Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe 9783412211929, 9783412210601

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Wiebke Deimann, David Juste (Eds.) Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe

BEIHEFTE ZUM ARCHIV FÜR KULTURGESCHICHTE IN VERBINDUNG MIT KARL ACHAM, EGON BOSHOF, WOLFGANG BRÜCKNER, BERNHARD JAHN, EVA-BETTINA KREMS, FRANK-LOTHAR KROLL, GUSTAV ADOLF LEHMANN, TOBIAS LEUKER, HELMUT NEUHAUS, NORBERT NUSSBAUM, STEFAN REBENICH HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

KLAUS HERBERS HEFT 73

ASTROLOGERS AND THEIR CLIENTS IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN EUROPE

Edited by

Wiebke Deimann and David Juste

2015 BÖHLAU VERLAG KÖLN WEIMAR WIEN

Gefördert vom

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

Umschlagabbildung: The astrologer presents his book to a prince. Astrological manuscript addressed to Louis de Bruges (end of the 15th century). Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 7321A, f. 1r. © 2015 by Böhlau Verlag GmbH & Cie, Köln Weimar Wien Ursulaplatz 1, D-50668 Köln, www.boehlau-verlag.com Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig. Satz: synpannier. Gestaltung & Wissenschaftskommunikation, Bielefeld Druck und Bindung: Strauss, Mörlenbach Gedruckt auf chlor- und säurefreiem Papier Printed in the EU ISBN 978-3-412-21060-1

Table of Contents

Klaus Herbers

Zum Geleit – As a Preface . . .......................................................................................... 

7

Wiebke Deimann and David Juste

Astrologers and Their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe – Introduction  ..................................................................................................................  13 Charles Burnett

Introducing Astrology: Michael Scot’s Liber introductorius and Other Introductions  .. ...................................................................................................  17 Benjamin N. Dykes

Practice and Counsel in Guido Bonatti  . . ..................................................................  29 Jean-Patrice Boudet

The Archbishop and the Astrologers: A Robert de Mauvoisin’s questio in 1316  .. ................................................................  43 Robert Hand

Giovanni Villani and the Great Conjunction of 1345  ..........................................  63 Wiebke Deimann

Astrology in an Age of Transition. Johannes Lichtenberger and his Clients  . . ...  83 Stephan Heilen

Paul of Middelburg’s use of the Mathesis of Firmicus Maternus  ..........................  105 H. Darrel Rutkin

Astrology, Politics and Power in 16th-century Florence: Giuliano Ristori’s Extensive Judgment on Cosimo I’s Nativity (1537)  ..............  139 David Juste

A Sixteenth-Century Astrological Consultation  . . ..................................................  151 Katrin Bauer

Johannes Kepler between two Emperors  .. ................................................................  205

6

Table of Contents

Table of Astrological Symbols  ....................................................................................  221 Index of Names  .............................................................................................................  223 Index of Manuscripts  ...................................................................................................  229

Klaus Herbers

Zum Geleit – As a Preface

Die Tagung „Astrologers and Their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe“ fand am 29. und 30. 9. 2011 in Erlangen statt. Die Veranstaltung wurde möglich durch das Internationale Kolleg für Geisteswissenschaftliche Forschung (IKGF) „Schicksal, Freiheit und Prognose. Bewältigungsstrategienen in Ostasien und Europa“. Das IKGF untersucht Vorstellungen von Schicksal, Freiheit und Prognose und wird seit nunmehr fast sechs Jahren vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung gefördert. Ziel unseres Projektes ist ein Vergleich der Schicksalsvorstellungen einer asiatischen Kultur, die offensichtlich weniger Probleme mit dem Verhältnis der Berechenbarkeit des Schicksals und dem freien Willen hatte (und hat) mit einer europäisch-westlichen Kultur, die die prinzipielle Unerforschbarkeit des Ratschlusses der Götter bzw. des einen Gottes zum Ausgangspunkt hatte. Sieht man genauer in das Mittelalter und in die Frühe Neuzeit, dann zeigt sich jedoch, wie differenziert Verhaltens- und Umgangsweisen sein konnten. Die Formierung Europas im Mittelalter – ein großes Schwerpunktprogramm der DFG, an dem Erlangen maßgeblich beteiligt war und ist – zeigt, dass Traditionen aus der Antike, aber weiterhin christliche, arabisch-muslimische und jüdische Entwicklungen Europa prägten. Die Deutung natürlicher Zeichen in Kalendern und von den Sternen bestimmte die Lebenswelten, wie Landwirtschaft, Reisen, Kampftermine. Verfahren waren Sterndeutung, Ermittlung von Mondphasen, Kalender, Visionen, Träume und Mirakel. In seiner 2005 erschienenen Habilitationsschrift „Astrologie und Öffentlichkeit im Mittelalter“ hat Gerd Mentgen darauf verwiesen, wie wenig die Mittelalterforschung sich bisher diesem Gebiet gewidmet hat, obwohl nach seiner Schätzung sechzigtausend mittelalterliche Handschriften sich mit astrologischen Fragen beschäftigten.1 Johannes Fried hatte 2001 in einem großen Essay die Entstehung naturwissenschaftlichen Denkens aus dem Geist der Apokalyptik skizziert und dabei die Bedeutung der Astro­logie hervorgehoben.2 In diesem Buch konnte er aber auf den in seiner Zeit bahnbrechenden Forschungen des in München am Ende des 19. und zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts lehrenden Historikers und Archivars Hermann Grauert aufbauen, der am 6. Mai 1899 in der historischen Klasse der königlich-bayerischen

1 Gerd Mentgen, Astrologie und Öffentlichkeit, Stuttgart 2005, S. 5. 2 Johannes Fried, Aufstieg aus dem Untergang: apokalyptisches Denken und die Entstehung der modernen Naturwissenschaft im Mittelalter, München 2001.

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Klaus Herbers

Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München einen Vortrag gehalten hatte, und 1901 in den Sitzungsberichten der Akademie unter dem Titel „Meister Johann von Toledo“ veröffentlichte.3 Darin untersuchte er unter anderem den immer noch diskutierten Toledobrief aus dem ausgehenden 12. Jahrhundert und ging vor allem auf die Öffentlichkeitswirkung der Astrologie ein. – Das ist noch immer Thema, wie nicht nur dieser Sammelband zeigt.4 Die genannten Arbeiten sowie die ersten Forschungen am IKGF in Erlangen zeigten, daß gerade dieses Feld vormoderner Lebens- und Zukunftsdeutung noch keinesfalls voll erschlossen ist. Fragt man sich, warum diese Aspekte lange Zeit im Hintergrund der Mittelalterforschung standen, so liegt dies an einer Vielzahl von Gründen. Dazu zählt unter anderem die theoretische Auseinandersetzung im Mittelalter selbst mit diesen Fragen, denn christlicher Glaube und Sternenglaube waren nicht einfach zu harmonisieren, obwohl die Bibel selbst solche Beispiele bereithielt, denkt man zum Beispiel an die Träume des Alten Testaments oder an den Stern, der die drei Weisen aus dem Morgenland zum göttlichen Kind führte. Trotzdem: Vorherbestimmung durch die Sterne, göttlicher Wille und freie Entscheidung waren schwer in Einklang zu bringen, und einer der ersten in Erlangen forschenden Fellows, Loris Sturlese, hat diese theologisch-philosophischen Probleme und die verschiedenen Lösungsansätze mit einigen Kolleginnen und Kollegen vor kurzem aus verschiedenen Perspektiven in einem anderen Workshop vorgestellt.5 Zu dieser Spannung von Theologie und Praxis kommt eine zweite Schwierigkeit, die damit zusammenhängt und auch die Vorträge dieses Workshops mitbestimmt: Die Astrologie lebte nach der Antike weniger im lateinischen Westen als in anderen Gebieten wie Byzanz oder im später dominierten arabischen Herrschaftsbereich fort. Deshalb lohnt es sich, genauer hinzusehen. Die meisten Gebildeten im Mittelalter glaubten durchaus in einem bestimmten Grad an Astrologie, an die Möglichkeiten, daß Himmelkörper irdische Ereignisse beeinflussten. Sie waren sich meist auch der antiken Wurzeln bewußt und führten die Astrologie entweder auf die „Chaldäer“ oder die „Ägypter“ zurück.

3 Hermann Grauert, Meister Johann von Toledo (Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Philo­ logischen und der Historischen Classe der Königl. Bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München), München 1901. 4 Zum Toledobrief vgl. z. B. außer Mentgen, Astrologie (wie Anm. 1) und anderen vor allem Dorothea Weltecke, Die Konjunktion der Planeten im September 1186. Zum Ursprung einer globalen Katastrophenangst, in: Saeculum. Jahrbuch für Universalgeschichte 54 (2003), S.  179 – 212 sowie Klaus Herbers, Blicke in die Zukunft im Mittelalter, in: Köztes-Európa vonzásában, Ünnepi tanulmányok Font Márta tiszteletére, hg. von Dániel Bagi , Tamás ­Fedeles und Gergely Kiss, Pécs 2012, S. 199 – 214. 5 Loris Sturlese (Hg.), Mantik und Schicksal im Mittelalter (Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 70), Wien–Köln 2011.

As a Preface

9

Trotz vieler noch nicht ausreichend gesichteter Belege zur Astrologie im lateinischen Westen aus dem frühen und hohen Mittelalter, die jenseits religiöser Bedenken auf die Praxis der Sterndeutung verweisen, scheint deshalb ein wichtiger Schub der erneuten Zuwendung durch die Rezeption antiker Wissensliteratur im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert anzusiedeln zu sein. Im Osten war unter byzantinischer Herrschaft eine Schwächung der klassischen griechischen Kultur und Sprache eingetreten, jedoch gab es Bestrebungen, die alexandrinische Kultur zu erhalten. Übersetzungen wurden angefertigt, meist ins Syrische, später auch ins Arabische. Hauptsächliche Erben der alexandrinischen Wissenschaft wurden so die Araber. Von Bagdad aus verbreiteten sich Kenntnisse zur Astronomie und Astrologie in die Gebiete der arabisch-muslimisch dominierten Welt. Besonders in Spanien und Sizilien erreichten diese Kenntnisse den lateinisch bestimmten Raum, sofern beide Kulturen miteinander in Beziehung traten. Ein Höhepunkt der Rezeption arabischer Schriften wurde erst im 12. Jahrhundert erreicht, viele der antiken Schriften, die ins Arabische übersetzt worden waren, aber nicht alles – wie die neuere Forschung nachgewiesen hat – fand in Toledo einen ­willigen Übersetzer. Oft waren dies Juden oder Christen, die unter arabisch-muslimischer Herrschaft gelebt hatten und mit dem Arabischen vertraut waren. Ein herausragender und in die Breite wirkender Beitrag zur Astrologie waren jedoch die alfonsinischen Tafeln, die „Tablas Alfonsíes“, die in den Jahren 1263 – 1272 auf Befehl von König Alfons dem Weisen zusammengestellt wurden. Sie ermöglichten Orientierung am Lauf der Gestirne. Diese Tafeln wurden bald in ganz Europa verbreitet und bis ins 16. Jahrhundert für astrologische Berechnungen genutzt. Sterndeutung und Expertenwissen der Astrologen waren das Thema der Tagung und sind Thema des vorliegenden Sammelbandes, den Dr. Wiebke Deimann und Dr. David Juste sehr sorgfältig zum Druck vorbereitet haben. In der Tagungsorganisation wurden sie vom Team des IKGF unterstützt. Herr Dr. Hans-Christian Lehner hat die Drucklegung auf Seiten des Kollegs begleitet und mein Begleitwort durchgesehen. Ihnen und allen Beteiligten danke ich als einer der Direktoren des IKGF auch auch an dieser Stelle herzlich für ihre Mühe. As a Preface

The conference “Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe” was held in Erlangen on 29 – 30 September 2011. It was made possible by the International Consortium for Research in the Humanities (IKGF) “Fate, Freedom and Prognos­tication. Strategies for Coping with the Future in East Asia and Europe”. The IKGF examines notions of fate, freedom and forecasting and has been funded by the Federal Ministry of Research for nearly six years. The aim of our project is to compare the notions of fate prevalent in Asian culture, which obviously had (and has) fewer problems with the ratio of the predictability of fate and free will, with those in the European-Western culture, which tends to explore the resolutions of the gods to a far less extent.

10

Klaus Herbers

A closer look into the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, however, reveals how differentiated the ways of behaving and acting can be. The formation of Europe in the Middle Ages – a great Research Priority Program of the DFG with the signifi­ cant participation of Erlangen – shows that the traditions from ancient times, but still Christian, Arabic-Muslim and Jewish developments, dominated Europe. The interpretation of natural signs or the stars determined the world; that is, agriculture, travel, and the dates of battles. Techniques like astrology, the determination of the moon’s phases, the calendar, visions, dreams and miracles were used for the determination. In his postdoctoral lecture qualification, published in 2005, Gerd Mentgen pointed out how little medieval research has been devoted to this area although, by his estimate, sixty thousand medieval manuscripts were occupied with astrological issues. 6 In 2001, Johannes Fried outlined in an essay the origin of scientific thought in the apocalyptic spirit and underlined the importance of astrology. 7 However, in this book, he was able to build on the pioneering research of the historian and archivist Hermann ­Grauert, who taught in Munich at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Grauert gave a lecture to the history class of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich on May 6, 1899. In 1901, he published his lecture in the proceedings of the Academy. 8 Therein, he examined, among other things, the still widely-discussed Toledo letter from the late 12th century and enlarged mainly upon the publicity of astrology. This is still subject to discussion, as not only this anthology shows. 9 The works mentioned and the first research at the “International Consortium for Research in the Humanities” at Erlangen have shown that this particular field of pre-­ modern life and future interpretation is still by no means fully developed. If one wonders why, for a long time, these aspects featured in the background of medie­val studies, it is due to a variety of reasons. These include, among other things, the theore­tical discussion of these issues in the Middle Ages, because Christian faith and faith in the stars were diffi­ cult to harmonise, even though the Bible itself holds such ­examples, such as the dreams mentioned in the Old Testament or the star that lead the three wise men from the east to the Christ Child. Nevertheless, the concepts of predetermination by the stars, divine will and free decision were hard to reconcile. One of the first research fellows at Erlangen, Loris Sturlese, recently presented with colleagues at another workshop from diffe­ rent perspectives these theological-philosophical ­problems and their various solutions. 10 This tension between theory and practice is just one problem. There is a second diffi­ culty that relates to this subject (and was also presented at this workshop): after the Ancient period, astrology lived on less in the Latin West than in other areas such as 6 Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 1), p. 5. 7 Fried, Aufstieg (see note 2). 8 Grauert, Meister Johann (see note 3). 9 See note 4 for references. 10 Sturlese, Mantik (see note 5).

As a Preface

11

Byzantium or in later Arab-dominated dominions. Therefore it is worth a closer look. In the Middles Ages, most educated persons believed to a certain extent in astrology and in the possibility that terrestrial events can be influenced by celestial bodies. Usually, they were also aware of the ancient roots and that astrology can be traced back either to the “Chaldeans” or the “Egyptians”. Despite the many not yet sufficiently assured documents on astrology in the Latin West from the Early and High Middle Ages, that refer beyond the religious concerns to the practice of astrology, it seems nevertheless that an important thrust of the renewed attention caused by the reception of ancient scientific literature is to be focused on the 12th and 13th centuries. In the east, under Byzantine rule, a weakening of the classi­ cal Greek culture and language had occurred, but there have been efforts to preserve the Alexandrian culture. Translations were copied, mostly into Syrian, and later also into Arabic, so, consequently, the Arabs became the principal heirs of Alexandrian s­ cience. Knowledge of astronomy and astrology spread from Baghdad to the territories of the Arab-­Muslim-dominated world. Especially in Spain and Sicily, this knowledge reached the Latin-­dominated territory, thus ensuring that both cultures were correlated with each other. The peak of the reception of Arabic writings was only reached in the 12th century. Many of the ancient writings that have been translated into Arabic, but not everything – as recent research has shown – found in Toledo a willing translator. Often, it were Jews or Christians who had lived under Arab-Muslim rule and were familiar with the Arabic language. However, an outstanding and overall-effective contribution to astrology were the Alfonsine Tables, the “Tablas Alfonsíes”, compiled on the order of King Alfonso “the Wise” in the years 1263 – 1272. They offered orientation by the course of celestial ­bodies. These tables soon became widespread throughout Europe and used for astrological calculations until the 16th century. Astrology and astrologers’ expertise were and are the subject of the conference and this collection, which has been thoroughly prepared for printing by Dr. Wiebke ­Deimann and Dr. David Juste . In organising the conference they were supported by the team at the IKGF. Dr. Hans-Christian Lehner accompanied the printing process on sides of the IKGF and perused my preface. I would like to take this opportunity to thank them and everyone involved sincerely for their efforts (as one of the directors of the IKGF).

Wiebke Deimann and David Juste

Astrologers and Their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe – Introduction

The contributions to this volume were originally presented at the conference “Astro­ logers and Their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe” held in Erlangen on 29 – 30 September 2011, which was organised under the auspices of the Inter­national Consortium for Research in the Humanities “Fate, Freedom and Prognostication. Strategies for Coping with the Future in East Asia and Europe” (IKGF) of the University of Erlangen, an interdisciplinary research centre established by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research in 2009, and whose participants were Monica Azzolini, Katrin Bauer, Jean-Patrice Boudet, Charles Burnett, László Sándor Chardonnens, Wiebke Deimann, Benjamin Dykes, Robert Hand, Stephan Heilen, David Juste and Darrel Rutkin. We would like to express our gratitude to the International Consortium for its funding and continued support, particularly during the conference organisation: among others to Klaus Herbers, Petra Hahm, Katrin Bauer and Hans-Christian Lehner. We are also grateful to Elena Mohr and Susanne Kummer from Böhlau. Our greatest debt is to the authors for taking part in the conference and contributing to this volume. We are very grateful for their patience in what has been a long journey to see this book in print. While the history of European astrology has received a great deal of scholarly attention over the past 25 years, we still know very little about the astrological practices themselves. The aim of the conference was to investigate the various forms of interaction between astrologers and their clients, and more generally between astrology and society, in Western Europe from c. 1200 to 1700. Questions which the organisers asked the contributors to focus on included the following: •• Who are the astrologers and what do they do? What are their role and status (at court, university and other places)? What services do they offer? What are their sources and methods of working? How do they interpret horoscopes? Is there any limitation, whether technical or philosophical, in the range of questions they can answer? •• Who are the clients? What are their motivations, expectations and concerns? To what extent did astrological counseling affect their personal and public life? •• What is the reputation of astrology and astrologers among the general public? Why was astrology (apparently) more popular than other counseling practices? What is it that distinguishes a “good” from a “bad” astrologer?

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Wiebke Deimann and David Juste

The nine articles in this volume offer a variety of answers to these questions in v­ arious historical, political and social contexts from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century, in Italy, France, Germany, the Low Countries and at the imperial court in Prague. While most articles deal with court astrologers, we also encounter town astrologers, obscure astrologers who are not attested elsewhere, occasional astrologers and nonastro­logers who were nonetheless knowledgeable and skilled in the art. The ­clients and other participants include emperors, princes, popes, archbishops, courtiers, humanists, middle-class citizens and, of course, the intended readership for the texts that were sent to the printing press. Nearly all astrological practices are represented, including theoretical treatises covering all branches of astrology, judgements on the great conjunctions and judgements on interrogations and nativities, collections of horoscopes, astral magic etc. The exploited documents range from literary sources to purely astrological texts, from printed texts which became immensely popular to private consultations and correspondence that survive in manuscripts and archival sources only. Two texts are published in this volume for the first time, namely a fourteenth-century judgement on an interrogation (Boudet) and a sixteenth-century judgement on a nativity ( Juste). With the nine topics analysed here we are not raising a claim on completeness or on exemplariness. Instead, with this volume we hope to show how multifaceted astrological practice in Medieval and Early Modern Europe was regarding its agents, its techniques, as well as its social settings. The volume comprises case studies that focus on astrologers and their clients from different angles, thereby opening up a panorama of astrological practices, while presenting latest research findings which include two editions of astrological sources. “Introductions” to astrology represent an important part of astrological literature of the Middle Ages. Under the title Liber introductorius, Introductorius or Introductorium, they explain the basic concepts and doctrines, whose knowledge is necessary before proceeding with the more specialised branches of astrology and the interpretation of horoscopes. In his article, Charles Burnett analyses these “introductions” as a genre of writing. Starting with their Greek (eisagōgē) and Arabic (mudkhal) roots, the article focuses on the Latin tradition and in particular on Michael Scot’s Liber introductorius (early thirteenth century). Guido Bonatti (c. 1210 – 1290) is one of the most famous medieval astrologers and the author of one of the most complete astrological treatises ever written, the Liber introductorius ad iudicia stellarum. Benjamin Dykes, who is also the translator of this text into English, investigates the question of what it meant, for Bonatti, to be a consulting astrologer. Far from being an author only, Bonatti was a practising astrologer who had a wide variety of clients at all levels and in various places in Italy. His Liber introductorius contains a wealth of personal observations about his clients, as well as about himself and the political and social context of his time. Jean-Patrice Boudet offers a technical analysis and an edition of a document recently discovered in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, namely a judgement on an

Introduction

15

“interrogation”, or a question asked by the client to the astrologer on a specific topic. This docu­ment is remarkable not only because very few judgements on interrogations survive, but also because of the people involved and its political context. The question was posed by the archbishop of Aix-en-Provence, Robert de Mauvoisin, on 3 September 1316, soon after the election of pope John XXII. ­Mauvoisin, who feared the new pope, was eager to know what would happen to him after the election of John XXII. ­The judgement is also remarkable because Mauvoisin put the question to two astrologers separately, and both responses are preserved in the document, which turns out to be part of the proceedings of a trial instructed by John XXII in Avignon in December 1317, against Mauvoisin, who had been accused of divinatory and other illicit practices. Astronomical and astrological expertise was not the preserve of professional astro­ logers. It was used in a variety of literary sources, including historiography, as an aid to understand the deeper meaning of past and current events. This is illustrated by ­Robert Hand, who devotes his article to the account of the great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in 1345 found in Giovanni Villani’s famous chronicle of Florence. Villani, who was above all a banker and a diplomat, demonstrates an unusual interest for and understanding of the astronomical and astrological technicalities. He reports the celestial positions of three horoscopes related to the great conjunction and he also discusses the triple conjunction Saturn–Jupiter–Mars of October 1345 and the great conjunctions of 1305 and 1325. Johannes Lichtenberger became one of the most renowned – and controversial – astrologers of the Renaissance after the publication of his Pronosticatio (1488). Yet Lichtenberger had a long career not only as an author, but also as a consulting astro­ loger. Wiebke Deimann sheds new light on his relationship with his clients and r­ eaders through four texts, namely his extensive judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut (1471); his judgement on the conjunction of Saturn and Mars of 1473, printed in 1475; his Pronosticatio, which is essentially an astrological-prophetic judgement on the great conjunction of 1484 and which was printed in Latin in 1488 and soon after in German; and his annotated collection of horoscopes of members of the family Brandenburg-Bayreuth, recently discovered in an autograph manuscript, ­probably compiled in the last years of Lichtenberger’s life (1501 – 1503). Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio was largely inspired – in fact plagiarised – from Paul of Middelburg’s Prognosticum, a long and very elaborate judgement on the great conjunction of 1484 addressed to emperor Maximilian I of Habsburg and printed in 1484. Stephan Heilen shows how the structure, style and content of the Prognosticum were deeply inspired by Firmicus Maternus’s Mathesis (fourth century A. D.). Yet Firmicus is named only once in the text, while authorities relevant to the topic, like Abū Ma‘šar, Māšā’allāh and other Arabic astrologers, are named several times but actually used only on a few occasions. The article addresses the reasons behind this apparent contradiction. Darrel Rutkin focuses on the judgement on the nativity of Cosimo I de’ Medici written in 1537 by Giuliano Ristory, a professor of theology, who is also known to have

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Wiebke Deimann and David Juste

taught astrology and mathematics at the University of Pisa. The judgement was made soon after Cosimo had been elected duke of Florence at the age of seventeen and at a critical moment in Florentine political history. The article analyses both the private and public uses of Cosimo’s nativity. In the next contribution David Juste deals with another judgement on a nativity, which vastly differs in scope and implications, as well as in the status and rank of the participants. It is the nativity of a middle- to upper-class official of Mechelen in the duchy of Brabant, named Joannes Sillyers, but otherwise unknown. The judgement was written in Deventer in 1566 by the town astrologer Willelmus Misocacus, who seems to have had at best a superficial knowledge of his client. The article includes a technical analysis and an edition of the text. Finally, Katrin Bauer concentrates on Johannes Kepler as imperial mathematician at the court of Rudolf II in 1611 – 1612, that is in the last years of the emperor’s reign and at a time when he was gradually losing power to his brother Matthias. Four of Kepler’s documents are analysed here. The first three are letters written in reply to Rudolf ’s questions between 1606 and 1611, where astrological configurations about recent political events and the relationships between Rudolf and Matthias are discussed. The fourth document is a letter addressed in April 1611 to an anonymous nobleman closely associated to the emperor. These letters portray Kepler in a delicate position, not only “between two emperors”, but also between science and politics.

Charles Burnett

Introducing Astrology: Michael Scot’s Liber introductorius and Other Introductions

If you are wanting to learn a new craft, a new skill, or become familiar with a new subject, you may well turn to a book that has “introduction” in its title: “An introduction to bicycle maintenance”, “An introduction to fluid mechanics”, “An introduction to Japanese Calligraphy”. Conversely, any book or leaflet with the title “Introduction” would be expected to be aimed at those people who know little about the subject concerned, and would be expected to provide basic information or instructions, which can be followed by more detailed and in-depth works on the subject.1 This too, might be expected in the case of Michael Scot’s “liber introductorius”, and is stated explicitly in the opening sentence: Incipit prohemium libri introductorii quem edidit Michael Scottus, astrologus ­Frederici imperatoris Romanorum et semper augusti, quem ad eius preces in astronomia leviter composuit propter scolares novicios et pauperes intellectu …2 Here begins the preface of the introductory book which Michael Scot, the astro­loger of Frederick the ever-noble Emperor of the Romans, which he composed on the ­science of the stars, in an easy way, according to his (the Emperor’s) wishes, for scholars who are still novices and poor in intellect …

And this sentiment is repeated at the end of the preface: Volumus librum totius artis collectum pro noviciis scolaribus incipere ordinate qui merito dici potest “introductorius”.3





1 Note that this article concerns introductions as separate books rather than introductions as the first chapter within books (although there is some overlap between the two subjects). The latter is the focus of Jaap Mansfeld, Prolegomena: Questions to be Settled before the Study of an Author, or a Text, Leiden 1994, and Carlo Santini, Nino Scivoletto and Loriano Zurli (eds.), Prefazioni, prologhi, proemi di opere tecnico-scientifiche latine, 3 vols., Rome 1990 – 1998. I am grateful for the comments and advice of David Juste and Michele Ferrari, and audiences in Erlangen and the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. 2 All quotations are taken from MS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, lat. 10268 (= M), available on the website of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, here M, f. 1r. 3 M, fol. 19v (see note 2).

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Charles Burnett

We want to begin this book of the whole art, collected for novice scholars, in a well-ordered way, which rightly can be called “introductory” (or “an introduction”).

And yet, unlike what one would expect from an introduction, the work extends over 146 closely written folios, in two columns in its main manuscript, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 10268. Moreover, even this manuscript does not contain the whole work, as it was intended by the author. For the proemium to the work states quite clearly that ‘this book consists of three books: a first one comprising four separate parts (“distinctiones”), a second one which is a single book, and we call this “the parti­ cular (book)”…; and a third book which is called “(the book) of physiognomy”.4 That these divisions are followed is clear from the rubrics to each “distinctio” (e. g., f. 118rb: “explicit secunda distinctio primi libri, nunc incipit tertia”). The first book of the Liber introductorius, therefore, can be called the Liber quatuor distinctionum, the second book, the Liber particularis, and the third, the Liber physiognomie.5 In the extant manuscripts the fourth book of the Liber quatuor distinctionum is missing. Even so, we are dealing with a vast body of information. Could this be called an “introduction” in our sense of the word? Already there is a hint that we have in our hands something other than a mere introduction in that, as we have seen, Michael says “this is a book of the whole art, collected for novice students”. But a hint of the significance of a book that “can be called ‘introductory’” can be taken from Michael’s predecessors. The “introduction” is a genre of writing already in the context of Classical learning. The Greek term is eisagōgē, the Latin, introductio. Pseudo-Soranus in his Medical Questions starts by asking: Quid est isagoga? isagoga est introductio doctrinae cum demonstratione primarum rationum. What is an eisagōgē? An eisagōgē is an introduction to the teaching, with a demonstration of the basic arguments.6

And Isidore of Seville in his Etymologies defines it thus: Isagoga […] graece, latine introductio dicitur, eorum scilicet qui philosophiam incipiunt.



4 “Hic enim liber constat ex tribus libris: primus quidem constat ex quattuor distinctionibus; secundus liber est simplex, et ipsum librum appellamus ‘particularem’…; tercius vero liber dicitur ‘physionomie’”, M, fol. 19v (see note 2). 5 Charles Burnett, Michael Scot and the Transmission of Scientific Culture from Toledo to Bologna via the Court of Frederick II Hohenstaufen, in: Micrologus 2 (1994), pp. 101 – 126, at p. 101, n. 4. 6 Pseudo-Soranus; the relevant passages are conveniently listed in Thesaurus linguae latinae 7, 1, Leipzig 1951 – 1964, p. 489, 48 – 49.

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Eisagōgē […] in Greek is called “introductio” in Latin, i. e. of those things which begin philosophy.7

And these definitions are borne out by the texts themselves: Porphyry’s (c. 234 – 305 A. ­D.) Eisagōgē in Greek and in its Latin translation by Boethius (also “Isagoge”) is a short introduction to the basic terms used in logic, as we learn from its opening words: To understand Aristotle’s categories, Chrysaorius, one must know the nature of genus, difference, species, property and accident. This knowledge is also useful for giving definitions and generally for division and demonstration. I shall make for you a concise review of this traditional teaching as befits an introduction […] I shall avoid deeper issues and in a few words try to explain the simpler notions.8

Nicomachus of Gerasa (c. 100 A. D.) wrote an introduction to arithmetic (eisagōgē arithmētikē) which, again, Boethius translated, this time bringing out in the title its role in teaching: “De institutione arithmetica”. It contrasts with a longer work by N ­ icomachus which he called the “Art of arithmetic” (technē arithmētikē).9 Galen wrote an “introduction to logic”, while an “introduction to medicine” also passes under his name.10 Finally, specifically in the field of astrology, Paulus Alexandrinus in the fourth century wrote an Eisagōgika (“introductory matters”), which give a brief summary of astrological doctrine, appropriate as a basis for a commentary by Olympiodorus.11 And Ptolemy, while not calling his Tetrabiblos an introduction, goes out of his way to state that he is “following the form of the introduction”.12 These introductions are all relatively short, simply written manuals, covering in a summary way the most important elements of the subject. They are meant for beginners in the subject, and use an appropriate style – often that of question and answer. To quote Pseudo-Soranus again:

7 Isidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX, II, xxv, 1, ed. Wallace Martin Lindsay, 2 vols, Oxford 1911, vol. 1 (s. p.). 8 Porphyry, Isagoge et in Aristotelis Categorias commentarium, I, 1 – 8, ed. Adolf Busse, Berlin, 1887 (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 4, 1), p. 1. See also Christina Thomsen Thörnqvist’s discussion of Boethius’s concept of an introduction in her own introduction to Boethius, De syllogismo categorico, Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, LXVIII, Gothenburg 2008, pp. xviii–xx. 9 This text no longer exists. 10 Gerhard Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum. Verzeichnis der galenischen und pseudogalenischen Schriften, Tübingen 1989, no. 87, p. 53: Eisagōgē ē iatros. 11 Ibid., no. 300, p. 103: Eisagōgē dialektikē. 12 Ptolemy, Apotelesmatica (Tetrabiblos), I.3.20, ed. Wolfgang Hübner (Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia 3,1), Leipzig 1998, p. 22: ποιησόμεθα δε ἤδη τὸν λόγον κατὰ τὸν εἰσαγωγικὸν τρόπον (“We shall now conduct our discussion after the manner of an introduction”).

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Quoniam utilior videtur eis qui ad medicinam introducuntur, interrogationum et responsionum modus […] brevi in controversia isagoga tradenda illis. Since the method of questions and answers seems more useful for those who are introduced to medicine […] an eisagōgē taking the form of a brief discussion should be given to them.13

The term and genre was taken over into Arabic. Just as the Greek and Latin words come from the verb “to lead into” (“eisagein”, “introducere”), so the Arabic term “mudkhal” is the verbal noun from the fourth form of d-kh-l: while the primary form of dakhala means to “enter”, the fourth form means “to make to enter”, i. e. “to introduce”, and the verbal noun from this is “mudkhal”. The title of Nicomachus’s Eisagōgē arithmētikē was translated as kitāb al-mudkhal ilā ‘ilm al-‘adad (“Book of the introduction to the art of numbers”). That the mudkhal is regarded as a genre with distinct characteristics is indicated in the opening words of al-Qabīṣī’s Introduction to Astrology: When I looked at all the astrologers of the past who composed books which they called “introductions” (madākhil) to this profession, some did not provide everything that was needed in an introduction, and some were too prolix, bringing in things that were not necessary and necessary things were omitted, and some did not follow the right order of instruction in their arrangement of the material. I composed this book and put it together as an introduction, collecting in it from the sayings of my predecessors all that is needed for the profession, following the method of an introduction (my emphases).14

If we look at Fuat Sezgin’s volumes on Arabic literature written before 1031 we find nume­ rous examples of books with the title “al-mudkhal” or “kitāb al-mudkhal” (“the book of the introduction”), including 28 in the field of astrology alone.15 In fact, virtually every Arabic astrologer of note has a kitāb al-mudkhal, whether extant or still to be identified: these include, in roughly chronological order, Māshā’allāh, Abū ‘Alī (Ibn) al-Khayyāṭ, Abū Sahl ibn Naubakht, Muḥammad ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān, al-Kindī, Abū Ma’shar al-Balkhī, al-Qaṣrānī, Abū l-Qāsim al-Balkhī, al-Sijzī, and Kushyār ibn Labbān. While al-Qabīṣī’s mid-tenth century “Introduction” was enormously popular in Arabic (where it “ranked among the works on the stars like Ḥamāsa among Arabic poetry”)16 and Latin (as we shall see, and according to John of Saxony “debet legi ante omnem 13 Pseudo-Soranus (see note 6), p. 489, 45 – 47. 14 Al-Qabīṣī (Alcabitius), The Introduction to Astrology. Editions of the Arabic and Latin Texts and an English Translation, eds. Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto and Michio Yano, London–Turin 2004, Introductorius, I, 3 – 9, p. 19. 15 Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 12 vols., Leiden 1967 – 2000, 7: Astro­ logie, Metereologie und Verwandtes bis ca. 430 H., Leiden 1979, p. 461. 16 Alcabitius, Introductorius (see note 14), p. 1.

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librum iudiciorum astrorum”17), Kushyār’s eleventh-century introduction served to introduce the science of astrology into Persian and Turkish and, in the late fourteenth century, into Chinese.18 Al-Sijzī (second half of tenth century) stated that his aim in his introduction was “to give the reader a summarised presentation of the elementary problems and terms of astrology”,19 and this is what we find in the other works under this title: generally, short chapters, and a simple style. We find instances of the use of question and answer, not only in the well-known “introduction to medicine” of the doyen of translators from Greek into Arabic, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq (also called “medical questions for students”: “masā’il fi-l-ṭibb li-l-muta‘allimīn”),20 but also in a lost astrological text by the philo­ sopher al-Kindī, entitled “risāla fī mudkhal al-aḥkām ‘alā l-masā’il” (“the letter on the introduction to judgements according to questions”).21 An introduction to arithmetic by the mathematician Abū l-Wafā’ al-Būzajānī (940 – 997) is characterized as being good for memorizing: “al-mudkhal al-ḥifzī fi’l-arithmātīqī” (“the memorizing introduction to arithmetic”).22 A typical example of an introduction is that of al-Qabīṣī. It is structured in a very well-organised way. The first chapter deals with the zodiac, describing it first in respect to its essential conditions and then its accidental conditions. In each case, al-Qabīṣī progresses from the larger divisions to the smaller ones – from circle and semicircles through quadrants, triplicities, and signs to individual degrees, and from quarters of the sky to individual houses or places. He ends the first chapter with a brief account of how one can work out the mustawālin – the planet that is most relevant for a particular topic. Then come the planets: the second chapter on their essential characteristics – their proper­ties, the third chapter on their accidental conditions, in respect to where they are in the circle. The fourth chapter is devoted to astrological terminology over the full range of astrological genres, and the last chapter deals with the lots. The same information is found in the other introductions that I know, in slightly different orders, but always with the lots coming at the end. But in the Arabic tradition we find a conspicuous exception to the usual form of concise introduction. We have a “great introduction”; something for which, I believe, there is no precedent in the Greek tradition, and something which, on first sight, would seem a contradiction of terms. How can an introductory work be of large dimensions? 17 John of Saxony, Commentary, in: Alcabitius, Libellus isagogicus ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum, Paris 1521, fol. 34r. 18 Kušyār ibn Labbān, Introduction to Astrology, ed. and trans. Michio Yano (Studia culturae islamicae 62),Tokyo 1997. 19 Sezgin, Geschichte (see note 15), 7, p. 178. 20 Ibid., 3: Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde bis ca. 430 H., pp. 249 – 251. 21 Ibid., 7, p. 134. 22 Ibid, 5: Mathematik bis ca. 430 H., p. 325, 13 and 7, p. 408.

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Charles Burnett

And yet this is what we have in the “kitāb al-mudkhal” of Abū Ma’shar (787 – 886): a work c­ onsisting of eight lengthy “treatises” (maqālāt) containing, altogether, 108 chapters ( fuṣūl).23 The justification for this work being called an “introduction” is not its summary or compendious nature, but rather because it takes up another aspect that is charac­teristic of an introduction: it contains all that is necessary for the art. Some of Abū Ma’shar’s ­opening words are remarkably similar to those quoted above from the preface to al-Qabīṣī’s Introduction, but others are different: What we have here is the emphasis on providing “all that is necessary for a beginner”. There is no mention of brevity, but, in distinction to al-Qabīṣī and other writers of introductions, Abū Ma’shar mentions the need to provide the causes and the arguments for astrological doctrines. In fact, we have another work by Abū Ma’shar called “The Book of The Abbreviation of the Introduction” (kitāb mukhṭasar al-mudkhal), which strips the Book of the Introduction of all discussions of causes, arguments and philosophical and historical digressions, and leaves only the doctrine and terms of astrology, with the result that it is very similar to other Arabic introductions to astrology. The tenth-century Arabic bibliographer, Ibn al-­Nadīm, refers to two works of Abū Ma’shar called respectively the “The Book of the Great (kabīr) Introduction” and the “The Book of the Small (ṣaghīr) Introduction”,24 and with these titles he might be referring to the two Arabic introductions I have just mentioned. It must be noted, however, that, in the Arabic manuscripts Abū Ma’shar’s masterwork is simply called “the introduction to astrology” or even “the introduction” tout court, and it is on this work that his reputation was made, to such an extent that even in the Latin context, many centuries later, Abū Ma’shar is still referred to as “the Greater Introducer”: for in the windows of the Library of St Albans Abbey there used to be inscribed the verse: magnus et Albumasar introductor vocitabar I, Albumasar, used to be called “the Great Introducer”25

23 Ibn al-Nadīm refers to a text by Sahl ibn Bishr under the title “al-mudkhal al-kabīr” alongside a “mudkhal al-ṣaghīr” (neither have been identified). To al-Kindī is also attributed a “al-mudkhal al-awsaṭ” (“middle introduction”): Ibn al-Nadīm, Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Ayman Fu’ād Sayyid, 4 vols., London 2009, 2, p. 235, English translation by Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of al-Nadīm. A tenth-century survey of Muslim culture, 2 vols., New York–London 1970, 2, p. 652. Another longer text is that by Abū Naṣr al-Munajjim al-Qummī (perhaps tenth century), which consists of five treatises and 64 chapters (Sezgin, Geschichte [see note 15] 7, pp. 174 – 175), but it is significant that this is described also as “al-bāri‘” – i. e. “the brilliant/­outstanding” – the same word as that used for ’Alī Ibn Abī-l-Rijāl’s massive work. Exactly the same number of treatises and chapters occur in al-Ṣūfī’s (d. 986) k. al-mudkhal ilā ‘ilm an-nujūm wa-aḥkāmihā (“introduction to the science and judgements of the stars”; Sezgin, Geschichte (see note 15) 7, p. 168. 24 Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist, ed. Sayyid, (see note 23), pp. 242 – 243; transl. Dodge (see note 23), p. 657. 25 This is adjacent to the inscription “maximus astronomus reputatus eram Thomoleus”; quoted from Camb. Antiq. Soc. 8˚ S. ­VIII, 219 – 220, in: The Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British

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So, I come at last to the medieval Latin context. Medieval Latin scholarship owed the concept and genre of the introduction to both the Classical and the Arabic tradition. The Classical words, eisagōgē (usually in the forms “isagoga” or “isagoge”, regarded as nominative singular and a nominative plural respectively) and “introductio” are retained. For example, a general introduction to astrology by Abraham Ibn Ezra is entitled, in its translation from Hebrew, “Liber introductionis ad iudicia astrologie”,26 and the separately occurring book VIII of ‘Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl’s De iudiciis astrorum begins “Incipit liber ipsius Haly necessarius ad introductionem iudiciorum” (note the reference to necessity again).27 “Isagoge”, on the other hand, was used in the title of the late tenth-century South-Italian translation of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s Introduction to Medicine (or Medical Questions), and as the “Isagoge Iohannicii” this text was used as the first of the collection of texts providing the basics of medicine, the Articella.28 It was also chosen by Adelard of Bath, passing through Southern Italy in the early twelfth century, when he came to translate Abū Ma’shar’s Abbreviation of the Introduction as the “Ysagoga Minor”29 ‒ this, too, being an introductory text in respect to the large range of astrological texts that were to be translated later. In the more literal translations of astrological texts which we associate with the Toledo, we find that the preferred Latin term is “introductorius”, either as an adjective: “liber introductorius”, or as a noun standing on its own: “introductorius”. While “introduc­ torius” occasionally appears in Late Classical Latin as an adjective meaning “introductory” it is never used as a noun or in the title of a book; we must assume it has been chosen as a calque on the Arabic. E. g., John of Seville, the translator of al-Qabīṣī’s Introduction (shortly before 1135) appears to have used the term “introductorius” as a noun, if we survey the majority and the most authoritative of the 200 manuscript witnesses. Some manuscripts add “liber”, making “introductorius” an adjective; others substitute “ysagoge”30. The same noun “introductorius” is used in John of Seville’s translation of Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction (1133): “Incipit liber in quo est maior introductorius Abumasar astrologi ad scientiam iudiciorum astrorum…”, with one mansucript giving

Sources, eds. Robert E. ­Latham and David Howlett, London 1975–, s. v. “introductor”. 26 This is the explicit of Henry Bate of Mechelen translation of Ibn Ezra’s Mishpetei ha-mazalot in MS Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, 1466, s. XIV, fol. 37rb–48ra. This and the following refe­rence are taken from the catalogue of Medieval Latin Translations of Works on Astro­ nomy and Astrology (c. 1110–c . 1400) being prepared by David Juste and Charles Burnett. 27 MS Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, M. ch. fol. 130, s. XV, fol. 89v–121v. 28 Danielle Jacquart, ‘A l’aube de la renaissance médicale des XIe-XIIe siècles: L›”Isagoge ­Johannitii” et son traducteur’, in: Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 144 (1986), pp. 209 – 240. 29 Abu Ma‘šar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology, together with the Medie­val Latin translation of Adelard of Bath, ed. and transl. Charles Burnett, with Michio Yano and Keiji Yamamoto, Leiden–New York–Cologne 1994. 30 Alcabitius, Introductorius (see note 14), p. 199.

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Charles Burnett

“Isagoge” (B) and the work being refered to as “Ysagoge Japharis” by Daniel of Morley 31. “Liber introductorius” (not “introductorium”) is also used as the title of the first work of a corpus of astrological texts by Sahl Ibn Bishr, also translated by John of Seville 32. But other Arabic-Latin translators also used the term “introductorius”. Hermann of Carinthia made a second translation of Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction in 1140, to which the title “introductorius” as a noun appears in three manuscripts (FHR), whereas “liber introductorius” appears in two others (MO).33 So, we have arrived back at the title of Michael Scot’s text. Michael’s “Liber introductorius” apparently follows the model of Abū Ma’shar’s Introductorius maior, rather than that of the same author’s Ysagoga minor or of Sahl ibn Bishr’s Liber introductorius. Like Abū Ma’shar he claims to provide all that is needed. The second paragraph begins: Quicumque vult esse bonus astrologus et homo sapiens […] et qui similiter vult optime iudicare questiones querentium secundum artem astronomie, bene debet scire et prius cognoscere naturas et proprietates 12 signorum celi et 7 planetarum, omnes conditiones celestium circulorum… Whoever wishes to be a good astrologer and wise man […] and also wishes to judge in the best way the questions posed by clients according to the art of astrology, needs to know well the natures and properties of the 12 signs of the heavens and the seven planets, all the conditions of the celestial circles…34

Secondly, again like Abū Ma’shar, and as in other introductions, he is avowedly addres­ sing beginners in the field ‒ the scolares novicii. In order to do this he writes in an “easy way” (leviter), and in a “vernacular” form of Latin (vulgariter in grammatica). The effect is that the Latin is very close in syntax and vocabulary to Italian. That he is teaching is indicated by a reference to making a model of a sphere in his teaching (magisterium) in order to demonstrate the movements of the heavens, in the Liber particularis.35 But while the Liber quatuor distinctionum is comparable in its enormous range with Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction, the second book, the Liber particularis, purports to be more like a “small introduction”.

31 For the titles see Abu Ma‘šar al-BalḪi, Liber introductorii maioris ad scientiam iudiciorum astrorum, ed. Richard Lemay, 9 vols., Naples 1996 – 1997, 7, p. 678; Daniel of Morley, Philo­sophia, §192, ed. Gregor Maurach, in: Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14 (1979), pp. 204 – 255, at p. 234. 32 Many manuscripts, including Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 16204, s. XIII, p. 433a. 33 Abū Ma‘šar al-Balhi (see note 32), VIII, p. 301. 34 M, fol. 1r (see note 2). 35 MS Oxford, Bold. Can. Misc. 555, fol. 1v: “cui spere in nostro magisterio addidimus circulos planetarum sperales quos collocavimus seriatim infra zodiacum cum corporibus planetarum”.

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It starts: Cum ars astronomie sit grandis sermonibus philosophorum eo quod de ipsa multi multa scripserunt et diversa, veluti cognoverunt semel et pluries experimentis celestium et per celestia de terrestribus, idcirco que compendiose sufficiunt scolari novicio in eadem arte, ad preces domini mei Frederici Rome imperatoris et semper augusti, iuxta vulgare in grammatica compilavi, ne aliquis novitius hoc opus inveniat quin per se valeat studere in ipso et de arte astronomie intelligere competenter. Si autem in prece­dentibus et conse­ quentibus verbis levibus sum locutus nemo miretur, quia magna et alta phylosophie in arte aliqua non possent dici facile ydiotis et male intelligentibus nisi modo simplici verborum. Cum autem quis pervenerit ad huius finem in intellectu, securius et audacius poterit indagare excellentiores auctores me, cum sim tamquam infantulus lactans in ipsa arte cui esset necesse panis biscoctus cum duris carnibus que ossa tenerent deinceps. Since the profession of the science of the stars bristles with the words of the philo­ sophers, because many have written many different things about it, in accordance with their frequent experience of the heavens, and their experience of the effects of the ­heavens on earthly things, I have compiled what suffices, in a compendious manner, for the novice scholar in this profession, according to the wishes of my Lord, ­Frederick, the ever-noble Emperor of Rome, using Latin in the vernacular manner, so that any novice who comes across this work will be able to study it by himself and understand the profession of the science of the stars in a competent way. Let no one be surprised if I have spoken in what precedes and what follows in light words. For the great and lofty things of philosophy cannot be spoken about easily in any profession to laymen and those who do not understand well, unless they are conveyed in a simple form of words. But when someone arrives at the end of this work and understands it, he can more boldly and confidently put questions to authorities who are superior to me, since I am, as it were, a suckling infant in this art, who has yet to eat the hard biscuits with tough meat clinging to the bone.36

In keeping with an introduction Michael uses, in the Liber particularis, the question and answer form, evoking the scene of the Emperor, Frederick, in conversation with his astrologer. So, formally, the relationship between the Liber quatuor distinctionum and the Liber particularis is parallel to the relationship of Roger Bacon’s Opus maius to his Opus tertium. And it is interesting that Bacon also uses the term “introductorius”, but only in respect to the abbreviated Opus tertium: 36 I am grateful to Oleg Voskoboynikov for allowing me to use his edition of the Liber particularis, and for advice on its translation, before it was published as Le Liber particularis de Michel Scot, in: Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age 81 (2014), pp. 249 – 384 (see p. 261).

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… velut introductorium volui secundam parare scripturam quatenus difficultas primi operis mitigetur. … I wanted to prepare a second work as an “introduction” in which the difficulty of the first work should be mitigated.37

But while there are formal similarities between Michael Scot’s Liber quatuor distinctionum and Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction, and the Liber particularis and his Small Introduction, the contents are rather different. Only the third “distinctio” of the Liber quatuor distinctionum deals with the astrological matters that are found in the other astrological “introductions”, and even this distinction strays into “judgements” (interrogations and elections) which do not form part of the subject matter of introductions, but are a specific astrological genre. The rest of the Liber quatuor distinctionum ranges over cosmology, descriptions of the constellations (with illustrations), the astrolabe, music, planetary movements ‒ in fact, it is rather a collection of treatises on specific and separate genres, rather than a summary or introduction, even in the sense of Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction. And the Liber particularis, while treating of the same cosmological matters as the Liber quatuor distinctionum, continues with meteorology and mirabilia mundi (the topic of Frederick and Michael’s conversation). Nor is Abū Ma’shar a significant source for Michael Scot. I would contend, then, that Latin translations of Arabic introductions to astronomy, both long and short, provided the title “Liber introductorius” for Michael, but the contents are the result of Michael’s own whimsy. As an epilogue I would like to mention briefly a further example of the use of the term “introductorius”, and this is in its impact on the French vernacular. Sometime before 1273, an anonymous astrologer composed an introduction to astrology in French for the last Latin Emperor of Byzantium, Baudouin II, under the title “introductoires d’astronomie” (clearly a calque on the Latin). Whole chapters in this work have been translated from Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction. But there is another work which appears almost in its entirety in French translation: namely the introduction of the Book of the Nine Judges. The Book of the Nine Judges was compiled from Latin translations of individual Arabic texts on astrological judgements in the mid-twelfth century, in the circle of Hermann of Carinthia and Hugo of Santalla.38 A compendious account of astrological doctrine precedes the judgements of the nine (or rather, seven) judges themselves (parallel to the texts previously mentioned with titles such as k. al-mudkhal ilā ‘ilm an-nujūm 37 Roger Bacon, Opus Tertium, ed. John Sherren Brewer, Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, I, London 1859, p. 5. 38 Charles Burnett, A Hermetic Programme of Astrology and Divination in mid-TwelfthCentury Aragon: The Hidden Preface in the Liber novem iudicum, in: Magic and the Classical Tradition, eds. Charles Burnett and William Francis ­Ryan, London–Turin 2006, pp.  99 – 118.

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wa-aḥkāmihā by al-Ṣūfī and Liber ipsius Haly necessarius ad introductionem iudiciorum). This introduction, in the Classicizing Latin used in the circle of Hermann and Hugo, is described not as an “introductorius” ‒ a word which they would have avoided as being non-Classical ‒ but rather as an “introitus” (“entrance”), and ends with a vivid image of the beginner in astrology walking through a doorway or vestibule and finding himself on a road leading through the riches of astrological knowledge: Deinceps igitur ab hoc introitu nec parum, ut opinor, necessario iudiciorum viam ac sideree potentie rationem, Auctoris eius ductu atque moderamine qui omnia novit, cuncta diindicat, universa decernit, et hec ipsa quibus voluit patefecit, … ingrediamur. Then, from this entrance way which is very necessary, as I think, let us enter onto the path of judgments and the rationale of the stellar power, under the leadership and guidance of the (Divine) Author who knows everything, judges between all things, decrees everything and has revealed all this to those whom He wishes.39

And so, after the introduction, everything else will follow.

39 Ibid., p. 104.

Benjamin N. ­Dykes

Practice and Counsel in Guido Bonatti

The life and writings of Guido Bonatti (13th Century) illustrate what it meant to be a medieval astrologer. Bonatti played an important consulting role in Italian politics and military affairs. But through his numerous personal comments and biographical details, we can understand the medieval astrologer’s many other social and consulting roles. He would normally have been a valued consultant (but sometimes a victimized sycophant); a socially responsible individual and opponent of superstition and dema­ goguery; ­having a sympathetic view of the human condition, sometimes concealing painful truths so as not to hurt his clients; an observant social critic; a therapist whose art helps clients gain perspective on their hopes and fears, instilling a more balanced and realistic approach to life; enhancing the opportunities of disfavored and poor ­people, and using astrology as an adjunct discipline to other activities such as medicine or matchmaking. Finally, the astrologer viewed the astrological experience as occupying a special theological position from which to help clients gain positive moral perspectives and practical footholds on life. After illustrating these points with Bonatti’s many comments and ideas, I will construct a medieval astrologer’s creed, or advice from someone like Bonatti, to an aspiring astrologer. 1. Introduction

Guido Bonatti’s life experiences, employment, and comments about his culture and humanity, really illustrate what it meant to be a medieval astrologer. From his Book of Astronomy 1 we can draw several portraits of the consulting medieval astrologer: a valued consultant (but sometimes a victimized sycophant); a socially responsible individual and opponent of superstition and demagoguery; having a sympathetic view of the human condition, sometimes concealing painful truths so as not to hurt his clients; an observant social critic; a therapist whose art helps clients gain perspective on their hopes and fears, instilling a more balanced and realistic approach to life; enhancing the 1 Guido Bonatti, Liber introductorius ad iudicia astrorum, Basel 1550. I have recently translated this (with reference to the 1491 Augsburg edition by Erhard Ratdolt) as The Book of Astronomy, trans. Benjamin N. ­Dykes, Golden Valley (MN) 2007. The 1550 edition is divided into 848 numbered columns, which I will use in my citations in addition to Bonatti’s own complicated divisions into Treatises, Parts, Houses, and Chapters.

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opportunities of disfavored and poor people, and using astrology as an adjunct discipline to other activities such as medicine or matchmaking. Finally, the astrologer viewed the astrological experience as occupying a special theological position from which to help clients gain positive moral perspectives and practical footholds on life. First let us consider a short biographical sketch of this famous medieval astrologer.2 Based on the chronology we can construct, he was born around 1210 AD in or around Forlì, Italy, northeast of Florence and not far from Bologna.3 His father was a notary for the Archbishop in Florence, for whom we have records from 1217 – 1221.4 He had at least one much younger sibling, because he provides the nativity of a nephew born in early 1268.5 We do not know much at all about his education or early career, although he was probably studying astrology in Bologna in 1233, as he witnessed the actions of Brother Giovanni da Schio of Vicenza ( John of Vicenza) during that year.6 He would have died in about 1290,7 and if we believe Dante, we know where he went next: to the eighth Circle and fourth Ring of Hell, the place of fortune tellers and diviners.8 There, the damned souls who have tried to divine the future are placed with their heads turned completely around (facing the past, as it were), their eyes blinded with tears. 2. The metaphysical position of astrology

For Bonatti, like other traditional astrologers, the nature and role of astrology depends on certain metaphysical and cosmological notions. We can describe them in terms of three sets of concepts. First, there is the question of freedom. Although many things in life are causally determined (else prediction would be meaningless), Bonatti allows some room for indeterminate freedom of the will (however small), as well as God’s own free will.9 This is a typical Christian assumption of the time. So, between these two poles of indeterminate freedom, is everything else in the deterministic natural world: this web of natural causes



2 See especially Baldassarre Boncompagni, Della Vita e Della Opere di Guido Bonatti, Astrologo et Astronomo del Seculo Decimoterzo, Rome 1851. 3 For a discussion of possible birth places, see ibid., pp. 13 ff. 4 Ibid., pp. 17 ff. 5 Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 9, Part III, 12th House, Ch. 8 (col. 819). 6 See Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), p. 21, and Bonatti’s own account below. 7 See for example his employment history below. 8 Dante Alighieri, Inferno, trans. John Ciardi, New York 1996, Canto XX, v. 104. 9 See for instance Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 3, Part 1, Ch. 7 (col. 118); Tr. 5, Considerations 1 (col. 162) and 2 (col. 162 – 63); Tr. 7, Part I, Ch. 1 (cols. 385, 388); Tr. 9, Part I, introduction (col. 666), and Ch. 5 (col. 670). Cf. also my own Introduction to The Book of Astronomy, §6E.

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is generally called “fortune”, which also includes many human choices, since our choices are sometimes caused by features of our temperament and other things. Second, there is the question of contingency. Some things are necessarily the way they are by nature, while others are impossible by nature. But in between these, is the wide realm of the contingent – I don’t mean the random and wholly indeterminate, but things which by nature have alternatives. For example, we might say that the human is necessarily rational by nature, and that by nature it is impossible for humans to fly. But other activities and outcomes are contingent, such as eating or speaking. Once they do or do not come about, they become necessary or impossible.10 Finally, there is the question of what the stars do in astrology: do they cause things, or only signify them, or both? Ancient and medieval writings and practices present several views which are not always mutually consistent or obviously reconcilable. My purpose here is not to explain how these diverse views arose and why they appear together, but simply to point out their existence. For example, it is not uncommon for a writer like Bonatti to both suggest causal influences, and use wholly significative language in his instructions on how to interpret a chart (usually adopted from earlier texts).11 For Bonatti, astrology stands in the middle of each of these categories: (1) Although free will is assumed in his theory of interrogational astrology, astrology is meant to help people deal with matters of fortune:12 the web of natural causes around us and in us, that lead to us falling in love, experiencing loss and death, getting a job, and so on. (2) Astrology deals with the contingent and possible. One sign of this is that people come to the astrologers with hopes and fears, but hopes and fears are based on possible things,13 not naturally necessary or impossible things. (3) Finally, especially in his theory of interrogations, astrology is partly causal, partly significative. In sum, the astrologer counsels people engaging with the causal world of fortune, in which many possible things may happen, dealing with their fears, describing things through the stars’ indications and causes, and seeing how people are impelled into their situations. 10 Ibid., Tr. 1, Ch. 7 (cols. 6 – 7). This material was most likely inspired by Abū Ma’shar’s Great Introduction: see Abū Ma’sar al-BalḪi, Liber Introductorii Maioris ad Scientiam Judiciorum Astrorum, ed. Richard Lemay, Napoli 1996, vol. V, pp. 36 f. (Tr. 1 §5). 11 If we go beyond the texts and look at practical branches of astrology, this tension between causal and significative attitudes is especially relevant in interrogations: for example, suppose a client asks an astrologer, “Is my wife pregnant”, Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 6, Part 2, 5th House, Ch. 3 – 4 (cols. 248 – 249). Since a planet will only be in a given place of the astrological chart for up to about two hours, it probably makes more sense to say that a planet in a certain place signifies she is pregnant, than that its presence now caused her to be pregnant two weeks ago, much less that it caused it earlier and then also caused the interrogation to ­happen at a time when it would be in that place. There may be many ways to solve this problem, but my point is that the problem is there and medieval astrologers like Bonatti did address it. 12 See for example ibid., Tr. 7, Part I, Ch. 1 (col. 388). 13 Ibid., Tr. 1, Ch. 9 (col. 14).

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In Bonatti’s own work, these elements are best seen in his account of interrogational astrology,14 where an astrological consultation is at the active center of these three relationships. Bonatti requires three things for a truly effective or “rooted”15 consultation. First, there must be an external situation, which is either caused or indicated by the planets; second, that the client has an internal impulse and desire which motivates the consultation; third, that the client has made a connection to the will of God through free will and prayer: this connection provides an active force to the free will, and a moral justification for the experience. Some of the astrological ways of indicating that the situa­ tion is “rooted” include the considerations before judgment 16 (which are indications within the chart itself ), or that the chart accurately describes the current situation, or even that it bears an important relationship to the client’s natal chart. In this way, for Bonatti the astrological experience occupies a special epistemological, moral, and cosmological position that touches on the center of being human itself. 3. Therapeutically and morally helpful to client, and to oneself

It is well known that ancient and medieval astrologers defended the therapeutic benefits of astrology, both for clients and themselves, and Bonatti is no exception: he argues for such benefits based on the concepts just described. For the astrologer, astrology is a practice which confers ennobling wisdom – wisdom about the world, about the divine mind or providence, and wisdom about the human experience. Also, because it is one of the knowledge-disciplines, it is less dependent upon class or circumstance, and so is a more liberal and egalitarian art, as opposed to political roles or trade skills. For the client, astrology is helpful precisely because of the role of metaphysical contingency, and the physical and social fact of fortune. Again, Bonatti (like others) believed that hope and fear are functions of belief in the contingent, of possible alternatives;17 but in fact, many of these possible experiences and choices are, in the final analysis, determined against the client’s wishes. So on the one hand, the astrologer is a counselor against false hopes,18 which can bring great relief: for example, a woman who might neglect her career or other plans in the hope of getting married or having a

14 Ibid., Tr. 5, Considerations 1 (col. 162), 2 (cols. 162 – 163), and 6 (col. 165). 15 Often described as “radical” (Lat. “radicalis”, from “radix”, “root”). 16 Such as whether the lord of the ascendant is of the same triplicity as the lord of the hour, or whether the Moon is void in course, and so on. See for instance Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 5, Considerations 7 (col. 166) and 143 (col. 213), also Tr. 6, Part I, Ch. 1 (col. 215). 17 Ibid., Tr. 1, Ch. 9 (col. 14). 18 Ibid., Tr. 1, Ch. 9 (col. 13); also Tr. 6, Part II, 11th House, Ch. 1 (col. 374).

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child may be saved many wasted years, if marriage is unlikely to be a good experience, or having a healthy child impossible. On the other hand, the use of interrogations and elections offers insight into ­people’s lives and their level of control. As the saying goes, the virtuous often suffer and the wicked often flourish, but astrology can help those who suffer or are disadvantaged to succeed as much as possible. In one very touching passage,19 Bonatti speaks of clients who try to be as good as they can, obeying the rules and treating everyone well, but who ask what’s wrong in their lives, because they are always mistreated and suffer. So, astrological counseling has several psychological benefits: first, it confers a sense of practical personal empowerment (rather than simply being a victim of life); second, it implicitly recognizes the existence of social injustice, and the need to remedy it; third, it allows the client to have some critical distance from life and achieve a more balanced emotional state, not overly rejoicing about an unexpected good, nor becoming too depressed about an unexpected evil.20 For example, many predictive methods define periods of time which will be more favorable or unfavorable – but because they are only temporary and will then change to something else, the client may have more reasonable expectations and preparedness about what each period means for life as a whole. However, as we will see below, sometimes good counseling also means concealing painful truths. 4. A respected counselor and military advisor

Now let us turn to more worldly and social questions, using Bonatti’s life as an e­ xample. Whatever his origins and education, his career led him to advise powerful military and political elites during the violent 13th Century in Italy. All of his employers were G ­ hibellines (anti-papal forces), combating the Guelphs (pro-papal forces). A few episodes from his career will help develop this portrait of the astrologer as a valued consultant, but also as a victim of his employers. •• Some historical writers 21 imply that Bonatti served Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, and received an annual stipend. This is probably not true, but Bonatti does claim 22 that he foresaw Innocent IV’s 1245 plot against Frederick in a chart (while Frederick

19 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 30 (col. 314). 20 See for instance Ibid., Tr. 1, Ch. 9 (cols. 9 – 10, 13). 21 See the discussion in Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), pp. 25 ff. Gavinet, a 15th-centu­r y astrological physician, seems to have gotten further confused on this point (Ibid., p. 26): he says that in a “certain book” by Bonatti, Bonatti claimed to have received a stipend from ­Frederick’s father, Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI. ­As Henry VI died in 1197, this is of course impossible; nor does Bonatti claim this in the The Book of Astronomy. 22 Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 5, Consideration 58 (col. 182).

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was in Tuscany), and that no one would listen to his warning. Bonatti would have been about 35 years old, and probably trying to make a name for himself. By 1258 – 1259 (at about age 50), Bonatti was working for Ezzelino III, a tyrant and governor of Padua.23 This violent man had a staff of soothsayers and astrologers, including Salio, the Canon of Padua, who also translated astrological texts from Arabic. Bonatti relates several stories about Ezzelino which illustrate the danger of working as an astrologer for powerful men.24 Ezzelino seems to have been an amateur astrologer himself, and disputed the techniques of his own astrologers, just as many tyrants believe they know more about military affairs than their own generals to. My sense is that Ezzelino disputed the techniques that gave him answers he did not like, which is a familiar experience for those who counsel tyrants. But he also felt he needed this team of astrologers, and was not above kidnapping to keep them with him: Bonatti reports that Ezzelino was holding Salio’s own brother as a hostage in prison, as a way to prevent Salio from leaving. As a result, Ezzelino’s staff, and Salio in particular, gave pleasing but false reports to their master, so as not to make him angry. This led to Ezzelino’s undoing, as it always must. In 1258 or 1259, a dream led Ezzelino to call on all of his astrologers and soothsayers, and he asked them to interpret it. They told him that it meant he had a bright future, and would soon control all of Lombardy. Ezzelino attacked his opponents and expected a great victory, but he was soon captured and died in prison in late 1259.25 After Ezzelino’s death, Bonatti worked for Count Guido Novello in Florence. He successfully advised Novello to attack the Florentine Guelphs in 1260, casting both the chart of the interrogation which showed they would win, and the election for the battle.26 Two months later, Bonatti is listed as a witness in documents that were part of high-level negotiations to make Novello the new authority in Florence.27 Bonatti also provides two valuable interrogational charts from 1261,28 when he advised Novello on whether to attack the Luccans. In explaining these consultations for Novello, Bonatti comments on the weather, and the number and condition of troops and armaments.

23 Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), pp. 28 – 33. 24 See Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 3, Part II, Ch. 14 and 22 (cols. 144, 152); Tr. 5, Considerations 9 and 141 (cols. 170, 209 – 210), Tr. 7, Part II, 9th House, Ch. 2 (col. 477); Tr. 9, Part III, 12th House, Ch. 5 (col. 816). 25 Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), p. 33. 26 Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 7, Part 1, Ch. 5 (cols. 393 – 394). See also ­Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), p. 35. 27 Ibid., pp. 104, 121. 28 Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 28 – 29 (cols. 311, 313).

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•• By 1264 Bonatti had returned to Forlì, and assisted negotiations between the Arch-

••

bishop of Ravenna and some men from Forlì.29 We don’t know why Bonatti left Novello in Florence, but Novello might have regretted that Bonatti had left, because although he returned again to Florence in 1266 he was ejected a month later, and perhaps could have used Bonatti’s advice. By 1276 – 1277, Bonatti was assisting the new authority in Forlì, Count Guido da ­Montefeltro (c. 1220 – 1298). He advised Montefeltro on the battle of Valbona in 1276 – 1277, and gives brief information on the astrological chart.30 Near the end of his career, Bonatti advised Montefeltro in his 1282 – 1283 defense against the forces of Pope Martin IV, though Bonatti does not himself mention it.31

The record is clear about Bonatti’s fame, high social connections, and the role of the military astrologer in the politics of the day. On the other hand, there are many years not accounted for, especially up to age 50. Bonatti’s many observations about life and people suggest long experience with questions about more humble and personal matters such as love and money, doing astrological charts for family members, and participating in social life as an advocate for fairness and justice. 5. A socially responsible opponent of fear and superstition

Bonatti describes himself as a socially responsible opponent of fear and superstition. In several passages he says he stood up to tyrants and religious frauds who were h­ arming the people – this is an interesting point, because it is directly counter to the later ­opinion that astrologers are selfish frauds who promote superstition and do not care how they affect society. Interestingly enough, Bonatti himself detested the Dominicans as frauds who lectured people about God but who knew nothing about Him themselves: so ­Bonatti saw astrology as a level-headed tool, protecting people from religious superstition. He calls these enemies of astrology “fools in tunics”.32 One episode 33 describes a local demagogue in Forlì named Simon Mestaguerra, who was born of a low father but rose to high status. At first the populace was behind him, but he began to terrorize the people for about three years before being exiled. Bonatti says that he was the only one who really knew what kind of man Mestaguerra was, and stood alone in resisting him (though he does not say how). 29 Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), pp. 37 – 38. 30 Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 21 (col. 299). See also Boncompagni, Della Vita (see note 2), pp. 77 – 79. 31 Ibid., p. 85. 32 For example, Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 1, Ch. 4 (col. 4). 33 Ibid., Tr. 5, Consideration 141 (col. 210).

