Assembling Shinto: Buddhist Approaches to Kami Worship in Medieval Japan 9781684175710, 2016001552, 9780674970571, 0674970578

Table of contents :
Cover
Assembling Shinto: BUDDHIST APPROACHES TO KAMI WORSHIP IN MEDIEVAL JAPAN
Contents
List of Maps, Plates, and Figures
Acknowledgments
Note to the Reader
Abbreviations
Introduction
PART I: MT. MIWA AND THE YAMATO LANDSCAPE
1. The Ancient Cultic Site
2. Temple Networks in Southern Yamato
PART II: HOLY MEN AND BUDDHIST MONKS AT MIWA
3. Miwa Bessho
4. Saidaiji
5. From Ise to Miwa and Beyond
PART III: ASSEMBLING SHINTO
6. Enlightenment for the “Country Bumpkins”
7. Miwa-ryū Shintō
Conclusion
Chinese and Japanese Names and Terms
Bibliography
Index
Harvard East Asian Monographs

Citation preview

Assembling Shinto

Harvard East Asian Monographs 396

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Assembling Shinto Buddhist Approaches to Kami Worship in Medieval Japan

Anna Andreeva

Published by the Harvard University Asia Center Distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London 2017

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

© 2017 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America The Harvard University Asia Center publishes a monograph series and, in coordination with the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, the Korea Institute, the Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies, and other faculties and institutes, administers research projects designed to further scholarly understanding of China, Japan, Vietnam, Korea, and other Asian countries. The Center also sponsors projects addressing multidisciplinary and regional issues in Asia. This publication uses the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please visit http://www.brill.com/about/brill-fonts.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Andreeva, Anna, author. Assembling Shinto : Buddhist approaches to kami worship in medieval Japan / Anna Andreeva. Harvard East Asian monographs ; 396. Cambridge, Massachusetts : Published by the Harvard University Asia Center, 2016. | Series: Harvard East Asian monographs ; 396 | Includes bibliographical references and index. 2016001552 | ISBN 978-0-674-97057-1 (hardcover : alk. paper) Gods, Shinto—History—To 1500. | Shinto—History—To 1868. | Shinto—Relations—Buddhism. | Buddhism—Relations—Shinto. | Miwa Mountain Region (Japan)—Religious life and customs—History—To 1500. BL2226 .A53 2016 | DDC 299.5 / 6109—dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016001552 Index by the author  Printed on acid-free paper Last figure below indicates year of this printing 20 19 18 17 

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

To Shaun, and to Alya and Vitya

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Contents

List of Maps, Plates, and Figures

ix

Acknowledgments

xi

Note to the Reader

xvii

Abbreviations

xix

Introduction

1

Part I: Mt. Miwa and the Yamato Landscape 1

The Ancient Cultic Site

39

2

Temple Networks in Southern Yamato

72

Part II: Holy Men and Buddhist Monks at Miwa 3 Miwa Bessho 105 4 Saidaiji

141

5

175

From Ise to Miwa and Beyond

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viii

Contents Part III: Assembling Shinto

6

Enlightenment for the “Country Bumpkins”

217

7

Miwa-ryū Shintō

256

Conclusion

303

Chinese and Japanese Names and Terms

311

Bibliography

327

Index

367

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Maps, Plates, and Figures

Maps 1 2 3

Medieval Japan, with an inset showing the location of the Ise shrines and Futami Bay area The Yamato Plain Mountain pilgrimage routes in the Yamato area

Plates

21 40 79

(following p. 186)

1 2 3

Aizen Myōō, sculpture by Zen’en, commissioned by Eizon in 1247 Aizen as the Sanskrit Syllable hhūṃ, hanging scroll Kongōkai Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi) 4 Taizōkai Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi) 5 Butsugen Butsumo Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi) 6 Aizen Myōō Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi)

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x

Maps, Plates, and Figures

7a Vertical “seal of trust” for the Denbu Aizen ritual (Denbu hō tategami injin), detail of Enpō 3 [1676] copy 7b Principal deity of the “Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits” (Reiki kanjō honzon), modern reproduction drawing 8 Map of Mt. Miwa (Miwayama ezu)

Figures 1.1

Eleven-Headed Kannon, sculpture, Heian period, latter half of the 8th c. 64 6.1 Mt. Sumeru fragment from the “Beetle-Wing Cabinet” (Tamamushi zushi), modern reproduction drawing 222 6.2 Serpent deities of Ise, from the Secret of the Serpent Form of the Two Ise Shrines (Ise ryōgū jakei daiji), ca. 1513–14, modern reproduction drawing 249 7.1 “Spread out” mandala for the “Shinto Abhiṣeka, MiwaStyle” (Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō shiki mandara), modern reproduction drawing 279 7.2a–g Seven generations of heavenly kami (tenjin shichidai), modern reproduction drawings 288–89 7.3 Altar for the “Shinto Abhiṣeka, Miwa-Style” (Miwaryū jingi kanjō no dan), modern reproduction drawing 292 7.4a–c Three divine treasures (sanshu no jinki), modern reproduction drawings 294

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Acknowledgments

This puzzle of a book has taken long to assemble. The present monograph is roughly based on my doctoral dissertation, which was written and defended at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at Cambridge University in 2006. I warmly thank Professor Richard Bowring for taking me on as his student in 2001 when, for the very first time, I arrived in England from Siberia via Japan. For Professor Bowring’s patience, wit, and all kinds of support throughout the years I am most grateful. As far as karmic debts go, I hope that this book will be a kind of ongaeshi. I wish to express my gratitude to the two colleges at Cambridge where I spent a total of eight years: first as an MPhil and PhD student at Selwyn (2001–6), and then as a Margaret Smith Junior Research Fellow in Japanese Religions at Girton (2007–10). Both were warm homes, and a gift of time and place that I shall never forget. Special thanks go to the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies and the Yasuda Banking Trust for kindly supporting my studies at Cambridge, and to the British Association of Japanese Studies and Japan Foundation Endowment Committee (UK) for granting me funding to travel to Japan in 2004 and 2008. Kōgakkan University in Ise (Mie Prefecture) graciously accepted me as a research student in 2004, providing sponsorship and all kinds of divine connections. Many thanks to both Kōgakkan and the Atsuta Shrine for granting me a short-term research scholarship during my five-month stay.

