011; Webster et al., 2011). The present-day position of ancient coral reef terraces must not be attributed only to former s.l. position. It is also the result of all changes that have occurred over geological time in the level of the land (e.g., because of tectonic activity). Few regions are actually ‘tectonically stable’ (i.e., without relevant influence of tectonic movement in affecting s.l. position) and, therefore, coral reef terraces shaped by former s.l. position can be found both on land (because of tectonic uplift, as the ones in New Guinea firstly described by Chappel, 1974) or submerged (because of tectonic subsidence, that often typify coral atolls developed on volcanic islands). Coral reef terraces formed also when s.l. rose 6 m above its present level during the last interglacial period, 125,000 years ago. They thus documented not only that s.l. can reach levels many meters above the present one, during periods of warm global climate but also that coral reefs are able to keep-up with the rise in s.l. S.l. rose to as much as 30 m above present s.l. during a time of global warmth about three million years ago.



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FROM GLOBAL TO LOCAL CAUSES OF S.L. CHANGES IN THE MALDIVES S.l. is measured in one of two ways: 1) Relative to the ocean floor (relative s.l.) 2) Relative to the earth’s centre of mass (absolute s.l.) Both relative and absolute s.ls. are affected by a variety of global, regional and local processes that control the s.l. along a given shoreline (figure 10.1). Global S.L. The term ‘global sea level’ refers to the average height of all of the earth’s ocean basins. Generally, it is determined by the total volume of water contained in the ocean basins, so that it represents the s.l. that is directly controlled by the climate-related process, which basically determines glaciers and ice sheet melting (when temperature increases) and also changes in water density due to temperature and salinity changes. Any changes in density have an effect on water volume: an increase in temperature causes a decrease in density and an increase in volume, and, consequently, a rise in s.l. This is known as ‘steric contribution’ in global s.l. An important aspect to take into consideration is also that the volume of the ocean basins is controlled by the deformation of the solid earth, which also causes changes to the gravity field.

Figure 10.1.  A  Simplified Sketch of Physical Processes that Contribute to Sea-Level Changes.1 Source: Authors’ elaboration.

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This latter could dramatically affect the local effect in s.l. changes, determined by ‘relative sea level rise’. S.l. can be measured using tide gauge stations employing a variety of manual and automatic sensors. Tide gauge stations from around the world have measured the daily high and low tides for more than a century. Since the early 1990s, s. l. has been measured from space using radar altimeters, which determine the height of the sea surface by measuring the return speed and intensity of a radar pulse directed at the ocean. The higher the s.l., the faster and stronger the return signal. To estimate how much of the observed s.l. rise is due to thermal expansion, scientists measure sea surface temperature using moored and drifting buoys, satellites and water samples collected by ships. Temperatures in the upper half of the ocean are measured by a global fleet of aquatic robots. Deeper temperatures are measured by instruments lowered from oceanographic research ships. According to satellite measurements, the global mean sea level (GMSL) in the ocean rose by 3.6 mm per year from 2006 to 2015, which was 2.5 times the average rate of 1.4 mm per year throughout most of the twentieth century. Nowadays GMSL is rising, with acceleration in recent decades due to increasing rates of ice loss from the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets, as well as continued glacier mass loss and ocean thermal expansion. By the end of the century, GMSL is likely to rise at least 0.3 m above 2000 levels, even if greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions follow a relatively low pathway in coming decades (IPCC, 2019). Regional S.L. In some ocean basins, s.l. rise has been as much as 15–20 cm since the start of the satellite record (IPCC, 2019). Regional differences exist because of natural variability in the strength of winds and ocean currents, which influence how much and where the deeper layers of the ocean store heat. Regional processes controlling absolute s.l. basically result in a spatially variable s.l. response that is controlled by: • the effect of the gravity field in sea-level position, • water dynamic determined by tidal range, storm surge heights and circulation. In North Indian Ocean (north of 5°S) satellite measurements show a rapid increase in s.l. during the past decade (Thompson et al., 2016), while longterm s.l. estimates using tide gauge records show a rate of s.l. rise of about 1.06–1.75 mm/yr during 1874–2004 (Unnikrishnan et al., 2006; Unnikrishnan and Shankar, 2007) similar to the global s.l. rise trend of 1.7 mm/yr estimated for the period 1880–2009 (Church and White, 2011). Therefore, though the



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long-term trend is similar to the global estimates, the s.l. in the North Indian Ocean shows multidecadal variability relative to global mean. According to Thompson et al. (2016), the regional s.l. variability of the North Indian Ocean is dominated by thermosteric changes. The thermosteric s.l. rise in the North Indian Ocean is 0.68 ± 0.03 mm/yr during 1958–2015 and has accelerated to 2.3 ± 0.09 mm/yr during 1993–2015. Results connect the observed multidecadal timescale rise to a weakening of the summer monsoon circulation during the past three to four decades, resulting in reduced southward ocean heat transport and a consequent increase in the North Indian Ocean heat storage. The increased heat storage has thus increased the thermosteric s.l. in the North Indian Ocean, especially in the Arabian Sea. The findings from the study reveal a mechanistic relation between a weakening summer monsoon circulation and s.l. rise in the North Indian Ocean. Furthermore, since s.l. rise in the North Indian Ocean over the past few decades is close to the global mean s.l. rise trend over the same period, it is conceivable that external forces, other than GHGs, might have influenced the regional s.l. rise via changes in the summer monsoon circulation. For example, it has been suggested that the radiative effects of aerosols (natural and anthropogenic) can be a possible mechanism for offsetting the GHG warming on regional scales (Ramanathan et al., 2001; Krishnan and Ramanathan, 2002; Levitus et al., 2005). Measurements from the Indian Ocean Experiment showed that scattering and absorption of solar radiation by aerosols (e.g., dust, sulfate, black carbon, and organic carbon) over the North Indian Ocean decreases surface solar radiation by more than 10 W/m2, leading to reduced evaporation and slowing of the hydrological cycle (Ramanathan et al., 2001). Furthermore, several modelling studies suggest that the radiative effects of increasing anthropogenic aerosol emissions over Asia and the Northern Hemisphere have significantly weakened the Indian monsoon circulation and rainfall during the past few decades (Ramanathan et al., 2005; Bollasina et al., 2011; Krishnan et al., 2016). It is also recognised that ocean circulation and s.l. variations in a changing climate can be modulated by changes in global water cycle. Clearly, there is a major need for enhancing the present observational and modelling capabilities to better quantify the processes associated with regional s.l. variability. The identification of the role of monsoon wind in modulating the regional multidecadal s.l. variability in the North Indian Ocean relative to the global mean is certainly a recent important finding (Swapna et al., 2017). Local S.L. Most data on rates of s.l. rise in the past century have been collected using tide gauge data, which are now available for an increasing number of stations worldwide, providing measurements with a precision of the order of 2 cm.

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Gauges with a record of more than 50 years offer an opportunity to filter annual- and decadal-scale dynamic variations associated with tidal oscillation and circulation pattern, although their use requires considerable effort to identify and remove errors from the data recording systems, as well as the tidal components and the not-tidal residuals (Arùjo and Pugh, 2008). It also requires that corrections are made for any vertical changes in the elevation of the land at the location of the tide gauge. Local s.l. changes can differ significantly from GMSL change in particular as a result of (1) non-climatic, geological background processes (basically vertical mass movement); (2) atmosphere/ocean dynamics; and (3) the gravitational, elastic and rotational ‘fingerprint’ effects of ice and ocean mass redistribution (Kopp et al., 2015). Locally, vertical mass movement can be measured directly using global positioning system (GPS) receivers and can occur as a consequence of tectonics (both fast and slow and producing uplift or subsidence), soft-sediment compaction (either under the weight of overburden or accelerated by the withdrawal of interstitial fluids such as groundwater or hydrocarbons) and deformation associated with ice-ocean mass transfer. The latter is generally separated into two components: (1) glacial-isostatic adjustment (GIA – which is the ongoing viscoelastic response of the earth to past, deglacial changes in the cryosphere) and (2) elastic response to recent mass flux in glaciers and grounded ice sheets. Both of these load components also drive perturbations in the GMSL and the geoid (Tamisiea, 2011), and both are computed using a static s.l. theory. Dynamic departures of the sea surface from ‘static equilibrium’ are driven by wind and buoyancy fluxes and by oceanic currents, which act to change s.l. by redistributing mass and volume. The importance of a positive trend in rising Relative/Local Sea Level (RSL) is that it represents the real measure of the possible risk to communities, ecosystems and economies. According to what has been exposed before, it is now clear that the risk expressed by RSL measurements is geographically variable, as both RSL changes and socioeconomic exposure vary with location (Hinkel et al., 2014; Houser et al., 2015; Brown et al., 2016). Failure to account for the differences between RSL change and GMSL change can lead to either under- or over-estimation of the magnitude of the allowance necessary to accommodate RSL rise. Accordingly, stakeholders and agencies responsible for quantifying the flooding hazard require accurate local RSL projections for risk assessment and decision-making. THE DEEP VOLCANIC STRUCTURE OF MALDIVIAN ISLANDS The Maldivian archipelago is located in the central equatorial region of the Indian Ocean and consists of a double chain of atolls (Ministry of Fisheries



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and Agriculture, 2019) extended with a south-north trending from the Equator to about 8°N, with more than 1,200 islands middle to late Holocene in age. The double chain of Maldivian atolls encloses an internal basin, the Maldives Inner Sea, about 50 km wide and 200–600 m deep, while the western and eastern open-ocean margins of the Maldives have steep slopes connecting the archipelago with about 2,000 m of wd. The atolls rise from a common, deeply buried volcanic basement, generated in the late Paleocene, about 55 Ma ago, by the northwards drift of the Indian lithospheric plate over the Réunion hotspot (Duncan and Hargraves, 1990; Aubert and Droxler, 1996). A hotspot is a stationary area in the mantle from which magma rises and erupts to form volcanoes on the overlying intraplate crust. Since lithospheric plates are not stationary, a plate passing over the hotspot and progressively moving away from the lava stream carries lines of volcanoes that can produce islands, atolls and seamounts. In the case of the Réunion hotspot, a record of its activity is found in the Deccan Traps (India) starting at about 67 Ma ago. Later during the Cenozoic, the northwards drift of the Indian tectonic plate over the hotspot formed the oceanic aseismic ridge, including the Laccadives, the Maldives (55 Ma), the Chagos Bank (49 Ma), the Mascarene plateau (45 Ma) and Mauritius (1–7 Ma). The hotspot is named after its present-day superficial volcanic activity, located at Réunion Island. This volcanic basement of the Maldives is characterised by NNE-SSW trending subvertical faults, creating a series of structural ‘steps’ that control also the channel-like shape of the Inner Sea. On the top of the Paleocene basalts, the Maldives carbonate platform deposited, starting from the late early Eocene (Nicora and Premoli-Silva, 1990). This carbonate platform is a 3 km thick sedimentary body made of calcareous biogenic sediments formed in situ in an intra-oceanic setting, far from any terrigenous influence. The primary fault-controlled topography of the volcanic edifices greatly influenced the morphology of the carbonate deposits, with early colonisation settled on basement highs and ridges. THE GEOLOGICAL RECORD OF THE CARBONATE PLATFORM DEVELOPMENT An ODP well (Site 715; Duncan and Hargraves, 1990) drilled on the North-East margin of the Maldives platform revealed the onset of the early Eocene carbonate sedimentation over the Paleocene basalts as a 100 m thick succession of shallow to deep water carbonates. This first Maldivian carbonate factory demised within the early Eocene (Nicora and PremoliSilva, 1990) because of the subsidence related to thermal cooling processes (Simmons, 1990).