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Another very colorful episode is Bonatti’s description of John of Vicenza, a religious charlatan who passed through Bologna in 1233 and for a while was a recognized city leader. It’s worth quoting Bonatti at length on this: [ John] was considered holy by practically all the Italians who confessed the Roman Church; but to me it seems that he was a fake: he came to such a high status, that he was said to have raised eighteen dead people, of which none could be seen by anyone; and he was said to cure every illness, to cast out demons – I however could not see anyone freed [from illness], even though I put forth much effort to see [them]; nor [did I see] anyone who firmly said that he had seen one of his miracles, and it seemed that practically the whole world was hastening after him, and he who was able to have a little thread from his cape was considered blessed, and [the thread] was kept like holy relics are. And the Bolognese used to go armed with him, and around him in a group, and they used to surround him with arched staffs wherever he went, lest someone be able to approach him; and if some people did approach him, they would deal with them harshly. For some used to kill,34 others wound, others beat them powerfully with clubs; and he himself rejoiced and was happy about those smashed to pieces 35 and the wounded, nor did he heal any of them (as Jesus did Malchus).36 And he used to say openly in his speeches that he spoke with Jesus Christ, and likewise with the Blessed Virgin, and with the angels whenever he wanted to … nor were the authorities bold [enough] to do anything against his rule, nor was anyone bold enough to contradict his orders, except for me alone (but not the Bolognese): for I knew his tricks and his lies…and he remained in that condition for nearly one year; ultimately however, he was brought down to nothing, so that he was hardly associated with by a single Brother when he wanted to go somewhere, and men started to understand who he was.37

34 “Mactabant”. 35 “Mactatis caesis”. 36 Remember, John was reputed to be a great healer. 37 “[Ioannes, natione Vicentinus] reputabatur sanctus quasi ab omnibus Italis, qui confitebantur ecclesiam Romanam; mihi autem videbatur quod esset hypocrita, qui devenit ad tantam sublimitatem, quod dicebatur suscitasse octodecim mortuos, quorum nullus potuit ab aliquo videri, & dicebatur curare omnem infirmitatem, fugare daemones; ego tamen non potui videre aliquem liberatum, licet studuerim multum ut viderem, nec aliquem qui diceret firmiter se vidisse aliquod de suis miraculis; & videbatur quasi totus mundus ruere post ipsum, & reputabatur beatus qui poterat habere aliquod filunculum cappae ipsius, & reservabatur pro reliquiis sanctis, & ibant Bononienses armati cum eo & circa ipsum procommuni & circumdabant ipsum lignis convexis, quocunque ibat, ne aliquis posset ei appropinquare; & si aliqui appropinquabant ei, tractabant eos malo modo: nam aliquos mactabant, alios vulnerabant, alios baculis fortiter cedebant; & ipse gaudebat & laetabatur de mactatis caesis atque vulneratis, nec sanabat aliquem, sicut fecit Iesus Malchum. Et dicebat ipsemet palam in suis praedicationibus quod loquebatur cum Iesu Christo, &

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And so we see that Bonatti saw his own professional and personal role as being a sober and scientific authority, a bulwark against spiritual demagoguery and wild-eyed religious crowds. 6. The astrologer as social observer and critic

Although much of the Book of Astronomy simply recounts rules and procedures for astrologers, Bonatti often makes relevant social observations. This is especially true in the treatise on interrogations or questions (Tr. 6), in which he often introduces a new topic by discussing why someone might ask for the astrologer’s advice. Some of his comments are perceptive and sympathetic, especially concerning the status of women. As we have seen, Bonatti is suspicious of many religious authorities, and reluctantly explains how to judge questions about obtaining religious dignities. He says,38 “even if it should seem disgraceful to desire religious dignities (when it should be expected to be a divine gift from above), still there are many today who indifferently desire clerical dignities like the Papacy, a cardinalship, archbishopric, abbacy, a priorship, and other dignities and clerical orders (both Brothers and others who are called secular clerics).” And so the consulting astrologer sometimes has to cater to distasteful motives like these. Likewise, he is both suspicious and pitying of many alchemists:39 for on the one hand he says that many of them have lost their work, time, and expenses because they don’t understand how to employ astrology; but he also points out that some alchemists adopt a hypocritical moral tone, searching for gold themselves while accusing others of greed. Bonatti also recognizes the cruelty of slavery, but he must have felt compelled to address questions about it because his predecessors had done so. Both illness and slavery belong to the sixth house, and he introduces the topic by saying the following: Now it remains to speak in this chapter about a slave, whether he will be freed from slavery or not. Nor [is this] without value, because slavery is wholly vicious compared with illness: for there is not an illness which can be said to be worse than what afflicts

cum Beata Virgine, similiter & cum angelis quandocunque volebat… nec fuit potestas ausus facere inde aliquod regimen, nec erat aliquis ausus contradicere suis mandatis, nisi ego solus, non tamen Bononiae: noveram enim suas tricarias & suas falsitates… & duravit in illo statu fere per unum annum; ultimo tamen devenit quasi in nihilum, ita quod vix associabatur ab uno fratre cum volebat ire alicubi, & coeperunt homines cognoscere quis ipse erat”, Bonatti, Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 5, Consideration 141, cols. 210 – 211. See also Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. IV, New York 1934, p. 831. 38 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 9th House, Ch. 10 (col. 345). 39 Ibid., Tr. 7, Part II, 2nd House, Ch. 7 (col. 430).

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always, everywhere, and indifferently and continuously. For illness is but intermittent, sometimes afflicting and sometimes being in remission; [this is different from] slavery, for with it intermissions and remission do not intervene.40

To my mind the most interesting social comments have to do with sexual politics and the delicate position the astrologer is sometimes in. Some questions 41 come from men who worry that their children are not really their own, which Bonatti says happens when merchants or soldiers are gone for a long time, only to find their wives pregnant or already with children upon their return. Other men 42 ask whether a prospective bride has already had children who have been given up for adoption, because they worry about potential scandal. But the position of women gives us the most dramatic observations by far – and ­Bonatti especially points out that some problems women face are due to the cruelty of other women. For example, in a section on electing a time to conceive a child, he suggests that the astrologer helps people overcome prejudice about virginity and conception, saying that “sometimes women are accused [of not being virgins], because they conceive on the first night, when [in fact] they are blameless; and they are often accused by women who ought to defend them”.43 A long section on marriage questions 44 concerns inquiries about how sexually experienced a prospective bride is – answering this question in the wrong way can lead to great trauma and embarrassment for everyone involved. Bonatti says such worries might arise from jealous rivals who want to ruin an engagement, or spurned lovers who could not get what they wanted from the woman and want her reputation to suffer, and even by other women who have been pressuring her to take a lover. Bonatti then takes the astrologer through a jaw-dropping list of sexual experiences, because what makes someone a virgin or not, is not a simple issue. So for example, he discusses foreplay, frottage (both with and without ejaculation), female masturbation and possibly female orgasm, date rape, lesbianism, and anal sex. Bonatti says “such things of this type tend to happen when men have much

40 “Restat nunc dicendum in isto capitulo de servo, utrum liberetur a servitute an non; nec incassum, quoniam servitus pravissime aegritudini comparatur: non est enim aegritudo quae posset dici deterior illa quae semper ubique & indifferenter atque continue afflicit; nulla aegritudo enim est quin aliquando affligat intervallo, vel aliquali quiete, praeter servitutem, in illa enim intervallum vel quies non intervenit”, ibid., Tr. 7, Part II, 6th House, Ch. 5, col. 261. 41 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 6 (col. 271). 42 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 7 (col. 271). 43 “Unde accusantur aliquando mulieres, quia concipiunt in prima nocte cum sint inculpabiles, & ut multum accusantur a mulieribus quae deberent eas defendere”, ibid., Tr. 7, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 1, col. 458. 44 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 4 (cols. 267 – 269).

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privacy with women, or frequent them much, or sometimes at large banquets, or by going to pleasure-gardens, or when women go off to parties that are long-lasting or remote from the city, and so on”.45 But what should the astrologer do with this sensitive information? Here Bonatti endorses a bit of lying to save the reputations of everyone involved. If it seems that the woman was innocently experimenting or believes that she is still a virgin, he recommends telling the man that she is a virgin, or at most that she masturbates: because “if you tell him the whole truth, perhaps he will consider her to be corrupted,” and this can lead to many problems. The astrologer is supposed to help people, not ruin their lives. To my mind, this long and detailed section, with its sensitivity to client needs, probably reflects actual client situations Bonatti faced. 7. The astrologer as practical advisor

Of course we cannot ignore the fact that the medieval astrologer is also in the business of giving practical advice, and not only to the wealthy but also to people of lower classes and those suffering from bad fortune: in fact, Bonatti endorses a metaphysical view regarding fortune that justifies the practice of electional astrology. We have already seen that Bonatti gave practical military advice. But he did not s­ imply give one-word, yes-or-no answers to questions based on rules. His interrogational charts for Guido Novello against the Luccans show that the astrologer must give counsel and describe the overall situation, before telling the client what he really needs to know. In the first chart,46 Novello wanted to know “whether there would be a battle.” This is a yes-or-no question, and if Novello had been determined to fight he would not have needed to ask the question. But Bonatti saw in the chart that both sides were weak and had troops of low quality, so that both sides were reluctant to fight. By confirming Novello’s state of mind and that of the enemy, he relieved his client of a mental and military burden, and the two armies parted. One month later, Novello wanted to capture a castle, and asked if he could take it.47 Again, this is a yes-or-no question. Bonatti saw in the chart that while Novello could take the castle, his troops were again lazy and weak, and so that they would be reluctant to do what they had to. So the answer was really, “yes, you can, but you won’t.” Novello decided to go ahead with the siege anyway, and Bonatti reports that 45 “Et huiusmodi talia consueverunt evenire, quando homines habent multam domesticitatem cum mulieribus, vel frequentat eas multum, vel aliquando in magnis conviviis, vel eundo ad viridaria, vel quando vadunt mulieres ad festivitates longinquas, vel remotas a civitatibus, & similia”, ibid., Tr. 6 Part II, 7th House, Ch. 4, col. 268. 46 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 28 (col. 311). 47 Ibid., Tr. 6, Part II, 7th House, Ch. 29 (col. 313).

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the army did not do anything it needed to in order to complete the siege, even though it had superior numbers. Bonatti’s report suggests that the troops’ bad morale had partly to do with a serious drought, because in the end they asked him to predict the weather. He predicted it would rain in a few days, and the army left in good spirits, because “it had been four months since it had rained.” Other statements by Bonatti reflect the real danger and difficulties that everyday people faced when going to the astrologer. For example, the Persians had provided rules for discovering what the contents of a letter were.48 We might ask why that is ­important. Bonatti reports that sometimes noble men want to punish or even kill someone, but they worry about the public consequences if their action is found out. And so, they send their victim with a sealed letter to someone else, with instructions to enslave or punish or kill the bearer of the letter. One might imagine what is at stake for the potential victim who consults the astrologer about such a matter, because he may be facing death or the necessity of flight. But another passage,49 which is really a theodicy, shows that Bonatti believes the astrologer’s job is to help people overcome the forces of fortune, in a world where ­neither God nor human free will tends to directly dictate how things turn out. For fortune rules “in every matter,” which helps explain why “certain wise men … often do not have something to eat,” while other “fools, who, if a wolf took away seven out of ten of their cattle, would not know whether they were diminished or not, being [already] overflowing with necessities.” If fortune did not exist, we would be left with believing that God Himself was responsible for this injustice, which is “an abhorrent heresy”.50 Here and elsewhere then, Bonatti suggests that astrology is partly meant to help lowclass and unfortunate people take advantage of good timing and questions as much as they can, to improve their condition: the world is causally constructed in such a way that virtue and knowledge do not guarantee success, but astrology can help people who suffer bad fortune through no fault of their own. So this metaphysical situation of humanity justifies the astrological profession.

48 See for example Zael, De interrogationibus, MS Paris, BnF, lat. 16204, p. 477a–b, trans. ­Benjamin N. ­Dykes, Works of Sahl & Māshā’allāh, Golden Valley, MN 2008, pp.  168 – 170 (On Questions §13.3). See Bonatti’s own version in: Liber introductorius (see note 1), Tr. 6, Part II, 9th House, Ch. 13 (cols. 348 – 349). 49 Ibid., Tr. 7, Part I, Ch. 1 (col. 388). 50 Ibid.: “Volo enim te scire quod fortuna dominatur in omni re, licet quidam ex tunicatis idiotae dicant quod fortuna non est, sed solum quod Deus vult… nonne vides quosdam sapientes probos & intelligentes, qui non habent ut plurimum quod manducent, et quosdam fatuos, quibus si lupus auferet ex decem pecudibus 7, nesciret utrum essent diminutae vel non, cunctis sibi necessariis affluentibus abundanter; ipsi enim imponunt rabiem creatori suo, mentientes ipsum non esse iustum, & in haeresim incidunt abhorrendam.”

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Finally, in several places 51 Bonatti suggests that astrology is a helpful assistant to other disciplines, such as electing the right times to perform surgery, or as a helpful aid in matchmaking. In this way the astrologer is a kind of prudence counselor, adding astrological weight and safeguards to other established practices and skills. 8. A new astrologer’s creed

In conclusion, let me summarize these ideas by constructing a kind of new medieval creed or set of advice, from an astrologer like Bonatti to an aspiring student: “You who would become an astrologer, know that you are learning a Divine science. God has so made the world, that free will rarely plays an important role, and people’s lives are often controlled by fortune: forces and powers which come from without them and from within, in which the virtuous often suffer, and the vicious often flourish. But through astrology we can often see from a higher perspective what has been, what is happening now, and what will happen, to people who need our help. Sometimes we can help them change their lives, other times we can only help them make good choices and manage existing affairs. Your consultation sometimes acts as a spiritual link, in which they may exercise free will (when they often might not).” “And so, be sympathetic to the human condition. Your charts will often reveal when someone is being victimized or has little control. Your client is depending on you in a time of need: do not harm him or her by revealing destructive truths, but speak so that your client will benefit from your help, through knowledge or action. You have a moral responsibility to society, which is filled with injustice and wicked rulers. Justice demands that you use the objective truth of astrology and your Divine orientation, to resist tyrants and those who spread falsehood and ignorance.” “In all things, you must decide whether or not to take a chart or question, based on your moral sense and personal situation. Some people ask unnecessary questions because of unjust social beliefs, while other clients are wicked or want dubious things. But you might feel compelled to answer them due to finances or coercion. Perhaps you might even help them see the good by providing your counsel.” “You may be financially successful, but this does not indicate that you are really wise or good. Fortune has great control over you, too, and can take your riches and status away. Therefore, resist undue pride and showing yourself off, so that you do not debase this divine service and art which you have been blessed to study.”

51 Ibid., Tr. 7, Part II, 6th House (passim).

Jean-Patrice Boudet

The Archbishop and the Astrologers: A Robert de Mauvoisin’s questio in 1316

On 17 December 1317, four months after the death at the stake of Hugues Géraud, bishop of Cahors, accused of poisoning and sorcery, pope John XXII began to instruct in Avignon the criminal trial of another prelate who had been a friend of Clement V, i. e. the archbishop of Aix-en-Provence Robert de Mauvoisin. This trial ended with the appointment of Pierre Després as archbishop of Aix in September 1318 and with ­Mauvoisin’s resignation in December 1318. The main parts of the proceedings of this trial have been published in 1999 by Joseph Shatzmiller,1 but Julien Théry has discovered at the end of the register ­Collectorie 17 of the Secret Archives of the Vatican some documents forgotten by S­ hatzmiller in his edition.2 Among these documents appears a choice morsel, a unique text in the judicial context of that time (published in the appendix), i. e. the copy of a transcription of an astrological advice arranged by Mauvoisin with two specialists – a Jew, Moses of Trets, and a Christian, Master Peter –, an advice founded on a horoscope dated 3 September of a year which is not indicated (see § 4 of the appendix), but whose astronomical data correspond to 3 September 1316, that is four weeks after the election of John XXII (7 August) and two days before his coronation in Lyons (5 September). Entitled Questiones, disputationes, responsiones et determinationes Judei et magistri Petri, this document has in fact three parts: 1.  §§ 1 to 4, Robert’s questio to his Jewish physician and astrologer, Moses of Trets (Mossé de Trets or de Jouques), and Moses’ responsio; 2.  §§ 5 to 13, another responsio to the same questio, given later (some days after the new Pope’s coronation?) in Lyons by a Christian astrologer, Master Peter, scriptor of the pontifical Curia; 3.  §§ 14 to 26, Moses’ reply to Master Peter’s arguments.

1 Joseph Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice au début du XIVe siècle. L’enquête sur l’archevêque d’Aix et sa renonciation en 1318, Rome 1999. 2 See Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien Théry, Le procès de Jean XXII contre l’archevêque d’Aix Robert de Mauvoisin (1317 – 1318): astrologie, arts prohibés et politique, in: Jean XXII et le Midi, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 45 (2012), pp. 159 – 236.

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The motivation of the new Pope in this affair is quite clear: he did not want an important ecclesiastical province like Aix to be in the hands of a prelate openly loyal to the “Gascon Party”, composed of former friends of his predecessor, Clement V. ­His strategic ­interest explains partly why he chose to take much care about Mauvoisin’s misconduct. But some of the charges against the archbishop were not without any foundation. For the most part of the matter concerning us, the documents of his case are not at all mythical. In the first article (out of ten) of the first part of the proceedings,3 Mauvoisin is accused of having used divination (“sortilegia”, i. e. “reading the sorts”, and “ars mathematica seu divinatio”) and other illicit practices, i. e. wearing rings engraved with “impressions and [magical] characters”, in order to maintain his dignity and status. He is also accused of having used to this end several diviners, mainly “a certain Jew named Mossé de Tretz”. During the first interrogatory of the archbishop (17 December 1317), he answered with much more detail than for the nine other articles. When he was studying law in Bologna, he consulted a professor of astrologia and medicine at the university, ­Master “Johannes de Luna”,4 about a messenger sent to Gascony, his own future and what could happen after Clement V’s accession in 1305.5 Mauvoisin argued that he did not take into account the astrological advice of this Bolognese practitioner, but he admitted that sometime after his appointment at Aix, in August 1313, he took Moses of Trets into his service, “thinking that his art was licit”.6 On 3 September 1316, he therefore asked Moses what might happen to himself after John XXII’s accession: “Queritur quid accidet petenti de domino boni vel mali” (§§ 1, 3 and 6). And he gave a description of Moses’ advice copied in our document, of Master Peter’s one and of the reply of the Jewish astrologer, indicating the incipit and explicit of each part.7 During his second interrogatory (20 December 1317), Mauvoisin harked back to this document and gave some interesting indications about its parts coming from Moses’ expertise: the rationes, disputationes et responsiones dicti Judei were spoken by him “in romanico” (i. e. in Provencal) and then dictated in Latin by the archbishop to one of his scribes, i. e. Bertran Guilhem, a notary of Cavaillon who was witness for the prosecu­tion (20 February 1318).8 In our copy, several technical terms are still in romanico while others are unusual and could show that neither Mauvoisin nor Guilhem – not to mention the scribe – were experts in “astrologia” (astronomy-astrology): the positions of the planets are indicated in “grasas” (a vernacular term for “gradus”) and “secundas” 3 Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), p. 169. 4 Giovanni di Luni was paid as professor of astrologia and ars fixice (medicine) in Bologna in 1303, see Fabricio Bònoli and Daniela Piliarvu, I Lettori di Astronomia presso lo Studio di Bologna dal xii al xx secolo, Bologna 2001, p. 57. 5 Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), pp. 175 – 176. 6 Ibid., p. 177. 7 Ibid., pp.  177 – 178. 8 Ibid., pp.  249 – 250.

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(which is a strange error for “minutas”); the twelve celestial houses are called “camere” instead of “domus”; the horizon is “osizon”; the decans are designated by the word “tercium” instead of “facies”, etc. The text is understandable but it is interesting to note some differences between its beginning, where the influence of the vernacular is the strongest, and what follows, where the opinion of the Christian astrologer is reported (in the second part, where “gradus” appears from § 6) and where the text is somewhat standardised in terms of technical vocabulary (e. g. in § 9, in which appears the equivalence “domus seu camera”), even in the third part supposed to reproduce Moses’ replica (see §§ 15 and 16, where appear “gradus” and “minutas”, even though “grasis” is found again in § 22). While the scribe’s incompetence has undoubtedly increased the oddities of this crammed-full Latin text, one thing that makes it interesting is that it is close enough to the multilingual oral context that characterises Provence in the beginning of the fourteenth century. Mauvoisin also admitted during his trial the possession of three talismanic rings made by Moses “secundum artem phisice et planetarum” (“according to the art of medicine and of the planets”). He claimed that Moses swore on the Bible that these rings could be used “without sin”, that he had himself no real confidence in it (!) and that he did not act “in bad faith” (“mala fide”). He said however in his second statement that he had doubts about it, because he had heard that such rings could enclose some demon,9 which had become a fairly common charge since the trials of the pope Boniface VIII in 1303 (before his death) and 1306 (post mortem).10 On 19 January 1318, one of the witnesses, a cleric called Izarn Vaureilh, went further and denounced Moses “qui dicitur publice astrologus, divinator, magicus et sortilegus”. He claimed that the “fama publica” of the Jewish physician and astrologer was that of a “divinator, sortilegus, invocator demonum, experimenta faciens”,11 the word “experi­ mentum” referring to “necromancy” or, more exactly in this context, to “nigromancy” (demoniac magic).12 But these stereotyped accusations were refuted by Moses when he was called as a witness two months later, on 8 April 1318. In his clear and precise deposition, he admits what follows: •• First, he used astrology in order to answer Mauvoisin’s three questions: 1) What will be the appropriate time to send to John XXII a gift of joyful advent? 2) Will the ­sister (or the sister-in-law) of the archbishop be able to conceive a child and is she the 9 Ibid., pp.  182 – 183. 10 See Jean–Patrice Boudet, Démons familiers et anges gardiens dans la magie médiévale, in: De Socrate à Tintin. Anges gardiens et démons familiers de l’Antiquité à nos jours, eds. Jean–Patrice Boudet, Philippe Faure and Christian Renoux, Rennes 2011, pp. 119 – 134. 11 Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), pp. 199 – 200. 12 See Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer’s Manual of the Fifteenth Century, Stroud 1997, and Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l’Occident médiéval (XIIe – XVe siècle), Paris 2006, chap. 7.

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subject of a curse? 3) Will the Pope help improve Robert’s situation? Moses answered to the first question that the astrological data required a waiting period of 26 or 27 days (i. e. until the end of September 1316) before the sending of the gift, but finally the archbishop sent it two months later, after another consultation with Moses just before All Saints’ Day. The Jewish practitioner replied to the second question that the sister (or sister-in-law) of Robert had not conceived a child because she had been bewitched, but that it was not incurable. And he said to the prelate the Pope would help to improve his condition, but not before two years. Moreover, Moses asserted that the archbishop had asked him two other crucial questions: 1) before Christmas 1316, he asked if he had an enemy in the pontifical Curia; 2) just before the beginning of Lent of 1317 (16 February), he asked if Moses knew how long John XXII had to live. Moses said he did not answer the second question but he said that Mauvoisin recounted for him the prophecy of the reign of a cricket (“grio”, i. e. probably “grillus”, a very active insect at night in Provence!) which would last two and a half years, a prophecy which seemed applicable to the present Pope.13 Finally, Moses asserted that the three first questions of the archbishop had been the subject of a second assessment by an astrologer who was “scriptor domini Pape” and who “disagreed in part with his reasoning, but agreed with his conclusions”. He received 30 or 40 sous for his consultations, and occasionally additional money. His client, he said, did not use any “nigromancia” or “ars prohibita”, but asked him to engrave three rings with the symbols of the Sun, Jupiter and Venus (the beneficent planets in astrology), “in order to preserve his dignity and status”.

According to some of his coreligionists, among whom a controversy raged around 1300 on the legitimacy of the use of astrological seals in medicine,14 Moses seemed to approve, almost like the author of the Speculum astronomiae, the idea of “imago astronomica”, i. e. a talisman founded solely upon the natural influence of the celestial bodies, without any ritual.15 The practice of astrological interrogations was perhaps less problematic among the Jewish community of Provence than for a member of the Christian Church, but

13 Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), p. 285: “Et dictus archiepiscopus narravit sibi quod quedam profecia sive versus pro ipso domino Papa: ‘Surget grio, et flores cum pedibus sive ungulis trepidavit, et duobus annis et dimidio regnabit’.” [sic] I did not find this prophecy elsewhere, especially in the first version of the Vaticinia de summmis pontificibus: cf. Martha H. ­Fleming, The Late Medieval Pope Prophecies. The Genus nequam Group, Tempe 1999. 14 Dov Schwartz, La magie astrale dans la pensée juive rationaliste en Provence au XIVe ­siècle, in: Archives d’Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 61 (1994), pp. 31 – 55; Id., ­Studies on Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought, Leiden–Boston 2005, pp. 123 – 165. 15 See of course Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les «images astrologiques» au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance. Spéculations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques, Paris 2002, pp. 27 – 90 (for the Specu­lum) and pp. 380 – 383 (for the trial of Mauvoisin).

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elections and interrogations were the parts of “astrologia” that were considered particularly dangerous by Christian theologians and jurists because their “judicial” aspect seemed to be incompatible with human free will and God’s absolute power. In a document entitled Forma et modus interrogandi augures et ydolatras preserved in the anonymous Summa de officio Inquisitionis written in the 1260s in the entourage of Benedict Alignan, bishop of Marseilles, the observation of favorable or unfavorable times to undertake a particular action – a practice referred to many times in the trial of Mauvoisin, which relates to elections and horary questions – explicitly fell within the competence of the Inquisition.16 But this did not prevent some members of secular and ecclesiastical elites continuing to use the services of astrologers who claimed that that part of the “scientia de judiciis” was especially useful when the precise date of birth of their clients was unknown (this is Mauvoisin’s case).17 In the first part of our document (§ 4), the astronomical positions given by Moses for the interrogation clearly correspond to those of 3 September 1316 at 5pm. It is ­possible to reconstitute the “figura celi” of Mauvoisin’s questio (Fig. 1) and to compare its astronomical data with those calculated according to (1) the Almanach perpetuum of Prophatius Judeus (the famous Jewish astronomer of Montpellier Jacob ben Makhir ibn Tibbon),18 which, according to Master Peter, Moses used (cf. the tacuinum judeum de Monte Pessulano, § 10); (2) the modern programme “astromodel” giving the planetary positions according to the Toledan Tables (TT), that Master Peter probably used directly or indirectly (cf. § 10, the tabule verificate astrorum; by “indirectly” I mean an adaptation of the Toledan Tables for a Provencal meridian);19 and (3) the programme 16 See article 11 of this document ed. by Boudet, Entre science et nigromance (see note 12), pp. 557 – 558: “Si observavit menses aut tempora, aut horas dierum, aut annos, aut Lune, aut Solis cursum vel etatem, credens dies, vel horas, vel puncta, vel tempora aliqua fortunata vel infortunata ad aliquid faciendum, vel incipiendum vel obmittendum, ut pro viagio, vel pro conjugio copulando, vel pro edificio inchoando.” This is closer to the right time (“bonus punctus vel hora”) to undertake any important thing, mentioned about Mauvoisin in ­Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), pp. 200, 206, 212, 216, 250 and 284. 17 Ibid., p. 285. 18 For Prophatius ( Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon, c. 1236 – 1304) and his Almanac, see José Chabás, “Prophatius Judaeus”, in: Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine. An Encyclopedia, eds. Thomas F. ­Glick, Steven J. ­Livesey and Faith Wallis, New York–London 2005, pp. 422 – 423, and Almanach Dantis Alighieri sive Prophacii Judaei Montispessulani. Almanach perpetuum ad annum 1300 inchoatum, eds. Giuseppe Boffito, Camillo Melzi d’Eril, Florence 1908. The planetary data of this almanac were mainly inspired by the Toledan Tables: Gerald J. ­Toomer, “Prophacius Judaeus and the Toledan Tables”, in: Isis (64), 1973, pp. 351 – 355. For these tables, see Fritz S. ­Pedersen, The Toledan Tables. A review of the manuscripts and the textual versions with an edition, 4 vol., Copenhague 2002. 19 For the planetary positions calculated with the Toledan Tables, I have used the Lars ­Gislen’s “astromodel” programme: http://home.thep.lu.se/~larsg/Site/Welcome.html. I have ­chosen 5° long. East and 43° lat. North, reference data of Prophatius’ Almanach. There are some

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Kairos by Raymond Mercier indicating the planetary positions according to modern astronomy (MT), the ascendant and the celestial houses. The comparison in Figure 2 globally confirms, I think, that the planetary positions of the horoscope are reliable and congruent with what could have been calculated in 1316 for 3 September at 5pm, even if there are some little discrepancies for Mercury, the Moon and the Head of the Dragon. But the position of the ascendant, 3° Scorpio, is totally aberrant: it should have been located around 17° Aquarius at 5pm, more than 100° further on the zodiac, and it corresponds to 9.30 am. A confusion between 5 pm and the 5th hour of the day seems incoherent with the position of the Moon, 2° 45’ Aries according to Moses: at 9.30 am, the Moon was around 28° Pisces, which is very different. How can we explain this aberrant position of the ascendant which is not disputed by Master Peter? During the trial, Moses is said to have used a quadrant with Hebrew characters for his predictions,20 and I suspect it was a quadrans novus, of which the original Hebrew version has been composed by Prophatius c. 1288 – 1293.21 This astronomical instrument, which is a reduction of the astrolabe to one of its quarters, is much more complicated to use than the astrolabe (a decomposition of computation in several phases is needed) in order to obtain the cusps of the ascendant and the houses.22 It seems very plausible that Moses did not know how to use it correctly and that Master Peter did not check Moses’ calculations for these cusps, but only analysed with his own sources the horoscope drawn up by his Jewish competitor and his first responsio. Let us have a look now at the astrological interpretation of the figura celi by our two experts. It might seem logical that Moses followed in this matter the guidelines of the great Jewish philosopher, scholar, astronomer and astrologer of the twelfth century Abraham Ibn Ezra, who was the author of a treatise on interrogations widely diffused, the Sefer ha -She'elot,23 and that Master Peter was inspired meanwhile by the methods differences between the data of Montpellier and Aix-en-Provence, but they are not very important for our purpose. 20 Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), pp. 284 – 285 and especially p. 216: “Et tunc ipse judeus traxit se ad partem et posuit in manu sua ad Solem quoddam instrumentum de cupro triangulare caracteratum et continens quasdam litteras ebraycas, ut eidem testi videbantur.” 21 Cf. Emmanuel Poulle, Le quadrant nouveau médiéval, in: Journal des savants (1964), pp.  148 – 167 and 182 – 214. 22 Ibid., pp.  201 – 202. 23 Three different versions of this treatise have been written. The first one was composed in Béziers in 1148, the second and the third ones in northern France after 1148 or in England after 1157. The first two versions are conserved in 47 copies (29 of She’elot I, and 18 of She’elot II). See in particular Renate Smithuis, Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Astrological Works in Hebrew and Latin: New Discoveries and Exhaustive Listing, in: Aleph 6 (2006), pp. 239 – 338, and [Abraham Ibn Ezra,] Abraham ibn Ezra on Elections, Interrogations, and Medical Astro­logy.

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described in the specialised literature translated from Arabic into Latin in the twelfth century, or in large compilations such as those by ‘Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl (Haly Abenragel) or Guido Bonatti,24 available in Latin since the thirteenth century. But Abraham Ibn Ezra did not have enough authority to be explicitly mentioned by Moses in the context of a consultation transformed into a dispute with a Christian astrologer, and it is in fact Master Peter who refers to Ibn Ezra in § 7, among other sources he is obviously happy to publicise. 1. §§ 1 – 4, Moses’ responsio to the questio of the archbishop

The petens (i. e. the querent) is Robert, whose significator is Jupiter (§ 2); the dominus is the new pope John XXII, whose significator is the Sun. The planet considered by Moses as major significatrix in responsionibus to an interrogation is the Moon (§ 1), which is a common opinion in Arabic astrology.25 The Moon is in Aries, sign of exaltation of the Sun (honor Solis). The Sun signifies the Pope and is the master of the 10th house (significatrix majoris et altioris dominii, “which signifies the major and highest power”, and the nobility of the thing in questiones),26 because the cusp of this house is in Leo, the domicile of the Sun. The Sun is at 17° 31’ Virgo, in the 11th house (indicating friends and more specifically the accomplishment of the thing in questiones)27, and is “directly irradiating the Moon”, which is an excellent aspect according to Moses (irradiat directe ad Lunam, qui melior irradians est).28 That’s why the applicant “will be irradiated with honor by the Lord [Pope]”.

A Parallel Hebrew-English Critical Edition of the Book of Elections (3 Versions), the Book of Interrogations (3 Versions), and the Book of the Luminaries, ed. and trans. Shlomo Sela (Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Astrological Writings 3), Leiden–New York 2011, especially pp. 240 – 450. 24 For the techniques of interrogations in medieval Arabic-Latin astrology, see now the translations made by Benjamin J. ­D ykes, Works of Sahl and Māshā’allāh, Minneapolis 2008, pp. xxxiv–xxxviii, lxxviii–lxxx (introduction), pp. 67 – 186 (translation of  Zael’s De interrogationi­ bus) and 417 – 438 (translations of Messahallah’s opuscula on the subject); Bonatti on Horary. Treatise 6 of Guido Bonatti’s Book of Astronomy, From the 1491 and 1550 Latin Editions, Minneapolis 2010; The Book of the Nine Judges. Traditional Horary Astrology, Minneapolis 2012. For Haly Abenragel, see Albohazen Haly, Filius Abenragel, Liber in judiciis astrorum, Venice 1485. 25 See for example Zael’s De interrogationibus, in: Works of Sahl and Māshā’allāh (see note 23), p. 68, for the dominating role of the Lord of the Ascendant and the Moon in questions. 26 Albohazen Haly, Liber (see note 24), fol. 8va: “Decima significat nobilitatem et altitudinem rei et ejus proprietatem in factis.” 27 Ibid., fol. 8va: “Undecima significat complementum rei, pulchritudinem et convenientiam ejus.” 28 Sic: the Sun is in fact going away from its opposition with the Moon. This is challenged by Master Peter in § 10, which requires Moses to hark back to it in § 15.

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Moreover, Moses said that the master of the ascendant (3° Scorpio) was Mars, whose domicile is Scorpio. Mars was at 27° 40’ Libra, in the ascending part of the sphere, in one of his terms and his tercia i. e. face, the lords of the other faces of Libra coming in conjunction with Mars.29 So Moses concluded that a lot of friends shall come to Robert in order to take advantage of his favour. But in the second paragraph, Moses moderates this enthusiasm. At the time of the horoscope, Mars, master of the ascendant, irradiabat decime domus medii amoris, i. e. was in a quartile aspect (90°), unfortunate, with the cusp of the 10th house, of which the Sun, significator pape, was the master. And Jupiter, Robert’s significator, located at 18° 58’ Virgo, was “burnt by the Sun” (conbustus a Sole), whose position was 17° 31’ Virgo.30 Robert had to wait the coming out of Jupiter from this quartile aspect and combustion to start entering in favour with the Pope, which would take two months, according to Moses. And this favour should have been totally effective only two years later, i. e. in September 1318, seven months after the beginning of the trial and just at the time when Pierre Després was appointed as archbishop of Aix in place of Robert … 2. §§ 5 to 13, Master Peter gives his responsio, criticising Moses on several points

He hits hard from the start, probably to impress his client and his Jewish competitor, quoting the Astronomia, sive Flores in Almagesto of Geber, alias Jābir ibn Aflāḥ, a high– level treatise of al-Andalus astronomy translated by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century, where the author seeks to analyse the errors in Ptolemy’s Almagest.31 The quoted passage is in the prologue (cf. appendix, § 5): […] Et quia necessaria fuit inquisitio veritatis, et facere ipsam vincere et apparere, et ut non timeatur ille, qui deviat ab ea, quamvis sit magnus. Et imitavimus in hoc Aristotelem, cum intendit redire super magistrum suum Platonem, dixit excusando: 29 Sic: Moses seems to have mixed the position of Mars with the cusp of the ascendant, as Master Peter pointed out in § 9. 30 Moses highlights this point in his testimony during the trial: Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), p. 284. The combustio is one of the most dangerous positions for the significator of the querent or the master of the ascendant of an interrogation: see Abraham Ibn Ezra, On Elections (see note 23), pp. 288 – 289 (She’elot I), 352 – 353, 382 – 383 and 407 (She’elot II); Abraham ibn Ezra, Liber interrogationum, in: id., Opera, transl. Pietro of Abano, Venice 1507, fol. 61rb: “Et quando [superiores] fuerint combusti, nullus eorum denotabit nisi malum, sive sit fortuna, sive malus”; Ibid., fol. 65ra: “Et si [dominus ascendentis interrogati] non fuerit receptus a Sole fueritque combustus, irascetur rex super eum atque incarcerabit.” 31 See Richard P. ­Lorch, The astronomy of Jābir ibn Aflāḥ, in: Centaurus 19 (1975), pp. 85 – 107, repr. in: id., Arabic Mathematical Sciences. Instruments, Texts, Transmission, Variorum 1995, VI.

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«Veritas et Plato ambo sunt amici, sed veritas est magis amica.» Visum est nobis, ut numeremus intentiones in quibus [Ptolomeus] erravit, et dicamus loca earum in libro nostro hoc, ut perveniat ad ea facile qui voluerit scire.32

The necessity of the inquisitio veritatis in both domains, i. e. the science of the stars and judicial inquiry, must be noted in the context of a trial, but above all Master Peter tries here to show his scientific culture and his mastery of rhetoric. He disagrees then with Moses about the “irradiation” of the Moon by the Sun at the moment of the horoscope. According to the tabule examinationum consulted by him, this “irradia­tion” happened the day before 3 September, Thursday the 2nd, when the Sun and Moon were opposite (full Moon). But there is also a mistake here: the Sun was not at 12° Virgo, as he said (§ 6), but at 16° 36’ Virgo when it was in opposition, and in XII gradu Virginis is probably an error for in XVII gradu Virginis, as Moses suggests in the third part (§ 16). Peter’s reference in § 6 to the De radiis ascribed to al-Kindī is problematic here and the authority of Ptolemy’s Quadripartitum or Tetrabiblos seems in this case to be fictive. His references in § 7 to Abū Ma’shar’s Great introduction, to Abraham Ibn Ezra (“Avenesre”) and ‘Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl are more serious but less presti­gious than the one of Ptolemy. In paragraphs 10 to 13, the end of Peter’s responsio is founded on the highest value of astronomical tables than of a tacuinum judeum (cf. supra), and on several Arabic astrological authorities: ‘Umar al-Farrukhān al-Ṭabarī (Aomar), one of the nine judges of the Liber novem judicum; Abū‘Mashar, and the tract on elections of ‘Alī Imrānī. But his points of disagreement are secondary in importance, as said Moses during the trial. 3. §§ 14 to 26, Moses replies to Master Peter on two main points, astronomical and astrological.

First, he grants to Peter that there was an opposition of the Sun and Moon on 2 September at 5.11 pm, i. e. 18 hours [sic] before the interrogation: this would not be far from the data of the Toledan Tables but this is incompatible with the hour of the questio (3  September at 5 pm and not at 11.11 am), with the position of the ascendant (3 September at 11 am, the ascendant was 20° Scorpio and not 3° Scorpio) and with the place of the Moon indicated in the first part. This incoherence is rather strange if we take into account that the other data given by Moses in § 16 are correct: in 18 hours, between 2 September 5.11 pm and 3 September 11.11 am, the mean motion of the Moon was 9° 52’ and the mean motion of the Sun was 44’. And he is right to say then, as we have already seen, that the Sun during the opposition was located at 17° Virgo (or at

32 Geber filius Affla Hispalensis, De astronomia libri IX, published with Petrus Apianus, Instrumentum primi mobilis, Nuremberg 1534, p. 2.

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the 17th degree) and not at 12° Virgo. There is indeed a horary problem in this dossier, in contrast with the planetary positions indicated by the Jewish astrologer, which are globally more reliable than the ones of his Christian counterpart. The most interesting thing of the end of Moses’ reply is his contestation, falsely founded on the authority of the famous Jewish astrologer Māshā’allāh’, of the authenticity of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos or Kitāb al-Arba‘a (§ 20): as far as I know, Māshā’allāh criticized this treatise but did not say that its attribution to Ptolemy was spurious;33 it is Abraham Ibn Ezra in his Sefer ha-Te‘amim (Book of Reasons), probably inspired himself by Abū‘Mashar,34 who seems to have been the hidden source and model of Moses here,35 a contradictory model if we observe that, as his famous Jewish predecessor did, Moses uses the Tetrabiblos and refers to it several times (§§ 15, 19, 22 and 24), while reporting a testimony denying its authenticity. What is the significance of such a surprising disputatio at a distance? There is of course a rhetorical and an exemplary aspect in this kind of expert’s report, but we must note that Moses seems to have the last word in this case, which is an exception in the judicial documents of the Late Middle Ages, where the stereotype of the Jewish sorcerer is usually omnipresent (including in the case of Hugues Géraud’s trial in 1317). The diffe­ rence between this stereotyped view and the concrete description reproduced here may be partly explained by the fact that our document was produced by Mauvoisin for his

33 Moses refers to what “Mosalla scribit in Libro generali judiciorum, in Xo capitulo, in fine, et in principio Libri nativitatis”. I do not know exactly to what text Moses alluded to in the first case but in the Latin translation of Māshā’allāh’s Kitāb al-mawalīd (the Arabic text is lost), the attribution of the Tetrabiblos to Ptolemy is not contested: see Edward S.  ­Kennedy and David Pingree, The Astrological History of Māshā’allāh, Cambridge (Mass.), 1971, pp. 145 – 174. In fact, Moses seems here to quote Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Sefer ha-Te‘amim and Sefer ha-Moladot. See infra, note 35. 34 Abū Ma’šar al-Balkhī [Albumasar], Kitāb al-mudkhal al-kabīr, Liber introductorii maioris ad scientiam iudiciorum astrorum IV, 1, vol. II: Texte arabe et apparats critiques, Naples 1995, p. 242, and vol. V: Texte latin de Jean de Séville avec la révision de Gérard de Crémone, Naples 1996, p. 137. 35 See chapter I of Abraham ibn Ezra’s first version of his Sefer ha-Te‘amim (Book of Reasons) in Abraham Ibn Ezra, The Book of Reasons. A Parallel Hebrew-English Critical Edition of the Two Versions of the Text, ed. and trans. Shlomo Sela, Leiden–Boston 2007, pp. 34 – 35: “But I, Abraham, the author, say that this book was not written by Ptolemy, because there are many things in it that have in them nothing of rational thought or experience, as I shall explain in the Book of Nativities”. Ibn Ezra said in his Sefer ha-Moladot (Book of Nativities): “Ptolemy said in the Tetrabiblos that regarding children we should always observe the tenth and eleventh houses. All those who came after him, including Māshā’allāh, laugh at him; and they are right” (ibid., p. 119; cf. also The Book of Nativities and Revolutions by Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra, translated by Meira B. ­Epstein, Arhat Publ. 2008, p. 47). For the critics formulated by Ibn Ezra against Ptolemy, see Shlomo Sela, Abraham Ibn Ezra and the Rise of Medieval Hebrew Science, Leiden-Boston 2003, pp. 247 – 256 (especially 254 – 256).

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defence in order to show the harmlessness of his astrological concern, other documents of the proceedings revealing other aspects of Moses’ activity. This trial shows the complementary importance of astrological expertise, political prophecies and talismanic magic for individual career and promotion in the pontifical court of Avignon during the second decade of the fourteenth century. Even if the career of Moses does not seem to have been broken by the prosecution of his client,36 these common practices contribute to explain the atmosphere of general suspicion of John XXII’s accession and the unprecedented repression of divination and magic during the first part of his pontificate, notably the consultation of 1320, in which magic was assimilated to a kind of “heretical fact”.37 But this assimilation is totally absent in Robert de Mauvoisin’s trial: the history of relations between the charge of magic and divination, and the accusation of heresy is far from linear. 36 There is an important local documentation on Moses, showing the continuation of his medi­cal and commercial activities in Jouques and Marseilles after Mauvoisin’s trial: Shatzmiller, Justice et injustice (see note 1), pp. 130 – 133. 37 Alain Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Manuscrit B. A. V. ­Borghese 348), Rome 2004.

Appendix

A Forgotten Document: A Relevant Paper of the Robert de Mauvoisin’s Trial (Vatican, Secret Archives, Collectorie 17, fol. 109v and 102r–108r)

/fol. 109v/ ⊕ Questiones, disputationes, responsiones et determinationes Judei [et] m ­ agistri Petri. /fol. 102r/ ⊕ [1] Queritur quid accedet petenti de domino boni vel mali. Respondetur quod Luna, que reputatur major significatrix in responsionibus, quia invenit eam in Ariete, qui

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est honor 38 Solis, et Sol dominus est decime camere et Sol irradiat directe ad Lunam, qui melior irradians est; et camera decima est significatrix majoris et altioris dominii. Idcirco respondetur quod petens irradiabitur honorifice ab illo domino et in magna familiaritate habebitur et magnis honoribus exaltabitur ab eodem, quia inveni dominum camere ascendentem supra osizon, qui est Mars, dominus videlicet camere, quia est in signo mutanti, quod est Libra, et Libra est in parte ascendentis spere. Respondetur quod petens mutabitur de honore in majorem honorem, ex eo quia Mars dominus in ascensu ille ascendet; nam si ille dominus, scilicet Mars, descenderet, petens etiam naturaliter haberet descendere. Item etiam quia Mars, dominus ascendentis, erat in suo termino 39 et suo tercio et domini terciorum aliorum sui signi veniebant conjungi cum illo. Respondetur quod multi amici petentis juvabunt eundem petentem ad obtinendum petita et alia ejus negocia obtinenda. Istam sententiam dat magister sine instancia. /fol. 102v/ [2] Item quia Mars, dominus ascendentis, irradiat decime domui medii amoris et quia Jupiter erat significator petentis et conbustus a Sole, respondetur quod nichil petat a domino prima vice, donec sit extra combustionem, que erit post duos menses, nec multa eidem domino presentet, nisi ab expresso consilio ejusdem amicorum; nam in suis negociis invenit amicos, ut premititur in questione ut supra, adjutores. Item quia invenit Mars longe a camera decima decem signa, respondetur quod usque ad duos annos premissi honores non complebuntur; et tunc omnia complebuntur, nisi a Deo aliud ordinetur. [3] Primo fuit quesitum a magistro quid continget petenti a domino utrum malum vel bonum. Respondet quod bonum, ut supra declaravit; de malo non videtur quod sibi accidat ab eodem, nec invenit juxta sententiam astronomie. Amicos bonos habet et invenit in suis negociis et attentos; sed mali, licet garrulent vel cogitent quandoque, nichil valent contra eum aliqualiter obtinere. [4] Hora petentis fuit tercia die mensis septembris, hora quinta. Ascendens erat tercia grasa in Scorpione. Locus septem planetarum est iste: Saturnus: Acarius, XVII grasas et LIIIIor secundas, retrogradas; Jupiter: /fol. 103r/ Virgo, XVIIIo grasas, LVIIIo secundas, rectas; Mars: Libra, XXVII grasas, XL secundas, rectas; Sol: Virgo, XVII grasas, XXXI secundas; Venus: Libra, XXX grasas, rectas; Mercurius: Libra, V grasas, XV secundas; Luna: Aries, II grasas, XLV secundas; Caput Draconis: Aries, XIX grasas; Cauda Draconis: Libra, XIX grasas; par dominationis: Virgo, V grasas; par dignitatis subita: Leo, II grasas. [5] Magister, quicumque es, si reprehendo in aliquo, excuset me dictum Geberis expositorii Almajesti quando reprehendit Tholomeum, magistrum suum, in capitulum decem et octo, in quibus dicebat ipsum errasse; excuset etiam me verbum Philosophi 38 Honor is synonym with “exaltation”. Cf. Abraham Ibn Ezra, On Elections, Interrogations, and Medical Astrology. A Parallel Hebrew-English Critical Edition of the Book of Elections (3 Versions), the Book of Interrogations (3 Versions), and the Book of the Luminaries, ed. and trans. Shlomo Sela, Leiden–New York 2011, p. 335. 39 For the “terms” according to Ibn Ezra, cf. ibid., p. 335.

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quando reprehendit Platonem, magistrum suum, cum dicit: “Veritas et Plato ambo sunt amici, sed veritas magis amica.”40 Ideoque pro veritate loquor. [6] Vidi scripturam que incipit: “Queritur quid accidet de domino”, ad cujus responsionem dixistis quod Luna significatrix pro omni querente erat tunc in A ­ riete, in quo est honor Solis, respiciens domum decimam honoris et dignitatis; et in hoc bene dixistis; sed addidistis quod Sol, qui significat dominum, qui est dominus d­ ecime camere, tunc irradiabat Lunam; quod est falsum, quia die jovis precedenti, Luna fuit in opositione Solis irradiata a Sole per opositum.41 Hoc probant tabule /fol. 103v/ examinationum; hoc vidimus per experienciam. Vos etiam ponitis eam extra opositum Solis, quia dicitis quod erat in duodecimo gradu Arietis, ibi irradiata a Sole per opositum; et dicitis quod Sol erat in XIIo gradu Virginis, cujus opositum in veritate est in XVIIIo Piscium, qui distat per XXIIIIor gradus a XIIo gradu Arietis ubi ponitis; Lunam irradiatam a Sole per opositionem in hoc male videtur studuisse in libro qui dicitur Alquindus De radiis 42 et rationes jaumetricas quas ponit Tholomeus in ­Quadripartito suo qui dicitur Alarba.43 [7] Et quia dixistis per Lunam significari quod querens obtineret honorem a ­domino et cetera, male considerastis introductiones astronomicorum in Introductorio majori Albummassar 44 et aliorum judicum, qui omnes concorditer dicunt, et precipue Avenesre 45 et Ali Abenragel,46 cum dicunt quod quando Luna vel significator respicit domum seu cameram rei de qua queritur, sicut hic Luna irradiabat Xam domum, tunc debet atente considerari quod si Luna sit in cadenti, sicut erat hic 40 This sentence is in fact found in the prologue of the Astronomia sive Flores in Almagesto, ­written by Jābir ibn Aflāḥ; cf. Geber Filius Affla Hispalensis, De astronomia libri IX, published with Petrus Apianus, Instrumentum primi mobilis, Nuremberg 1534, p. 2. 41 This configuration corresponds to one of the misfortunes of the Moon according to many astrologers, e. g. Albumasar, Ysagoga minor, vol. IV, in Abū Ma’shar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology, together with the Medieval Latin translation of Adelard of Bath, ed. and trans. Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto and Michio Yano, Leiden–New York–Cologne 1994, p. 122. 42 This reference is problematic and seems strange because the De radiis ascribed to al-Kindī is only theoretical and has been condemned in the Errores philosophorum ascribed to Giles of Rome. See Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny and Françoise Hudry, Al-Kindi, De radiis, in: Archives d’Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 49 (1974), pp. 139 – 269. 43 Cf. the Kitāb al-Arba‘a, arabic translation of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos. I did not see the exact sentence in Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ed. and trans. Frank E. ­Robbins, Cambridge (Mass.)– London 1961, and Ptholomeus, Quadripartitum, Venice 1493. 44 Albumasar’s Introductorius major (see note 34 on the edition). 45 Abraham Ibn Ezra, On Elections (see note 38), pp. 286 – 291 (She’elot I, 10th house), and pp.  382 – 383 (She’elot II, 10th house); Id., De interrogationibus, trans. Peter of Abano, V ­ enice 1507, fol. 65ra–rb, De decima domo. 46 Albohazen Hali, Filius Abenragel, Liber in judiciis astrorum, Venice 1485, III, III, 20, fol. 48vb–49rb.

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cadens in sexta domo, non significat complementum rei, sicut vos dixistis, sed haberet tantum in cogitatione et non in effectu; si vero esset in angulo vel in sequenti, tunc irradiatio significaret effectum. [8] Item dixistis quod Jupiter erat in XIa domo seu camera spei et fortune et ­desiderii et familiarium domini 47 et quod erit ibi cum Sole comburente; et hec bene dixistis; sed conclusistis quod post tempus certum obtineret et cetera; et in hoc /fol. 104r/ mirum est quod ignorastis verba Albummassar de revolutione anni,48 cum quo famosi astrologi concordant, cum dicunt quod Sol per conjunctionem corporalem extra Leonem et ­Arietem comburit et destruit omnes planetas et nulla virtus est in eis et quod tunc planeta significare non potest, neque promittere nullo unquam tempore dabit pro questione illa, nisi esset in corde Solis, quod est cum sunt ambo infra viginti minuta unius gradus in longitudine et latitudine. [9] Item dixistis in secunda questione de mutatione status et cetera, quia ascendens erat tercius gradus Scorpionis, dominus ejus erat Mars, dominus ascendentis, et erat circa finem Libre; et in hoc bene dixistis, pro eo quia erat in signo mutanti; sed adjunxistis quod mutaret in melius, pro eo quod Mars erat in parte ascendente spere, sed in hoc non bene considerastis introductiones et amphorimos sapientum astrorum, qui dicunt quod planeta ascendens in parte spere, quando est in XII a domo seu camera, qui est locus dejectionis et vilitatis, tunc nichil boni promittit in mutatione status, sed in aliis locis, vel si appodiatur planeta in angulis, quod hic non erat; et quamvis tu dicas quod domini terciorum junguntur Marti, domino ascendentis, per quod juvaretur querens ab amicis, non dixistis in hoc verum, quia unus illorum est separatus et alter nullo modo respicit, sicut tu jam ponis eos in adhecationibus planetarum. Responsio [sic]49 [10] Ego autem considero sic. In questione prima de obtentu a domino, /fol. 104v/ quia verba sunt sapientum, super XIa domo et textus est Ahomar 50 et Azelis 51, cum 47 Albumasar, Ysagoga minor, II, in Abū Ma’shar, The Abbreviation (see note 41), p. 104, for the meaning of the 11th house: “spei, fortune, divitiarum, fame, sodalium.” 48 Abū Ma’shar al-Balkhī [Albumasar], Liber introductorii majoris ad scientiam iudiciorum astro­rum, ed. Richard Lemay, Naples 1996, vol. V, VII, 4, Texte latin de Jean de Séville avec la révision de Gérard de Crémone, p. 289. 49 Master Peter’s responsio begins in fact at § 5. So there is a mistake of the copyist here. 50 Aomar Tiberiadis (‘Umar al-Ṭabarī, died c. 815) is one of the nine “judges” of the Liber novem judicum. Cf. Liber novem judicum, Venice 1508 (fol. 77va–88rb for the interrogations of the 10th house); The Book of the Nine Judges. Traditional Horary Astrology, trans. Ben Dykes, Minneapolis 2012. 51 I. e. Zael Benbriz (Sahl Ibn Bishr), the famous Jewish astrologer of the 9th century. See the Liber novem judicum (see note 50), fol. 77rb sq., and in Ptolomaeus, Quadripartitum, Venice 1493, fol. 135ra–135rb, the chapter of Zael’s De interrogationibus called Questio de qualibet re si adipiscetur vel non.

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dicunt quod si fortuna sit in angulo Xe camere vel in angulo orientis seu prime camere, illum dominum seu alium de quo queritur amicum esse asserit, scilicet querentis honorem et profectum ab eo inducit; et ita erat in ista figura celesti, quia Venus, que est fortuna, sicut dicit Abummassar in libro De peregrinationibus et Hili, De electionibus,52 erat in tercio gradu Scorpionis in gradu orientis prope, sicut patet per tabulas verificatas astrorum, et non per tacuinum judeum de Monte Pessulano, 53 sicut judicat tua scriptura. [11] Item in alia questione de mutatione status considero sic. Mars, dominus ascendentis, erat cadens in XIIa domo et erat in signo mutationis, scilicet Libra, et Luna similiter erat cadens in VIa domo et erat similiter in signo mutationis, scilicet Ariete, in prima facie, non in secunda sicut tu ponis; et omnia hec significant mutationem status; quod autem sic mutatio in melius ita considero quia Mars erat in ascendente spere, ut tu jam dixisti, sed erat in fine signi Libre, qui est casus ejus, et jam intrabat signum Scorpionis, ubi habet multas suas dignitates ex domo et triplicitate et jam radii medii sui orbis luminis erant in eo; et hec ratio sumitur ex figura celi naturalis; ex figura autem accidentali sic probatur, quia Mars, dominus ascendentis, erat in fine XIIe domus cadentis, quasi intraturus primam domum orientis in quinque gradibus qui sunt supra orizonta, jam irradians illos ut veniat suo motu ad angulum orientis, per quod signi-/fol. 105r/-ficatur mutatio in melius et cetera. [12] Item de tempore dixistis quod usque ad duos annos premissi honores non complebuntur et tunc omnia complebuntur, quia Mars erat a longe a camera Xa per decem signa; per hec videris intelligere quod quando Mars venerit ad Leonem in Xa camera, tunc complebuntur sibi honores et cetera, quod erit circa finem duorum annorum; et in hoc bona fuit consideratio, sicut legitur in libris de temporibus; sed forte esset melior consideratio quod istud tempus significaretur a planeta Venere fortuna que erat fortior et proprior in ascendente angulo, et hoc esset quando Venus veniret ad Xam cameram in Leone et maxime si esset ibi cum Sole, quod poterit esse ante finem primi anni. [13] Item dixistis quod Mars, dominus ascendentis, erat in suo tercio et domini terciorum aliorum sui signi veniebant conjungi cum illo; ideo dixistis quod multi amici juvarent eundem petentem ad obtinendum petita. Et ego dico quod nullus planetarum jungitur Marti nec Mars alteri, sicut patet intuenti figuram et adecationes planetarum et scienti radios et aspectus planetarum; sed forte hoc potuit significari quod industria

52 Haly Embrani, De electionibus, in: José Maria Millàs Vallicrosa, Las traducciones orientales en los manuscritos de la Biblioteca Catedral de Toledo, Madrid 1942, p. 335: “Luna enim, secundum ipsum [= Albumasar], calida est, et fortuna quoque sicut Venus. Quod testatur Albumasar, ubi loquitur de peregrinationibus.” 53 I. e. the Almanach of the Jewish astronomer Prophatius ( Jacob ben Makhir ibn Tibbon). Cf. Almanach Dantis Alighieri sive Prophacii Judaei Montispessulani. Almanach perpetuum ad annum 1300 inchoatum, ed. Giuseppe Boffito, Camillo Melzi d’Eril, Florence 1908. This almanach is mainly based upon the Toledan Tables.

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sua, amicorum consilio et altiorum hominum propter translationem luminis de Luna ad Mercurium per apositionem et Mercurii ad Saturnum ex trino aspectu amicitie ad Saturnum recipientem et receptum in angulo quarte domus et fortunium XIe domus per Solis presentiam, qua signum calefacit et non destruit, sed fortunat /fol. 105v/ XIam et propter fortunium prime domus orientis in qua erat Venus ut predixi. [14] “Queritur quid accidet de domino”: in ista questione prima laudastis dictum primum, sed dixistis falsum esse cum dicebam quod Sol, qui est dominus Xe camere, tunc irradiabat Lunam, quia, ut dicitis, die jovis precedenti Luna fuit in oppositione Solis irradiata a Sole per oppositum, allegando quod hoc probabant tabule examinationum et quod hoc videratis per experienciam. [15] Concedo et dico quod die jovis post meridiem quinque horis et XI momentis fuerunt Sol et Luna per oppositum et ab illa hora usque ad horam petentis erant XVIIIo hore, et interim Luna ascendit IX gradus et LII minutas et Solis XLIIIIor minutas; et Tolomeus scribit in VIIo capitulo in libro judicum in quo tractat de triginta modis qui judicant motus et virtutes planetarum; et unus illorum est irradiatio, ubi dicitur septem modis;54 et ibidem ponit quod Hali, Abummassar et omnes antiqui dicebant quod irradiatio non deficiebat in virtute per longitudinem XII graduum;55 Tholomeus autem dicebat quod impediebat cum distabat per XVI gradus, unde non impediebat secundum Tholomeum et alios, cum non distaret nisi per IX gradus; unde perinde ­judico ac si directe radiaret, quod facit quantum ad veram sententiam et effectum, cum talis distancia non impediat, ut est dictum. /fol. 106r/ [16] Item quia dicitis quod pono Lunam extra oppositum Solis, ymo pono quantum ad IX gradus et LII minutas, sed quantum ad sententiam et effectum, judico quod irradiantibus directe ut superius est dictum; nec dixi quod esset in XIIo gradu Arietis, ymo in meis adjectionibus, si bene vidistis, Sol Virgo erat XVIIo et non in XIIo, quia tunc esset aliud; et vos dixistis quod erat in XVIIIo Piscium, qui distat per XXIIIIor gradus a XII o gradu Arietis, ubi ponebam Lunam irradiatam a Sole per appositionem; dixi et dico ut supra, ut apparet in adzacationibus meis, si bene vidistis, ubi dixi Sol Virgo XVIIo gradus. In hoc vero quod dicitis Solem esse in Piscibus, multum miror, quia scitis quod nisi in XVIIIa die marcii non erat in Piscibus. [17] Item in hoc quod dicitis me non bene vidisse in Libro irradiationum a calide, dico illum vidisse, sed non facit ad istos radios super quibus tractatur, quia isti sciuntur per virtutes numerum et illi sciuntur a calide per visum occuli. [18] Item de illo quod me reprehendistis quod Lunam ponebam significatricem ­honori et dignitati petentis, et dicitis quod Luna erat in VIa camera nichil habebat significare, sed si esset in Va, concederet significationi quam dabam, salvo honore vestro, non ordinastis cameras ut debuistis, secundum esse terre petentis, quia si vultis bene

54 The exact source could not be identified. 55 Albumasar, Liber introductorii majoris (see note 48), VII, 5, vol. V, p. 294.

Appendix

59

studere et ponere cameras secundum ascentiones signorum in hac terra, /fol. 106v/ invenietis quod Luna est in Va camera, quia est in secunda camera Arietis; quare ejus significatio erat bona et vera ut posui. [19] Item super eo quod me reprehendistis quia respondi petenti et assignavi certum terminum ad consequendum honores, quia dicitis quod Jupiter erat combustus a Sole et ponitis quod nullam significationem potest facere super questione, miror valde, quia scitis quod in XLIIo capitulo de octo libris sententiarum habet quod quando planeta est retrograda, dicit quod non potest esse in pejori significatione; et ponit in capitulo sequenti quod debet judicari quando erit directa, tunc debet obtinere petita; et in capi­ tulo nonagesimo ponit Tholomeus quod planeta combustus est sicut homo existens in periculo mortis et postea venit in convalescentia; quare dico quod post exitum combustionis, habet significare complementum propter reductionem sui primii status et in combustione nichil propter debilitatem et melenconiam. [20] Item super eo quod me reprehendistis quod bene non vidi Librum alariba, sciatis quod vidi, sed per ipsum non judico, quia Mosalla scribit in Libro generali judiciorum, in Xo capitulo, in fine, et in principio Libri nativitatis, quod ipse credit quod Tholomeus non fecit illum librum, /fol. 107r/ quia illa plurima que continentur in eo sunt longe a veritate et a ratione.56 [21] Item super eo etiam quod me reprehendistis quod judicabam quod mutaret dignitatem suam in melius quia Mars erat in parte ascendentis et dicebam quod erat in XIIa camera, que vocatur cadens, et dixistis quod potius haberet significare in pejori, miror de reprehensione, quia scitis in Libro communi judiciorum, in Vo capitulo, ponit nobilitatem et incrementum unicum, que recipiunt planete secundum locum eorum in spera, ubi ponit quando planeta ascendit in partem sinistram vel ascendit in speram parvam aut in statu suo secundo aut exit subtus combustionem Solis, tunc in suo ­meliori statu; et non distinguit per cameram in qua est. [22] Item super eo quod me reprehendit quia dominus terciorum Scorpionis conjungebatur Marti, qui est dominus Scorpionis, et unus terciorum est separatus et alius non irradiat, miror, quia domini terciorum Scorpionis sunt Venus et Mars et socius est Luna et Venus et Mars sunt infra duabus grasis et XX minutis /fol. 107v/ et virtus corporis cujuslibet planete durat VI gradibus et plus et Tholomeus ponit in VIIo capitulo

56 As far as I know, the attribution of the Tetrabiblos to Ptolemy has not been contested by the famous Jewish astrologer Māshā’allāh. But some important Jewish scholars of the Middle Ages did so: see in particular chapter one of Abraham ibn Ezra’s first version of his Sefer ha-Te‘amim (Book of Reasons) in Abraham Ibn Ezra, The Book of Reasons (see note 35), pp. 34 – 35. See also the Latin translation of the Sefer ha-Te‘amim from 1281 by Henry Bate of Mechelen under the title De mundo vel seculo, Venice 1507, fol. 76rb: “Et ego, Abraham compilator, dico quod hunc libellum [i. e. Quadripartitum] non compilavit Ptolomeus, nam in eo sunt multi sermones frivoli secundum scientie contra ponderationum et experiencie. Idem in Libro nativitatis, caput domus 5, ait idem […].”

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sui Libri generalis quod quocienscumque quod planeta sit infra virtutem alius planete vocantur conjuncte. [23] Ex quibus concludo positiones meas prout posueram veras esse et de reprehensione vestra merito valde miror, sed ad declarationem vestre intentionis et mee in festivitatibus natalis Domini Aquis simul erimus, Domino concedente; existens nichilominus in mea intentione quod petens suum obtinebit optatum prout scripsi. [24] In sententiis vestris cum meis concordantibus in effectu, licet differant in arte et in effectu etiam quantum ad prorogationem temporis discordemus, quia vos ponitis tempus brevius et ego longius; miror de vobis, quia posuistis significatorem Venus et ex eo extraxistis brevitatem obtinendi petita contra sententiam meam, qui dicebam longius, quia scitis quod Venus ponit Tholomeus quod Venus nichil significat quoad honores boni, sed quantum ad lacivitates et luxurias;57 adhuc est magis miran d um, quia Venus erat /fol. 108r/ in XII a camera cadentis et nullium dominium habebat cum domino ascendentis et non debuistis ipsum recipere pro significatore, quia nullum dominium habebat cum domino ascendentis, nec potestatem nec proprietatem in questione, sed Mars erat dominus ascendentis, quare recepi eum pro significatore. [25] Insuper, miror quia dixistis quod irradiatio Mercurii ad Saturnum significat mutationem majoris honoris, quia Saturnus est retrogradus et nullam bonam significationem habet. [26] Dixistis quod judicavi per tacuinum. Verum est, et etiam per tabulas, quia quantum ad questionem istam non differunt. Similem processum habuit dominus P.,58 Aquensis archiepiscopus.

57 Ptolomaeus, Quadripartitum (see note 51), III, 13, fol. 81va. Cf. Abraham ibn Ezra, Liber rationum, trans. Peter of Abano, Venice 1507, fol. 39ra: “Venus est fortunata planeta, ­quoniam parum temperata, ideo luxuriam significat.” 58 Pierre Després was appointed bishop of Aix by John XXII the 11th of September 1318.

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Appendix

Fig. 1. A Reconstitution of the figura celi of the questio (see § 4 of the text)

☿5°15’

pars dignitatis 2°

☼ 18°58’ ♃ 17°31’

pars domin.

XI

IX

5°

X

19°

XII ♂27°40’ ♀30°

VIII 3°

Questio of Robert de Mauvoisin 3 September 1316 5 post meridiem

I (Asc.)

VII

3°

II VI ♄ 17°54’

III

IV

19°

V

☾ 2°45’

Main signification of the twelve houses (domus or camere): I. vita, II. lucrum, III. fratres, IV. parentes, V. filii, VI. valitudo, VII. nuptie, VIII. mors, IX. peregrinationes, X. honores, XI. amici, XII. inimici.