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xii Acknowledgments My warm thanks also go to the Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies (RIJS) at Harvard University, where I spent ten months as a postdoctoral fellow in 2006–7. Without its generous support this book would have been very different. I am grateful for the opportunity to organize my dissertation workshop at the RIJS, to attend research meetings, to meet exciting scholars, and to make lifelong friends. Very special thanks are due to Professor Helen Hardacre, who was my academic host, and to Professor Ryūichi Abe, who took a keen interest in my work. I also thank Professor Jacqueline Stone (Princeton University) and Dr. Lucia Dolce (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London [SOAS]) for kindly taking time to give me feedback in 2006. To Mikael Adolphson (now at University of Cambridge) and Theodore Gilman (now Executive Director of the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard), my gratitude for their good cheer and clever advice, and my gratitude also to Stacie Matsumoto for her very useful tips and guidance. The snowfalls in Cambridge, Massachusetts, were reassuringly comparable to Siberia and thus especially heartwarming. Most importantly, I would like to extend my thanks to the Harvard University Asia Center Publications Program for accepting this project and to Robert Graham and Deborah Del Gais for patiently guiding me through the various stages of the publication process. My many thanks also to Nita Sembrowich for carefully copyediting my manuscript. I am grateful to the German Research Council (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft [DFG]) and all my colleagues at the Cluster of Excellence, “Asia and Europe in a Global Context” (now Heidelberg Centre for Transcultural Studies, HCTS), as well as those at the University of Heidelberg, for accepting me into their fold and for generously supporting my work and all kinds of intellectual mischief. Two research projects, “Religion and Medicine in Premodern East Asia” (2010–12) and “Economies of the Sacred in Premodern Japan” (2013–16), which were sponsored by the DFG and the Cluster of Excellence, have helped to bring this book project to fruition. Many warm thanks go to the Directorate of the Cluster for its very generous and unfailing support throughout the various stages of this book project. I thank the HCTS Professors Harald Fuess (Cultural Economic History) and Joachim Kurtz (Intellectual History) for bringing me to Heidelberg in 2010. Professors Birgit Kellner (formerly Chair of Buddhist Studies at Heidelberg, now the Director of

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Acknowledgments xiii the Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia, Austrian Academy of Sciences) and Monica Juneja (Global Art History) have been an incredible source of wisdom and support. My heartfelt thanks go also to Professors Melanie Trede (Histories of Japanese Art) and Judit Árokay (Japanese Studies) at the University of Heidelberg for various forms of guidance and encouragement. It has been a privilege to work in the same environment with you. I thank my colleagues on the Faculty of East Asian Studies, Ruhr-Universität-Bochum, for their kind invitation to join the Department of Japanese History as interim chair (Lehrstuhlvertretungsprofessorin) during the winter of 2016–17. I am grateful to the International Research Center for Japanese Studies (Nichibunken) in Kyoto for their generosity during my eightmonth stay there as a visiting researcher in 2012–13. Warm thanks to Professor Sueki Fumihiko for hosting me and for including me in his research team, and to the very efficient administration team at Nichibunken for insuring that my stay was extremely productive. I thank Mark Teeuwen for suggesting the theme of Miwa-ryū Shintō as a topic for my doctoral dissertation in 2002 and hope that the results are not too disappointing. Very special thanks to Lucia Dolce, John Breen (now at Nichibunken), Brian Bocking (now Emeritus Professor at University College Cork), and everyone at the Center for the Study of Japanese Religions (CSJR) at SOAS, where I learned so much over the years. During 2001–6, the CSJR was a second home away from Cambridge and a place that had a formative influence on my thinking in many ways. My warm thanks to Fabio Rambelli (University of California, Santa Barbara), Bernhard Scheid (Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia, Austrian Academy of Sciences), and Iyanaga Nobumi (Tokyo) for many kinds of support, and to Gaynor Sekimori for patiently reading and proofing the early drafts of this manuscript and for opening her home to me on many occasions. I am indebted to Professors Abe Yasurō (Nagoya Daigaku), Itō Satoshi (Ibaraki Daigaku), Kadoya Atsushi (Iwaki Meisei Daigaku), Satō Hiroo (Tōhoku Daigaku), and Yoneda Mariko (Kobe Gakuin) for sharing their thoughts and sources over the years and for their expert opinions on many issues related to the manuscripts and religiosity of medieval Japan. I would like to express my gratitude also to the anonymous reviewers whose comments have helped a lot. All mistakes, of course, remain my own.

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xiv Acknowledgments At Kōgakkan, I owe my gratitude to Professor Shirayama Yoshitarō, who kindly introduced me to the Ōmiwa Shrine and directed my first journeys to Mt. Miwa and Mt. Asama; to Professor Murei Hitoshi for taking his time to read the selected Shinto texts with me; and to the late Itō Masanori, who arranged my first trip to Mt. Kōya and Kōyasan University Library and made my first stay in Ise very enjoyable. I am sorry you will not be able to read this book, but I am grateful for everything you did for me in 2004–5. I also thank Professor Fukushima Kazuo, Tanaka Yukie, and Kadoya Atsushi who kindly assisted with my viewing of the Miwa-ryū manuscripts preserved at Ueno Gakuen (Tokyo) in 2005. This book could not have been completed without the helpful assistance of the friendliest and most expert of librarians. At Cambridge, I warmly thank Mr. Koyama Noboru, then the Head of the Japanese Department and the Aoi Collection at Cambridge University Library, and Mrs. Françoise Simmons, the librarian at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. At Harvard, I would like to thank Ms. Kuniko Yamada McVey for providing access to the Bruno Petzold Collection of Japanese scrolls at the Harvard-Yenching Library in 2006–7, before the scrolls were fully digitized, and to Mrs. Fumiko E. Cranston for taking the time to view many of them with me. In Japan, thanks go to the Kōyasan University Library, where I was able to peruse some of the Edo-period Miwa-ryū documents in 2004, 2012, and 2013; to Kyoto University Library; to the Eizan Bunko temple archive (Shiga Prefecture); to the Jingū Bunko archive at Ise (Mie Prefecture); and to the Nichibunken Library, especially to Mr. Egami Toshinori for his kind assistance with advice, the viewing of scrolls, and very helpful introduction letters. To Frau Chihiro Kodama-Lambert at Heidelberg, I am grateful for several years of day-to-day support. I warmly thank Mr. Takahashi Yūsuke and the staff at Kanazawa Bunko temple archive library for their wonderful support over the years. My special thanks to Mr. Takahashi for his kind help in obtaining permission to publish the image of Aizen as a Sanskrit syllable, and to the head of Shōmyōji temple (Kanagawa Prefecture) for graciously allowing me to publish it. I am indebted to the Nara National Museum and its Buddhist Art Study Center for kindly providing the photographs of the religious objects from the Ōmiwa Shrine, Saidaiji, and Shōrinji (all in Nara Prefecture). Ms. Narimatsu Hitomi tirelessly answered my many queries regarding the image permissions and publication.