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Another industry well (NMA-1; Aubert and Droxler, 1996) drilled within the Malé atoll revealed that this part of the volcanic edifice underwent a slower subsidence. For this reason, the neritic sedimentation, including reef deposits, is recorded from about 2,000 m below seafloor to about 1,380 m, in an interval spanning the early Eocene to the early Oligocene, with a sedimentation rate of about 2 cm in 1,000 years. A major crisis of this carbonate system, accompanied by platform drowning, is recorded in the late Oligocene, at about 22 Ma, in the form of a buried surface terminating a series of basinal intervals containing organic-rich sediments. A global s.l. rise of about 50 m that followed a late Oligocene s.l. lowstand is considered one of the causal factors of this drowning event. During the latest Oligocene, the platform recovered, with shallow-water reef deposits and bank margins forming elevated rims, separating the shallow banks from the open ocean (Aubert and Droxler, 1996; Betzler et al., 2018). Neritic carbonate sedimentation in the early Miocene started to be confined to the ocean-ward margins of the archipelago (Belopolsky and Droxler, 2004; Betzler et al., 2018), shaping the double row of platforms separated by the Inner Sea, later inherited by the present-day organisation of the Maldivian atolls. At about 17–15 Ma subsurface, geophysical data show evidence of carbonate platform aggradation (= vertical accretion) on the margins facing the Inner Sea, accompanied by s.l. rise on the ocean margins (Belopolsky and Droxler, 2004). The aggradation largely corresponds to the Miocene Climate Optimum, when mean annual temperatures have been reconstructed to be about 3–8 °C higher than pre-industrial levels (Flower and Kennett, 1994; Holbourn et al., 2015; Betzler et al., 2018). Reef deposits were recovered from the Middle Miocene, when progradation (= horizontal accretion) prevails, possibly testifying to a decreasing RSL from about 15 to 13 Ma. The paleo-Inner Sea at this time is reconstructed as a central basin poorly connected with the open ocean and surrounded by a peripheral reef complex (Aubert and Droxler, 1996). At about 13 Ma, the carbonate sedimentation switches to a current-controlled mode, corresponding to the onset of the monsoon winds and circulation in the Indian Ocean. Sedimentary bodies were drifted through passages over drowned sections of platforms, while remaining banks and atolls continued to grow with aggrading margins (Betzler et al., 2018). At the same time, drifts and sedimentary lobes provide evidence of currents filling the Inner Sea from west to east whilst, in the Late Miocene, the filling direction appears opposite (east to west), because of the onset of a northward flow of bottom water into the Inner Sea (Lüdmann et al., 2013). The Late Miocene witnesses several steps of carbonate platform drowning, apparently unrelated to sea-level oscillations (Miller et al., 2005). This drowning was possibly linked to increased nutrient input into surface waters by upwelling controlled by the monsoonal regime, as testified by geochemical proxies (Betzler et al., 2018).



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The onset of the present-day neritic to reefal sedimentation is Plio-Pleistocene in age. This recent phase of carbonate deposition involves the growth of small portions of the early platform, and a channelling process at the origin of the present-day carbonate banks (Aubert and Droxler, 1996). From Pliocene to present, the sedimentation rates varied between 2 and 6 cm in 1,000 years, because of slow subsidence and lateral progradation of slope facies (Aubert and Droxler, 1996). During the Quaternary, the leading mode of coral reef growth was essentially vertical, and the Plio-Pleistocene high sea-level fluctuations correspond to periods of emersion and submersion of atoll reefs (Betzler et al., 2015). The contemporary surface morphology of the Maldivian reefs (in particular reef islands morphology) is the result of coral reef growth on Pleistocene foundations over the past 10,000 years. On the outer slope, the Maldivian atolls are characterised by a set of submerged terraces that span from few meters below the present s.l. to about 130 m deep (Rufin-Soler et al., 2013). They formed during the periods of stable or slowly rising s.l. and can be attributed either to deceleration of the last deglacial s.l. rise or to Late Quaternary (Woodroffe and Webster, 2014; Rovere et al., 2018 and references therein). Given the absence of accurate chronological constraints for Maldivian reef terraces, the hypothesis of relict terraces from past interglacials is in fact also reliable. The Holocene reef growth history of the Maldives has only recently been resolved in detail based on drill cores from Alifu and Baa Atolls (Gischler et al., 2008; Kench et al., 2009). In addition to reef cores, a number of radiometric dates were obtained also from emergent fossil microatolls on Hulhudhoo and the neighbouring island Funadhoo (Baa atoll). The presence of emergent fossil in situ microatolls provided a higher resolution late-Holocene s.l. indicator (Smithers and Woodroffe, 2000), giving evidence for a late-Holocene s.l. highstand, at least 0.5± 0.1 m above present, ca 2,000–4,000 years ago (Kench 2012). Recent studies (McLean and Kench, 2015 and reference there in) recently documented that during past decades, s.l. has risen in the region at rates three to four times greater than the global average. Contrary to expectations, this has not resulted in widespread erosion or the disappearance of atoll islands. Indeed, islands have persisted in the face of this s.l. rise, and many have increased in surface area and elevation by natural processes. MALDIVIAN BUILD-UPS AND MAJOR PALEOCEANOGRAPHIC EVENTS THROUGH TIME The shallow carbonate factory that established in the Maldives in the early Eocene included build-ups. However, no wave-resistant reef structure was built on either side of the volcanic ridge (Aubert and Droxler, 1996). Although still insufficiently known, the Eocene Maldivian coralgal reef mounds were

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probably small and scattered over a gently sloping shelf and flat-topped banks on topographic highs, with large benthic foraminifers largely dominating the skeletal accumulations (Aubert and Droxler, 1996; Pomar et al., 2017). In the Caribbean, the abundance and genus-level diversity of scleractinian corals increased from the poor early Eocene assemblages to Oligocene, while it dropped dramatically at the Oligocene-Miocene boundary, due to the onset of colder temperatures and upwelling (Budd, 2000). The same trend of increasing coral diversity from the poorly diversified Eocene associations is observed in the Indo-Pacific, with significant increase in genus diversity corresponding to the s.l. drop at the Eocene-Oligocene boundary, a moderate decrease or stasis at the Oligocene-Miocene boundary, followed by a general high-diversity pattern until the present (Mihaljevic et al., 2017). In the Maldives, after the late Oligocene crisis, shallow-water reef sediments and rimmed shelf sub-bottom morphologies support the reconstruction of welldeveloped Maldivian coral reefs, thriving to about 13 Ma ago. Later, the onset of the monsoon-driven circulation and the consequent increase of upwelling and nutrients dramatically impacted on the growth potential of reefs. The global cooling and the development of the Arctic ice-sheet induced high-amplitude, high-frequency s.l. fluctuations after the late Pliocene and during the Pleistocene, reaching globally a minimum of about 120 m below the present sea-level and a maximum of about 30 m above (Miller et al., 2005). During the multiple Pleistocene low stands, the Maldives carbonate platform was exposed to weathering, leading to important subaerial erosion and karst phenomena that shaped the basic geomorphology of the present-day islands. The last warmest Pleistocene interval is globally identified at about 125 ka (MIS 5e). The late Quaternary subsidence of the Maldives has been calculated, based on fossil corals of that age, to 0.05 m/ka (minimum) and 0.16 m/ka (maximum) value (Gischler et al., 2018). Summarising, the eustatic curve of the Cenozoic shows important oscillations above and below the present s.l. (Haq et al., 1987; Miller et al., 2005). The Paleocene-Eocene Thermal Maximum (PETM) and the associated extreme s.l. rise (about 130 m above the present s.l.) predates the onset of carbonate sedimentation in the Maldives and, therefore, we can ignore this event in our considerations. Starting from the post-PETM early Eocene, the available reconstructions present a total amplitude of the sea-level excursion (below and above the present s.l.) exceeding the conservative figure of 150 m during the formation of the 3 km thick Maldivian carbonate platform. No obvious relation between s.l. or temperature and occurrence of reef corals can be derived from this record. The drowning of the first Eocene-Oligocene carbonate shelf was mainly due to the cooling and subsidence of the volcanic substrate, while in the Miocene we record active accretion of reefs during s.l. rise and with mean annual



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temperatures reconstruction of about 3–8 °C higher than pre-industrial levels. The late Miocene generalised drowning occurred in a period of global cooling and s.l. fall and is tentatively attributed to increased nutrient input after the onset of the monsoonal circulation, rather than temperature or sea-level oscillations (Miller et al., 2005). Betzler et al. (2009) proposed that reef drowning steps in the Maldives occurred during Miocene phases of short-term s.l. rises under conditions of monsoonal activity, when topographically induced upwelling injected nutrients into surface waters, negatively affecting the carbonate banks. This led to the demise of the barrier reef and the formation of current-shaped relict reefs with a close proximity of thriving and drowned reefs (Betzler et al., 2009). The Pliocene to Recent reef sedimentation in the Maldives represents a phase of reduced area of active carbonate accretion, associated with high species diversification and abundance of scleractinian corals as primary framework builders. This last phase witnessed and survived the high-frequency, high-amplitude Miocene and Pleistocene s.l. changes. On a global scale, the coral reef association responded to s.l. oscillations by moving up and down the platform profile, with no major breakdown of the association or change in guilds and species roles (Sellwood, 1986; Jackson, 1992). After the extreme low s.l. stand of the Pleistocene glacial maximum, the Holocene reef growth started at about 8.5 ka BP and reached a thickness of about 14–22 m (Gischler et al., 2008). ARE CORALS ABLE TO COPE WITH THE EXPECTED S.L. RISE? THE EXPECTED CLIMATE WARMING, S.L. RISE AND OCEAN ACIDIFICATION The ongoing global change is expected to produce, in the most accepted projections, an s.l. rise of about 60 cm by 2100, in the hypothesis of a sharp reduction of GHG emissions and global warming limited to well below 2°C (IPCC, 2019). Alternatively, the continued increase of GHG emissions will produce a global s.l. rise of 110 cm by 2100. In other words, these projections are showing a likely s.l. rise ranging from less than 0.75 cm per year to about 1.4 cm per year. The s.l. has risen 15 cm during the twentieth century and it is currently rising at a rate of about 3.6 mm per year, but the feed back from the global system will foster in the future a much faster rise (IPCC, 2019). Since global s.l. rise translates into local relative s.l. oscillations depending on several factors, it is important to take into consideration the particular response of the Maldivian area. S.l. rise is accompanied by an increase in temperature (presently 1°C above the pre-industrial level) and a decrease in ocean pH and aragonite saturation (so-called ocean acidification).

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The Growth Rate of Reef Corals A global review on coral growth data revealed a mean growth rate of approximately 1.6 cm per year (Pratchett et al., 2015). However, reef corals are a very diverse group of organisms, with different abilities to respond to environmental drivers. Colony morphology is the most important trait for explaining differences in skeletal growth rate (Morgan and Kench, 2012), with branching corals growing five times faster than massive corals within a total range of 0.3–17 cm per year (Huston 1985; Morgan and Kench, 2012; Pratchett et al., 2015). Coral growth rates vary spatially and temporally, largely in response to light and water quality (e.g., turbidity), temperature and aragonite saturation state (Gattuso et al., 1999; Pratchett et al., 2015). The effects of ocean warming on coral growth may vary with latitude, and it is apparent that high-latitude reef corals may initially increase their growth rate in response to increasing temperatures (Buddemeier and Kinzie, 1976; Pritchett et al., 2015). On the other hand, acute temperature stress events cause temporary cessation or reduction in growth by bleaching (Carilli et al., 2009). After major disturbance events, fast-growing corals will tend to make the most important contribution to the live coral cover, with recovery of Maldivian coral reefs potentially achieved within 6–15 years (Morri et al., 2016; Pisapia et al., 2016; Perry and Morgan, 2017). Thermal stress is expected to be a recurrent event in the future, and the most severe threat to shallowwater corals (Perry and Morgan, 2017; Hughes et al., 2018). However, there is a growing evidence of corals acclimatising and adapting to increased frequency of thermal extremes, although with a reduced growth rate (Pandolfi et al., 2011; Anthony et al., 2011) or changing the association of builders towards slow-growing, less sensitive species (Ryan et al., 2019). Interestingly, recent investigations in the Pacific revealed that the Holocene accretion rates of reef frameworks dominated by fast-growing Acropora assemblages (~100 mm per year) were nearly identical to reef frameworks dominated by slow-growing Goniopora assemblages (~10 mm per year), implying that the rates of coral growth and reef accretion are decoupled over the millennial timescale (Roff, 2020). Experimental studies suggest a negative effect of ocean acidification on calcification of reef corals (Gattuso et al., 1999; Pandolfi et al., 2011), although reefs may thrive also in locations where aragonite saturation levels are naturally low (Manzello et al., 2008; Comeau et al., 2013). Recent contributions showed that the predictions of the effects of ocean acidification on reef accretion often do not consider the ability of corals to self-regulate their pH and, therefore, to partially mitigate the effects of ocean acidification (McCulloch et al., 2012; Venn et al., 2013; Pratchett et al., 2015).