Fig. 2. Comparison between Moses’ astronomical data with those which could have been calculated with Prophatius’ Almanach perpetuum, the Toledan Tables (TT), and the positions we can get with modern astronomical tables (MT)

Moses Prophatius TT MT Saturn 317.54 318.18 318.2 321.51 Jupiter 168.58 168.26 168.14 168.41 Mars 207.40 207.34 207.29 207.9 Sun 167.31 167.29 167.32 168.45 Venus 210 209.48 211.17 212.45 Mercury 185.15 183.37 183.23 188.33 Moon 2.45 0.20 0.47 2.34 H. ­Dragon 19. 20.43 19.59 20. Ascendant 213 (3° Scorpio) 316.54

Robert Hand

Giovanni Villani and the Great Conjunction of 1345

Giovanni Villani (c. 1276 – 1348) is well known to medieval historians as the first major chronicler of the history of Florence. He was a banker and diplomat, and typical of the Florentine upper classes in that his origins were not from nobility but from what we would now call the upper middle class. He began writing the Cronica 1 around 1300 and continued until shortly before his death from the plague in 1348. This we know because the last chapters of his work deal with the plague. His work constitutes one of the richest primary sources for history of Italy in the Middle Ages. This is a publication about “Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe.” From this point of view Villani and his chronicle is an especially interesting case. Villani was not an astrologer in the same sense as Guido Bonatti (c. 1210–c. 1290), Cecco d’Ascoli (1257 – 1327), or Pietro d’Abano (late 13th–early 14th centuries). Astrology was not Villani’s primary activity. Yet there are approximately thirty-five chapters in this work in which there is some mention of astrology. Many of these are simple references to ancient astrological beliefs and references to cosmic omens, comets, eclipses and phenomena of the kind quite common in medieval chro­nicle literature. However, there are also astrological discourses in the Cronica which are quite sophisticated, one of which from Book XIII, chapter 41 is the subject of this paper. What I attempt to give in this paper is an example of how a complex form of astrology, at a high level of sophistication, could be employed by a literate layperson, who was neither an academic nor a practicing astrologer, as a tool of historical analysis. Villani was by no means the only one to write on this conjunction. Thorndike 2 mentions several. Among these are John of Eshenden (died c. 1379),3 Geoffrey of Meaux (first half of the fourteenth century),4 John of Murs (first half of the fourteenth

1 The edition of Villani used throughout this paper is the following: Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cro­nica, ed. Giuseppe Porta, 3 vols., Parma 22007. This edition will be referred to hereafter as Cronica. 2 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols., New York, 1923 – 1958, referred to hereafter as HMES. 3 The forms of his name vary considerably. Thorndike lists Eshenden, Eschenden, chendon, Aschendene, Ashenton, Eschuid, Aschelden, Aysheen, Escynden, Esshenden, Veschinden, Ashenden, Ashindon, and Eastwood. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 325. Thorndike’s description of John’s involvement with the conjunction of 1345 is pp. 326 – 332. 4 Thorndike, HMES (see note 2), vol. 3, p. 281, denies that Geoffrey wrote on the conjunction but Hubert Pruckner published a text that clearly is about this conjunction, and does not appear to be the one “actually” (according to Thorndike) written by John of Murs. See

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­century),5 Firmin de Beauval (first half of the fourteenth century),6 plus a prognostication by Levi ben Gerson (originally written in Hebrew but translated into Latin)7 to cite a few. However, these men were all professionally involved in astronomy in both medieval uses of the word.8 Villani was not a professional practitioner in either sense. Although quite literate in astrology, as I will demonstrate below, he was a patron of astrologers whose work he used, not one himself. Villani’s attitude toward astrology is quite clear. He was suspicious of astrology insofar as it was associated with pagan concepts 9 and he vigorously asserted free will against the fatalism allegedly supported by some astrologers.10 His hostility toward those who seemed to advocate a more deterministic view of astrology may be revealed in Book VIII, chapter 8111 where he makes an ironic reference to Guido Bonatti and his employment by the Duke of Montefeltro in battle strategy. He refers to Bonatti as a “roof-maker” when he certainly must have known (Bonatti having been very much involved in the history of Florence) that Bonatti was an educated man and quite possibly attended the University of Bologna.12 However, the most elaborate use of astrology in the Cronica is to make sense of historical events both present and past. The more complex of these are found in the later books. In addition to the chapter which is the topic of this paper we have Book XIII, chapters 31, 32, 40, 84, 98, and 114, all of which cover the period of Villani’s own life.

Hubert Pruckner, Studien zu den astrologischen Schriften des Heinrich von Langenstein, Leipzig–Berlin 1933, pp. 215 – 219. 5 See Thorndike, HMES (see note 2), vol. 3, pp. 303 – 304, but also see Pruckner, Studien (see note 4), pp. 223 – 226. 6 See Thorndike, HMES (see note 2), vol. 3, p. 268, but also see Pruckner, Studien (see note 4), pp. 220 – 221. 7 Bernard R. ­G oldstein and David Pingree, Levi Ben Gerson’s Prognostication for the Conjunction of 1345, vol. 80/6 (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society), Philadelphia 1990, pp. 28 – 29. 8 As was the general practice of the time, the hard and fast distinction between the two terms, nearly universally maintained in modern times, was not maintained in the Middle Ages. See Richard Lemay, The Teaching of Astronomy in Medieval Universities, principally at Paris in the Fourteenth Century, in: Manuscripta 20/3 (1976), pp. 197 – 217. 9 Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 1, p. 89 and p. 145. 10 See the passages referred to in the previous note as well as the passage from ibid., vol.1, Book XIII, ch. 41 (pp. 392 – 396) which is the main subject of this paper. 11 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 536. 12 The details of Bonatti’s life are not well known. The best source material on his life is contained in Baldassarre Boncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Guido Bonatti astrologo ed astronomo del secolo decimoterzo, Rome 1851. Another useful introduction to his life is contained in the translation by Dykes of Bonatti’s opus. Guido Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, trans. Benjamin Dykes, 2 vols., Golden Valley, MN 2007.

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Others have noted Villani’s use of astrology and commented on the pervasive influence of astrological ideas in the Cronica. In particular there is the work by Ernst Mehl, “Die Weltanschauung des Giovanni Villani” 13 which provides the general background. Also, an article by Viktor Stegemann (kindly provided to me by David Juste) demonstrates that Villani’s language, when describing major historical figures, kings, emperors, popes and the like, is dominated by the language of astrological character typing as was to be found in the works of ancient and medieval writers such as Ptolemy, Vettius Valens, Dorotheus and Albumasar. Stegemann argues that the apparent reliance on astrological literature is so great that the verbiage used may not have been derived from direct knowledge of the personalities of these figures but rather from astrologically-derived basic character types, ones that these indivi­ duals should have possessed (according to astrology) based on their roles in history. Nor does one have to go back as far as Stegemann did to find such authors. In the writings of Bonatti from just before Villani’s own time we find the same language of astrological character typing. Let us now turn to the passage in question from Book XIII, chapter 41 entitled “On the Conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars in the Sign of Aquarius.”14 Villani begins his discussion as follows: In the year 1345 on the 28th day of March, a little after the ninth hour,15 according to the calculation of Pagolo di ser Piero, a great master in this science, there was a conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in twenty degrees of the sign Aquarius along with the aspects of other planets [which will be] described below. But according to the almanac of Prophatius Judaeus 16 and the Toledan Tables the aforesaid conjunction had to be on the 20th day of the aforesaid March, and the planet Mars was with them in the sign of Aquarius, twenty-seven degrees, and the Moon was completely eclipsed on the ­eighteenth day of the aforesaid March in the sign of Libra in seven degrees.

13 Ernst Mehl, Die Weltanschauung des Giovanni Villani. Ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte Italiens im Zeitalter Dantes (Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance 33), Berlin 1927, reprint Hildesheim 1973. 14 “Della congiunzione di Saturno e di Giove e di Marti nel segno d’Aquario”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), p. 392. Unless otherwise noted, all translations in this paper are by myself. However, I wish to acknowledge the assistance in correcting my translation of Villani’s Italian provided by Katherine Jansen, Associate Professor of History at the Catholic University of America in Washington DC. ­Any remaining errors are my responsibility. 15 Early afternoon if one assumes, probably correctly, that the Florentines of the time, or at least the Florentine astronomers, began the day at sunrise rather than midnight. 16 For a discussion of the Prophatius Judaeus’ Canons see Thorndike, HMES (see note 2), vol. 3, pp. 694 – 698.

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Also, at the entry which the Sun made into the sign of Aries on the eleventh day of March,17 Saturn was on the ascendant in the sign of Aquarius in eighteen degrees and was the lord of the year, and Jupiter was in Aquarius in sixteen degrees. Mars was in Aquarius in the twenty-two degrees. But following the calculations of the aforementioned master Pagolo, who is one of the modern masters, he said that he saw visibly the conjunction with his instruments on the twenty-eighth day of March, the conjunction being in the angle of the west and the Sun was almost on the Midheaven declining a little from the angle in sixteen degrees of Aries and in his own exaltation. Leo, the Sun’s domicile, was in the ascen­ dant in thirteen degrees, and Mars was already in six degrees of Pisces. Venus was in Taurus in fourteen degrees, in her own domicile, and in the Midheaven. Mercury was in Taurus in the first degree, and the Moon was in Aquarius in four degrees.18

As one can see Villani cites the observations of one Pagolo di ser Piero whom he describes twice as a master in this field. Along with Pagolo di ser Piero, Villani also mentions the computations of the almanac of Prophatius Judaeus and the Toledan Tables which were the standard set of astronomical tables in use until the composition in the mid-thirteenth century of the Alphonsine Tables. 19 Apparently these ­latter tables were not in use in Florence in Villani’s time. To be noted here is that the computations of Master Pagolo and Prophatius Judaeus disagree by several days as 17 According to modern calculations the actual conjunction was on March 24 O. ­S. at 12:05 TT. ­For an explanation of TT or Terrestrial Time see Explanatory Supplement to the Astronomical Almanac. A revision to the Explanatory supplement to the Astronomical ephemeris and the American ephemeris and nautical almanac, ed. P. ­Kenneth Seidelmann, Mill Valley, CA 1992, p. 42. 18 “Nell’anno MCCCXLV a dì XXVIII di marzo, poco dopo l’ora di nona, secondo l’adequa­ zione di mastro Pagolo di ser Piero, gran maestro in questa iscienzia, fue la congiunzione di Saturno e di Giove a gradi XX del segno dello Aquario collo infrascritto aspetto degli altri pianeti. Ma secondo l’almanaco di Profazio Giudeo e delle tavole tolletane dovea esere la detta congiunzione a dì XX del detto mese di marzo; e ’l pianeto di Marti era co·lloro nel detto segno d’Aquario gradi XXVII, e·lla luna scurata tutta a dì XVIII del detto mese di marzo nel segno della Libra gradi VII. ­E all’entrare che fece il sole nell’Ariete, a dì XI di marzo, fu Saturno in sull’ascendente nel segno d’Aquario gradi XVIII e signore dell’anno, e Giove nel detto Aquario gradi XVI. ­E Mars nel detto Aquario gradi XXII; ma seguendo l’equazione del detto mastro Paolo, ch’è de’ maestri moderni, e dissene che co’ suoi stormenti visibilmente vide la congiunzione a dì XXVIII marzo, essendo la detta congiunzione nell’angolo di ponente, e ‘l sole era quasi a mezzo il cielo un poco dichinante a l’angolo, a gradi XVI dell’Ariete, e in sua saltazione; e il Leone, sua casa, era in su l’ascendente gradi XIII e Mars era già nel Pesce gradi VI; Venus nel Tauro gradi XIIII, sua casa, e in mezzo il cielo; Mercurio in Tauro in primo grado, e·lla luna inn-Aquario gradi IIII”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), pp. 392 – 393. 19 These were prepared during the reign of Alfonso X, “the Wise”, of Castile.

Giovanni Villani and the Great Conjunction of 1345

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to the exact date of the conjunction. There are three reasons for this: first, the tables then in use were not accurate enough to compute the exact or even the approximate time of a conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn. It was not always even possible to get the correct date until Kepler’s Rudolfine Tables in the seventeenth century. The second reason has to do with the nature of the computations. As we shall see below, the date of the conjunctions was often based not on the actual date of the conjunction of the two visible bodies, which could be measured (but not very precisely) by observation, but on the mean date based on the average lengths of Jupiter's and Saturn's revolutions about the earth. A third problem arises from the fact that even with the best instruments of the time such as master Pagolo might have used, the exact time of a conjunction could not be ascertained by observation. However, all of this discussion about the exact time of the conjunction raises an important point: Villani was aware of the technical issues surrounding the computation of the conjunction. He was not simply a passive consumer of astrological information provided by others. The text goes on, however, to give horoscopic details. These are important because no layperson who was not literate in astrology would be aware of such details. Here are the positions compared with modern ones.20 21 Villani 360° Modern  360° Ascendant 13°Le 133° 13°Le 133° Midheaven Not given 30°Ar 30° Moon 4°Aq 304° 4°Aq 304° Mercury 1°Ta 31° 2°Ta 32° Venus 14°Ta 44° 13°Ta 43° Sun 16°Ar 16° 16°Ar 16° Mars 6°Pi 336° 5°Pi 335° Jupiter 20°Aq 320° 20°Aq 320° Saturn 20°Aq 320° 20°Aq 320°

20 The modern positions were computed with the program Solar Fire v.7.0. This program employs calculation routines developed in Switzerland based on Jet Propulsion Laboratory figures. While no planetary calculation routines can be considered completely precise this far backward before modern times, the positions given by Solar Fire are certainly accurate within a few minutes of arc and are considerably more accurate than anything available to medieval astrologers. The positions have been computed for March 28, 1345 at 12:56 PM Local Mean Time for 42N46, 11E15, Florence. 21 I have followed a common medieval convention in rounding the degrees of the modern positions. Anything over an exact degree, even by a minute or second of arc, is considered to be in the next degree. Thus the Moon’s modern computed position of 303º 25’ is listed as 304º.

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Abbreviations used:22 Ar Aries Ta Taurus Ge Gemini

Cn Cancer Le Leo Vi Virgo

Li Libra Sc Scorpio Sg Sagittarius

Cp Capricorn Aq Aquarius Pi Pisces

I think it is clear that the two sets of positions are extremely close. However, there is a problem with the reported observation of Master Pagolo. The chart is calculated for early afternoon. It would not have been possible to observe the positions of Jupiter and Saturn or any other body besides the Sun and Moon in the daytime. It is possible that the time of the conjunction may have been derived by making observations of Jupiter and Saturn before dawn on several successive days and interpolating between those observations to obtain the time of conjunction. Then, given the time arrived at by this means, he could have derived the other positions from tables. Given the accuracy of medieval observations (as already pointed out) this could account for the fact that the time of the conjunction is in fact incorrect according to modern calculations. However, in the course of the final preparations I found out something 23 that makes this whole matter somewhat more mysterious. In Levi ben Gerson’s Prognostication the Latin translation of the original Hebrew text contains exactly the same positions 24 as Master Pagolo’s “observations.” As Levi ben Gerson’s tables do not include planetary tables,25 it is not at all clear how these positions could have come to Master Pagolo unless he had access to the Latin translation of ben Gerson’s Prognostication, or exactly the same tables that ben Gerson used from another source. The latter seems unlikely, the former may be possible but we have no information. This is a puzzle that I cannot resolve here. In any case according to modern computations Master Pagolo did not quite catch the exact conjunction (although he certainly came close). The actual positions of Jupiter and Saturn at this time of his observation were 19°Aq 45' for Jupiter and 19°Aq 21' for Saturn which indicates that the conjunction was slightly past. Modern computations place the exact conjunction in the early afternoon Florence time on March 24. However, it is not my purpose to judge the quality of medieval astronomy here; it is simply to point out that Villani had a nearly complete, state of the art (as it was in the fourteenth century) astrological chart chart to work from. There is much more in this first passage that illustrates the depth of Villani’s know­ ledge of contemporary astrology. Master Pagolo’s chart of the conjunction is not the 22 These abbreviations are used throughout the paper wherever the astrological characters are not used. 23 My thanks to David Juste for pointing me to this. 24 Rounded upward as described above in note 21. 25 Goldstein–Pingree, Levi Ben Gerson’s Prognostication (see note 7), p. 41.

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only one that Villani refers to. In the second paragraph of this passage Villani refers to the recent entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries, or, to put it a bit more accurately astronomically speaking, the chart of the exact vernal equinox. Why is this here? I will answer this presently but for the moment we simply need to see that it is here. We must note that according to the calculations of the time Saturn and Jupiter were rising near the ascendant degree and that for this reason (Saturn being the closer of the two to the ascendant) Saturn was the Lord of the Year. That term is emphasized because it is yet another term of astrological art that one would not expect to see in a work if the author were not literate in astrology. It refers to the planet in the chart of the equinox which is the most useful in indicating what will happen to a people or nation as a whole in the year ahead. It is, therefore, the single most important indicator, or significator, in the chart. The method for determining it varies somewhat from author to author but the two principal source texts are the Latin version of Messahallah’s text known in Latin as De revolutionibus and the Albumasar text known as Flores. In either of these texts the principle described below by M ­ essahallah would be accepted as definitive. Understand that the strongest of the planets [in the annual revolution] is that planet which is in the ascendant neither remote from the angle nor cadent, or which is in the midheaven […] If the lord of the ascendant is in the horoscopus [ascendant], to wit, 3 degrees before or after its cusp, and it is neither cadent nor remote from the angle of the Ascendant, it will not be necessary for us to look at another planet with it.26

In the equinox chart described by Villani Aquarius, which is ruled by Saturn, rises with Saturn on or near the degree of the ascendant. Clearly it is the Lord of the Year. Also, Mars is with Saturn and Jupiter in Aquarius which made this particular conjunction one in which all three superior planets, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, were conjoined at the same time. Earlier in the month of March the three planets had come within two degrees of each other. The following table shows the positions of the three planets in celestial longitude and latitude at 24 hour intervals computed for 0:00 hour Terrestrial Time (TT) following the modern convention.27

26 “Scito quod fortior ex planetis est ille, qui fuerit in ascendente, non remotus ab angulo, necque cadens, uel qui fuerit sic in medio coeli, […] Cum fuerit dominus ascendantis in Horoscopo, scilicet per tres gradus ante uel retro cuspidem eius, non cadens neque remotus ab angulo ascendentis, non erit nobis necesse cum eo aspicere alium Planetam”, Messahallah, De Revolutione Annorum Mundi, trans. John of Seville, Nuremberg 1549, ch. 6, fol. B3r. 27 All calculations below were done by the Solar Fire program (see note 20).

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Date 28 Mar 1 Mar 2 Mar 3 Mar 4 Mar 5 Mar 6

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Mars Lg. 13°Aq 30' 14°Aq 17' 15°Aq 04' 15°Aq50' 16°Aq 37' 17°Aq 23'

Mars Lat. -01°07' -01°07' -01°08' -01°08' -01°09' -01°09'

Jup. Lg. 14°Aq 13' 14°Aq 27' 14°Aq 39' 14°Aq 52' 15°Aq 05' 15°Aq 18'

Jup. Lat -00°38' -00°39' -00°39' -00°39' -00°39' -00°39'

Sat. Lg. 16°Aq 41' 16°Aq 48' 16°Aq 54' 17°Aq 01' 17°Aq 07' 17°Aq 13'

Sat. Lat -01°00' -01°00' -01°00' -01°00' -01°00' -01°01'

The actual conjunctions among the three planets occurred as follows: Mars Conjunct Jupiter Mars Conjunct Saturn Jupiter Conjunct Saturn

March 2, 1345 March 5, 1345 March 24, 1345

6:48:36 am TT 6:05:11 pm TT 12:04:41 pm TT

In addition to the charts of the actual conjunction, however approximate, and the chart of the vernal equinox, there is another chart mentioned in this passage, a total eclipse of the Moon on March 18. By modern calculations this would have been on March 18, 1345 at 10:20 pm LMT in Florence. The Sun was at 06°Ar14' and the Moon at 06°Li14' (the seventh degree of Libra as stated in the text) with 23°Sc rising. This would have placed the eclipsed Moon in the east well above the horizon. So we have the following: 1.  References to and planetary data of the time of the actual conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn. 2.  References to and planetary data of an eclipse of the Moon. 3.  References to the co-presence of Mars in the general area of the conjunction. 4.  References to and planetary data of the chart of the Sun’s entry into the sign Aries, otherwise known as the chart of the vernal ingress. Is there some special reason why all of these phenomena would have been mentioned in particular? The answer is made clear in text of the work usually known in Latin as De magnis coniunctionibus by the Persian astrologer Abū Ma’shar (787 – 886 CE).29 In 28 All dates O. S. “Lg.” stands for longitude from 0 degrees Aries as measured on the ecliptic. “Lat.” stands for latitude or the angular distance above or below the ecliptic. 29 His full name was Abū Ma’shar, Ja’far ibn Muhammad al-Balkhī and was most commonly latinized as Albumasar. A modern edition of the text is Abu Ma’shar, On Historical Astro­logy. The Book of Religions and Dynasties (on the Great Conjunctions), ed. and trans. Charles Burnett and Keiji Yamamoto, Leiden–Boston 2000. This edition contains a critical edition of the Arabic with an English translation plus a critical edition of the standard Latin translation.

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the first book of this work he lays out the general schema according to six principles based on the times of the conjunctions of the outer or superior planets, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, Saturn being the most superior. The six principles, somewhat simplified, are as follows:30 1.  The conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in the sign of Aries. This is supposed to occur every 960 years.31 2.  The first time in a series when Jupiter and Saturn occur in a new triplicity. This is supposed to occur every 240 years.32 3.  The conjunction of Mars with Saturn in the early degrees of Cancer. This occurs every 30 years. 4.  The conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in any sign other than those signified in #1 and #2. These occur every 20 years. These first four cycles derive their astrological significance not from the moments of exact conjunction (which medieval astronomers could not accurately compute) but from the moment of, and the chart computed for, the moment of the entry of the Sun into the sign Aries as described above. This chart for the beginning of spring in the northern hemisphere (an example of which has already been mentioned previously) was called the revolutio anni mundi, or in English the “annual revolution,” or the “revolution of the year.” The phrase revolutio anni mundi, or its plural revolutiones annorum mundi is found in the Latin text of every one of these first four principles. Therefore it is clear that the presence of the Aries ingress in Villani’s text is not merely due to the 30 Abu Ma’shar, On Historical Astrology (see note 29), pp. 11 – 19. The medieval theory of Great Conjunctions, as it is usually called, constituted one of the major divisions of medieval astrology and was in fact considered to be one of the more licit applications of astrology. The other three divisions were Nativities, the asking of questions or Interrogations, Inceptions and Elections or the choosing of times for taking action or making beginnings. This fourfold division of astrology is found in a number of sources both medieval and modern. For a m ­ odern source see Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, Oxford–New York 1971, p. 287. For a medieval source, the Speculum astronomiae, see Paola Zambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and its Enigma, Dordrecht 1992, p. 222. While a definitive work on the influence of the method of Great Conjunctions in medieval thought has yet to be written, two modern works which are instructive in this regard are the following: Laura ­Ackerman Smoller, History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre d’Ailly, 1350 – 1420, Princeton, NJ 1994, and John D. ­North, Astrology and the Fortunes of Churches, in: Centaurus 24 (1980), pp. 181 – 211. 31 Sources differ whether this should be the first time in a cycle when the conjunction occurs in Aries or when the conjunction occurs in the first few degrees of Aries which constitute the first term of Aries. 32 The progression is from fire signs, to earth signs, to air signs, to water signs then back to fire. How this works is discussed later in the paper.

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fact that it was close in time to the actual Jupiter Saturn conjunction. It also preceded that conjunction and quite closely. Now let us continue with the last two principles which continue along the same lines albeit with some additions. 5.  The new or full Moon which directly precedes the entry of the Sun into each of the four moveable (or in modern terminology) cardinal signs of the zodiac, Aries, Cancer, Libra and Capricorn, and also the actual chart of the Sun’s entry into those signs. These occur four times a year.33 6.  The new or full Moon which directly precedes the entry of the Sun into each of other signs of the zodiac, and also the actual chart of the Sun’s entry into those signs. These give eight more charts a year plus associated new or full moon charts. Principles #5 and #6 give the likely reason why Villani and his sources may have been concerned about an eclipse of the Moon in this period. Eclipses were frequently ­studied in connection with other important astrological phenomena occurring in the same period of time. There may be a problem with that in that the eclipse occurred after the annual revolution so it may be here for another reason given below. However, Albumasar was not the only source that was used for this kind of material. Ptolemy in Book II of the Tetrabiblos recommends both using new and full moon around the vernal equinox and he is also the source of the ancient and medieval doctrine of eclipses.34 Certainly a lunar eclipse either before or after the vernal ingress, on top of all of these other indications, would have rendered the conjunction of 1345 more ominous. I believe that we can now say with some conviction that Villani and his sources had more than a casual knowledge of the astrology of the great conjunctions, more even that of some later astrologers. In fact Guido Bonatti seems unaware of the role of annual revolution charts in the ­analysis of the years of major conjunctions.35 Later on the practice of using the charts of annual revolutions prior to conjunctions seems to have been dropped. Astrologers in the English tradition in the seventeenth century certainly did not use revolution charts and

33 There is some variation on this subject. I have reported exactly what Albumasar says, but Messahallah, De revolutione, ch. 4, fol. B2v, where he states that sometimes one uses only the vernal chart, sometimes the autumn one as well, and in some years all four ingress charts in the manner of Albumasar. 34 Claudius Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ed. and trans. Frank E. ­Robbins (Loeb Classical Library 435), vol. 2, Cambridge (Mass.) 1956. 35 For this material see an early modern printed edition as follows: Guido Bonatti, Decem Continens Tractatus Astronomie, Augsburg 1491, tractatus IV, part 1.

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may by that time not have been aware of the practice. These include William Lilly 36 and William Ramesey.37 Villani continues: This conjunction with its aspect of the other planets and signs, according to what was said and written in the books of the ancient grand masters of astrology, signifies, with God’s consent, great matters in the world, battles, murders, and great changes in kingdoms and peoples, the death of a king, changes in the composition of the rulership and of sects, the appearance of some prophet and of new errors in the Faith, a new arrival of rulers and a new people, famine and mortality in respect to those climes, kingdoms, countrysides and cities, whose influence is attributed to the aforesaid signs and planets. And sometimes it causes some comet to arise in the air, or some other sign, and floods or excessive rains.38

This next section identifies what it is that can be known from the study of conjunctions. What Villani has to say here is directly derived from the topic of the title of Albumasar’s work in Arabic. While this work was usually referred to Latin as De magnis coniunctionibus or On the Great Conjunctions, according to the introduction to the work by Yamamoto and Burnett the original title was The Book of Religions and Dynasties 39 and so they entitled their edition, adding On Historical Astrology to the title. Unlike the more technical aspect of the use of the method of conjunctions to which I have referred, which was not widely known outside of astrological circles, the purpose of the method for predicting the rise and fall of religions and dynasties as just described here was widely known in the medieval period. Roger Bacon in the Opus Maius described the relationship of the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction cycle to the rise of religions quite completely.40

36 William Lilly, England’s Propheticall Merline, London 1644. This is a short work, but it contains an excellent summary of the state of the method of conjunctions as it was in his time. 37 William Ramesey, Astrologia Restaurata; or Astrologie Restored: Being an Introduction to the General and Chief Part of the Language of the Stars, London 1653, pp. 326 ff. This is a more comprehensive work than Lilly’s but also omits the role of the annual revolution. 38 “Questa congiunzione co’ suoi aspetti delli altri pianeti e segni, secondo il detto e scritto de’ libri degli antichi grandi maestri di strologia, significa, Idio consentiente, grandi cose al mondo, e battaglie, e micidi, e grandi commutazioni di regni e di popoli, e morte di re, e tralazione di signorie e di sette, e aparimento d’alcuno profeta e di nuovi errori a fede, e nuova venuta di signori e di nuove genti, e carestia e mortalità apresso in quelli crimanti, regni, paesi e ­cittadi, la cui infruenza de’ detti segni e pianeti è atribuita; e talora fa nascere inn-aria alcuna stella comata, o altri segni e diluvi e di soperchie piove”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 3, pp.  393 – 394. 39 Abu Ma’shar, On Historical Astrology (see note 29), pp. xv–xxii. 40 Roger Bacon, The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, trans. Robert Belle Burke, Philadelphia 1928, pp.  276 – 280.

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But while Bacon does describe the basic technical aspects of astrology and its use of charts, he does not go into the more technical aspects of the use of the method of conjunctions as I have described it here. So the passage from Bacon just mentioned does not add anything to our understanding of Villani’s technical knowledge of the method. However, Villani goes on as follows: However, this is a serious conjunction because of the proximity of Mars, also because of the preceding eclipse of the Moon, because of the annual figure which was in agreement with this, and so also because a little time afterward Saturn and Jupiter moved themselves by retrograde motion to within one degree and thirty-five minutes, so that they could be considered as having returned to another conjunction. Because of retro­ grade motion, they have much more slowness in their effects.41

So we see that he was aware of what occurred astronomically after the exact conjunction itself, namely, that Jupiter and Saturn approached very closely to an exact conjunction later on that year. This occurred in early October. This tells us that V ­ illani was a very sophisticated consumer of astrological information, and that he had the means to derive it himself. The following table shows how close Jupiter came to conjoining Saturn once again in October. Date 42 Jup. Lg. Jup. Lat Sat. Lg. Sat. Lat. Oct. 1 1345 17°Aq07'R -01°12' 15°Aq19' -01°25' Oct.  2 1345 17°Aq06' -01°12' 15°Aq18' -01°25' Oct.  3 1345 17°Aq06' -01°12' 15°Aq17' -01°25' Oct.  4 1345 17°Aq05' -01°12' 15°Aq17' -01°25' Oct.  5 1345 17°Aq05' -01°12' 15°Aq16' -01°25' Oct. 6 1345 17°Aq05'D -01°12' 15°Aq15' -01°25' Oct.  7 1345 17°Aq06' -01°12' 15°Aq15' -01°25' Oct. 8 1345 17°Aq06' -01°11' 15°Aq14' -01°25' Oct. 9 1345 17°Aq07' -01°11' 15°Aq14' -01°25' Oct.  10 1345 17°Aq08' -01°11' 15°Aq14' -01°25'

41 “… però ch’ella è grave congiunzione per la propinquità di Marte, e sì per l’ecrissi proccedente dalla luna, e sì per la figura anuale a·cciò concordevole, e sì ancora perché poco tempo apresso ritrogando Saturno e Giove si rapressaro a gradi uno, minuti XXXV, tanto che·ssi possono un’altra volta congiunti riputare; bene darà più tardezza alli effetti per la ritrogagione”, ­Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 3, p. 394. 42 All dates O. S.

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Villani continues: What we say does not happen because of necessity but happens more or less accor­ding to the pleasure of God, the disposer of the aforementioned heavenly bodies, with his justice and mercy mediating by purging and rewarding according to the merits and sins of nations, kingdoms, and peoples. And there is the liberty of the man’s free will. When someone desires to do something, such a thing [as free will] exists in few because of the defects of lustful vice and [there being but] little constancy in virtue, so that way they live more according to the course of fortune.

Here Villani expresses a common attitude toward astrology, how, as it affects masses of people, even so the will of god is the ultimate disposer, not the planets. His additional comment that an individual’s free will is vitiated by lusts and inconstant virtue is completely consonant with theories regarding the freedom of the will versus the body and emotions from ancient times up to Villani’s day. Compare Villani with Thomas Aquinas’ position on the same subject in Summa Theologica as quoted by Wedel. The majority of men, in fact, are governed by their passions, which are dependent upon bodily appetites; in these the influence of the stars is clearly felt. Few indeed are the wise who are capable of resisting their animal instincts. Astrologers, consequently, are able to foretell the truth in the majority of cases, especially when they undertake general predictions. In particular predictions, they do not attain certainty, for n ­ othing prevents a man from resisting the dictates of his lower faculties. Wherefore the astro­logers themselves are wont to say “that the wise man rules the stars,” forasmuch, namely, as he rules his own passions.43

Villani’s next section contains more of astrological interest. Take note and you will find the planet Mars entered into the sign of Cancer on the twelfth day of the month of September in the aforementioned year 1345 and stood in that sign between direct and retrograde [motions] until the tenth day of January. While retrograde it turned back into Gemini and stayed until the sixteenth day of February and returned then into Cancer and stayed there finally in that sign until the second day of May 1346. So the phenomenon remained in Cancer for six and a half months between the two turnings. According to its usual course Mars does not stay in a sign more than fifty days. Whereby it was said by many masters that the realm of France would have many adversities and great changes because the sign of Cancer is

43 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, 115. 4, Ad Tertium (5. 544), cited in Theodore Otto Wedel, The Medieval Attitude toward Astrology Particularly in England, New Haven 1920, p. 68.

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the exaltation of the planet of Jupiter, sweet and peaceful, and of riches and nobility. That sign of Cancer is assigned to the kingdom of France. Again the planet of Jupiter was positioned under Saturn and Mars. The planet of Jupiter has been assigned to the Church and the king of France. Also take note that when Jupiter took leave of the conjunction of Saturn and Mars and entered the sign of Pisces, its own house, it continued on to conjoin in that sign with the Tail of the Dragon, which again caused backbiting and conflict there and in the countryside.44

The long transit of Mars through Cancer was due to the fact that every two years the earth passes between Mars and the Sun (according to modern reckoning) and this causes Mars to appear to go backwards while the earth is passing Mars on its orbit about the Sun. In 1345 – 1346 such a retrogradation (as it is termed) did occur and it caused Mars to spend a great deal of time in the sign Cancer going forwards, then retrograde, then forward again (the “turnings” or stations) going backwards briefly into the sign of Gemini, then turning around and moving forward into Cancer. Villani’s dates are approximately correct according to modern calculations. Here is a table of Mars’ motions in the signs from September 1345 to June 1346. Mars Entered Cancer Mars Retrograde Mars Entered Gemini Mars Direct Mars entered Cancer Mars Entered Leo

Sep. 12 1345 Nov. 11 1345 Jan. 16 1346 Jan. 28 1346 Feb. 11 1346 Apr. 30 1346

09:17:48 am 10:41:18 am 03:42:53 am 08:30:39 pm 06:44:23 am 00:48:08 am

TT TT TT TT TT TT

In the entire period from September 12, 1345 until April 30, 1346 Mars spent 126 days in Cancer before entering Gemini, then 26 days in Gemini, then another 77 days in Cancer before finally entering Leo for a total of 203 days in the sign Cancer. That is a bit more 44 “E nota ancora e troverrai che ‘l pianeto di Marti entrò nel segno del Cancro a dì XII del mese di settembre nel detto anno MCCCXLV, e stette nel detto segno tra diretto e ritrogrando infino a dì X di gennaio, che ritrogando tornò in Gemini, e stettevi infino a dì XVI di febraio, e ritornò poi in Cancro, e stette poi in quello infino a dì II di maggio MCCCXLVI, sicché mostra sia stato in Cancro da mesi VI e mezzo tra due volte, che secondo suo usato corso non sta nel segno che L dì. Onde per molti maestri si disse che ‘l reame di Francia avrebbe molte aversità e mutazioni, perché il segno del Cancro è asaltazione del pianeto di Giove dolce e pacifico, e dà ricchezze e nobiltà. Il quale segno del Cancro è atribuito al reame di Francia. Ancora il pianeto di Giove fu soprastato da Saturno e da Mars, il quale pianeto di Giove s’atribuisce alla Chiesa e al re di Francia. Ancora nota che partito Giove dalla congiunzione di Saturno e di Marti, ed entrato nel segno del Pesce sua casa, al continuo fu congiunto in quello colla cauda dragonis, ch’ancora li fa ditreazione, e nel paese ov’è atribuito la sua infruenzia”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 3, pp. 394 – 395.

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than six and a half months. It would seem reasonable for anyone versed in astrology that any people, place or kingdom that had a special connection with Cancer would have difficulty during this period because at least back as far as Book II of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos,45 and almost certainly further, the signs of the zodiac were related to specific places and peoples. However, Villani did not derive his assignment of the kingdom of France to Cancer from Ptolemy. This appears to have come from Albumasar, or rather to a portion of an unknown work by another Islamic author a Latin translation of which became part of the standard Latin version of Albumasar’s work.46 Now we come to the conclusion of this section. Villani asks the obvious question, “what profit of wisdom will this astrology bring to the present treatise?” And he gives an excellent answer: … for him who will be discreet and provident, and will wish to investigate the major changes that we have just been through in these times in this country of ours and elsewhere, that in reading this chronicle it will be possible to understand what is predicted for the future, with the consent of God, by comparison with what has just passed.47 45 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos (see note 34), pp. 129 – 161. 46 Abu Ma’shar, On Historical Astrology (see note 29), vol. 1, p. 515. 47 “Ora potrà dire chi questo capitolo leggerà, che utole porta di sapere questa strolomia al presente trattato? Rispondiamo che a chi fia discreto e proveduto, e vorrà investigare delle mutazioni che sono state per li tempi adietro in questo nostro paese e altrove, leggendo questa

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The idea behind this is very simple. There is a tendency for certain kinds of event to happen at similar points in the Jupiter-Saturn cycles, modified of course by the signs in which the conjunctions occurred and other astrological phenomena that occur in the same times. He refers to “a strangeness and novelty which is very evident in our city and elsewhere. This is renewed from one conjunction to another, which lasts from about twenty years to a bit less than twenty years.” Since the average length of the Jupiter-Saturn cycle is 19.86 years, this cycle is clearly connected with these twenty-year patterns and the multiples of these in 60, 240, and 960 years. Villani refers to all of these in this last section of the chapter. He begins referring to the present group of conjunctions which are occurring in the triplicity of air signs, Gemini, Libra, and Aquarius. The upper diagram at the right shows the relationships of the signs to triplicities. According to the calculations of medie­ val astronomy, each conjunction is on average of 242º 25' 17.1"48 from the previous one. Three successive conjunctions create a rough equilateral triangle in the zodiac with each conjunction being 8 signs plus from the previous one. The lower diagram at the right shows this pattern. As one can see the triangle rotates because of the increment from one conjunction to the next, and by medieval computations this takes 240 years. When the conjunctions change from one triplicity to another this is a major cycle event. Then in 960 years it was reckoned that the conjunction would come back to the beginning of Aries and a new cycle would begin. It should also be mentioned that every 60 years, if there is not change of triplicity, the conjunctions will occur in the same sign as 60 years before.

cronica assai potrà comprendere per comparazione di quelle sono passate pronosticate delle future, aconsentiente Idio…”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 3, p. 395. 48 Abu Ma’shar, On Historical Astrology (see note 29), vol. 1, p. 13.

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These cycles cannot be perfectly reproduced by modern calculations because there appears to have been an error in the original measurement of the cycle. One also suspects that with the very neat multiples of 20, 60, 240 and 960 years that some “smoothing” of the data was done. Another difficulty arises because of the use of the average or mean motions of the planets. If one simply computes the dates of the conjunctions from the geocentric or earth-centered perspective, the parallax due to the earth’s motion distorts the cycle. But even from a heliocentric perspective, there are no cycles of any length that are as regular as the theory demands.49 This is not the place to try to resolve this problem, but the fact remains that we have here a very ambitious attempt to resolve history into a series of recurring patterns based on the 20, 60, 240, and 960 year cycles. This passage from Villani, I believe, is but an example of an application of this process. I want to emphasize this fact because Louis Green in the Journal of the History of Ideas in 1967 made the following comment:50 “At one point, he even detected a periodicity in history, illustrated by the recurrence of certain configurations of the stars at twenty-year intervals.” Then in an accompanying note he added “In Giovanni Villani’s Chronicle there does not appear to be any evidence that the cyclic rhythm of history owes anything directly to astrology …”.51 I hope it is obvious by now that Green’s statement that there is no evidence that these twenty-year cycles owe “anything directly to astrology” is incorrect even if one acknowledges that the astronomy itself appears to have been incorrect. Let us take a moment and look at some of the specifics of Villani’s use of the Jupiter-Saturn cycles in this section. He begins referring to the conjunctions of 1305 and 1325 as having occurred in the signs Libra and Gemini respectively. Using the dates of the actual geocentric conjunctions (as opposed to conjunctions in mean motions) the actual years of the Libra conjunctions were 1305 and 1306 in which there were three such conjunctions, the first of which was on Dec. 25, 1305 O. S. in 0°Sc 40', the second was April 20, 1306 in 20°Li 05', and the third and last was July 19, 1306 in 26°Li 01'. The heliocentric conjunction was April 3, 1306 at 28°Li 30'. The slight moving over into Scorpio was due the parallax caused by the earth’s motion about the Sun. The actual conjunction of 1325 in Gemini was indeed in that year on June 1, 1325 in 17°Ge53'. The heliocentric conjunction was on June 2, 1325 in 17°Ge 52' the dates and positions of the geocentric and heliocentric conjunctions being very close. Finally we have Villani's concluding remarks.

49 I refer to the heliocentric conjunctions because in fact if one uses the mean motions of Jupiter and Saturn to compute conjunctions, the phenomena that come about because the earth’s motions are removed, and the result is closer to, although not exactly the same as, what we would term the heliocentric conjunctions. 50 Louis Green, Historical Interpretation in Fourteenth-Century Florentine Chronicles, in: Journal of the History of Ideas 28, 2 (Apr.–Jun. 1967), pp. 161 – 178. 51 Ibid., p. 167.

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This conjunction [of 1345] was in the triplicity of air signs and it started in our present times with the year 1305 in the sign of Libra, and then in the year 1325 in the sign of Gemini. In each [of these years] there has been, and there is a strangeness and novelty which is very evident in our city and elsewhere. This is renewed from one conjunction to another, which lasts from about twenty years to a bit less than twenty years, which is less serious and is returned in 60 years which is more serious and changes triplicity. And also we can easily retrieve the strangeness and change that was happening, the discord and wars of the Church and the Empire, other changes [that occurred] and [information] about the ancient people of Florence, the changes of rulerships from that of King Manfred to that of King Charles. Also in 240 [years] (or else in 238) it will have done 12 times in 12 signs, the strange things that there were just then in those times, the passage over the sea and other grand events, and the changes of rulership of the kingdom of Sicily to Robert Guiscard. And in 960 or rather 953 years you supply 48 conjunctions, and a return to the first [conjunction] which is the most important of all of them. You would find yourself now having found the beginning of the fall of the power of the Roman Empire with the coming of the Goths and the Vandals into Italy, and great disturbances in the Holy Church, etc. This is enough on this present material, and we will now speak of something else.52

Villani’s comment, “and it started in our present time with the year 1305,” is a bit unclear because there is nothing significant about that conjunction other than the fact that it occurred in the fourteenth century in which Villani wrote. It would not have even been the first of his lifetime as he was born around 1276. That distinction belongs to conjunction of 1285 which occurred on Dec. 31, 1285 in 8°Aq 02'. Interes­ tingly enough that was the previous time before 1345 that the conjunction occurred in Aquarius. The 1285 conjunction was the conjunction 60 years prior to the 1345

52 “… che questa congiunzione in questa tripicità de’ segni dell’aere fu e cominciò a questi nostri presenti tempi gli anni MCCCV nel segno della Libra; e poi gli anni MCCCXXV nel segno del Gemini. A ciascuno fu ed è assai manifesto le novità state nella nostra città e altrove, ch’assai sono fresche dall’una congiunzione e·ll’altra, che sono state quasi di XX anni in XX anni poco meno; ch’è·lla più leggera, e in LX anni tornò, ch’è più grave e muta tripicità. E anche si possono leggermente ritrovare le novità che furono, e·lla discordia e guerra dalla Chiesa e·llo ‘mperio, e l’altre novitadi e dell’antico popolo di Firenze, e della tralazione della signoria del re Manfredi al re Carlo, e in CCXL overo in CCXXXVIII l’avrà fatta XII volte in XII segni, le novitadi che furono in que’ tempi adietro, il passaggio d’oltremare e altre grandi cose, e·lla mutazione della signoria del regno di Cicilia a Ruberto Guiscardo. E in DCCCCLX overo DCCCCLIII anni fornite XLVIII congiunzioni, e tornando alla prima, ch’è la più ponderosa di tutte, se cerchi adietro troverrai il cominciamento del calo della potenza del romano imperio alla venuta de’ Gotti e di Vandali inn-Italia, e molte turbazioni a santa Chiesa etc. E questo basti alla presente materia, e diremo d’altro”, Villani, Cronica (see note 1), vol. 3, pp. 395 – 396.

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conjunction. There had been no change of triplicity between the two conjunctions. 53 Villani then goes on to refer to the change of the rulership of Sicily from Manfred, one of the last in the direct line of Hohenstaufens, to that Charles of Anjou in 1266. On July 25, 1265 there was a conjunction in 9°Ge 42'. This was the conjunction 60 years prior to the 1325 conjunction. The twenty and sixty year patterns of the conjunction are quite evident. It is not quite so clear what point Villani was trying to make except perhaps that major historical changes tend to occur around the time of these conjunctions. Then Villani refers to the changes of triplicity that were supposed to occur roughly every 240 years. In this connection he mentions the “the passage over the sea” which refers to the beginning of the Crusades (1095 ff.), and conquest of Sicily by Robert Guiscard (1061 – 1072). In both of these periods the conjunctions were by any possible measure in the midst of the earth signs, neither near the beginning of that phase nor the end. So it is not clear again what the 240 year mutation of triplicities has to do with those particular events. There was a conjunction in Virgo in the middle of Guiscard’s campaigns in Sicily, but there was no conjunction of significance or otherwise near the launching of the First Crusade. Finally Villani brings up the 960 cycle which is the longest of all of the cycles. It was supposed to start with a conjunction near the beginning of Aries with a return to approximately the same position 960 years later. While it is true that the momentous events that Villani cites were approximately 960 years before his own time, it is not clear what these had to do with his own time except for one interesting possibility. It is not explicit in this passage how Villani felt but if, as the plague came on, he felt that he was living in the “end times” of his civilization then perhaps he was attempting to draw the reader’s attention to this fact and implicitly giving warning on the basis of the 960 cycle that his time was in some way parallel to the closing period of the Western Empire. In view of the fact that the great plague was only a few years away after the events of this chapter and that he may have written this passage when the plague was already evident, these make this idea seem at least plausible.54 At this point the chapter ends. Villani’s position on astrology, that it should be primarily used for explaining mass behavior, was a common position in the middle ages. Hilary Carey has described the attitude that Villani exemplifies as follows: There was a general tolerance for astrological prediction which involved general affairs or the public good, such as medical astrology, weather prediction and general predictions 53 The anomalous conjunction of 1305 in early Scorpio does not count as a change of triplicity because it was caused by the earth’s parallax, not the actual position of Jupiter and Saturn. 54 In chapter 84 of this same book III Villani describes the plague which was to take his life shortly thereafter. This is another one of those passages in which Villani goes into great astrological detail.

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for the year, based either on the positions of the constellations when the sun entered the first degree of Aries, or at the time of conjunctions of the major planets, or during the passage of comets. Predictions about the fates of individuals were always theologically suspect.55

However suspect astrology may have been regarding the fates of individuals, I believe that we see here in this chapter (and in several of the other chapters especially in Book XIII) the use of astrology as an adjunct to what we might term “medieval historiography.” It is certainly clear that Villani used it as a device for making sense out of history to provide some degree of order and meaning in events. As Albumasar’s introduction to De coniunctionibus magnis makes clear that was exactly the purpose for which the method of conjunctions was intended. This is something that modern medieval historians need to be aware of. However, it is only recently with the publi­ cation of Burnett and Yamamoto’s edition of Albumasar that historians can begin to look and see exactly what impact on medieval historical method the method of conjunctions may have had. This is not going to be a simple task. The work and its method is often obscure and require a great deal of knowledge of medieval astrology. It is clear that even as a layman, one who was not a practicing astrologer, Villani had that knowledge. In fact he demonstrates a greater practical knowledge of the method of conjunctions than many practicing medieval astrologers, and certainly more than anyone I am aware in a work by someone who is not normally identified as an astrologer, an historian in fact. To see more evidence of how the method of conjunctions may have affected medieval historical method, we must possess at least as much knowledge of the method as he had and probably more.

55 Hilary M. ­Carey, Courting Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages, New York 1992, pp. 13 – 14.

Wiebke Deimann

Astrology in an Age of Transition. Johannes Lichtenberger and his Clients

Johannes Lichtenberger is a renowned figure in the history of 15th century astrology, as he was generally – and probably mistakenly – believed to be a court astrologer of emperor Frederick III. (1440 – 1493).1 Among historians of early book printing and of late medieval prophecy, however, Lichtenberger is not so much known for his astrological activities but for his bestselling book, the Pronosticatio, a mixture of popular prognostic texts, astrological insertions, and political statements written in 1488. Dietrich Kurze’s dissertation from 1960 remains the only biographical study on ­Lichtenberger and provides pivotal information on his life and works.2 Since its publi 1 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science IV: 14th and 15th Centuries, New York 1934, p. 475 f.; John D. ­North, Astrology and the Fortunes of Churches, in: Centaurus 24 (1980), pp. 181 – 211, at p. 201 f.; Barbara Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen und Hofmathematicus als fürstlicher Berater, in: Höfischer Humanismus, ed. August Buck (Mitteilungen der Kommission für Humanismusforschung 16), Weinheim 1989, pp. 93 – 118, at p. 96 f.; Katherine J. ­Walsh, Von Italien nach Krakau und zurück. Der Wandel von Mathe­ matik und Astronomie in vorkopernikanischer Zeit, in: Humanismus und Renaissance in Ostmitteleuropa, ed. Winfried Eberhard and Alfred A. ­Strnad (Forschungen und Quellen zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands 28), Cologne 1996, pp. 273 – 300, at p. 286; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Les astrologues Européens et la genèse de l’état moderne (XIIe–XVIIe siècle): Une première approche, in: L’État moderne et les élites XIIIe–XVIII siècles. Apports et limites de la methode prosopographique. Actes du colloque internatiobal CNRS-Paris I, 16 – 19 octobre 1991 (Histoire Moderne 36), ed. Jean-Philippe Genet and Günther Lottes, Paris 1996, pp. 421 – 433, at p. 429, also notes the lack of information on Lichtenberger’s (potential) astrological activities at court; Walter Blank, Providentia oder Prognose? Zur Zukunfts­ erwartung im Spätmittelalter, in: Das Mittelalter 1 (1996), pp. 91 – 110, p. 105; Michael Shank, Academic Consulting in the Fifteenth-Century Vienna: The Case of Astrology, in: Texts and Contexts in Ancient and Medieval Science. Studies on the Occasion of John E. ­Murdoch’s Seventieth Birthday, ed. Edith Sylla and Michael McVaugh, Leiden–New York–Cologne, 1997, pp. 246 – 270, at p. 266 f.; Dietrich Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger. Leben und Werk eines spätmittelalterlichen Propheten und Astrologen, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 38 (1956), pp. 328 – 343, at p. 329, regards the 1470s as the most splendid period in the life of Lichtenberger. – I am very grateful to David Juste, Helen Williams, and Marianne Heaslip for their helpful remarks. 2 Dietrich Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503). Eine Studie zur Geschichte der Prophetie und Astrologie (Historische Studien 379), Lübeck–Hamburg 1960.

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cation, research on Lichtenberger has focused on different stages of his career as well as on different texts resulting in very different findings. Historians of science, specifically of astrology, criticise Lichtenberger for the mediocre quality of his astrological pieces and even more for his plagiarism. On the other hand, ­Lichtenberger was one of the first authors to bring astrological topics into print, and the combination of prophe­c y and astrology that he used in his Pronosticatio was both popular and ­influential. This inconsistent picture certainly derives in part from the different perspectives of the disciplines involved, focusing either on evolution in the field of astrology and astronomy or on developments in early modern printing. For a ­balanced picture of ­Lichtenberger’s works and achievements it is inevitable to consider other aspects such as the type of source (manuscript or print) and their addressed a­ udience (individual client, fellow scholars or public readers). By taking the clients into conside­ration, it is possible to bridge the gap between the two sides of research on ­Lichtenberger. It is instructive to examine how the astrologer addressed his clients or readers respectively. But it is also important to determine who the clients were, how they were related to Lichtenberger and in what way this might have affected Lichtenberger’s way of working. Additionally, it is crucial to work out how he presented astrology and himself within his works. From what we learn from the surviving material, Lichtenberger does not serve as prototypical example for a late 15th century astrologer. In the following we will see how he became a popular author of prophetical texts, in which astrology is only one issue among others. The extant Lichtenberger texts also differ a lot from each other in form, function and audience. This study will be based on four important sources representing the wide range within Lichtenberger’s work. Two of them are astrological manuscripts (one of which has only recently come to light and has hitherto remained almost unnoticed), one is a printed interpretation of a celestial phenomenon and one is a book that has been published numerous times in a variety of prints. Following the chronological order, I will present and analyse these texts against the background of Lichtenberger’s life in the second half of the 15th century with special attention on his relationships towards actual or potential clients and – in later years – readers.

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I Lichtenberger’s early career

According to his own account, Johannes Lichtenberger was born between 1424 and 1427.3 His original name was Johannes Grümbach, maybe from the dwelling of Grünbach near Baumholder in Palatinate. From his earliest surviving works he used the (additional) name of Lichtenberger, herewith probably referring to the better known mastery of Lichtenberg.4 About his education nothing is known. His works show a learned author and an averagely skilled astrologer. One of his first astrolo­ gical calculations may have been a judgement on the appearance of a comet on 22 September 1468. It is, however, only mentioned by Lichtenberger himself in a later text, the judgement itself is unknown.5 If this was indeed one of his first astrological pieces, Lichtenberger would have had started his astrological activities remarkably late, at an age of almost 40 years. We know that he was priest in a Palatine parish in the last years of his life,6 so it may well be assumed he had been a cleric since his youth. For 21 June 1470 Lichtenberger is listed in the registers of the palatinate court of Hesse where he was provided with food by the Rentmeister of Gießen.7 This indicates that one or more members of the Hessian court may have consulted him for astrological advice. He may have worked for other princes within those years as well, as the following example suggests.



3 In his astrological work for Casimir of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (between 1501 and 1503) he states: „Ego decrepitus annum agens 76“, Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4°, Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, fol. 3v – persistent URL: http://diglib.hab.de/mss/115-noviss-4 f/start. htm. See Christian Heitzmann, Hüte dich vor Pfeil und Gift! Johannes Lichtenbergers Vorhersagen und seine bisher unbekannten Horoskope, in: Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 3 (2009), pp. 103 – 112, at p. 109. Until the recent discovery of this collection of horoscopes his date of birth has been vaguely assumed for the first half of the 15th century, around 1440. 4 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 7, with further references. 5 See ibid., p. 13; Gerd Mentgen, Astrologie und Öffentlichkeit im Mittelalter (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 53), Stuttgart 2005, p. 230. On the Coniunctio ­S aturni et Martis (1473) see part III of this paper. A fact that supports his statement is the actual occurrence of a comet in the respective year. 6 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (see note 1), p. 329, esp. note 8, with references. 7 Karl E. ­Demandt, Der Personenstaat der Landgrafschaft Hessen im Mittelalter. Ein “Staats­ handbuch” Hessens vom Ende des 12. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1 (Veröffent­ lichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen 42), Marburg 1981, p. 512 no. 1827; see also Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 230.

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II Lichtenberger’s judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut from 1471

Lichtenberger’s first surviving work is the extraordinary long judgement on the nativity of Louis IX, “the Wealthy”, duke of Bavaria-Landshut (1417 – 1479), written in 1471.8 In its introduction the author declares that this was already the fifty-sixth nativity he had calculated for a prince so far 9 – a rather unlikely figure considering that this is his first appearance as an astrologer in the sources at all. According to Kurze, the r­ emarkably high number should be explained by a mere error in the manuscript.10 More likely, however, it seems to be a case of pronounced self-promotion.11 Lichtenberger may have deemed it necessary to appear as a busy and much-favoured astrologer while presen­ ting his service to such a high-ranking prince as Louis the Wealthy. Claims of being a successful astrologer consultant reappear in other Lichtenberger texts, as will be seen later, giving rise to the assumption that this was a conscious strategy, rather than an accidental error. On the other hand, a recently discovered manuscript contains hints supporting Lichtenberger’s own statement.12 If this turns out to be reliable, his figure of fifty-six judgements might be correct and it is only a coincidence that none of his early works have survived. In contrast to the reference from the Hessian court, where the astrologer’s presence is documented but no work of his is handed down, there is no sign of Lichtenberger at the court of Bavaria-Landshut which makes it difficult to decide whether the judgement was a commissioned work by the duke or an individual initiative by Lichtenberger, presented to the duke in hope of further orders of astrological judgements. Only a few pieces of circumstantial evidence give rise to the assumption that the manuscript was commissioned by Louis IX ; for a piece of work intended to show one’s astrolo­ gical skills aiming at future assignments the judgement on the nativity appears to be astoundingly voluminous. With 112 folio-pages the manuscript is, in fact, the longest

8 Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. Germ. 12. The manuscript is accessible online, persistent URL: http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg12. On Louis of Bavaria-­Landshut see Irmgard Lackner, Herzog Ludwig IX. der Reiche von Bayern-Landshut (1450 – 1479). Reichsfürstliche Politik gegenüber Kaiser und Reichsständen (Regensburger Beiträge zur Regionalgeschichte 11), Regensburg 2011. 9 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 105r: “Und ist der LVI furst, dem ich geurteilt habe slechtenclich”. 10 Kurze, Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 8, note 20, discretely “corrected” the passage. He quoted only the number of six and referred to the foregoing 50 (“L”) in a footnote ­belie­ving in a reading error for the improbability of the figure. The passage of the manuscript is indeed very clear and definitely reads 56. For a detailed discussion of Kurze’s (mis-)reading see Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 230, esp. note 465. 11 Ibid., p. 231. 12 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), which will be discussed below.

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known astrological manuscript from the Middle Ages. Its production presumably took Lichtenberger a considerable amount of time. A possible connection between the duke and Lichtenberger is also indicated by Louis’s general interest in astrology, documented in one of his letters to the physician Erhard Windsberger from February 1478 that was attached to a consignment of three astrological books.13 The most striking evidence for a connection between the astrolo­g er and the house of Bavaria-Landshut was pointed out a few years ago by Gerd Mentgen: another hitherto unknown Lichtenberger text from 1490 had been found in Munich, a nativity for John III of the Palatinate (born 1488, princebishop of Regensburg 1507 – 1538), a grandson of Louis IX, which was calculated while John was still a toddler, almost twenty years after the judgement for Louis.14 The second nativity suggests a gene­ral connection between Lichtenberger and the house of Wittelsbach that made use of the astrologer’s services once again. All in all, a direct connection between L ­ ichtenberger and Louis the Wealthy seems very likely, and the lengthy interpretation of the nativity for Louis the Wealthy might very well have been commissioned by the duke himself. Let us now take a look at the manuscript itself. It has survived in only one version preserved in Heidelberg University Library.15 The main text is in black ink while key words like planet names are underlined in red. It has probably not been written by Lichtenberger himself, but appears to be a copy from another manuscript. A comment between two paragraphs on folio 24v reads: “Hic felt eyn Iar”.16 As the actual writer of the text Lichtenberger himself would have filled in the missing year instead of noting its lack. The difference to the hand in the newly discovered manuscript from Wolfenbüttel 17, which is a Lichtenberger autograph, supports the assumption that the Bavarian judgement is a copy. The manuscript contains several marks on the margins written by a different hand, underlining remarkable passages. A prominent example of this is the sketch of a hand pointing towards a paragraph with a very auspicious prognostication for the duke: “… this young man will shine above all the

13 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 74 f. His identification of the only named author, a certain “Viechtelberger”, in the letter with Johannes Lichtenberger has been fundamentally questioned by Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 232 f. 14 For details see ibid., p. 234. 15 It was part of the famous Bibliotheca Palatina established by Otto Henry (Ottheinrich), prince-elector of the Palatinate (1502 – 1552). Otto Henry was himself a member of the house of Wittelsbach and through his mother a direct ancestor of Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut. The manuscript from the 15th century has been bound in leather and decorated with golden plates, showing the image and initials of Otto Henry, under his direction in 1556. 16 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 24v; Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 74. 17 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3).

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut, 1471, Universitäts­bibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. Germ. 12, fol. 4v.

other human beings … and may perform many miracles”.18 Very likely the markings are by Louis himself or by someone close to him: the text refers specifically to the duke’s life events and may hardly be of any interest for anyone else. Considering its remarkable length of 112 folio pages, it is not very surprising to come upon a rather lengthy and detailed piece of text. The incipit ends with the words: Von Iohann Grümbach von Liechtemberg etc. gesproch nach heydenischem vszsproch etc.19 The astrologer here refers to a pagan origin of his work. Further on it reads: Nach aller weisen Indianer Chaldeer vnd Arabischer sage eynhellen. 20 The obscure and exotic refe­ rences to Indians, Chaldeans and Arabians are supposed to work as a proof for the originality and quality of his astrological calculations. Remarkably, Lichtenberger does not mention specific Greek, Arabian or Latin astrological authorities, which were well known and often quoted by his fellow astrologers. Instead, he uses expressions like “and those of Arabia say”.21 Is this a sign of his mediocre skills in the field and his ignorance of the main sources? Or is it to be explained as a stylistic device addressing readers with only very superficial knowledge about astrology instead of 18 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 4v: “… dass disser Jüngeling eynen Schein will gewynnen ub(er) all and(er)n Mentschenn […] Vnd mag vil wonders wirken”. 19 Ibid., fol. 1r. 20 Ibid., fol. 1v. The words “Indianer”, “Chaldeer” und “Arabischer” are with red underlining. 21 Ibid., fol. 2v: “Vnd die vo(n) Arabia sagent …”

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proving his skills in the field – an opportunity he misses throughout the whole of the text where references to sources or authorities remain as obscure as in the introduction? Is it a stylistic device in order to render an exotic and arcane touch to the judgement? It may well be both at the same time. Not only in the Bavarian nativity does Lichtenberger demonstrate his ability to turn a lack of knowledge or skills into a stylistic device. The first part of the text is dedicated to the actual nativity, i. e. the calculation of the position of the planets at the time and place of the duke’s birth, including the definition of the almutin and the hyleg.22 The brief second part divides the life of the duke into time periods of different lengths, each ruled by a certain planet,23 while the third part gives an account of every year in the client’s life,24 followed by an analysis of the ­meaning of the houses 25 and a treatment of the influences of the zodiac signs on the duke. The graphical representation of the nativity is included at almost the end of the manuscript.26 Lichtenberger’s formulations are often lengthy, imprecise and general. Personal or private topics can be found as well as political ones. A frequent motif is colour. For instance, the astrologer prognosticates for the year 1437 – Louis is 20 years old – that in this year the prince will fall off a brown horse and win the heart of a ­virgin in a red dress.27 In astrology certain colours are attributed to certain planets and their occurrence is not unusual. At the time of the calculation of the nativity Louis was already 54 years old. He did not reach the old age of 75 that Lichtenberger predicted for him,28 but died aged 62 in 1479. The nativity for Louis IX is a work of astrological routine that stands out mainly because of its remarkable length. It provides a good and very detailed example of an individual interpretation on the client’s nativity. The astrologer includes all aspects of a nativity that can be analysed in relation to the life and person of the client. If the notes on the margins were actually by the duke or someone close to him, we may infer that the judgement attracted the client’s interest and therefore fitted its purpose.

22 Ibid., fol.1r–20r. The almutin here is identified with Venus, fol. 2r, while hyleg is the Sun, fol. 3r. 23 Ibid., fol. 21r–21v. 24 Ibid., fol. 22r–38v. 25 Ibid., fol. 39r–45r. 26 Ibid., fol. 105v. 27 Ibid., fol. 26r. 28 Ibid., fol. 21v.

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III The Coniunctio Saturni et Martis

The next known work by Lichtenberger is the Coniunctio Saturni et Martis from 1473.29 It is a calculation of the heavenly bodies at the time of the conjunction regarding its general meaning with an emphasis on its relevance for the siege of Neuss. Besides its astrological content it already shows a “style of imperial prophecy”30 that will become much more apparent in Lichtenberger’s most popular work, the Pronosticatio, from 1488, as we will see later. The Coniunctio was printed in Cologne or Strasbourg in 1475 and is thus the first work of the astrologer to appear in print and an early example of a printed astrological judgement in general. Its broader topic and political contents were of inte­rest for a wider circle of readers so justifying a printed edition. Scholars have often referred to the Coniunctio Saturni et Martis because it is the major reference linking Lichtenberger to the imperial court of Frederick III for two reasons: in the text, Lichtenberger calls himself “astrologer of the holy empire” (astro­ rum iudex sacro imperii),31 and the work is dedicated to the emperor and the prin­ ces.32 This lead to the presumption, which remained undisputed for a long time, that Lichtenberger had been a member of the imperial court as astrological advisor, at least temporarily. But this presumption is no longer sustainable because, in fact, there is no reliable evidence for a connection of Johannes Lichtenberger to the imperial court (not to mention an official position) apart from his own remarks, as Mentgen recently demonstrated.33 This begets several implications. First, new light is shed on the person and life events of ­Lichtenberger himself. His astrological career now appears not only much less ­successful and glamorous, but also his credibility is affected (even more), since he incorrectly presented himself as imperial court astrologer. Comparable to the exaggeration about the number of princes he had worked for, as noted in the n ­ ativity for Louis IX, this may be explained as another attempt of self-promotion as well as an element of his stylistic device. His presentation as iudex sacro imperii is, in fact, 29 Coniunctio Saturni et Martis, 1473; the only known manuscript was formerly kept in the library of C. ­Fairfax Murray in London, and is now in The Morgan Library in New York City. I was not able to consult the original print and have to rely on the descriptions by Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 9, note 24. 30 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 476. 31 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 8. The reference is not from the 1488 Pronosticatio as Daniel Carlo Pangerl, Sterndeutung als naturwissenschaftliche Methode der Politikberatung. Astronomie und Astrologie am Hof Kaiser Friedrichs III. (1440 – 1493), in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 92 (2010), pp. 309 – 328 at p. 315, claims. 32 “Coniunctio saturni et martis in anno domini M.CCCC.LXXIII penultima die mensis augusti per me iohannem lichtenberg In urbe argentina. Domino imperatori et principibus manu mea propria presenta die octava assumptionis beate Marie virginis et calculate”, quoted after Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 475, note 144. 33 See his detailed argumentation in Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), pp. 227 – 230.

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a sign for a certain remoteness from the court. The title would have impressed only readers with no or limited know­ledge of the court personnel; furthermore, it may have irritated or even repelled readers who were acquainted with courtly affairs and thus would have known that Lichtenberger did not belong to those circles. Therefore, the alleged presentation of the text to the emperor and the princes in person and its dedication to them should be understood as fictional rather than factual. Within this literary construct of a fictive astrological advisory to the realm’s elite, the readers of the text become passive listeners, who are not addressed directly by the author, but become instead eavesdroppers on a conversation between the author and the emperor himself.34 The astrological consulting is here c­ arried out on another – fictional – level: The actual client is replaced by a fictional one, whereby the communication process can be made public – a strategy closely linked to the new medium of print. L ­ ichtenberger would use this stylistic approach again in a more elaborate way in the Pronosticatio several years later. Until now, attempts to systematise the development of astrological advisory at royal courts in the 15th and 16th centuries relied heavily on the person of ­Lichtenberger as the main representative for the figure of an astrologer-prophet.35 With the forfeiture of Lichtenberger as court astrologer of Frederick III these hypotheses lose credibility. However, as the respective concepts for the evaluation of court astrology were already contradictory before Mentgen’s discovery, one may come to think that circumstances were more complex and developments less linear than such systematising concepts tend to suggest. The custom of employing astrologers as personal and political consultants and thus fixed members of the court (at least temporarily) was still in its early stages and depended very much on the individual beliefs and interests of a ruler. The individual reasons for choosing or rejecting a certain astrologer as consultant remain rather obscure. IV Astrology, prophecy and politics: the Pronosticatio from 1488

Lichtenberger’s most famous, assuredly most successful, and in several regards most interesting, work is the Pronosticatio, a compilation of prophetical and astrological texts complemented by political statements. Published in 1488 at Heidelberg by Heinrich Knoblochtzer in Latin and between 1488 and 1492 in German,36 the Pronosticatio was 34 Jonathan Green, Printing and Prophecy. Prognostication and Media Change, 1450 – 1550, Ann Arbor 2012, p. 80. 35 Shank, Academic Consulting (see note 1), p. 266 f. (see also the discussion of Shank’s theses in Mentgen, Astrologie [see note 5], p. 229, note 461), and Bauer, Rolle (see note 1), p. 96 f. 36 For details regarding the dating see Heike Talkenberger, Sintflut. Prophetie und Zeitgeschehen in Texten und Holzschnitten astrologischer Flugschriften 1488 – 1528 (Studien

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immensely successful in the following years, resulting in several reprints as well as new editions. In 1492 it was translated into Italian and published in Italy, followed again by reprints and revised editions.37 After a decreasing interest in the book in Germany during the first quarter of the 16th century, it gained new popularity around 1525 and was repeatedly printed until the 17th century.38 Forty-five woodcarvings accompany the text.39 The first set of pictures was made by Hans Hesse and included in the first editions of the Pronosticatio. Carvings from different artists in later editions closely followed this version.40 The text is divided into three parts representing the tripartite society of oratores, bellatores and laboratores.41 This structure is also depicted in one of the illustrations, und Texte zur Sozialgeschichte der Literatur 26), Tübingen 1990, pp. 55 – 109 at p. 58, esp. note 19. 37 For the Italian editions see Giancarlo Petrella, La “Pronosticatio” di Johannes ­Lichtenberger. Un testo profetico nell’Italia del Rinascimento. Con edizione anastatica di Johannes ­Lichtenberger, Pronosticatione in vulgare, Milano, Giovanni Antonio di Farre, 18 luglio 1500, Udine 2010, esp. pp. 44 – 101, with a print of the Italian Pronosticatio, pp.  103 – 200; Domenico Fava, La Fortuna del Pronostico di Giovanni Lichtenberger in Italia nel Quattrocentro e nel Cinquecento, in: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 5 (1939), pp. 126 – 148. 38 For a detailed description of prints, places and printers see Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 58 – 60; see also Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 182 f.; and the – not utterly ­reliable – list of prints and manuscripts of the Pronosticatio in Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 81 – 89. 39 It has been disputed whether the woodcarvings are to be seen as a complementary addition to the text, to be consulted by illiterate people, or as a supplement containing (slightly) different implications than the written text. Jonathan Green, Bilder des fiktiven Lesers als Imaginationslenkung in Lichtenbergers Prognosticatio, in: Imagination und Deixis. Studien zur Wahrnehmung im Mittelalter, ed. Kathryn Starkey and Horst Wenzel, Stuttgart 2007, p. 178, for instance, argues, the images were meant to sooth the provocative elements within the Pronosticatio in order to prevent popular uprisings in an age of turmoil. Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 108 f., also acknowledges the fact that the images are less provocative and emotional than the written text, but rather estimates them to be meant as a guidance for the reader, selecting and presenting the major topics of the text. 40 Ibid., p. 82. On the woodcarvings also see Barbara Baert, Iconographical Notes to the Pronosticatio of Johannes Lichtenberger (1488). Using an Edition Printed by Peter Q ­ uentel (1526), in: Early Sixteeenth Century Printed Books 1501 – 1540 in the Library of the ­Leuven Faculty of Theology (Documenta Libraria 15), ed. Frans Gistelinck and Maurits Sabbe, Leuven 1994, pp. 139 – 168; Anneliese Schmitt, Text und Bild in der prophetischen Litera­ tur des 15. Jahrhunderts. Zu einer Praktik Johannes Lichtenbergers aus dem Jahre 1501, in: Von der Wirkung des Buches. Festgabe für Horst Kunze zum 80. Geburtstag. Gewidmet von Schülern und Freunden, ed. Friedhilde Krause, Berlin 1990, pp. 160 – 176; Green, Bilder (see note 39), pp. 177 – 190. 41 Otto Gerhard Oexle, Die funktionale Dreiteilung der „Gesellschaft“ bei Adalbero von Laon. Deutungsschemata der sozialen Wirklichkeit im früheren Mittelalter, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 12 (1978), pp. 1 – 55.