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Acknowledgments xv In Nara Prefecture, much gratitude goes to the Ōmiwa Shrine (Sakurai) and its head priest (gūji), Mr. Suzuki Kanji, for welcoming me at the shrine in 2004 and for granting permission to publish the reproduction of the Muromachi map of Mt. Miwa. The Great Deity of Miwa, Miwa Myōjin, must have carefully watched my progress over the past fifteen years. I also thank the Shōrinji temple (Sakurai) and especially Ms. Kura­ moto Myōka, the head of the temple (gojūshoku), and Mrs. Honda Michiko, for kindly granting permission to reproduce the image of the Eleven-Headed Kannon which originally belonged to Daigorinji temple. In Nara, I warmly thank the Saidaiji temple for graciously granting permission to reproduce the images of Aizen Myōō (a secret statue, hibutsu honzon) and the Ise mishōtai zushi with its Sanskrit syllable mandalas. Finally, I extend deep thanks to my dear friend, Dr. Matsumoto Ikuyo (Yokohama Shiritsu Daigaku), who helped me tremendously over the years, assisting especially with publication permissions. I am indebted to Professor Itō Satoshi for kindly permitting me to reproduce a Denbu Aizen manuscript from his collection. Special gratitude is due to the Völkerkundemuseum Universität Zürich, especially to Dr. Martina Wernsdörfer, Ms. Salome Guggenheimer, and Mrs. Tomoe Steineck, for kindly arranging a viewing of the two hanging scrolls representing the deities Kuni no Satsuchi and Toyokumunu in 2015. I deeply appreciate having received the Völkerkundemuseum’s kind permission to reproduce these images on the book jacket free of charge. Big thanks to Ivan Sablin (Sankt-Petersburg, Russia) for making all the maps, also without charge, and to Tai Sekimori (Cambridge, UK) for providing the detailed drawings. This book would not have come to fruition if not for the good cheer and encouragement of close friends and colleagues. To my dear friend Chiara Ghidini, thanks for being there, reading, listening, and laughing out loud (often at me). Somehow you always manage to move those celestial stones that block the way. Thanks to Ed Drott and Miwako Ishi­ bashi, Aaron Moore, Seth Jacobowitz, Christopher and Eiko Bondy, Gina Cogan, and Heather Blair for providing superb company at Harvard and in Japan. To the Selwyn crowd, thanks for being there at the beginning and throughout this very long journey. In Heidelberg, I thank my friends and colleagues David Mervart (now at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid), Martin Hofmann (Universities of Heidelberg and Leipzig),

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xvi Acknowledgments Dominic Steavu (now at the University of California, Santa Barbara), Martin Dusinberre (now at the University of Zurich), Hans Martin Krämer, and Davide Torri for their unfailing support and friendly banter; and Frau Shupin Lang for teaching me all sorts of invaluable lessons. My student assistants Charlotte Schäfer and Maria Römer have been extremely helpful over the years. To Andrea Hacker and Rick “Herr Bürger­ meister” Littler, Petra and Christian Kourschil, Jule Nowoitnick, and Alexander Darus my heartfelt thanks for being an inexaustible source of humor and daily panache. I send my gratitude to Dorothea Rust and the good people of Handschuhsheim. Only there could the final pieces of the puzzle finally have fallen into place. Last, but not least, I thank Shaun for his incredible patience, kindness, and support for everything I do. I am grateful for all the tireless reading and proofing that you have done, all the advice that you have given, and all the helpful criticisms that were always presented deli­ cately. With much love, I dedicate this book to you. My thanks and admiration to Bernadette and Brian, Mark and Erin, and Ciaran, for taking me under your wing, and County Antrim, for being the loveliest corner of Northern Ireland. And finally, my warmest gratitude and much love go to my parents, friends, and family in Siberia. To young Vladimir, who was on his way to fight the Kwantung Army in Manchuria in August 1945: history turns everything around. To Irina and Georgiy: little did you know, recounting tales about “a samurai girl.” To all of you, goodbye. Mое самое наиогромнейшее спасибо–моим любимым родителям, Але и Вите. Спасибо, мои дорогие. Эта книга также посвящается вам обоим.

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Note to the Reader

Chinese and Japanese personal names are given in the traditional order, with the family name first and personal name last. Sanskrit terms and syllables are provided with diacritics; Chinese names and terms are given in Pinyin, followed by Chinese traditional characters and the Japanese reading in Hepburn transcription, where applicable. Romanized terms in italics are transcriptions of Japanese words and phrases unless otherwise identified by the abbreviations Sk. for Sanskrit and Ch. for Chinese. In cases where it is necessary to distinguish the Japanese term, the abbreviation Jp. is used, for example, when the Sanskrit, Chinese, and Japanese names for a sutra are cited. All citations from the Taishō Buddhist Canon (Taishō shinshū daizōkyō) are cited as follows: T. text number, page and register (a, b, or c), line number(s). For example, T. 867, 570a10–15; or, Treatise on the Bodhicitta (Ch. Putixin lun 菩提心論, Jp. Bodaishinron, T. 1665). If a Buddhist treatise or sutra has been translated and published in English and is known widely under that English title (e.g., the Lotus Sutra or the aforementioned Treatise on the Bodhicitta), the translated English title will appear before the Sanskrit, Chinese, and Japanese transliteration in italics. Other sutras and treatises will be referenced on the first mention as noted above. Depending on the availability of the Buddhist sutras in English translation, they will be referred to either by their ­English titles (the Sutra of the Guiding Principle, the Sutra for Benevolent

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xviii

Note to the Reader

Kings) or by their Chinese or Japanese title, whichever is better known and accepted in the field of East Asian and Japanese Religions or Buddhism (e.g., the Yugikyō was translated into Dutch but not English and is more widely known under its Japanese title). For Japanese dates before 1873, I cite the traditional format of the era name and the number of the year followed by the corresponding year in the Gregorian calendar in parentheses; where applicable, the year date is followed by the month and day in the lunar calendar, for example, the twenty-first day of the fifth lunar month of Kōan 6 (1283.5.21). I will use the anglicized word “Shinto” (without the macron) when it occurs in the modern context, and I will use Japanese terms such as Miwa-ryū Shintō and similar designations (Ryōbu Shintō, Ise Shintō, or Sannō Shintō) when they relate specifically to the medieval forms of kami worship. The term abhiṣeka will appear in its Sanskrit transliteration and italicized, except for those instances when this word occurs as a part of the English translation of a ritual’s title, for example, “Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits.” Place names such as Mt. Kōya or Mt. Hiei will be used to indicate the historic monastic institutions established at these locations. In this book, the term tennō, which only appeared in Japan around the seventh century, will be used to refer to the rulers of Japan. To distinguish the heads of the ancient Yamato polity when they were understood to be the regional overlords, or ōkimi, who controlled that area, the designation “chieftain” will be employed. The terms “ruler” or tennō will be used largely to indicate Japanese sovereigns who reigned after the eighth century. As a translation of the Japanese term tennō, the English term “emperor” was adopted by Meiji politicians to reflect the use of the Western term and derived from the nation-state discourse of the French and Austro-Hungarian empires. Despite its problematic connotations, it will appear in the text occasionally in lieu of tennō to avoid repetition. In the text, the abbreviation “alt.” is used to designate alternative terminology; in the bibliography, it denotes “alternatively” and is used to refer to other readings of authors’ names, to alternative titles of works, or to other editions of the same work.