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CONCLUSION Reefs are 3-D biogenic frameworks that possess a relief because they have been accreting (= vertical growth) on the seafloor; the vertical growth is constrained by the s.l. above their accreting surface (= accommodation space). Therefore, the potential for accretion and the reef growth pattern is controlled by the trajectory of relative s.l. rise (Neumann and Macintyre, 1985). After the LGM, a fast rise in s.l. provided accommodation space resulting in very high reef accretion rates (Montaggioni, 2005; Glynn and Manzello, 2015). Reef accretion depends on the algebraic sum of biogenic accretion/accumulation of carbonates and the rate of destruction (by physicochemical and biological drivers), or sediment export (Perry et al., 2008; Glynn and Manzello, 2015). Biogenic carbonate production varies depending on the dominant group of calcifiers (branching corals, massive corals and calcareous algae), on their health and on the potential combination of factors that negatively affect calcification (Pratchett et al., 2015). On a global scale, based on the Holocene records, most rates of reef accretion are between 2 and 7 mm per year (Kennedy and Woodroffe, 2002; Hubbard, 2009), and the Holocene-present accretion rate appears poorly related to the dominant coral assemblages and quite conservative, despite repeated bleaching events (Ryan et al., 2019; Roff, 2020). The geological record demonstrates that coral reefs thrived in the Maldives since the Oligocene, across entire geological epochs, tens of millions of years, and hundred metres of relative sea-level oscillation. Healthy corals still have the potential to survive the ongoing climate change and grow at a rate that can keep up with the rate and magnitude of the expected s.l. rise. The pattern of their survival will probably depend from a combination of other pressures affecting the reef environment, mostly linked to human overexploitation of resources, uncontrolled organic and inorganic pollution, excess siltation, rise in temperature, ocean acidification and poor coastal management. Preliminary data show detrimental effects of cumulative pressures by many human activities, definitely leading to reef demise. On the other hand, this negative trajectory of reef response contrasts with the survival of reefs in apparent good environmental status after global bleaching events in somewhat deeper settings and at Maldivian sites facing the open ocean and distance from most anthropogenic impacts. Since Maldivian islands are accumulation of sand produced by the coral reef community, healthy coral reefs keeping up with a good carbonate production are of paramount importance to the Maldives. Large sediment supply after coral mortality events is followed by a dramatic reduction in sediment production and consequent starving of shallow carbonate platform, and potentially may lead to reef island erosion and final drowning.

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From a geological point of view, the planet earth is not in immediate danger and nor are the corals. The earth has witnessed much more radical environmental change and dramatic extinction events, controlled by intrinsic and extrinsic factors, than the one that we are facing presently. The evolution of our planet and its hosts survived dramatic changes in temperature, s.l. variations and oscillations of the major environmental variables across the Cenozoic, and even worse before. Like many other species on earth, we are altering and overexploiting our own environment to respond to a tremendous increase of our population. Doing that, we follow a very natural animal behaviour because, as for many species along ecological successions, the events of recruitment, population growth and consequent change of the environment lead to disruption and substitution by other species. There is nothing new in that. However, in this game of species origination and extinction that is played on earth since more than three billion years what is definitely different now is that the species that is going to dismantle its own habitat is a conscious, highly technological one. Humans refuse to accept to be a species like others. On the contrary, we are convinced to keep the planet under our control, in an unlikely, unnatural steady state, the one belonging to our direct experience, despite the fact that the only constant rule on earth is that everything is always changing. Thus, the true question is not ‘how can we stop the change?’ but ‘are we ready to manage the change?’ From a planetary point of view, the only way to manage is to mitigate as soon as we can our multiple impacts, including our indefinite population growth, and improve our resilience. NOTE 1. None of these produce a spatially uniform change, so any future s.l. change may not be the same everywhere. See main text for a detailed description.

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Roff, G. (2020). ‘Reef accretion and coral growth rates are decoupled in Holocene reef frameworks’. Marine Geology 419: 106065. Rovere, A., Khanna, P., Bianchi, C.N., Droxler, A. W., Morri, C. and Naar, D.F. (2018). ‘Submerged reef terraces in the Maldivian Archipelago (Indian Ocean)’. Geomorphology 317: 218–232. Rufin-Soler, C., Mörner, N.A., Laborel, J. and Collina-Girard, J. (2013). ‘Submarine morphology in the Maldives and Holocene sea-level rise’. Journal of Coastal Research 30: 30–40. Ryan, E.J., Hanmer, K. and Kench, P.S. (2019). ‘Massive corals maintain a positive budget of a Maldivian upper reef platform despite major bleaching event’. Scientific Reports 9: 6515. Sellwood B.W. (1986). ‘Shallow-marine carbonate environments’. In Sedimentary Environments and Facies, edited by Reading, H.G., 615. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific Publications. Smithers, S.G. and Woodroffe, C.D. (2000). ‘Microatolls as sea-level indicators on a mid-ocean atoll’. Marine Geology 168: 61–78. Swapna, P., Jyoti, J., Krishnan, R., Sandeep, N. and Griffies, S. M. (2017). ‘Multidecadal weakening of Indian summer monsoon circulation induces an increasing northern Indian Ocean sealevel’. Geophysical Research Letters 44: 10560–10572. Tamisiea, M.E. (2011). ‘Ongoing glacial isostatic contributions to observations of sea level change’. Geophysical Journal International 186:1036–1044. Thompson, P.R., Piecuch, C.G., Merrifield, M.A., McCreary, J.P. and Firing, E. (2016). ‘Forcing of recent decadal variability in the Equatorial and North Indian Ocean’. Journal of Geophysical Research: Oceans 121: 6762–6778. Unnikrishnan, A. S. and Shankar, D. (2007). ‘Are sea-level-rise trends along the coasts of the North Indian Ocean consistent with global estimates?’ Global and Planetary Change 57: 301–307. Unnikrishnan, A. S., Sundar, D., Blackman, D., Kumar, K. R. and Michael, G. S. (2006). ‘Sea level changes along the coast of India: Observations and projections’. Current Science 90: 362–368. Venn, A.A., Tambutté, E., Holcomb, M., Laurent, J., Allemand, D. and Tambutté, S. (2013). ‘Impact of seawater acidification on pH at the tissue – skeleton interface and calcification in reef corals’. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110: 1634–1639. doi:10.1073/pnas.1216153110. Webster, J.M., Yokoyama, Y., Cotterill, C. and Expedition 325 Scientists (2011). ‘Great Barrier Reef Environmental Changes’. Proceedings of the Integrated Ocean Drilling Program 325 Expedition Reports. Accessed 21 November 2019. http:// publications.iodp.org/proceedings/325/325bib.htm. Woodroffe, C.D. and Webster, J.M. (2014). ‘Coral reefs and sea-level change’. Marine Geology 352: 248–267. Yokoyama, Y., Webster, J.M., Cotterill, C., Braga, J.C., Jovane, L., Mills, H., Morgan, S., Suzuki, A. and Expedition 325 Scientists. (2011). ‘IODP Expedition 325: Great Barrier Reefs reveals past sea-level, climate and environmental changes during the end of the last Ice age’. Scientific Drilling 12: 32–45.

Chapter 11

Coral Reef Biodiversity of the Maldives Paolo Galli, Simone Montano, Davide Seveso and Davide Maggioni

BIODIVERSITY OF MALDIVIAN REEFS Maldivian coral reefs are among the largest reef areas in the world, with an extension of approximately 21,500 km2 (Gischler et al., 2014). Maldivian reefs are iconic in terms of diversity of life forms that they host, even if the real biodiversity of this environment is still scarcely known. To date a multitude of species belonging to almost all marine groups are found in the seas surrounding Maldivian islands, spanning from the smallest micro-organisms to the largest vertebrates, such as whales and whale sharks. The major actors of coral reefs are stony corals, which are colonial animals able to build a skeletal structure made of calcium carbonate. Corals are fundamental for such ecosystems because they allow the islands to grow and keep up with the change in sea level. The islands themselves and their beaches are made of corals and other calcifying organisms and their subsistence is strictly linked to the health of corals. The Maldives hosts some 300 species of corals (Pichon and Benzoni, 2007) even though the presence of other species and cryptic species (species morphologically indistinguishable that can be told apart using DNA) cannot be excluded. Many of these species grow large, contributing substantially to the formation of reefs, and for this reason, they are called hermatypic corals. These corals generally live in shallow waters because they are dependent upon light for their growth and survival. The reason for this light-dependence lies in an obligate association between corals and unicellular algae that live inside coral cells. These algae, commonly called zooxanthellae, produce sugars through photosynthesis, and sugars are, in turn, transferred to coral cells where they enhance coral growth. The term ‘zooxanthellae’ comprises many different species, with different physiology and 196



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ecology (LaJeunesse et al., 2018) and the presence of one species or another can influence the physiological limits of the coral hosts. To date, the diversity of these extremely important organisms is still understudied in the Maldives, and a comprehensive characterization of the type of algae and their relationship with corals is needed. Corals not only allow the persistence of the Maldivian islands but also support the incredible biodiversity of organisms that live in Maldivian waters. All the groups of organisms are highly diverse and count many species. Reef fishes are among the better studied groups and show a striking diversity of species and behaviours. More than 1,000 reef species have been catalogued so far in the Maldives and some are reported only from Maldivian or nearby waters, such as the Maldivian Clownfish (Amphiprion nigripes). Reef fishes often show very specialized behaviours and association: there are, for instance, species adapted to feed only on corals, such as many butterflyfishes, or other species involved in particular relationships, such as the cleaner wrasse (Labroides dimidiatus), which establish cleaning stations visited by other fishes to be cleaned from parasites and dead skin. Maldives also host large fish species, among which whale sharks and manta rays are the most iconic and they show peculiar aggregation patterns in certain areas (Anderson et al., 2011; Riley et al., 2010). Other marine vertebrates that can be found in Maldivian waters are marine mammals and reptiles. About 20 species of cetaceans have been reported from the Maldives, with the spinner dolphin being the most common species (Anderson, 2005). Five out of the seven species of marine turtles are known to inhabit the Maldives, and the hawks-bill and green turtles are the most commonly sighted species, occurring throughout the whole archipelago (Frazier et al., 1988). These two species are also known to nest in the Maldives, but little knowledge is generally present about the status, composition and distribution of turtles in the Maldives (Frazier et al., 1988; Ali and Shimal, 2016). The vast majority of species are represented by invertebrates. Most of their diversity is still unknown because they are often cryptic, morphologically very simple and difficult to study from a taxonomy point of view. The most common and apparent groups are molluscs, crustaceans, echinoderms and cnidarians, but the largest portion of the diversity is difficult to spot because of their habits or the niche they occupy. Recent studies conducted in the Maldives for some groups show that the diversity is far larger than previously known and new species are constantly described (e.g., Maggioni et al., 2017a, 2017b; Montano et al., 2015a; Vonk and Jaume, 2014). Moreover, with the aid of molecular techniques, many species are being split into different groups, enlarging even more the known diversity of Maldivian reefs (Maggioni et al., 2016; Montano et al., 2015b) and allowing a better comprehension of the evolution of reef animals.