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showing Jesus Christ with open arms above clerical rulers standing to his right and laical rulers to his left. Two smaller peasants are working on a field in the front of the picture.42 The organisation of the text of the Pronosticatio is based on this tripartite scheme: part one is devoted to the church, part two is concerned with the nobility and part three deals with the laity, without specifically defining this group in the context of late medieval society, in which it appears as rather anachronistic, especially with regard to the much more complex social order in the cities, where presumably most of the readers of the text were to be found.43 This formal structure, however, is not maintained throughout the actual text. The church and the clerical princes, for instance, are not only dealt with in the first part devoted to them, but are also ­­repeatedly addressed in the other two parts of the text, whereas – in contrast – the laymen of the third part are hardly spoken of at all.44 Notwithstanding the great popularity of the Pronosticatio among readers of the 15th and 16th centuries, examining the text is an arduous task due to its heterogeneous contents, the lack of a stringent text structure and its incoherent style which is sometimes difficult to follow. Research on the Pronosticatio has been undertaken from different perspectives. Besides Kurze’s biographical study that includes a summary and an interpretation of the text and identifies many of Lichtenberger’s sources,45 it has been a­ nalysed in greater detail by historians interested in the field of early book printing, comprising the function of the woodcarvings as an integral part of the work,46 by historians of prophetical literature,47 and by historians of astrology.48 The Pronosticatio is mainly a compilation of different prognostic elements taken from entirely diverse sources such as the bible, astrological calculations and popular prophetical literature, complemented by direct political appeals to ecclesiastical and secular rulers. It takes a number of astrological observations as its starting point: the great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter on 24 November 1484 in Scorpio, followed by the conjunction of Mars and Saturn – again in Scorpio – on 30 November 1485 as well as a solar eclipse on 16 March 1485. Within an astrological mindset, celestial 42 Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino, Heidelberg post 1 April 1488, Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, A: 1 Quod. (3), digit.: http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/1quod-3/start.htm, image 9. 43 Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 65 – 71. 44 Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), p. 64; on the tripartite social scheme in the Pronosticatio see also Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 71 – 77. 45 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 15 – 37. 46 Baert, Iconographical Notes; Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 56 – 110; Schmitt, Text und Bild; Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 85 – 96. 47 Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages. A Study in ­Joachimism, Notre Dame–London 21993, esp. pp. 347 – 351. 48 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), pp. 473 – 480; Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 227, mentions the Pronosticatio only en passant.

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phenomena like these, and especially the so-called “great conjunction” of Saturn and Jupiter, would be of particular importance for the world and the fate of mankind. Their interpretations do not refer to individuals, but claim a universal significance. The Pronosticatio contains prognoses for the near future until approximately the end of the 15th century, but reaches much further at some points with outlooks up to the year 1576.49 It is neither my intention here to analyse the text in full, nor to criticise its astrological contents technically. Instead, I will focus on L ­ ichtenberger’s presentation of astrology and of himself as astrologer(-prophet) with regard to the intended readers.50 In the introduction to the Pronosticatio, Lichtenberger reflects briefly upon the relation between astrology and free will. Without giving further thought on the following somewhat contradictory ideas, he argues that the rise of false prophets results from planetary movements. At the same time he neither denies free will, nor God as the last and highest authority who may always alter astrological predictions if he wished. Though the late 15th century witnessed a broad interest in astrology, he deemed it necessary to defend it against its critics by placing it under God’s will. Lichtenberger did not always predict with care. In 1492 the Theological Faculty of the University of Cologne released a decree, stating that Lichtenberger should be arrested. He was accused of the prognostication of someone’s death. It is unknown whether Lichtenberger ever took note of this allegation.51 His formulations in the Pronosticatio at least appear to be rela­ tively tame in comparison. The author lists three different ways by which one could foresee the future: (1) By learning from the experiences one gains within a long life – an option basically open to everyone; (2) by astrology, as the movements of the heavenly bodies influence all things below; and finally (3) by divine revelation through dreams, visions and angels, only accessible to a few chosen ones. Lichtenberger declares he will make use of all three methods for the benefit of the recipients.52 Whereas his claims for life experience and astrological knowledge do not need further explanation, his self-portrayal as a prophetical figure is a new element in his work. In this regard the depiction of the author in one of the woodcarvings is illuminating:53 it shows him as a man in a monk’s habit with a tonsure, kneeling in an open field, hands folded

49 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 69. 50 For comprehensive accounts of the contents of the Pronosticatio see Kurze, Johannes ­Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 15 – 38; and especially Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 56 – 110, who presents the text in a thoughtfully structured and systematised way. 51 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 10; Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 245. 52 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 3; Thorndike, HMES, IV (see note 1), p. 477. 53 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 6.

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronos­ti­ catio zu theutsch, Heidelberg post 1488, Munich, Bayerische Staats­ bibliothek, 2 Inc.s.a. 790, p. 6.

and mouth opened in prayer. His eyes are set on God in the opposite corner of the picture who looks back at him and blesses him – a scene of divine revelation. The image, which may have been designed by the printer and the woodcarver without any intervention from or even knowledge by Lichtenberger, shows the author in the tradition of prophetical men and thereby reflects the way he is presented in the written text. One of the prophets who was popular in the late 15th century was the forest-hermit Brother Rainhard the Lollard (or Nollard),54 whose words are quoted in the Pronosticatio, whom the author lists among his main authorities and who is depicted in the first woodcut among the most important prophetical sources of the Pronosticatio. Lichtenberger aligns himself with the Lollard and the other prophets he cites. His prophetical approach, however, is not revelation but compilation. He spreads the words of God about the future of mankind by collecting them, writing them down and, thus, passing them on to his readers. In the introductory passage of the Pronosticatio the author is compared to the biblical figure of Ruth gleaning the fields of Boaz.55 In the double sense of the German word “ernten” (to harvest), the author gains prophetical knowledge from the authorities.56 In fact, the German version completely omits the name “Lichtenberger”, but only calls him “Ruth” or “pilgrim Ruth”, thus emphasising his characterisation as prophetical figure even more.57 Among the prophetical (mostly Joachite) literature used by Lichtenberger

54 See Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 49. 55 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 3. 56 Ibid.; cf. Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 45 f. 57 The identification of the philological compiler with a prophet provided an influential model for later writers such as Sebastian Brant. His self-presentation as prophetical hermit also had

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Wiebke Deimann Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio zu theutsch, Heidelberg post 1488, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 2 Inc.s.a. 790, p. 10.

are the Sibyls, Saint Brigid, Joachim of Fiore, Pseudo-Joachite texts and the already mentioned Rainhard the Lollard.58 Whereas the sources of this prophetical wisdom are relatively clear or explicitly referred to as the main authorities (namely the ones depicted in the first woodcut), the text is much more obscure when it comes to its astrological sources, apart from very general references to Aristotle or Ptolemy.59 None of the actual astrological contents of the Pronosticatio are based on Lichtenberger’s own observations and calculations, but unacknowledged quotations from other astrological texts. Extensive use is made of Paul of Middelburg’s Prognosticum for the years 1484 to 1504, an elaborated piece of theoretical astrology (namely the Arabic theory of Great Conjunctions) written in elegant, humanistic rhetoric and style.60 a long-lasting effect on Lichtenberger’s own reputation. See Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 45 – 52, with further examples for both. 58 For the prophetical literature compiled within the Pronosticatio see Reeves, Influence (see note 47), pp. 339 f., 347 – 351 and 368; Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 37 f. 59 In one case concerning the time between an eclipse and resulting events, for instance, ­Lichtenberger states that authorities like Ptolemy disagree on this point: Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 47; see Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 477. 60 Paul of Middelburg, Prognosticum, Louvain: Johannes de Westfalia, 31 August 1484; On text and author see Stephan Heilen’s contribution to this volume. Not only the parts based on astrological calculations are copied, but even an introductory prayer to God, as Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), p. 18, has shown, is half copied from Konrad

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Its author, the later bishop of Fossombrone, came to know Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio shortly after its publication and immediately wrote a pamphlet in which he accused the Palatine astrologer of plagiarism. This Invectiva […] in supersticiosum quendam astrologum against Lichtenberger was printed in 1492.61 From a modern point of view this seems at a first glance to be a case of simple plagia­ rism, but against the background of the late 15th century it is not as easy to judge. During the most part of the Middle Ages, before the invention of book printing by Johannes Gutenberg, every book was a unique and precious piece of craftmanship. To compile a text from other sources was an acknowledged and honourable method of writing, through which the authoritative knowledge was spread most efficiently. The printing press accelerated the production of texts, it increased the number of possible readers and accelerated its distribution even over long geographical distances. Scholars could now read and reflect upon works of their contemporaries, and publish respective commentaries or critiques in direct response, as in the example of Paul of Middelburg’s ­pamphlet. Texts and ideas spread and circulated with hitherto unknown speed, thus altering the value of individual (intellectual) achievements. Specialists in different fields felt obliged to underline their respective individuality, trying to set themselves apart from their colleagues. The growing relevance of the individual is an important and ­lasting effect of these developments.62 In this case, the contemporary astrologers Lichtenberger and Paul of Middelburg can be seen as representatives of two competing concepts: Lichtenberger follows the established practice of compilation, trying to utilise the new medium of print as a multiplier for this purpose and, hence, to maximise its effects by spreading the prophetical words widely, i. e. his book. Paul of Middelburg, on the other hand, appears as a confident scholar, conscious of his own astrological achievements and not willing to leave them – unacknowledged – to anyone else, especially not to those such as L ­ ichtenberger, to whom he denied any competence in the field of astrology. At the same time, Paul of Middelburg himself borrowed heavily from the Mathesis of ­Firmicus Maternus, naming his source only once.63 The different notions between the two astrologers are typical for their period, as the historical Heingarter, half from Paul of Middelburg. On other astrological works cited by Lichtenberger without giving reference see ibid., p. 36 f. 61 See ibid., p. 34 f.; Aby Warburg, Heidnisch-antike Weissagung in Wort und Bild zu Luthers Zeiten (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-­ historische Klasse 26, 1919) Heidelberg 1920, p. 38. 62 Bernd Schneidmüller, Grenzerfahrung und monarchische Ordnung. Europa 1200 – 1500 (C. ­H. Beck Geschichte Europas), Munich 2011, pp. 272 f.; Peter Burke, A Social History of Knowledge. From Gutenberg to Diderot. The Vonhoff lectures 1998 – 1999, Cambridge 2000, pp.  149 – 153. 63 Stephan Heilen, who has analysed Middelburg’s use of the Mathesis in details, states that Paul’s borrowings from Firmicus Maternus are numerous, but never longer than a few words, and that the astrologer includes his classical source into his own observations on a high scientific

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developments, however fast they happened, were far from being linear or uniform.64 On the one hand Lichtenberger, author of popular lite­rature, was inspired by concepts of writing and authorship that were traditional, but not yet overcome (as the success of the Pronosticatio underlines), on the other hand the scholar Paul of Middelburg felt obliged to express humanistic ideas of accuracy in form and content and of individual intellectual achievements. Significantly, the controversy between Paul and Lichtenberger took place only very shortly after the first known docu­mented copyright for a text in Venice from 1486.65 To give an impression of the Pronosticatio’s contents a few of the text’s major themes shall be addressed briefly. One of its characteristic features is the expectation of the Imperial Saviour, in which the text is strongly influenced by Joachite ideas, even though, once again, the author intertwines them with other prophetical traditions leading to a rather obscure and sometimes contradictive presentation. 66 Expectations of the Imperial Saviour were a common subject in medieval prophetical litera­ ture. In the 14th and 15th centuries they became closely linked to the hope for an end of the Mongolian or Turk menace. The Last Emperor was a prominent figure in texts criticising current circumstances in church and society.67 Within most of these Imperial Saviour-prophecies the name Frederick played a key role, many rulers of this name were confronted with eschatological expectations. This was especially the case with emperor Frederick III whose death in 1493 consequently marked a downfall of popu­lar hopes for an Imperial Saviour of this name.68 It is therefore remarkable that ­Maximilian, king of the Romans since 1486, became the centre of attention as figure of the S­ aviour in the Pronosticatio, instead of his father, the emperor.69 Within two years of M ­ aximilian’s election and enthronement, Lichtenberger turned away from Frederick, whom he had identified with the Imperial Saviour in an earlier text,70 towards his son as well as stylistic level. In contrast to Lichtenberger’s use of Paul of Middelburg, he would, in this case, not speak of plagiarism. See his contribution to this volume. 64 Both concepts can be found next to each other until the 17th and 18th centuries; Burke, Social History (see note 62), p. 153. 65 The copyright was held by Marcantonio Sabellico for a history of Venice; ibid., p. 153. 66 On the usage and inclusion of Joachite and pseudo-Joachite sources in the Pronosticatio see Reeves, Influence (see note 47), pp. 347 – 351. 67 Ibid., pp. 295 – 392; see with several examples Tilman Struve, Utopie und gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit. Zur Bedeutung des Friedenskaisers im späten Mittelalter, in: Historische Zeitschrift 225 (1977), pp. 65 – 95. 68 Ibid., pp. 68 – 72 and 94 f. 69 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 17: “Nunc regem esse Fridericus tercius Ego volo quem sic Maximilian ... regnabit ubique”; and ibid. p. 19: “O Maximiliane … interficiant”; cf. Reeves, Influence (see note 47), pp. 350 f. 70 Lichtenberger, Coniunctio, fol. 4v, cited in: Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 77.

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Maximilian. At the time of the publication, the emperor was already 73 years old and he had reigned for 48 years as King of the Romans and for 36 years as Holy Roman Emperor. Lichtenberger may have regarded him as too old to pin one’s hopes on; his son appeared as much more promising. Frederick’s politics in response to a potential Turkish invasion had never shown any success. All attempts to raise an army after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453 failed, partly because of the Emperor’s lack of commitment; he did not take part in most of the court councils summoned on this matter.71 Lichtenberger now builds his hopes on Maximilian and predicts the release from the Turkish menace and the recapture of the Hagia Sophia for Christendom by him. His prediction is attached to conditions, however: if the undertaking was to succeed, it was imperative for the nobility to show their support to the emperor. At this point (and elsewhere), the text takes on the character of a political pamphlet. The prince-electors are chided for their behaviour towards Maximilian, kings and princes are criticised for their politics.72 Lichtenberger supports the imperial Habsburgian dynasty with Maximilian as its key representative. His pronounced political statements might have been influenced by his personal ambitions to become astrological advisor at the imperial court – now under the prospective future emperor Maximilian, but this can at no point be verified in the text which was not even dedicated to the Habsburgian king. Lichtenberger was not the first to show his hopes on and sympathies for Maximilian: late fifteenth-century Methodian prophecies identified him with the Imperial Saviour, and Paul of Middelburg had dedicated his Prognosticum to Maximilian – possibly in search for a new patron, as his former one, Federico da Montefeltro (1422 – 1482), had died recently.73 Lichtenberger also predicts the coming of several true and false prophets in the near future. This is of particular interest for the later reception of the Pronosticatio, as one of those prophets has been identified with Martin Luther, and Luther himself, although criticising astrology and having mixed feelings towards the work, wrote an introductory text to the 1527 Wittenberg edition.74 71 On the usage of the Türkengefahr-argument as far as domestic policy is concerned see ­Winfried Schulze, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16. Jahrhundert. Studien zu den politischen und gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen einer äußeren Bedrohung, Munich 1978; Almut Höfert, Den Feind beschreiben. “Türkengefahr” und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische Reich 1450 – 1600 (Campus Historische Studien 35), Frankfurt/Main–New York 2003, esp. pp. 68 – 71 and, with reference to popular prophecies, pp. 76 – 78. 72 Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 76 f. 73 See Heilen’s analysis in this volume. 74 On Luther’s reception of the Pronosticatio and its place within the Reformation see Warburg, Heidnisch-antike Wahrsagung (see note 61), pp. 44 – 47; Petrella, La Pronosticatio (see note 37), pp. 29 – 32, with further literature; Robert E. ­Lerner, The Powers of Prophecy. The Cedar of Lebanon vision from the Mongol onslaught to the dawn of the enlightment, Berkeley–Los Angeles–London 1983, pp. 164 f.

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Regarding the addressees of the Pronosticatio Jonathan Green has shown a discrepancy between the groups of readers formally addressed by means of the tripartite feudal scheme of oratores, bellatores and laboratores and its actual readers who bought the text and read it together with their families and households.75 As the programmes of the different prin­ ters who carried the Pronosticatio into their portfolio show, the latter group of readers is to be found mainly among the merchants and craftsmen in the cities,76 not among laical and clerical rulers or even among (predominantly illiterate) peasants as is suggested in the text. Green differentiates between the fictional reader and the actual audience.77 Following Green’s argument, this distinction works as a stylistic device. It creates a distance between the text and the actual reader who does not have to feel personally criticised.78 The author does not need to worry about offending his readers and can thus articulate his criticism more freely, what, again, makes the text more interesting and entertaining – surely one of the reasons for its great success. Criticism and political appeals in the text are mainly addressed to laical and clerical rulers – the devastating state of the church being one of its major topics. The reader becomes an eavesdropper upon a conversation between a divinely inspired prophet and astrologer and the leading elite of his time.79 As we have seen, main features of this literary concept, although less elaborate, can be found in the example of Lichtenberger's first printed text mentioned above, the Coniunctio. Certainly, the Pronosticatio was not intended to raise Lichtenberger’s scholarly reputation among peer astrologers. It was instead written for a much broader audience, not for experts in the field of astrology. It reads like a – not very well structured – compendium of popular predictions regardless of whether they derived from an old religious prophecy or from contemporary astrological calculations. For an audience of non-experts this procedure might have been absolutely plausible. If all of them claim to contain some truth, why should they contradict each other? If there was one way of foretelling the future, why should others not work as well?

75 Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 71 – 84. 76 This corresponds with the rest of the programme of the main four printers of the Pronosticatio in Germany, Jacob Meydenbach in Mainz, Bartholomaeus Kistler in Strasbourg, Heinrich Knoblochtzer in Heidelberg and another anonymous printer also in Heidelberg. Their prin­ ting programmes show an emphasis on popular literature intended to reach a broad audience. Green, Bilder (see note 39), p. 181; Id., Printing (see note 34), pp. 65 – 71. 77 Ibid., pp. 79 – 84, esp. p. 81. 78 Green, Bilder (see note 39), p. 187. 79 Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 79 – 84.

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V The last years and new horoscopes

Years before the publication of the Pronosticatio Johannes Lichtenberger was acquainted with the parish of Brambach by Louis I, Count Palatinate of Zweibrücken, due to the intervention of Countess Johanna in 1481.80 The position may have been sufficient to make a living, but was it adequate to fulfil Lichtenberger’s ambitions? A recently discovered manuscript shows that he carried on with his astrological activities until shortly before his death in 1503. The hitherto mostly unknown Lichtenberger autograph is kept in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel since it was bought from the antiquarian Konrad Meuschel in 2008.81 The manuscript is written in brown ink (with some red used for the planets within the diagrams) on paper and consists of 16 pages, some of which are left blank. It is a collection of nativity-charts, judgements of diverse length, a list of important dates, some further astrological diagrams – all in Latin – and a German praise of God. While the paper cover of the manuscript is original, the title is written by another hand, probably shortly afterwards; it reads: “Judicium Meister Hannsen Lichtenbergers m[einem] g[nädigen] H[errn] Margg[ra]ff Kasimirien gemacht Und h[er]n Sig[ismund] von Hesperg”.82 Addressees of the booklet were accordingly margrave Casimir of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (*1481, 1515 – 1527) and Sigmund of Heßberg, a Franconian knight. Contrary to the archival description that dates the manuscript between 1460 and 1501, I would date it between 1501 and 150383. Because of its diverse contents and its fragmentary character, it is not possible to achieve full clarity on the question of its function. Besides the nativities for Casimir and Sigmund it contains untitled nativities that are very likely for Casimir’s father, margrave Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansbach-Kulmbach (1460 – 1536), and several others I could not identify with certainty, as well as a list of dates of birth and death. Although not everyone could be identified, most of the persons mentioned belong to the family of Brandenburg-Bayreuth.84 Therefore, I would locate the manuscript in the vicinity of the 80 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (see note 1), p. 329, esp. note 8, with references. 81 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3); see the description of the manuscript by Alexandre Tur and the catalogue-article of the antiquarian: Das einzige bekannte Autograph des deutschen Nostradamus, in: Antiquariat Konrad Meuschel, 97. Katalog: Manuskripte, Bücher und Handzeichnungen, 2006, no. 20, pp. 22 – 24. 82 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), title. 83 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3); the fact that it contains nativities from 1460 to 1501 does not necessarily indicate a writing process of equal duration. The calculation of a horos­ cope does not have to be taken out shortly after the birth of a person, but can be conducted much later. In the Konrad Meuschel-catalogue the manuscript is dated to 1501. Heitzmann, Hüte dich (see note 3), p. 109, follows this dating. 84 The first untitled part is a nativity calculated for the 8 May 1460 which corresponds with the birthday of Casimir’s father and predecessor margrave Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansbach-­Kulmbach; Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), fol. 1r. On fol. 2r follows a list of important dates, mainly

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court of Brandenburg-Bayreuth and do not see any proximity to the Habsburgian court as Heitzmann did, unaware of Mentgen’s detection that Lichtenberger (­presumably) was no imperial court astrologer.85 A connection between Sigmund of Heßberg and Casimir existed – Sigmund was a rat (councillor) of the margrave, assigned by him with an important delegation.86 Judging from what has been said so far, the astrological collection seems to have been commissioned by both Sigmund and Casimir and was probably supposed to comprise members of the margravian family as well as other people of importance to them. It was written at some time between 1501 and 1503 but remained unfinished, possibly due to the astrologer’s death in 1503. The restricted group of clients also explains its form in a single binding, where otherwise several sepa­rate pieces would seem more appropriate. The manuscript is a remarkable document of late medieval astrology and still holds some secrets. It is hoped future research will shed more light on the remaining questions by analysing this fruitful source for the social and communicative structures at the margravial court. As we have seen, this unique Lichtenberger autograph also contains information on the astrologer himself, whose date of birth must now be placed between 1424 and 1427. As a consequence, he was much older than hitherto assumed when he worked on the texts known to us. In his final years he was still active as astrologer calculating nativi­ ties for noble families – this might either have been a result of his prominence after the publication of the Pronosticatio or it might simply be a coincidence that such a late piece of his has come down to us meaning that he carried out his astrological activities throughout all his life. dates of birth, of members of the family; for instance: 1460 – Ursula, a sister of margrave F ­ rederick; 1451 – Elisabeth, another sister; 1453 – Margarethe, another sister. Casimir is listed under his year of birth 1481, followed by Margarethe, his younger sister, in 1483, his brother Georg in 1484 and so on. The largest judgement in the manuscript is the one on the nativity of Casimir, fol. 2v–4r. On fol. 5v follows the diagram for the nativity of a certain Andree for the year 1501, perhaps Casimir’s brother Friedrich Albrecht who died young in 1504. This Andree was mentioned already in the list of dates on fol. 2r which makes it even more likely that he was a member of the family. Fol. 6r and 6v remain empty. Possibly some space was left for later additions, such as an interpretation of Andree’s nativity whose birth must have occured shortly before the manuscript was composed. From this point on the nativities are not for close members of the family anymore (with the possible exception of the nativity and a list of auspicious days on the date 30 September 1450 which may have been for Ursula of Brandenburg [1450 – 1508], the eldest sister of margrave Frederick), but – as far as they could have been identified yet – for minor noblemen or laymen with a connection to Casimir, his father Frederick and the margravial court: fol. 7r–v contain the judgement on the nativity of Sigmund of Heßberg. Johannes de Auffer, fol. 11v–12r, might have been a member of the Franconian nobel family Aufseß. 85 Heitzmann, Hüte dich (see note 3), p. 109. 86 See Cordula Nolte, Familie, Hof und Herrschaft. Das verwandtschaftliche Beziehungsund Kommunikationsnetz der Reichsfürsten am Beispiel der Markgrafen von Brandenburg-­ Ansbach (1440 – 1530) (Mittelalter-Forschungen 11), Ostfildern 2005, p. 294, note 546.

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Also, Lichtenberger’s claim from the nativity for Louis the Wealthy that the duke was the fifty-sixth prince for whom he had calculated a horoscope should be reconsidered: as we now know, the astrologer was nearly twenty years older at that time than Kurze or Mentgen had assumed, which would have given him a lot more time for calcula­ ting horoscopes and establishing himself a reputation as an astrologer. The last extant Lichtenberger manuscript demonstrates emphatically how to include many noblemen into one astrological text. If he had produced similar pieces earlier in his career already, it would have been much easier for him to reach the impressive number of 56 princely horoscopes. All things considered, the question as to whether this was an outright exagge­ration or somewhere near the truth will probably remain unsolved. VI Concluding remarks

It should have become apparent how much coincidence in the transmission of sources and perspective influence the way we interpret and reinterpret the sources – a commonplace for medieval history, but especially true for the history of premodern astrology. It is quite likely that future discoveries of astrological sources will change our picture of Johannes Lichtenberger and his clients further. As for what is known at the moment both Johannes ab Indagine, a German astrologer (first half of 16th century), and Paul of ­Middelburg appear to be too limited and radical in their opinions of him: while the former praises him as “a miracle of nature, a man not inferior to Ptolemy, and by many regarded as a prophet”,87 the latter condemns him as an untalented and unscrupulous plagiarist.88 It is not only the difficult tradition which obfuscates our view of astrological practice in the late 15th century. It was a period of upheavals, which is reflected in different ways in Lichtenberger’s work – especially in the Pronosticatio – as well as in the way he was regarded by his contemporaries and in later times. Astrology was not limited to the fields of astronomical calculations and individual astrological consulting anymore, but also found its way into prophetical literature. The Pronosticatio is an early example for this process.89 Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio and his Coniunctio Saturni et Martis were also among the first astrological texts to appear in print. It was this technological change that fostered both Lichtenberger’s success and his poor reputation among contemporary scholars. He used the new technology to spread his word, but he retained the traditional way of compiling his texts. In a time of transition, his compilations provoked contradiction by scholars taking an authorial 87 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 474; Johannes ab Indagine, Introductiones apotelesma­ ticae…, Strasbourg 1522, fol. 15v–16r . 88 Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 151; see also Heilen’s paper on Paul of Middelburg in this volume. 89 Struve, Utopie (see note 67), pp. 86 f.

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perspective such as Paul of Middelburg. But even if Lichtenberger’s astrological skills could not match Middelburg’s, and even though his activities as astrologer did not lead to an appointment at the imperial court, he seems to have harnessed the pulse of the times, as the wide dissemination of his Pronosticatio demonstrates. This success might be one reason for noblemen at some of the major courts of his time, such as the houses of Bavaria-Landshut, of Brandenburg-Bayreuth and Hesse, to employ a less able – and finally even decrepit – astrologer.

Stephan Heilen

Paul of Middelburg’s use of the Mathesis of Firmicus Maternus

The present contribution complements a forthcoming article on the Prognosticum of Paul of Middelburg (1445 – 1533) for the years 1484 to 1504.1 While that other article will provide biographical information on the Dutch scholar and a summary of his prediction with astronomical and astrological analyses, the present contribution will be devoted to another aspect of it, namely Paul’s extensive use of the only preserved Latin prose m ­ anual of ancient astrology. Both articles originate from my preparation of a critical edition with commentary of Paul’s Prognosticum. This contribution is articulated in six parts: an introduction (I), a classification of Paul’s borrowings from Firmicus with examples (II), an investigation of Paul’s manuscript of the Mathesis (III), a sample analysis

1 Stephan Heilen, Paul of Middelburg’s Prognosticum for the years 1484 to 1504, in: From ­Masha’allah to Kepler: The Theory and Practice of Astrology in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Proceedings of the International Conference at the Warburg Institute, University of London, 13 – 15 November 2008, ed. Charles Burnett and Dorian G. ­Greenbaum (forthcoming). For concise biographical information on Paul of Middelburg, see Cornelis G. van Leijenhorst, Art. ‘Paul of Middelburg’, in: Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, ed. Peter G. ­Bietenholz and Thomas B. ­Deutscher, 3 vols., Toronto et al. 1985 – 1987, vol. 3, pp. 57 – 58, and Menso Folkerts, Art. ‘Paul von Middelburg’, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. VI, part 9 (1993), p. 1827. There is also an important, detailed biography of our author by the early modern mathematician Bernardino Baldi (1553 – 1617) who worked in Urbino and had access to many texts left behind by Paul of Middelburg: Bernardino Baldi. Le vite de’ matematici. Edizione annotata e commentata della parte medievale e rinascimentale, ed. Elio Nenci, Milan 1998, pp. 356 – 397. – I am grateful to Michele Rinaldi for expert advise on the history of the text of Firmicus. See especially his excellent monograph: ‘SIC ITUR AD ASTRA’. Giovanni Pontano e la sua opera astrologica nel quadro della tradizione manoscritta della Mathesis di Giulio ­Firmico Materno (Studi Latini 45), Naples 2002. Note, however, that Paul of Middelburg is not mentioned in Rinaldi’s book. I further thank my graduate students C. ­Neugebauer and F. ­Engelhardt for collating the relevant passages of cod. Vat. lat. 1418 and cod. Vat. Urb. lat. 263. On MS Soest 24 (saec. XII) see now Charles Burnett, Arabic and Latin Astrology Compared in the Twelfth Century: Firmicus, Adelard of Bath and ‘Doctor Elmirethi’ (‘Aristoteles Milesius’), in: Studies in the History of the Exact Sciences in Honour of David Pingree, ed. Charles Burnett et al., Leiden–Boston 2004 (Islamic Philosophy Theology and Science. Texts and Studies 54), pp. 247 – 263.

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of Paul’s literary technique (IV), another one of astronomically and/or astrologically significant ­borrowings (V), and a summary with final questions and outlook (VI).2 I. ­Introduction

Paul of Middelburg studied philosophy, theology, medicine, mathematics, and astro­nomy at Louvain. He spent most of his life in Italy where he first became professor of astronomy in Padua (1479), then personal physician to Federico da Montefeltro (1481) and eventually bishop of Fossombrone (1494). As an outstanding mathematician and astronomer, he played an important rôle in the fifth Lateran council (1512 – 1517) and the reform of the Julian calendar. Erasmus, Pico, Ficino, Scaliger, and other humanists thought highly of him. As to his astrological writings, six annual predictions for the years 1479 – 1483 and 1486 are extant as well as the long Prognosticum for the years 1484 to 1504 which will mainly occupy us here.3 Paul first published this Prognosticum, which does not bear a specific title, in August 1484.4 It contains detailed predictions regarding the allegedly imminent effects of the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Scorpio in November 1484 and of a total solar eclipse in Aries in March 1485. In keeping with the Persio-Arabic theory of the ‘Great Conjunctions’,5 Paul’s predictions cover a twenty year time-span, i. e. the approximate period between two consecutive astronomical conjunctions of Saturn and Jupiter. Paul’s Prognosticum became the most influential Renaissance text on the conjunction of 1484. It was reprinted s­ everal times both north and south of the Alps and was plagiarized in 1488 by Johannes ­Lichtenberger (1440 – 1503) whose extremely successful illustrated Pronos­ ticatio is analyzed by Wiebke Deimann in her contribution to the present volume. It is important to see Paul’s Prognosticum in context. Astrological predictions were published in print on an increasing scale from the 1470s onwards. The earliest extant



2 This articulation in six chapters is meant roughly to structure the material without creating a blinkered vision. Whenever needed or useful, we shall allow for brief digressions. 3 In addition, Paul wrote a very late astrological expertise for Pope Clement VII (1523); see below note 101. 4 Louvain: Johannes de Westfalia, 31 August 1484. References will henceforth be to the text and foliation of this edition. I used the copy of the university library of Cologne which is available online at http://inkunabeln.ub.uni-koeln.de/vdib-info/kleioc/ip00187550 [verified 30 – 11 – 2012]. Only one other copy of the editio princeps is extant (at Cambridge, UK). The first leaf of this edition is blank and unsigned. In the following text, Paul repeatedly refers to his own text as the prognosticum. Only some later reprints (Antwerp and Leipzig) have a longer, more specific title which does not seem to go back to Paul himself: Prenostica Magistri pauli de middelburgo ad viginti annos duratura. 5 An overview of its sources and doctrines is given by Keiji Yamamoto and Charles Burnett (eds. and trans.), Abū Ma‘šar, On Historical Astrology. The Book of Religions and Dynasties (On the Great Conjunctions) (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science. Texts and Studies 33 – 34), 2 vols., Leiden–Boston–Cologne 2000, vol. 1, pp. 573 – 613.

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printed astrological predictions date, according to the Incunabula Short Title Catalogue, from 1474 (Padua).6 The following figures refer to the ten year time-span from 1474 to the publication of Paul’s Prognosticum in August 1484. In this time-span, a total of fifty-nine predictions by nineteen different authors from various European countries is recorded as extant in print.7 Of these fifty-nine, fourty-two are in Latin (of which five by Paul 8 and thirty-seven by others) and seventeen in vernacular languages (six in ­Italian, nine in German, one in Dutch and one in French). Besides, there are anonymous fragments of eleven more printed astrological predictions from this time-span, seven of which are in Latin, two in German, and two in Dutch. The publications are roughly twice as many in the second half of this period than in the first half. Many authors have published both in Latin and in one of the vernacular languages. The most significant result, however, is the following: With only one early exception, to which we shall return later,9 all those printed astrological predictions that were p­ ublished before Paul’s Prognosticum of 1484 are concerned with one specific year and compa­ratively short, mostly eight to ten pages.10

6 Online at http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc/index.html [verified 30 – 11 – 2012]. My search argument was ‘prognost* OR pronost* OR (*udicium AND ann*)’. 7 Their names are, in the order of their first recorded prognostication whose year of publication will be indicated in parenthesis: Franciscus Guasconus (1474), Johannes de Lubec ( John of Lübeck, 1474), Hieronymus de Manfredis (1475), Johannes Laet (1476), Petrus Bonus ­Advogarius (1477), Matthaeus Moretus (1478), Johannes Glogoviensis (1479), Nicolaus de Insula Mariae (1479), Paulus de Middelburgo (1479), Marcus Scribanarius (1479), Julianus de Blanchis (1481), Wenceslaus Faber de Budweis (1482), Vitus Geroch (1482), Martinus Polichius de Mellerstadt (1483), Franciscus de Sirigattis (1482), Georgius de Drohobycz (1483), Johannes Barbus (1483), Dominicus Maria de Novara (1484), Marcus Gualterius (1484). Some of the predictions of these authors were published by two or even three diffe­rent printers more or less contemporaneously; some others were printed both in Latin and in the vernacular language. Such multiple publications of one and the same prediction are counted as one prediction in my survey. 8 For the years 1479, 1480, 1481, 1482, 1483. 9 See below, chapter VI. 10 If one takes also manuscripts into account, several more authors of prognostications for years between 1474 and 1484 come into play. These are Aquilinius of Aquila (Bologna, BU, AV.KK.VIII.29, f. 144r– 145v), Aurelius C. (?), Baptista Piasii of Cremona, Conrad ­Heingarter, Gabriel Pirovanus (London, BL, Arundel 88, f. 28r– 29v), Iacobus Yspanus (Firenze, BML, Plut. 30.22, f. 21r– 47r), Johannes of Glogau, Matthaeus Merotus (Bologna, BU, AV.KK.VIII.29, f. 141r– 143v), and Matthias Fibulator. For all authors which are here listed without references to specific ­manuscripts see the respective Index des noms, titres et notions in the first two volumes of CCAL under the authors’ names (Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum ­Latinorum, vol. I– II [BSB Munich and BN Paris], ed. David Juste, Paris 2011– 2015). See ibid. under the names of Georgius Kotermak de Drohobycz, Girolamo Manfredi, Johannes Laet of Borchloen, ­Marcus Scribanarius, Paul of Middelbourg, and Wenceslas Faber de B ­ udweis (these have been mentioned above with regard to incunabula) for further prognostications for years between 1474 and 1484 that are extant in manuscripts. I am grateful to David Juste for directing my attention to all these handwritten prognostications. They are without exception for single years and similar in length to the incunabula discussed above.

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The structure of Paul’s Prognosticum, which he dedicated to Maximilian I of Habsburg (1459 – 1519), the sovereign of his home province Zeeland, is as follows: Prefatory letter – praise of Maximilian – praise of divination – attack on opponents of astrology – request for Maximilian’s benevolence and attention Introduction to the astrological treatise – explanation of the difficulty of the task – prayer for divine assistance Ch. 1: astronomical and astrological data – the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Scorpio, November 1484 – important contemporary conjunctions and eclipses:  • total solar eclipse in Aries, March 1485 • conjunction Saturn-Mars in Scorpio, November 1483  • conjunction Jupiter-Mars in Scorpio (without date) – important earlier conjunctions in world history:  • those preceding the Flood, Jesus Christ, and Muhammad  • those of 848 CE , 1365 CE , 1425 CE , 1464 CE – the vernal equinox on March 10, 1484 – the preceding conjunction of the luminaries on February 26, 1484 Ch. 2 – 4: the conjunction of November 1484 – ch. 2: its general effects – ch. 3: its specific effects on individuals with different horoscopes – ch. 4: its effect on the history of religion: birth of a ‘minor prophet’ Ch. 5: the solar eclipse of March 1485 – its effects on kings and private individuals – time and place when and where its effects will be strongest Ch. 6: combined effects of conjunction and eclipse on various social groups (the Christian Church, monastic life, Jews, kings and princes, private individuals) Ch. 7: remedies, both physical and spiritual, against these malign celestial influences In this comparatively long treatise which runs to forty-three pages in the editio princeps, Paul quotes a variety of ancient and medieval astrological authorities. He mentions Abdalla

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(al-Khwārizmī), Albumasar (Abū Ma‘shar), Anthonius de monte ulmo (­Antonio da Montolmo), Firmicus (sc. Maternus), Hali or Halirodoan (‘Alī ibn Riḍwān), Haliabenragel (’Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl), Hermes (a pseudepigraphic work), Messehala (Māshā’allāh), and Pt(h)olomeus (Ptolemy). The highest number of references is, not surprisingly in the context of conjunctionist astrology, to Abū Ma‘šar and Māšā’allāh. What strikes the reader, though, is that the actual number of quotations from these two authors is comparatively low, not more than a handful, while the borrowings from Firmicus Maternus amount to roughly two hundred. They are drawn from all eight books of the Mathesis (with an emphasis on the first, third, sixth and eighth) and distributed over all parts of Paul’s Prognosticum. These omnipresent borrowings are all the more striking in view of the fact that Firmicus is explicitly referred to by Paul only once (ch. 4, f. r), and – more importantly – that Firmicus is not an authority on historical astrology which was developed after his lifetime by Persian and Arabic scholars.11 II. ­Paul’s borrowings from Firmicus: classification and examples

Paul’s borrowings are typically short, from a string of words to a few lines which are always reworked somehow. At closer inspection, one finds that the imitation of F ­ irmicus occurs on various levels: besides the numerous, more or less literal quotations of chunks of text, there are also resemblences in the overall structure, in stylistic features, in central ideas, and in the use of historical examples. The structural parallels are obvious: Firmicus arranged his Mathesis in seven books according to the number of the planets, preceded by another book for the apologetic introduction, which makes a total of eight.12 Accordingly, Paul structures his Prognosticum in seven chapters preceded by a preface. Paul’s style is, through the sheer mass of his borrowings from the Mathesis, largely characterized by that of Firmicus which, in its turn, is rhetorically elaborated, abundant, and prolix.13 The most prominent stylistic feature of the Mathesis is its heavy use of the genetivus inhaerentiae.14 In extreme cases this tendency results in expressions such as

11 The earliest remotely comparable case that I know of is a work on English law published in the year 1114 under the significant title Quadripartitus. Its unknown author openly imitated the l­ anguage and style of the Mathesis. For more details, see Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 33 – 34. 12 Firmicus explicitly refers to this structure in Math. 8.33.1. 13 For details, see Wolfgang Hübner, Art. ‘Firmicus Maternus’, in: Restauration und Erneuerung. Die lateinische Literatur von 284 bis 374 n. Chr., ed. Reinhart Herzog (Handbuch der lateinischen Literatur der Antike 5), Munich 1989, pp. 84 – 93, at p. 85. 14 See Leopold Henri Wijermans, De genitivus inhaerentiae in het Latijn, Diss. Nijmegen 1949 (on Firmicus: pp. 35 – 38). Franz Boll, Art. ‘Firmicus’, in: Paulys Realencyclopädie der ­classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. VI, 2 (1909), col. 2365 – 2379, at col. 2375, speaks of “die geradezu ungeheure Vorliebe des F. für den sog. Genitiv der Inhaerenz”.

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inmortalem aeternae perpetuitatis ordinem (Firm. math. 7.1.2). Those sections of Paul’s Prognosticum that our author wrote without using material from the Mathesis vary in stylistic elaboration depending on their content: Technical sections, especially lists of astronomical data correlated with historical events, lack adornment,15 others such as the dedicatory preface are rhetorically elaborated in long periods.16 More details of Paul’s style will become clear shortly, especially in chapter IV below. A central idea of Firmicus is that astrologers must abstain from analyzing the empe­ ror’s horoscope (math. 2.30.4 – 5), both because that would be a capital crime (2.30.4) and because there is no hope of making a true prediction since the emperor is exempt from stellar influences (2.30.5). Paul takes over the second of these two points, extends it to both the emperor and the Pope and expresses it with words borrowed from the Mathesis. The verbal correspondences between both texts are underlined in the following synoptic table: Table 1 17 18 Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504

Firm. math.

f. r quamobrem summo pontifici vt fertur nouello17 atque imperatorie maiestati frederico tercio18 uerenda maxime et metuenda erit [scil. futura solis eclipsis], nisi forte ab astronomorum iudiciis excipiendi essent, nam cum totius orbis sint domini, non subiacent stellarum cursibus neque ullam in eis decernendi potestatem habent, sed fatum eorum dei summi gubernatur iudicio.

2.30.5 sed nec aliquis mathematicus verum aliquid de fato imperatoris definire potuit; solus enim imperator stellarum non subiacet cursibus et solus est, in cuius fato stellae decernendi non habeant potestatem. cum enim fuerit totius orbis dominus, fatum eius dei summi iudicio gubernatur.

As to historical examples, the most conspicuous case is in Paul’s preface. It contains – besides a captatio benevolentiae addressed to Maximilian, remarks on the difficulty of the task, and a prayer for divine assistance – also a vehement polemic against potential detractors of astrology. Paul adduces the example of the ancient philosopher Plotinus 15 This is particularly true of the first chapter of Paul’s Prognosticum which lays the technical foundations for the following interpretation of the data. 16 Suffice it to quote one example from the preface to Maximilian I of Habsburg (f. a2r) which contains hyperbaton, hyperbole, litotes, parallelism, metaphors, etc.: Cum enim persepe tuarum innumerabilium uirtutum, quibus mirifice abundas, meas ad aures multorum ex ore fama peruenerit, princeps magnanime, ut una omnium uoce feratur te inter ceteros etatis nostre in omni uirtutum genere prestantissimos non mediocrem locum obtinere, fieri non poterat, quod ego bonarum artium studiis incumbens te profecto doctorum patronum, sapientum decus, studiosorumque firmissimum columen tanquam quoddam celeste numen non colerem, diligerem summaque in reuerentia haberem uehementerque gauderem tali principi subditum esse, neque quidem equum fore [exspectes putavi vel sim.] quod, antequam has tuas prouincias in Italiam reuersurus derelinquam, te prius non salutarem. 17 After Pope Sixtus IV had died on August 12, 1484, Giovanni Battista Cibo succeeded him as Innocent VIII on August 29, 1484. 18 Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor from 1452 to 1493, father of Maximilian.

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who was allegedly punished with horrible illness and miserable death for his arrogant disbelief in astrology. This polemic, which runs to roughly half a page in the editio princeps (f. a3v), is largely composed of chunks of literal, unacknowledged quotations from the first book of Firmicus where the same historical example is adduced and elaborated at greater length.19 The correspondences are again underlined: Table 220 21 22 23 Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504, f. a3r-v

Firm. math. 1.7.14 – 22 (and other ancient parallels)

Verum non aliter cum his 20 agendum censeo quam cum illis, qui ea, que omnium gentium firmata sunt consensu ut ignem esse calidum negare non formidant atque instar [f. a3v] plotini temerarii philosophi fati vim percipient, qui cum fatalis dispositionis potestatem seuera argumentatione turbauerit seque summis honoribus et dignitatibus constitutum fatali sorte 21 subtractum putarit, grauis morbi tormentis funesteque calamitatis continuatione confectus uim fati potestatemque sensiit et totum, quicquid ei dignitatum uel honorum collatum fuerit, miseriarum atque infelicitatis incursione mutatum fuit. nam primum uniuersi eius corporis membra frigido sanguinis torpore rigentia pestifera exulceratio deformabat, atque ita per singulos dies serpente morbo minute uiscerum partes colluuione tabefacte defluebant, ut sic dissipata facie corruptaque corporis forma ab humana figura discedebat.22 Istius itaque seuere pestis acerbitate confectus proprio exemplo cunctos homines docuit uim potestatemque 23 fatorum nulla posse ratione contemni.

Cic. div. 1.1 et populi Romani et omnium gentium firmata consensu. Macr. somn. 2.16.11 ignem ipsum, de quo calor in alia transit, quis neget calidum? Firm. math. 1.7.14 Ad te nunc singularem virum Plotine veniemus. Ibid. 1.7.19 Longum est enumerare, quid de rebus singulis senserit, qua se ratione fatali sorti subtraxerit, qua vim istam, idest stellarum atque fati, sententiarum argumentatione turbaverit. Ibid. 1.7.21 ut ista gravis morbi continuatione confectus et tormentis propriis coactus ac verae rationis auctoritate convictus vim fati potestatemque sentiret. Ibid. 3.3.21 totum, quicquid ei vel honorum vel dignitatis conlatum fuerit, miseriarum atque infelicitatis incursione mutatur. Ibid. 1.7.20 primum membra eius frigido sanguinis torpore riguerunt et oculorum acies splendorem paulatim extenuati luminis perdidit, postea per totam eius cutem malignis humoribus nutrita pestis erupit, ut putre corpus deficientibus membris corrupti sanguinis morte tabesceret; per omnes dies ac per omnes horas serpente morbo minutae partes viscerum defluebant, et quicquid paulo ante integrum uideras, statim confecti corporis exulceratio deformabat. Ibid. 1.7.21 Sic corrupta ac dissipata facie tota ab illo figura corporis recedebat et in mortuo, ut ita dicam, corpore solus superstes retinebatur animus. Ibid. 1.7.22 Sensit itaque etiam iste vim fati et excepit finem, quem illi stellarum ignita iudicia decreverant, et istius valitudinis acerbitate confectus proprio exemplo, non sermonis licentia cunctos homines docuit potestatem fatorum nulla posse ratione contemni.

19 Firm. math. 1.7.14 – 22. On this passage, see Paul Henry, Plotin et l’occident. Firmicus ­Maternus, Marius Victorinus, Saint Augustin et Macrobe, Louvain 1934 (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense. Études et documents, vol. 15), pp. 25 – 43, who gives an analysis of Firmicus’ source (­Porphyry’s Vita Plotini), references to earlier secondary literature, and the retrospective diagnosis of Plotinus’ disease as leprosy. 20 I.e. the detractors of astrology. 21 This reading will be discussed below, chapter III (before table 4). 22 This reading will be discussed below, chapter III (before table 4). 23 This reading will be discussed below, chapter III (before table 4).

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Although Paul’s use of Firm. math. 1.7.14 – 22 is obvious, he has rearranged the ancient text substantially. The most prominent modifications are shortenings and syntac­tical changes. In addition, he splits paragraph 1.7.21 in such a way as to quote first its s­ econd half and then its first half (Firmicus has: … retinebatur animus, ut ista …). Paul further includes one borrowing from Math. 3.3.21 and two borrowings from other ancient texts of astronomical and astrological content, Cicero’s De divinatione and Macrobius’ commentary on the Somnium Scipionis. It is difficult to judge whether Paul intended to dissimulate his substantial borrowing from Firmicus by not dropping the ancient senator’s name until much later in a different context 24 or whether he thought the source was so well known as to need no explicit reference. It will be good to differentiate between the Mathesis as a whole and the brief passage containing the polemic against Plotinus. In the absence of printed copies of the Mathesis (the editio princeps was published in 1497), the low number of available manuscripts in 1484 seems to exclude that there existed a widespread knowledge of ­Firmicus’ entire astrological work.25 The polemic against P ­ lotinus, however, had a broad diffusion of its own, independently of the full copies of the Mathesis, and must therefore have been rather well known to late medieval and early modern educated readers. In the 12th century, for example, William of ­Malmesbury quotes that polemic in his Polyhistor;26 in the 13th, Vincent of ­Beauvais quotes it in his Speculum historiale IV 8;27 and in the 14th century, Francesco Petrarca – to whom we shall return shortly – made several references to it, especially in his Triumphus Fame III 46 – 50.28 Paul seems to aim at two effects: to cause anxiety about the near future by ­adducing an impressive historical example of the consequences of disregard of astrology, and to make his addressee inclined to hire the author as his astrological adviser. Towards the end of his text, Paul will resume this strategy from a different angle: In the context of illness caused by the impending alignments (conjunction and eclipse), he will give detailed pharmaceutical instructions for the preparation of remedies against the celestial influences. By emphasizing the need to adjust the recipe to the individual complexion and horoscope of the person that wishes to protect himself or herself, Paul implicitly 24 See below at the beginning of chapter V. 25 According to Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 27, 51, and 235 – 251, a total of 34 manus­ cripts from the eleventh to fifteenth centuries is extant and not mutilated in the section regarding Plotinus (Firm. math. 1.7.14 – 22). 26 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 34, note 42. 27 Personal communication by M. ­Rinaldi. 28 Quoted by Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 45, note 79. On Petrarca’s numerous allusions to the Mathesis see now Michele Rinaldi, Petrarca, Firmico Materno e la tradizione astrolo­ gica, in: Petrarca, l’umanesimo e la civiltà europea. Atti del Convegno Internazionale. Firenze, 5 – 10 dicembre 2004, a cura di Donatella Coppini e Michele Feo (Quaderni Petrarcheschi 17 – 18), Florence 2007 – 2008, pp. 679 – 705, at pp. 686 – 690 (with special regard to the polemic against Plotinus see ibid., p. 688 with note 35).

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suggests that Maximilian should hire Paul as his personal astrologer and physician. Paul’s extensive yet unacknowledged rewriting of Firmicus’ passage on Plotinus comes close to plagiarism, but the potential offense is mitigated by the fact that Paul reworks those textual borrowings and integrates them in his own lite­ral technique of creating a ring composition with the concept of illness dominating both the beginning of his text, with the intention of causing anxiety, and the end of his text, where he offers expert help. III. ­Paul’s manuscript of the Mathesis

The fact that Paul interweaves so many and so substantial borrowings from Firmicus in the text of his Prognosticum raises not only the question why he did so 29 but also how he accessed the Mathesis. Both questions require a brief review of the fortune of the Mathesis in the Renaissance. A renewed interest in this work seems to have begun with Petrarca who included ­Firmicus in a prestigious canon of authors.30 Petrarca was hostile to astrology but interested in the rhetorical passages of the Mathesis, especially the various proems and the entire first book which prefaces the technical books II to VIII with a book-length defense of astrology.31 A century after Petrarca, there is evidence of an abrupt, strong increase in the interest in Firmicus. Our oldest copies of the full recension of the ­Mathesis in eight books are from the biennium 1467 – 1468.32 The few existing earlier copies from the 11th to 14th centuries are profoundly different in that they contain only books I to IV (they break off at different points within ch. IV .22). Around the middle of the 15th century one or more old copies containing all eight books must have resurfaced somewhere, giving rise to a feverish interest in studying and copying the newly discovered books five to eight of this work.33 In the 11th century, the manuscript tradition split up in two branches, a better ‘German’ one 34 called Γ and an Italian one of 29 I shall return to this later (see below after note 106). 30 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 42, and Rinaldi, Petrarca (see note 28), p. 692. 31 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 47 – 48. See also Rinaldi, Petrarca (see note 28), p. 702, who gives a more nuanced picture of Petrarca’s hostile attitude towards astrology which was ambivalent between ideological rejection and intellectual curiosity. See also ibid., p. 703: “Molto probabilmente all’origine dell’interesse che Petrarca nutriva per la Mathesis si colloca l’esemplarità che egli riconosceva a Firmico quale rappresentante della cultura classica; Firmico, infatti, non era certo una autore arabo o il solito astrologo contemporaneo […]. Firmico gli aveva mostrato come fosse possibile scrivere de rebus coelestibus senza dover ricorrere al lessico ‘imbarbarito’ dalle cattive traduzioni mediolatine delle opere di Tolomeo e degli autori Arabi.” 32 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 8 and 53. 33 According to Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 103, it was in particular physicians (one may think of Paul of Middelburg) and philosophers that were now interested in Firmicus. 34 Most of its manuscripts are today in German libraries, but many of them were written elsewhere.

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inferior quality 35 which was called ∆ by the first modern editors, Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler.36 For the establishment of the Itala recensio ∆, the humanist environment of the Aragonese court at Naples was of central importance.37 In the last decades of the 15th century, Firmicus was by various humanists expli­citly praised for his eloquence. In 1454, Giovanni Aurispa announced the Mathesis to A ­ ntonio Beccadelli (Panormita) with the following words: Leges enim librum eloquentissimum; cf. Pico della Mirandola, Disp. adv. astr. div. vol. I p. 74 Garin: Mitto alia multa, in q­ uibus semper multae eloquentiae, exiguae semper sapientiae hominem deprehendes. Already earlier Petrarca had referred to Iulius Firmicus Maternus, astrologus nescio an verior ceteris, sed profecto cunctis ornatior, quos ego legerim (Seniles 8.1, from the year 1366).38 However, the success of Firmicus in the late fifteenth century was deplorably brief.39 The peak was reached with the publication of the editio princeps of the Mathesis in Venice in 1497 by Simone Bevilacqua and that of the Aldine edition in 1499 by Francesco Pescennio Negro.40 The text of Firmicus was now circulating in large numbers, but already during the first decade of the 16th century the new stylistic ideal of Ciceronianism took the lead, at the expense of Firmicus who had already suffered a first blow by Pico della Mirandola. Soon after the turn of the century the fortune of Firmicus faded and the Mathesis was relegated amidst the many texts without literary ambitions such as repertories, ephemerides and translations from Arabic compilations. Paul of Middelburg wrote and published his Prognosticum roughly in the middle of that period of scholarly interest in the Mathesis, when complete manuscript copies containing all eight books were rare, objects of high demand and avid reading. It has not been asked so far which of the two branches of the manuscript tradition Paul was following, Γ or ∆. ­The following examples provide first clues for the assumption that he was following the Italian branch ∆:

35 This branch contains many humanist interpolations and conjectures; see Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 24. 36 Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos libri VIII, eds. W[ilhelm] Kroll, F[ranz] Skutsch et ­K[onrat] Ziegler, 2 vols., Leipzig 1897 – 1913 (repr. Stuttgart 1968, with addenda by K. ­Ziegler). The sigla Γ and ∆ were continued by the second modern editor, Monat: Firmicus Maternus. Mathesis, texte établi et traduit par P[ierre] Monat, 3 vols, Paris 1992 – 1997. Unless otherwise specified, I shall quote from the text of Firmicus from the earlier edition. 37 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 8. 38 Non vidi; I quote from Rinaldi, Petrarca (see note 28), p. 690. 39 In this paragraph, I closely follow Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 86 – 87. 40 Excerpts from the Mathesis had been published already in 1488 – i. e. still years after the completion of Paul’s Prognosticum – by Erhard Ratdolt in Augsburg (Rinaldi, SIC ITUR [see note 1], p. 83).

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Table 3 41

42 43 44 45

Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504

Firm. math.

f. b1 efficiet petulantes lasciuos prauisque semper desideriis ac uiciosis uoluptatibus implicatos.41

8.6.4 Sunt enim natura petulantes, lascivi, s­ emper desideriorum pravis ac libidinosis ­voluptatibus inplicati.43 KSZ44 app. crit.: desideriorum Γ desideriis Δ

f. v … aut incensa domo conflagrabuntur aut publica sentencia concremabuntur42

8.17.8 … aut incensa domo conflagrabuntur aut publica sententia flammis ultricibus concremabuntur.45 KSZ app. crit.: flammis ultricibus om. Δ

r-v

Interestingly, the apparatus critici of the two modern editions 46 both contain the information that there are cases where Paul agrees with one specific manuscript of branch ∆ against all the other – admittedly not very numerous – extant witnesses of the Mathesis that have been collated by editors to the present. This manuscript is cod. Neapol. V A 17 (N).47 It was written by Giovanni Pontano (1429 – 1503), who copied the first, third, fourth, fifth and sixth quinios, and by a second hand that copied all the remaining fascicles.48 The codex Neapolitanus is particularly valuable because two large sections of books VI and VII (i. e. 6.23.4 – 6.29.23 and 7.16.5 – 7.23.9) are transmitted in no other manuscript than this.49 Three instances of agreement between Paul’s text and N against the remaining manuscripts of Firmicus that have been collated by the editors can be found in Paul’s polemic against Plotinus: fatali sorte (ablative) instead of fatali sorti (dative), discedebat instead of recedebat and uim potestatemque instead of potestatem.50 Here are two more examples:

41 The subject of this sentence is the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in 1484. 42 About those individuals who have 13°  (the position of Mars during the eclipse of 16 March 1485 according to Paul) ascending in their horoscopes. 43 About those who are born with Haedus (the northern paranatellon of 20° Aries) rising. 44 See above note 36. 45 About those who are born with Lygnus (a paranatellon of Pisces) rising. 46 See above note 36. In the case of Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler’s first volume (1897), see the ­variae lectiones of N listed as an addendum in the Appendix Praefationis of the second volume (pp. XXXVII–LXVII). 47 For the stemmatic collocation of N, see Monat, Firmicus (see note 36), vol. 1, 1992, p. 38, and Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 25. 48 Ibid., pp. 112, 115, 117. The (probably identical) exemplar used by both scribes is lost, its pro­ venance unknown. 49 Ibid., p. 199. 50 See above notes 21, 22 and 23.

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Table 4 Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504

Firm. math.

f. omni infamia maculationeque pollutum

1.7.25 omni infamiae maculatione pollutus infamiae maculatione] infamia maculationeque N

f. v aliis talia innascentur ulcera, ut nulla arte medica nullo ingenio nisi igneis sanari cauteriis possint

4.4.3 aliis talia nascuntur vulnera, ut nulla re alia nisi ignitis sanari cauteriis possint vulnera] ulcera N possint N, om. reliqui codd.

v

However, Paul’s source cannot have been N. ­The reason is simple: Rinaldi has shown that N was copied after 1488,51 and even if one doubted this terminus post quem, N is still excluded as Paul’s source because of some obvious discrepancies: Table 5 Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504

Firm. math.

f. a3r nunc directo cursu nunc retrocedendo nunc statiua tarditate subsistunt

1.4.11 nunc directo cursu, nunc retrogrado, nunc statiua tarditate subsistunt retrogrado] retrogradando N subsistunt] ­substituunt N

f. b3v vt sic per omnem uite statum pannis male pendentibus nudi incedant

8.11.4 ut sit per omne vitae spatium pannis male pendentibus nudus spatium AN : statum DGv

f. v quieta aëris moderatio caloris et frigoris mixta temperie cunctos incolas salubri uegetatione sustentat

1.7.16 aëris quieta moderatio cunctos incolas salubri vegetatione sustentat aëris quieta moderatio om. N

The last example is striking because it is another borrowing from Firmicus’ polemic against Plotinus which contained three significant correspondences between Paul’s text and N, yet here the omission of three words in N (aëris quieta moderatio), which I found confirmed by autopsy, is definitive proof that Paul did either not know N at all or that he did not work with N alone. It seems that he worked with a manuscript of the Italian branch ∆ that was closely related to N and has either not been collated to the present, or not completely collated, or not correctly collated, or that is simply no longer extant. In order to solve this problem, I examined not only cod. Neapol. V A 17 (N) but also the following two manuscripts which are known to be closely related to N: Vat. Pal. lat. 1418 (D) and Vat. Urb. lat. 263 (E). D is the most important manuscript of the Itala recensio (∆) of the Mathesis.52 This manuscript was written in Naples in 1467 by the otherwise unknown copyist Peter the

51 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 115. 52 This is the judgement of Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 76, and Monat, Firmicus (see note 36), vol. I, 1992, p. 29, who calls it “de loin le meilleur représentent de la famille

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German and belonged to Angelo di Giannozzo Manetti.53 From his family’s library it came around 1550 to the library of Ulrich Fugger, from there to Heidelberg and eventually, in 1623, to the Vatican Library.54 It is particularly valuable because it contains, on the margins, almost twohundred alternative readings (written by Manetti)55 derived from other sources, thus representing almost an early modern ‘edition’ of Firmicus.56 Two sample passages, one short, the other long, have been collated by Kroll (Firm. math. 2.7.3 – 2.10.4 and 4.22.8 – 6.31.3), the rest of the Mathesis by a not so reliable helper, the otherwise unknown Graeven.57 The other manuscript, E, was written and beautifully illustrated around 1472 by Gundisalvus Hispanus for the duke of Urbino, Federico da Montefeltro.58 After the death of the last duke of Urbino, Francesco Maria II della Rovere (1548 – 1631), Pope Alexander VII had the entire library transported from Urbino to the Vatican Library in the year 1657. Since Paul lived in Urbino in the 1480s and was personal physician and astrologer to the duke, it is possible that this manuscript was his source. To the present, only specimens of E have been collated (Firm. math. 2.7.3 – 2.10.4 and 4.22.8 – 5.1.38).59 Autopsy reveals that in Firmicus’ polemic against Plotinus D and E share all three variant readings of both N and Paul that have been mentioned above: fatali sorte (ablative) instead of fatali sorti (dative), discedebat instead of recedebat and uim potestatemque instead of potestatem.60 In the following five examples, the apparatus critici must be expanded thus:

italique”. Note, however, that Monat consults its readings only occasionally, when the antiquiores et mutili are defective. 53 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 99. Cf. Simona Foà, Art. ‘Angelo Manetti’, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 68 (2007), pp. 604 – 605. 54 On cod. Vat. Pal. lat. 1418 see Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 98 – 105 and 247 (number 28). 55 L. ­Banti, Agnolo Manetti e alcuni scribi a Napoli nel secolo XV, in: Annali della Scuola ­Normale Superiore di Pisa, ser. II, 8 (1939), pp. 382 – 394, at pp. 393 – 394 (non vidi; I quote from Rinaldi, SIC ITUR [see note 1], pp. 11 and 104, note 240). 56 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp. 104 – 105. 57 Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler (see note 36), vol. II, p. XX. ­Graeven overlooked at least some variae lectiones; see below notes 60 and 66. 58 Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 84. 59 Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler (see note 36), vol. II p. XX. 60 See above notes 21, 22 and 23. Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler (see note 36) should have mentioned these variants of D in their apparatus because that passage of D was allegedly collated by Graeven. Note that some other manuscripts of which sample portions have been collated by Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), share peculiar readings of N. ­For example, discedebat instead of recedebat can be found in cod. Harleianus 2766 of the British Library, too (ibid. p. 72, note 136), and vim potestatemque can be found in cod. Vat. lat. 3425, too (ibid. p. 97, note 217).

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Table 4 above: 1.7.25 infamiae maculatione] infamia maculationeque NDE 4.4.3 vulnera] ulcera NDE possint ND, possit E, om. reliqui codd. Table 5 above: 1.4.11 retrogrado] retrogradendo (-dando N) NDE subsistunt DE : substituunt N 8.11.4 spatium AN : statum DEGv 1.7.16 aëris quieta moderatio DE : om. N Our result so far is, then, that Paul cannot have followed N alone, but he may well have followed either D or E alone. Let us narrow this further down. In chapter 2 Paul quotes Firm. math. 8.16.1 ex caede hominum et ex spoliis habebunt vitae subsidia. According to Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler, the Italian manuscript branch ∆ has here a grammatically impossible varia lectio for caede, namely caedis. Autopsy confirms the reading caedis in the case of N (f. 191r) and D (f. 168v). Interestingly, Paul’s editio princeps has cedib’ (i. e. caedibus). Is this an emendation of what he may be assumed to have read in any manuscript of branch ∆ that was available to him, i. e. of caedis, maybe an emendation guided by the intention of matching the following plural spoliis? Pro­ bably not, because E has the same reading, even the same orthography and abbreviation: cedib’ (f. 156r). Since E is the only manuscript of Firmicus positively known to transmit the ablative plural cedibus, it is a first clue for assuming that Paul, who lived and worked at the court of Urbino while he was working on his Prognosticum, was using the manus­ cript that belonged to the library of the Duke of Urbino. We shall be able to substantiate this assumption further. However, methodological caution is advised. In view of the liberty that Paul takes in rearranging the text of F ­ irmicus, it is important to watch out for significant readings shared or not shared by Paul and E while not disregarding such discrepancies between their texts that can be explained in various ways and are, therefore, not significant. One example for the latter: On f. c3r, Paul says: omnia ex assiduis felicitatibus bona decernuntur et faciet Iupiter ille beniuolus, ut ad omnes actus prospere sequatur euentus. This is an adaptation of Firm. math. 6.38.1 (about Mercury): omnia bona ex assiduis felicitatibus decernuntur, et facit ut omnes actus prospere sequatur eventus. According to Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler as well as Monat, all manuscripts of ∆ have prosper instead of prospere (Γ). Autopsy confirms that E has indeed prosper. Since prosper … eventus makes good sense, too, one could take this case as an argument against Paul’s dependence on E or any other manuscript of branch ∆. ­It is important, however, to take the whole picture into account: The Mathesis contains three more instances of prosper sequitur (-atur, -ebatur) euentus (1.7.36. 3.2.7. 5.3.16), but it also contains nine other passages with the words prospere sequitur (-atur, -etur) euentus (5.1.30. 5.2.6. 5.3.58. 5.5.5. 5.6.2. 5.6.5. 6.3.9. 6.5.4. 6.24.9). They all precede the passage that is at issue here (6,38,1). It is obvious that the present case does not allow any reliable stemmatic conclusions.