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Abbreviations

BD

Bukkyō daijiten 佛教大辭典. 10 vols. Edited by Mochizuki Shinkō 望月信享. Tokyo: Bukkyō daijiten hakkōjo, 1931–37. DDZ Dengyō daishi zenshū 傳教大師全集. By Saichō 最澄 (767– 822). Tokyo: Tendaishū shūten kankōkai, 1912–13. DNBZ Dai Nihon bukkyō zensho 大日本佛教全書. 100 vols. Edited by Bussho kankōkai 佛書刊行會. Tokyo: Bussho kankōkai, 1912–22. GR Gunsho ruijū 群書類從. 29 vols., 530 kan. Edited by Hanawa Hokinoichi 塙保己一. Tokyo: Zoku gunsho ruijū kanseikai, 1928–36. KDZ Kōkyō Daishi zenshū 興教大師全集. By Kakuban 覺鑁 (1095– 1144). Edited by Kobayashi Seisei 小林正盛. Tokyo: Kaji sekai­ sha, 1909. KKB Kamakura kyū bukkyō 鎌倉舊佛教. Nihon shisō taikei, vol. 15, edited by Kamata Shigeo 鎌田茂雄 and Tanaka Hisao 田中 久雄. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971. KT Kokushi taikei 國史大系. 66 vols. Edited by Kuroita Katsumi 黑板勝美 et al. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, 1929–64, bekkan, 2 vols., 1998–2002.

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xx Abbreviations KZ

Kōbō Daishi zenshū 弘法大師全集. 15 vols. Edited by Sofū sen’yōkai 祖風宣揚會. Tokyo, Kyoto: Yoshikawa kōbunkan, Rokudai shinpōsha, 1909–10. MDJ Mikkyō daijiten 密教大辭典. Edited by Mikkyō daijiten hen­ sankai 密教大辭典編纂會, 1931. Revised edition edited by Chishakuin daigaku mikkyō gakkainai Mikkyō daijiten saihan iinkai 智積院大學密教學會内密教大辭典再版委員會. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1970. Reduced-size reprint, 10th edition, 2007. MSK Miwaryū shintō no kenkyū: Ōmiwa jinja no shinbutsu shugō bunka 三輪流神道の研究：大神神社の神佛習合文化. Edited by Ōmiwa jinja shiryō henshū iinkai 大神神社史料編修委員 會. Sakurai: Ōmiwa jinja shamusho, 1983. NDZ Nihon daizōkyō 日本大蔵經. 49 vols. Edited by Matsumoto Bunzaburō 松本文三朗 and Nakano Tatsue 中野達恵. Tokyo: Nihon daizōkyō hensankai, 1914–21. NKBT Nihon koten bungaku taikei 日本古典文学大系. 100 vols. Edited by Takagi Ichinosuke 高木市之助 et al. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958–66. NST Nihon shisō taikei 日本思想大系. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970–82. OJS Ōmiwa jinja shiryō 大神神社史料. 10 vols., plus index and chronology. Edited by Ōmiwa jinja shiryō henshū iinkai 大神 神社史料編修委員會. Miwa: Ōmiwa jinja shiryō henshū ­iinkai, 1968–91. SEDS Saidaiji Eizon denki shūsei 西大寺叡尊傳記集成. Edited by Nara kokuritsu bunkakai kenkyūjo 奈良國立文化會研究所. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1997. SKS Saidaiji kankei shiryō 西大寺関係史料. 2 vols. Edited by Nara kokuritsu bunkakai kenkyūjo 奈良國立文化會研究所. Nara: Nara kokuritsu bunkazai kenkyūjo, 1968. ST Shintō taikei 神道大系. 120 vols. Edited by Shintō taikei hensan­ kai 神道大系編纂會. Tokyo: Shintō taikei hensankai, 1977–94. SZ Shingonshū zensho 眞言宗全書. 44 vols. Edited by Zoku shingonshū zensho kankōkai 續眞言宗全書刊行會. Kōya-chō (Wakayama-ken): Kōyasan daigaku shuppanbu, 1977–78.

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Abbreviations xxi T

Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大蔵經. 100 vols. Edited by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 et al. Tokyo: Issaikyō kankōkai and Daizō shuppan, 1924–32. Cited from the online version, the SAT Daizōkyō Text Database, hosted by the University of Tokyo (http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/index_en.html). TZ Taishō shinshū daizōkyō zuzō 大正新脩大蔵經圖像. 12 vols. Edited by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Ono Genmyō 小野玄妙. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1932–34. ZGR Zoku gunsho ruijū 續群書類從. 33 vols. Edited by Hanawa Hokinoichi 塙保己一 et al. Tokyo: Zoku gunsho ruijū kanseikai, 1928–37. ZSZ Zoku shingonshū zensho 續眞言宗全書. 42 vols. Edited by Zoku shingonshū zensho kankōkai 續眞言宗全書刊行會. Kōya-chō (Wakayama-ken): Kōyasan daigaku shuppanbu, 1988. ZZGR Zoku zoku gunsho ruijū 續續群書類從. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1906–9.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Introduction

What is “Shinto”? The modern ramifications of the term “Shinto” are rooted in Japan’s late nineteenth- and twentieth-century history, with its constructions of modernity through the building of nation-states, and subsequent tensions and conflicts over state borders and ideologies. Moreover, the glorification of Shinto as a state religion of militarist Japan in the first half of the twentieth century contributed to the emergence of a master narrative describing Japan’s cultural and religious identity as based on a homogeneous, unbroken, and monolithic native tradition of worship. In this guise, State Shinto was linked to the atrocities caused by Japanese soldiers and kamikaze pilots throughout East Asia. The repercussions of this tempestuous history continue until the present day, reflected in the contention over the Yasukuni Shrine, or in the lingering issues over the geographical def initions of East Asian nation-states. Moving away from these legacies, the twenty-f irst-century term “Shinto” appears to be equally loaded, this time with environmental concerns, which fit with post-industrialized societies’ anxiety over the global movements of labor and ever diminishing natural resources. Yet are such re-negotiations of terms all that unusual? In fact, the re-formulations of the term “Shinto” (or what it actually aims to embrace, the worship of indigenous deities, kami) happened

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2 Introduction constantly over the long span of Japan’s history. Thus such re-formulations are far from being unique or confined only to modern times. While it is clearly futile to extend the nineteenth- and twentieth-century uses of the term “Shinto” to the medieval or ancient periods, it is possible to talk about the distinct forms of kami worship at specific cultic sites at certain points in time, and to investigate their individual peculiarities and methods of their conceptualization. Moreover, it is necessary to do so in an objective and unbiased manner, if possible unaffected by modern presumptions, precisely because we need to understand better the presuppositions on which the modern configurations of Shinto were based during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. From this point of view, the worship of kami, as continental, indigenous, or clan deities, or the forces of nature, indeed existed since early times. These loosely interrelated cults were grounded in specific locales (at times also moving between them), and it is in these forms that the worship of kami was conceptualized, re-formulated, and continuously modified over the centuries. In the longue durée, the re-modifications of kami worship happened on a large scale several times, and although subtle and spread over time, the changes in ideas about kami were always contingent on the specific historical circumstances, changes in economic or political situation, and the influx of new ideas from the continent and other countries. Even the definition of kami itself remained flexible: Japan’s many local deities clearly had a continental background before “becoming” Japanese, and it was not unusual for the significant cultic or historical figures, objects, or celestial bodies to be included in this domain of worship and acquire the status of kami. “Kami worship,” therefore, will be used in this book primarily as an inclusive neutral term, to avoid the many historical connotations of the more readily known term “Shinto,” especially those manufactured in modern times. The exception to this case will be the modern term “medieval Shinto” signifying the plurality of different kinds of kami worship that emerged in Japan during the medieval period, which is currently gaining currency in academic scholarship. This plurality is envisioned and understood through the modern research and study of medieval Buddhist texts that include ample documents concerning the worship of kami. Many such archival materials, usually described as “sacred scriptures” (shōgyō), have been recently found and continue to be unveiled