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The biodiversity of Maldivian reefs is also enhanced by the fact that stony corals provide habitat and food for a plethora of other organisms (Gates and Ainsworth, 2011). Indeed, corals can host organisms in their cells, skeletons and body cavities; on their surface; and among their ramifications and lobes. Many organisms are obligate dwellers of corals and cannot live on other substrates. In these cases, the association is so intimate that it can be defined as a symbiosis. Symbioses are classified according to the benefits and costs of the associates, and all types are found in coral reefs. There are, for instance, many mutualistic symbioses, in which both partners benefit from the association. The most diffuse and best-known mutualism is that between corals and their associated algae, but other associations are continuously being discovered (e.g., Maggioni et al., 2018). The positive effect can be related not only to food but also to protection from predators or diseases (e.g., Montano et al., 2017), to parasite removal (e.g., Grutter, 1996) and to nutrient cycling (e.g., Lesser et al., 2004). In other cases, one of the partners has a positive outcome from the association, whereas the other is in some way penalized (e.g., Aeby, 1998) resulting in a parasitic association. The conservation of the biodiversity and ecological interactions in Maldivian reefs are of fundamental importance for the maintenance and health of these ecosystems. However, in the past decades, coral reefs have been constantly suffering a decline at the global scale. In the Maldives, multiple sources of stressors are affecting coral reef communities, resulting in a rapid decrease of diversity, cover and functionality of reef ecosystems.

TEXT BOX 11.1: NEWLY DISCOVERED SYMBIOSES IN MALDIVIAN REEFS Recent surveys of the reef-associated fauna in the Maldives revealed the presence of many symbiotic associations. Some of these associations were reported for the first time, whereas others were investigated from different points of view, in order to characterize the relationships and delineate the possible outcomes for the associates. For example, tiny hydrozoan polyps (Zanclea spp.) growing on stony corals (figure 11.1) were commonly found in Maldivian reefs and revealed a large diversity, with many groups specifically associated to one coral host (Montano et al., 2015b). Moreover, these symbionts were discovered to potentially defend corals from predation and diseases (Montano et al., 2017).



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Figure 11.1.  Hydrozoan Polyps Zanclea sp. (Arrowhead) Associated with the Stony Coral Porites cylindrica (left). Close-up of a Single Polyp Associated with Porites rus, with Medusa Buds at the Base (right). Source and image credit: Davide Maggioni, Davide Seveso, February 2017.

In another case, a sea spider was found camouflaging on a species of coral, with its colour patterns perfectly matching those of the coral host (Montano and Maggioni, 2018). The Maldivian sponge snail was found to host a small shrimp, which can dig into the body of the snail and almost completely disappear when in danger (Maggioni et al., 2018). Sometimes, the symbioses involve more than two organisms, resulting in complex association patterns. One example is the octocoral Bebryce grandycalix that hosts on its surface a hydrozoan and both organisms are covered by a thin sponge. These three organisms seem involved in a three-way mutualistic association that can also provide additional habitat for other small invertebrates, such as crustaceans, flatworms and brittle stars (Maggioni et al., 2020). THREATS TO THE BEAUTY OF MALDIVIAN CORAL REEFS Reef health worldwide is seriously threatened by a multitude of factors, both biotic and abiotic, including abnormally elevated and low ocean temperatures, high ultraviolet (UV) radiation, severe changes in salinity, destructive

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storms, pollution, predation outbreaks and imminent sea-level rise due to thermal expansion of seawater and glacial melting (Marshall and Schuttenberg, 2006). Furthermore, increased concentrations of atmospheric and dissolved CO2 result in a more acidic ocean chemistry, which leads to slowed deposition of calcium carbonate skeletons (Hoegh-Guldberg et al., 2007; Kleypas et al., 1999). Many coral species are also impacted by increasing incidence of disease (Sutherland et al., 2004). According to a recent summary, 20 per cent of the world’s reefs have been irreparably damaged, and a further 24 per cent are threatened by anthropogenic pressures such as destructive fishing practices, coastal development, agricultural land-use, increased nutrients and sediment load from run-off and eutrophication (Wilkinson, 2008). However, at present, the main direct threats to marine biodiversity are related to the negative impacts of human activities and human-induced climate change. In the Republic of the Maldives there is a great number of human activities dangerous for the reef ecosystems: threats to living marine resources are represented directly by exploitative uses such as new fisheries, coral and sand mining, and also non-exploitative but damaging reef uses such as anchoring on reefs. Maldivians usually mine coral for purposes such as building, making lime, or constructing religious structures. Coral mining targets massive corals, which are the longest-lived species and form an essential element of the reef structure (Shareef, 2010). This results in a loss of topographic complexity, diversity of corals and reef fish. It leaves behind an unconsolidated substrate which is subject to further erosion. Reef recovery from such physical disturbance is limited by the lack of suitable surfaces for new recruitment. Coastal zone modifications including hard structures such as seawalls, breakwaters and jetties have become the standard in many inhabited islands, as a direct consequence of human settlement progressing towards island beaches. These structures, in turn, adversely affect island beaches and ecosystems, leading to severe erosion on some islands. These human activities and human-induced changes to the near shore system constitute serious threats to the conservation of biodiversity, especially reef and mangrove ecosystems. Tourism in the Maldives relies on environmental quality and, arguably, has been developed in a form that is appropriate for small island developing states. However, although tourism facilities were initially basic, with low impact on the environment, recent expansion has developed a diverse range of options where more elaborate infrastructures are required to support the facilities. As a result, a number of critical environmental issues arising from construction of resorts, harbours and other infrastructures in the coastal zone have been identified (Shareef, 2010).



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Coral Bleaching Phenomenon and the Case of the Maldives Under adverse circumstances, the equilibrium between the partners of the holobiont may be compromised and often leads to the phenomenon known as coral bleaching, which is considered one of the main causes of degradation of coral reefs worldwide (Hughes et al., 2003). Bleaching refers to the loss in the overall coloration of the coral colony induced by the dissociation of the symbiosis between corals and their symbiotic algae (Brown, 1997). This is due to a decrease in algal cell density or reduction in photosynthetic pigments (Glynn, 1993). Bleaching can be induced by various factors, including heat stress, cold stress, elevated irradiance, increased UV radiation, prolonged absence of light, low salinity, heavy sedimentation, general exposure to pollutants (herbicides, pesticides, heavy metals), starvation, and bacterial infection (Brown et al., 2000; Coles and Fadlallah, 1991; Glynn, 1991; Jones, 2005; Lesser et al., 1990; Muscatine et al., 1991; Owen et al., 2002). The majority of reported bleaching events have been correlated with elevated sea surface temperatures (SST) (Hoegh-Guldberg and Jones, 1999). Coral species are known to exist within a relatively narrow temperature range, often within 2–3°C from their upper thermal limit (Berkelmans and Willis, 1999; Podesta and Glynn, 1997). If temperature remains above a threshold for several weeks, the coral is unable to meet nutritional requirements through feeding alone, cannot retrieve or maintain sufficient densities of zooxanthellae with resultant mortality (Brown, 1997; HoeghGuldberg, 1999). Bleaching of corals has also been attributed to high levels of solar radiation as these events usually coincide with periods of calm winds, with increased penetration of solar radiation (Glynn, 1996). The combination of elevated SST and long summer days of intense UV exposure is commonly agreed to be the predominant trigger for mass bleaching episodes (Lesser et al., 1990; Glynn, 1993). In some cases, bleaching is a transient altered physiological state such that the coral quickly recovers and the health of the individual is relatively un-impacted. Indeed, if stressful conditions subside soon enough, zooxanthellae can repopulate coral tissues so that they survive the bleaching event and recover their normal colour and metabolic activity (Marshall and Schuttenberg, 2006). Coral bleaching has become common since 1983 although the 1997–1998 mass coral bleaching event remains the most geographically extensive and severe. It resulted in 16 to 90 per cent mortality of reefs worldwide (HoeghGuldberg, 2004) with particularly severe bleaching and high mortality reported from the Indian Ocean (McClanahan, 2000). The Maldives were among the most affected areas in the world during the episode of 1997–1998 with reports of 60–100 per cent coral mortality (Zahir, 2000). Significant

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reductions in live coral cover were seen at all natural reefs surveyed, with average live coral cover decreasing from about 42 per cent to 2 per cent, a 20-fold reduction from pre-bleaching event (Edwards et al., 2001). Branching corals and especially those of the genera Acropora, Montipora, Pocillopora and Millepora had suffered high mortality at most survey sites by 1999, and massive and submassive Porites, Pavona and Astreopora became the dominant species on reefs of the central atolls of the Maldives (Loch et al., 2004; Zahir, 2000). Around seven to eight years after the mass mortality event, coral cover was found to be only 20 per cent, with a great number of Maldivian reefs in an ecological regressive stage (Lasagna, 2010). However, prior to the bleaching of 2016, Maldivian reefs showed a high degree of recovery (Pisapia et al., 2016). Large-scale bleaching events have been associated with the El-Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) phenomenon (Mumby et al., 2001; Wilkinson et al., 1999). However, the events of coral bleaching are likely to increase in frequency and scale over time and become a yearly phenomenon by 2040. In fact, with global climate change, the surface temperature has increased approximately 0.2°C per decade in the past 30 years and will increase 1–3°C by 2050 (IPCC, 2007). Mass bleaching events have also occurred in the Pacific in 2000 and 2002 (Berkelmans et al., 2004), mild events in the Indian Ocean in 2005 and 2007 (Montano et al., 2010) and a severe event in the Caribbean in 2005 (Donner et al., 2007). In Maldives, a bleaching event was also observed in 2010 (Tkachenko, 2012, 2015). However, the 2015–2016 coral bleaching has been considered the longest and most widespread global coral bleaching event. Some reefs suffered severe bleaching twice and other areas experienced unprecedented mass bleaching (Eakin et al., 2016; Hughes et al., 2018; Sully et al., 2019). In the Maldives, SST peaked from late April to mid-May 2016, precipitating the bleaching event, with high temperatures over 32°C recorded. The overall percentage of bleached corals recorded is around 75 per cent, indicating a severe bleaching event, which affect corals up to 15 m depth both in sheltered and exposed sites (Ibrahim et al., 2017; Perry and Morgan, 2017). The bleaching susceptibility index for coral genera shows free-living genera such as Fungia, Herpolitha, Cycloseris and Halomitra to be highly susceptible to bleaching. Other genera found to be highly susceptible are Pectinia, Merulina, Gardinoseris and Acropora, which is the most dominant reef building coral genus in the Maldives. Assessments of post-bleaching coral mortality show a high decline in live coral cover in the sites surveyed (Ibrahim et al., 2017). Several factors can generate variable bleaching patterns over space and time and can determine the different sensitivity of coral taxa to thermal stresses. In particular, several studies point out that intrinsic factors of the corals play a fundamental role in determining the thermotolerance, including



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their morphological and physiological characteristics (Baird et al., 2009; Dixon et al., 2015; Downs et al., 2002; Marshall and Baird, 2000; Seveso et al., 2014, 2016; Weis et al., 2008). However, a more thorough elucidation of the cellular and molecular mechanisms underlying bleaching represents an area of critical importance in order to design mitigation strategies. Coral Diseases Biodiversity and abundance of reef-building corals are declining worldwide with coral disease identified as one of the most important causes of this phenomenon, such that it is one of the 15 most important global environmental issues needing conservation attention (Sutherland et al., 2015). In recent decades, an increasing number of epizootics has been reported from several coral species (Harvell et al., 1999). In addition, a marked recent increase in coral disease prevalence has been attributed primarily to ocean warming (Bruno et al., 2007) and human activities such as aquaculture (Harvell et al., 1999) and fishing (Pandolfi et al., 2005). Despite the increasing number of studies dealing with diseases affecting corals and other marine taxa worldwide, the effort to investigate Indo-Pacific coral diseases has been until now disproportionately low, especially considering that the Indo-Pacific hosts 91 per cent of the world’s coral reefs. Notably, little attention has been paid to the possible role played by coral diseases in reef-building corals of this archipelago, with the exception of a few preliminary studies (Montano et al., 2012, 2013, 2015c, 2015d; Seveso et al., 2012, 2015). Nowadays seven diseases, named Skeletal Eroding Band, Brown Band Disease, White Syndrome, Black Band Disease, Ulcerative White Spot, and Black Disease, can be found in the Maldivian water with very low overall prevalence (0.5 per cent), which is in contrast with several other studies on reef systems. Nevertheless, most of the diseases are widespread in the survey area, making possible the estimate of an overall coral disease prevalence for the Maldivian Archipelago of 1.51 per cent. This value is similar to that reported for the Great Barrier Reef (1.32 per cent) and close to the range of 3–5 per cent estimated for the Indo-Pacific region (Ruiz-Moreno et al. 2012), but lower than that reported for the Philippines (4.64 per cent) and Mexican Yucatan (8.3 per cent; Ruiz-Moreno et al. 2012). The genus Acropora is the most affected, consistently with other studies performed in the Indo-Pacific Ocean (Hobbs and Frisch 2010). In general, the Siderastreidae, Merulinidae and Pocilloporidae families are the most susceptible, as reported previously by Ruiz-Moreno et al. (2012). Large colonies seem to be more susceptible to coral diseases than small ones. Thus, reefs dominated by large colonies could be the most threatened by coral diseases and for this reason, areas that have experienced past bleaching events,