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So let us watch out for significant readings. A systematic checking of all borrowings that Paul made from the Mathesis against E (of which only specimens had been collated so far) led me to the discovery of the following case: In chapter six, Paul specifies the diverse effects of the imminent conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter on individuals through a casuistry in which he goes systematically through all the signs of the zodiac. In the context of those individuals who had Aries ascending at birth or otherwise in a strong position, Paul writes (f. c3v; with numerical distinction of the four syntactical units): (1) aut enim fulminis ictu repentino mortis opprimentur occasu (2) aut equi ­calceantis impetu aut equo deiecti misera corporis iactura morientur (3) aut scopulis periclitati aut mari fluminibusue submersi peribunt (4) aut alterius nouelle et inaudite repentine mortis patientur exitium.61 The source of the first part is Firm. math. 8.6.11 aut fulmine icti repentino mortis opprimuntur occasu. The apparatus criticus of Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler says nothing about fulmine icti which is, within the Mathesis, a unique juncture. D (f. 165r) and N (f. 187r) read fulmine icti, but E (f. 152v) has fulmine ictu. If Paul used any of the manuscripts transmitting fulmine icti, it would be difficult to understand why he changed that reading to fulminis ictu. If he used E, instead, fulmine ictu required emendation. He would then have changed fulmine to fulminis, grammatically possible and the easiest emendation as long as one considers E’s reading fulmine ictu in isolation, but less elegant than fulmine icti when one takes into account the following words, too, which contain repentino mortis occasu: Paul’s combination of two expressions consisting each of an ablative with a genetive attribute is somewhat clumsy because the first ablative is causal, the second modal, and they are not clearly distinguished. The second part of Paul’s sentence is most revealing for our purpose. Its source is Firm. math. 8.13.4 aut quadrupedis animalis impetu, aut equi calce, aut deiectus equo morietur. Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler inform the reader in their apparatus that ∆ has impetus instead of impetu, but they are silent about equi calce aut. Their apparatus is confirmed by autopsy of D (f. 168r) and N (f. 190v) which both read aut quadrupedis animalis impetus aut equi calce aut deiectus equo morietur. In E, however, we find the unique reading aut quadrupedis animalis impetu aut equi calceantis deiectus equo morietur (f. 155r). Paul seems to have understood these words thus: ‘or he will die through the attack of a four-footed animal or of a kicking horse having been thrown from a horse’. However, a kicking horse would be equi calcitrantis.62 The text of E means ‘of a horse that furnishes (someone) with

61 For elements (2) to (4), cf. also Firm. math. 8.15.5 in scopulis in quibus aliquando periclitati fuerant, misera corporis iactura morientur, aut nati statim peribunt, aut propter incestum ­publica animadversione plectuntur, ut novellae his et inauditae mortis inferatur exitium and 8,6,9 mari fluminibusque (fluminibusue DEN, item Monat, Firmicus [see note 36]) submersi acerbis ­mortibus (fluctibus pro acerbis mortibus DEN, item Monat) interibunt. 62 The verb calcitrare is rare. According to Hey, ThLL III, c.  133,48 – 78 s. v. calcitro, there are only fourteen ancient occurrences for the literal meaning that is at issue here.

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shoes’ – whom? Itself ?63 Paul realized that before deiectus equo the addition of aut was logi­ cally needed (therefore he wrote aut equo deiecti). But he did not realize that the missing particle might be ‘hidden’ behind the letters -ant- of calceantis and that, -ant- being the distinctive morphological element of the present participle, the participle as such was suspicious.64 The combination of the three facts that E is the only manuscript of the Mathesis known to transmit calceantis, that this is a nonsensical reading, and that Paul took over the same reading from one manuscript of the Mathesis, strongly indicates that this manuscript was E and that Paul coined his own expression after that of the codex Urbinas.65 The systematic comparison of all borrowings from Firmicus in Paul’s text with E did not reveal any significant discrepancies. In addition, Paul never uses material from Firm. math. 6.23.4 associant to 6.29.24 domina fuerit and 4.17.6 et an dominus ipsius signi to 4.19.36 ex Lunae cursu dominus, two large portions of text that are missing from E. ­Even if many manuscripts of the Italian branch ∆ have not been collated systematically to the present and definitive proof is by way of principle impossible (our author could have used a lost manuscript very closely related to E, or he could have used different manuscripts at diffe­ rent times), I shall henceforth base my argument on the most likely assumption, namely that Paul’s source was the copy of Firmicus in the Urbino library. Once this is agreed, some further influences of E on details of the text of Paul become apparent, as well as emendations that Paul anticipated and that were made again centuries later by the Teubner editors Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler. A few examples may suffice: 63 In antiquity a horse’s feet were furnished with shoes to be taken off and put on, not shod as in modern times. 64 The reading calceantis in E seems to have originated from calce (maybe at the end of a line in the exemplar) plus aut misread as ant. In a second step, someone may have ‘corrected’ equi calceant to equi calceantis (or, less likely, there may have been – for whatever reason – a vertikal stroke in the exemplar that the copyist erroneously interpreted as ‫ן‬, the abbreviation sign for -is that is frequently used in contemporary texts). 65 Another argument for the implicit conclusion that D was not Paul’s source is the following: On f. v Paul writes […] quidque per omnem terrarum tractum mixtura ipsarum radiatioque equata comparatione perficiet, definiamus, which is adapted from Firm. math. 1.4.11 […] definire postea, quid per omnem terrarum tractum mixtura ipsarum radiatioque perficiat? While Paul and E have tractum, D has ambitum which is not recorded in the apparatus critici of Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler and Monat, Firmicus (see note 36) (nor in the Index of Rinaldi, SIC ITUR [see note 1], p. 255) for any manuscript. Autopsy of D reveals that the letters ambi- were ­written in rasura (probably replacing trac-) by Angelo Manetti, the owner of the codex who made hundreds of addenda and corrigenda in D. ­Manetti seems to have made the correction Marte suo, not following a manuscript authority. Maybe he thought of Suet. Aug. 94.4 per omnem terrarum et caeli ambitum (in a prominent context with stars; less likely: Sen. nat. 6.16.2 and Amm. 18.6.22). In any case, there are no ancient parallels for omnem terrarum tractum. Since Manetti (*1432) died of plague in 1479 (Foà, Manetti [see note 53], p. 605), i. e. years before Paul started working at the court of Urbino on his Prognosticum, it is impossible that Paul used D – he would have found ambitum and written the same word in his Prognosticum.

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On f. c4r, Paul says: aut enim abortabit frequenter aut difficilem edet partum, ut intra matris uiscera laceratum pecus a medicis proferatur. The source is Firm. math. 3.6.12 magnas difficultates et magna pericula patietur ex partu; aut enim abortabit frequenter aut difficile (difficilem E) edit partum, ut (ut Kroll, aut codd.) intra viscera eius laceratum pecus a medicis proferatur. Paul anticipated Kroll’s emendation of aut to ut. F. r: alios in conspectu populi crudeli necis atrocitate magno spectantium plausu et fauore deperire faciet. This is a combination of Firm. math. 3.4.23 qui conspectu populi crudeli necis atrocitate depereant and 8.7.5 qui […] magno spectantium plausu ac favore moriantur. The two words that Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler added in brackets, in and cum, are indeed missing from E (and also from D and N). Paul is, then, the first philologist (to my knowledge) to have emended the transmitted qui conspectu populi, even if indirectly.66 F. c3v: assidue tamen peregrinationis patientur incommoda et in extraneis et peregrinis locis constituti extremum complebunt uite diem. Cf. Firm. math. 6.31.16 assiduae peregrinationis decernuntur incommoda, et in extraneis regionibus et in peregrinis 67 constituti extremum conplent diem vitae. F. c3v: inquieti erunt et turbulenti, inimicissimi pacis et quietis, clamosis et furiosis contentionibus plebis animos inflammantes, intestina ac domestica bella furiosa mentis c­ upiditate semper desiderabunt. Cf. Firm. math. 8.6.6 inquietus erit turbulentus popularis, et qui populum turbulentis semper seditionibus exagitet, plebis animos clamosis et furiosis c­ ontentionibus inflammans, inimicus quietis ac pacis, et intestina ac domestica bella furiosa mentis cupidi­ tate desiderans. According to Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler (vol. II, p. 297) and Monat (vol. III, p. 249), the manuscript family ∆ has inimicitus. This is not true in the case of all three manuscripts that I checked. E has inimiciciis, N inimicitijs, and D inimicus ex corr. (ex inimiciciis, ut vid.).68 Paul found inimiciciis in E. ­He emended this by way of conjecture to what seemed closest to the transmitted sequence of letters and at the same time ­acceptable at the levels of grammar and content, inimicissimus, which had, in a second step, to be changed to the plural to match Paul’s own syntax. Without knowledge of the manuscript branch Γ, one could hardly arrive at a philologically more plausible emendation than the one that Paul made. In conclusion, Paul took over some less obvious mistakes from E (e. g. difficilem in the first example just given) and corrected other, more obvious ones. It would be an interesting theoretical question of editorial technique whether those among his emendations that were repeated by modern editors ought to be mentioned in the apparatus criticus of a future edition of the Mathesis, especially because Paul made his emendations without saying that he was drawing on Firmicus.

66 He did, however, not add cum in the other passage. 67 Add. Skutsch. 68 The original reading, which is erased, was longer, and traces of the final -s are still visible.

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IV. ­Paul’s literary technique

The focus of the present investigation will now shift to an analysis of Paul’s literary technique. My example will be a hymnic prayer, comparable – in terms of syntactical complexity – to Paul’s polemic against Plotinus.69 It is from the end of Paul’s preface which he conveniently modelled on one of Firmicus’ prefaces, namely that to book five where the (at Paul’s time) recently discovered second half of the Mathesis begins. To invoke divine assistance for his undertaking, he writes: Table 6 70 71 Paul. progn. 1404 – 1504, f. a4v-r

Firm. math.

Tu igitur, omnium conditor et moderator deus, qui solem formasti et lunam, qui rapidos celi cursus ordinesque disponis, qui per dies singulos immensam illam celi machinam eternis giris circumuoluendo celeri atque perenni agitatione contorques quique omnia perpetua legis dispositione infatigabili mobilitate sustentas, qui solus imperator ac dominus, cui to[f. r]ta numinum potestas seruit, ad te supplex confugio, a te opem peto, te unicum adoro, te inuoco, tibi supplex manus tendo, te trepida cum supplicatione ueneror, ut numinis tui presidio siderum tuorum uenerabilia iudicia cursusque eorum efficaces influentias seruo tuo explicandas reueles mentemque meam eterni tui splendoris radio illustrando in uiam ueritatis dirigas: ingentium excita, linguam commoue, rectamque prognosticandi uiam mihi ostende.

7.1.2 convenio te iureiurando, Mavorti decus nostrum, per fabricatorem mundi deum, […] qui Solem formavit et Lunam, qui omnium siderum cursus ordinesque disposuit, […]. 5 praef. 3 quicumque es deus, qui per dies singulos caeli cursum celeri festinatione continuas, […].71 1.5.7 qui omnia perpetua legis dispositione composuit. ibid. 1.5.10 Mens enim illa divina animusque caelestis […] ignita ac sempiterna agitatione perpetuat72 nec hoc officium aliqua fatigatione deponit, ut se ipsum atque mundum omniaque, quae intra mundum sunt, perpetua sui atque infatigabili mobilitate sustentet. Verg. Aen. 1.663 ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco. 5 praef. 6 et trepidationem animi vestra maiestate firmate, ne numinis vestri praesidio destitutus ordinem non possim promissi operis invenire 1 praef. 7 uenerabilia iudicia. 5 praef. 3 […] solus imperator ac dominus, cui tota potestas numinum servit, […] tibi supplices manus tendimus, te trepida cum supplicatione veneramur: da veniam quod siderum tuorum cursus eorumque efficacias explicare conamur.

Paul’s address to the Christian God takes the shape of a complex, rhetorically elaborated syntactical unit. It is modelled after the prayer at Firm. math. 5 praef. 3, “einem höchst

69 See above ch. II, table 2. 70 This quotation continues below, after an omission of ten Teubner lines. Note that instead of celeri, E has sceleri, which Paul easily emended. (Also D has sceleri, N has celeri; Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler and Monat, Firmicus (see note 36), do not record any ­variant reading for celeri). 71 E (f. 6r) has perpetua, which Paul easily emended.

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merkwürdigen Gebet an den einen Weltengott”,72 in which Firmicus invokes God as father and mother of all and at the same time father and son to himself (omnium pater pariter ac mater, tu tibi pater ac filius uno vinculo necessitudinis obligatus). The latter part of this invocation curiously resembles the Christian concept of Trinity, thus making the adaptation to a Christian context easy.73 Both prayers draw heavily on typical formal elements of hymnic predication. Firmicus’ complex sentence runs to twenty Teubner lines. It begins with a direct address to God (quicumque es deus) that is reminiscent of hymnic polyonymy and followed by nine relative clauses. Each of them is introduced by qui, comprises six to nine words and ends with a verbal predicate in the second person singular. Then come two invocations with formulaic, anaphorically phrased indications of omnipotence (solus omnium gubernator et princeps, solus imperator ac dominus) followed by three more relative clauses that begin – by way of polyptoton – with cui or cuius and end again with verbal predicates, then two more invocations (this time they are introduced by the personal pronoun tu), then two main clauses introduced by oblique forms of the same pronoun (tibi supplices manus tendimus, te trepida cum supplicatione veneramur), and eventually the author’s request that is expressed through an imperative: da veniam quod siderum tuorum cursus eorumque efficacias explicare conamur. Paul’s prayer is similarly structured: The initial invocation (tu … deus) is followed by six relative clauses containing hymnic predications, then by six brief main clauses that all refer by way of polyptoton to the initial tu (acc. te, abl. te, dat. tibi), with the first one containing an intertextual reference to Vergil (more on this below), the second, third, and fourth being non-referential, and the last two plus a subordinate final clause using chunks of the text of Firm. math. 5 praef. 3 (see above). Eventually, the initial invocation (tu … deus) is picked up by a tricolon of imperatives of growing length. The overall imitation of the structure of Firm. math. 5 praef. 3 with its final culmination in the author’s request is obvious, and the literal borrowings from that model are two, separated by other elements.74 Paul’s final tricolon of three imperatives seems to be an hommage to rhetorical amplitude rather than to the theological doctrine of the ­Trinity.75 It contains no intertextual references but reveals, in its last and longest part, the important fact that Paul considers his prognostication as a pious activity well within the limits of Christian faith, even more: Paul invokes the Christian God, closely following Firmicus’ prayer, as the creator of the cosmos, as the creator of both the luminaries (qui solem 72 Boll, Firmicus (see note 14), col. 2373. 73 Interestingly, Paul never makes any textual borrowing from the famous prayer to the pagan planetary deities in Firm. math. 1.10.14 – 15. 74 We found the same technique in Paul’s polemic against Plotinus (see table 2) where he split Firm. math. 1.7.21 in two parts. On that occasion the sequence of the two elements was – unlike here – inverted. 75 The Trinity is referred to neither here nor anywhere else in the Prognosticum.

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formasti et lunam) and the planets (siderum tuorum), and therefore as the tutelary deity of astrological prediction based on the movements of these heavenly bodies.76 Note that there are no traces in Paul’s Prognosticum of knowledge of De errore profanarum religionum, not surprisingly because the only surviving manuscript of that late pamphlet of Firmicus (Vat. Pal. lat. 165, saec. IX /X) was unknown until its redisco­ very in the year 1559. In other words: For Paul of Middelburg, himself a cleric and later bishop of Fossombrone, Firmicus was a pagan astrological author of late antiquity, and Paul does not hesitate to use chunks of Firmicus’ praise of his pagan deity to address the Christian creator. Interestingly, Paul interweaves material from another source into his prayer, not from the Bible or some other venerable Christian source, but from Vergil’s Aeneid, more precisely: from Venus’ address to her son Amor (Verg. Aen. 1.663) when she asks him to kindle the flame of erotic love in Aeneas. Paul’s choice is obviously not motivated by criteria of religious suitability but by the fact that Vergil’s line is part of the most important text of classical Latin poetry. Let us go into some more philological detail (in the order of Paul’s borrowings from Firmicus). The words rapidos caeli cursus (Paul) is a mix of siderum cursus (math. 7.1.2) and caeli cursum (math. 5 praef. 3) combined with the juncture rapidus cursus which Firmicus never uses; see, however, his prominent reference in Firm. math. 1.3.2 to the velocissimum siderum cursum caelique pronum rotatae vertiginis lapsum.77 Paul’s celeri atque perenni agitatione is a free combination of celeri festinatione (5 praef. 3) with ignita ac sempiterna agitatione (1.5.10). Paul’s eternis giris circumuoluendo is an intrusion of the language of medieval and early modern astronomical or astrological handbooks because both gyris and the ablative of the gerund circumuoluendo are unattested in the Mathesis.78 Special comment is needed with regard to the subordinate final clause ut numinis tui presidio siderum tuorum uenerabilia iudicia cursusque eorum efficaces influentias seruo tuo explicandas reueles. The apparatus criticus of Kroll, Skutsch, and Ziegler informs the reader, with regard to siderum tuorum cursus eorumque efficacias, of variant readings: efficaces in Γ and cursusque eorum efficaces in D and E. ­The latter information is erroneous: Autopsy reveals that both D and E transmit the same reading as N, namely efficacias.79 This means that Paul read (in E) siderum tuorum cursusque eorum efficacias and ended up writing himself siderum tuorum uenerabilia iudicia cursusque eorum efficaces influentias.

76 Paul shares this attitude with other contemporary astrologers such as Lorenzo Bonincontri. 77 Paul may, in addition, have thought of Apul. mund. 1 p. 149,3 – 6 Mor. (Apulei Platonici Madaurensis Opera quae supersunt, vol. III, ed. Claudio Moreschini, Stuttgart–Leipzig 1991): sed caelum ipsum stellaeque caeligenae omnisque siderea compago aether vocatur, non, ut quidam putant, quod ignitus sit et incensus, sed quod cursibus rapidis semper rotetur. 78 For circumuoluendo, compare illustrando near the end of Paul’s invocation. Altogether, Paul’s Prognosticum contains thirteen cases of the ablative of the gerund instead of a present participle. 79 This correction needs to be added to the numerous corrigenda of Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler (see note 36), see esp. vol. II, p. 555 and p. 563.

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His change of efficacias to efficaces influentias was probably meant to balance venerabilia iudicia which he took over from the only passage in Latin literature where this juncture is attested, Firm. math. 1 praef. 7. In other words: He added a unique juncture from the proem of the entire Mathesis to a textual borrowing from the proem to its second part (books V–VIII). In math. 1 praef. 7 Firmicus speaks of Emperor Constantine’s vene­ rable decision to make Mavortius, the addressee of the Mathesis, governor of the East of the Roman Empire: Nam cum tibi totius Orientis gubernacula domini atque imperatoris ­nostri Constantini Augusti serena ac venerabilia iudicia tradidissent … Note the expression domini atque imperatoris in this passage: it is possible that the almost identical expression in Firmicus’ later passage (5 praef. 3), imperator ac dominus, which Paul quoted literally, reminded our author of the prominent sentence of the proem to the first book (Firm. math. 1 praef. 7), thus inspiring the choice of venerabilia iudicia as a supplement in his own text.80 While the result of Paul’s rearrangement of the text, siderum tuorum uenerabilia ­iudicia cursusque eorum efficaces influentias, consists of two nicely balanced parts containing four words each, his change of efficacias to efficaces influentias was less happy. Efficacia is a favourite technical term of Firmicus who uses it seventeen times. It is equivalent, as Paul’s contemporary Giovanni Pontano saw, to Greek ἐνέργεια.81 Firmicus’ prayer (da veniam quod siderum tuorum cursus eorumque efficacias explicare conamur) means: ‘Give permission that I try to explain the courses of your constellations and their effects’. Unlike efficacia, the noun influentia as well as the verb influere and morphologically related forms are never employed in the Mathesis and therefore to be avoided by someone who aims at imitating the style of Firmicus. Interestingly, Paul himself uses the noun influentia, which has no entry in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, only here. Usually, he prefers words such as effectus and decreta. On one occasion in his Prognosticum he uses efficacia.82 The choice of the term influentia seems to be an unconscious tribute to his extensive readings of late medieval Latin sources. In the Prognosticum, he uses forms of influere altogether fifteen times, with a predilection for influxus and only two instances of influentia. One last detail regarding this passage: Paul read on from § 3 of Firmicus’ preface to the fifth book and encountered a few lines further down the words (§ 6) et trepidationem

80 Even if the two combinations of imperator and dominus in Firm. math. 1 praef. 7 and 5 praef. 3 refer to different figures (a human being and the world god respectively), Paul’s use of both passages in the context of the Christian God is favoured by Constantine’s rôle in the history of Christianity. Note that the combination of imperator and dominus occurs only one more time in the Mathesis, again with reference to Constantine (1.10.13). 81 See Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), p. 179, who quotes the respective passage of P ­ ontano’s Commentationes in Ptolemaeum (on which see below note 109) thus: “Illud hoc loco monuisse lectorem uolumus, quae Graece est ἐνέργεια nos et effectum et vim et operationem actionemque solere dicere; expressius tamen efficacia dicitur, quo uerbo usum saepissime videmus Iulium Maternum”. 82 F. v minuentur tamen hec mala et efficaciam perdent.

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animi vestra maiestate firmate, ne numinis vestri praesidio destitutus ordinem non possim promissi operis invenire. From this passage he took over the otherwise unattested expression numinis vestri praesidio. He may well have been inspired to combine the two passages because trepidationem (§ 6) reminded him of trepida cum supplicatione (§ 3).83 To suit his own context, he changed vestri to tui and the negative ne to a positive ut. Now we understand better what inspired Paul to introduce into his own prayer a subordinate final clause that has no precursor in Firm. math. 5 praef. 3.84 V. ­Astronomical and astrological borrowings

But let us now eventually come to another category of borrowings from the Mathesis, namely such cases that are astronomically and/or astrologically significant. Some of Paul’s borrowings from Firmicus required modification of specific words that would, for one or another reason, be inappropriate in the new context. For example, Paul begins his discussion of the effects of the total solar eclipse of 16 March 1485 thus: Sol nanque ad sextumdecimum martii diem lune radiis quasi quibusdam obstaculis perditus miseris mortalibus fulgida splendoris sui denegabit lumina.85 The underlined words are literal borrowings from Firm. math. 1.4.10 who is referring to the solar eclipse of 17 July 334 CE: cum Sol medio diei tempore Lunae radiis quasi quibusdam obstaculis perditus 86 ­cunctis mortalibus fulgida splendoris sui denegat lumina. The small yet important difference in Paul’s adaptation is – apart from a change of grammatical tense (denegat/denegabit) – that he changes the unanimously transmitted cunctis to miseris. As an astronomer, he knows that the umbra of any eclipse is limited to a comparatively small part of the surface of the earth’s globe. As to the specific eclipse in question (16 March 1485), he explicitly predicts that it will be total only in

83 These are the only two occurrences of trepid- in the fifth book of the Mathesis. 84 Paul elegantly passes over mistakes in his source, cod. E, which transmits Firm. math. 5 praef. 6 with formate instead of firmate and ordinis instead of operis. Note that all MSS read formate (­firmate is an emendation by Skutsch) and that ordinis is equally found in D, where another hand added uel operis, and in N. ­Paul quotes only numinis vestri praesidio from Firmicus’ sentence. 85 F. r; trans.: ‘For the sun will, on the 16th of March, be destroyed by the rays of the Moon as if by certain obstacles and will therefore deny to the miserable mortals the glittering light of its own brightness.’ 86 According to Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler (see note 36), the manuscripts of the Mathesis read perditus with the exception of cod. Norimberg. V 60 (written 1468 in Hungary, see Rinaldi, SIC ITUR [see note 1], pp. 77 – 78) and the editio princeps (Venice 1497) which both read impeditus. The latter reading is adopted by Kroll-Skutsch-Ziegler r. I found that D actually has impeditus, but the first letters (impe-) are smaller, written by a corrector; therefore the original reading of D was probably perditus.

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limi­ted geographical areas of Europe, partial in others, and not visible at all in still other parts of the world.87 Paul’s concern for astronomical accuracy is evident on other occasions, too, for example when he admits that the exact day of the imminent conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in November 1484 can hardly be predicted with certainty due to the slow motion of these two planets: cum uix coniunctionis diem certum et constitutum ob motuum tarditatem habere possimus (f. v–b1r). Paul’s famous prediction of a minor prophet, which Lichtenberger 88 would plagiarize a few years later, is the initial sentence of ch. 4: Prophetam quippe minorem mira quadam scripturarum interpretatione fulgentem ac quadam divinitatis auctoritate responsa proferentem, qui mortalium animas ad terram delapsas sue subiiciet ditioni, prodigiosa hec constellatio nasciturum portendit. This is a free yet indisputable adaption of Firm. math. 3.2.18: facit etiam pro qualitate signorum haruspices vates mathematicos vera semper interpretatione fulgentes et quorum responsa sic sint quasi quadam divinitatis auctoritate prolata. This passage of the Mathesis is about Saturn in the ninth place (locus) of the dodecatropos,89 the place of religion. Since the place of the conjunction of 1484 will, according to Paul’s computations, be the fifth, the astrological conditions are obviously different and Paul seems to be more interested in the language of ­Firmicus than in quoting him in identical astrological circumstances. Besides, he was fully aware that his decision to specify Firmicus’ term interpretatione with a reference to the Bible (scripturarum) required a subsequent change of vera semper to mira quadam to avoid compromising his orthodoxy. From the same third book of the Mathesis comes the only explicit reference that Paul makes to Firmicus in his long Prognosticum. It occurs again in Paul’s fourth chapter in the context of the coming of a minor prophet. Paul says there: Denique de moribus eius dicendum aliquid restat. Erit nanque Firmico teste diis et demonibus terribilis. signa multa et prodigia faciet, eius quoque 90 adventum pravi demonum spiritus fugient, talique morbo laborantes homines non vi verborum sed sola sui ostensione liberabit. The model of this is Mathesis 3.4.27, where Firmicus discusses the effects of Mars in the ninth place. In this context he says: si vero aut [aut om. E] in domo sua fuerit aut in domo Iovis aut in altitudine sua [et add. Aldina, om. E] Iuppiter in hora non fuerit collocatus, faciet [facit E] diis terribiles, et qui omnia periurorum genera contemnant. Erunt [erant E] autem omnibus daemonibus terribiles et quorum adventum pravi daemonum spiritus fugiant et qui sic laborantes homines non vi verborum, sed sola sui ostensione 87 F. r. Paul had, in his annual prediction for 1481, fol. a4v, similarly specified the geographi­ cal regions in which the solar eclipse of May 1481 would be visible. 88 See above, introduction. 89 It is taken for granted that the reader of the present contribution be familiar with the main doctrines of astrology. 90 I. e. et eius.

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liberent; […]. Again, the literal correspondences are obvious. Firmicus continues his description for some more lines and eventually calls the astonishing individuals that will be born in the aforementioned astrological conditions exorcistae.91 When we examine Firmicus’ astrological conditions we find that the first one, that Mars be either in his own house ( or ) or in Jupiter’s house ( or ) or in his own exaltation (), is fulfilled in Paul’s conjunction horoscope, because Mars is in Aries. More importantly, however, the overall condition of the broader context of this passage of the Mathesis, namely that Mars be in the ninth place (Firm. math. 3.4.26 – 27), is not fulfilled: Mars was in decima (f. v), as Paul had correctly stated a few lines before embarking upon the discussion of the prophet’s character. Therefore Firmicus is, contrarily to what Paul asserts, not a witness (testis) for what Paul says. Firmicus only suggested the wording, and Paul had better written ut verbis Firmici utar. In the whole Prognosticum, Paul makes twelve different borrowings from the same chapter 3.4 of the Mathesis on Mars in the single places, and these twelve passages of Firmicus deal with five different places (the first, seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth). This is sufficient evidence to conclude that Paul does not care to make the astrological conditions of his borrowings from Firmicus suit his own parameters. One may further ask why Paul makes only this one explicit reference to Firmicus, and why he makes it here, not elsewhere. The reason is probably that the character of the prophet to come is of central importance in Paul’s prediction of the future. He probably wanted to give additional weight to this detail by referring to the – in the 1480s great – authority of Firmicus Maternus. We saw that Paul explicitly quotes an astrological effect from the Mathesis although its condition is not fulfilled. This gives reason to suspect that Paul feels similarly free to neglect the relationship between protasis and apodosis in the other direction, namely to disregard the astrological effects taught by Firmicus when their conditions are fulfilled. In search of a significant test case for our suspicion, we must keep in mind that Paul is analyzing a conjunction horoscope based on the Arabic theory of the Great Conjunctions which did not yet exist at the time of Firmicus. Hence, the passage of the Mathesis that has the closest relevance to Paul’s purpose is in book six where Firmicus provides (6.3 – 27) systematic information on the effects of all geometrical relations between two of the seven planets that can occur in an individual’s horoscope. The section to look up is obviously the one on conjunctions between Saturn and Jupiter, Firm. math. 6.22.2 – 3. It is never quoted by Paul, maybe because Firmicus’ prediction for that alignment entails exclusively positive things.92 91 Firm. math. 3.4.27: hi sunt, qui a vulgo exorcistae dicuntur [dicantur E]. 92 Note that Firm. math. 6.22.2 – 3 is not missing from E where it occupies f. 108r-v. The large lacuna of all manuscripts except N, i. e. 6.23.4 – 6.29.23, occurs a bit later at E f. 110r. Note also that Firmicus ends his thoroughly positive predictions for individuals born under a conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter with a brief statement that all these effects will be turned negative if Mars

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Paul modifies the text of Firmicus slightly to adapt it to his own context. For example, in ch. 3 he goes through the various effects of the conjunction on individuals depending on their different ascendents at birth, i. e. depending on the places of their natal charts into which the imminent conjunction will fall. In the case of those who had Scorpio, the sign of the conjunction, in the third place of their nativities, he predicts (f. b3v): Quibus vero terciam ab horoscopo infortunauerit, irreligiosos faciet et perfidos, contra diuinitatem irreligiosa uerba et sacrilega proferentes, rixas quoque et magna inter fratres certamina et ­crebras conflictationes. This is an indisputable combination of the following source passages: (a) Firm. math. 3.2.7 faciet […] sacrilega contra divinitatem verba iactantes. (b) Firm. math. 3.5.16 faciet periuros perfidos […] et qui contra divinitatem inreligiosa proferant verba.93 (c) Firm. math. 3.3.12 faciet rixas pericula et magna semper cum inferiore certamina. (d) Firm. math. 6.36.4 crebras causarum conflictationes exagitat [exagitat Aldina, ­excogitat ADEN, item Monat].

Firmicus’ predictions (a), (b), and (c) are part of chapters on the effects of Saturn (math. 3.2), Jupiter (math. 3.3), and the Sun (math. 3.5) in the various places. In other words, Paul borrows, in the course of his casuistry based on the places, elements from similar casuistries in the Mathesis which are equally based on the places. But the words that Paul borrows refer specifically to Saturn in the third place (a), the Sun in the third place (b), and Jupiter in the fifth place (c). They have nothing to do with what Paul professes to be concerned with, namely the zodiacal signs in the various places (regardless of the planets!), in this case: with Scorpio in the third place. If anyone had even the slightest doubt that Paul was aware of this obvious astrological irrelevance, he or she would be convinced by Paul’s change of cum inferiore (Firmicus) to inter fratres: while cum inferiore is motivated by additional astrological conditions in the text of Firmicus that play no rôle in Paul’s ­reasoning, brothers are the traditional area of influence indicated by the third place which he is talking about.94 Last, one may observe that borrowing (d) stems from an equally irrelevant astrological context, namely the numbers of months that the Sun allots to Mars when the Sun is the lord of times (temporum dominus).

aspects Saturn and Jupiter in a specific threatening manner (6.22.3). This is not applicable to Paul’s conjunction because Mars was disconnected from Saturn and Jupiter (five places apart). 93 Since Paul uses the adjective irreligiosus twice, in the first instance together with perfidus, Firm. math. 8.9.1 erit quidem inreligiosus et perfidus may also have been among his sources. But this cannot be ascertained, unlike the three borrowings mentioned above. 94 In Firmicus’ prediction, instead, ‘conflicts with a person of inferior status’ make sense because Mars (the inferior planetary deity) is there described as disturbing the effect of Jupiter by way of a square aspect or opposition regarding the Moon.

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VI. ­Summary, final questions, and outlook

It is now time to summarize our observations, to broaden our perspective to include the other astrological predictions written by Paul of Middelburg, and to ask some important final questions. As we saw, Paul has written a particularly long and elaborate prediction for the years 1484 to 1504 in which he included hundreds of borrowings from the Mathesis, apparently using the copy that is today cod. Vat. Urb. lat. 263 (E). Despite this heavy debt, Firmicus is explicitly mentioned only once.95 Paul’s imitation of the Mathesis is not limited to literal quotations. It also includes resemblences in the overall structure, in stylistic features, and in important prefatory themes such as polemic against opponents of astrology and hymnic prayer to the divine creator of the cosmos. With regard to his literal borrowings, Paul’s method comes close to plagiarism, especially in his adaptation of Firmicus’ polemic against Plotinus. But comparison with Johannes Lichtenberger, who indisputably (and quite shamelessly) plagiarized large portions of Paul’s Prognosticum in his own Pronosticatio of 1488, shows that Paul’s method of lite­ rary composition does not deserve a similarly harsh verdict.96 Paul’s intention was not 95 See above at the beginning of chapter V. 96 See, for example, his adaptation of Paul’s prayer that has been analyzed above (table 6). ­Lichtenberger writes in his Pronosticatio, ed. pr. Heidelberg 1488, f. r (only discrepancies from Paul’s text will be underlined): Tu igitur omnium conditor et moderator deus, qui solem formasti et lunam, qui rapidos celi cursus ordinesque disponis, qui per dies singulos immensam illam celi machinam eternis giris circumuoluendo celeri atque perhenni agitatione contorques quique omnia perpetua legis dispositione infatigabili mobilitate sustentas, qui solus imperator ac dominus, cui tota numinum potestas seruit, ad te supplex confugio, a te grana misericordie tue peto. Te vnicum Boom adoro, expande pallium gratie tue supra me Ruth quia propinquus es, te inuoco, tibi supplex manus tendo, te trepida cum supplicatione veneror, vt numinis tui presidio siderum tuorum venerabilia iudicia cursusque [ed.: curcusque] eorum efficaces influentias indigno seruo tuo Johanni lychtenberger explicandas [ed.: -ans] reueles mentemque meam eterni tui splendoris radio illustrando in viam veritatis dirigas: Ingenium meum excita, linguam commoue, rectamque pronosticandi formam mihi ostende. AMEN. ­The few additions that ­Lichtenberger made are of inferior stylistic quality: The integration of specifically Christian terms (misericordia, gratia, amen) disturbs the rather classical homogeneity of Paul’s diction, the imperative expande etc. disturbs the syntax, and the substitution (towards the end) of viam with formam destroys the metaphor of ‘showing the way’. As to textual criticism, I feel inclined to emend grana to gratiam. Note, however, that Lichtenberger’s German version, which was published in Heidelberg after 1488 (I used the copy of the Bayerische Staatsbiblio­ thek München, Inc. s. a. 790), has “ich bitte von dyr das korgyn der barmhertzigkeit” (the reprint from Mainz 1492 [BSB Inc. c. a. 2729] has “korngyn” instead of “korgyn”). I thank the theologian ­Gebhard Löhr for suggesting to me that grana might be a reference to the perls of the rosary (they were, in medieval Latin, called grana, and meditation on the mercy of God is part of saying the rosary). Nevertheless it seems impossible to interpret grana thus in the present context (peto). If emendation to gratiam is correct, then the German version

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to plagiarize but to deconstruct and recombine the text of the Mathesis, to employ the same complex, rhetorically elaborate style, maybe even to surpass Firmicus – or, more precisely, the imperfect text transmitted by the codex Urbinas – in the domain of astrological prose literature. Paul applied his method of deconstruction and recombination of the raw material of the Mathesis so thoroughly that one cannot find any ­borrowing in the Prognosticum that extends over more than a handful of words while exactly matching the ancient source. In addition, the astronomical computations and their astrological interpretation are entirely Paul’s own work, based on expert application of the doctrines of the Arabic authors which he names frequently. In view of this degree of originality, there is no serious contradiction between Paul’s own literary technique in the Prognosticum of 1484 and his later harsh condemnation of Lichtenberger who had, as a matter of fact, taken over the astronomical data and entire pages of text from Paul’s Prognosticum without acknowledgement.97 Paul succeeds in imitating the language of Firmicus largely, but not perfectly: In the process of substantially rewriting his raw material, some elements of late medieval vocabularly and grammar that are typical of contemporary astrological treatises creep into the new text, such as influentia, gyrus, and the use of the ablative of the gerund instead of the participle present.98 Some syntactical imperfections remain, too. Interestingly, Paul’s heavy imitation of the Mathesis in the Prognosticum of 1484 has no counterpart in his earlier extant annual predictions for the years 1479, 1480, 1481, 1482, and 1483. But is has a counterpart in the following extant prediction for the year 1486. Suffice it to adduce one example (progn. 1486, fol. r, on the children of Venus): Incesto namque furoris ardore possessi ac nepharia mentis cupiditate obcęcati promiscuę libidinis uiciosos concubitus ac illicitos turpiter patrabunt. This is a combination of Firm. math. 6.31.82 incesto furoris ardore et nefaria mentis cupiditate possessos ad filiarum concubitus venire conpellunt and Firm. math. 6.31.38 tales qui promiscuae libidinis vitiosos concubitus proiecta mentis cupiditate desiderent. Unlike Firm. math. 6.31.82, the last paragraph quoted here (6.31.38) is never used in the Prognosticum of 1484. This indicates that Paul did not simply ‘recycle’ material from

must have originated as a translation of the already corrupt Latin text. A second emendation – from Boom to Deum – is tempting and seems supported by the German version (“dich eyn eyngen got bette ich an”). But Boom occurs two more times in Lichtenberger’s text (fol. Bir): The first instance (deum supplex exoro Boom altissimum, German version: “ich bitt got andechtiglich”) indicates that Boom is semantically different from deum, the second (Quamuis Boom noster Jhesus …, German version: “unser herr Jhesus”) indicates that it is undeclinable. It is, however, not of Hebrew origin. Further research is needed to explain this term. 97 See Paul’s In superstitiosum vatem lucubratio, [Venice: Johannes and Gregorius de Gregoriis, after Jan. 1, 1492], reprinted as Invectiva in superstitiosum quendam astrologum Johannem Lichtenberger, [Antwerp: Gerard Leeu, after 1 Jan. 1492]. 98 See above, chapter IV.

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his earlier prediction but added new material from the copy of Firmicus that he had available in 1486 – most likely the same codex Urbinas (E) as in 1484, because Paul continued living at the court of Urbino until he became bishop of Fossombrone (near Urbino) in 1494.99 After 1486 Paul seems to have stopped publishing astrological predictions. It was only much later, in December 1523, that the now 78 year old bishop intervened in a heated debate and wrote one peculiar astrological text, an expertise dedicated to Pope Clement VII in which Paul set out to proof that there would not be a deluge in 1524 (as many had predicted).100 This one late astrological text shows no traces of the earlier aspiration to imitate or even emulate the style of Firmicus. Paul’s style is now unpretentious, somewhat monotonous, characterized by the tenets and terminology of Aristotelian logic and physics. One can only speculate why Paul abandoned his earlier exuberant style. The decline of Firmicus’ fortune among humanists from the turn of the 16th century onwards may have played a rôle in this. Altogether, then, the Prognosticum of 1484 was a turning point in Paul of ­Middelburg’s production of astrological prose, and it remains to ask what may have inspired our author to create his new kind of Prognosticum. The answer will be twofold, first with respect to its thematic scope and unusual length, and then with respect to its elaborate style. As mentioned in my introduction, the extant printed astrological predictions of the previous decade were all concerned with one specific year and comparatively short – with one exception, John of Lübeck’s Pronosticum super Antechristi adventu Iudeorumque Messiae. This text, which was written and published in Padua in 1474, runs to twenty-four pages (roughly half the length of Paul’s Prognosticum).101 It contains a prediction for the still distant conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in 1504, the earliest and at the same time most detailed extant prediction that has been written for that specific conjunction.102 It is well possible that Paul, who became professor of astronomy in Padua in 1479, knew the prediction of John of Lübeck which had been written and published in the same city only five years earlier. Maybe Paul even made the personal acquaintance of the much older John of Lübeck – if he was still alive.103 Since the effects of conjunctions of Saturn and Jupiter last, according to the Arabic theory, for twenty years, the subject

99 It seems unlikely (though possible) that Paul had made additional excerpts on an earlier date and worked from them when writing the prognosticum for 1486. 100 Prognosticum Reuerendissimi Patris Domini Pauli de Middelburgo Episcopi Forosemproniensis ostendens Anno MDXXIIII nullum neque uniuersale neque prouinciale diluuium futurum Sancto domino nostro Clementi Pape vij dicatum, [Augsburg] [1524]. 101 I used the copy of the Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Inc. typ. M IV 13/4. 102 Unlike many other astrological authors, John of Lübeck seems to have published only this one prediction. 103 Internal evidence of John’s Pronosticum suggests that the author was of advanced age when he wrote it in 1474.

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and length of John’s Prognosticum may theoretically have inspired Paul of Middelburg to write a similar conjunctionist prediction on the occasion of the first rare astronomical occasion in his adult scholarly career.104 However, John cannot have inspired Paul’s stylistic aspirations. John’s language is imperfect in many regards, a typical product of the academic environment of late medieval universities, worlds apart from Paul’s elegant pursuits one decade later.105 Who or what did, then, inspire Paul’s method of deconstructing and recombining rhetorically elaborated passages from an ancient source? One possible answer is this: Paul will have realized that Firmicus had worked similarly with regard to Cicero, the classical master of eloquence.106 Firm. math. 1.1.3 – 4, for instance, is obviously, but without acknowledgement (!), modelled on Cic. nat. deor. 1.2 – 4.107 That Paul was aware of this intertextual dependence is almost certain in view of his own substantial borrowing (f. r) from Cic. nat. deor. 1.42. But why did he care at all to elaborate his text so carefully?

104 In 1484 Paul (1445 – 1533) was 39 years old. 105 John’s shortcomings are lexical and orthographical (e. g., of the Virgin Mary: absque maris cohitu), grammatical (suus and sibi instead of eius and ei), syntactical (quod-clause instead of infinitive with accusative), stylistic (word order, nominal sentences, poor periods), etc.; besides, he is concerned with typical elements of the medieval religious discourse than are absent from Paul’s Prognosticum, such as the devil (diabolus), prophetism, and apocalyptic literature. Also, John’s work is not dedicated to a specific individual but takes the form of a scholarly expertise preceded by a question that had been submitted to him, a question pertaining to the arrival of the Antichrist. – Similar grammatical and stylistic imperfections characterize the other extant printed predictions from that first decade (1474 – 1484), as far as I can tell from those that I was able to examine. 106 Firmicus calls Cicero princeps ac decus Romanae eloquentiae (math. 2 praef. 2) and decus ­eloquentiae Tullius (8.5.3). Firmicus makes one more explicit reference to Cicero that is, however, not literary but historical, regarding the murder of Cicero (1.7.41). 107 Compare, for example, Firm. math. 1.1.3 cum […] tanta sint hi omnes in varietate et dissensione versati, ut longum et alienum sit […] singulorum enumerare sententias with Cic. nat. deor. 1,2 qui vero deos esse dixerunt, tanta sunt in varietate et dissensione, ut eorum infinitum sit enume­ rare sententiasursiv; compare further Firm. math. 1.1.4 nam alii et figuras his pro arbitrio suo tribuunt et loca adsignant, sedes etiam constituunt et multa de actibus eorum vitaque describunt et omnia, quae facta et constituta sunt, ipsorum arbitrio regi guberna­rique pronuntiant; alii nihil moliri, nihil curare et ab omni administrationis cura vacuos esse dixerunt (sc. deos) with Cic. nat. deor. 1,2 nam et de figuris deorum et de locis atque sedibus et de actione vitae multa dicuntur, deque is summa philosophorum dissensione certatur; quod vero maxime rem causamque continet, utrum nihil agant nihil moliantur omni curatione et administratione rerum vacent, etc. I owe this observation to Boll, Firmicus (see note 14), col. 2368, who also points to the fact that Firmicus’ prayer to the planets (1.10.14 – 15) is “vollständig aus Cic. somn. Scip. 4, 9 zusammengeflickt”. Cf. Franz Boll, Paralipomena I, in: Philologus 69 (1910), pp. 161 – 177, esp. pp.  170 – 172.

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One would expect a deeper reason than the availability of a copy of the ­Mathesis and the observation that Firmicus had similarly ‘recycled’ material from Cicero. Paul’s biographical circumstances lead the way to a tentative answer. In 1481 Paul had resigned from his position at the University of Padua to enter the service of Federico da M ­ ontefeltro, duke of Urbino.108 This change implied a transition from a typical university environment to one of the foremost humanist courts of Europe. The duke’s famous library contained, besides the codex Urbinas of the Mathesis (E), also another noteworthy manuscript: the dedication copy of Giovanni Pontano’s Commentationum in centum sententiis Ptolemaei ad Federicum Urbini ducem liber primus, dated 1477 (now cod. Vat. Urb. lat. 1393).109 In this ‘brand new’ work Pontano, one of the most prominent humanists of the late 15th century, pursued not only the goal of explai­ning the aphorisms attributed to Ptolemy but also the ambitious, typically humanistic goal of reforming the astrological vocabulary through direct comparison with the Greek sources and by recuperating the language of the two Latin ancient authorities on astrology, Manilius and particularly Firmicus Maternus.110 Federico da Montefeltro made frequent visits to Naples and had personal encounters with Pontano. On the other hand, Paul was not only personal physician and court astrologer to Federico but is reported to have read scientific works to the duke during the months preceding the latter’s death.111 In view of these close contacts and scholarly conversations between the

108 On this extraordinary individual see Gino Benzoni, Art. ‘Federico da Montefeltro’, in: ­Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani vol. 45, Roma 1995, pp. 722 – 743. For the entire lineage of the Montefeltro see Gino Franceschini, I Montefeltro, Milano 1970. 109 The work was written between 1474/1475 and 1477 and replaced the older translation with commentary of the pseudo-Ptolemaic Centiloquium by George of Trebizond (1395 – 1472/1473). A critical edition of Pontano’s commentary by Michele Rinaldi is forthcoming. On its reception, see Michele Rinaldi, Due capitoli sulla fortuna delle Commentationes in Ptolemaeum di G. ­Pontano: le Eruditiones ad Apotelesmata Ptolemaei di Agostino Nifo e il Libellus de diffinitionibus et terminis astrologiae di O. ­Brunfels, in: Mene 10 (2010), pp. 201 – 216. 110 For more details, see Rinaldi, Due capitoli (see note 109), p. 207, who refers to the ­analogous pursuits of other humanists such as Ermolao Barbaro, Girgio Valla, Poliziano, A. ­Galateo and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. A precious analysis of Pontano’s stylistic and lexical imitation of the astrological language of Firmicus is available in Rinaldi, SIC ITUR (see note 1), pp.  178 – 192. 111 See Vespasiano da Bisticci, Comentario de la Vita del Signore Federico, Duca d’Urbino, in: Id., Le vite, edizione critica con introduzione e commento di Aulo Greco, vol. 1, Florence 1970, pp. 355 – 416, at p. 383: “Di geometria et d’arismetrica n’aveva buona peritia, et aveva in casa sua uno maestro Pagolo, tedesco, grandissimo filosofo et astrolago. Et di geometria et d’arismetrica aveva bonissima notitia. Et non molto tempo inanzi che si morissi, si fece legere da maestro Pagolo opere di geometria et d’arismetrica, et parlava dell’una et dell’altra come quello che n’aveva piena notitia.” I owe this reference to Patrizia Castelli, Gli astri e i Montefeltro, in: Res publica litterarum 6 (1983), pp. 75 – 89, at p. 79.

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three men it is likely that Paul knew and read Pontano’s Commentationes. If so, this reading may have inspired Paul to abandon his earlier habit of writing ‘typical’ annual predictions in the rough, unadorned language of the late medieval versions of Arabic authors. The novelty of Paul’s undertaking – even compared to Pontano – was the imitation of Firmicus’ language and style not in theoretical works such as Pontano’s Commentationes but in practical applications. What may further have inspired our author – possibly with a view to John of Lübeck’s earlier work – was the opportunity of making his new stylistic début on a special occasion, namely that of the upcoming rare conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter. This was the best possible occasion for ­writing a new kind of extensive prediction that combined the astrological theory of the Arabs and the rhetorical tradition of the ancient classics as represented by the only extant Latin astrological prose manual. We do not know the exact chronology of Paul’s composition of the Prognosticum with regard to Federico da Montefeltro’s death on September 10, 1482. If Paul started working on the Prognosticum before that date, he may have been planning to dedicate the work to Federico. If so, the original plan must have entailed a slightly different ­preface, personalized for Federico instead of Maximilian, and a handwritten dedication copy instead of a printed one.112 Note, however, that Paul’s annual prediction for 1483, which must have been written after Federico’s death,113 is still in the ‘old’, less adorned style.114 This seems to indicate that the Prognosticum was written later. On the other hand, Paul’s new text must have been largely finalized at the time when he left Urbino for a prolongued visit to Louvain in 1484115 because from that moment onwards until the date of publication (August 31, 1484) he would no longer have been able to access the codex Urbinas (E) of the Mathesis which appears to have been his source. Since the Prognosticum contains several allusions to Paul’s conflict with his former student Giovanni Barbo which broke out in 1483,116 it is likely that the text was mostly 112 Federico was famous for not allowing printed books into his library. 113 Annual predictions for the next year were usually written at the end of the current year, and this one is explicitly dedicated to Guidobaldo (1472 – 1508), the eleven-year-old son of Federico. 114 This prediction does not lack a certain degree of stylistic elaboration (esp. in the preface which contains, among other details, some verses from Ovid’s Fasti). However, the typical highly rhetorical elements of the style of Firmicus are absent from it, and I could not detect any borrowing from the Mathesis. 115 I was not able to determine the exact date when Paul left for Louvain. It seems to have been no earlier than May 1484 because Paul is reported to have baptized Julius Caesar Scaliger who was born on the 23rd of April 1484. See Paolo Sambin, Il dottorato padovano in medicina di Paolo da Middelburgo (1480), in: Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 9 – 10 (1976 – 1977), pp. 252 – 256, at p. 253, note 4 (I thank Claudio Marangoni and Daniela Marrone of the University of Padua for generously sending me a copy of this article). 116 More on this in my article that is mentioned above in note 1.

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written in late 1483 or early 1484. No matter if Paul’s original intention had been to dedicate the Prognosticum to Federico da Montefeltro, his final choice of Maximilian of Habsburg (1459 – 1519), who was in 1484 Count of Zeeland, Paul’s home province, was certainly appropriate: Maximilian was, despite his young age, known as a keen supporter of the arts. Therefore Paul had good reason to hope that his ambitious and innovative literary enterprise would please the sovereign. But he seems to have aimed at a second effect, too, namely arousing the r­ eader’s emotions. The core information of Paul’s prediction could have been given in a much more concise manner. Although Paul pretends to be aiming at brevitas,117 he actually does the opposite by indulging in endless details of the allegedly imminent total licentiousness of people of all social groups (including clerics) and of countless pitiable forms of misery and death. Since these predictions are all very general in tone, i. e. without references to names, places and exact times, they are of little or no practical value. What they are able to effect, instead, is to stir up emotions in the reader, to inculcate in him fear, fascination with unrefrained human behaviour, and the expectation that everything will be turned upside down. In such a scenario the sovereign will need expert advise if he hopes to keep control of the situation – the advise of Paul himself. In short, the author’s reason for drawing so heavily on the Mathesis seems to have been twofold, with both aspects closely linked to each other: one idealistic and aesthetic, i. e. to please the addressee’s literary taste in keeping with the latest trend among Italian astrologically interested humanists, the other practical and psychological in keeping with the author’s need for a new patron. There are open questions for further research: Does any archival material exist that could shed more light on Paul’s activities and personal contacts at the court of Urbino in 1483/4?118 And do any early modern imitations of Paul’s endeavour exist, either in printed works or in manuscripts? To the present, I did not find any.119 Future research will have to verify and deepen the insight at which the present study arrived: that Paul’s Prognosticum is a unique attempt at combining for a broad readership one scientific and one humanistic goal that were both fashionable but separately pursued at his time, more precisely: at combining, in the field of practical applications,120 the

117 He uses the expression que breuitatis gratia missa faciemus three times (with small variants). On one occasion he says perpauca tamen predicta sufficient operis breuitate hoc exigente. 118 The starting point for such research is Castelli, Gli astri (see note 113). Castelli seems to have collected all the available evidence, which is little with regard to Paul of Middleburg (ibid., pp. 78– 86). However, a new investigation with special attention to the questions that have been raised here might turn up useful details. 119 Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio can certainly not be counted as one because he is neither inte­ rested in rhetorical style nor in scientific accuracy. 120 I. e. predictions for concrete events as opposed to theoretical manuals and commentaries.

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Arabic astrological theory of the Great Conjunctions with the rhetorical language and style of Firmicus Maternus, the only preserved ancient Latin prose astrologer; that this attempt originated in particularly favorable circumstances at the court of Urbino; and that it remained unique partly because of the disparate competences needed to accomplish the task, partly because the larger public – at which printed editions naturally aim – was more interested in a scholarly less ambitious but entertaining mix of astrology, medieval prophetism and woodcuts such as that created by Johannes Lichtenberger than in scientific perfection (astronomical and astrological) and rhetorical elaboration without pictures and prophetism such as that pursued by the humanist Paul of Middelburg.

H. ­Darrel Rutkin

Astrology, Politics and Power in 16th-century Florence: Giuliano Ristori’s Extensive Judgment on Cosimo I’s Nativity (1537)

On 1 June 28th, 1537, Giuliano Ristori completed writing up his judgment or interpretation of Cosimo I de’ Medici’s nativity or birth horoscope at the very beginning of his long and successful reign (1537 – 1574). This extensive document, which remained unpublished until 1989, may be used to open a window on to several of astrology’s central roles in 16th century Florentine political life at the very highest levels, and at a pivotal moment in her history, namely, the final transition from Republic to institutionalized Medici dominance as hereditary dukes.2 Who were the main participants in this astrological act? First, the astrologer: Giuliano Ristori (1492 – 1556) was a Carmelite monk and a leading member of his mother church, the famous Santa Maria del Carmine in Florence, home to the Brancacci chapel and its important paintings by Masaccio.3 In the colophon to the 1537 horoscope, Ristori describes himself as Messer Giuliano Ristori from Prato, a Carmelite theologian and

1 This paper closely reflects my talk. For more relevant bibliography, see my Teaching Astrology in the 16th Century: Giuliani Ristori and Filippo Fantoni on Pseudo-Prophets and Other Effects of Great Conjunctions, in: From Masha’allah to Kepler: the Theory and Practice of Astrology in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Charles Burnett and Dorian ­Greenbaum, Lampeter, Wales, forthcoming. I would like to thank Charles M. ­Rosenberg for a very helpful correspondence about Cosimo’s medal. All translations are mine unless otherwise noted. 2 Much has been written on Florentine political history. I refer the reader (i. a.) to Eric Cochrane’s lively account in his Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, 1527 – 1800, Chicago 1973. Raffaela Castagnola also discusses the political context in the introduction to her edition of the text of Ristori’s horoscope for Cosimo: Un Oroscopo per Cosimo I, in: Rinascimento 29 (1989), pp. 125 – 189, as does Henk Th. van Veen, Cosimo I de’ Medici and his Self-Representation in Florentine Art and Culture, Cambridge 2006. 3 For the information here, see Charles B.  ­Schmitt, The Faculty of Arts at Pisa at the Time of Galileo, pp. 243 – 272 (originally published 1972), and Id., Filippo Fantoni, Galileo Galilei’s Predecessor as Mathematics Lecturer at Pisa, pp. 53 – 62 (originally published 1978). Both are reprinted in his Studies in Renaissance Philosophy and Science, London 1981; Claudia Rousseau, Cosimo I de Medici and Astrology: The Symbolism of Prophecy, PhD dissertation, Columbia University 1983, and Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art: Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Cosimos, Princeton 1984.

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professor of theology.4 He went on to teach astrology and mathematics at the Univer­ sity of Pisa from 1543 to 1550. During this time, Francesco Giuntini, another Carme­ lite theologian and Ristori’s most famous pupil, studied Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos with him in 1548, before taking his doctorate in theology there in 1554. Ristori also taught at the universities of Florence and Siena. His teaching manuscript for the entire course on Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos is extant and deserving of further study.5 Besides Cosimo’s horoscope there is other evidence for Ristori’s astrological practice. For example, he made annual prognostications for 1528 and 1529, one of which was printed. Also, in 1534, Ristori was intimately involved in determining the astrological timing for placing the cornerstone of Florence’s new and massive fortress, the Fortezza da Basso.6 We know that several astrologers in an official capacity made election horo­ scopes suggesting different dates to set the stone. To break the deadlock, the political advisor, historian and former papal legate, Francesco Guicciardini, went to Bologna to consult the astrologers there; in particular, Ludovico Vitale, a professor at the university and himself a prolific author of annual prognostications.7 Ristori’s timing was chosen as the best. Finally, and soon before interpreting Cosimo’s horoscope, Ristori’s fame had spiked due to his accurately predicting Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s violent death.8 The client was Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519 – 1574), the second duke of Florence and the first grandduke of Tuscany. He ruled Florence from 1537 until he died, and should not be confused with his distant forebear, Cosimo il Vecchio, pater patriae, who died in 1464. Our Cosimo was the son of the famous condotierro, Giovanni delle Bande Nere, who had died in battle during Cosimo’s youth. On his distant cousin, Duke Alessandro de’ Medici’s







4 “Allo illustrissimo Signore, il Signor Cosimo de’ Medici, duca della Repubblica Fiorentina, Messer Giuliano Ristori pratese e teologo carmelitano salute”, Castagnola, Un Oroscopo (see note 2), p. 133. 5 This is the focus of my Identifying Pseudo-Prophets (see note 1) and in part my The Use and Abuse of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos in Renaissance and Early Modern Europe: Two Case ­Studies (Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and Filippo Fantoni), in: Ptolemy in Perspective: Use and Criticism of his Work from Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century, ed. Alexander Jones, ­Dordrecht 2010, pp. 135 – 149. This and the other teaching MSS for Ristori’s course (inclu­ ding those with his successor Filippo Fantoni’s changes) deserve much greater attention. 6 John R. ­Hale discusses this episode within its political context in The End of Florentine ­Liberty: The Fortezza da Basso, in his: Renaissance War Studies, London 1983, pp. 31 – 62, esp. pp.  48 – 50. 7 For more on Vitale, see Fabrizio Bonolì and Daniela Piliarvu, I lettori di astronomia presso lo studio di Bologna dal XII al XX secolo, Bologna 2001, pp. 129 – 130. For more on the ­Guicciardini family and astrology, see Raffaela Castagnola. I Guicciardini e le scienze occulte: L’Oroscopo di Francesco Guicciardini, lettere di alchimia, astrologia e cabala a Luigi ­Guicciardini, Florence 1990. 8 For more on the murder itself, see Stefano Dall’Aglio, L’Assassino del duca: Esilio e morte di Lorenzino de’ Medici, Florence 2011.

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early and violent murder on January 7th, 1537, Cosimo was elected to succeed him two days later at the ripe old age of 17. Six months later, on June 28th, the 45-year-old Giuliano Ristori interpreted the natal horoscope of the now 18-year-old newly elected leader of Florence at the unstable beginnings of what would prove to be a long and successful reign. Nobody knew this at the time, however, and we must bear this in mind to get a proper sense of contemporary tensions and anxieties, hopes and fears at the end of June, 1537. I Private Political Advice

This leads to the third main protagonist, and the star of our show, the horoscope itself. Its extensive interpretation literally gives voice to the moment and its private political dynamics, which are usually inaccessable to our direct historical vision.9 In this essay, I will explore the horoscope and how it was used in two main respects – public and private – beginning with Ristori’s private communication to Cosimo and his political advisors. The highly articulated structure of the interpretation will itself give us valuable insights into the relevant concerns. Preserved today in a manuscript miscellany at the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence (Pluteo 89 sup. 34, ff. 133r–186r), the interpretation of the horoscope runs to 107 folio pages, which translates into 56 printed pages in its modern publication by Raffaela Castagnola. The text begins with a fascinating and I would argue richly Machiavellian prologue, and a detailed discussion of how Ristori determined Cosimo’s famous Capricorn ascen­ dant – the beginning and foundation of the judgment – and his ruling planet, Mercury, which rules the nativity with the great participation of Jupiter and Saturn (pp. 133 – 135).10 According to his baptismal records, Cosimo was born in Florence on 12 June, 1519 at 1 and 2/3s hours, Florentine style, and thus on the Julian calendar date, June 11th, at 1 and 2/3s hours after sunset. Ristori slightly rectified the horoscope to allow Cosimo’s Saturn, also in Capricorn, to fall in the first house and not the twelfth, a much stronger placement.11 The interpretation’s structure closely but not slavishly follows that in Ptolemy’s ­Tetrabiblos, Books III and IV. ­The first part deals with Cosimo’s body, its complexion and illnesses, the quantity of his life and the timing of his death (pp. 136 – 149). ­Ristori treated Cosimo’s death in some detail, including his time, place and type of death,

9 This is an extremely cursory characterization of an extremely interesting astrological interpretation at an extraordinarily tense and subsequently eventful moment, and thus well worthy of further analysis. 10 It is purely coincidental that the folio numbers of the manuscript and the printed pages of Ristori’s text almost exactly coincide (ff. 133 – 186; pp. 133 – 189). The identifying numbers for what follows are to the printed edition except where indicated by the letter f. 11 Rousseau, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4), discusses this in depth; pp. 71 – 72 for the baptismal records, pp. 79 – 80, for Ristori’s thirty minute rectification.

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predicting in the end that Cosimo would most likely live to be 78 years old, rather longer than his actual 54 years (pp. 144 – 149). The second part analyzes Cosimo’s mind, its strengths and weaknesses, and his actions (pp. 149 – 156). Finally, the third and longest part of the horoscope, on the accidents of fortune, treats material wealth and political dignity, marriage and children, friends and enemies, and foreign travel (pp. 156 – 189). I will discuss two of these accidents below. Furthermore, a striking feature of Cosimo’s nativity is that, in addition to a primary focus on astrology, Ristori also used two other interpretive arts – physiognomy and cheiromancy – to support his astrological analysis. In turn, this indicates Ristori’s intimate relationship with Cosimo, whose face and hands he must have examined closely, looking for meaningful corporeal signs.12 Ristori used many authorities explicitly: Ptolemy primarily – both the Tetrabiblos and the Centiloquium – with two of his commentators, an anonymous Greek, and one Ristori calls Africanus here, but Punicus in the teaching manuscript for his Ptolemy course at Pisa, which most likely refers to Haly Abenragel. Ristori also refers to many Arabic writers, including Haly Abenrudian, Albumasar, Albubater, and Aomar, and to two Jewish writers, Abraham ibn Ezra and a different Abraham Giudaeus. Perhaps surprisingly, Ristori only refers to two Latins, Firmicus Maternus from late antiquity, and the 13th-century Guido Bonatti. In addition to naming these authorities, Ristori often gives precise book titles and the relevant chapters on which he drew, thus very usefully showing his work. He also used several predictive techniques, including the part of fortune and other Greek and Arabic parts. For particularizing the timing of future events, however, he mainly used two techniques, directions and annual revolutions. Ristori articulates his views on astrology, knowledge and power in the prologue, which he begins by locating astrology at the pinnacle of knowledge, with a focus on its practical side: […] and especially what is called judicial [astrology] (iudiciaria) should hold the highest position of all [sc. the sciences],13 since it is oriented to the governance and rule of human affairs. Wherefore, what kingdom, what state, what republic or family was or ever will exist which, seeing to what extent the heavens (il cielo) inclines and disposes, did not know how, with the greatest counsel, to arrange and execute well the fulfillment of their affairs. The stars do not force other things, and the heavens do not compel, such that we are completely unable to dispose and act upon our choices on our own.14 12 I do not know of other examples of physiognomy and/or cheiromancy with a horoscope. For physiognomy in relation to natural philosophy and medicine, see Jole Agrimi’s collection of essays, Ingeniosa scientia nature: Studi sulla fisiognomica medievale, Florence 2002. 13 This first clause is more properly a paraphrase than a translation in order to make the earlier sense coherent with the text discussed here. 14 “[…] meritano dico di tenere il principato di tutte, e di queste due la pratica maggiormente che iudiciaria si dice, poiché ella è ordinata al governo e reggimento delle cose umane. Perché qual

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The language and intent here emphasize both the importance of astrological know­ ledge and the strong but incomplete constraints on our ability to act, within an explicitly political context. Ristori then turns to discuss Cosimo’s extraordinary virtù, a theme with strongly Machiavellian resonances.15 To exemplify Ristori’s interepretive style and some of the horoscope’s more interesting content, we should look briefly at two chapters of Part III on the accidents of Fortune, beginning with chapter three on marriage (pp. 174 – 177). It begins thus: Illustrious signore, I find five matters to consider concerning the case of marriage, and I wish to speak about them fully and distinctly. First, whether your excellency will take a wife or not; secondly, if one or more; third, at what time; fourth, if she will be fortunate, and finally about “amore disordinato,” [or immoderate love]. Coming to the first, that is, if your excellency will take a wife or not, I say that, since the moon is not only away from the sun’s rays but is waxing and luminous, and under the power of Jupiter [sc. since ­Cosimo’s moon is in Sagitarrius and Jupiter rules Sagitarrius], according to Ptolemy’s opinion [in Tetrabiblos IV, 4] and that of his commentators, your excellency will take a wife.16

Ristori then provides corroborating evidence from other astrologers, including Aomar, Albubater and ibn Ezra, to support his interpretation. Often Ristori lays out the interpretations of different authorities and then makes his own judgment. Considering the timing of Cosimo’s marriage, Ristori reviews the various opinions of Ptolemy, his commentators, Firmicus Maternus, Haly Abenragel and Albubater, among others, based primarily on directions and annual revolutions.

regno, quale stato, qual repubblica o famiglia fu o sarà mai, che vedendo a quanto l’inclina e le dispone il cielo, non sappino con ottimo consiglio bene ordinare e eseguire i processi delle loro cose? Non violentano altrui le stelle e non ci sforza il cielo in modo che noi non possiamo intera­mente di noi disporre e operare a nostro arbitrio”, Castagnola, Un Oroscopo (see note 2), p. 133. 15 For an insightful but problematic and thus not wholly reliable interpretation of Machiavelli’s use of astrology, see Anthony Parel, The Machiavellian Cosmos, New Haven 1992. I will treat the Machiavellian dimensions of Ristori’s prologue in vol. 3 of my monograph, Reframing the Scientific Revolution: Astrology, Magic and Natural Knowledge, c. 1250 – 1800; Volume I (Medieval Structures [1250– 1500]: Conceptual, Institutional, Socio-Political, Religious and Cultural); Volume II (Renaissance Structures [1480 –1500]: Continuities and Transformations); Volume III (Early Modern Structures [1500 –1800]: Continuities and Transformations). 16 “Cinque cose, illustrissimo Signore, trovo da considerate circa il caso de’ mariaggi volendo parlarne a pieno distintamente. Prima se Vostra Eccellenzia prenderà moglie o no, secondo se una o più, terzo in che tempo, quarto se ella sarà in essi fortunata e ultimo dello amore disordinato. E venendo alla prima, cioè se Vostra Eccellenzia prenderà moglie o no, dico che, essendo la Luna non solamente fuora de’ raggi ma crescente e luminosa e nelle forze di Giove, secondo la mente di Tolomeo [in IV cap. 4] e degli interpreti suoi, che Vostra Eccellenzia prenderà moglie”, Castagnola, Un Oroscopo (see note 2), p. 174.