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Introduction 3 at Japanese Buddhist temple archives, such as Kanazawa Bunko in Kanagawa Prefecture, Ise Jingū Bunko in Mie, Eizan Bunko in Shiga, Ōsu Bunko in Nagoya, or Ninnaji and Kajūji temple archives in Kyoto, in addition to other established and private collections.1 Buddhism, which itself represents a complex, historically diverse, and culturally mobile entity with a vast array of conceptual tools and sources, played a major role in the constantly shifting dynamics that made up and operated within the religious milieu of premodern Japan, before the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Seen in this light, the Buddhist concepts, institutions, deities, doctrines, and practices that traversed the diverse cultural and historical contexts in India, China, and Korea before they reached Japan, appear as dynamic and vital for the current study. The early relationships between kami and buddhas surfaced within a few centuries after the introduction of Buddhism. Within the paradigm of honji suijaku, which evolved during the Heian period (794–1185), the distant deities of Buddhism, including the Hindu gods that became known as a part of the Buddhist pantheon, were rendered as the “original ground” (honji), while local kami were declared to be their “manifested trace” (suijaku).2 Gradually, these relationships took the form of specific combinations merging kami and buddhas (shinbutsu shūgō) that at first aligned Japan’s kami with benevolent buddhas and bodhisattvas of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Many of those were imported over a long period of time from India, Central Asia, and China via the Korean kingdoms; among such deities were Bhaiṣajyaguru (Jp. Yakushi), Avalokiteśvara (Jp. Kannon), Amitābha (Jp. Amida), and Maitreya (Jp. Miroku). During the late Heian and Kamakura (1185–1333) periods, kami began to be juxtaposed with the fierce-looking and powerful deities of esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō), as it developed within the Japanese Tendai and Shingon temples, certain branches of Zen, Nichiren, and mountain ascetic movements. The processes of merging kami with esoteric Buddhist deities were particularly obvious during the Kamakura, Nanbokuchō (1334–92), and Muromachi (1392–1573) periods, a long span of the medieval ages, 1. See, for example, an overview in English of the Shinpukuji (Ōsu Bunko) and Ninnaji archives in Abe Yasurō, “Shintō as Written Representation,” and also Abe and Yama­ zaki, Shinpukuji zenpon sōkan and their co-edited Ninnaji zō Goryū shōgyō. 2. A useful introduction to this notion can be found in Teeuwen and Rambelli, Buddhas and Kami in Japan.

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4 Introduction which in Japan extended roughly from the late twelfth to the sixteenth century. Some of the religious configurations that emerged during that time endured until 1868, when the sweeping policies of the Meiji Restoration forcibly separated the combinatory worship of buddhas and kami. And even despite the Meiji disentanglement of the previously seamless religious entities, some aspects of medieval Buddhist thought on kami remained pivotal to the modern formulations of Shinto. For example, the idea that Japan consisted of a “patchwork of sacred sites and areas” (to borrow a phrase from a seminal work by Allan Grapard)3 and was therefore a “land of gods” (shinkoku), had emerged around the time of the Mongol invasions in the late thirteenth century.4 Initially a Buddhist construct based on the theories of inherent enlightenment (hongaku shisō), by the fifteenth century this idea began to be stripped of its Buddhist connotations, and in this “rectified” and essentialized form, it has persisted ever since. Moreover, developed further in a series of Nativist arguments during the Edo period, the idea of Japan as a land of gods became firmly tied to the pursuit of studying all things Japanese, and later, during the Meiji period (1868–1912), to the notion of the Japanese nation-state. This book focuses on a crucial period of Japan’s history when several important precursors of what now is commonly understood as Shinto, namely, the worship of kami based on the concepts and practices of esoteric Buddhism, were assembled for the very first time. These precursors, manufactured predominantly by the Buddhist practitioners associated with a variety of temples, are known to the modern reader as Ryōbu Shintō, Ise Shintō, or Sannō Shintō. Such “Shintos” documented through a variety of sources developed semi-independently and in loose interconnection with each other at several localities, including Mt. Miwa in Yamato, the Ise shrines, and Mt. Hiei during the medieval period. Based on the ideas of local mythological lore and features of local reli 3. Grapard, “Flying Mountains and Walkers of Emptiness,” especially, 196, 210, 214–18. 4. See the seminal essay by Kuroda Toshio, “The Discourse on the ‘Land of Kami,’ ” and Uejima Susumu, “Nihon chūsei no kami kannen to kokudo kan.” A recent reevaluation of this concept has been attempted by Satō Hiroo, “The Emergence of Shinkoku (The Land of Gods) Ideology in Japan”; and Teeuwen, “The Buddhist Roots of Japanese Nativism.”

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Introduction 5 gious landscape, they incorporated the major concepts of Shingon and Tendai doctrines and other teachings and practices, and borrowed freely from each other.5 Of these the former, Ryōbu Shintō (called so retrospectively by fifteenth-century thinkers), encompassed the worship of kami based on the central icons of esoteric Buddhism, the Two Mandalas (ryōkai, alt. ryōbu mandara) known as the Kongōkai (Diamond World) and the Taizōkai (Womb World). This type of kami worship was largely conceived by temple lineages specializing in study and rituals based on the major esoteric Buddhist scriptures, such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra (Ch. Dari jing, Jp. Dainichikyō, T. 848), the Yogin Sūtra (Ch. Yuqi jing, Jp. Yugikyō, T. 867), the Sutra of the Guiding Principle (Ch. Liqu jing, Jp. Rishu­ kyō), and numerous Chinese and Japanese commentaries to them.6 A major example of ideas that fit this description of Ryōbu Shintō developed during the medieval period in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa and its adjacent shrine and temple complex, in present-day Nara Prefecture. Focusing on Mt. Miwa and the medieval forms of kami worship that emerged in its proximity, this book offers a case study through which the key stages of “assemblage” (that is, the processes of assembling) and the medieval pedigree of Ryōbu Shintō, a major forerunner to modern Shinto, ought to become clear. Even though the book highlights the case of Mt. Miwa, an ancient cultic site long connected with the worship of powerful deities, the story it tells goes far beyond Mt. Miwa’s own locale. The specific strand of Ryōbu Shintō that emerged at Miwa developed in 5. Kuroda Toshio has argued that the many facets of medieval kami worship were conceived within what he termed kenmitsu (“exo-esoteric”) Buddhism and were developed by each cultic center to ensure its own survival in the uncertain conditions of the medieval age. Kuroda, “The Discourse on the ‘Land of Kami,’ ” 359. 6. The full Japanese title of the Yugikyō is Kongōbu rōkaku issai yuga yugi kyō (The Sutra of All Yogas and Yogins of Vajra Peak Pavilion; hereafter, the Yugikyō). Rather than being an authentic Indian sutra, it was most likely compiled in Tang China, and subsequently became prominent in medieval Japan. See a brief discus­sion in Vanden Broucke, “The Twelve-Armed Deity Daishō Kongō and His Scriptural Sources,” 147–48. The Rishukyō, in one fascicle, was attributed as a translation to Amoghavajra (Ch. Bukong, Jp. Fukū, 705–74), under the Chinese titles of Bore liqu jing (Jp. Hannya rishu­ kyō) and Dale jingang bukong zhenshi sanmoye jing (Jp. Dairaku kongō fukū shinjitsu sanmaya kyō, T. 243). Similarly to the Yugikyō, it received consistent attention within the esoteric Buddhist milieu in medieval Japan as one of the major scriptures explaining the state of an enlightened being (Sk. vajrasattva, Jp. kongōsatta).