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although being more tolerant to future water warming, could be threatened by coral diseases. Nevertheless, the information available for other areas suggests that the expected future increase in SST (Kleypas et al., 1999) could not only lead to new bleaching events but also promote the spread of coral pathogens, by increasing their growth rate and virulence (Ben-Haim et al., 2003) and by reducing the immune response in coral hosts (Palmer et al. 2011). Corallivorous Organisms as an Emerging Threat for the Reef Another phenomenon that is considered one of the main problems for coral reefs worldwide is corallivory, which is the tendency of animals to feed on stony corals. Among the known corallivore organisms, the crown-of-thorns sea-star (CoTS) Acanthaster spp. is certainly one of the most emblematic in the literature (De’ath et al., 2012). Outbreaks of CoTS, Acanthaster spp. (excluding Acanthaster brevispinus), are a major threat to tropical reefs in the Indo-Pacific Ocean (e.g., Pratchett et al., 2017). These sea-stars are specialised coral predators, whose populations display transitions between relatively long periods of low densities with little effect on corals and episodes of high densities known as outbreaks (Pratchett et al., 2014). During outbreaks, their abundance can exceed 1000 CoTS/ha, resulting in severe impacts on coral reefs characterized by coral mortality as high as 80 per cent (Baird et al., 2013). Several scientists have argued that outbreaks of Acanthaster spp. are probably a natural phenomenon that occurred across the Indo-Pacific well before the 1960s. Fabricius, Okaji and De’ath (2010) suggested that the incidence of outbreaks has increased from one outbreak in 50–80 years to one in 15 years over the past 200 years. The Maldives had one of the highest coral cover in the western Indian Ocean until the major coral bleaching event in 1997– 1998 (McClanahan and Muthiga, 2014) which eradicated almost 90 per cent of the living corals (Morri et al., 2015). In the past 20 years, Maldivian reefs have shown a high degree of recovery although further bleaching events, reported in 2010 (Tkachenko, 2012, 2015) and 2016 (Perry and Morgan, 2017), are complicating the process. In this context, outbreaks of Acanthaster planci play a crucial role in determining the fate of Maldivian reefs, as has been demonstrated for CoTS in other Indo-Pacific localities. The first published documentation of an A. planci outbreak in the Maldives dates back to the 1990s (Ciarapica and Passeri, 1993). Additionally, a few later reports from the Maldivian government highlighted the presence of nonoutbreak populations in various atolls between 2006 and 2010 (Zahir et al., 2010). In 2014, a large and apparently stable outbreak in the Ari Atoll was reported and monitored over two years (Saponari et al., 2018), representing one of the most enduring COTS outbreaks ever recorded. While there has



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been considerable research and a large number of scientific articles (>940) focused on Acanthaster spp., extending back to the 1960s, research interest and funding has fluctuated through this period. Thus, the determinants and mechanisms regulating outbreaks remain elusive.

TEXT BOX 11.2: THE CORAL RESTORATION As a result of the current decline of coral reefs, with diminished capacity to absorb disturbances and remain resilient, active efforts have been put in place worldwide to enhance reef recovery. Although traditional conservation management measures such as the designation of marine protected areas (MPAs) do work, such a passive strategy works at a slow pace and it alone cannot curb reef degradation by natural disturbances, once the disturbance has ended. Consequently, there is a demand for active reef restoration measures that can complement traditional conservation efforts, to ensure the preservation of the ecosystem services that coral reefs provide. The concept of restoration is connected to that of rehabilitation and it implies ‘assisting the recovery of an ecosystem that has been degraded, damaged, or destroyed’ (SER, 2004). Yet, while restoration on land is a widely used discipline, restoration of coral is still a discipline in development with a lot of research currently being done to produce innovative techniques and to find low-cost solutions that can be applied on a large scale. In the Maldivian region, the global decline in coral reef health is coupled with direct impacts deriving from the heavy use of reefs and the fast development of resorts and local islands through dredging and construction of over-water structures. Coral restoration projects have become prevalent thanks to the initiative of private resorts that consider them as a way to fund conservation and also engage tourists in environmentally conscious activities. The two-step ‘coral gardening’ approach to active reef restoration is a promising alternative for accelerating reef recovery and building reef resilience. The first step entails generating a pool of farmed colonies in underwater nurseries until they reach a threshold trans-plantation size (figure 11.2). The second step is the transplantation of the nursery-grown colonies onto denuded reef areas. Because this approach allows for the mariculture of naturally resilient coral genotypes that can be used to rehabilitate degraded reefs, the coral gardening concept is being considered as an adaptive tool against climate change impacts.

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Figure 11.2.  Example of Coral Nursery Used in the Maldives. (A) Rope Nursery and (B) Table Nursery. Source and image credit: Simone Montano, December 2018.

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Index

2030 Agenda of Sustainable Development, 51 abuse, gender-based, 50 accommodations: bed capacity, 11, 134, 136, 172n10; facilities by atolls, 2017, 137 activism: civic, 149 – 55, 152. See also governance, activism and Addu Nature Park, 169 Agarwal, B., 47 Agenda for Sustainable Development, 23 Agrawal, A., 161 agriculture: home gardens and, 7, 53; Ministry of Fisheries and Agriculture, 2, 7; traditional knowledge and, 6; women and, 53 Aharemenge Thimaaveshi (Our Environment), 38 air pollutants, 47, 146, 149 Al-Idrisi, 50 Almeida, S., 23 Altinay, L., 126, 128, 132 Arnall, A., 40 arts and crafts, traditional, 59n8 astronomy, 7 – 8 athelheveshi (atoll environment songs), 4

Athman, J., 32 Atoll Education Centres, 30 atoll environment songs (athelheveshi), 4 atolls: accommodation facilities by (2017), 137; coral reefs and, 3 – 4; defined, 9 – 10; distribution of resorts by (2013–2017), 135; etymological root, 3, 9; guesthouses ownership and operation by, 138; Maldivian populations of units (1985–2006) and, 93; nature and ownerships of dwellings (2006) in Malé and, 91; nissology and geography, 9 – 12; population per Census 1921, 1985, 2006, with units and, 94; populations, 89 – 90, 92; populations registered and living in Malé (1921–2014) and, 93; resort locations across Malé and proximate, 130. See also specific atolls Atolls and City Councils Symposium (2015), 96, 98, 102 atoll stores, 96, 96 atoll-wise distribution, protected areas, 169 attitudes, values and environmental behaviour, 160 – 62 Aturupane, H., 33 213

214

Index

BAA Atoll Biosphere Reserve: EPA and, 168; protected areas, 117, 170, 171; traditional knowledge and, 3 Barnes, M., 23 Barry, J., 160 Bartosh, O., 28 Basel Convention, 165 beach erosion, 40, 119n7, 139, 161, 162 Bebryce grandycalix, 199 bed capacity: accommodation establishments, 136; growth, 11; total, 134, 172n10 behaviours: conservation, 24; proenvironmental, 25, 37, 39, 40; values, attitudes and environmental, 160 – 62 Bell, H.C.P., 89 Bengston, D.N., 161 Benson, C., 33 benthic organisms, 10 Berkes, F., 26 Betzler, C., 187 Bianchi, C.N., 132 biodiversity: coral reef, 17, 196 – 99, 199; high, 2, 145; NBSAP, 164; threats to, 200; women and, 52 bleaching phenomenon, coral reefs, 11, 201 – 3 Blue Peace, 39, 154 Bowen, D., 126, 128, 132 Breakey, N., 119n13 Business Today (Viyafaari Miadhu), 96 Byrd, E.T., 127 Cambridge International Examinations (CIE), 31 Camoin, G.F., 178 carbonate platform development, geological record of, 183 – 85 carbonate sedimentation, 183, 184, 186 Carlisle, S., 106 Carrier, S., 28, 29 Cartagena Protocol, 165 Casinader, N., 27 Catalogue of Plants (Ministry of Fisheries and Agriculture), 7

Causevic, S., 131 CCA. See climate change adaptation (CCA) CEDAW. See Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) Census: atolls and units as per 1921, 1985, 2006, 94; gender and head of household, 50 centralization, of governance, 95 – 98, 96 Chapman, D. J., 29 children: citizenship for, 91; household energy use and, 47 China, 132, 133 Church, A., 127 CIE. See Cambridge International Examinations (CIE) citizenship, 91 civic activism, in environment field, 149 – 55, 152 civil rights, 145 Clayton, S., 29 climate change: doubts about, 40; knowledge of, 39; policies with gender and environment, 45; Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 64, 65; Small Island Developing States and, 150; SNAP, 49; as threat, 163; weather altered by, 81 climate change adaptation (CCA), 3, 12, 49, 168 Climate Change Department, 148 climate warming: response to, 13; s.l. changes, ocean acidification and, 187 – 88, 188 Club Med, 74n3, 119n8 coconut palm (Cocos nucifera), 6 coir rope, 6, 53, 59, 140 Coles, T., 127 colony morphology, 188 Colton, E.O., 95 conservation behaviors, 24. See also environmental conservation



Index 215

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (CEDAW), 51 Copenhagen Climate Change Conference, 11 copper plates (Loamaafaanu), 2 corallivorous organisms, coral reefs and, 204 – 5 coral reefs: atolls and, 3 – 4; biodiversity, 17, 196 – 99, 199; with climate warming and ocean acidification, 187 – 88; growth rate of, 188; hydrozoan polyps Zanclea, 198, 199; restoration, with marine lab expert, 114; s.l. changes and, 176; symbioses, newly discovered, 198 – 99; values changing about, 27 coral reefs, threats to: bleaching phenomenon, 11, 201 – 3; corallivorous organisms, 204 – 5; diseases, 203 – 4; nursery, example of, 206; restoration, 205 – 6, 206 CoTS Acanthaster spp. See crown-ofthorns sea-star (CoTS) Acanthaster spp. coup d’état, 131 crafts: MACCS, 54 – 55, 57; traditional arts and, 59n8 crown-of-thorns sea-star (CoTS) Acanthaster spp., 204 curricular shift, pedagogical and, 34 – 37 Dangroup International, 118n2 Darwin, Charles, 3 – 4 De’ath, G., 204 decentralization, of governance, 95 – 98, 96, 150 Decentralization Act (2010), 52, 73, 97 – 98, 102, 154 deforestation, 47, 145 Department for Public Awareness and Education, 37 Department of National Planning, 19n7 Department of Tourism, 118n3 desalination, of seawater, 78, 82 – 83 Dhivehi beys (traditional medicine), 7 Dhivehi language, 3, 29, 50