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He concludes that, although astrologically Cosimo is strongly inclined to marry, in this case in particular, the timing wholly depends on his will, since there is no astrologically definitive moment (pp. 175 – 176). In fact, Cosimo married Eleanora of Toledo almost two years later to the day, on June 29th, 1539. There was also probably an astrological dimension to the timing of the wedding, but I have no evidence for this beyond the strong likelihood that there was, based on numerous contemporary parallels, including those Monica Azzolini discusses in her valuable book on astrology in Milan.17 Chapter five on friends and enemies (pp. 181 – 186) is one of the most interesting chapters in a political context because Ristori names names and analyzes political dynamics, but only for those people whose explicit astrological information he possessed in his own personal geniture collection. Ristori begins by explaining what to look for generally in comparing horoscopes: first, the relationship between the luminaries (the sun and moon); secondly, between the ascendants, and thirdly, the parts of fortune.18 Then Ristori analyzed the particulars of Cosimo’s main political relationships, beginning with the three most powerful figures of the day in Europe: his holiness, Pope Paul III Farnese, a committed enemy of Cosimo and the Medici; Francis I, King of France; and Charles V, Holy Roman Emporor and the most powerful ruler in Christendom. He was also Cosimo’s overlord and protector. With the pope, Ristori says that friendship for Cosimo will always be difficult because their natal suns and parts of fortune square each other, and their ascendants are unrelated.19 Likewise, with Francis I, although their moons are in a positive sextile aspect, their suns and ascendants are squared and thus indicate a weakness in friendship.20 With Charles V, on the other hand, Ristori is much more positive, noting that there will be a profound love and affection for each other due to their having the same ascendant in Capricorn. Nevertheless, their friendship will remain imperfect

17 The Duke and the Stars: Astrology and Politics in Renaissance Milan, Cambridge, MA 2013. 18 “Tolome dice nel Quadripartito [cap. 6] che prima dobbiamo conferire le geniture de’ parti­ culari domestici di Vostra Eccellenzia con la genitura di quella e vedere in che modo stanno i luminari, gli ascendenti e le parti della fortuna insieme l’un verso l’altro, e da essi poi far giudizio della amicizia e odio tra voi”, Castagnola, Un Oroscopo (see note 2), p. 182. 19 “Della Santità di N. S. ­Paulo III: Per quanto addunque, venendo al particulare della figura del Papa e dell’Eccellenzia Vostra si può vedere, difficilmente converrete seco in qualunche sorte d’amicizia si voglia, non convenendo insieme i luminari del tempo nelle geniture vostre e riguardandosi di quadrato l’un l’altro i vostri Soli; oltra che le parti della fortuna parimenti sono quadrangulate l’una all’altra e gli ascendenti sono in segni al tutto disciolti tra loro”, ibid., p. 182. 20 “Di Francesco re di Francia: Ben potrebbe l’Eccellenzia Vostra aver qualche parte d’amicizia vera con Francesco re di Francia, riguardandosi l’uno l’altro di sestile aspetto i segni della Luna. Ma sendo quadrangulati l’uno all’altro i luoghi del Sole e gli ascendenti in segni opposti, né convenendo insieme i luoghi della parte di fortuna, deboleza d’amicizia dimostra; e finalmente nell’altre cose non converrete insieme a nulla”, ibid., p. 183.

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due to a squared relationship between their suns, and their having discordant parts of ­fortune.21 Ristori completes this chapter by discussing Cosimo’s friendship with three nearby dukes: Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino, Federico II Gonzaga, duke of Mantua, and Ercole II d’Este, duke of Ferrara; and with the three Florentine cardinals: Giovanni Salviati, Cosimo’s maternal uncle, Niccolò Ridolfi and Antonio Pucci (pp.  183 – 184). We should always bear in mind the great political value of this insider information regarding the young ruler’s body, mind and character, his role in contemporary poli­ tical dynamics, and predictions as to when he would likely die. Further, Ristori states several times that he is giving an honest evaluation, warts and all, which would make the information – including weaknesses, problem areas and their timing – even more valuable, especially to Cosimo’s enemies.22 For this reason (among others), the higher level astrologers had geniture collections of powerful political figures, past and p­ resent, for analytical and comparative purposes.23 We just saw evidence that Ristori had one also, and we will see in a moment how these sorts of comparisons could be used to brilliant effect in the public arena. As far as I know, Ristori’s collection no longer exists. II Public Political Dimension

Composed at a critical moment in Florentine political history, Ristori’s extensive astrological interpretation was never published at the time and seems to have little circulated in manuscript. Thus it was essentially a highly classified private document, filled with valuable political information. Capitalizing on its strengths, however, powerful features of Cosimo’s nativity were circulated widely soon after at court, in the city, and

21 “Della Maestà Cesarea Carlo V Imperatore: Ma con Cesare converrà solo Vostra Eccellenzia in amore e affezione avendo il medesimo ascendente l’uno e l’altro. Non converrete già nella amicizia perfetta né nella utile, percioché i luoghi della Luna non convengono insieme in parte alcuna e i segni del Sole sono quadrangulati tra loro, né si concordano i luoghi della parte della fortuna. Per la qual cosa mi pare di poter dire che solo nella affezione dell’animo e nelle parole converrete insieme”, ibid., p. 183. 22 For example, in the introduction to the interpretation: “[…] Essa mi comandò ch’io, lasciate tutte l’adulazioni e ciurme delle quali sogliono esser nutriti e dilettarsi quei principi che della lor salute han poca cura, dovessi più diligentemente ch’io potevo conietturare tutti li accidenti di sua vita”, ibid., p. 133. 23 See Anthony Grafton, Geniture Collections: Origins and Uses of a Genre, in: Books and the Sciences in History, ed. Marina Frasca-Spada and Nick Jardine, Cambridge 2000, pp.  49 – 68.

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beyond; in particular, his Capricorn ascendant, in an image that still adorns prominent Florentine buildings.24 Drawing on striking parallels with the nativities of Charles V – the current Holy Roman Emperor and Cosimo’s protector – and the ancient Roman emperor, Augustus Caesar, Cosimo used the distinctive image of Capricorn, the goat-fish, on his personal emblem or impresa, which first debuted as a medal, and soon after and very publically appeared as a device at his 1539 wedding. Cosimo subsequently used this astrological image throughout his long reign to advertise his providentially ordained leadership, and thus symbolically project his power in Florence and beyond.25 One of the earliest public expressions of Cosimo’s impresa is perhaps the most inte­ resting as well, namely, his first medal, by Domenico dei Vetri (or di Polo), which was commissioned and struck between October 1537 and January 1538, thus soon after Ristori interpreted Cosimo’s horoscope. Above the image of Capricorn as a goat-fish are a distinctive set of eight stars representing the constellation, Corona Borealis – the Northern Crown or Crown of Ariadne – which culminated above the zodiacal sign Scorpio that occupied the midheaven of Cosimo’s nativity. This auspicious location represented royalty, thus symbolically crowning his nativity.26 In addition, the culminating point in Cosimo’s horoscope was also very near to where the Great Conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn had occurred in 1484 at 20 degrees of Scorpio.27 This portent of incomparable greatness thus further increased the symbolic power of Cosimo’s nativity, while linking it closely to broader views of his destiny asso­ciated with the return of the Golden Age and Saturn’s reign of peace and

24 I rely extensively on Rousseau’s evidence and analysis in this section, especially her first chapter; Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4). 25 Van Veen, Cosimo I (see note 2), refers often to Capricorn in his first chapter, Dynasty and Destiny, but he rather assumes its significance than discusses it. The limitations of the index makes the book much less user friendly than necessary. For example, there is no index entry for “Capricorn,” yet he discusses various examples over many years at (e.g) pp. 8, 9, 20, 22, 24 (5x!), 26 and in fnn. 82, 89 and 90. There is also no index reference to astrology, which he also does not discuss directly. 26 Rousseau, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4), discusses this material in depth at pp. 15 ff., and the identification of this constellation at pp. 22 – 28. She focuses primarily on Francesco Giuntini’s interpretation of Cosimo’s unrectified horoscope to build up her interpretation, since the M. C. in Giuntini’s horoscope is 20o of Scorpio, whereas it is 12o in Ristori’s. 27 Stephan Heilen discusses this conjunction in detail in his Paul of Middelburg’s Prognosticum for the Years 1484 to 1504, to be published in the proceedings of the conference, From Masha’allah to Kepler: the Theory and Practice of Astrology in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Charles Burnett and Dorian Greenbaum (forthcoming). Rousseau, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4), discusses the significance of the conjunction at pp. 17 and 24 ff.

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prospe­rity.28 The impresa’s motto also emphasized the fateful nature of Cosimo’s rule: Animi ­Conscientia et Fiducia Fati; “Self Confidence and Faith in my Fate.”29 Furthermore, the general astrological potency of Cosimo’s nativity was significantly augmented by the striking structural and historical parallels between his horoscope and career and those of Charles V and Augustus Caesar, both of whom also had horoscopes with Capricorn rising.30 Indeed, the phrase Fiducia Fati in Cosimo’s motto was taken directly from Suetonius’s life of Augustus, where Suetonius informs us that Augustus was born under Capricorn. Augustus too used this symbol throughout his extended rule, including placing it prominently on the standards of his Roman legions.31 Together with this powerful structural similarity, the striking historical comparisons strongly confirmed the fateful nature of Cosimo’s horoscope, in particular the remarkable “coincidence” that Cosimo’s stunning victory over the Florentine exile army at M ­ ontemurlo took place on the very same day, August 1st, as Octavian’s decisive victory over Mark Antony’s forces at Actium in 31 BC. ­Likewise, Cosimo’s election after the murder of his cousin Alessandro was seen to mirror Octavian’s rise to power on the murder of his adoptive father, Julius Caesar.32 Augustus also publicized the power­ ful central feature of his horoscope, the Capricorn ascendant, in a coin that Cosimo used as at least a partial model for his own impresa and related medal 15 centuries later. Cosimo also used the same device with the goat-fish and stars soon after at his very public state wedding to Eleanora of Toledo on June 29, 1539. We know this from ­Pierfrancesco Giambullari, who, that August, published a detailed description of the festivities and decorations, including the impresa, in which he explicitly identified the stars as Ariadne’s Crown and gave the essence of the motto, fiducia fati.33 Giambullari dedicated his published description, the Apparato et feste, to Giovanni Bandini, the ­Florentine ambassador to Charles V, whose own symbolic representation as Augustus was also a prominent presence at the wedding, as we can also see in Giambullari’s description. 28 For relevant contemporary views on the Golden Age, see ibid., ch. 2: Astrology and the Myth of the Golden Age: Ancient Precedents and Medici Applications, and Michael J. ­B. Allen, Nuptial Arithmetic: Marsilio Ficino’s Commentary on the Fatal Number in Book VIII of Plato’s Republic, Berkeley 1994, ch. 4: Jupiter, the Stars, and the Golden Age. 29 This is Rousseau’s translation at p. 83, note 40, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4). 30 Rousseau discusses these parallels throughout chapter 1; ibid. 31 For Augustus’s famous horoscope and its contemporary usage, see Tamsyn Barton’s Power and Knowledge: Astrology, Physiognomics, and Medicine under the Roman Empire, Ann Arbor 1994, pp. 40 – 47, and her Augustus and Capricorn: Astrological Polyvalency and Imperial Rhetoric, in: Journal of Roman Studies 85 (1995), pp. 33 – 51. 32 For the comparisons, see Rousseau, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4), pp. 38 – 39. 33 For a valuable translation and study of Giambulari’s text, see A Renaissance Entertainment: Festivities for the Marriage of Cosimo I, Duke of Florence in 1539, ed. Andrew C. ­Minor and Bonner Mitchell, Columbia, MO 1968, p. 124: “In the fifth [lunette] was seen the heavenly Capri­corn, with the eight stars of the crown of Ariadne, and there was his motto: F­ IDUCIA FATI”.

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Finally, 15 years later, Paolo Giovio, who had also attended the wedding, published a woodcut and interpretation of the Capricorn image – but without the stars and with a different motto – in his highly influential and oft-reprinted dialogue on amorous and military imprese of 1555.34 In the text, he explicitly disscussed the parallels with Charles V and Augustus, including the conspicuous dating of Actium and Montemurlo. Claiming that the original impresa had no motto, he offered his own: Fidem Fati Virtute Sequemur, thus emphasizing the same theme of Cosimo’s fateful rule, but with a twist emphasizing his profound virtù. In this way, Giovio further publicized the Capricorn motif, which Cosimo used throughout the remainder of his long and successful reign. Cosimo and his advisors thus used the potent astrological imagery, derived from Cosimo’s nativity, to symbolically project his power as a leader in Florence and beyond, and thus shape political opinion in the public sphere, in part by showing that Cosimo’s destiny was cut from the same celestial cloth as Charles V’s and Augustus Caesar’s. More powerful models would have been difficult if not impossible to find. Needless to say, the accumulation of historical parallels (including Actium and Montemurlo) greatly strengthened the persuasive force of the striking structural similarities in their nativities. III Magical Usage

Continuing in the public sphere, I would like to conclude by making a suggestion. The early Capricorn-Corona medal was certainly a symbolic projection of Cosimo’s power to a broader public, but I believe that there could also have been an overtly magical dimension, with the medal functioning literally as an astrological talisman. In this somewhat speculative interpretation, the impresa’s image, when impressed on the medal, would cause it to become a talisman – an imago astronomica – if it were made of a particular metal and struck at an astrologically propitious time.35 The image itself of the Capricorn goat-fish with the eight stars of the Northern Crown coheres perfectly with Marsilio Ficino’s theory of the design and fabrication of talismans, as published in his popular and

34 Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell’imprese militari et amorose, Lyon 1559, pp. 51 – 52. For more on Giovio, see T. ­C. Price Zimmerman, Paolo Giovio: The Historian and the Crisis of Sixteenth Century Italy, Princeton 1995. 35 For everything you ever wanted to know about medieval talismans, but were afraid to ask, see Nicholas Weill-Parot’s immense and insightful, Les “images astrologiques” au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance: Spéculations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (XIIe–Xve siècle), Paris 2002. Now see also Mary Quinlan-McGrath, Influences: Art, Optics, and Astro­ logy in the Italian Renaissance, Chicago 2013. Two of the most influential texts were Albertus Magnus’ authentic De mineralibus, and the third book of Marsilio Ficino’s De vita libri tres, the famous De vita coelitus comparanda.

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influential De vita libri tres, which was reprinted twenty times between 1489 and 1537.36 Although Ficino is primarily concerned with designing and manufacturing talismans for medical purposes, the naked uses of power illustrated in the Secretum secretorum and elsewhere would also be perfectly well served by the same theory.37 Briefly, in Ficino’s theory, which has deep roots in 13th-century works by Albertus Magnus and others, the talisman’s designer should choose the proper image to sculpt or engrave on a base of metal or stone at a powerful astrologically determined time in relation, ideally, to both the user’s nativity and the talisman’s desired end. In this way, the rays from the planets, stars and luminaries would directly irradiate the metal (or stone) during its fabrication. A talisman thus made would absorb the relevant celestial influences in its material substrate – as attuned by the inscribed image – in the process of its timely manufacture. Made properly, it would then re-radiate the particular celestial energy that it had absorbed toward the desired end, in this case Capricornian-Saturnian and Scorpionic-Martial energies towards power political and military ends. The stellar rays in Ficino’s theory were understood to act in terms of a geometrical optical model of planetary influences, as first articulated by Alkindi in his De radiis stellarum, and further developed in the 13th century by such figures as Albertus M ­ agnus and Roger Bacon. From the 14th century on, this richly articulated astrologizing Aristo­ telian system that provided the natural philosophical foundations for astrological practice was institutionalized in university curricula in Italy and throughout Europe.38 Due

36 Chapters III, 12 – 22 offer a mini-treatise on talismans. I discuss this fascinating and influential text in greater detail in my The Physics and Metaphysics of Talismans (Imagines Astronomicae) in Marsilio Ficino’s De vita libri tres: A Case Study in (Neo)Platonism, Aristotelianism and the Esoteric Tradition, in: Platonismus und Esoterik in Byzantinischem Mittelalter und Italienischer Renaissance, ed. Helmut Seng, Heidelberg 2013, pp. 149 – 173 and in Volume II of my forthcoming monograph. For more on the printing history of De vita, see A. ­Tarabochia Canavero, Il ‘De Triplici Vita’ di Marsilio Ficino: Una strana vicenda ermeneutica, in: Rivista di filosofia neo-scolastica 69 (1977), pp.  697 – 717. Rousseau, Cosimo I and Astrology (see note 4), discusses the precision with which the fabricator of the medal captured the image from the relevant star maps, pp. 22 – 23, with note 37: “Domenico’s great care in rendering the constellation with astronomical precision in the die prototype actually made its exact identification very simple for any observer with even a rudimentary knowledge of the stars”. 37 See in particular, Steven J. ­Williams, The Secret of Secrets: The Scholarly Career of a Pseudo-­Aristotelian Text in the Latin Middle Ages, Ann Arbor 2003. 38 For an overview, see my chapter, Astrology, in, The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 3: Early Modern Science, ed. Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Cambridge 2006, pp. 541 – 561. For a more detailed reconstruction, see my PhD thesis, Astrology, Natural Philosophy and the History of Science, c. 1250 – 1700: Studies Toward an Interpretation of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola’s Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem, Indiana University 2002, and vol. 1 of my forthcoming monograph.

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to the importance of timing in their manufacture, talismans were normally configured as a somewhat controversial part of astrological elections.39 As we can now see more clearly, Ristori’s interpretation of Cosimo’s nativity – with Guicciardini as his political advisor – took place in a particularly Florentine context, with Ficino’s magical theory and Machiavelli’s political theory in the immediate background. Thus, this pivotal moment in European history and political culture seems pointedly Janus faced, at the same time pointing backwards toward the political theory embodied in the pseudo-Aristotelian Secret of secrets, where astrology and talismans were key, and forward to Machiavelli’s and Guicciardini’s new more modern modes of analysis, where astrology was also important in various ways, primarily nativities, revo­ lutions and elections. As we all know, astrology continued to be important in politics well into the 17th century, and is still sometimes even found there today, as in the unexpected cases of Ronald Reagan and François Mitterrand.40 Astrology was thus woven deeply into the dazzling socio-political and cultural fabric of 16th-century Florentine public life, even as more modern intellectual and ideological forces were coming into play. Indeed, astrology was still taught in the finest European universities throughout the 16th century and well into the 17th, often engaging with and responding to new epoch-making scientific and geo-political discoveries, transformations and reconfigurations. As we approach a critical mass of scholarship in our increasingly accurate understanding of astrology’s numerous roles in medieval and early modern European culture,41 I hope I have shown persuasively that Giuliano ­Ristori’s detailed interpretation of Cosimo I de’ Medici’s nativity is a particularly valuable docu­ ment for historicizing and particularizing astrology’s multiple roles in premodern public and private life, and that it is worthy of further attention.

39 As in the anonymous Speculum astronomiae (ch. 11). See my, Astrology and Magic, in: The Universal Doctor: Albertus Magnus on Theology, Philosophy, and the Sciences, ed. Irven M. ­Resnick, Leiden 2013, pp. 451–505. 40 For the early modern period, see my essay, Various Uses of Horoscopes: Astrological Practices in Early Modern Europe, in: Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the History of Astrology, ed. Günther Oestmann, H. ­Darrel Rutkin and Kocku von Stuckrad, Berlin 2005, pp. 167 – 182; for Reagan, see Joan Quigley, What Does Joan Say? My Seven Years as White House Astrologer to Nancy and Ronald Reagan, New York 1990; and for Mitterrand, see the 21 Sep 2001 article by Stefan Steinberg, The ‘Tessier Affair’: Astrology Rehabilitated at the Sorbonne University in Paris, on the World Socialist Web Site (http://www.wsws.org/ articles/2001/sep2001/sorb-s21.shtml). 41 Although Robert S. ­Westman generally points in the right direction in his long awaited ­magnum opus, many of the details are unreliable and all must be checked against primary sources and the finest scholarship on the relevant issues, much of which he ignores; The Copernican Question: Prognostication, Skepticism, and Celestial Order, Berkeley 2011.

David Juste

A Sixteenth-Century Astrological Consultation

Introduction

In this paper I present and edit a private consultation – a judgement on a nativity – by a professional astrologer of the second half of the sixteenth century. Very few of such documents have been published and, generally speaking, they still belong to the terra incognita of the history of astrology.1 They provide, however, one of the best documentary evidence if we are to grasp the astrologers’ methods of working. Unlike annual prognostications, which were published en masse from the late-­ fifteenth to the seventeenth century and beyond, consultations of individuals are found in manuscript sources only. Because of their private, sometimes secret, nature, they were not aimed at publication, circulation or even duplication. Moreover, because of their rapid obsolescence, these documents do not keep well and there is little doubt that chance is the main factor in their being found in public reposi­ tories today. Among the tens of thousands of such documents which must have once existed, and putting aside judgements given as didactic or apologetic ­examples in astrological handbooks and collections of horoscopes, about one hundred of them seem to be extant in Latin.



1 There are no general studies of the genre and, to my knowledge, only two such Latin texts have been published so far, namely Regiomontanus’s (?) judgement on Eleonora of ­Portugal’s nativity written in 1451 (ed. Felix Schmeidler, Joannis Regiomontani opera collec­tanea. Faksimiledrucke von neun Schriften Regiomontans une einer von ihm gedruckten Schrift seines Lehrers Purbach, Osnabrück 1972, pp. 2 – 33), and Richard Trewythian’s on an anonymous nativity of 8 March 1431 (ed. Sophie Page, Richard Trewythian and the Uses of Astrology in Late Medieval England, in: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 64 (2001), pp. 193 – 228 [pp. 222 – 228]). For an analysis of particular judgements, see Maxime Préaud, Les astrologues à la fin du Moyen Age, Paris 1984, pp. 73 – 94 (Conrad Heingarter on Jehan de La Goutte in 1469), and Monica Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars. Astrology and Politics in Renaissance Milan, Cambridge (Mass.)–London 2013, pp. 103 – 114 (Raphaele Vimercati on Galeazzo Maria Sforza in 1461). See also the articles by Wiebke Deiman and Darrel Rutkin in this volume. A Greek Byzantine example has been discussed, edited and translated by Giuzeppe Bezza, Una natività a scopo didattico, in: MHNH 1 (2001), pp. 291 – 336.

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Most extant judgements on nativities belong to the period 1450 – 1600 A. D. With a few exceptions, they stand alone in a single booklet, generally the very copy which was presented to the client. They range in length from a few to over 200 pages, with an average of 20 to 50 pages, and they can take the form of beautifully illuminated manuscripts or hasty copies of poor quality. Not surprisingly, most of them concern rulers, members of the nobility and the higher clergy, upper class officials and scholars (including, on occasion, astrologers themselves), although it should be noted that a number of them bear no names at all, neither the name of the client nor the name of the astrologer, thus reinforcing their secretive character. A judgement on a nativity is arguably the astrologer’s most complex work. It involves a great deal of calculations, a thorough knowledge of astrological doctrines, the mastery of the art of interpretation and the ability to build a consistent narrative. First, the astrologer must cast the nativity (birth horoscope). This basically involves two operations, namely the computation of the position of the planets and of the twelve houses for the time and place of birth. Because most clients do not know their exact time of birth, this will have to be re-calculated from the estimated time of birth following rectification methods, like the so-called “animodar” or the “trutina” of Hermes, among others. Then, the astrologer must determine the significators of the nativity, i. e. the so-called “hyleg”, “alcochoden” and “almuten”, which also involve a great deal of calculations. The astrologer is then ready to interpret the horoscope. This is usually done by reviewing the topics associated to the twelve houses, i. e. the general condition of the native, wealth, siblings, parents, children, health, marriage/ spouse, religion, honours, friends, enemies and death (the topic of the eighth house is usually dealt with last). A complete judgement also includes various methods by which the astrologer can examine specific periods of the life of the native. Two of those methods are found in most judgements, namely directions and revolutions. By the method of directions, a chosen significator (a planet, the ascendant, the midheaven or the part of fortune) is given an imaginary movement of 1° per year along the zodiac (sometimes backwards) until it reaches a significant position in the birth horoscope by contact (conjunction) or aspect (sextile 60°, square 90°, trine 120° or opposition 180°). Directions are deemed effective within one degree or a few degrees before and after contact or aspect, something which requires complex calculations in translating zodiacal intervals into time-span in the life of the client. The revolutions allow the astrologer to examine in detail any year of the life of the native, from one anniversary to the next, on the basis of the horoscope cast for the time of the return of the Sun to the exact position (degree and minute) it occupied in the nativity. Some judgements include dozens of revolutions, sometimes even for every year of the life of the native. The amount of required calculations cannot be overestimated, for the astrologer must, in each case, determine the exact moment of the return of the Sun and cast the corresponding horoscope.

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The document and the protagonists

The judgement under consideration is extant in a booklet (28 × 17 cm) of 22 folios now at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich under the shelfmark Clm 27004.2 The astrologer’s name is given in the colophon: “Magister Wilhelmus Mysocacus of Brussels wrote in Deventer 16 March 1566” (“Scribebat Daventrie magister Wilhelmus Mysocacus Bruxellensis anno domini 1566, Martii die 16”). Wilhelmus Mysocacus (or Misocacus) is not unknown.3 He was born in Brussels in 1511 and spent the first part of his life in the Low Countries, at least in Deventer, where he is attested as an astrologer in 1565 and 1566. In 1568, when the Eighty Years War broke out, he fled to Danzig (Gdańsk). There he issued an annual prognostication for the year 1571. This prognostication must have impressed the city officials for, the ­following year, in 1572, Misocacus was made town physician and astronomer by the Senate (with a yearly stipend of 50 Marks). He held that position until his death in 1595 and published a prognostication every year. Also known by him are a judgement on the comet of 1577 (Observationes astronomicae pertinentes ad novam cometam qui visus iam anno 1577, published in Danzig in 1578) and four judgements on nativities found in manuscripts, one for an anonymous client born of 30 December 1539 (Danzig, 1582),4 two for the German astrologer Heinrich Rantzau (dated 24 May 1583 and 3 April 1584),5 and one for Erik XIV of Sweden (completed in Deventer on 29 August 1565).6 The latter was made the year before the judgement analysed here, which shows that Misocacus

2 Now available online on the website of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. 3 The most detailed account of Misocacus’s biography is Derek Jensen, The Science of the Stars in Danzig from Rheticus to Hevelius, PhD dissertation, University of California at San Diego 2006, pp. 28 – 36. See also Karl Schttenloher, Untergang des Hauses Habsburg, von Wilhelm Misocacus aus den Gestirnen für das Jahr 1583 vorhergesagt: Eine verkappte politische Flugschrift, in: Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1951), pp. 127 – 133; Günther Oestmann, Heinrich Rantzau und die Astrologie: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Braunschweig 2004, pp. 52 – 53 and 122 – 123; Richard L. ­Kremer, Mathematical Astronomy and Calendar-Making in Gdańsk from 1540 to 1700, in: Astronomie – Literatur – Volks­ aufklärung: der Schreibkalender der Frühen Neuzeit mit seinen Text- und Bildbeigaben, Jena 2012, pp.  477 – 492 (pp.  480 – 483); D.  ­Kempkens, Der Erfolg der Prognostica auf dem Buchmarkt in der frühen Neuzeit, in: Jahrbuch für Kommunikationsgeschichte 16 (2014), pp. 5 – 27 (pp. 8 – 10 and passim). 4 MS Danzig, Bibl. Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 2253, f. 5r–48r, see Otto Günther, Katalog der Handschriften der Danziger Stadtbibliothek, III, Danzig 1909, p. 224. 5 MS Vienna, ÖNB, 11449, s. XVI, f. 178r–185r and 195r-209r, see Oestmann, Heinrich Rantzau (see note 3 above), pp. 53 n. 256, 122 – 123 and 140 – 145. I thank Günther Oestmann, who kindly sent me copies of both judgements. 6 MS Uppsala, Universitetsbibl., E 284, see Ingvar Andersson, Erik XIV och astrologien. En översikt över materialet, in: Lychnos 1 (1936), pp. 103 – 130 (p. 124 and n. 6). My thanks to Erik Niblaeus for translating the relevant passages for me.

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was already well established as an astrologer, which does not come as a surprise, as he was already 55. The client’s name appears once, in the opening of the judgement: “Ioannes ­Sillyers Machlinie” [Mechelen, present-day Belgium], born on 25 March 1514 at 10.32am at “elevatio poli” 51°12’, which corresponds to the latitude of Mechelen. Nothing is known about this “Joannes Sillyers of Mechelen”.7 Yet, a number of facts can be inferred from the text. We learn that he received his master of arts at the age of 17 and his doctorate at the age of 25,8 but it is not said from what university or faculty. He also appears to have been a lawyer or a legal advisor of some kind at the time of the consultation,9 a charge he must have exerted at a senior level, for his relationships to the king, prince and duke, even the duchess, are regularly alluded to. We might see confirmation of this in Misocacus’s prediction that he will become bishop at the age of 64 (10.24, see translation below). It is also certain that Joannes Sillyers was a horseman who had to travel much as part of his duties. The text tells us that he joined an equestrian military order at the age of 22 or soon after (6.7), his travels – including long travels– are often mentioned (2.1, 3.1, 3.12, 6.7, 6.10, 6.13 – 14, 9.1 – 4 , 10.14 – 15, 10.18 – 19) and Misocacus devotes an entire paragraph to the colours of his horses (9.2), a paragraph which has been underlined in the text, most probably by Joannes Sillyers himself (see below). The judgement is clearly the presentation copy. It is written in Misocacus’s hand and was presumably given or sent by him to his client on 16 March 1566 or shortly after.10 The circumstances of the consultation are otherwise unknown. We can only note the geographical proximity between Deventer and Mechelen (c. 150 kms), which both belonged to the same political entity (the Duchy of Brabant), even though we cannot



7 He does not feature in the National Biography of Belgium and further research to trace him back was unsuccessful. 8 “Anno etatis huius nati 17 currente… Effecit ut natus honoraretur occasione doctrine sue et magisterii, et factus est magister artium” (10.8); “Anno etatis 25 currente… hoc anno videtur promotus ad doctoratus dignitatem et gradum” (10.10). 9 “eo quod natus sit profundus scrutator legis prudentie ac consiliarius” (1.3); “quatenus consiliarius existens” (2.26). 10 That Misocacus addresses Joannes Sillyers, and not a third party, is plain in the expressions “super genethliaco tuo” and “libero arbitrio tuo” (both in 14.1). The whereabouts of the manus­cript are otherwise unknown. Clm 27004 belongs to a group a manuscripts which were acquired by the then Hof- und Staatsbibliothek of Munich between c. 1850 and 1881. As far as I know, the manuscript has never been quoted in the secondary literature, besides brief entries in the Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, II.4: Karl Halm and Wilhelm Meyer, Clm 21406 – 27268, München 1881, p. 233, and David Juste, Les manuscrits astrologiques latins conservés à la Bayerische Staatsbibliothek de Munich, Paris 2011, p. 175. For Misocacu’s hand, I compared with the two judgements on the nativity of Heinrich Rantzau (see note 5 above).

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be certain that Joannes Sillyers lived in Mechelen at the time of the consultation. It is interesting to note, however, that Misocacus warns him about the danger of travelling between 21 and 25 March 1566.11 The fact that this is the only prediction dated with such precision is certainly no accident and suggests that Joannes Sillyers was meant to pick up the judgement in Deventer and, perhaps, travel back home afterwards. In any case, there is no evidence that Misocacus knew his client or that he knew him well. He addresses him with the polite formulas “Domine vir ornatissime” (Exhortatio 1) and “nobilis vir” (14.1), and there are no signs of familiarity between them. Also, while Misocacus is aware of some basic facts about his life, as we have seen, he does not know his circumstances in detail, as witnessed by paragraph 6.6, where he writes: “In the fifteenth year of the native, the direction of the ascendant reached the beginning of Leo and changed sign and term. It meant for the native a change in status and place, perhaps was he then sent to university”.12 From my point of view, this is why this judgement is interesting. It is an “average” judgement, made by a town astrologer for a middle-class client who did not leave trace in history. This contrasts with nativities for rulers and famous people, whose biography, intentions, hopes and concerns are, to some extent, known to all, including the astro­ loger. As Anthony Grafton puts it, “astrologers found it hard to discuss royal genitures as honestly as they could analyse the lives of private men like Petrarch”.13 The apparent distance between Misocacus and his client makes it more likely that we are dealing with a “honest” judgement, that is a judgement inferred from astrological theory, rather than from previous knowledge of the life and circumstances of the client. We are not informed about Joannes Sillyers’s reception of the judgement, but in is interesting to note that a number of statements have been underlined in the text (see 1.1, 1.3, 1.5, 2.8, 2.13, 2.16, 2.20, 2.30, 3.17, 6.12, 6.17, 6.20, 7.2, 9.2, 9.3, 10.3, 10.5, 10.8 and 10.10) and that, next to four paragraphs (9.2, 10.21, 10.24 and 11.2), the word “nota” (“note”, “to be noted”) has been added in the margin by what is clearly another hand (see Plate 4). The nature of the sections marked leaves little room for doubt that that hand was Joannes Sillyers’s.

11 “Verumtamen in itineribus illius anni molestias percipiet circa finem revolutionis, circa diem 21 Martii anni domini 1566 usque in finem eiusdem revolutionis etatis 52 adhuc currentis, idcirco caute sibi prospicere debebit ne cum equo periculum in itinere incurrat aut quovis alio modo” (6.14). 12 “Anno etatis nati 15 currente pervenit directio ascendentis ad principium Leonis, mutavitque signum et terminum. Nato significabat mutationem status et loci, forte tunc mittebatur ad academiam” (6.6). 13 Anthony Grafton, Geniture Collections, Origins and Use of a Genre, in: Books and the Sciences in History, ed. Marina Frasca-Spada and Nicholas Jardine, Cambridge 2000, pp. 49 – 68 at p. 56.

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Plate 1  Joannes Sillyers’s horoscope and introductory tables (Munich, BSB, Clm 27004, f. 2r)

A Sixteenth-Century Astrological Consultation

Plate 2  Tables of directions, c. 3.7 (Munich, BSB, Clm 27004, f. 8r – wrongly numbered 7)

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Plate 3  Revolution of Joannes Sillyers for his 70th year, c. 6.20 (Munich, BSB, Clm 27004, f. 14v)

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Plate 4  Joannes Sillyer’s annotation in the margin, c. 10.24 (Munich, BSB, Clm 27004, f. 20v)

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The judgement

The judgement is clearly written, both in language and script, well-organised and carefully planned, as shown, for instance, by the cross-references.14 As far as I can judge, the content and presentation are similar to other sixteenth-century judgements and very close, especially in the layout, to Misocacus’s own judgements on the nativity of ­Heinrich Rantzau written in 1583 and 1584.

1. Horoscope and technical data

The first page displays the horoscope and a number of technical data in three tables (see Plate 1). The horoscope is of course the central element of the whole piece and the artefact from which the 44 pages of judgement derive. It is standard in every respect, with the positions of the planets, lunar nodes, the part of fortune and the twelve houses, all of which expressed in degrees and minutes. The central panel summarises the essential data, i. e. the time of birth (25 March 1514 at 10h32am, a Saturday), which, we are told, was rectified by Ptolemy’s animodar; the “defluxion” of the Moon, which was moving away from the conjunction to Venus and towards the conjunction to the Sun;15 and the indication of the geographical latitude: 51°12’. Compared with modern computation, the planetary positions are correct within 1° (or so), which is remarkable, even by sixteenth-century standards.16 Misocacus appears to have used Stöffler and Pflaum’s almanac for 1499 – 1531 for the planets 17 and, most probably, the Tables of Louvain of 1528 for the houses, as shown in the tables below:18

14 See e. g. notes 2, 4, 6 – 7, 10, 26 – 27, 30, 32, 34, 40 and 42 to the edition in appendix. 15 On the Moon’s defluxion, see especially Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis, IV.2 – 16. Misocacus considers this an aspect (see table of aspects and 2.33). His interpretation in 2.33, however, does not derive from Firmicus Maternus (see Mathesis, IV.13.10). See also the index to the edition under “Defluxio”. 16 Note, however, that the Head and Tail of the Dragon have been inverted, a problem to which I will return later. 17 Johannes Stöffler and Jakob Pflaum, Almanach nova plurimis annis venturis inservientia, Ulm 1499 (March 1514). 18 Tabule perpetue longitudinum ac latitudinum planetarum noviter copulate ad meridiem alme universitatis Lovaniensis ac plerumque aliorum necessariorum in nativitatibus requisitorum Lovanii noviter impresse, Leuven (ex aedibus Gilberti I’ll Maes) 1528, sig. L3v. There are slight discrepancies for the third and eleventh houses, whose positions should be below 26° and 00° respectively. That Misocacus used the Tables of Louvain makes sense for Mechelen (c. 25 kms northwest of Louvain) and is confirmed by the revolution for the 70th year in 6.20 (see note 27 below).

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Misocacus 25 Mars 1514, 10:32am Mechelen, 51°12’

Stöffler/Pflaum 25 March 1514, Noon 51°

Modern (Solar Fire Gold) 25 March 1514, 10:32am Mechelen, 51°02’



24°38’ 

24°38’ 

25°00’ 



14°20’ 

14°20’ 

13°45’ 



20°00’ 

20°03’ 

19°07’ 



14°00’ 

14°04’ 

13°41’ 



27°20’ 

27°25’ 

26°36’ 



25°25’ 

25°32’ 

24°21’ 



02°47’ 

03°24’ 

02°01’ 

09°53’ -

11°10’ -

Misocacus 25 Mars 1514, 10:32am Mechelen, 51°12’

Tables of Louvain 1528 25 March 1514, Noon 51°

Modern (Regiomontanus) 25 March 1514, 10:32am Mechelen, 51°02’

I

19°18’ 

20° 

18°42’ 

II

08°50’ 

09° 

08°10’ 

III

26°33’ 

26° 

25°44’ 

X

20°00’ 

20° 

18°52’ 

XI

00°09’ 

00° 

28°48’ 

XII

18°51’ 

19° 

17°58’ 

 09°53’ -

The horoscope is accompanied by three tables. The first one (“Anni domini et etatis currentis”) gives the equation between the calendar years and the years of the life of the client, something which allows dating directions in one glance. The second table (“Aspectus planetarum”) lists all planetary aspects, except those to the Moon, with the special mentions “futurus” (the opposition Saturn-Jupiter is in the making), “cum receptione” (Saturn and Mars are in their mutual houses or domiciles), “parti­ liter” (the aspect is close, within 3°), “platice” (the aspect is loose). These mentions “partiliter” and “platice” do not imply that Misocacus admitted orbs for the aspects, as shown, e. g., by the sextile Jupiter-Venus (13° wide) and the trine Saturn-part of fortune (over 16° wide). The third table (“Latitudo planetarum”) gives the latitude of the planets and whether they are ascending or descending, something that M ­ isocacus does not use much, except for the Moon which he referred twice in the table of directions in 3.7, and in 3.23.

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2. Introduction and “exhortatio”

The introduction repeats some of the technical data. The time of birth was reported to be between the 10th and 11th hour in the morning (“before lunch”), which was adjusted to 10.32am by Ptolemy’s animodar (Tetrabiblos, III.2). Misocacus fustigates those who would rectify the chart by the so-called “trutina Hermetis”, because they would find that the client was born between the 9th and the 10th hour, so c­ ontradicting the reported time. The animodar is a complex method, by which the estimated ascendant or midheaven is moved to the degree and minute (disregarding the sign) of the planet which has the most essential dignities in the degree of the syzygy (Full Moon or New Moon) preceding birth.19 Here, the syzygy was a Full Moon (opposition Sun-Moon) and this is the reason why Misocacus indicated, just below the central panel of the horoscope, “preced 2944” (according to modern computation, that opposition took place on 10 March 1514 at 9.21pm and the Moon was at 29°22’ Virgo). Following Ptolemy (Tetrabiblos, III .2), in the case of an opposition, the degree of the planet above the horizon must be chosen, i. e. the Sun at 29°44’ Pisces, a position in which leadership in terms of essential dignities is disputed between Jupiter (domi­cile), Venus (exaltation and triplicity) and Mars (triplicity and decan). Misocacus does not inform us about the details of his calculations (there are varying methods to determine the ruling planet, as well as disqualifying factors), but he clearly chose Mars, whose position is identical to that of the mid-heaven (20°00’ – again disregarding the sign). The introduction is followed by a brief “exhortatio”, where Misocacus warns against all forms of astral determinism and makes it clear that the stars affect man’s body, but not his soul and the power of his will. He borrows the often-quoted statement “the wise man will dominate the stars”, here slightly modified into “the wise man… will easily dominate the stars” (“sapiens… facile dominabitur astris”). This “exhortatio” is a diplomatic precaution typically found in astrological texts.

19 The animodar, as well as the “trutina Hermetis” and other rectification methods, are usually discussed in the opening chapters of treatises on nativities, many of which were available in print at the time of Misocacus. In this paper, I will refer to two influential authors (both of whom were known to Misocacus knew, as will be shown below), namely Johannes Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum, Nürnberg ( Johannes Montanus & Ulricus Neuberus) 1545, see I.1, f. 1r–2r, for the animodar; and Luca Gaurico, Isagogicus in totam astrologiam praedictivam, reprinted in id., Opera omnia, Basel (Sebastian Henricpetri) 1575, vol. II, see Pars V, ­Tractatus  IIII, Caput 1, pp. 1064 – 1065, for the animodar.

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3. The significators of the nativity and the length of life (chapter 1)

In chapter 1, Misocacus lists the significators of the native, i. e. the planets which are particularly strong. These include the so-called “almuten” (both Mars and Jupiter), “hyleg” or “hylech” (Sun) and “alcochoden” (Sun again). The calculation of those is highly technical and not less controversial.20 Misocacus first notes (1.1) that the most significant planet of the nativity is Mercury, to whom Mars and the Sun are associated (“video Mercurium potenter gubernaturum vitam huius nati, cui Martem et Solem collegas associamus”). The text tells us that this was determined on the basis of several parameters, including the ascendant, the five “places of the hylegs” (“quinque loca hylegiorum”) and their almuten, the conditions and positions of the seven planets, their “access” and “recess” and their mutual aspects. How Misocacus elected Mercury, Mars and the Sun is not clear, because he does not give any detail about his method. It should be noted, however, that no specific use of these was made in the judgement itself. The almuten (1.2), which Misocacus calls “almuten spiritus”, is the planet that has the most essential dignities in the five “hylegiacal places”, i. e. in the degree of the Sun, of the Moon, of the ascendant, of the part of fortune and of the syzygy preceding birth. This is determined by adding up the “points” of essential dignities owned by the planets in these five places. Essential dignities are normally worth 5 points for the house (domicile), 4 points for the exaltation, 3 points for the triplicity, 2 points for the term and 1 point for the decan. The calculation for Joannes Sillyers, shown in the table below, gives the following results: Jupiter 23 points, Mars 21, Sun 15, Venus 15, Moon 11, Mercury 3 and Saturn 2. This agrees with Misocacus, although he says that Jupiter and Mars are equal (“pariter pluribus gaudeant dignitatibus”), something which must be explained either by a mistake or by the intervention of extra rules which we are not informed about. In any case, Misocacus was aware of competing systems, as shown in the following paragraph (1.3), where he says that, according to Petosiris and Nechepso, Jupiter would be the only “lord of the nativity” (“geniture dominum”), a reference which I have not been able to trace down. The almuten is referred to in the text only once, in chapter 2.17, dealing with the general complexion of the native.

Sun Moon AS Part fortune Syzygy

House (5)

Exaltation (4)

Triplicity (3)

Term (2)

Decan (1)

14°00’ 











02°47’ 











19°18’ 











08°05’ 











29°44’ 











20 On the almuten, hyleg and alcochoden, see Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), I.1, f. VIIr–Xr; Gaurico, Isagogicus (see note 19 above), V.VII.1 – 4, pp.  1077 – 1079.

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The hyleg and alcochoden (1.5) are both ascribed to the Sun, which is correct. In diurnal nativities, the hyleg is the Sun if it is in the tenth house (which is the case here). The hyleg is an important planet, which Misocacus uses in directions regarding health (c. 6). The alcochoden is the planet that has the most essential dignities in the degree of the hyleg, i. e. the Sun, again adding up the points of essential dignities. As can be seen in the table above, the Sun leads with 8 points (exaltation, triplicity and decan), then Mars 5, Jupiter 3 and Mercury 2. The alcochoden is primarily used to determine the length of the life of the native, which, according to Misocacus in the same paragraph (1.5), will be 70 years or – should the native survive this– 84 years. According to astrological theory, each planet is ascribed a number of “greater”, “middle” and “lesser” years, or 120, 69.5 and 19 for the Sun. If the planet concerned is in an angle (houses 1, 4, 7, 10) without impediment, the ­number of greater years applies, if it is in a succedent house (2, 5, 8, 11), the middle years, and if it is in a cadent house (3, 6, 9, 12), the lesser years. The Sun is in an angle, but M ­ isocacus elected the middle years (70 years) probably because the Sun is in square aspect to the malefic Mars, which is a disqualifying factor. It should be noted, however, that the number of years indicated by the alcochoden is indicative only and must be confirmed by other predictive techniques (directions, revolutions…), as we shall see below.

4. General description of the native (chapter 2)

Chapter 2 provides a general account of the physical and moral characteristics of the native. This is done first by analysing the condition of the four angles of the horoscope, namely the ascendant (2.1), the mid-heaven (2.2 – 12), the descendant (2.13) and the lower mid-heaven (2.14 – 15). In each case, Misocacus takes into account a range of parameters, including the corresponding sign of the zodiac and its lord, the planet exalted therein, the decan, the term, the aspects and, when relevant, the planets located therein. Misocacus then turns to the complexion of the native (2.16 – 17) and, finally, to a cursory interpretation of each of the planetary aspects as listed in the table on the first page (2.18 – 33). This latter part is largely borrowed from Johannes Schöner’s De iudiciis nativitatum.21

21 See note 3 to the edition in appendix. On the other hand, Schöner is not the source for the interpretation of the planets in the twelve houses (see De iudiciis nativitatum, II.4, f. LXXXVIv–XCIIr), which Misocacus deals with in 2.1 – 15. For other borrowings from Schöner, see notes 22, 25 and 41 to the edition.

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5. Topics related to the twelve houses (chapters 3 – 13) 5.1. Methods of interpretation

Chapters 3 – 13 survey the topics represented by the twelve houses, as is common in most judgements on nativities and in theoretical treatises on the subject. These chapters deal respectively with the native’s fluctuations of wealth (“De fortune incrementis ac decrementis”, c. 3); siblings (“De fratribus et sororibus nati”, c. 4); parents (“De parentibus nati, patre et matre”, c. 5); illnesses and disorders of the soul (“De infirmitatibus et animi perturbationibus”, c. 6); marriage (“De coniugio nati”, c. 7); children (“De liberis”, c. 8); journeys, religion and dreams (“De itineribus et religione, somniisque”, c. 9); honours, charges and dignities (“De honoribus, officiis et dignitatibus”, c. 10); friends and suppor­ ters (“De amicis et fautoribus nati”, c. 11); enemies and misfortune (“De inimicis et odio natum persequentibus”, c. 12); and the type of death (“De qualitate mortis nati”, c. 13). Misocacus’s method of interpretation is standard and consistent throughout. He takes into account a range of parameters, including the planets located in the house(s) concerned, the lord of the house(s) concerned (i. e., the planet ruling the sign in which the cusp of the house falls), the aspects, etc. To take a brief and straightforward example, here is what he writes about friends (c. 11): The quality of friends is known from the nature of the planets which stand in the ­eleventh and first houses, and from the planets which rule the eleventh and first houses. In the first house there is no planet, but the Moon rules that house. In the eleventh house, I see Jupiter, and Venus is its lord. This means to the native many and suitable friends, whose friendship is sincere and beneficial to him. The friends of the native will be of the nature and complexion of Jupiter, Venus and the Moon (11.1).

Then (11.2) Misocacus lists the types of friends represented by the three planets concerned ( Jupiter, Venus and the Moon), a section which is marked in the margin with the word “nota”. The following chapter (c. 12) is dealt with in a similar fashion and also includes a list of the types of enemies. The space devoted to each topic varies considerably. The first house did not receive a distinct chapter, but this is certainly because the physical and moral characteristics of the native (i. e., the very meaning of the first house) are largely dealt with in chapter 2, as we have seen. Other topics are neglected. This is the case for siblings (c. 4) and parents (c. 5), which are given a few lines only, because, as Misocacus explains, astrologers have erred on these matters, which should be inquired directly in the charts of the people concerned. Likewise marriage (c. 7) is treated in a rather brief chapter, in which Misocacus reveals perhaps more on himself than on his client. After lecturing Joannes Sillyers on the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate union (7.1), he goes on to say that the seventh house is under such bad condition, with Mars therein and Saturn retrograde

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as its lord, that the marriage of the native can only be damned (7.2). The condition of the Moon and Venus –the planetary significators of the wife– does not alter the state of affairs, the Moon being combust with a square aspect to Mars and Venus in aspect to both Mars and S­ aturn. This leads Misocacus to conclude that “marriage is absolutely refused to this native by the decree of fate” (“nato huic omnimode d ­ enegatur coniugium fatorum imperio”), a sentence that the client underlined. In the third and final paragraph, Misocacus goes one step further: “Should he take a wife one day (which I doubt will happen at all), he would find her rebel, fierce, greedy…”, followed by a long list of adjectives of the same kind (7.3). This interpretation is the reason why the topic of children follows immediately (c. 8), in what takes only a few lines to say that since the native will not have a legitimate wife, he will not have legitimate children either, and astrologers do not consider illegitimate children, because some people have that way more children than it can be believed. 5.2. Directions, revolutions and profections

Three topics received considerable attention and, not surprisingly, these concern the native’s wealth (c. 3), health (c. 6) and honours (c. 10). For each of these, Misocacus provides not only a general account of the kind we have seen above, but also an extensive review of the directions (“directiones”),22 which take up altogether almost half of the whole judgement. As said above, by the method of directions, a chosen significator is given an imaginary movement of 1° per year until it reaches a significant position in the birth horoscope by contact or aspect. The chosen significators are the part of fortune in chapter 3 (wealth); the ascendant, the Moon and the hyleg (i. e. the Sun) in ­chapter 6 (health); and the mid-heaven and the Sun in chapter 10 (honours). In each case, Misocacus first provides two or several tables, listing all directions from birth to old age, together with the corresponding age of the native (see 3.7, 6.3 and 10.7 and Plate 2). The significant positions include the seven planets and the lunar nodes, as well as a set of fixed stars 23 and the boundaries of the signs of the zodiac. In 3.7, M ­ isocacus explains that he directed the part of fortune not only opposite to the order of the twelve signs (“contra successione 12 signorum”), which, he says, most astrologers do, but also in the order of the signs (“cum successione 12 signorum”), following the

22 On directions, see Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), III.1 and 3 – 6, and Luca Gaurico, Directiones, progressiones sive inambulationes ascensoria tempora horimea horarum constitutio, Roma 1560. 23 Canis Minor, Canis Maior, Cor leonis, Cervix Leonis, Media Pleiadis, Dorsum Leonis, Cauda Leonis, Aldebaran and Hircus. In his tables, Misocacus indicates the nature of each star (characterised by a combination of two or three planets) and its magnitude (“maiestas”). For the corresponding interpretations, see 3.12, 3.18, 3.20, 6.19, 10.19 and 10.26.

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opinion of a certain Franciscus, described as “a franciscan monk of pious memory”, and of Luca Gaurico.24 Misocacus then interprets each direction as listed in the tables, something he does as thoroughly for the past as for the future of the client. Here again, a range of parameters are taken into account, including the nature of the planets and of the significant positions involved, the aspect and the position of the point “hit”, especially in the terms. A good example is given in 10.24, in what appears to be one climax of the judgement and a passage marked in the margin with the word “nota” (see Plate 4): In the year 64 of the life of this native, the direction of the mid-heaven will reach the sinister sextile to Venus in the term of Mars, and because Venus stood in the tenth house in the nativity, in her exaltation, in the house of Jupiter, in the term of Mars, it will then confer the insignia of a great name and honour. It means (“Operatur”) that, in that year, he [the native] will be splendidly decorated with the sacred ornaments and that he will be elevated to the dignity of superior functions (“presulatus”) –provided he himself would wish and not refuse that dignity absolutely– or, again, that he will be promoted and raised to the dignity of a high office. I myself conjecture that the native will be raised to the episcopate through the patronage of a famous woman… (10.24).

Directions are the main predictive method used by Misocacus, but not the only one. He also resorts to revolutions (“revolutiones”),25 which he seems to consider essentially relevant to health issues, since they feature in chapter 6 only. Misocacus sees them mainly as a secondary factor to directions and he did not calculate them systema­tically.26 He alludes to them in very general terms for the 16th (“et habuit tunc impiam revo­lutionem”, 6.7), 28th (“eo quod tunc feliciorem habuerit revolutionis figuram”, 6.8), 32th to 36th (“Veru­mtamen revolutiones prefatorum annorum meliora promittebant”, 6.9), 40th (“sed revolutionem habuit satis idoneam”, 6.11), 52th (“sed iterum per felicem revolutionem impediuntur”, 6.14), 58th (“Habebit tunc etiam revolutionem mediocriter malam”, 6.16), 64th (“Attamen revo­ lutio illius anni erit satis grata”, 6.18) and 84th years (“habebitque tunc similiter miseram revolutionem”, 6.21). In four cases, however, Misocacus is more explicit. On the 48th year

24 Misocacus might refer to Luca Gaurico, Tabulae de primo mobili quas directionum vocant, Roma (Antonius Bladus) 1557, f. 27v–28v (reprinted under the title Super tabulis directionum Ioannis Monteregiensis quoddam supplementum, Roma (Vincentius Luchinus), 1560, same folios), where the two options are discussed. Both systems were, however, already common before Gaurico. I do not know who that Franciscus was. 25 On revolutions, see Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), III.1 and 11 – 15, and Luca Gaurico, Tractatus iudicandi conversiones sive revolutiones nativitatum, Roma (Vincentius Luchinus) 1560. 26 As made clear by his own statements: “ac interdum annuis revolutionibus interiectis” (1.6); “et interdum aliquarum figurarum revolutionum” (6.1).

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of the native (6.12), he notes that the hazardous direction of the Moon to Saturn’s opposition in the term of Saturn was mitigated by the “favourable revolution of the year 1561, in which the Moon was supported by Venus and Jupiter” (“sed occasione felicis revolutionis anno 1561, in qua Luna a Venere ac Iove iuvabatur”). Misocacus does not give further details about this revolution, but what he says is correct. According to modern computation, on 25 March 1561 at 3.30am (time of the return of the Sun to 14°00’ Aries), Mechelen being the assumed place, the Moon was at 21°25’ Cancer, in sextile to both Venus at 23°43’ Taurus and Jupiter at 01°58’ Taurus. In the next paragraph (6.13), on the 50th year of the native, he says that “Saturn transited the degree of the ascendant of the radix [i. e., the nativity] and stood in square to the Sun at the time of the revolution” (“fecit Saturnus transitum per gradum ascendentis radicis, stetitque in hora revolutionis in quadrato Solis”). Again, this is correct. On 25 March 1563 at 3.15pm (Mechelen), Saturn was at 12°50’ Cancer and the Sun at 14°00 Aries, and Saturn transited the ascendant of the nativity on 7 June 1563. Yet Misocacus makes mistakes as well. In 6.17, about the revolution of the 63th year of the native, he says that the luminaries (the Sun and the Moon) are not impeded and afflicted by the malefic planets (“Sed quia lumina maiora in revolutione istius anni non impediuntur neque affliguntur a malis”). This is not correct, for on 24 March 1576 at 7.00pm (Mechelen), the Sun at 14°00 Aries was in the house of Mars and in square to both Saturn at 01°11’ Capricorn and Mars at 05°02’ Capricorn, while the Moon was in Aquarius, the house of Saturn. In other words, the luminaries, especially the Sun, were severely afflicted by the malefic planets. Finally, and most importantly, Misocacus provides the horoscope of the revolution for the 70th year (6.20, see Plate 3), which is another climax of the judgement, as it is meant to be the year of the death of the native. Here is what Misocacus wrote: In the year 70 of the life of this native, the direction of the Sun hyleg will reach the sinister square to the Moon in the term of Jupiter. In the same year, the direction of the ascendant will reach the radical position of the Tail of the Dragon, whose nature is that of Saturn and Mars, in the term of Venus. The native will have then an unfortunate, unpleasant and very miserable revolution, in which the sign of the eighth house in the radix, i. e. Aquarius, will be the ascendant of the revolution, and both luminaries will be afflicted by the malefic planets, in particular the Moon by an opposition to Saturn from the eastern to the western angle. The Sun will be impeded by a dexter square to Mars, Mars being in the sixth house of the revolution and the Sun in the second. Venus, the lord of the eighth house of the revolution, will be combust under the rays of the Sun and Jupiter will be afflicted by the presence of Saturn in the first house of the revolution and by a square to the Moon. This miserable revolution announces to the native a year full of afflictions, as shown here in the figure of the revolution… [then follow more configurations with a list of health problems]. Moreover, as we said in the beginning of this nativity, the lifespan must end in the year 70 of the life of the native. Therefore, I very strongly suspect that the present year will be that of the death of the native.

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As indicated in the central panel of the revolution, the horoscope was calculated for 25 March 1583 at 3.49am. All planetary positions are correct and agree with Cyprianus Leovitius’s ephemerides for 1556 – 1606, which Misocacus is known to have used while in Danzig. As for the positions of the houses, they match exactly those of the Tables of Louvain and are correct for the indicated time.27 Misocacus also reports the various configurations accurately, with however one small mistake, namely that the Sun is in the first (not in the second) house. This mistake hardly affects the interpretation. Alongside directions and revolutions, Misocacus also uses profections (“profectiones”), another predictive method by which a significator is given an imaginary movement of one sign per year or per month in the order of the signs.28 Misocacus uses them on a few occasions, mainly in chapter 6, where he mentions the profection of the ascen­ dant (6.4, 6.7, 6.8, 6.11, 6.14), of the Sun-hyleg (6.11) and of the mid-heaven (10.8). For the most part, they seem to be, like revolutions, a secondary factor to directions, even though no directions are referred to in 6.11, 6.14, 10.8. Concluding remarks

This brief account does probably not do full justice to Misocacus’s judgement on the nativity of Johannes Sillyers, but I hope to have given a sense of what a professional astrologer does. I would like to conclude here with five general remarks and a problem to which I discretely alluded earlier.29 First, the overall impression is that we are dealing with a decent and honest judgement. Misocacus’s astronomical calculations are accurate and in general correct, and his astrological interpretations are straightforward, sound and coherent as regards astrological doctrine (as far as this can be judged). Second, and perhaps surpri­ singly, the judgement contains very few predictions per se. Misocacus focuses on the nature and character of the native, including in his interpretations of directions, which look more like descriptions of a climate or atmosphere surrounding the years under consi­deration. He generally formulates his expertise in a neutral way (“this configuration means that…”), but he uses the first person singular when it comes to specific predictions (“I myself conjecture that the native will be raised to the episcopate…”, “I very strongly suspect that the present year will be that of the death of the 27 Cyprianus Leovitius, Ephemeridum novum atque insigne opus ab anno domini 1556 usque in 1606 accuratissime supputatum, Augsburg (Philippus Ulhardus) 1557, sig. EE1v. On ­Misocacus’s Misocacus use Leovitius’s ephemerides in Danzig, see Kremer, Mathematical Astronomy (see note 3 above), pp. 481 and 483. For the positions of the houses, see the tables of Louvain (note 19 above), sig. L3r. 28 See Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), III.1.4 and III.7. 29 See note 16 above.

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native…”). This change in tone reflects, I believe, the attitude of an astrologer who carefully distinguishes between what astrological doctrine allows him to say and his guesses. Third, while many astrologers examine directions and revolutions from the time of the consultation, Misocacus pays considerable attention to the past of his client (more in fact than to his future), thus exposing himself to criticism –the c­ lient can easily compare to what actually happened. Fourth, Misocacus does not give the impression that he attempted to spare his client. In his account of directions, he strictly follows astrological doctrine, without trying to undermine dreadful configurations or to sublime good configurations. Putting aside the entertaining p­ assage on Joannes ­Sillyers’s spouse, where Misocacus seems to have lost his temper, bad configurations are numerous throughout the judgement, especially regarding health (see 3.17, 3.21, 6.5, 6.7 – 13, 6.17 – 21, 10.11 – 12, 10.21, 10.23). Fifth, it would be trivial to look for ­Misocacus’s sources. Like any professional astrologer, he used many and none. He is familiar with his material, he understands the underlying logic of astrological interpretation and resorts to his personal experience as well as, undoubtedly, to his own collection of horoscopes.30 As we have seen, few authors are quoted by name and when this happens, it mainly concerns a specific issue subject to dispute: Ptolemy’s animodar vs. the “trutina Hermetis” (central panel of the horoscope and “Introductio” 2 – 3), Nechepso and Petosiris on an alternative method for determining the almuten (1.3), and both Luca Gaurico and a certain Franciscus on the “direction” of directions (3.7). Misocacus also borrows from at least two unnamed authors, namely Johannes Schöner on the interpretation of the aspects and some other topics (2.18 – 29, 9.1, 10.3 – 5 and 13.8) and Firmicus Maternus on the significance of the 63th year of life (6.17). But there is more. In 13.8, Misocacus ascribes to Ptolemy the sentence “Mortis qualitas ex athazir obviante, quem interfectorem nuncupant, deprehenditur”. This sentence is not found in Ptolemy and is instead directly borrowed from Johannes Schöner.31 Here Misocacus clearly manipulated his source, which he attributed to a prestigious authority. This leads to the problem. In the nativity horoscope, the Head and Tail of the Dragon have been inverted (the Head should be in the third house and the Tail in the ninth house). The Head of the Dragon is particularly benevolent, while the Tail is malevolent. The pre­ sence of the Head of the Dragon in the ninth house makes the native fortunate in travels and apt to matters pertaining to religion,32 while the Tail in the ninth house means exactly 30 In 13.4, while discussing the type of death, Misocacus remarks that Joannes Sillyers’s confi­ gurations is found in countless horoscopes, especially in horoscopes of princes. 31 See note 41 to the edition. 32 As Misocacus writes, “presentia Capitis Draconis in nona, de natura Iovis et Veneris, convertet horrores et molestias itinerum in gaudium et felicem exitum, facietque in suis operibus fortunatum et in profectionibus assequi bonam famam, honorem et lucrum” (9.1) and “Caput Draconis, de natura Iovis et Veneris, in domo nona significat constantem Christianum,

Appendix: Edition of the text

171

the opposite.33 In other words, the Tail of the Dragon in the ninth house is hardly compa­ tible which what Misocacus knew about Joannes Sillyers (a traveller on horseback) and with the prediction that he will become bishop. It is not difficult to understand Misocacus’s temptation to manipulate astronomical data. At the same time, a mistake or a momentary lapse of reason cannot be ruled out altogether and we must leave the astrologer the benefit of the doubt, until comparison is made with his other extant judgements. amatorem verbi Dei et opinionis veterum” (9.5). Compare with Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), II.4, f.. XCv: “Caput facit devotos et praelatos, in suis operibus fortunatos, in profectionibus acquirent famam, honorem et lucrum, sed erunt infortunati in fratribus et sororibus, somnia eorum vera”. 33 Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum (see note 19 above), II.4 f. XCv: “Cauda facit volubilem in fide et devotum, infortunatum in itineribus longis et in suo exercitio”.

Appendix. Edition of the text

Editing principles

Misocacus’s judgement on the nativity of Joannes Sillyers is here edited in full, on the basis of the autograph and only known manuscript (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiblio­ thek, Clm 27004). 1.  The text of the manuscript is followed, except for slight amendations indicated in angle brackets < > for letters to be added and in square brackets [] for letters to be deleted. 2.  Punctuation has been modernised. 3.  Chapter and paragraph numbers have been added. 4.  Underlined sections indicate sections which are either underlined in the text or marked in the margin with the word “Nota” (most probably by Joannes Sillyers). 5.  Italics are used for sections borrowed (more or less) verbatim from other sources. These are indicative only and by no means exhaustive. 6.  The two horoscopes at the beginning and in 6.20 have been reconstructed without changes, except for the house numbers which have been added (in Roman n ­ umerals) for convenience.

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1420

0953 2525 2720 0247 1400

0805

Natus anno 1514 Martii Die Hora Minuto 25 10 32 ante meridiem diei  Erecta est figura per animodar Ptholomei

2000

Defluxio Lune a ad  Elevatio poli 51°12’ preced. 2944

0953

2438

Fig. 1 Anni domini et etatis currentis Aspectus planetarum Nativity of Joannes Sillyers of Mechelen 1514 — 1

1544 — 31

 cum  futurus

1515 — 2

1545 — 32

  cum  cum receptione

1516 — 3

1546 — 33

 cum  partiliter

1517 — 4

1547 — 34

 cum  partiliter

1518 — 5

1548 — 35

 cum  platice

1519 — 6

1549 — 36

 cum  platice

1520 — 7

1550 — 37

  cum  platice

1521 — 8

1551 — 38

  cum  platice

1522 — 9

1552 — 39

  cum  platice

1523 — 10

1553 — 40

  cum  platice

1524 — 11

1554 — 41

  cum  platice

1525 — 12

1555 — 42

  cum  platice

1526 — 13

1556 — 43

 cum  platice

173

Appendix: Edition of the text

1527 — 14

1557 — 44

  cum  platice

1528 — 15

1558 — 45

 cum  partiliter

1529 — 16

1559 — 46

 a  ad  

1530 — 17

1560 — 47

1531 — 18

1561 — 48

1532 — 19

1562 — 49

1533 — 20

1563 — 50

1534 — 21

1564 — 51

 0.32 S ascendens

1535 — 22

1565 — 52

 0.55 N ascendens

1536 — 23

1566 — 53

 0.40 N descendens

1537 — 24

1567 — 54

 0.59 N descendens

1538 — 25

1568 — 55

 2.30 N ascendens

1539 — 26

1569 — 56

 1.57 S ascendens

1540 — 27

1570 — 57

1541 — 28

1571 — 58

1542 — 29

1572 — 59

1543 — 30

1573 — 60

Latituto planetarum

1 /2r/ Anno domini 1514, natus fuit D Ioannes Sillyers Machlinie, die 25 Martii, hora decima, minutis 32 ante meridiem, diei Saturni, hoc est in festo Annuntiationis gloriose Virginis, inter decimam et undecimam horas ante prandium, verum­ tamen secundum artis legem (ut statim diximus) hora 10, minutis 32. 2 Et incedebat harmonia celestis huiusmodi per animodar Ptholomei verificata, veluti docetur libro 3° Apotelesmatum, capite 2°,1 et concordat cum hora mihi oblata. 3 Qui vero hanc nativi­tatis figuram erigent per trutinam Hermetis, hoc est per viam conceptionis, turpiter labentur errore per integram horam ac ponent hanc nativitatem inter nonam et decimam horas ante meridiem, non obstante quod illis vite offeratur nativitatis hora inter 10 et 11 horas.

1 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.2.

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Exhortatio

1 Nolim existimes, d vir ornatissime, quod ea, /2v/ que in hoc genethliaco scripsimus, eo nos animo dixisse quod necessario eventura adseramus. 2 Nam sapiens si modo voluerit facile dominabitur astris et abunde quidem potens est ut vel imminens periculum ratione discutiat vel malum venturum liberrima voluntate declinet, neque enim in animam nostram (que spiritus est) astra aliquid agere possunt, neque voluntati nostre vim ullam adferre, sed solummodo in corpus, in quo ceu sacco anima delitescit, vim suam explicant, idque per adfectiones naturales ad varia operandum inclinatur, ad hec Deus ipse clavum manu tenens, astrorum influxus frequenter immutat, atque adeo pro sua voluntate divina, operatur omnia in omnibus. 3 Ipsi ergo laus et gloria in secula seculorum. Amen. 1. De vite moderatoribus, hylech et periodo

1 Equidem cum diligentius per[r]imor omnia ea, ex quibus rei astronomice periti de planetarum dominatu in singulis nativitatibus iudicare pronunciareque solent, nempe ascendens, quinque loca hylegiorum et almuten super eis, item constitutiones et positus septem planetarum, accessus, recessus et aspectus illorum ad invicem, ­quibus omnibus ad amussim pensiculatis, video Mercurium potenter gubernaturum vitam huius nati, cui Martem et Solem collegas associamus. 2 Verumtamen Mars et Iupiter erunt almuten spiritus, eo quod isti pariter pluribus gaudeant dignitatibus, cum essentialibus tum accidentalibus, in quinque locis hylegiorum. 3 Porro Petosiris et Neceppo Aegiptiorum reges et vates celeberrimi, solum Iovem ponunt geniture dominum, quod verisimile est, eo quod natus sit profundus scrutator legis prudentie ac consiliarius. 4 Interim neque minus de Mercurii, Martis ac Solis complexionibus carebit, sed quo plures fuerint vite gubernatores eo convenientius natus ad plures digni­tates aptus invenietur. 5 Sol preterea erit hylech et alcochoden simul, eo quod sit in decima domo in exaltatione propria, ideo vite et annorum nati prorogator censebitur, dabitque illi annos vite 70, quos si (Dei /3r/ presidio) supervinxerit, perveniet ad annum etatis 84 currentem, observandum tamen quod sub intervallo tam longe etatis interdum incidet in discrimina vite, necnon in notabiles egritudines, pericu­ losasque infirmitates, de quibus postea suo loco latius tractabimus. 6 Etenim nedum ex prefatis significatoribus solummodo verum etiam ex tota denique celi harmonia diligenter perlustrata cum directionibus et profectionibus, precipuorum significatorum figure, necnon cum discussione totius geniture, ac interdum annuis revolutionibus interiectis, integram curabo scribere nativitatem, favente Deo, unde prius in genere, deinde in specie disseremus apotelesmata.