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6 Introduction concomitance, and most likely in competition with the buddha and kami cults advanced at other important sacred sites, such as the nearby mountains of Murō and Hasedera, Yoshino and Tōnomine, or the more distant Ise shrines in modern-day Mie Prefecture and Mt. Hiei in Shiga. These sacred sites and areas were subject to their own formulations of kami-buddha worship throughout the Heian and Kamakura periods. Although the nature of Miwa’s links with those sites varied, the distinct brand of “Shinto” that it produced in medieval times certainly rested on the web of interrelated and interdependent religious theories conceived at and circulating among these cultic sites and areas. As suggested by Allan Grapard, the examination of Japan’s medieval religious landscape and emergent kami worship would be incomplete without considering the crucial agency of Buddhist temples and shrines, along with their visitors and inhabitants.7 Among those were Buddhist scholar-monks (gakusō), peregrinating holy men (shōnin and hijiri), mountain ascetics (yamabushi, or shugenja), aristocrats, women, and the shrine clergy (negi, kannushi) along with the shrine temple priests (shasō); in short, all those whose lives and livelihoods were in major ways affected by the teachings of esoteric Buddhism. Towering above all was the idea (and sometimes, the agency) of a Japanese sovereign (tennō), envisioned and understood by the Buddhists not only as a descendant of the divine Sun line and hereditary ruler of Japan, but as a cakravartin, or “wheel-turning sage king” (tenrin jōō), enthroned to preside over the symbolic and geographical realms by the means of an esoteric abhiṣeka initiation (kanjō). Although some of their voices are seldom heard for the lack of historical records, the aforementioned groups and individuals connected Japan’s most important cultic sites via political and economic links, or via the routes of pilgrimage and mountain austerities. Thus, their mobility comes into special focus and becomes a key aspect underlining the majority of medieval developments in both doctrines and practices, as described in this book.8 To a large degree, it was the scholar-monks, holy men, shrine specialists, and wandering ascetics who transported 7. Grapard, “Medieval Shintō Boundaries,” 6. 8. For the recent scholarly emphasis on mobility and its role in shaping local cultures, see Greenblatt, Cultural Mobility: A Manifesto.

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Introduction 7 and exchanged the ideas, rituals, and icons featured in this book that made the religious world of medieval Japan so vibrant and changeable. In analyzing the key mechanisms of “assembling” the medieval forms of kami worship based on the case of Miwa, this book thus challenges the twentieth-century master narrative of Shinto as an unbroken, monolithic tradition, examining how and why groups of religious practitioners affiliated with different cultic sites, religious facilities, or political factions of medieval Japan created heterogeneous economic, symbolic, and ritual systems that operated successfully according to their own needs. Just as it is not possible to tell the story of medieval worship of kami through the story of Mt. Miwa alone, so too this study concentrates mostly on the period between the late twelfth and sixteenth centuries, but draws on material from both ancient and early modern times. The case of Miwa demonstrates that ancient beliefs and ideas about kami were selectively re-embedded in the world of medieval Japan, which itself was defined and stipulated by the splits and tensions between multiple centers of power, imperial family branches, and changing economic conditions. On the other hand, even though most of the religious writings preserved at Miwa’s temples were destroyed in a fire in the 1460s, the external sources and early modern copies of the Miwa lineage’s ritual procedures reveal a vibrant religious culture that proliferated in the mountain’s vicinity and far beyond in both medieval and early modern times. Moreover, the rituals of jingi kanjō (Buddhist abhiṣeka initiations into kami secrets), for which the Miwa lineage was famous, were performed at a variety of places throughout the late medieval and early modern (Edo, 1600–1868) periods and became a standard addition to the formal set of Buddhist initiations in esoteric temples.9 Through their links to the doctrinal knowledge transmitted by scholarmonks at major centers of esoteric Buddhist learning, the Buddhist practitioners based at Miwa temples clearly played a definitive role in shaping Japan’s religious landscape. A wealth of ritual documents dating from the Edo period even describes a particular tradition known as 9. Fabio Rambelli translated this term as “initiations into kami-related matters.” Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” 265. He was also first to discuss the early modern Miwa-ryū Shintō ritual transmissions and documents in English. More recently, this topic was further analyzed by Lucia Dolce in “Duality and the Kami.”

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8 Introduction “­ Miwa-ryū Shintō”; such “Shinto” rituals (or at least the certificates of their ritual transmission and, sometimes, detailed descriptions) circulated widely between temples of Hasedera, Mt. Kōya, Ise, Mt. Hiei, and as far as the Kantō and Tōhoku regions, even reaching Kyushu. At the very center of these newly invented rituals and of the whole phenomenon of medieval kami worship were the transfer of esoteric Buddhist concepts onto the kami domain through production of new myths and reconfiguration of the ancient mythological lore related to local deities. In large part, such activities aimed at constructing or reaffirming the local deities’ links with esoteric buddhas, the Japanese rulers, and their divine progenitor, the solar divinity Amaterasu (or Tenshō Daijin, as it was known in the Buddhist circles). By creating direct links with Amaterasu and esoteric deities such as Mahāvairocana (Jp. Dainichi) or Aizen Myōō, temple and shrine lineages constructed and asserted new forms of legitimacy for themselves and their sacred sites. Temples and shrines actively sought such legitimation for the sake of procuring the right kind of patronage, producing mythological narratives that mixed local lore with Buddhist rituals and icons and that created linkages to important cultic figures and places. Adding allure to these processes were medieval Buddhist practitioners, often of non-elite standing, who searched for new ways of achieving the state of enlightenment and new kinds of religious authority in what they broadly perceived to be the unstable conditions of the medieval age. Although sometimes their motivation was articulated through the rhetoric of mappō, the “last age of the Buddhist dharma,” such non-elite practitioners had deep interests in mikkyō and kami worship and sought access to novel salvatory techniques that they could call their own.10 By producing and consuming the newly discovered esoteric powers of ancient cultic sites, these practitioners aspired to unity with the cosmic 10. The rhetoric of mappō had been present in Buddhist narratives, including Pure Land thought, since at least the Heian period. Incidentally, the late twelfth through fourteenth centuries were marked by continuous warfare, burning of major Buddhist temples, the rise of new political powers, the fragmenting of Japan’s imperial house and its economic base, and the perceived threat of the Mongol invasions. Perhaps due to these factors, medieval writings, including the Buddhist monks’ diaries, hagiographies, and letters, continued to refer to mappō as a generally accepted rhetorical device for describing the conditions of the time.