Didi, Afeef, 102n3 disasters: natural, 48 – 49, 58n3; NDMA, 82; NDMC, 83 – 84, 86n10; SNAP, 49; UNISDR, 48; women and environmental, 45 diseases: coral reefs, 203 – 4; E. Coli pathogens, 82; with plants and herbs, medicinal, 7 displacement, migration or, 101 – 2 Divehibeys Clinic, 19n4 diversity: marine species, 197; women as traditional curators of, 52 – 53 Domroes, M., 110 – 11 earth and beyond, 36 Earth Summit (1992), 153 Ecocare, 39, 154 E. Coli pathogens, 82 economy: distribution of profits made from atoll stores in 1963, 96; division of labour and, 46 – 47, 52, 58; GDP and, 11, 58, 112, 125 – 26; grants, 56 – 57; nature and, 112; poverty gap, 99; seaplanes, costs of, 134; Varuvaa system and, 6. See also governance, economy and eco resorts. See resorts ecosystems protection, environment and: conservation, importance of, 162 – 63; conservation and policy, 164 – 67, 166, 167; conservation in practice, 162 – 64; with environment defined, 159 – 60; impact assessment, 167 – 68; protected areas, 168 – 71, 169, 170, 171; values, attitudes and behaviours, 160 – 62. See also coral reefs; wetlands EdExcel examinations body, 31 education: Atoll Education Centres, 30; Department for Public Awareness and Education, 37; importance of, 23; language of instruction, 32 – 33; MaRHE Center, 1; teaching and teacher quality, 33 – 34; westernized system of schooling and, 32. See also environment, education and

216

Index

Educational Development Centre, 32, 33 Education for Sustainable Development, 27 EIA. See Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Eku Eky Program, 120n24 electric supply system, 65 – 66. See also energy production elites, 126, 132, 136, 141 El-Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) phenomenon, 202 emergency water, 83 – 84 enclave tourism, 106, 126 – 28 energy: change and, 36; renewable, 66, 67 – 68, 146 – 47, 150, 165 Energy Action Plans, 68 Energy Authority, 37 Energy Department, 148 – 49 Energy Policy and Strategy documents, 68 energy production: as environmental issue, 64 – 65; future challenges and opportunities, 73; models and strategies, 65 – 67; policies and programmes, 67 – 68; solar PV installation and, 67; waste management and, 64 – 76 English language, 30, 33 ENSO phenomenon. See El-Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) phenomenon environment (thimaa-veshi): atolls songs, 4; civic activism in field of, 149 – 55, 152; defined, 159 – 60; etymology of, 4; ministry of, 147, 148, 149; Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 38; NEAP, 37 – 38, 155; WED, 38. See also ecosystems protection, environment and; gender, environment and; waste management environment, education and: awareness efforts, effectiveness of, 39 – 40; with awareness in Maldives, 37 – 39; curricular and pedagogical shift,

34 – 37; development of, 27 – 29; earth and beyond, 36; energy and change, 36; importance of, 14 – 15, 27; with knowledge for environmental conservation, 26 – 27; language of instruction, 32 – 33; life and living, 35 – 36; with local context, lack of, 31 – 32; in Maldives, 29 – 30; matter and materials, 36; people-place connections and, 24 – 26; problem identification and, 31 – 37; for sustainability, 23 – 24; teaching and teacher quality, 33 – 34; working scientifically, 36 Environment Affairs Division Unit, 146 environmental awareness: efforts, 39 – 40; in Maldives, 37 – 39 environmental conservation: importance of, 162 – 63; policy and, 164 – 67, 166, 167; in practice, 163 – 64; protected areas, times series of, 166; protected species in Maldives, 167 environmental disasters, women and, 45 environmental governance, 146 – 49, 147, 148, 149 environmentalism, in Maldives, 145 – 46 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), 82, 84, 151 Environmental Protection and Preservation Act, 70, 151, 165 environmental stewardship, 34, 39 environmental values, 34 Environment Impact Assessment (EIA), 151 – 52, 165, 167 – 68 EPA. See Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Faafu, Dhorugali Falhu, 5 Faafu-Magoodhoo, 1 Fabricius, K. E., 204 famine, 95, 102n2 Fan, D.P., 161 feminist theories, 46 Finance Act, 97 Firag, Ismail, 110, 119n11



Index 217

Firaq, A., 111, 112 First Tourism Master Plan 1983 – 1992, 125 Fisheries Law of the Maldives, 5, 165 – 66 fisheries science, 30, 31 fishing: industry rejuvenation, 95; laws, 5; vessels, launching of, 8; weirs systems, 5; women and, 52 – 53; zero-waste tuna factory and, 117 Fiyoree Rangas (MACCS), 57 Fiyori: weaving and, 56 – 57; wetland area, 54 forests: deforestation, 47, 145; women and, 53 Fosberg, Francis Raymond, 120n18 fossil fuels, 15, 64, 65, 147 Fourth Tourism Master Plan, 58, 107, 116 Freitag, T., 126 Fulu, Emma, 82 Fuvahmulah Nature Park, 169 Fuvahmulaku, coastline in, 14 Gaafu Atoll: hau plant cultivation in, 53 – 57, 55; Thundu Kunaa weaving in, 53 – 57, 56 Gaillard, J. C., 13 Galli, Paolo, 1 Gasfinolhu Island Resort, Club Med, 74n3 Gayoom, Maumoon Abdul, 38, 96, 146, 149, 150, 154, 155 Gayoom, Yameen Abdul (Yaameen Abdul Qayoom), 139, 140, 150 – 51, 155 GCF. See Green Climate Fund (GCF) GDP, tourism and, 11, 58, 112, 125 – 26 gender: abuse, violence and, 50; Census and head of household with, 50; equality, 23, 45, 47, 50 – 51, 59n6, 114; local knowledge with, 52; Ministry of Gender and Family, 58n4 gender, environment and: facts and figures, 49 – 52; with feminist

theories, 46; hau plant cultivation in Gaafu Atoll, 53 – 57, 55; household air pollutants and, 47; inequalities, 46; policies with climate change and, 45; Thundu Kunaa weaving, traditional, 53 – 57, 56; with tsunami, 58n4; with women and tourism, 58; with women and vulnerabilities, 48; women traditional curators of diversity and, 52 – 53 Gender Equality Act (2016), 59n6 Gender Equality Act of August, 51 geography: atolls, nissology and, 9 – 12; of Maldives, 10 geological record, of carbonate platform development, 183 – 85 GHG Inventory of Maldives. See National Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Inventory of Maldives Gibbs, J.P., 162 Giroux, H., 29, 33 Global Gender Gap Report 2018, 51 global s.l. changes, 179, 179 – 80 Glory lily plant, 7 Gombay, N., 167 Gough, A., 36 – 37 governance, activism and: with civic activism and environment, 149 – 55, 152; environmental, 146 – 49, 147, 148, 149; environmentalism and, 145 – 46 governance, economy and: centralization vs. decentralization, 95 – 98, 96; migration or displacement, 101 – 2; new beginning?, 102; social consequences of centralization strategy, 98 – 101 Government Manifesto, 68 grants, 56 – 57 Green Climate Fund (GCF), 81 – 83 Green Leaf Award, 39 Green Resort Award, 39 greenwashing, 111 – 15, 114 groundwater, 78 – 80, 79

218

Index

guesthouses, dilemma: bed capacity, 11, 134, 136, 172n10; Dangroup International with, 118n2; enclave tourism, power and, 126 – 28; GDP and, 125 – 26; growth, 134; Maldives, power shaping and shifting (1983–2014), 128 – 33; ownership and operation by atoll, 138; ownership and operation by island, Kaafu Atoll, 131; power shaping and shifting (1983–2014), 128 – 30; power shaping and shifting, post 2014, 133 – 40, 135 – 38 Haa Dhaalu Atoll, 89, 140, 151, 152 habitat destruction, sea birds, 19n1 Hameed, H., 32 hau plant: cultivation in Gaafu Atoll, 53 – 57, 55; leaves of, 4 head lice, 7 herbs, medicinal, 7 Holland, A., 172n3 home gardens, 7, 53 household energy use, children and, 47 HRCM. See Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) Human Development Index, 98 human ecology paradigm, 65. See also energy production Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM), 91, 98 Hunter, M.L., 162 Hwang, D., 133 hydrozoan polyps Zanclea, coral reefs, 198, 199 Ibn Batuta, 5, 59n9 Ilyas, Shahee, 8 indigenous knowledge, 3, 14. See also knowledge, traditional in/out migration, 92 instruction, language of, 32 – 33 Integrated Ocean Drilling Program (IODP) Expedition, 178 International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), 48, 139 – 40

IODP Expedition. See Integrated Ocean Drilling Program (IODP) Expedition Island Electricity Databook 2018, 65 island resorts, territorial network and, 115 – 18 islands: Gasfinolhu Island Resort, Club Med, 74n3; populations, 66; SIDS, 69, 150, 200 island studies, 10, 13, 19 Island Waste Management Centres (IWMCs), 71, 73 IUCN. See International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) IWMCs. See Island Waste Management Centres (IWMCs) Jamaludin, M., 113 Jickling, B., 28 Jóhannesson, I., 28 Jones, E., 106 Kaafu Atoll, 131 Kelman, I., 13 Kench, P. S., 177 Kenchington, R.A., 37 Key Competency Guide, 35 Key Priorities and Sectors in the Seventh National Development Plan 2006 – 2010, 101 Kidman, G., 27 Knoll, Eva, 2 knowledge: of climate and s.l. changes, 39; environmental conservation and environmental, 26 – 27; local, 3, 6, 26, 32, 33, 52 knowledge, traditional: agriculture and, 6; ecological, 23; indigenous and, 3, 14; Maldives, 2 – 9 Ko, D.W., 133 Kosonen, K., 33 Kothari, U., 40, 99 Kransy, M. E., 24 – 25 Krippendorf, J.C., 106 Kudryavtsev, A., 24 – 25 Kulhudhufushi wetlands, 151, 152, 153, 165



Index 219

kurumba fruit, 6 Kurumba Resort Spa, 19n4, 119n6 Kurumba Village, 97, 107 Kyburz-Graber, R., 29 Kyoto Protocol, 165 labour, division of, 46 – 47, 52, 58 Land Act, 97 landholders, women as, 46 language: Dhivehi, 3, 29, 50; English, 30, 33; of instruction and problem identification, 32 – 33 leaves: Green Leaf Award, 39; of hau plant, 4; palm, 6 – 7 LGA. See Local Government Authority (LGA) life and living, 35 – 36 Light, A., 172n3 Liu, S., 29 Loamaafaanu (copper plates), 2 Local Government Authority (LGA), 96 local knowledge, 3, 6, 26, 32, 33, 52 local s.l. changes, 181 – 82 Lutfi, M., 29, 32, 34 Lux Resort, 74n3 Lynch, P., 131 MACCS. See Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS) MacGregor, S., 45 Maldives: environmental awareness in, 37 – 39; environmental education in, 29 – 30; environmentalism in, 145 – 46; gender and environment, facts and figures, 49 – 52; in geographical terms, 10; growth of environmental governance in, 146 – 49, 147, 148, 149; HRCM, 91, 98; map of, 18; nakaiy calendar, 8, 9; nissology and geography, 9 – 12; population of, 50, 86n1, 89; power shaping and shifting (1983–2014), 128 – 33; protected species in, 167; social consequences, of centralization, Malé, satellite islands and largest islands, size

of, 100; tourism development and planning in, 107 – 11; traditional knowledge, 2 – 9 Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS), 54 – 55, 57 Maldives Clean Environment Project, 72 Maldives Human Development Report, UN, 97 The Maldives Islands (Bell), 89 Maldives Tourism Act, 108, 126, 129, 166 – 67 Maldivian Islands, volcanic structure of, 182 – 83 Malé: nature and ownerships of dwellings (2006) in atolls and, 91; populations registered and living in atolls (1921–2014) and, 93; resort location across proximate atolls and, 130; size of satellite islands, naturally occurring largest islands and, 100; view on, 12 Maloney, C., 50 MaRHE Center. See Marine Research and High Education (MaRHE) Center marine protected areas (MPAs), 113, 117, 136, 138, 168, 205 Marine Research and High Education (MaRHE) Center, 1 marine species, 165, 178, 197 matter and materials, 36 mat-weaving, 59n9 McCall, G., 10 McLaren, P., 33 McLean, R., 177 MDGs. See Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) medicine: modern, 19n4; traditional, 7 Mercer, J., 13 migration: displacement or, 101 – 2; resident and registered populations (2014) with in/out, 92 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 47, 50 Minca, Claudio, 106 Ministry of Arts, Culture and Heritage, 7