Appendix: Edition of the text

175

2. De vita et moribus nati generaliter

1 Inprimis video horoscopare Cancri signum, Lune domum, signum exaltationis Iovis, in fine secunde decurie, ac cum principio tertie decurie, sub termino Iovis, necnon in felici aspectu Iovis, cum diametro Martis, trigono Saturni dextro, ac trigonis Mercurii et Veneris sinistris, hominem mihi presagiunt mediocris stature, eruditi ingenii, anime bone, stipatum amicorum copia, barba subnigra, superciliis nigris, oculis nigritantibus vel admodum citrinis, facie denique honesta, corpore modesto non obeso (licet ascen­ dentis signum sit frigidum et humidum, unde raro inspissari debeat, refrenatur enim crassities signi ascendentis, a planetis per aspectus circumdantibus horoscopum), sed redditur corpus nati ad honestam mediocritatem ac iustam proportionem, unde ingenium locum habeat cum sapientia et prudentia, sed implicabitur aliquando litibus variis et bellis, significant tamen post diversa pericula ut plurimum victorem hostium, qui multa tentabit, precipue itinera longa et exteras regiones perlustrabit, etiam longinquiores, ad bellum etiam properabit ac strenuum militem se exhibebit, et /3v/ in gratiam nobilium ac ducum exercitum perveniet, eo quod Martem habeat in exaltatione propria, sed in multis periclitabitur, variisque quatietur incommodis, quandoque etiam in paupertate et miseria, et licet lucri causa bellum accesserit, vel quodam naturali amore investigandi bellorum exitus, ac varios eventus belli, nihil tamen inde ditior vel habilior fiet, circumdabitur etiam periculosis in aquis, periculosis in casu, periculosis a malis hominibus, in colica passione, in pudendorum ac vesice vitiis, utrobique victoria (Dei presidio) evadet, donec tandem Deo iuvante ad altissimum dignitatis gradum peveniat, nimirum postquam variis sollicitudinibus, distracto animo, et tempore multo cruciatus fuerit, semper tamen perseverabit in subtili ingenio, quamquam interdum tardiusculo paulo, eritque placidus, suavis, quietus et quandoque iracundus, qui cum stomacho infestabitur malos quosque, sed cuius ira citissime placatur et cum populo gravi laudabitur, ac propter moderatam gravitatem et ingenii prudentiam eo promovebitur, ut publicis quibusdam officiis prelatus, ex illis victum et vite necessaria habeat, siquidem ad magnas dignitates promovebitur, unde laudem et eximiam gloriam assequetur. 2 Pisces in medio celi, in tercia decuria, cum hexagono Martis sinistro, sextili Iovis dextro, cum presentia Mercurii et Veneris, quoque cuspidem medii celi, Sole ac Luna existentibus in decimo domicilio, gratum efficient principibus et magnatibus ac viris doctissimis, cancellario et consiliariis et nobilibus matronis ac delicatis veneris nitidulis prolibus, cum quibus ut plurimum quotidianas conversationes et consuetudines multas habebit, apud quos exaltabitur, ac in summo honore habebitur, tam apud nobiles martiales, a quibus ad equestrem ordinem excipietur, eques auratus efficietur, eo quod /4r/ Mars gradum medii celi aspiciat partiliter ab exaltatione propria, hinc a martialibus e­ xaltabitur. 3 Item propter Mercurii presentiam prope cuspidem medii celi, apud ingenio­ sos mercuriales, philosophie prossesiones, mathematicos, arithmeticos, cancellarios et omnis generis artifices ingeniosos propter ingenii sui culturam atque doctrine prudentiam honorabitur et ad magisterii honores exaltabitur, imo Mercurius in medio celi natos

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sublimare solet ad cancellariatus dignitatem. 4 Et Venus in medio celi cum Mercurio residens omnia suaviora decernit, decorem decori, virtutem virtuti, venustatem venustati et prudentiam addit prudentie, quin et totum quod bonum ab Iove (ut sequitur), Mercurio et Marte presitum est, vel a Sole adhuc donabitur, illud Venus polit, ornat, venum exponit, ut magis ac magis placeat. Denique ut nichil sit rerum omnium quod illi non donatum videatur. 5 Faciet interim Venus cum Mercurio ibidem ut eloquentia ac singulari literatura plus celeris prepolleat, musicam teneat et cantus rationes sciat ac pulcherrimas historias recitare valeat. 6 Item Mercurius in tam sublimi loco existens, transitum facit a sextili Martis ad trigonum Saturni, significat quod hic natus regum et principum internuncius efficietur et quod ad illorum consilium accitus maximos ac summos honores consequetur, potissimum quia variis linguis ac modestissima eloquentia dotatus erit, ut patet ex partili constitutione Mercurii et Veneris in decimo domicilio. 7 Item Venus in Piscibus, in signo proprie exaltationis ibidem, exaltatum iri pronunciat apud nobilissimam matronam, apud quam utilissima assequetur officia, dignitates et claros honores, ac publica munera pertractabit cum lucro et honore, et in singulis actionibus suis plurimum commendabitur, et prefato inclite mulieris patro­ cinio in dies clarior ac honoratior efficietur ac veterum omnium fere compos efficietur. 8 /4v/ Item quia Pisces in medii celi culmine, Iovis domicilium, existentes, felices Iovis radios, hexagonos dextros excipiunt, pronunciant natum plerumque exaltatum iri apud consiliarios, apud quos sacro doctoratus pilleo ornabitur et ad magistratum evehetur, quorum patrocinio facilem auram, laudem et altissimum nomen sibi vendicabit, unde tandem lucrorum copiosa presidia sequentur, quia etiam ob egregia ipsius nati facinora pleclarasque actiones, erit apud potentiores dignitate et gratia perspicuus. 9 Eadem fere presagiuntur a Solis constitutione in decima domo, in signo exaltationis sue, quare apud reges, principes et magnates exaltabitur, ac mirum in modum venerabitur, quippe qui fideliter atque solenter regum ac principum negotia peraget et absolvere non cessabit, quia de causa omnibus amicis suis oportunus existet, et consanguinitatis sue decus eximium efficietur. 10 Item ob eandem Solis constitutione maximas amicitias apud reges, principes et magnates inveniet, quem etiam potentiores summo favore et benevolentia prosequentur, quippe qui mutuam cum nobilibus inibit benevolentie necessitudinem. 11 Rediget quoque prefata Solis constitutio natum imperiosum, audacem, magnimum, munificum, sed honoris appetentem, fere nihil humile regitantem et nullius preterquam laudis avarum, quare singulas actiones suas eo dirigere conabitur, ut reipublice prosit, sibique laudem et claritatem pariat. 12 Item Lune positus in decima domo, defluens a Veneris presentia ad locum Solis, a nobilibus mulieribus, reginis, inclitis matronis et duxissa, favores eximios decernit ac honores a communi vulgo denotat, et potissimum inclite mulieris vel duxisse necessitudinem inire faciet, cuius favore et patrocinio officium aliquod utile et honorigerum sortietur, muliebribus quippe negotiis admodum occupatus, lucrorum copiosa presidia et cum honoribus laudem sibi comparabit et in singulis actionibus suis commendabitur et apud utriusque sexus nobiles in magno precio habebitur ac honorabitur.

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177

13 /5r/ Capricornus, signum exaltationis Martis, in occasu, in fine secunde decurie, necnon in principio tertie decurie, sub termino Veneris, cum presentia Martis, prope cuspidem septime domus, ac trigono scilicet Iovis dextro et hexagono Saturni sinistro, ac sextili Mercurii et Veneris sinistro, faciet latenti pulsari invidia, postea tamen ­quieta ratione componetur, verumtamen post multa inequabilitatis incommoda, interim ingenio­sum semper efficiet et acutum mentis investigationibus adornatum, sed damni­ ficabitur eius coniugium, unde vix unquam (ut reor) uxorem ducet, attamen de coniugio postea suo loco latius disseremus,2 absconsi cuiusdam doloris vel incommodi sermenta sustinebit, ac infinitis quasi animi doloribus quandoque fatigabitur, presertim in iuventa, sed processum temporis, et in senecta, maxima felicitatis incrementa consequetur, unde maxima lucra et quotidiana incrementa ac magnifice dignitatis insignia pollicentur. 14 Virginis signum in imo celi, in tertia decuria, sub termino Iovis, cum trigono ­Martis dextro, ac Mercurii et Veneris diametro, cum oppositione Solis ac Lune ad quartam domus, pro temporum varietate et incremento iuxta conditionem incommodorum, sic et abundantiam augebit atque fortunam, ac tandem aliis preficietur adeo, ut archana et secreta illi concredantur et negotia maxima, que nonnisi optimis viris dari, consueverunt. 15 Diameter Mercurii, Veneris, Solis et Lune ad quartam domum faciet in iuventa dispergere patrimonii substantiam, multisque laboribus fatigari, sed tandem reddetur omnibus partibus secundus ac aliis necessarius, atque extrema senectutis spacia perveniet, bonoque sepulture decorabitur honore. 16 Quantum vero ad complexionem huius nati attinet, dicimus choleram predominari, unde cholericus censebitur, sed a subdominante pituita maxime contemperabitur in illo cholera, unde assiduo conatu mul/5v/ta dissimulare poterit, que ad cholericam complexionem pertinent, unde calidi et sicci cholerici vocantur, sintque tales proclives ad ebrietatem ob stomachum et calidum cerebrum, idcirco in promptu sunt iracundi et proni ad verbera, ubi vero a subdominante pituita hec contemperantur, ut caliditas cerebri reddatur, humectior facit, tunc optimam complexionem, ut natura rationis norma multa stimulare poterit, que alias precipitantur, et indiscrete cholera suadente perficeret, quare iam non iracundus, aut verbere, vel ebriosus vocabitur, eo quod virtutum autoritate omnia hec vitia superet, inclinabitur quidem faciliter ad iram, redibit item faciliter ad gratiam, disponitque hec temperata complexio natum aptum ad consilia et ad prudenter dispensanda publica negotia ratione temperamenti et caloris. 17 Et quia in precedentibus Martem cum Iove appellavimus almuten spiritus, idcirco post bonam dispositionem, qua a Iove ad consilia aptus redditur (?), addit etiam Mars audaciam, non eam qua temere abutuntur martiales, sed talem, scilicet, circumspectam prudentem, cum qua maxima tractabit atque prostituet posteris suum nomen, factis suis agregiis et celeberrimis, maxime in persecutione malignantium et impiorum hominum. Hactenus de complexione dicta sufficiant.



2 See chapter 7 below.

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18 Ceterum 3 de aspectibus planetarum ad invicem, talia recitantur apotelesmata, inprimis a diametro Saturni a Iovem futuro, exitia rerum agendarum multa decernuntur et post gravia ac periculosa iuventutis incommoda, vite finis cum prosperitate succedet, et commodis, candetque post nebulam Phoebus. 19 Saturnus sextilis aspectus ad Martem (cum receptione) natum acceptum faciet magistratui et senibus, necnon equestri ordini, decernitque in futuro maxima lucra et quotidiana commoda. 20 Saturni trigonus cum Venere partiliter, Venere existente in dignitate sua, natum efficit manifestum, pium, /6r/ pudicum, bone conversationis, et fame, sed qui a vilibus personis invidie labe pulsetur, sed tarde, vel potius nunquam, faciet uxori copulari. 21 Saturnis trigonus cum Mercurio partiliter natum in rebus agendis doctum, prudentem et sapientem significat, bonum virum, eruditum, cordatum, ingeniosum, aptum ad disciplinas capescendas, publicis prepositum computis aut fiscalibus rationibus, vel regis scribam aut consiliarium, aut alterius principis, ex quibus magna illi conferantur subsidia facultatum, potissimum quia Mercurii sydus in domo decima collocatur. 22 Saturni trigonus cum parte fortune platice rei familiaris congerende pollicetur occasio­ nem, unde accessio bonorum ex agricultura et ex rebus hereditariis sive stabilibus, utpote edificiis, prediis; rerum cuiusdam principis saturnii vel senescentis patrocinio aliquam afferet utilitatem, alioqui honorifice et lucrigere legationis munera et aliorum lucrorum presidia, non tamen sine sudoribus atque maxima difficultate et quapiam moru­la, sed in iuventute significabat voluntariam paterne facultatis iactu­ram non mediocrem. 23 Iovis trigonus cum Marte platice, Marte existente in exaltatione propria et in domo septima, natum hunc audacem reddit, periculis variis se exponentem in iuventa, ab hosti­ bus apertis circumdabitur, a quibus Deo favente eximetur, hinc erit honoris cupidus et victorie, eritque fidelis administrator rerum domini sui vel domine, ob que consequetur maxime dignitatis insignia, cui maximi honores crebris iudiciis conferentur. 24 Iovis hexagonus cum Venere platice, et in aptis figure locis, gratiam significat venustatis, bonis assotiat, et honestis ac magnatibus amore coniungit, fidumque consortis affectum demonstrat, patrimonii et dignitatis augmenta, que et amicorum causa sibi m ­ erito, conferentur, significat preterea quod patrocinio cuiusdam inclite mulieris ad altum digni­tatis fastigium cum honore et quotidiano lucro sublimabitur. 25 /6v/ Iovis vero sextilis aspectus cum Mercurio platice ostendit natum sane ingenio­ sum, prudentem, cordatum, intelligentem, sapientem, prudentiam legis amplectantem, in summa acerrima ingenii postetate fulgentem, omnia negotia prospere exequentem, omnibus prepositum potentissime occasione promotionis sue atque doctrine merito digni­tatis et qui semper ex suis actibus laudetur et placeat publica officia sua vite trantando.



3 Sections in italics (2.18 – 21, 23 – 25, 27 – 29) are borrowed from Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum, II.2. Paragraphs 19, 24, 25 and 28 are taken from the trine aspect (sextile aspects are ignored by Schöner).

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179

26 Iovis hexagonus cum parte fortune placite decernit, quatenus consiliarius existens, principum vel magnatum patrocinio munera rerum quippe mobilium et divitias opulentissimas, sortietur etiam amicorum favore. Et quod a potentioribus suscipiet officia utilissima unde illi non mediocris divitiarum cumulus accedet, rediget preterea ille celorum influxus natum hunc fortunatum, felicem, laudatum atque honoratum. 27 Martis tetragonus cum Sole ex angulis, utrisque in exaltatione propria existentibus angulariter, Sole superior existente, multa mala decernit, in iuventa morbos acutos, in adolescentia pericula a quadrupedibus necnon ab equis calcitrosis, unde in crure minantur vulnera, similiter ab inimicis in capite cruentosam cicatricem infliget et metuendum dextro oculo periculum. Ille infaustus celorum influxus magni cuiusdam mavortii principis seu militis inimicitias, odia et seditiones obnunciat, et ­aliorum periculorum vite discrimina nimium metuenda, nimirum anno etatis eius 28 currente,4 solet preterea talis celorum influxus significare fortunarum rapinas, furta et expilationes ab inimicis martialibus, ac in bello multas adversitates obnunciare, ac fere infinita metuenda discrimina, et quandoque destruere publica officia, in quibus antea natus fuerat constitutus. 28 Martis sextilis aspectus cum Venere platice mulierum causa labores portendit, nihilominus tamem assidua lucra ac a quadam nobilissima matrona opimum et utile officium, eo quod Venus in decima, propria exaltatione, constituatur, quapropter duxisse, principis mulieris patrocinio ad atissimum dignitatis gradum necnon ad officium lucrigerum cum honore sublimabitur. 29 /7r/ Martis vero hexagonus cum Mercurio platice, nati animum ad sapientiam provocat, computus et rationes publicas administrare facit et in his laudatum illum reddit, et ut in omnibus negotiis fortiter agat, unde prosperos semper consequatur eventus, literarum officia directe secreteque tranctando. 30 Martis oppositus aspectus ad partem fortune obnunciat iacturas et bonorum distractiones ex rapinis servorum vel militum sive latronum expilationibus, seu quovis alio furto, quin etiam militarum virorum patratu 5 plurima dispendiorum genera ob inimicitias gravas, excitabitque plerosque invidos suis opibus inhiantes, obnunciat preterea damna in equis et quadrupedibus magnis eo quod pars fortune a Marte t­ ali­ter afflicta duodecimam domum inhabitet. Solet insuper ibidem adversam fortunam significare propter arrestacionem vel captivitatem, et occasione, pravarum mulierum. 31 Solis quadratus aspectus cum parte fortune platice fortune detrimenta minatur ex litibus, ac dispendia infert odio potentiorum sive propter iram regis, bonorum iacturas decernit, aut ob arrestationem vel exilum aut captivitatem a potentioribus incommoda, et falcultatum detrimenta nato presagit.



4 See 6.8 and 10.11 below. 5 Read “patrata”.

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32 Veneris constitutio cum Mercurio partiliter gratiam et donum diversarum linguarum nato decernit, blandiloquentiam, eloquentiam et amatorem musice artis efficit, quem et musice studium teneat ac musicis instrumentis quandoque moduletur, qui delectatur pictis tabulis et statuarum pulchritudine capiatur, tapetes et ornamenta variegata diligat. 33 Defluxio Lune a Venere ad coniunctionem Solis significat natum appetere magno­ rum virorum, regum ac principum utriusque sexus conversationem, apud quos etiam in maxima estimatione reputabitur ac sublevabitur ad summos honores, eo quod eadem constellatio in decima domo contingat, Venere ac Sole existentibus in exaltatione ­propria, quapropter natus interdum ambassiator, /7v/ legatus aut internuncius et inter reges et principes utriusque sexus constituetur, perficietque negotia illi commissa honorifice atque prudenter. Hactenus de hac nativitate in genere dicta sufficiant. Sequuntur iam queda apotelesmata in specie. 3. De fortune incrementis ac decrementis

1 Quia significatores et dispositores partis fortune, necnon domus secunda, bene adficti sint et in oportunis ac fortibus locis figure, presagiunt natum fortunatum iri in vita sua. 2 Inprimis Sol, dominus secunde domus, in decima, benigno aspectu trigono ­sinistro irrorans domum secundam, fortune incrementa portendit favore regum ac principum utriusque sexus et magnatum, ducum, comitum, quorum patrociniis interdum locu­pletabitur, item, occasione Lune, dispositricis partis fortune, divitiarum affluentiam favoribus nobilium matronarum, regine, duxisse et aliarum nobilium mulierum. 3 Siquidem Luna in domo decima multiplicat honores, dat utilitatem a magnis principibus utriusque sexus, similiter a vulgo comuni, item ex rebus aquaticis et occasione legationum longorum itinerum. 4 Attamen pars fortune in domo duodecima, in q­ uadrato sinistro Lune, minatur aliquando detrimenta in locis aquosis et in peregrinationibus longinquis, dispendia maiora compendiis et, propter lites cum nobili muliere vel plebecula, aut arrestationes fortunarum expilationes. 5 Item que Saturni natura bona circa incrementa fortune denunciantur in precedentibus ostendimus, a trigono Saturni ad partem fortune, legito ibidem.6 6 Que autem de Martis complexione mala presaguntur, etiam in precedentibus diximus.7 7 Sequuntur quedam particularia ex directionibus partis fortune. Hanc igitur direxi utraque via, nempe contra successionem signorum, ut semper fieri assolet, et cum successione signorum, secundum opinionem prestantissimi viri et profundi astrologi, scilicet Francisci, monachi francisciani quondam pie memorie, necnon secundum opinionem viri prestantissimi, Luce Gaurici, episcopi Civitatensis reverendissimi, quorum in hac directione opinionem imitari volui. /8r/



6 See 2.22 above. 7 See 2.27 – 30 above.

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Directio  contra successionem 12 signorum:

Directio  cum successione 12 signorum:

 sinistrum.

7.0

 sinistrum

7.0

 30

9.30

 sinistrum

7.10

 sinistrum

12.25



14.30

 sinistrum

14.0

 dextrum

20.15

 sinistrum

24.36

 sinistrum

21.20

 sinistrum

35.0

 sinistrum

24.0

30

36.30

0

27.30

 sinistrum

38.0

 sinistrum

 sinistrum

38.28

Canem Minorem, , prime



40.0

Ad Canem Maiorem, de natura , prime

45.30

 sinistrum

43.20

 sinistrum

46.50



45.40

Cor , , prime

48.0

 30

54.36

 sinistrum

47.30

 sinistrum

59.30

Cervicem , , secunde

48.30



62.0

 dextrum

60.30

 sine lati

67.30

0

69.10

 cum latitu

69.30



81.30

 30

68.30

 sinistrum

89.15



69.25



70.0

 sinistrum

70.30

 sinistrum

72.28

 dextrum

75.0

 30

82.15

31.0 41

31.0

8 Ex tabulis istis directionum apprime videre licet quando accedent nato fortune incrementa aut decrementa. Plane ex utraque directionis tabula constat quod non crescent fortune commoda ante completionem anni etatis 21 inclusive, sed ab anno etatis eius 15 currente usque in annum 21 inclusive fortuna extitit illi prorsus contraria, unde ex 8



8 Read “prime maiestatis” (see infra).

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furto vel rapina iacturam fortune passus est, et a commilitonibus mercurialibus, videlicet constudentibus, furtim quedam ablata sunt, potissimum anno etatis quintodecimo labente. Deinde anno 16 similiter, neque ullo pacto habuit prosperum fortune successum usque in annum etatis eius 21 inclusive. 9 Anno etatis eius 22 currente creverunt fortune commoda per senescentes fautores, statim postea per homines mercuriales, philosophie studentes, quibus forte prelegendo prefuit, cum honesto fortune augmento. Duravit hec felix fortune influentia usque in annum etatis nati 24 inclusive. 10 Anno etatis eius 25 dilabente arrisit illi fortuna favore no/8v/bilium, tam mulierum quam virorum, eo quod prefata directio sortis fortune cum successione signorum prius pervenit ad trigonum Veneris sinistrum et contra successionem signorum pervenit ad hexagonum Solis sinistrum sub Veneris termino. Idcirco ab anno etatis eius 25 currente cepit prefata fortune progressio lucra conferre et dignitatis insignia a potentioribus. Etiam ab eo tempore cepit maiorem consuetudinem ducere cum nobilibus quam antea unquam consueverat, cum fortune incremento, etenim prefata directio ad hexagonum Solis attestatur semper substantiis et honoribus nati cum corporis salubritate et mentis tranquillitate. Verumtamen a directione medii celi videtur favores nobilium contraxisse ab anno etatis 23 currente, unde substantie emolumenta et honoris commoda erumpebantur. Duravit hec influentia bona usque in annum 27 inclusive. 11 Anno etatis nati huius 28 labente pervenit directio partis fortune (cum successione signorum) ad primum punctum Leonis. Status et fortune mutationem significabat, impedimenta quedam impendebant usque in annum etatis 31 inclusive. 12 Anno etatis nati 32 defluente pervenit directio sortis fortune (cum successione signorum) ad trigonum Lune sinistrum sub Iovis finibus. Occasione alicuius officii ac favoribus nobilium mulierum divitias corrasisse apparet et, occasione alicuius lucrigere legationis, in qua plus solito venerabatur, fortune ampliationem portendebat. Eodem anno labente pervenit prefata directio ad stellam fixam Canem Minorem, de natura Martis et Mercurii. Oblatratores nato obstrusit occasione bone fortune sue, et invidos martiales ac mercuriales, et in itinere aliquas difficultates, sed tandem natus contra emulos suos victoriose prevaluit. Duravit hec ambigua celestis influentia usque in annum etatis 34 inclusive. 13 Anno etatis nati 35 currente pervenit directio partis fortune (contra successionem 12 signorum) ad trigonum 9 Lune sinistrum sub Mercurii termino. Iterum ratione /9r/ alicuius legationis et profectionis fortune commoda denunciantur et quod natus locupletari debebat favore nobilium mulierum ac vulgi absque nimio sudore et ex consequenti apud exteras nationes plus solito venerabatur, apud utriusque sexus nobiles. Duravit hec constellatio usque in annum etatis eius 36 inclusive.



9 Sic for “hexagonum”.

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183

14 Anno etatis huius nati 37 dilabente pervenit directio partis fortune (contra successionem 12 signorum) ad extremum punctum Tauri sub Martis finibus, fortune et status mutationem portendebat usque in annum etatis eius 38 inclusive. 15 Anno etatis eius 39 currente pervenit sortis fortune directio (contra signorum ordinem) ad hexagonum Veneris sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Honorigerum necnon lucrigerum officium nato importabat inclite mulieris presidio, unde divitiarum et hono­ rum incrementa pollicentur et in posterum lucrorum copiosa presidia. Perseveravit presens constellatio diutius eo quod medii celi directio eodem anno pariter pervenit ad primum punctum Tauri sub Veneris finibus. 16 Anno etatis huius nati 40 labente pervenit prefata directio (contra signorum sequelam) ad hexagonum Mercurii sinistrum, etiam sub Saturni finibus. Partim ­occasione proprii ingenii solertia, partim occasione mortuorum et ex computationibus vel ratione literarum hereditariarum lucrorum copiosa portendebat presidia et in peregrinationibus lucra, promittebat multo affluentiora dispendiis, sed circa finem eiusdem anni contra­ rium pollicebatur, veluti protinus sequitur. 17 Anno etatis huius nati 41 defluente pervenit directio partis fortune (contra successionem signorum) ad oppositum Saturni. Talis constellatio sane magnam supellectilem sive fortunarum magnam congeriem dilacerare consuevit propter saturniorum rapinas, furta et expilationes, quandoque propter ludos alearum et taxillorum cum saturninis, et interdum, dum natus obsidem se exponit, spondetque /9v/ pro alio. Tunc enim natus, propter invidos in eius facultates inhiantes, in periculis diffortunii discrimina pertulisse videtur, cuius infortunii gemis partim minabatur facultatibus illius ab anno etatis 40 adhuc defluente, ac perseverabat infeliciter usque in annum etatis eius 45 inclusive, interim semper diffortuniis obnoxius erat. 18 Anno etatis huius nati 46 currente pervenit directio partis fortune (cum successione 12 signorum) ad astrum Iovis et contra successionem signorum ad Canem Maiorem, stellam fixam sic appellatam, prime maiestatis, de natura Iovis et Martis. Occasione iurisprudentie ac sapientie nati, decernebat quatenus alicuius magni principis iovii patrocinio vel cardinalis aut episcopi munera rerum facultatum sortiebatur vel forte officium aliquod honorigerum, unde tandem ei non mediocris divitiarum cumulus accessit, ceterum in cunctis actionibus atque potentiorem negotiis administrandis, presens directio natum redegit fortunatum, felicem laudatum et honoratum. Vicit quoque contra ablatratores invidos, neque quisque poterat illi resistere. Et licet hic de quodam officio mentio fiat non interim leditur autoritas officii de quo in precedentibus mentionem fecimus sub anno etatis eius 39 currente,10 eo quod eius apotelesmata nondum expirarunt. Durabit peterea presens felix effectus usque in annum etatis eius 54 inclusive cum prosperis successibus in officiis suis.

10 See 3.15 above.

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19 Anno etatis nati huius 47 adhuc defluente pervenit directio partis fortune (cum successione signorum) ad trigonum Solis sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Significat quod a rege seu potentioribus lucra contulerit et dignitatis insignia vel alicui preferture ab rege vel potentioribus ingressus est, unde factus est ferme omnium veterum compos. Perseverabit feliciter ac fortunate progrediendo usque in annum etatis eius 58 inclusive, semper manendo in favoribus principum utriusque sexus. 20 Anno etatis eius 59 dilabente perveniet directio sortis /10r/ fortune ad Cor Leonis stellam fixam taliter appellatam, de natura Martis et Iovis, primi honoris, luminis fulgentissimi. Auspicio regis seu magni principis decernit copiosam affluentiam divitiarum sive lucrorum egregia presidia et ex consequenti honores amplissimos perennes. 21 Anno etatis huius nati 60 currente perveniet directio partis fortune (contra signorum 11 sequelam) ad tetragonum Martis sinistrum sub Mercurii finibus, et anno etatis statim sequente, 61 etatis, perveniet cum signorum ordine ad quadratum Saturni dextrum sub termino Martis. Hostiles sane erunt directiones obnunciant enim bonorum iacturas et expilationes aut ab incendio gravia detrimenta per homines martiales et saturninos aut forte spolietur a latronibus vel amittet facultates suas in bello. Incurret enim plurima dispendiorum genera ob inimicitias graves et lites cum martialibus et satur­ninis, ac fures illi callide insidiabuntur et alii inhiabunt opibus eius, caute tunc sibi prospiciat, iacula 12 enim previsa minus feriunt. Perseverabit hec indigna constellatio usque in annum etatis 62 inclusive. 22 Anno etatis eius 63 defluente perveniet directio sortis fortune (contra signorum seriem) ad locum Solis sub Mercurii finibus. Dispendia decernit aliquando honorata honoris gratia vel magni principis vel ut aliis liberalis et munificus videatur, interdum etiam auget divitias favore regis et principum aut aliis occasionibus de dominio Solis. Durabit tamen feliciter presens constellatio usque in annum etatis 67 inclusive. 23 Anno etatis huius nati 68 dilabente perveniet prefata directio (contra signorum ordinem) ad locum Lune radicis, omissa latitudine Lune, sed adhibita Lune latitudine perveniet anno etatis 70 currente ad locum Lune radicis. Significat quod iterum patrocinio nobilium mulierum augebit divitias, dabitque lucra a plebeis aut iterum nuncius ab inclita muliere destinabitur et in legatione illa multum lucrabitur et plus solito ­venerabitur. Durabit ille felix effectus usque in annum nati 70 inclusive. /10v/ Hinc postea namque amplius perveniet prefata directio ad infausta loca planetarum, licet etiam vixerit usque in centesimum etatis annum.

11 “Signorum” written twice. 12 Andreas Capellanus, De amore, 1.6.220.

Appendix: Edition of the text

185

4. De fratribus et sororibus nati

Solent astrologi (ut ordinem dicendorum observent) multa de fratribus et sororibus hallucinari, sed que ad alium quam ad ipsum natum pertinent, ea difficulter ex nativi­ tatibus iudicantur, nec parem cum ceteris predictionibus certitudinem habent. De fratribus igitur et sororibus nati si quis particularia scire desideraverit, hec ex propria illorum genitura indagare necesse erit. 5. De parentibus nati, patre et matre

Hoc iudicium perinde est ut superius de fratribus et sororibus nati, neque adeo neces­ sarium est, ut pleraque alia, neque adeo certum, ut que de propriis effectibus e geni­ tura nati sumuntur, sed tamen cum geniture filiorum et parentum similitu­dinem quandam et convenientiam occultam inter se habeant. Fit ut ex filiorum nativi­ tatibus cognoscantur etiam fere parentum dispositiones et status, dicunt econtra e parentum genesi qualitas et accidentia filiorum, conversa ratione generaliter iudicari possunt. Idque tum maxime cum significatores parentum sunt insigniter afflicti, ut sepe fit in infaustis geni­turis, ubi vel mater in partu extinguitur vel infans ex materno utero excinditur. Hec ideo de paren­tibus nati admonere libuit, ut ordinem (secundum domorum rationem) observem. Ideoque si quis particularia de parentibus scire velit, is multo certius hec ex propria illorum genitura deprehendet, sed illis dimissis ad alia digrediamur. 6. De infirmitatibus et animi perturbationibus

1 Sub hoc capitulo de corporis infirmitatibus complectuntur fere omnia accidentia vite nati que corpori et animo eius contingunt, veluti sunt corporis infirmitates, animi commo­tiones, melancholice perturbationes, ire, tristicie et cure quotidiane que illi in vita accidunt. Propterea plerumque longius protrahitur hoc capitulum cum explicatio­ ni­bus directionum hylegialium et interdum aliquarum figurarum revolutionum, veluti in sequentibus dilucide patebit. 2 /11r/ Quia ascendens et Sol hylegium precipuum non sunt libera a malis, non obstante quod domus sexta (que infirmitatis habitaculum vocatur) a malis non impediatur, hinc claret quod corpus nati huius interdum proclive trahetur ad diversas alterationes nunc ad calidas, nunc quoque ad frigidas, attamen non tam frequenter languebit, ut ceteri interdum, eo quod sexta domus a malevolis non affligatur. 3 Preterea a directionibus ascendentis, Lune ac Solis hylech, corpus illius quandoque diversis implicabitur symptomatibus, veluti statim in sequentibus patebit.

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Directio ascendentis:

/11v/ Directio  hylech cum successione signorum:



0.25

 sinistrum

4.0

 dextrum

6.50

0

11.30

 sinistrum

7.30



24.0

 sinistrum

10.10

Mediam Pleiadis, , 5e

26.30

0

14.20

 sinistrum

27.36

 sinistrum

29.0

17.40

Hircum, , 1

e

Canem Minorem, , 1

18.40



32.0

Canem Maiorem, , 1

e

33.12

 sinistrum

33.0

 sinistrum

34.0

 sinistrum

34.30

Cervicem , , 2e

34.30

0

36.30

 sinistrum

34.30

Aldebaran, , 1e

42.15

Cor , , 1e

45.10

 sinistrum

38.30

 defl

48.36

 sinistrum

50.30

Dorsum , , 2e

49.20

 sinistrum

62.0

0

56.50

 sinistrum

64.0

Caudam , , 1e

67.54

0

67.0



70.0

 sinistrum

69.30

 sinistrum

77.0

 sinistrum

83.12

 dextrum

84.36

Directio  cum gradu a  0 cum successione:

e

Directio  contra successione signorum, quia hylech:



10.30

 sinistrum

36.30

 sinistrum

15.30



67.0

0

24.0



38.0

Mediam Pleiadis, , 5e

42.30

 sinistrum

43.15



47.30

 sinistrum

48.30

187

Appendix: Edition of the text

 sinistrum

50.0

0

52.40

 sinistrum

55.0

Aldebaran, , 1e

56.30

Hircem, , 1e

58.0

 sinistrum

67.30

 sinistrum

74.0

 sinistrum

81.0

0

84.0

4 /11r/ Anno primo etatis labente, mense quarto currente, incidit in calida symptomata de natura Martis propter directionem ascendentis ad oppositum Martis factam, n ­ ecnon propter profectionem ascendentis eodem mense (nempe Augusti principio) ad tetragonum Martis dextrum peractam. 5 Anno quinto etatis labente pervenit directio Solis hylech ad quadratum Martis sinis­ trum sub Mercurii termino in signo igneo. Quapropter suscitavit vehementes calores in universo corpore eius qui causam prebebant acutis morbis ac febribus tercianis cum motu cholere. Erat tunc maxime iracundie, et fletibus obnoxis, sed tandem Dei presidio revalescebat. 6 /11v/ Anno etatis nati 15 currente pervenit directio ascendentis ad principium Leonis, mutavitque signum et terminum. Nato significabat mutationem status et loci, forte tunc mittebatur ad academiam. 7 Anno etatis sextodecimo labente pervenit directio Lune ad quadratum Martis sinistrum. Eodem anno pervenit profectio ascendentis ad quadratos radios Lune et Solis sinistros, ad Martis quadratum dextrum, et habuit tunc impiam revolutionem, ac Mars revertebatur ad locum suum radicis. Ideo maximam alterationem complexionis eius portendebat, excitabat enim egrotationem cholericam satis accutam, in periculo erat, ut lederetur a quadrupedibus vel ab equo calcitroso in crure vel ima parte ventris, ceterum itinera illius erant laboriosa, neque felicem successum percepit in itineribus suis. Et oculo sinistro pericula minitabantur, aut forte in capite vel fronte non procul ab oculo sinistro ab adversario ictum, vulnus aut cicatricem suscepit. Annus ille diversis periculis erat obnoxius. Efficiebatur insuper eodem anno totus martialis, cholericus, frequenter iracundus, verumtamen dexteritate ingenii prestantissimus. Quibus iam elapsis tam animus et corpus eius in sanitate optata ornabantur multis modis, adeo ut anno etatis sue 22 reperit multas honestissimas conversationes ac letissimas consuetudines habere cum nobilibus solaribus ac martialibus, unde postea adhesit equestri ordini ac militaribus viris.

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8 Anno etatis huius nati 28 defluente pervenit di/12r/rectio Solis hylech ad trigonum Martis sinistrum sub Martis finibus. Effecit ut a principibus personis vel ordini­ bus qui sunt sub Martis felici dominio vocaretur ad militiam, unde videtur cum ­ceteris in armis resplenduisse tractationes bellorum, armorum expeditiones exercuisse. Verum­tamen quia profectio ascendentis eodem anno 28 etatis pervenit ad tetragonos sinistros Lune et Solis [sinistros], necnon ad quadratum Martis dextrum, item quia tunc directio medii celi attigit quadratum Martis sinistrum, hinc apparet quod in horrida vite pericula fere incuberit et martiales homines fortiter sese opposuerunt nato, ut vix e tantis discriminibus effugere valuerit. Annus erat atro lapillo notandus, attamen Dei presidio impedentia pericula evasit, eo quod tunc feliciorem habuerit revolutionis figuram. 9 Ab anno etatis huius nati 32 currente usque in annum etatis 36 inclusive venit inprimis directio Solis hylech ad oppositum Saturni, postea pervenit directio ascen­ dentis ad quadratum Saturni dextrum. Denotabant illi occursus nato varias melancholicas perturbationes et febrim quartanam. Eo quod Saturni oppositus aspectus (cui Sol occurrebat) acciderit sub signo melancholico, Tauro, sub Saturni termino, et versabatur tum Saturnus sub Sagittario, signo sexte domus radicis, idcirco diuturnas melan­cholicas infirmitates presagire debebat ex crassis lentis et contumacibus humoribus, cum quadam discrasia et redundantia phlegmatum ac pituite crude et aliorum infortuniorum cumulis, minabantur interim stomachi et capitis dolores, ventris tormina, opilationes hepatis et scirrhum lienis, existimabat forte se hydropicum futurum. Verumtamen revolutiones prefatorum annorum meliora promittebant, unde (Deo dante) in meliorem partem tales influentie celestes evanuerunt. Ipse sane in prefatis annis variam fortune mutationem expertus est saturniorum odio, qui nato intendebant obiicere nigram sui nominis notam et indignam famam, preterea actiones eius, studia et artes illius adeo differebantur, ut vix tandem cum detrimento perficiebantur ac fere in ipsius perniciem /12v/ revertebantur, et consilia eius non bonum sortiebantur eventum. In summa anni prefati plus incommodi quam commodi, plus fellis quam mellis nato intulerunt, potissimum anni 32 et 33 etatis eius currentis, ­ceteri vero 34 et 35 currentes non tam indignas influentias dederunt, licet vigor Saturni adhuc perseveraverit. 10 Anno etatis huius nati 37 currente pervenit directio Solis hylech (cum successione 12 signorum) ad primum punctum Geminorum ad Mercurii terminum, eadem Solis directio (contra signorum sequelam, quia hylech) pervenit ad quadratum Saturni sinistrum. Magnam vite et merum mutationem significabat, gravitates in itineribus et interdum adhuc melancholicas cogitationes, sed status illius cepit redire ad meliora, redibantque paulatim felices sanitatis ac prosperitatis successus et nebule perturbationum abierunt, ac candere cepit post nebulam phebus et honoris insignia refloruerunt, veluti postea suo loco dicetur. 11 Anno etatis nati 40 defluente pervenit profectio Solis hylech ad oppositum ­Martis et profectio ascendentis pervenit ad quadratos Lune et Solis sinistros, n ­ ecnon

Appendix: Edition of the text

189

ad tetragonum Martis dextrum, sed revolutionem habuit satis idoneam. Alioqui maxi­ mam complexionis alterationem significare debebat et intemperiem calidam, sed iracundie stimulus non caruit et inimicorum invidos insultus interdum tolerare debuit. 12 Anno etatis eius 48 currente pervenit directio Lune (cum successione signorum) ad oppositum Saturni, etiam sub Saturni finibus. Clancularios et invidos inimicos nato presagiebat, qui nitebantur acconitum porrigere nato et toxico perniciosissimo deperdere, sed occasione felicis revolutionis anno 1561, in qua Luna a Venere ac Iove iuvabatur, in meliorem partem conversa sunt omnia, nihilominus non sine melancholicis animi perturbationibus, meroribus, tristiciisque, variisque curis quoti­dianis, potissimum quia Saturnus erat dominus domus mortis in horoscopo, octave domus, solet huiusmodi significatio Saturni, ex Scorpione, /13r/ nato decernere gonorrheam, renum debilitatem, sive lapides vesice vel arenalem morbum, aut vicia circa pudenda seu hemorrhoides, aut aliquam hernie speciem, podagram et phlegma­ticam egrotationem, nisi per faustam huius anni revolutionem impedita fuissent, veluti prediximus. Item istius Falciferi 13 diameter ad Lunam ex quadrupedibus et in aquis similiter pericula minabatur, et ex animalibus venenosis. Similiter indignationem nobilissime matrone excitare consuevit, que Dei favore omnia in meliorem partem abierunt. 13 Anno etatis huius nati 50 defluente fecit Saturnus transitum per gradum ascen­ dentis radicis, stetitque in hora revolutionis in quadrato Solis. Intrincecas 14 animi perturbationes melancholicas nato portendebat, ob infirmitatem alicuius principis aut forte domine sue. Eodem anno laboriosa habuit itinera et si per mare proficisci debuisset naufragii discrimina incurrisset, quorum effectus tandem sine difficultate evanuerunt. 14 Anno etatis eius 52 currente perveniet profectio ascendentis ad quadratum Martis dextrum, necnon ad tetragonos radios Lune et Solis sinistros. Deberet hec profectio notabilem complexionis alterationem presagire, sed iterum per felicem revolutionem impediuntur prefati indigni effectus. Verumtamen in itineribus illius anni molestias percipiet circa finem revolutionis, circa diem 21 Martii anni domini 1566 usque in finem eiusdem revolutionis etatis 52 adhuc currentis, idcirco caute sibi prospicere debebit ne cum equo periculum in itinere incurrat aut quovis alio modo. 15 Anno etatis nati 53 currente perveniet directio Lune ad primum punctum Gemi­ norum. Mutationem complexionis ad bonum portendit, eo quod de melancholico signo transitum faciet ad signum sanguineum, unde bona corporis valetudine fruetur natus, ac ad hilaritatem et mentis securitatem propensior erit. 16 Anno etatis huius nati 58 defluente perveniet direc/13v/tio ascendentis ad ­primum punctum Virginis. Vite et status vel loci mutationem presagit, sed quia ingredietur signum melancholicum animi melancholicas perturbationes, quotidianasque curas

13 I. e., Saturn. 14 Uncertain reading: “intrinsecas”?

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portendit. Habebit tunc etia revolutionem mediocriter malam. Bono regimini studeat ne in calidam intemperiem ruat. 17 Anno etatis huius nati 63 defluente perveniet directio Solis hylech ad quadra­ tum Mercurii sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Contra natum criminationes varias, accusationes, malum nomen et infamiam concitabit, quippe qui mercuriales sibi ­infensos audiet, qui de ipso perperam oblatrabunt. Siquidem 15 annus ille 63 e­ tatis annus clima­tericus vocatur, ubi notandum quod septeni anni et noveni per omne vite tempus multiplicata ratione currentes variis hominem periculorum discriminibus semper afficiunt. Unde et 63 annus, quia utriusque numeri summam pariter excipit, androdas 16 appellatus est, novies enim septem anni 63 faciunt et rursus septies novem simili modo anni fiunt 63. Quia itaque utriusque numeri cursus in hoc anno equata ratione concurrit, grande semper periculi discrimen imponit. Si enim anni septeni et noveni (qui hebdomatici a Grecis, atque enneatici, appellantur) gravia semper hominibus inducunt pericula, quid annus faciet 63, qui utriusque numeri multiplicatam et invicem sibi obligatam perficit summam? Hac igitur androdas 17 ab Aegiptiis dictus est, quod omnem vite substanciam frangat atque debilitet. Quapropter provida prudentia opus erit si hunc annum evadere velit, igitur magna diligentia versabitur natus in usu cibi et potus ut tunc morbos effugere possit, qui de levissima hoc tempore occasione existere solent. Sed quia lumina maiora in revolutione istius anni non impediuntur neque affliguntur a malis, ideo minus metienda erunt prefata occulta mala. Ideo dimissis illis transibimus ad alia. 18 Anno etatis huius nati 64 currente pervenit directio Solis hylech ad quadratum Veneris sinistrum, /14r/ sub Saturni finibus. Significat quod occasione intemperantie in cibo et potu vel medicine ratione subibit aliquid periculi sive mortis sive adverse valetudinis vel etiam contentionis aut discordie cum nobili muliere vel cum pessima meretrix, eo quod prefata directio duodecimam domum radicis incidet, in qua per pravas mulieres contentiosa certamina denunciantur. Attamen revolutio illius anni erit satis grata. 19 Anno etatis huius nati 68 currente perveniet directio ascendentis ad stellam fixam Cauda Leonis appellatam, prime magnitudinis, de natura Saturni, Veneris et Mercurii. Eodem anno perveniet directio Solis hylech (cum successione signorum) ad primum punctum Cancri, signum videlicet humidum et frigidum, et contra successione signorum perveniet ad astrum Martis, quod erit anno domini 1581. Reddetur nunc corpus nati alterabile ad quandam discrasiam, efficieturque somnolentum, pigrum et torpidum ad omnia munera subeunda et multis viciosis ac fluentibus humoribus in pectore gravabitur ac senectute quodammodo premetur.

15 The section in italics is borrowed verbatim from Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis, IV.20.3. 16 Sic for “androclas” in Firmicus Maternus. 17 Idem.

191

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25

14 18 2 14

Revolutio pro anno etatis eius 70 currente, incipiet anno domini 1583 Martii Die Hora Minuto 25 3 49

108

ante meridiem diei  Defluxio Lune a ad  16 14

21 4 25

Fig. 2 20 Anno etatis huius nati 70 currente Solis hylech Revolution of Joannes perveniet Sillyers ofdirectio Mechelen (1583)ad tetragonum Lune sinistrum sub Iovis termino. Eodem anno perveniet directio ascendentis ad locum Caude Draconis radicis, de natura Saturni et Martis, sub Veneris finibus. Habebit tunc natus impiam et ingratam revolutionem ac miseram nimis, in qua signum octave domus radicis, Aquarius, erit ascendens revolutionis et utrumque luminare affligetur a malis, nempe Luna a diametro Saturni ab angulo orientis ad angulum occidentis, Sol impe­ dietur a quadrato Martis dextro, Marte existente in sexta revolutionis ac Sole versante in domo secunda;18 Venus, domina octave revolutionis, erit sub radiis Solis combusta ac Iupiter erit afflictus a presentia Saturni in prima domo revolutionis, necnon a diametro Lune. Obnunciabit hec misera revolutio nato annum meroribus /14v/ plenum, ut patet ex presenti revolutionis figura. Et quia Luna in horoscopo 19 defluebat a coniunctione Veneris ad combustionem ­con­iunc­tionemque Solis, affligebatur a radiis Solis, ac modo quia Sol per directionem perveniet ad quadratum Lune sinistrum, ostendet hoc anno tempus sui decreti et cum eventu pericula iam producet, que in nativitate promittebat. Ideo inprimis nato

18 The Sun is in fact in the first house. 19 I. e., in the nativity.

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oculorum aciem aliquantisper hebetabit vel cecutientem efficient, et aliquam ingeret alterationem acutam, deinde phlegmaticam non sine capitis et stomachi ac cordis cruciatibus. Et quia Iupiter, in diametro Lune sub ascendentis domicilio, domino octave radicis, Saturno coniungitur, apoplexiam vel cerebri involutionem irritabit. Item quia directio ascendentis hoc anno perveniet ad locum Caude Draconis radicis (ut statim diximus), minatur similiter nato pessimam egritudinem, ut ventris profluvium vel disynteriam vel cholicam passionem, oculorumque aciem hebetare faciet, quandoque in podice fistulas sive hemorrhoidas excitare solet, verum, quod magis est, precavere debebit ne sibi loco medicine veneni pocula porrigantur. Itaque si vitam suam charam habuerit, ­omnino indocti medici auxilium devitet, sobrie vivat, ad dominum Deum suum refugium capiat, illi vitam corporisque salutem commendet, omnem spem suam in illo collocet. Veluti David propheta inquit: Deus 20 noster refugium et virtus adiutor in tribulationis que invenerunt nos nimis. Preterea, quia in principio huius nativitatis diximus, periodum terminari debere anno etatis nati 70 currente, /15r/ ideo multo magis suspectus est mihi presens annus de morte nati. Quapropter metiendum erit quod ingredietur iam viam universe carnis et spiritum suo reddet creatori. 21 Ubi vero (Dei presidio) hunc annum superaverit ad annum etatis 84 pertingere poterit, tunc enim directio Solis hylech perveniet ad alios vite abscisores, nempe ad quadratum suum sinistrum, et directio Lune eodem anno perveniet ad primum punctum Cancri, habebitque tunc similiter miseram revolutionem, nimirum anno domini 1597. Tam miserrima est mortalium conditio quod licet homo quandoque diutius vixerit, mortem tamen effugere non poterit. Faxit igitur hoc Deus optimus, maximus pater domini nostri Iesu Christi, quod cum sanctis eius preciosam mortem in conspectu eius habeamus. Amen. 7. De coniugio nati

1 Antiquissimam et in maxima humani generis parte observatam coniugiorum rationem fuisse unius maris et unius femine legittimam coniunctionem sacre litere testantur. ­Statim enim, post creationem hominum, expresse traditum est hoc mandatum: erunt 21 duo in carnem unam, id est inseparabiliter iuncti. Postea vero ex historiarum lectione manifestum hoc quoque est quod quo queque gens plus honestatis et discipline habuit, eo etiam coniungia habuerit ordinatiora et vagas libidines ac illicitas commixtiones severius puniverit, ideo coniugiorum consideratio de tali coniunctione non de i­ llicitis cohabitationibus et amoribus intelligi debet. Nam ubi plures uxores simul haberi possunt,

20 Ps. 45.2. 21 Gen. 2.24.

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qualis est nunc confusio barbarica apud Mahometanos et in maxima Aphrice parte vel ubi ex constitutionibus plurimi reguntur in impuro celibatu vivere, non valet hec doctrina, sed ibi ubi liberrimum est utrumque, ut olim apud omnes gentes, utrumque liberrimum fuit omnibus. 2 Consideravi igitur septimum domum (que coniugii ha/15v/bitaculum vocatur) et planetas in illa, videlicet Martem ac Saturnum, dominum septime domus, retro­gradum, quapropter prima fronte video damnari coniugium nati. Postea aspexi Lunam ac Venerem, perpetuas coniugii virorum significatrices, etiam impeditas, Lunam inquam a combustione Solis, vergentemque ad quadratum Martis sinistrum, et Venerem afflictam ab hexa­g ono Martis sinistro ab angulo septime domus, ac consequenter impeditam a Saturno, domino septime, retrogrado, per aspectum trigonum sinistrum. Ex quibus concluditur quod nato huic omimode denegatur coniugium fatorum imperio. 3 Et licet aliquando duxerit uxorem (quod minime credo facturum), inveniet illam rebellem, vindicte et dominii cupidam, rixosam, contumacem, violentam, sumptuosam, ebriosam, infamem, tetricam, morosam, pertinacem et pigram, minime virtuosam. Unde merito melius fuerit illi non ducere uxorem quam huiusmodi indomite bestie copulari, de natura Martis ac Saturni retrogradi, quam perpetuam sibi habuisset mimicam. Item de tempore coniugii atque aliis concurrentibus coniugii negotiis non erit necesse hic multa recensere, eo quod uxore legittima carebit. 8. De liberis

Post coniugii considerationem apte sequitur iudicium de liberis. Supra autem dixi natum non duxturum (!) legittimam uxorem, idcirco per consequens sequitur quod non opus erit amplius querere de liberis legittimis quos ex coniugio suscepturus sit. Nam ille­ gittimos non considerant astrologi, cum eorum numerus adeo incertus esse possit, ut quidam ex eo modo plures quam credibile sit susceperint. Transibimus ­igitur ad alias et hactenus de quinte domus apotelesmatibus, que filiorum domicilium appellatur, et gaudium Veneris, in qua Saturnus, ille commestor puerorum et inimicus nature, versatur retrograde. 9. De itineribus et religione, somniisque

1 /16r/ Significatores itinerum et peregrinationis sumuntur a nona domo, planetis in ea, necnon a Luna et Mercurio, Luna quidem, quia vagabunda est et velox, Mercurius vero quia instabilis et versatilis est. In domo nona neminem planetarum comperi, preter Caput Draconis Lune, de natura Veneris et Iovis. Luna, cum sit domina prime domus, genera­liter presagit natum facturum itinera longa ad exteras regiones et, quia in ­decima

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domo versatur, significat nato itinera ex iussu regum et principum cum fortune incremento. Preterea, quia Mercurius similiter in decimo domicilio versatur, honorifica i­ tinera decernit et legationes ex parte regum et principum utriusque sexus. Eo quod Veneri coniungitur in decima, ideo per nobiles mulieres ad longa itinera honorifica propelletur, unde sibi laudem, gloriam et divitias parabit, et officia honorata, eritque quandoque internuncius regum et principum. Item quia Saturnus, dominus none, retro­gradus est, molesta nato itinera et meticulosa presagit, et in aquis quandoque h ­ orrida vite discrimina aut naufragii infestissima incommoda. Attamen presentia Capitis D ­ raconis in nona, de natura Iovis et Veneris, convertet horrores et molestias itinerum in g­ audium et felicem exitum, facietque 22 in suis operibus fortunatum et in profectionibus assequi bonam famam, honorem et lucrum. 2 Colores 23 equorum nato idonei ad equitandum per itinera, sive longa sive brevia. Meliores sunt gilvus vel fulvus et fuscus, ad instar castanee premature. Mediocres sunt pallidus, albus, griseus et variegatus, de natura Mercurii, quia ingularis 24 est; ruffus vel rubeus color equorum, de natura Martis, quia in angulo septime versatur, nato prorsus inimicus est et prorsus contrarius. Ceteri equorum colores nato minime idonei sunt. 3 Dies magis apti ad inchoanda itinera sunt dies Veneris, Solis et Mercurii ac Lune, Iovis vero mediocris censebitur. Alii vitandi sunt in inceptionibus itinerum, sive parvorum sive longorum. 4 /16v/ Regiones et civitates Piscibus, Arieti, Tauro, Cancro et Leoni subiecte ­commode sunt nato, ut ibi vel res suas gerat vel habitet. Adverse vero sunt regiones et civitates Scorpioni et Capricorno subiecte. Et hactenus de peregrinationibus. 5 Quantum ad religionem nati attinet, Caput Draconis, de natura Iovis et Veneris, in domo nona significat constantem Christianum, amatorem verbi Dei et opinionis veterum, quod probatur quia Iupiter ad nonam faustos radios proiicit, ut generalis religionis significator, ideo pium in religione et modestum hominem significat. Tantum de hac consideratione hic dixisse sufficiat quam leviter tamen attingere voluimus, eo quod mathematici nativitatum quas describunt iudiciis etiam hanc inserant. 6 De somniis nati pari forma dicimus. Propter Capitis presentiam in nona cum felici Iovis aspectu, nati somnia decernuntur mantica, quibus plerumque respondet eventus. Verumtamen, quia Saturnus illuc dirigit radios quadratos sinistros ac Mars hexagonos sinis­tros, reddunt sepissime etiam somnia falacia, horribilia, terribilia et inania ac frequenter ambigua, quibus interdum respondet eventus, interdum vero non. Hanc de somniis brevem admonitionem addidi, secutus communem consuetudinem. Cum talia somnia, que signifi­cant aliquid futuri, a temperamenti proprietate oriantur,

22 Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum, II.4 (f. XCv). 23 The underlined section is marked in the margin with the word “Nota”. 24 Read “angularis”.

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nec repugnat hec doctrina cum sacris literis. Precepta autem de interpretatione incepta et inania sunt et sepe interpretes fefellerunt, ac in Deuteronomio adseveratio ex iis, nisi sint divina, manifeste prohibetur. 10. De honoribus, officiis et dignitatibus

1 Hec pars, cum sit magni momenti et usus in predictionibus genethliacis, diligentiorem considerationem requirit quam pleraque ex precedentibus. Idcirco a significatoribus honorum inchoandum ratus sum. Sumitur autem significatio dignitatis a luminaribus, Sole presertim, et planetis medietate suorum /17r/ orbium circumdantibus aut aspicientibus luminare utrumque, precipue Solem; deinde a medio celi, domino eius, et planetis in medio celi constitutis. Hi significatores, si sint in ­proprio domicilio, exaltatione aut mutua receptione essentiali, honores, officia ­publica, ­amplas administrationes, dignitates, eximium favorem et benevolentiam principum et magnatum conferunt. 2 Tres planetas in exaltatione propria conspicio, Solem, Martem et Venerem, et quatuor in decima domo, medii celi culmine, Mercurium, Venerem, Solem et Lunam. Habent igitur Sol et Venus ibidem duplicia dignitatis testimonia, videlicet ratione domus ­decime et occasione proprie exaltationis. Decernunt igitur nato pariter maxi­ mos honores et eximiam prestantiam dignitatis. Nam planete benefici in decima domo decernunt ­eximias dignitates. Iupiter, dominus decime, in undecima, radios felices hexagonos dextros ad decimam transmittens, significat magnitudinem honoris et dignitatum, efficit gubernatorem magnarum familiarum, vocat ad apicem dignitatis iurisprudentie, dat et rerum sperandarum prosperum eventum, nato conciliat multi­ tudinem amicorum regum, principum et magnatum, quorum favoribus ad maxima officia evehetur. 3 Sol in decima domo in exaltatione propria natum vocat ad statum honorabilem,25 necnon ad officia magna regum, principum et magnatum, efficitque loco regis et princi­ pum maxima autoritate fulgentem, in aulis principum se recipientem, et cum autoritate ibidem gubernatorem et potentem, fere ultra suam conditionem. 4 Venus in domo decima, ibidem in exaltatione propria, nato decernit amorem a regibus, principibus utriusque sexus, reginis, duxissis et potentioribus, amabitur ab illis et maximam graciam apud illos inveniet, quorum favoribus et patrociniis ad maxima dignitatis insignia sublimabitur, acquiretque divitias et honorifica officia lucrigera ab illis. 5 /17v/ Mercurius in decimo domicilio cum Venere constitutus Veneris naturam induit, natum occasione sublimis eruditionis et eloquentie facit doctoratus pileo adornari, variarum linguarum gracia dotari. In statu vero spirituali fecisset sacris

25 Sections in italics (10.3 – 5) are borrowed from Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum, II.4.

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infulis coronari, quod facile (si voluerit) annis adhuc sequentibus, potissimum 64 etatis currente,26 assequi valebit, de quibus infra statim latius tractabo. Item Mercurius ­ibidem solet natum efficere regis cancellarium vel principum consiliarem, qui regum et principum utriusque sexus secreta pertractabit, unde officia honorifica et lucrigera assequetur, publicis compitibus ac libris rationum preficietur, diliget et scientias politiores, nempe arithmeticam, geometriam, mathematicam, astrologiam, musicam, picturam, etc. Et undque laudabitur propter virtutes suas, necnon propter dexteri­ tatem ingenii sui, veluti adhuc in precedentibus recitavimus. 6 De Lune significatis in domo decima in precedentibus sufficienter explicavimus. Sed ad alia digredior. 7 Direxi preterea gradum medii celi, ut patet in presenti adiecta tabula. Solis gradum in precedentibus direximus, ut patet in capitulo de infirmitatibus,27 in quibus patet quod propter ingenii dexteritatem cepit laudari a primeva eius etate, eo quod directio medii celi prius pervenerit ad astrum Mercurii, deinde ad stellam Veneris. Quapropter iste constellationes natum fecerunt ingeniosum, eloquentem, facundum, sagacem, callidum (!), versatum, qui astutam 28 vapido servavit sub pectore vulpem. Directio medii celi: 

2.25



60.30



7.0

 sinistrum

61.28

 0

9.20

 sinistrum

63.36

 cum lati

19.30

0

66.30

 sine lati

21.30

Aldebaran , 1e

69.0



22.0

 sinistrum

69.0

 sinistrum

27.0

 sinistrum

81.25

0

36.15



48.36



56.30

Tabulam directionis Solis in precedentibus querito.

8 Anno etatis huius nati 17 currente pervenit profectio medii celi cum suis influentiis ad signum ascendentis, ad trigonos radios Mercurii et Veneris sinistros. /18r/ Effecit ut natus honoraretur occasione doctrine sue et magisterii, et factus est magister artium.

26 See 10.24 below. 27 See 6.3 above. 28 Persius, Satirae, V.117.

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9 Anno etatis 21 defluente pervenit directio medii celi ad locum Solis radicis. Illo anno cepit invenire graciam apud potentiores et nobiles, qui illum summo favore et benevolentia prosequebantur, quippe qui mutuam cum illis inibat benevolentie necessitudinem, apud quos laudem et honoris beneficia consecutus est occasione eloquentie ac prudentie sue, eo quod presens directio ceciderit sub Mercurii finibus. 10 Anno etatis 25 currente pervenit directio Solis ad astrum Iovis, etiam sub termino Iovis. Contulit inprimis nato corporis salubritatem et animi trancquillitatem (!) et omne quodammodo felicitatis ordinem, hoc anno videtur promotus ad doctoratus dignitatem et gradum et consecutus est apud potentiores ioviales graciam faclemque auram, utpote cum iureperitis, legum professoribus, cum quibus hono­ rigere federa amicitie iniisse apparet, unde laudis et honoris insignia sequebantur et utilitatis profectus. 11 Anno etatis nati huius 28 currente pervenit directio Solis ad trigonum Martis sinis­ trum et directio medii celi pervenit quadratum Martis attingendo. Denotat inprimis quod cum martialibus amicite federa inire ceperet, plus solito intrepidus, magnani­ mus et animosus factus, unde honores consecutus est et laudem. Sed ante finem huius anni multa mala illi decernebantur a martialibus 29 ex inopinato, unde non speraverat, ut fere in carceris incommoda ceciderit. Provocavitque etiam hec constellatio contra natum lites, iurgia et mutuas simultates, quorum odiis plurima mala inopinata illi impendebant cum fortunarum iactura atque dedecore. Nam tantis malis atque calamitatibus videtur conquassatus ut quo se verteret penitus ignorabat. 12 Anno etatis eius 33 currente pervenit directio Solis ad diametrum Saturni, etiam sub Saturni finibus. Iste falcifer Saturnus indignationem principam contra /18v/ natum hoc anno irritavit et potentiores, plerosque saturninos aut senescentes quosdam, vel magistratum alieno erga se animo provocavit, ac ipsorum persecutiones per invidiam excitatas cum ipsius dedecore tolerare debuit, quin et alia male valetudinis, melancholicarum perturbationum incommoda multa et alti honoris deiectionem ac variam fortune mutationem expertus videtur illo anno et sequenti anno saturniorum odio, de quibus aliqua in precedentibus, a directione ascendentis in capitulo de infirmitatibus, adnotavimus.30 Sed et ioviales circa hec tempora sub amicitie specie dolis et insidiis illum circumvenire conabantur, unde iudices iurisconsuli alieno contra se animo exercebantur.31 Similem invidie casum videtur passus anno etatis eius 48 currente, de quo etiam supra quedam recitavimus. 13 Anno etatis huius nati 34 currente et statim 35 succedente pervenit prius directio Solis ad hexagonum Mercurii sinistrum, deinde statim ad sextilem Veneris sinistrum. Erat ad scripturas et literarum studia solito propensior et ob egregias ingenii

29 “A martialibus” added in the margin. 30 See 6.9 above. 31 “Exerriebantur” or “exeririebantur” MS.

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sui dotes plus solito venerabatur, quinetiam ob honorigeram legationem honores et lucra decernebantur. Et in pertractationibus negotiorum principum per ingenii sagacis solertiam et suam inclitam sapientiam egregia honoris insignia consequebatur. Et anno statim succedente 35 plus solito letior extitit et propensior ad iocunditates de natura Veneris, insolito et magno capiebatur amore et cum Veneris nitidulis prolibus frequentiores consuetudines honestasque conversationes habuit. Annus ille erat genialis, iocundus, letus atque salubris. Et resplenduerunt vestimenta eius et ornamenta plus solito pulchiora, unde puellis et mulieribus studebat blanditiis, gestibus et incessu omnibus modis placere. 14 Anno etatis eius 39 currente pervenit directio Solis ad hexagonum Lune sinistrum sub Mercurii termino. Eodem anno pervenit directio Lune ad locum Iovis radicis sub Iovis finibus. Natus illo anno res varias atque diversa negotia potentiorum cum lucro et honore pertractabat et videtur arripuisse a rege vel principibus /19r/ honorifica ­itinera. Quippe cui lucrigere et honorigere legationis munera demandabantur et secundam habuit fortunam in officiis et in singulis propemodum actionibus suis laudabatur et plus solito venerabatur, quinetiam ex patrocinio seu favore et benevolentia tam hominum superioris ordinis quam vulgi atque mulierum multam amicorum copiam experiebatur. Lune vero directio ad locum Iovis, ut prediximus, eodem anno nato optimam corporis complexionem, hilaritatem et mentis serenitatem contribuit, et lucrorum copiosa presidia sive honorificum officium et altissima honoris insignia, cuius ratione etiam honorigere legationis munera ei demandabantur, vel saltem potentis cuiusdam adminis­trationis licentia sublevabatur. Durabit felix ille celorum influxus ad multos futuros annos, usque 47 etatis inclusive. 15 Anno etatis eius 44 currente, prope finem, pervenit directio Lune ad trigonum Martis sinistrum sub Iovis finibus. Effecit natum illo anno animosum, audacem, fortem, imperiosum, sagacem, industrium et agilem, honoris item et victorie cupidum. Et apparet quod in milites aliquod dominium sortiebatur et mavortii principis auspicio dignitatis et utilitatis officii accessionem, ob que ad crebra itinera propellebatur. 16 Anno etatis nati 48 defluente pervenit directio Lune ad oppositum Saturni. Apotelesmata huius decreti in precedentibus, in de infirmitatibus, querito.32 17 Anno etatis huius nati 49 dilabente pervenit directio medii celi ad locum Iovis radicis. Eodem anno pervenit directio Lune ad hexagonum Mercurii sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Nato presagivit aliquem magistratum occasione sapientie atque prudentie sue et oblatum munus alicuius officii utilissimi, unde lucrorum copiosa presidia, laudem et bonum nomen sibi vendicabat, quinetiam ob ipsius facinora preclarasque actiones erat apud potentiores dignitate et gratia longe perspicuus. Huiuscemodi celorum influxus homines ex infima etiam atque ignobili prosapia oriundos ad clara honoris insignia, imo suprema rerum fastigia, extollere consuevit /19v/ supra geniture

32 See 6.12 above.

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substantiam, et in statu ecclesiastico existentes ex interitu alicuius prelati opimum beneficium, prelaturam vel ecclesiasticam hereditatem, ita genito contribuere solet. 18 Anno etatis nati 52 currente perveniet directio Lune ad hexagonum Veneris sinis­ trum sub Saturni termino. Illo anno inclite mulieris iussu itinera honesta suscipiet, unde aliqua lucrorum presidia suscipiet, et cum maiori felicitate prosperis augebitur incrementis et precedentibus bonis meliora decernentur adhuc tempora, item legationis honorigere munera ei demandabuntur et vulgus quoque natum magnis prosequetur hono­ ribus. Eodem anno currente 52 etatis perveniet directio Solis (prope finem illius anni) ad hexagonum suum sinistrum sub Veneris finibus. Significat nato a rege sive nobilibus aut potentioribus viris honores, qui forte a duxissa vel nobilissima matrona legationis fungetur officio ad regem vel imperatorem, unde illi pollicetur dignitatis prero­gativa et a nobilibus honores solito maiores. Quapropter occursus isti nato claritatem et emolumenta a principibus et superioribus ordinibus merito pollicentur. 19 Anno etatis eius 55 currente perveniet directio Lune ad hexagonum suum sinistrum sub Mercurii finibus. Significat quod illo anno res varias atque diversa negotia solenter absolvet et ad itinera solito propensior erit toto ferme illo anno et apud exteros venerabitur, eritque glorie cupidus et officii sive dignitatis occasionem expectabit et a populis atque generosa quadam matrona advenient ei lucrorum copiosa presidia, honoresque insolito maiores. Postea perveniet ad aliquas stellas fixas primi luminis, Adebaran,  et  nature, ad Hircum Agitatorem,  et  complexionis. Cavendum ne complexio nati distemperetur per intemperata vini potationem, unde fama illius aliquantisper ledatur. 20 Anno etatis huius nati 57 currente perveniet directio medii celi ad trigonum ­Martis sinistrum sub finibus Iovis. Significat quod a duce seu principe mavortio ho/20r/ nor magnus ei in rei militaris disciplina demandabitur, rerumque martialium curam geret, intrepidus, imperiosus atque magnanimus, multa maiora facturus dispendia quam compendia, a militibus venerabitur et a multis timebitur, non sine quorundam odio et invidia, tamen postea lucrabitur, propter dignum aliquod facinus in rei militaris disciplina, unde magnam sibi laudem comparabit, reperiet enim novum aliquod stratagema vel traiiciendi machinas tormentales vel parandi hostibus insidias quibus illos funditus pessundabit. 21 Anno etatis huius nati 61 currente perveniet directio medii celi ad diametrum Saturni sub Saturni finibus. Iste infelix occursus contra natum irritabit saturninos, qui de ipso perperam oblatrabunt et pariter in eius perniciem coniurabunt, quatenus a suo officio vel magisterio detrudatur cum dedecore, fortunarum iactura atque gravibus dispendiis, eumque potentiores omni prorsus dignitate atque honoribus spolient, actiones preterea eius infeliciter cadent et ita differentur, ut vix tandem cum detrimento perficiantur. Apud agricolas et senes odio erit, subditi preterea et servi eius, erunt sibi admodum infensi ac prorsus contrarii, qui dignitatibus eius et honoribus

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odio inextinguibili adversabuntur. Et 33 metuendum quod illustrissima domina eius, quam matris loco charam habebit, chronicis egritudinibus affligetur, cui internitionem afferet, unde natus illo anno erit tristis et lugubris et maximis melancholicis curis detinebitur. 22 Anno etatis eius 62 currente perveniet directio medii celi ad hexagonum ­Mercurii sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Significat quod natus propter egregias animi dotes, sapien­ tiam eius atque prudentiam a mercurialibus honorabitur, forte adhuc honorifice legationis munera ei demandabuntur, et in suis actionibus plurimum commendabitur propter ingenii sui dotes egregias. 23 Anno etatis nati huius 63 currente perveniet directio Solis ad quadratum Mercurii sinistrum sub Saturni finibus. Significat quod mercuriales de nato perperam oblatra/20v/ bunt, conabunturque deiicere ab officiis suis mercurialibus, et coniicietur in lites et altercationes varias, sustinebitque crebras calumnias de crimine falsi a mercurialibus, seu de scripturis aut computationibus falsis, quare tum animum nati prefatus occursus multis et gravibus persecutionibus involvet. De ipso anno videto in precedentibus, in de infirmitatibus.34 24 Anno etatis huius nati 64 currente perveniet medii celi directio ad hexagonum Veneris sinistrum sub termino Martis, et quia Venus in horoscopo in decima domo versabatur, in exaltatione propria, in domicilio Iovis, sub termino Martis, iam alti nominis et honoris insignia decernet. Operatur 35 quod hoc anno sacris infulis insigniter deco­ rabitur et ad presulatus dignitatem evehetur – dummodo ipse voluerit neque hanc dignitatem absolute recusaverit – aut rursus ad alti officii dignitatem promovebitur et extolletur. Ego magis opinor sublimandum ad episcopatum inclite mulieris patrocinio, unde clarior fiet in omnibus actionibus suis et ab omnibus plurimum commendabitur, fietque illo anno fere omnium votorum compos et in tali felici statu honorifice perseverabit usque in annum etatis sue 67 inclusive. 25 Anno etatis eius 68 currente perveniet directio Lune ad hexagonum Solis sinistrum sub Veneris termino. Denotat quod natus illo anno cum potentioribus consortium habebit utile et honorigerum et a populo plus solito venerabitur et occasione beneficii vel officii sui fiet ditior et locupletior, pinguioris quidem fortune, ob ipsius sapientiam, prudentiam, modestiam, atque preclaram ingenii sui naturam, unde regi, principibus utriusque sexus et magnatibus placebit. 26 Anno etatis huius nati 70 currente perveniet directio medii celi ad hexagonum Lune sinistrum, necnon ad stellam fixam Aldebaran appellatam, de natura , primi honoris, sub Mercurii finibus. Nato a populo honores solito maiores decernit et circa tempora finietur periodus.