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Introduction 9 deity Mahāvairocana, which could be achieved through ritual contact with its manifestations in local deities and in its ultimate Japanese emanation, Amaterasu. The mytho-histories, some of which were documented in the earliest official annals of Nihon shoki (720) and, specifically, the corpus of legends recorded in the fascicle on the “Age of the Gods” ( Jindai no maki), were at the core of medieval Japanese imaginaire about kami and their relation to Japan’s rulers and land.11 During the Kamakura period, the Nihon shoki lore, both written and oral, was gradually reinterpreted along the lines of Buddhist logic and combined with the deities, ritual formats, and icons of esoteric Buddhism in the broader context of the culture of secret oral transmissions shared by Buddhist practitioners of many stripes and colors, literati scholars, and kami ritual specialists.12 This involved not only the aforementioned paradigm of honji suijaku that merged local kami with the benevolent deities and bodhisattvas of Buddhism, but a whole new level of drawing associations between the kami and esoteric deities.13 The above-mentioned processes were accompanied by the appearance of major new texts, rituals, and icons that, although rooted in the teachings and rituals of esoteric Buddhism, were also concerned with the nature, symbolic meaning, and soteriological potential of kami. One prime example of such textual, ritual, and iconographic production is a medieval compendium of the Reikiki (ca. late 13th or early 14th c.). This collection of eighteen fascicles describes many 11. This phenomenon was outlined in Itō Masayoshi’s influential 1972 article, “Chūsei Nihongi no rinkaku.” 12. Scheid and Teeuwen, The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion. More recently, the Japanese scholars Suzuki Hideyuki and Hara Katsuaki have analyzed the medieval commentaries on the Reikiki and Nihon shoki produced by the Tendai, Rinzai Zen, and Pure Land scholar-monks and the Yoshida-Urabe priestly lineage during the later Muromachi period, when the honji suijaku theories began to give way to the interpretations privileging kami (han honji suijaku). Hara, Chūsei Nihongi ronkō, and Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō. The role of Zen lineages in the formation of medieval kami worship at Ise has been further elucidated by Mark Teeuwen in his “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.” 13. Teeuwen and Rambelli explain the several key stages in the formation of honji suijaku in their introduction to Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 1–53; on the esotericization of kami discourses in medieval Japan, see 33–35. Satō Hiroo has recently argued that this paradigm should be understood in a broader sense, as connecting the “otherworldly” and “this-worldly” deities. See his “Emergence of Shinkoku,” 37.

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10 Introduction Ryōbu Shintō ideas; its contents may be linked with the emergence of several types of jingi or shintō kanjō as well as the various images on which such rituals were focused.14 In modern scholarship, the combination of the aforementioned processes and phenomena, as well as their local configurations, is often referred to as “medieval Shinto” (chūsei Shintō).15 The broader focus of this book will be Ryōbu Shintō, perhaps the most readily recognized type of medieval kami worship and one of the chief manifestations that developed at Buddhist temples and facilities near Mt. Miwa. As an ancient cultic site enshrining the kami whose mythic origins were perceived to be “much older” than those of the imperial deity Amaterasu, the medieval Mt. Miwa was a place where different groups of Buddhist practitioners sought to construct their own specific relations to the leading centers of esoteric learning and kami worship, and to create their own links to esoteric divinities, Japanese rulers, and Amaterasu. Moreover, as the time progressed, Miwa’s religious thinkers and specialists sought to assert their own legitimacy as bearers of a distinct religious tradition, which in the Edo period came to be known as the aforementioned Miwa-ryū Shintō, or “Shinto, Miwa-style.”

“Assembling Shinto”: An Investigation This study has been structured around four interrelated avenues of inquiry. First, adopting a long-term perspective, it unveils a crucial part of the institutional and cultural history of Mt. Miwa, one of Japan’s most important ancient sacred mountains. It is the first major historical and multidisciplinary study of the site in English and covers a time-span ranging between roughly 500 and the 1600s. In the field of East Asian 14. The first Japanese edition of this text was published by Shinbutsu shūgō kenkyūkai in 2001. For the analysis of this text in English, see Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” 276 onward. A more recent evaluation in Japanese appears in Hara, Chūsei Nihongi ronkō, and Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon no shinwa, moji, shintai. 15. For the most recent analysis of this phenomenon in English, see the special issue of Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 16 (2006–7), “Re-thinking Medieval Shintō,” edited by Faure et al.

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Introduction 11 and Japanese religions, there is already a well-established and productive tradition of studying sacred sites and cultic mountains in situ.16 It is hard to disagree with this trend; moreover, in order to capture a larger nuanced historical picture, one has to further refine and reinforce this trend through the study not only of the individual sacred sites but also the networks between them. The Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells in his social theory of space considers the space as “produced by social structures,” which I take to understand as including not only the existing infrastructure and material support but also the social groups such as temple and shrine lineages.17 What follows will partially adhere to the well-recognized trend of focusing on sacred sites in Japanese and East Asian studies, but, in addition, it will also adopt a broader outlook on Mt. Miwa, its neighbors, and the nature of links between them when analyzing the written, visual, and material sources at hand, particularly where the processes of interaction between different kinds of Buddhist agency and kami cults are concerned. Second, the book concentrates on the agency of local Buddhist practitioners in the medieval period and maps out their activities, ritual goals, and motivations. These practitioners include members of established Buddhist temple lineages as well as groups of local holy men (shōnin and hijiri) and mountain ascetics (genja) congregating in the vicinity of major sacred sites, such as Miwa, Murō, Ise, and others. From the early medieval period onward, these non-elite practitioners were broadly concerned with acquisition of Buddhist knowledge (including esoteric), self-cultivation, and achieving spiritual goals on a par with ordained temple monks; however, “half-lay and half-holy,” they practiced and lived in semi-itinerancy, alternating between different modes of 16. Note Allan Grapard’s numerous studies of Japan’s sacred sites (1982), such as Tōnomine (1984), Hiei (1987, 1998), Kunisaki (1989), Kasuga and Kōfukuji (1992). This effort has been extended in a number of exhaustive studies investigating the significance of sacred mountains and sites in the context of Japanese and East Asian religions. See Sarah Thal on Mt. Konpira, Rearranging the Landscape of the Gods; D. Max Moerman on Kumano, Localizing Paradise; Barbara Ambros on the Oyama cult, Emplacing a Pilgrimage; and James Robson on Mt. Nanyue, The Power of Place, among others. Most recently, Heather Blair has investigated the history of Kinpusen in her Real and Imagined. 17. Castells, The Rise of the Network Society, especially, chapter 6, “The Space of Flows.”