220

Index

Ministry of Environment: Energy and Water, 38; organizational structure of, 149; schematic representation of development since 1984, 147; tasks mandated by, 148 Ministry of Fisheries and Agriculture, 2, 7 Ministry of Gender and Family, 58n4 Ministry of Tourism, 11 Mintz, K., 27 modern medicine, 19n4 Mohamed, Abdulla, 150 Mohamed, Ahmed, 120n18 Mohamed, M., 25, 26 – 27, 31, 32, 38, 40, 160, 161, 162, 167, 168, 172n4 Mohamed, N., 33 Mohamed, Naseema, 95 Monroe, M., 32 monsoons, 8, 49, 81, 181, 184, 186 – 87 Moore, D., 23, 59n9 MPAs. See marine protected areas (MPAs) Muir, John, 162 Murphy, P. E., 127 Muslims, 50, 109 Nadasdy, P., 161 nakaiy calendar, 8, 9, 19n6 Nakaiy Nevi, 8 – 9 Naseer, Abdulla, 5 Nasheed, Mohameed, 1, 11, 17, 146, 149 – 50, 155 Nasir, Ibrahim, 96 National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan 2016 – 2025 (NBSAP), 164 National Center for Cultural Heritage, 7 national curriculum, 15, 24, 30, 34 – 35, 40 National Curriculum Framework (NCF), 24, 34 – 35 National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), 82 National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC), 83 – 84, 86n10

National Environment Action Plan (NEAP), 37 – 38, 155 National Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Inventory of Maldives, 64 National Library, 38 National Strategic Action plan (2009–2013), 154 national tree, 6 natural disasters, 48 – 49, 58n3. See also tsunami (2004) nature: Addu Nature Park, 169; economy and, 112; Fuvahmulah Nature Park, 169; IUCN, 48, 139 – 40; place and, 24 – 26; social environment and, 31 NBSAP. See National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan 2016 – 2025 (NBSAP) NCF. See National Curriculum Framework (NCF) NDMA. See National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) NDMC. See National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC) NEAP. See National Environment Action Plan (NEAP) NGOs. See non-governmental organizations (NGOs) nissology: atolls, geography and, 9 – 12; defined, 10 Niyaz, A., 167 No News, No Shoes blueprint, 114 non-governmental organizations (NGOs): civic activism and, 153; Ecocare and Blue Peace, 39, 154; governance and, 146; policies and, 127 ocean acidification, 187 – 88, 188 ocean warming, 188, 203 OIOR tourism model. See one-islandone-resort (OIOR) tourism model Okaji, K., 204 O’Neill, J., 172n3 one-island-one-resort (OIOR) tourism model, 11, 16, 126, 129, 132 – 33, 141



Index 221

oral traditions, 4 organisms: benthic, 10; coral reefs and corallivorous, 204 – 5 Our Environment (Aharemenge Thimaaveshi), 38 Ozkan, M., 28 paleoceanographic events, 185 – 87 Palmer, J.A., 28 palm leaves, 6 – 7 Park, E., 36 party systems, in politics, 149 pedagogical shift, curricular and, 34 – 37 Pelling, M., 65 people-place connections, environment and, 24 – 26 Peterson, C., 69 petroleum fuels, 147 Pinchot, Gifford, 162 Pirker, J., 167 place, nature and, 24 – 26 plants, medicinal, 7 policies: energy production programmes and, 67 – 68; environmental conservation and, 164 – 67, 166, 167; with gender and climate change, 45; NGOs and, 127; OIOR, 132; waste management programmes and, 70 – 73 politics: coup d’état and, 131; party systems in, 149; protests and, 102n2, 149 – 50, 153, 154; tsunami and, 65; water management and, 77; women in, 51 pollution: air, 47, 146, 149; sea, 118n4 populations: administrative units in 1921 and 2014, share of, 90; atolls, 89 – 90, 92; atolls and units (1985–2006), Maldivian, 93; atolls and units as per Census 1921, 1985, 2006, 94; electric supply system for, 65; in/out migration (2014) with resident and registered, 92; islands, 66; of Maldives, 50, 86n1, 89; registered and living in atolls and

Malé (1921–2014), 93; of tourists, 125; with traditional knowledge, 2 – 9; tsunami and, 86n1; waste management and, 120n21 poverty, 99, 106 power, enclave tourism and, 126 – 28 power shaping: accommodation establishments and bed capacity, 2013 – 2017, 136; accommodation facilities by atolls, 2017, 137; distribution of resorts by atolls (2013–2017), 135; guesthouse ownership and operation by atoll, 138; guesthouse ownership and operation by island, Kaafu Atoll, 131; in Maldives (1983–2014), 128 – 33; non-dominant control, 129; resort location across Malé and proximate atolls, 130; with shifting (1983–2014), 128 – 30; with shifting, post 2014, 133 – 40, 135 – 37; variants, 128 Price, A.R.G., 111, 112 problem identification: curricular, pedagogical shift and, 34 – 37; environment and, 31 – 37; with language of instruction, 32 – 33; local context, lack of, 31 – 32; teaching, teacher quality and, 33 – 34 pro-environmental behaviour, 25, 37, 39, 40 property rights, women and, 51 protected areas: atoll-wise distribution of, 169; BAA Atoll Biosphere Reserve, 3, 117, 168, 170, 171; ecosystems, environment and, 168 – 71, 169, 170, 171; MPAs, 113, 117, 136, 138, 168, 205; resorts as, 111; time series of, 166 protected species, 167 protests, 102n2, 149 – 50, 153, 154 proximate atolls, resort location across Malé and, 130 Pyrard de Laval, François, 3, 5

222

Index

Qayoom, Yaameen Abdul. See Gayoom, Yameen Abdul (Yaameen Abdul Qayoom) rainfall storage capacity, 81 rainwater, 80, 80 – 82 Ramadan, 26 Rasheed, Bari, 86n2 Ratter, Beate, 19 Razee, Mahmood, 96 recyclable items, 70, 71, 120n20 Red Cross, 48 regional s.l. changes, 180 – 81 Regional Waste Management Sites (RWMSs), 71 resorts: Club Med, 74n3, 119n8; criticism of, 106, 107; distribution by atolls, 2013 – 2017, 135; eco, 111 – 15, 114; Green Resort Award, 39; Kurumba Resort Spa, 19n4, 119n6; location across Malé and proximate atolls, 130; Lux Resort, 74n3; as protected areas, 111; Soneva Fushi, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120n15; territorial network and island, 115 – 18; with tourism development and planning, 107 – 11; with waste management, 70, 72, 119n6, 120n19 restoration, coral reefs: with marine lab expert, 114; threats to, 205 – 6, 206 Restoration and Regeneration of Natural Vegetation – Reed, 56 reverse osmosis plant, 120n24 Richter, Linda, 111, 119n8 Robottom, I., 29 royal decrees, 29 – 30 Ruhanen, L., 119n13 Ruiz-Moreno, D., 203 Russia, 132, 133 RWMSs. See Regional Waste Management Sites (RWMSs) Saarinen, Jarkko, 106 Saeed, S., 25, 26, 31

Sahkeela, A., 119n13 Samuelsson, I.P., 36 sand, communal gathering of, 26 satellite islands, naturally occurring largest islands and, 100 Sathiendrakumar, R., 108 – 9 savings, unemployment and, 99 Scheyvens, E., 119n9, 119n13, 127 SDGs. See Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) sea birds, 5, 19n1, 168 sea-level (s.l.) changes: build-ups and major paleoceanographic events through time, 185 – 87; climate warming, ocean acidification and, 187 – 88, 188; coral reefs and, 176; explained, 177 – 78; geological record of carbonate platform development, 183 – 85; global to local causes of, 179, 179 – 82; knowledge of, 39; local, 181 – 82; regional, 180 – 81; sketch of physical processes contributing to, 179; Small Islands Conference on Sea level Rise, 164; without spatially uniform variations, 190n1; with volcanic structure, deep, 182 – 83 seaplanes, costs of, 134 sea pollution, 118n4 sea spider, 199 sea turtles, 118n4, 139, 154 seawater, desalination of, 78, 82 – 83 Second Master Plan 1996 – 2005, 125 Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 64, 65 Second World War, 95, 102n2 SEZ Act. See Special Economic Zones (SEZ) Act Shakeela, A., 126 Shaw, B.J., 126 – 27 Shaw, G., 126 – 27 Shojo, M., 33 SIDS. See Small Island Developing States (SIDS)



Index 223

Six Senses Lamu, 116, 120n24 skipjack tuna story, 4 – 5 slums, 91 Small Island Developing States (SIDS), 69, 150, 200 Small Islands Conference on Sea level Rise, 164 SNAP. See Strategic National Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation 2010 – 2020 (SNAP) social consequences, of centralization: governance and, 98 – 101; Malé, satellite islands and largest islands, size of, 100; poverty gap ratios for 2002/2003 and 2009/2010, 99; unemployment and savings, 99 social environment, nature and, 31 social studies, 30, 36 solar PV installation, 67 Solar Research Overview of the Maldives, 68 Soneva Fushi, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120n15 Southeast Asia, 132, 133 Special Economic Zones (SEZ) Act, 19n8 species: marine, 165, 178, 197; protected, 167 sponge snail, 199 Stapleton, S., 29 Stapp, W., 27, 30 Stedman, R. C., 24 – 25 STELCO, 82, 84 Sterling, S., 28 Stevenson, R. B., 27 Stewart, W.P., 133 Stockholm Declaration, 27 Storey, D., 167 stories, skipjack tuna, 4 – 5 Strategic National Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation 2010 – 2020 (SNAP), 49

sustainability, 51; Education for Sustainable Development, 27; environment and education for, 23 – 24 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 2, 47, 50, 51, 153 sustainable luxury, 16, 107, 111 – 15, 114 symbioses, coral reef, 198 – 99 Tal, T., 27 Tbilisi Declaration (1977), 27, 28, 30 teachers: issues facing, 36; quality and teaching, 33 – 34 territorial network, island resorts and, 115 – 18 thatch weaving, 25 The Production & Design of Thundu Kunaa Mats in Huvadu Atoll (MACCS), 57 The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs (Darwin), 3 – 4 thimaa-veshi. See environment (thimaa-veshi) Third Master Plan 2007 – 2012, 125 Thomasshow, 24 Thudufushi Resort, coral restoration with marine lab expert, 114 Thundu Kunaa weaving, traditional, 53 – 57, 56 time: series of protected areas, environmental conservation, 166; s.l. changes and major paleoceanographic events through, 185 – 87 Tisdell, C., 108 – 9 TM. See Transparency Maldives (TM) tourism: change with, 11; Department of Tourism, 118n3; enclave, 106, 126 – 28; expansion of, 125, 200; First Tourism Master Plan 1983 – 1992, 125; Fourth Tourism Master Plan, 58, 107, 116; GDP and, 11, 58, 112, 125 – 26; Kurumba Village and, 97, 107; Ministry of Tourism, 11; national tree and, 6; No

224

Index

News, No Shoes blueprint and, 114; OIOR model, 11, 16, 126, 132 – 33, 141; populations, 125; resorts with development and planning, 107 – 11; seaplane costs, 134; Second Master Plan 1996 – 2005, 125; Third Master Plan 2007 – 2012, 125; traditional practices and, 7; tsunami and, 125; women and, 58 Tourism Yearbook 2018, 141n1 traditional knowledge, 2 – 9, 14, 23 traditional medicine (Dhivehi beys), 7 traditional practices: thatch weaving, 25; tourism and, 7 Transparency Maldives (TM), 154 tsunami (2004): deaths, 48; drinking water supply and, 12, 78 – 79; emergency water and, 83; gender, environment and, 58n4; groundwater and, 80; NDMA and, 82; politics and, 65; population and, 86n1; rainfall storage capacity, 81; tourism and, 125; women and, 48 – 49 Tugurian, L., 28, 29 Uitto, J.J., 65 UN. See United Nations (UN) underwater cabinet meeting, 150 UNDP. See United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) unemployment: rate, 51; savings and, 99 UNESCO, 3, 117, 138, 170 UNICEF, 120n21 UNISDR. See United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR) United Nations (UN): Maldives Human Development Report, 97; Second National Communication of Maldives to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 64, 65 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, 27 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 49, 56, 83