33 The underlined section is marked in the margin with the word “Nota”. 34 See 6.17 above. 35 The underlined section is marked in the margin with the word “Nota”.

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11. De amicis et fautoribus nati

1 /21r/ Qualitas amicorum cognoscitur ex natura planetarum qui in undecima et prima versantur et a planetis qui undecime et prime imperant. In domo prima neminem planetarum comperi, nisi Lunam ratione signi illi imperantem. In undecima domo video Iovem et Venerem esse 36 eius imperatricem. Significat nato multos et convenientes amicos et illorum synceram amicitiam atque illi utilem. Quapropter amici nati erunt de natura et complexionibus Iovis, Veneris et Lune. 2 Quales 37 sunt de natura Iovis: ecclesiastici, prelati, iudices, iurisperiti, consiliarii, provinciarum prefecti, magnanimi, verecundi, advocati, nobiles, divites, honesti, religiosi. De ­Veneris natura: mansueti, compti, nobiles mulieres, duxisse, virgines veneris nitidule proles, phrygiones, musici, poete, pictores, leti, hilares, formosi, venusti in gestibus. De Lune presidio: homines regine, nobiles matrone, vidue, plebs et qui in assiduo motu sunt, ut naute, cursores, legati, nuncii. Hi sincero semper affectu nato amicitiam exhibebunt. 12. De inimicis et odio natum persequentibus

1 Iudicium de inimicis sumitur ex consideratione planetarum qui in septima et duodecima domo versantur et a planetis qui luminaribus opponuntur, hoc discrimen tamen observamus septimam et planetas luminaribus oppositos apertos inimicos signi­ficare, duodecimam vero occultos persecutores. 2 In septima domo versatur Mars, prope cuspidem septime, in domo Saturni. Igitur martiales et saturnici erunt inimici nati aperti, et quia Mars aspicit Solem quadrato sinistro, duplicat aperte inimicitias suas, etiam cum insidiarum laqueis in necem nati, unde perpetuo cavere debebit a martialibus. 3 In duodecima domo neminem planetarum consideravi, nisi solam partem fortune. Significat quod occultos habebit inimicos, qui nato insidiabuntur propter divitias suas, ut fures et latrones, prave mulieres et meretrices. Quia Mercurius duo/21v/decime domui imperat, etiam mercuriales occultos inimicos portendit. 4 Erunt igitur inimici nati aperti martiales et invidi saturnici, inimici vero occulti erunt mercuriales, fures, latrones et prave mulieres vel meretrices, qui insidia­ buntur crumene et pecuniis nati, saturnici insidiabuntur honoribus et dignitatibus eius, martiales vero corpori et vite nati insidiabuntur. 5 De natura Martis: capitanei, milites, superbi, audaces, inverecundi, contumeliosi, seditiosi, convitiatores, predones, iracundi, crudeles, bombardarii, vehementes, manu prompti, aperti quadam

36 “Esse” added above the line. 37 The underlined section is marked in the margin with the word “Nota”. This section can be variously punctuated.

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temeritate, rixosi, tyranni, thrasones, effusores sanguinis, feroces in lacessendo. De natura S­ aturni: senes, agricole, sordida opificia tractantes, avari, feneratores, suspiciosi, invidi. De natura Mercurii: acumine ingenii excellentes, studiosi, …afri,38 ­solertes, sagaces, dolosi, callidi, instabiles, perfidi, mendaces, clam struentes fraudem et periculosa consilia, infames, falsarii, falsi monetarii, hallucinatores. 6 Ab illorum clanculariis insidiis summopere cavere debebit ne fraude et dolo circumveniatur. 7 Utrum natus inimicos et adversarios vincet, respondetur quod sic affirmative, eo quod dominus duodecime versatur in decima domo; significat victoriam nati contra inimicos et adversarios suos, non obstante quod interdum incidet in pericula valde metuenda, Dei presidio ­evadet. 8 Plurima etiam pericula nato minantur de captivitate, ideo valde circumspecte versandum in bello vel apud exteras nationes, nisi caute sibi providerit inopinate in laqueum iniicietur, attamen iacula 39 previsa minus feriunt. 13. De qualitate mortis nati

1 Cum vero mors sit ultima linea rerum, que nulli parcit honori nec dignitati, que sceptra non veretur nec docti ingenii acumen, ideo postremo libuit de eius qualitatibus aliqua sub brevibus adnotare. Eius qualitas est duplex: naturalis, qua homo per se moritur, et violenta, qua quis moritur gladio, ferro, lancea, strangulo, igne, morsu bestie vel /22r/ fere, aut ex loco alto precipitatione vitam finit. Repentina vero mors est quiddam medium inter naturalem et violentam mortem, sed violente propior. 2 Utrumque luminare in signo violento, luminare temporis existente in quadrato Martis sinistro angulariter, terribilia pericula violente mortis minantur, comprimitur Martis violentia et tyrannidis hexagonis Veneris dextris, Martisque diameter ad gradum ascendentis reprimitur radiis hexagonis Iovis sinistris. 3 Aloqui anno etatis eius 28 currente periculum violente mortis incidisset cum detrimento vite, potissimum quia Luna, domina ascendentis in horoscopo, defluebat ad coniunctionem Solis. 4 Innumera fere sunt exempla talis positus in genituris etiam maximorum principum, verumtamen per felices Iovis ac Veneris aspectus (ut diximus) mors violenta fuit impedita (Dei presidio). 5 Cavere tamen adhuc debebit natus in annis fatalibus, de quibus in capitulo de infirmitatibus mentionem fecimus.40 6 Caute etiam cum equo suo se gerat in annis fatalibus, ne corruendo cum equo ab illo misere opprimatur vel ab equo calcitroso percutiatur, unde mortis aculeum experiatur, propter Martem in signo quadrupedum, in opposito ascendentis, necnon in quadrato Solis angulariter; ut frequenter diximus, non ascendat equum cum vino maduerit. 7 Ubi diligenter sibi caverit, violentam mortem favore Dei evadet, quod etiam presumitur et speratur.

38 I cannot read the first two or three letters of this word. 39 Andreas Capellanus, De amore, 1.6.220. 40 See chapter 6 above.

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8 De morte igitur naturali tale sit iudicium. Ait enim Ptholomeus: Mortis qualitas ex athazir obviante, quem interfectorem nuncupant, deprehenditur.41 9 Apheta igitur Solis anno etatis 70 currente habet sibi obviantem athzir, id est interfectorem. Similiter eodem anno gradus ascendentis habebit sibi obvium interfectorem, unde nato presagitur mors naturalis tunc affutura, veluti in precedentibus, in de infirmitatibus, aperte docuimus.42 10 Non diu infirmabitur natus ante mortis adventum, forte morte repentina spiritum reddet autori, portendi intelligitur ex imperfecta constitutione, que violentam /22v/ mortem significatura fuerat. 11 Species mortis minatur ab apoplexia vel angina vel ex cerebri involutione, vertiginem vocant. Quapropter tempestive disponat domini sue, ut non videatur subitanea vel repentina morte obire, sed provisa. Nam iustus si preoccupatus fuerit, anima eius in refrigerio erit, quod nobis concedat, qui sine fine vivit et regnat. 14. Conlusio finalis

1 Hec sunt, n vir prestantissime atque colende, que e decretis fatorum super genethliaco tuo scribenda inveneram, divine tamen maiestatis iuditio nihil derogando aut libero arbitrio tuo quovis parto obvians detrahendo. 2 Et hoc inprimis protestatum esse volo quod ea que ventura denunciavi pro omnipotentis Dei clementia mutabilia esse cognoscam, predictiones enim astrologorum de ea sunt natura, ut evenire queant, et eas evenire necesse non sit, semper esse cogitandum premoneo, predictiones astrologicas non esse divina oracula, sed sagacis et prudentis ingenii coniecturas, que (ut mortalitatis nostre conditio, terrenarumque rerum Euripus fert) aliquando frustrari possint. 3 Quis enim in tantis tenebris non interdum impingat? Quis in tot intricatissimi labyrinthi anfractibus non alicubi aberret? Non mireris igitur si interdum omnia ad urguem non eveniant. Sunt, inquit Ptholomeus, magorum iudicia inter contingens et necessarium ponenda et quidem facile sapiens dominabitur astris, ex quibus sane patet nullum eventum esse necessarium et nihil in nos urgere astra, sed iam proclives trahere quare si rationem ducem sequeremur et appetitum menti obedientem prebere­ mus, multa cavere possemus et vitia et infortunia que sunt vitiorum plerumque pene. 4 Sin vero naturam sequantur id agere quod in brutis fere, vale. 5 Itaque hanc nostram vigilantiam et sedulitatem grato animo accipe. Scribebat Daventrie m Wilhelmus Mysocacus Bruxellensis anno domini 1566, Martii die 16.

41 This sentence is in fact borrowed from Schöner, De iudiciis nativitatum, I.16 (f. LXVv). 42 See 6.20 above.

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Index of technical terms

This index covers a selection of technical terms and does not take into account most common words, such as ascendens, aspectus, astrum, directio, domus, exaltatio, figura, medium celi, pars fortune, planeta, signum etc. Alcochoden: 1.5 Almuten: 1.1, 1.2, 2.17. Animodar: horoscope 1, Introductio 1. Apheta: 13.9. Apotelesmatum: 1.6, 2.18, 2.33, 3.18, 8, 10.16. Also Introductio 2. Athazir: 13.8, 13.9. Climatericus (annus): 6.17. Combustio: 6.20, 7.2. Combustus: 6.20. Constellatio: 2.33, 3.13, 3.15, 3.17, 3.21, 3.22, 10.7, 10.11. Cuspis: 2.2, 2.3, 2.13, 12.2. Decuria: 2.1, 2.2, 2.13, 2.14. Defluxio: horoscope 1, 2.33, horoscope 2. Also 2.12 (defluens), 6.20 (defluebat), 13.1 (defluebat). Dispositor: 3.1, 3.2 (dispositrix). Genethliacus: Exhortatio 1, 10.1, 14.1. Genitura: 1.3, 1.6, 4, 5, 10.17, 13.4. Gubernator: 1.4, 10.2, 10.3. Also 1.1 (gubernaturum) Habitaculum: 6.2. Horoscopare: 2.1. Horoscopus (horoscopum): 2.1, 6.12, 6.20, 10.24, 13.3. Hyleg (hylech, hylegium): 1 (title), 1.5, 6.2, 6.3, 6.5, 6.8 – 11, 6.17 – 21. Hylegialius: 6.1. Hylegius (adj.): 1.1, 1.2. Latitudo: 3.7, 3.23 Moderator: 1 (title). Nativitas: Introductio 3, 1.1, 1.6, 2.33, 4, 5, 6.20, 9.5. Profectio: 1.6, 6.4, 6.7 – 8, 6.11, 6.14, 10.8. Progressio: 3.10. Prorogator: 1.5. Radix: 2.23, 6.7, 6.9, 6.13, 6.18, 6.20, 10.9, 10.14, 10.17. Revolutio: 1.6, 6.1, 6.4, 6.8 – 9, 6.11 – 14, 6.16 – 18, 6.20 – 21, horoscope 2. Significator: 1.6, 3.1, 5, 9.1, 9.5, 10.1. Terminus: 2.1, 2.13, 2.14, 3.10, 3.13, 3.21, 6.5 – 6, 6.9 – 10, 6.20, 10.10, 10.14, 10.18, 10.25. Transitus: 6.13. Trutrina Hermetis: Introductio 3.

Katrin Bauer

Johannes Kepler between two Emperors O weh uns, wenn es wahr, was man sich sagt, Daß jener finstern Sternekund’gen einer, Die Euern Hof zum Sammelplatz erwählt, Mit astrologisch dunkler Prophezeiung, Euch abgewandt von Euerm edeln Haus, Gefahr androhend von den Nahverwandten. O weh uns, wenn es so, und Ihr für Schein Den wahren Vorteil aufgebt, Aller Heil.1

With these words Franz Grillparzer (1791 – 1872) characterized the influence of astrologers on Rudolf II in his drama “Ein Bruderzwist in Habsburg” (1848). For him it was clearly a bad kind of influence, since he speaks of a dark prophecy indicating danger that will lead directly to fraternal strife. As will be shown in this article, however, from today’s point of view the practice of giving astrological advice at the court in Prague must be seen in a more nuanced light. This article examines Johannes Kepler’s (1571 – 1630) special position between two Holy Roman emperors. As imperial mathematician, Kepler served Rudolf II (1552 – 1612) as well as his successor Matthias (1557 – 1619) (and even his successor Ferdinand II [1578 – 1637]). Rudolf and Matthias were brothers, and in the first decade of the seventeenth century they began a struggle for the succession to the imperial throne. This dramatic situation was later called the “fraternal strife” (Bruderzwist) – for example, in the title of Grillparzer’s drama, and Kepler, the court astrologer, was involved in this scenario in a very interesting way. As we know from numerous documents, Kepler was informed about the current political affairs of the Empire and was asked for advice on different topics during his residence in Prague from 1600 to 1612. Despite being neither an official counselor nor a member of the privy council, Kepler had direct access to both the monarch and his later successor, and could have influenced their decisions with his advice based on astrological predictions.2 In fact the imperial mathematician himself stated this 1 Franz Grillparzer, Ein Bruderzwist in Habsburg. Trauerspiel in fünf Aufzügen, Stuttgart 1953, p. 18. 2 In her article on mathematicians in the courtly sphere Bauer warns that Kepler’s attempts must not be seen as an efficient try to influence a monarch with political advice camouflaged as astrological analysis to avoid bringing his behavior too close to theory absolutism and the philosophy of enlightenment. I fully agree with her last point but will show that Kepler’s

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o­ pinion in a letter.3 This indicates his important standing at court, and makes a more detailed study desirable. The main questions I wish to consider are: first, what role did Kepler play in the years 1611 to 1612, when Matthias of Habsburg finally managed to succeed his brother Rudolf II on the imperial throne? Secondly, how was astrological advice used in the conflict, and what influence from an astrologer, such as Kepler, can be identified on the fraternal strife? First we should glance briefly at the historical situation of the emperor’s court around 1611.4 These were troubled times for the Habsburg family as well as for the whole empire. The sovereign had decided to move his residence from Vienna to Prague a few years earlier in 1583.5 There Rudolf gradually retreated into his own shell, spen­ ding more and more time in his famous Kunstkammer on the Hradčany in Prague.6 People began to worry about his mental state because he did not seem to deal with the political situation around him at all. In addition, he refused to appoint a successor to the imperial throne, despite the fact that he had no legitimate children. The reason for his refusal might have been a crucial prophecy made a few years earlier, which said that, if Rudolf ever had legitimate children or appointed a successor, he would be murdered; in some variations of this prediction he would be killed by a monk. For this reason he never married or decided who should succeed him on the throne.7 But neither the Habsburg family nor the empire could be satisfied by this policy, because the political situation became more and more insecure during the first decade of the seventeenth century, just before the Thirty Years War. Reasons for this dangerous situation in continental Europe have been well discussed elsewhere and need not be examined any further here.8

approach differed a little bit from the “Ehrenkodex des Astrologen” he himself may has created his Tacitus-exegesis. See: Barbara Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen und Hofmathematicus als fürstlicher Berater, in: Höfischer Humanismus, ed. August Buck (Mitteilungen der Kommission für Humanismusforschung 16), Weinheim 1989, pp. 93 – 117. 3 Johannes Kepler, Brief an einen anonymen Adligen vom 1611, Nr. 612, ed. Max Caspar, Johannes Kepler: Gesammelte Werke, vol. 16, Munich 1954, pp. 373 – 375. 4 See Otto Brunner, Das Konfessionelle Zeitalter, in: Deutsche Geschichte im Überblick. Ein Handbuch, ed. Peter Rassow and Theodor Schieffer, Stuttgart 1973, pp. 284 – 316, esp. pp. 293 – 299 (with references). 5 In Prague Rudolf resided on the Hradschin: Karl Vocelka, Rudolf II. und seine Zeit, Vienna–Cologne–Graz 1985, pp. 94 – 97. 6 See Robert J. ­Evans, Rudolf II and his world. A study in intellectual history 1576 – 1612, Oxford 1973, pp. 43 – 83. 7 See Anton Gindely, Rudolf II. und seine Zeit. 1600 – 1612, vol. 2, Prague 1865, pp. 325 – 327. For Rudolf ’s mental state see Hans C. ­E. Midelfort, Verrückte Hoheit. Wahn und Kummer in deutschen Herrscherhäusern, Stuttgart 1996, pp. 171 – 195. 8 See Fritz Dickmann, Der Westfälische Frieden, Münster 1998, esp. pp. 9 – 58 (with references).

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Instead, the following question needs to be addressed: what caused the fraternal strife in the house of Habsburg? The reasons for Matthias forcing his brother to appoint him to the imperial throne are obvious.9 First of all, Matthias wanted to save the reign for the Habsburgs. Secondly, it was necessary to arrange for the change on the throne in advance of Rudolf ’s death to maintain the peace in central Europe. And last but not least, Matthias had a personal interest, as the emperorship was the highest dignity one could achieve at the time, apart, perhaps, from becoming pope. During the year 1606, after successfully managing the Ottoman menace in Hungary, Matthias of Habsburg expanded his alliances with the other archdukes of Austria against his brother, and they signed a treaty without Rudolf ’s approval or even his knowledge.10 In this treaty, the signatories agreed that Matthias should become the new emperor. In addition, Rudolf ’s sanity was called into doubt.11 Whether this speculation is true or not cannot be exa­ mined here, but considering the many documents by eyewitnesses who doubted Rudolf ’s sanity, it seems highly probable that he suffered from some kind of mental problem. Although the alliance was confidential, Rudolf somehow got knowledge of it. In the following years, events spun out of control: in 1608, Matthias attacked his brother with military support in Prague, forcing him to sign the treaty of Lieben that included many concessions to his enemy. Afterwards, Matthias took over power in Hungary, Austria and Moravia. In May 1611 he was elected king of Bohemia, which meant that he was designated to become the next emperor, and Rudolf was completely isolated in the Hradčany in Prague, where he died in January of 1612. He was emperor until the end but had no real power left.12 Throughout this dramatic scenario, Johannes Kepler served as imperial mathematician at the court in Prague.13 In 1601, a short time after he had arrived there, his patron, Tycho Brahe (1546 – 1601), who had invited him, died. Before his death, however, the Danish nobleman and current imperial mathematician introduced Kepler to the emperor, who, in return, was willing to appoint him as the new imperial mathematician



9 See Bernd Rill, Kaiser Matthias. Bruderzwist und Glaubenskampf, Vienna–Cologne–Graz 1999, esp. pp. 121 – 133. 10 Ibid., p. 125. This contract was based on the agreements made in 1600 in Schottwien and renewed in 1605 in Linz: Joseph Fischer, Der sogenannte Schottwiener Vertrag vom Jahre 1600. Ein Beitrag zur österreichischen Haus- und Reichsgeschichte. Nach bisher unbenützten Archivalien, Fribourg 1897; Id., Der Linzer Tag vom Jahre 1605 in seiner Bedeutung für die österreichische Haus- und Reichsgeschichte, Feldkirch 1808. 11 “Der menschenscheue Einsiedler in der Prager Burg war immer weniger imstande, die Geschäfte zu führen; seit Beginn des Jahrhunderts zeigten sich geistige Störungen, sein krankhafter ­Argwohn gegen die anderen Mitglieder seines Hauses und seine nächsten Mitarbeiter lähmten die Geschäfte.“ Brunner, Das Konfessionelle Zeitalter (see note 4), p. 295. 12 See Rill, Kaiser Matthias (see note 9), pp. 134 – 144. 13 See Max Caspar, Johannes Kepler, Stuttgart 1968, esp. pp. 133 – 241.

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on Tycho’s death.14 While employed at court, he was responsible for completing the Rudolfine Tables, which Tycho had begun, and were based on his many years of systematic observations.15 In addition, Rudolf II, who was deeply interested in the future development of his life, ordered numerous astrological elaborations on different topics. He asked Kepler for nativities, elections, and astrological advice.16 This is even more striking considering Rudolf ’s probably disturbed mental state. Despite retreating increasingly into himself, he still wanted Kepler’s advice, so he must have trusted him deeply.17 Some of the documents Kepler created for the Habsburg family have survived, but many of them are unfortunately only known from references elsewhere, for example in letters. My focus will be on four extant documents. During the fraternal strife, Kepler gave advice to the emperor in a particular way. I will here examine three documents that Kepler prepared for Rudolf and one letter to an anonymous nobleman in order to show how astrologically informed political counsel was given at this time. With these documents as examples, I especially want to offer insight into Johannes Kepler’s deve­ lopment, who – as I will argue – in his own self-perception was far more than simply an imperial mathematician to the monarch. The first document is entitled “Analysis of the conflict between Venice and Pope Paul V”18, the second is a piece of astrological advice for Rudolf II,19 and the third has the title “Analysis of the last phase of the fraternal strife.”20 All the titles were added by the editor of the Gesammelte Werke and shall be used here for clarity of orientation. The documents may be read in different ways: first, as advice for an emperor unable to figure out how to deal with his ambitious brother, or with politics at all. Secondly, as the attempt of a responsible counselor to retain Habsburg rule over the Holy Roman Empire.21 And finally, as Kepler’s personal attempt to attain a better position at court. 14 Carola Baumgart, Johannes Kepler. Leben und Briefe, Wiesbaden 1983, p. 60. 15 The Rudolfine Tables were also meant to preserve Brahe’s and Rudolf ’s names for posterity: Johannes Kepler, Tabulae Rudolfinae, ed. Franz Hammer, in: Johannes Kepler, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 10, Munich 1969. 16 See Johannes Kepler, Manuscripta Astrologica. Manuscripta Pneumatica, eds. Friederike Boockmann, Daniel A. ­Di Liscia, et al., in: Johannes Kepler, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 21.2.2, Munich 1997, esp. pp. 423 – 4 44. 17 See Baumgart, Kepler (see note 14), p. 83. 18 KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), pp. 437 – 439. The editor wrote a few words about the document in the ‘Nachbericht’ of this volume, pp. 592 – 594. She concentrated on Kepler’s discussion of the use of traditional astrology and gave a short historical overview. 19 Ibid., pp.  439 – 4 41. 20 Ibid., pp.  441 – 4 44. 21 In contrary to Bauer’s theory that Kepler tried to secure a bonum commune it will be shown in this article that he mainly took care for the remaining reign of the house of Habsburg and thereby his own position. Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen (see note 2), pp. 110 – 117.

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The letter Kepler wrote to an anonymous person in 1611 is an important key to understand the three official documents.22 There he offers hints of his self-perception as a political counselor, and helps us draw a fuller picture of how his role developed, since it is chronologically the last document in this examination. I will start with a brief look at the first document, which is not directly connected to the fraternal strife, to demonstrate the principles of Kepler’s astrologico-political counsel at an early stage of its development. The “Analysis of the conflict between Venice and Pope Paul V” was commissioned by the emperor in 1606. It contains eleven paragraphs of predictions concerning Venice’s current tensions with Rome. The Venetian republic had enacted a law that forbade the selling of landed property to anyone connected with the Catholic Church, and put all clergy under Venetian jurisdiction. The pope reacted by placing the republic under an interdict, and war seemed unavoidable.23 For a dramatic setting like this, Kepler’s analysis of the situation is quite short: it amounts to only about two folios,24 starting with a rejection of traditional astrological methods: “Saepe declaravi, me non existimare, quod coelum se particula­ ribus cum voto immisceat.”25 Nevertheless, Kepler goes on to announce that they will be used in the current document anyway, since this was what Rudolf had ordered.26 This tension illuminates the situation of the imperial mathematician, who had to fulfill the wishes of his patron, as well as his own ideas of scientific work. For his astrological interpretation of the conflict, Kepler compared the nativity of the current pontiff Paul V (1552 – 1621) with a horoscope cast for the foundation of Venice. The first can be found in Kepler’s collection, while there is no hint of whether he had ever cast one for la Serenissima.27 In describing the astrological impact on Venice, the words “unde Cardanus dixit”28 indicate that Kepler had taken his information from a horoscope cast by Girolamo Cardano (1501 – 1576) for Venice, so that he would not have to cast one himself. Cardano was famous for his large collection of horoscopes.29 On the one hand, this may show the respect that Kepler had for the other astrologer. On the other, it could indicate that Kepler was not happy about 22 Johannes Kepler, Briefe 1607 – 1611, in: Gesammelte Werke, ed. Max Caspar, vol. 16, Munich 1954, pp. 373 – 375. 23 For an overview of the historical situation see: William J.  ­Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty. Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Reformation, B ­ erkeley– Los Angeles 1968, esp. pp. 293 – 482. 24 See KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), p. 439, n. 11. 25 Ibid., p. 437. 26 “Sed tamen, quia jubeor, dicenda est ab initio sententia astrologorum“, ibid., p. 437; and Boockmann mentions this in her ‘Nachbericht’ to the same volume, p. 593. 27 Ibid., p. 594. 28 Ibid., p. 438. 29 See Anthony Grafton, Cardano’s Cosmos. The Worlds and Works of a Renaissance Astro­ loger, London 1999, esp. pp. 199 – 202.

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providing the analysis requested by his emperor, and that he did not want to waste too much time on it by casting the nativity for Venice himself. The imperial mathematician compared the data from the horoscopes in a traditional manner. He also cited another Italian astrologer, Luca Gaurico (1476 – 1558), who happened to have forecast that Venice would exist up to the year 1880, and “[dass] die Restauration des Kirchenstaates durch Papst Julius II. zu Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts bis 1571, ja bis 1608, anhalten werde.”30 Although Kepler did a proper job of traditional astrology, there are two striking points: first, Kepler had openly rejected traditional astrological methods in a work for his emperor, who was known for his love of such things. It was presumably for this ­reason that Kepler interpreted and compared the nativities of city and pope very carefully, and cited two other astrologers within his forecast to support his scientific relia­ bility. Secondly, Kepler was asked for his opinion in a politically explosive situation. Rudolf must have had great confidence in both his advice and discretion, which offers valuable insight into Kepler’s position in Prague after becoming Brahe’s successor five years earlier. It will serve as a significant point of comparison with the following documents for examining Kepler’s development. The next document was most likely written in 161031 and deals with a number of astrological questions. This was a normal way to ask for astrological advice. Rudolf had probably sent Kepler a letter with questions, now lost, or asked him in a private conversation face to face. It is again a very short document and does not on the face of it seem very important. Kepler replied calmly to four questions in order to avoid increasing his emperor’s fears. Boockmann interpreted this strategy in the following way: Kepler wanted Rudolf to forget other, presumably more dramatic forecasts or prophecies in the face of this more rational and calm approach.32 This may well be true, but I think it is not the only reason why he wrote the document in the way he did, as I will show.

30 KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), p. 594. Kepler cited in his judicium Luca Gaurico, Tractatus Astrologicus in quo agitur de praeteritis multorum accidentibus per proprias eorum geni­ turas ad unguem examinatis, Venice 1552, f. 6r. It is necessary to point out Kepler’s rejection of great parts of traditional astrology, and his aim to reform the remaining parts. See Johannes Kepler, Tertius Interveniens, in: KGW 4, p. 147; Judith V. ­Field, A Lutheran Astrologer: Johannes Kepler, in: Archive for History of exact Sciences, vol. 31, no. 3 (1984), pp. 189 – 272, esp. pp.  199 – 201 and 219 – 225; Gérard Simon, Kepler, Astronome, Astrologue, Paris 1979. 31 Boockmann briefly discusses this matter: KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), p. 594. 32 “Aus Keplers Antworten kann geschlossen werden, wie der Kaiser von anderen Astrologen stupende astrologische Hinweise und Deutungen zu politischen Ereignissen erhielt und sich dadurch in abstruse Gedanken verstrickte, die Kepler mit seinem Schreiben zu zerstreuen suchte, indem er den Kaiser bewußt bodenständig antwortete.” KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), p. 595.

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It is obvious that Kepler must have been very familiar with the contents because he did not feel the need to explain every detail. Thus there are many questions in this docu­ment still left open. The monarch had asked for traditional astrological topics, as can be seen indirectly in Kepler’s answer: Rudolf wanted his mathematician to compare different signs of the zodiac,33 he was interested in the constellations of a forthcoming date,34 he asked whether the murder of Henry IV of France had been predictable from his nativity or not,35 and he sought some details of his own horoscope concerning the conflicts of the previous years since 1607.36 For our purposes, the question about the French king’s death by violence, and a quotation of Kepler’s concerning his own status are the most interesting aspects of the document, so I will concentrate on them. Henry IV had been murdered in May 1610 by a religious fanatic.37 Perhaps the emperor was thinking about the prophecy on his own possible future death by violence caused by a monk when he inquired about g­ etting more information on this topic. In addition, violent deaths were a popular area of research among astrologers at this time,38 as the following example illustrates: in his famous horoscope for Edward VI (1537 – 1553) Cardano missed predicting the young king’s early death. He later felt the need to explain this failure in order to restore his astrological reputation.39 Kepler’s situation seems comparable, since he was eager to explain why he could not predict the French king’s violent death from the calculations he made in his answer to Rudolf ’s astrological question,40 which today can be found in Kepler’s collection.41 It seems that he wanted to rescue his reputation and to retain his monarch’s confidence in his astrological skills. So, both the event itself and his imperial mathematician’s erroneous prediction must have upset Rudolf. In addition, Kepler took a big risk in a deeply problematic situation. He only wrote a few words: “Derohalben wan Ich E K M gehaimer rath wäre.”42 If only I were your majesty’s privy counselor. To utter these words required a great deal of bravery because they indicate that he associated himself with a far better position at court, since the emperor’s privy council was the most influential committee

33 Ibid., pp.  439 – 4 40. 34 Ibid., p. 440. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 For details see Roland Mousnier, L’assassinat d’Henri IV, Paris 1964; Klaus Malettke, Die Bourbonen, vol. 1: Von Heinrich IV. bis Ludwig XIV.  1589 – 1715, Stuttgart 2008, pp.  57 – 59. 38 See another example: Gauricus, Tractatus (see note 30), ff. 87r–115v. 39 See Grafton, Cardano’s Cosmos (see note 29), pp. 115 – 123. 40 Ibid., p. 440. 41 Johannes Kepler, Vier Solare für Heinrich IV. von Frankreich, in: KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), pp.  132 – 134. 42 Ibid., p. 441.

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in the empire.43 It had constant contact with the sovereign and was informed about current matters. The privy council had moved with the emperor to Prague in 1583, where new members were appointed and old members remained. The participants had to give their professional opinion on different political topics in the form of a referendum. Most of the members were noblemen. Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig-Wolffenbüttel (1564 – 1613) played a key role in the privy council at this time. He had his emperor’s full trust despite the fact that he was a Lutheran prince at a Catholic court. This indicates Rudolf ’s confessional openness, which was a matter of principle.44 Furthermore, even the members with more modest backgrounds received privileges that created a status very close to nobility. The counsellor Johann Anton Barwitz (d. 1620), who was responsible for managing the emperor’s private and foreign correspondence after 1597 may serve as an example. This was a strategically important position and temporarily he was the only person who had access to the emperor.45 Thus becoming part of the privy council would have seemed very attractive. As noted earlier, the political situation at the beginning of the seventeenth century was extremely unstable, as Kepler knew. He also knew that the emperor was very old and had a bad constitution, that the succession to the throne had not yet been arranged, and that clouds of war were gathering in the empire. In this situation, I think that he tried to arrange for himself a stable position at court, which would have helped him to remain in his position as imperial mathematician. In contrast, there are indications that political change seemed possible around the years 1610 and 1611. In 1611 Peter de Vischere wrote, in a letter addressing his archduke Albrecht: “Ratet treulich, das die anwesende erzherzogen und ambascia­ dores nicht von hinnen weichen, es sei einige reformation und besserung zue werke gerichtet, und dringt immer da sehr, das eine qualificierte in cose di stato et Guerra erfahrene person in namen der samentlichen erzherzogen hieher in loco zu bleiben verordnet werde, der macht habe, pro interesse domus zu reden, und zu dem die gutherzige ain refugium haben, auch sich in allen zutragenden fallen bei ihm raths erholen mögen.”46 Rudolf himself had renewed parts of the constitutional foundation

43 For general insight see Henry Frederick Schwarz, The Imperial Privy Council in the Seventeenth Century (Harvard Historical Studies 53), Cambridge 1943; focused on Kepler’s role and possible aims: Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen (see note 2), pp. 93 – 117. 44 See Schwarz, The Privy Council (see note 43), pp. 204 – 208. 45 See Oswald von Gschliesser, Der Reichshofrat. Bedeutung und Verfassung, Schicksal und Besetzung einer obersten Reichsbehörde von 1559 bis 1806, Vienna 1942, pp. 153 – 154; see Schwarz, Privy Council (see note 43), pp. 202 – 204. 46 Brief von Peter de Vischere an Erzherzog Albrecht vom 21. Dezember 1611, ed. Anton Chroust, in: Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des Dreissigjährigen Krieges in Zeiten des vorwaltenden Einflusses der Wittelsbacher, vol. X: Der Ausgang der Regierung Rudolfs II. und die Anfänge des Kaisers Matthias, Munich 1906, pp. 178 – 180, p. 179.

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of the empire, and the removal of the court from Vienna to Prague might also have fulfilled the hopes of some courtiers to enter the privy council. One example is Andreas Hannewald (ca. 1560–ca. 1623), who became a member in 1606 after he had served in different lower institutions. He managed to acquire some influence over the emperor, especially concerning the latter’s relationship to his brother.47 Maybe Kepler had similar plans. In order to understand Kepler’s development, there are three notable facts to bear in mind from this second document: first, even the failure to predict Henry IV’s death did not compromise Kepler’s standing at court. Secondly, by proposing himself as Rudolf ’s privy councilor, Kepler revealed his great self-confidence, and that he saw himself playing an important role for his monarch. Thirdly, he clearly wanted to attain a secure position, in which he could outlast the current sovereign, and he believed that it was within his reach. Other councilors remained in their position even under the successor of their original emperor, as the example of Johann Georg von Hohenzollern-­Hechingen (1577 – 1623), privy councilor to the emperors Matthias and Ferdinand II, shows. In November 1611, Rudolf asked his imperial mathematician for another astrolo­ gical analysis, this time of the situation in Hungary. He wanted to know whether his brother Matthias would become more dangerous for him or not. After other conflicts concerning Hungary and the Ottomans, Rudolf was finally forced to name his brother governor of Hungary.48 The “Analysis of the last phase of the fraternal strife”, as it is titled in the edition, is an acutely political document. As before, Kepler insisted on rejecting traditional astrological methods. Instead, he announced that he would give a more political than astrological kind of advice. Nevertheless, he started with a few astrological topics: [1] the primary importance of cometary influences, [2] significant aspects for the years 1611 to 1613 – i. e. four oppositions of Saturn and Jupiter – and [3] the conclusion that, in the end, every development depends on the people involved.49 He had put forward this opinion in some of his earlier works, for example in his Tertius Interveniens: “Astra inclinant, non necessitant.”50 Again, I will focus on a few points in this document: by interpreting the first opposition in a strongly political way, Kepler more or less openly advised Rudolf to appoint his brother to the imperial throne. He explained why a potential successor must be a member of the Habsburg family. All the other candidates would suffer opposition from either the Catholic church or the Lutheran and Calvinist prince electors. In direct connection to his explanations, he also mentioned the astrological prospects for Matthias 47 See Schwarz, Privy Council (see note 43), pp. 237 – 239. 48 For more details see Rill, Kaiser Matthias (see note 9), pp. 126 – 127. 49 See KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), p. 441. 50 Johannes Kepler, Tertius Interveniens. Warnung an die Gegner der Astrologie, ed. Fritz Krafft, Munich 1971, p. 140.

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succeeding his brother.51 But this was a delicate and dangerous manœuvre! As noted above, Rudolf was afraid that he might be killed as soon as he had a legitimate successor, and the problems Matthias caused previously did nothing to diminish his mistrust. My interpretation of the imperial mathematician’s advice is that Kepler had his ­monarch’s fullest confidence, and could therefore say openly in his interpretations what might have otherwise been misunderstood. Kepler tried to show that appointing ­Matthias would bring glory to the entire house of Habsburg. With this implicit interpretation, the imperial mathematician made himself an advocate of the Habsburg family and their interests. In this way, Kepler was able, on the one hand, to calm Rudolf down and, on the other, he could prove afterwards to the prospective successor Matthias that he had acted with complete loyalty to the house of Habsburg. The analysis of the first opposition of Saturn and Jupiter, then, was a stroke of genius! Kepler then connected the second opposition to the eastern menace by briefly discussing the Ottoman situation and Habsburg interests in Transylvania.52 The third opposition appeared to anticipate conflicts with Spain,53 while there were several indications that the fourth opposition – expected for 1613 – pointed to great changes in Christendom.54 In comparison with the previous documents, this one indicates a signifi­ cant development in Kepler’s position. He was now able to step out of the exclusively personal relationship with Rudolf and thereby speak for the entire Habsburg family. His interpretations of the four upcoming oppositions were all connected to different members of the family, each of whom were possible successors to Rudolf. The first candidate was of course Matthias, but there was another eligible one, namely Ferdinand, Rudolf ’s and Matthias’s cousin, who eventually succeeded Matthias in 1619. From my point of view, there are two possible reasons why Kepler risked creating such a document while facing a suspicious emperor: the first relates directly to the previous developments – Kepler wanted to ascertain that he could continue being the imperial mathematician. He tried to achieve this aim by calming Rudolf, while at the same time making sure that he had a good position when the next emperor arose. The second possibility relates to some political plans circulating at the court in Prague in 1611. The privy council was in very bad shape due to Rudolf ’s disinterest in politics in later life. As noted earlier, his relatives tried to gain some control over his political activities and decisions. In this situation, the idea arose to appoint a special privy councilor for the house of Habsburg, as mentioned above. This special councilor should be informed about all important matters, and should help to moderate the different interests and to arbitrate conflicts between members of the Habsburg family.

51 See KGW 21.2.2 (see note 16), pp. 442 – 4 43. 52 See Ibid. 53 Ibid., p. 444. 54 Ibid.

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This post would have been very influential. As a link between the ruling family and the privy council, this powerful post would have made Kepler very important at the Habsburg court. My hypothesis is that Kepler knew of this plan, and that he tried to get this position by portraying himself as an advocate of the entire house of Habsburg, not only in 1611, but also in 1610, when he had indirectly asked for the post of privy councilor. Kepler’s relationships with important people in the imperial context ranged widely and included members of well connected and powerful families. These contacts allowed Kepler to gather information as well as to consolidate his position at court, as two examples may demonstrate. In his early career, Kepler came into contact with Herwart of Hohenburg (1553 – 1622) through his friendship with Michael Mästlin. Herwart was chancellor for the duke of Bavaria, and had great influence on the imperial court. With his political and scientific network and his interest in the natural sciences (Siegmund in this respect calls him “Mittelsperson der Wissenschaft”55), he was the perfect patron for the young Kepler, who benefitted greatly from this relationship. For example, Herwart offered Kepler advice for his behavior at court and his relationship to the emperor.56 And in a letter Herwart wrote in 1602 to Barwitz, who handled most of the imperial corres­pondence after 1597 and had direct access to the emperor, he recommended Kepler as imperial mathematician because there was no one “et ingenio, et fundamentis artis Matheseos, disem Magistro Kepler zuvergleichen.”57 I will now conclude my overview with a letter that Kepler wrote to an anonymous nobleman in April 1611. The original letter is unfortunately lost, but its content has been passed on to us in a copy made by Otto Struve.58 Kepler sent this letter to a person closely connected to the emperor. He referred to the nobleman as “­Caesarianus”,59 someone accustomed to giving Rudolf advice. “Tuum igitur est, qui Caesari consulis,

55 Günther Siegmund, Der bayerische Staatskanzler Herwart von Hohenburg als Freund und Beförderer der exakten Wissenschaften, Munich 1889, p. 20. 56 Siegmund states: “Nachdem von Kepler die Mitteilung eingelaufen ist, daß er ganz zu Tycho nach Böhmen überzusiedeln vorhabe, giebt ihm Herwart einige Winke darüber, unter welchen Bedingungen allein der Eintritt in den kaiserlichen Dienst ratsam sei.“ Ibid., p. 12. 57 Brief Herwarts von Hohenburg an Johann Anton Barwitz vom 23. Februar 1602, ed. Max Caspar, in: Johannes Kepler, Gesammelte Werke, vol. 14, Nr. 207, pp. 214 – 215, esp. 214. In 1602 it did not seem certain that Kepler would succeed Brahe as imperial mathematician. In the same letter Herwart suggested that Kepler should accept another post if he was not appointed officially and paid properly. 58 See Otto Struve, Beitrag zur Feststellung des Verhältnisses von Kepler zu Wallenstein, Petersburg 1860, pp. 11 – 12. Bauer assumed the nobleman could be Anton Barwitz who was mentioned above. To me it seems highly probable that she is right: Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen (see note 2), p. 105. 59 KGW 16 (see note 21), p. 373.

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dispicere, an hoc sit ex usu Caesaris.”60 The nobleman seems to have been asked for his opinion on crucial imperial political matters. Kepler explained to him that he had been asked for an astrological analysis of the fraternal-strife situation by Rudolf as well as by Matthias.61 As we saw above, the document he wrote for Rudolf still exists, while the analysis Kepler mentioned for Matthias has not yet been found. The origin of the questions lay in a French prophecy that was not specified in the letter. Probably this was one of the prophecies of Nostradamus (1503 – 1566), which were published in 1555 and were popular end-of-the-world literature in the last quarter of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century.62 But the addressee of the letter must have been well informed about the topic, because Kepler did not feel the need to explain it in more detail. This makes a tentative interpretation possible: perhaps the addressee was a member of the privy council with access to the emperor and to important information about the state of affairs. In this case, a more detailed description was unnecessary. In addition, it could have been too dangerous to be more specific, as the content of the letter was in any case of acute political interest. Coming back to the text: Kepler stated that from an objective point of view, Matthias was – astrologically speaking – in a better position than his brother. Any astrologer who could compare the nativities of the two opponents would see that.63 “Breviter, censeo Astrologiam exire debere non tantum e senatu, sed etiam ex animis ipsis eorum, qui hodie Caesari optima suadere volunt, adeoque arcendam penitus a conspectu Caesaris.”64 Here again Kepler stressed his rejection of traditional astrology, while at the same time offering political advice enfolded in astrological interpretations. This shows on the one hand his awareness that Rudolf would probably be more open to his advice as soon as he saw it was based on astrological data. On the other hand it emphasizes Kepler’s remaining belief in the usefulness of some parts of astrology. The imperial mathematician openly admitted a very important detail to the addressee: even if the astrological situation was better for Matthias than Rudolf, Kepler nevertheless composed a confident analysis for his emperor, “correcting” the analysis for his sake.65 This is interesting for two reasons: first, it is astonishing that Kepler was asked for advice by both parties. This confirms his reputation, his

60 Ibid. 61 “Ego rogatus a partibus, quas Caesari scio adversas, super astrorum decretis.“ Ibid., p. 374. 62 Kepler calls the prognosticator „illi Gallicus“: Ibid., p. 373. 63 “Haec si astrologus aliquis videret et perpenderet, et si penes ipsum simul esset alterutri consulere: Matthiam quidem redderet confidentissimum, Caesar vero formidulosum.” Ibid., p. 375. 64 Ibid. 65 “Vicissim tibi quia Caesari fidus es, dicam ingenue, quod Matthiae et Bohemis nunquam sum dicturus.” Ibid., p. 374.

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prominence, and again the role he played for the entire house of Habsburg. S­ econdly, it is surprising that Kepler openly told someone that he modified or would modify his interpretation of astrological data in order to influence his clients. From his point of view he did this only for the sake of the emperor, but it can hardly be recon­ciled with his self-perception as a serious scientist. For me this shows that he had left the sphere of science and entered the political arena. And it was very dange­rous to tell someone about this in a letter, which could have been read by a third party. The former point corresponds with another piece of information in the letter: Kepler warned the reader that Rudolf had been easily influenced by suspicious advisers with obscurantist opinions based on pseudo-astrological research in the past.66 He may be referring to people like the former imperial mathematician, R ­ aimarus Ursus (1551 –1600), or other charlatans who made a fortune from the emperor’s good will. As Kepler warned, this kind of prediction should be avoided in Rudolf ’s presence, in favor of serious politi­ cal advice. And astrology should be removed not only from the privy council but also from the heart of everyone involved in the political affairs of the empire. This would have meant, however, that Kepler too should be removed from this sphere! The only way to avoid his own dismissal would have been a change of positions, as he suggested in the document of 1610. This leads me to a general interpretation of the letter: I think that Kepler wrote to someone he knew very well because he spoke frankly about highly charged political and personal matters. In addition, the addressee, like the imperial mathematician, must have been part of the emperor’s inner circle. Kepler did not have to explain the content he was talking about, he simply assumed the requisite knowledge from his addressee. In this letter Kepler portrayed himself as a scientist who rejected traditional astrology and obscurantist methods, but at the same time made clear that he was also quite capable of being a political actor. And he emphasized that, in the special case of Rudolf, he could use astrology as a tool to influence the situation in a positive way. This required a high degree of responsibility on the astrologer’s part, and Kepler showed that he was capable of solving that problem. But he implied that he would need all the information he could gather about the situations he hoped to influence. He would have needed another position at court to achieve this aim. By stating these two arguments, Kepler followed his plan of 1610. He was the right man to convince Rudolf – who was increasingly removed from current politics – of the best course for him, his family and his empire! To conclude I will now come back to the three questions I asked in the beginning and propose some answers and attempts at answers. First: what role did Kepler play in the years 1611 to 1612, when Matthias of Habsburg finally managed to succeed his

66 “Inter caetera hesterni colloquii, dixi uno verbo Astrologiam ingentia damna afferre Monarchis, si catus aliquis astrologus illudere velit hominum credulitati.” Ibid., p. 373.

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brother Rudolf II on the throne? As imperial mathematician he was asked by his sovereign for astrological advice in different situations. But at least from 1606, when Kepler wrote the “Analysis of the conflict between Venice and Pope Paul V”, he dealt with political matters important for the whole empire. This involvement only increased and Kepler was asked for more detailed interpretations of current political affairs in the following years, as the astrologico-political advice for Rudolf II and the “Analysis of the last phase of the fraternal strife” show. In addition, he was also asked by the opposing party for astrologico-political advice. Finally the letter he wrote to an anony­ mous nobleman in 1611 gives us an idea of his self-perception in his role as political councilor. This leads me to a very important hypothesis which I want to stress again: in my opinion, Kepler wanted to achieve the position of a privy councilor in the years of the fraternal strife. The clues I have presented are [1] his quotation of 1610, where he explicitly said that he wanted to be a privy councilor at the emperor’s court; [2] the extraordinary extent of his knowledge about affairs at the imperial court; [3] the image he created of himself as an advocate for the whole house of Habsburg in 1611; [4] the implicit arguments he made in the letter to the anonymous nobleman; and [5] his connections to many influential members of the high nobility, who were able to support his aims. The second question is: how was astrological advice used in the argument? A striking fact is that Kepler insistently rejected traditional astrology. In the first document, he nonetheless used it after his rejection in the introduction. But the astrological advice of 1610 contains a greater amount of political than astrological interpretations. And the document concerning the fraternal strife is arranged by astrological phenomena, but deals principally with the political situation and possible solutions for current p­ roblems based on logic and reason. Finally, Kepler told us in the letter that Rudolf could be influenced by astrologers. This must, from Kepler’s point of view, make a prediction from the stars an inconvenient basis for serious political counsel. Thus, my conclusion is that Kepler used astrology as a vehicle for reaching his monarch with his advice. As he knew, Rudolf respected advice based on predictions made from the stars. Therefore, he embellished his political advice with an astrological veneer. Coming to the third question: what influence from an astrologer like Kepler can be identified on the fraternal strife? The historical development of the fraternal strife does not support any kind of positive influence by Kepler’s astrological advice on the emperor. In the end, Matthias forced his brother by military means to accept him as his successor after the treaty of Lieben. When Matthias was elected king of Bohemia, he ignored his brother’s wishes, and Rudolf was in the end isolated from political power. So far the historical facts. But the documents we examined tell a different story. How could both facets be unified? From my point of view, the differences between the ­brothers were too big to be solved by an astrologer with no real political power. Rudolf was too scared and Matthias was too ambitious. Kepler did his best to reconcile the parties with the only tool he had: astrologico-political advice. With this aim he obviously failed.

Johannes Kepler between two Emperors

219

But he had yet another ambition: I think that Kepler tried to secure his own position. He knew that Rudolf was very old and that there would soon be a successor. With his council for both parties in the fraternal strife, he made sure that he was available for Rudolf as well as for his potential successors. It seems to have been important for Kepler to portray himself as a councilor for the affairs of the entire Habsburg family. This might also be why we find these docu­ ments in his collection. There are just a few extensive interpretations that survive in Kepler’s collection. Boockmann thought it was because of the client’s prominence that the analysis can still be found there. Why, then, is the analysis for Matthias lost? Perhaps Kepler wanted to prove that he only did his best for his current master. In contrast to Grillparzer’s image of astrologers at Rudolf ’s court, there is no evidence that Kepler made any kind of dark prophecy or tried in any way to separate the Habsburg ­brothers from one another. On the contrary, he must have seemed so trustworthy that in the end remained court mathematician even under Matthias and his successor Ferdinand II until his own death in 1630. Thus, perhaps Kepler achieved at least one of his aims.

Table of Astrological Symbols

       ( 

Saturn Jupiter Mars Sun Venus Mercury Moon Head (Tail) of the Dragon Part of fortune

           

Aries Taurus Gemini Cancer Leo Virgo Libra Scorpio Sagittarius Capricorn Aquarius Pisces

    

Conjunction Sextile Square Trine Opposition

0° 60° 90° 120° 180°

Index of Names

Abraham Giudaeus, v. Abraham Judeus. Abraham Ibn Ezra  23, 23n, 48, 48n, 49, 49n, 50n, 51, 52, 52n, 53n, 54n, 55n, 59n, 60n, 142, 143. Abraham Judeus [Abraham Giudaeus]  142. Abū ‘Alī al-Khayyāṭ 20. Abū Bakr al-Ḥasan ibn al-Khaṣīb [Albubater]  142, 143. Abū l-Qāsim al-Balkhī  20. Abū l-Wafā’ al Buzajānī  21. Abū Ma‘shar al-Balkhī [Albumasar]  20, 22, 23, 24, 26, 31, 51, 52, 52n, 55, 55n, 56, 56n, 57n, 58n, 65, 69, 70, 70n, 71n, 72, 72n, 73, 73n, 77, 77n, 78n, 82, 109, 142. Abū Naṣr al-Munajjim al-Qummī  22. Abū Sahl ibn Naubakht  20. Actium  147, 148. Adelard of Bath  23, 23n, 55n, 105. Aix-en-Provence  43, 44, 48n, 50, 60n. Albertus Magnus  148n, 149. Albrecht VII, archduke of Austria  212. Albubater, v. Abū Bakr al-Ḥasan ibn al-Khaṣīb. Albumasar, v. Abū Ma‘shar al-Balkhī. Alcabitius, v. Qabīṣī. Alessandro de’ Medici, duke of Florence  140, 147. Alexander VII, pope  117. Alfonso X, king of Castille  66. ‘Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl [Haly Abenragel]  22n, 23, 49, 49n, 51, 55, 55n, 109, 142, 143. ‘Alī ibn Riḍwān [Haly Abenrudian]  109, 142. ‘Alī Imrānī [Haly Embrani]  51, 57. Alkindi, v. Kindī. al-Andalus 50. Andreas Capellanus  184, 202. Andree of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (?)  102n. Antonio Beccadelli  114. Antonio da Montolmo  109. Aomar, v. ‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān al-Ṭabarī. Apuleius 124n.

Aquilinius of Aquila  107n. Aristotle  19, 50, 96. Aufseß, family  102. Augustus, Roman emperor  146, 147, 147n, 148. Aurelius C.  107n. Avignon  43, 53. Baldi (Bernardino)  105n. Bandini (Giovanni)  147. Baptista Piasii of Cremona  107n. Barbaro (Ermolao)  134n. Barbo (Giovanni)  135. Barwitz ( Johann Anton)  212, 215, 215n. Baudouin II, Latin emperor of Byzantium 26. Baumholder 85. Benedict Alignan, bishop of Marseilles  47. Bertran Guilhem  44. Béziers 48n. Boethius  19, 19n. Bologna  30, 36, 44, 44n, 64, 140. Boniface VIII, pope  45. Bonincontri (Lorenzo)  124n. Brahe (Tycho)  207, 208n, 210, 215n. Brambach 101. Brussels 153. Cardano (Girolamo)  209, 211. Casimir of Brandenburg-Bayreuth  85n, 101, 101n, 102, 102n. Cavaillon 44. Cecco d’Ascoli  63. Charles V, emperor  144, 146, 147, 148. Charles of Anjou, king of Sicily  81. Cicero  112, 133, 133n, 134. Clement V, pope  43, 44. Clement VII, pope  106n, 132. Cologne  90, 94. Constantine, Roman emperor  125, 125n.

224 Constantinople 99. Cosimo I de’ Medici, duke of Florence  139 – 150. Daniel of Morley  24. Dante Alighieri  30. Danzig  153, 169, 169n. Deventer  153, 154, 155. Dominicus Maria de Novara  107n. Dorotheus 65. Edward VI, king of England  211. Eleanor of Portugal, empress  51n. Eleanor of Toledo, duchess of Florence  144. Elisabeth of Brandenburg-Bayreuth  102n. Erasmus of Rotterdam  106. Ercole II d’Este, duke of Ferrara  145. Erik XIV, king of Sweden  153. Ezzelino III, governor of Padua  34. Federico II Gonzaga, duke of Mantua  145. Federico da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino  106, 117, 134, 135, 135n, 136. Ferdinand II of Habsburg, emperor  205, 213, 214, 219. Ficino (Marsilio)  106, 148, 148n, 149, 150. Firmicus Maternus  97, 97n, 105 – 137, 142, 143, 160n, 170, 190n. Firmin de Beauval  64. Florence  30, 34, 35, 63, 64, 66, 67n, 68, 70, 80, 139 – 150. Forlì  30, 35. Fossombrone  97, 106, 124, 132. Francesco Maria II della Rovere, duke of Urbino  117, 145. Francesco Pescennio Negro  114. Francis I, king of France  144. Franciscus, franciscan monk  167, 167n, 170, 180. Franciscus Guasconus  107n. Franciscus de Sirigattis  107n. Frederick II, emperor  17, 25, 26, 33, 33n. Frederick III, emperor  83, 90, 91, 98, 98n, 99, 110, 110n.

Index of Names

Frederick of Brandenburg-AnsbachKulmbach  101, 101n, 102n. Friedrich Albrecht of BrandenburgBayreuth 102n. Fugger (Ulrich)  117. Gabriel Pirovanus  107n. Galateo (A.)  134. Galeazzo Maria Sforza, duke of Milan  151n. Galen 19. Gaurico (Luca)  162n, 163n, 166n, 167, 167n, 170, 180, 210, 210n, 211n. Geber, v. Jābir ibn Aflāḥ. Geoffrey of Meaux  63. Georg of Brandenburg-Bayreuth  102n. George of Trebizond  134n. Georgius (Kotermak) de Drohobycz  107n. Gerard of Cremona  50. Giambullari (Pierfrancesco)  147. Gießen 85. Giles of Rome  55n. Giovanni Aurispa  114. Giovanni delle Bande Nere  140. Giovanni Battista Cibo  110n. Giovanni di Luni, v. Johannes de Luna. Giovanni Villani  63 – 82. Giovo (Paolo)  148. Girolamo Manfredi [Hieronymus de Manfredis] 107n. Giuntini (Francesco)  140, 146n. Grümbach ( Johannes), v. Lichtenberger. Guicciardini (Francesco)  140. Guido Bonatti  29 – 41. Guido da Montefeltro, count of Forlì  35. Guido Novello, count of Florence  34, 35, 39. Guidobaldo 135. Gundisalvus Hispanus  117. Gutenberg ( Johannes)  97. Hagia Sophia  99. Haly Abenragel, v. ‘Alī ibn Abī-l-Rijāl. Haly Abenrudian, v. ‘Alī ibn Riḍwān. Haly Embrani, v. ‘Alī Imrānī. Hannewald (Andreas)  213.

225

Index of Names

Heidelberg  91, 100n, 117, 130n. Heingarter (Conrad/Konrad)  96 – 97n, 107n, 151n. Heinrich Julius von BraunschweigWolffenbüttel 212. Henry VI, emperor  33n. Henry IV, king of France  211, 213. Henry Bate of Mechelen  23n, 59n. Hermann of Carinthia  24, 26, 27. Hermes  109, 152, 162, 162n, 170, 173, 204. Herwart of Hohenburg  215, 215n. Hesse 85. Hesse (Hans)  92, 104. Hieronymus de Manfredis, v. Girolamo Manfredi. Hugo of Santalla  26, 27. Hugues Géraud, bishop of Cahors  43, 52. Ḥunayn ibn Ishāq  21, 23.

John III of the Palatinate, archbishop of Regensburg 87. John of Eshenden  63, 63n. John of Lübeck  107n. John of Murs  63, 63n. John of Saxony  20, 21n. John of Seville  23, 24, 69n. John of Vicenza  30, 36. Julianus de Blanchis  107n. Julius II, pope  210. Julius Caesar, Roman emperor  147.

Iacobus Yspanus  107n. Ibn al-Nadīm  22, 22n. Innocent IV, pope  33. Innocent VIII, pope  110n. Isidore of Seville  18.

Leovitius (Cyprianus)  169, 169n. Leuven, v. Louvain. Levi ben Gerson  64, 68. Lichtenberger ( Johannes)  83 – 104, 106, 127, 130, 130n, 131, 131n, 136n, 137. Lieben  207, 218. Lilly (William)  73, 73n. Linz 207n. Louis IX “the Wealthy”, duke of BavariaLandshut  86, 86n, 87, 87n, 88, 89, 90, 103. Louis I, count Palatine of Zweibrücken  101. Louvain [Leuven]  106, 135, 135n, 160, 160n, 161, 169, 169n. Luther (Martin)  99, 99n. Lyons 43.

Jābir ibn Aflāḥ [Geber]  50, 51n, 54, 54n. Jacob ben Makhir ibn Tibbon [Prophatius Judeus]  47, 47n, 48, 57n, 61, 65, 65n, 66. Jehan de La Goutte  151n. Joachim of Fiore  96. Johann Georg von HohenzollernHechingen 213. Johanna, countess Palatine of Zweibrücken 101. Johannes ab Indagine  103n. Johannes Barbus  107n. Johannes de Glogau [ Johannes Glogoviensis] 107n Johannes de Lubec, v. John of Lübeck. Johannes de Luna [Giovanni di Luni]  44, 44n. Johannes Glogoviensis, v. Johannes de Glogau. Johannes Laet  107n. John XXII, pope  43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 53, 60n.

Kepler ( Johannes)  67, 205 – 219. al-Kindī [Alkindi]  20, 21, 22n, 51, 55n, 149. Kistler (Bartholomeus)  100n. Knoblochtzer (Heinrich)  91, 100n. Kushyār ibn Labbān  20, 21, 21n. al-Khwārizmī 109.

Machiavelli  143n, 150. Macrobius 112. Mainz 100n. Malines, v. Mechelen. Manetti (Angelo)  117, 120n. Manfred, king of Sicily  80, 80n, 81. Manilius 134. Marcus Gualterius  107n. Marcus Scribanarius  107n.

226 Margarethe of Brandenburg-Bayreuth  102n. Mark Antony, Roman emperor  147. Martin IV, pope  35. Martinus Polichius de Mellerstadt  107n. Masaccio 139. Māshā’allāh [Messahallah]  20, 49n, 52, 52n, 59, 69, 69n, 72n, 109. Mästlin (Michael)  215. Matthaeus Moretus  107n. Matthias of Habsburg, emperor  205, 206, 207, 213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219. Matthias Fibulator  107n. Mavortius  122, 125. Maximilian I of Habsburg, emperor  98, 98n, 99, 108, 110, 110n, 113, 135, 136. Mechelen [Malines]  154, 155, 160, 161, 168. Messahallah, v. Māshā’allāh. Meydenbach ( Jacob)  100n. Michael Scot  17 – 27. Misocacus (Wilhelmus)  151 – 204. Montemurlo  147, 148. Montpellier  47, 48n. Moses of Trets  43 – 53, 61. Muḥammad ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān  20. Nechepso  163, 170. Neuss 90. Nicolaus de Insula Mariae  107n. Nicomachus of Gerasa  19, 20. Nostradamus 216. Octavian, Roman emperor  147. Olympiodorus 19. Ottheinrich, v. Otto Henry. Otto Henry [Ottheinrich], prince-elector of the Palatinate  87n. Padua  34, 106, 107, 132, 134. Pagolo 134n. Pagolo di ser Piero  65, 66, 66n, 67, 68, 68n. Paul III, pope  144. Paul V, pope  208, 209, 218. Paul of Middelburg  96, 96n, 97, 97n, 98, 98n, 99, 103, 104, 105 – 137.

Index of Names

Paulus Alexandrinus  19. Persius 196n. Peter (Master)  43, 47, 48, 49, 49n, 50, 50n, 51, 56n. Peter the German  116 – 117. Petosiris  163, 170, 174. Petrarch [Francesco Petrarca]  112, 112n, 113, 113n, 114, 155. Petrus Bonus Advogarius  107n. Pico della Mirandola (Giovanni)  106, 114, 134n, 140n. Pierre Després, archbishop of Aix-enProvence  43, 50, 60n. Pietro d’Abano  50n, 55n, 60n, 63. Pisa  140, 142. Plotinus  110, 111, 111n, 112, 112n, 113, 115, 116, 117, 122, 123n, 130. Poliziano 134n. Porphyry  19, 19n, 111n. Prague  205, 206, 206n, 207, 210, 212, 213, 214. Prophatius Judeus, v. Jacob ben Makhir ibn Tibbon Ptolemy [Claudius Ptolemaeus]  19, 19n, 50, 51, 52, 52n, 54, 55, 55n, 58, 59, 59n, 60, 65, 72, 72n, 77, 77n, 96, 96n, 103, 109, 134, 140, 141, 142, 143, 160, 162, 170, 172, 173, 173n, 203. Pucci (Antonio)  145. al-Qabīṣī [Alcabitius]  20, 20n, 21, 21n, 22, 23, 23n. al-Qaṣrānī 20. Rainhard the Lollard (or Nollard)  95, 96. Ramesey (William)  73, 73n. Rantzau (Heinrich)  153, 154n, 160. Ravenna 35. Regiomontanus  151n, 161. Richard Trewythian  151n. Ridolfi (Niccolò)  145. Ristori (Giuliano)  139 – 150. Robert Guiscard, duke of Sicily  80, 80n, 81. Robert of Mauvoisin  43 – 53.

227

Index of Names

Roger Bacon  25, 26n, 73, 73n, 149. Rudolf II of Habsburg, emperor  205 – 219. Sabellico (Marcantonio)  98n. Sahl Ibn Bishr [Zael]  22n, 24, 40n, 49n, 56n. Salio of Padua  34. Salviati (Giovanni)  145. Scaliger ( Joseph Justus)  106. Scaliger ( Julius Caesar)  135n. Schöner ( Johannes)  162n, 163n, 164, 164n, 166n, 167n, 169n, 170, 171n, 178, 194n, 195n, 203n. Schottwien 207n. Secretum secretorum  149. Siena 140. Sigmund of Heßberg  101, 102. al-Sijzī  20, 21. Sillyers ( Joannes)  151 – 204. Simon Mestaguerra  35. Simone Bevilacqua  114. Sixtus IV, pope  110n. Soranus (Pseudo-)  18, 18n, 19, 20n. Speculum astronomiae  46, 46n, 71n, 150n. Strasbourg  90, 100n. al-Ṣufī  22n, 27.

Thomas Aquinas  75, 75n. ‘Umar ibn al-Farrukhān al-Ṭabarī [Aomar]  20, 51, 56n, 142, 143. Urbino  105, 117, 118, 120, 120n, 132, 135, 136, 137. Ursula of Brandenburg-Bayreuth  102n. Ursus (Raimarus)  217. Valbona 35. Valla (Giorgio)  134n. Venice  98, 114, 208, 209, 210, 218. Vergil  123, 124. Vettius Valens  65. Viechtelberger 87n. Vienna 206. Vimercati (Raphaele)  151n. Vincent of Beauvais  112. Vischere (Peter de)  212, 212n. Vitale (Ludovico)  140, 140n. Vitus Geroch  107n. Wenceslaus Faber de Budweis  107n. Windsberger (Erhard)  87.

Zael, v. Sahl Ibn Bishr.

229

Index of Manuscripts

Index of Manuscripts

Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, AV.KK. VIII.29, 107n.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France  16204, 24n, 40.

Danzig, Biblioteka Polskiej Akademii Nauk  2253, 153n.

Soest, Wissenschaftliche Stadtbibliothek  24, 105.

Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut.  30.22, 107n. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut.  89 sup.  34, 141.

Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, E  284, 153n.

Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. Pal. Germ.  12, 86n, 87n, 88n. Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek  1466, 23n. London, British Library, Arundel  88, 107n. London, British Library, Harley  2766, 117n. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm  10268, 17n, 18. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm  27004, 153, 154n, 156, 157, 158, 159, 171. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V A  17, 115, 116. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canon. Misc.  555, 24n.

Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat.  165, 124. Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Urb. lat.  263, 105, 116, 130. Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat.  1418, 105, 116, 117n. Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat.  3425, 117n. Vatican, Secret Archives, Collectorie  17, 43, 53. Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek  11449, 153n. Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Guelf.  115 Noviss.  4°, 85n, 87n. Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, M. ch. fol.  130, 23n.