United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), 48 United Suvadive Republic, 102n3 University of Milano-Bicocca, 1 UN Special Repertoire for Housing, 101 values: attitudes and environmental behaviours, 160 – 62; coral reef and changing, 27; environmental, 34 Varuvaa system, 6 Velana International Airport, 138 Vienna Convention, 165 violence, gender-based, 50 Viyafaari Miadhu (Business Today), 96 volcanic structure, of Maldivian Islands, 182 – 83 vulnerabilities, women and, 48 Waheed, Mohamed, 150 waste management: energy production and, 64 – 76; as environmental issue, 64 – 65; future challenges and opportunities, 73; IWMCs, 71, 73; models and strategies, 69 – 70; policies and programmes, 70 – 73; populations and, 120n21; resorts with, 70, 72, 119n6, 120n19; RWMSs, 71; women and, 47 Waste Management and Pollution Control Department, 149 water: emergency, 83 – 84; Ministry of Environment, Energy and Water, 38; rainfall storage capacity, 81; reverse osmosis plant, 120n24; shortages, 78, 83, 84; tsunami and supply of drinking, 12, 78 – 79 Water and Sanitation Department, 149 water management, consumption models and: accountability, 84 – 86, 85; emergency water, 83 – 84; groundwater, 78 – 80, 79; overview, 78 – 84; politics and, 77; rainwater, 80, 80 – 82; seawater, desalination of, 78, 82 – 83; structure design of main actors in, 85 water sources, potable, 79



Index 225

WDC. See Women’s Development Committee (WDC) weather, climate change altering, 81 Weaver, D., 126 weaving: mat, 59n9; thatch, 25; Thundu Kunaa, traditional, 53 – 57, 56 Webb, T.J., 161 WED. See World Environment Day (WED) weirs systems, fishing, 5 westernized system of schooling, 32 wetlands: ecosystems, 151; Fiyori, 54; Haa Dhaalu Atoll, 152; Kulhudhufushi, 151, 152, 153, 165 Wildcat, D. R., 26 Wind Resource Map in the Maldives, 68 women: biodiversity and, 52; as curators of diversity, 52 – 53; environmental disasters and, 45; forests and, 53; as landholders, 46; natural disasters

and, 48 – 49; in politics, 51; property rights and, 51; tourism and, 58; vulnerabilities and, 48; waste management and, 47 Women Farmers of Kela, 6 Women’s Development Committee (WDC), 51 – 52, 71 working scientifically, 36 World Bank, 78, 80, 82 World Environment Day (WED), 38 World Heritage Convention, 165 World Trade Organization (WTO), 111 Yücel, E., 28 Yusof, Z.B., 113 zero-waste tuna factory, 117 zooxanthellae, 196 – 97, 201 Zubair, S., 126, 128, 132

About the Editors and Contributors

Aminath Abdulla Chairperson, Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS), Malé, Maldives, [email protected] Aminath Abdulla is the founder and chairperson of the Maldives Authentic Crafts Cooperative Society (MACCS). The community-based organization in the Maldives focuses on reviving and promoting traditional handicrafts and empowering women. Aminath is dedicated to strengthening the market for authentic local crafts and livelihood of home-based workers through documentation, restorative and regenerative projects. She has published works on traditional mat weaving, documenting the first written form of the craft, its origins and process. While contributing towards intangible cultural heritage of crafts, she also serves on the Advisory Board of HomeNet South Asia and is a member of the Business Council, Ministry of Economic development in the Maldives. Daniela Basso Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Daniela Basso is full professor of Paleontology and Paleoecology. She teaches geobiology and conservation paleobiology at the University of Milano-Bicocca, where she is also the director of the International Post-­ Graduate Course in Marine Sciences (UNIMIB and MNU). Her research on macrobenthic associations and bioconstructions is mainly based on calcareous red algae and mollusks, including chemosymbiotic species. Her work is aimed at the exploration and conservation of marine habitats and the interpretation of their recent history, in response of natural and anthropogenic changes. She is member of the Executive Board of the National Interuniversity Consortium for Marine Sciences (CoNISMa) and President of the International Fossil Algae Association. 227

228

About the Editors and Contributors

David Bowen Oxford Brookes Business School, Oxford Brookes University, UK, [email protected] David Bowen is a reader and also head of Doctoral Programmes in Oxford Brookes Business School, Oxford Brookes University, United Kingdom, where he also teaches on a variety of undergraduate and postgraduate courses. His research interests focus on tourist behaviour and tourism destination development. He has published on Maldivian tourism in relation to the environment and also politics and power. Cecilia Castaldo Department of Juridical Sciences, University of Verona, Italy, [email protected] Cecilia Castaldo works as environmental risk assessment and workplace safety advisor for the private sector. She completed master’s degree in emergency governance and specialized in business continuity and supply chain management. Her degree thesis concerns the field study of water scarcity in the Maldives islands and the use of supply chain management as an organizational model to assess water shortage. She worked for the regional administration of Veneto on the hydrogeological risk evaluation. Elena dell’Agnese Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Elena dell’Agnese is full professor of geography. She teaches political geography, cultural geography and political geography of the sea at the University of Milano-Bicocca, where she is also the president of the Master Degree on Tourism and Development. She is a member of the Scientific Committee of Marine Research and High Education (MaRHE) Center) in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives). She has been publishing extensively, mostly in Italian, but also in English, French, Spanish and Japanese. Elena dell’Agnese is vice-president of Società Geografica Italiana and of the International Geographical Union (IGU-UGI). Paolo Galli Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Paolo Galli is full professor of ecology at the University of Milano-Bicocca and irector of the MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives). He is also the founder of the International Master in Marine Sciences for Sustainable Development at the University of Milano-Bicocca and co-founder of the International Post-Graduate Course in Marine Sciences (UNIMIB and MNU). Moreover, he is leader of Italian Local Unit for the European Infrastructure Consortium ‘LIFE WATCH’, providing e-science research facilities to scientists seeking to increase our knowledge and deepen our understanding



About the Editors and Contributors 229

of biodiversity organization and ecosystem functions and services. His main research topics are focalized on Maldivian biodiversity. Davide Maggioni Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Davide Maggioni is a post-doctoral fellow at the Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (University of Milano-Bicocca), and is part of the Scientific Staff of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives). He teaches fundamentals of marine biology and invertebrate zoology at the International Post-Graduate Course in Marine Sciences at the University of Milano-Bicocca. His main research topics are zoology and evolutionary biology of marine invertebrates, mainly cnidarians, coral reef symbioses and coral reef ecology in general. Stefano Malatesta Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’, University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Stefano Malatesta is senior researcher at the Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’ (University of Milano-Bicocca). He is a member of the Scientific Staff of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives) and of the Executive Committee of the International Small Islands Studies Association (ISISA). He teaches human geography of small island systems at the International Post-Graduate Course in Marine Sciences (UNIMIB and MNU). He serves as advisor for UNESCO. His main research topics are human geography of small islands, geopolitics of Indian Ocean, children geographies, citizenship education and education for sustainable development. Mizna Mohamed International Center for Environment, Development and Operational Research (ENDEVOR), Malé, Maldives, [email protected] Mizna Mohamed is the executive director at the Maldives-based nongovernmental organization (NGO) ENDEVOR. She also works as an environmental specialist focusing on natural resource management and community-based conservation initiatives in the Maldives. Her research ­ interests include environmental valuation of reef resources, environmental conservation and alternative faith-based approaches to environmental conservation. Muna Mohamed Indipendent Researcher, Malé, Maldives, admin@muna mohamed.com Muna Mohamed holds a degree in finance and management from University of Murdoch and an MBA from University of Adelaide, Australia.

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Currently she is studying Poverty Reduction: Policy and Practice (PG Dip) from School of Oriental & African Studies (SOAS). She has also worked in Maldivian public sector for the past 25 years at different Public service institutions. The experience and lived realities pushed Muna Mohamed to advocate for rights of women and communities and negative effects of development-induced forced migration. She has authored a book in her native language on the issue and continues to speak and publish issue-based articles and real-life incidents on forced migration, land grabbing and management of natural resources in local and international news outlets, journals and magazines in addition to heading an NGO (Land Sea Maldives) to assist women and communities. Naashia Mohamed Faculty of Education and Social Work, The University of Auckland, New Zealand. [email protected] Naashia Mohamed is a lecturer at the School of Curriculum and Pedagogy, within the University of Auckland’s Faculty of Education and Social Work. Through her teaching and research, Naashia seeks to support minoritized language learners and reduce the educational gap they face. Her research projects focus on issues of language education, sociolinguistics and language policy. Naashia has previously held various positions within the education sector of the Maldives. Simone Montano Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Simone Montano is marine biologist and senior researcher at the Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (University of Milano-Bicocca). He is member of the Scientific Staff of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives) and lecturer of marine ecology for the International PostGraduate Course in Marine Sciences (UNIMIB and MNU). His current research activities focus on the coral health and diseases assessment of the Republic of the Maldives. Furthermore, his researches are focusing on new emerging symbioses involving the dominant animal of tropical reefs: the corals. All his activities are aimed to understand the dynamics that will drive these ecosystems under a climate change scenario in order to develop and propose environmental management plans. Alessandra Savini Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, alessandra.savini@ unimib.it Alessandra Savini is assistant professor at the Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (University of Milano-Bicocca). She is member of the Scientific Committee of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of



About the Editors and Contributors 231

Maldives) and of the Submarine Geomorphology working group, sponsored by the International Association of Geomorphology (IAG). She is a marine geoscientist with expertise in seafloor imaging and mapping. She investigates interaction between submarine geomorphic processes and benthic habitats, with emphasis on marine bioconstructions, to decipher the response of submarine landscapes and landforms to Pleistocene and Holocene climate changes. Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’, University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, marcella. [email protected] Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg is full professor of geography, at the Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’ (University of Milano-Bicocca). She is vice-director of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives) and chair, from 2016, of the International Geographical Union (IGU) Commission on History of Geography. Her research interests concern cultural geography, hazard and resilience, gender geography and history of the geographical thought. She has been working and publishing extensively on the relations between nature, culture, memory and landscape in different contexts, from the Mediterranean to Japan. Davide Seveso Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (DISAT), University of Milano-Bicocca, Milano, Italy, [email protected] Davide Seveso is marine biologist and senior researcher at the Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences (University of Milano-Bicocca). He is member of the Scientific Staff of MaRHE Center in Faaf-Magoodhoo (Rep of Maldives) and lecturer of marine ecology for the International Post-Graduate Course in Marine Sciences (UNIMIB and MNU). His main research topics are ecology of the coral reef ecosystems and associated organisms (especially those of the Maldives), coral bleaching, and molecular and physiological processes in corals under stresses. He has considerable experience in fieldwork in tropical marine environments of the Indo-Pacific, Red Sea and Carribean. Fathmath Shadiya Department of Environment and Natural Science (DENS), Maldives National University, Malé, Maldives, [email protected] Fathmath Shadiya is a lecturer at Faculty of Engineering, Science and Technology of the Maldives National University. She holds a master degree in development practice from the University of Queensland, Australia and an additional master degree in Social Research from Villa College, Maldives. Apart from lecturing at the university, she is also an active researcher in the field of sustainable development and environmental education. Moreover, she

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is a regular university academic who provides insight into policy dialogue to the government institutes and private organisations. Shahida Zubair Independent Consultant, Malé, Maldives, shahidazubair@ gmail.com Shahida Zubair has published numerous academic articles on tourism, the environment and politics in the Maldivian context. Her key research interests are organic regenerative agriculture, climate change, sustainable tourism development and environmental conservation in small island developing states. She holds BSc in ecology and tourism and MSc in environmental management and tourism. Alongside her academic work, she is the founder and director of Island Organics Maldives, an initiative through which she developed and managed over eight years the first and only integrated organic farm in the Maldives on Maarikilu, Baa atoll.