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12 Introduction reclusion, and acting largely “outside the formal temple hierarchies.”18 The study clarifies the origins and development of a private Buddhist facility (bessho) at Miwa through the figures of its inhabitants and traces the history of the Miwa lineage (Miwa-ryū) whose origins led back to the medieval Miwa bessho.19 In addition, the agency, political roles, and literary contributions of the Ōmiwa Shrine families and their connection to the fourteenth-century imperial court will also be briefly examined. Following Bruno Latour’s advice “to follow the actors themselves,” this study of the Miwa-ryū figures is in fact an attempt to “catch up with their often wild innovations in order to learn from them,” to see what they saw as the intellectual and religious necessities of their age, to understand what aspirations these medieval practitioners may have had and “which associations they have been forced to establish.”20 Third, this book casts light on the complex mix of religious and cultural ingredients and the uneven historical processes involved in assembling the ritual and doctrinal knowledge of medieval temple lineages at Miwa, especially concerning kami. The term “assembling” (or “assemblage”), again an inspiration from Latour’s studies on actors and networks, is currently gaining significance for new approaches to the study of social history.21 For example, the British historian Patrick Joyce has suggested thinking of social phenomena in “network” terms, “in the more creative vein of processes rather than of structures.” Joyce talks of course about the nature of the modern British state, but his words can be easily applied to address the social and networking aspects of what medieval Shinto is: something “which is held together (sometimes very uncertainly) at particular key sites or nodes and through the actions of key actors and processes, human and non-human.”22 In this sense, Mt. 18. As described by Stone in “Do Kami Ever Overlook Pollution?,” 216; on one of the Miwa shōnin, Jōkanbō, 204. See also the earlier studies by Hori, “On the Concept of Hijiri,” and Gorai, Kōya hijiri. 19. The medieval period is defined here broadly as spanning the 1150s to 1573, following Farris, Japan’s Medieval Population. 20. Modified from Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to ActorNetwork-Theory, 12. 21. Latour, Reassembling the Social; Sassen, Territory, Authority, and Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages. I thank Professor Carol Gluck for bringing the latter book to my attention. 22. Joyce, The State of Freedom, 19; italics mine.

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Introduction 13 Miwa and other sacred sites can be envisioned as nodes and conduits that attract, generate, and reinforce the activities of medieval Buddhist monks, shōnin, mountain ascetics, shrine priests, and local folk. The non-human actors are as vital here as human: these are mountains, land estates, temple structures, images, and ritual objects that act as the connectivity points for the human agents. The tangible assets of sacred sites appear as important as the non-tangible ideas that the agents residing at these sites produce and exchange. To address these points, the latter part of the book will offer a study of concepts and conceptual devices that emerged from the Buddhist scriptures, medieval esoteric and Shinto ritual texts, images, and transmissions and circulated widely among cultic sites at Ise, Miwa, Hiei, and elsewhere, but became a major core of the esoteric kami worship at Miwa, and later, the so-called “Miwa-ryū Shintō.” Fourth, the latter part of the book investigates how, why, and to what extent Buddhist ideas and concepts encapsulated in the imagery of the Diamond and Womb Mandalas (Kongōkai and Taizōkai), central scriptures of esoteric Buddhism, such as the Yugikyō and the Rishukyō, and cults of deities such as Aizen Myōō, had penetrated and influenced the ideas about kami in fourteenth-century Japan. The Yugikyō, Rishukyō, and the Dainichikyō, with their esoteric deities and ritual techniques, offered the ultimate ways for achieving enlightenment and the state of kongōsatta; the former of these scriptures, the Yugikyō, held a particular sway on the minds and religious aspirations of the Buddhist practitioners in medieval Japan, including those at Miwa.23 These ideas were inseparable from the medieval conceptions of buddhahood and the symbolic constructions of rulership, and became further expressed in ritual manipulations with imperial lore, such as the “three imperial regalia” (sanshu no jinki), and the aforementioned abhiṣeka initiations into kami secrets ( jingi or shintō kanjō). Many of these phenomena were documented in ritual texts linked to the Buddhist facilities near Mt. Miwa. As a result, this book demonstrates that while the first attempts to conceptualize kami worship through a variety of Buddhist cults may 23. Lucia Dolce was the first to draw attention to the significance of the Yugikyō commentaries in medieval Japan in her “Duality and the Kami,” 142–44, and “Nigenteki genri no gireika.”

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14 Introduction have been made in late Heian Japan, the whole process of assembling that key part of Japan’s premodern cultural heritage began to unfold in earnest during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It happened largely through Buddhist involvement, particularly that of the esoteric milieu. Internalization and further development of the medieval theories about kami (including those brought forward by the Watarai priests at Ise) were a crucial part of Japan’s religious history before the fifteenth century, when the term “Shinto,” which suggested the dominance of kami in specific locations, began to gain acceptance and be treated independently of its previous Buddhist framework, again with the help of Buddhist intellectuals.24 As a result of practitioners’ increased mobility, the medieval discourses on kami were gradually disentangled from particular cultic sites. The discussion of the nature of kami and of the meaning of their ritual worship as independent from Buddhist numen, as well as of the significance of kami’s links to the Japanese rulers, was further advanced by court figures and religious specialists who were either extremely interested in or closely related to kami worship, shrine protocol, and the specialized study of Nihon shoki. Among those, just to name a few, were the courtier, military leader, and scholar Kitabatake Chika­ fusa (1293–1354), a descendant of the Urabe lineage, the Tendai scholar Jihen (act. ca. 1332–40), and the Urabe-Yoshida priests, with Kanetomo (1435–1511) at their helm in the fifteenth century.25 The prominence of 24. Although certainly familiar with the Buddhist discourses, the Watarai were perhaps the first to put forward the idea that Japanese kami, namely, Amaterasu, should not be seen as the emanation of Buddhist deities such as Mahāvairocana, and ought to be put outside the conventions of honji suijaku thought. See Mark Teeuwen’s exhaustive monograph, Watarai Shintō, esp. chapters 1 and 2; 11–131 and 132–219, respectively; also his “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.” On the kami discourses “bypassing Buddhism,” see Teeuwen and Rambelli, Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 35–36; and Rambelli, “Before the First Buddha.” 25. See Chikafusa’s famous treatise, Jinnō shōtōki, written in 1339–43 as a justification for the legitimacy of the Southern Court (Varley, trans., A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns). Jihen was the brother of Yoshida Kenkō, the author of Tsurezuregusa (Notes in Idleness). He was close to the Southern Court and, personally, to Go-Daigo tennō (1288–1339). Among Jihen’s numerous treatises discussing kami and the Age of Gods is the voluminous Toyoashihara jinpū waki (Native Records of Divine Wind in the Abundant-Reed-Plain). Grapard, “The Shinto of Yoshida Kanetomo,” 34–36. See also the annotated translation of Yoshida Kanetomo’s major treatise on Shinto in English by Grapard, “Yuiitsu Shintō Myōbō Yōshū.” In German, see Scheid, Der Eine und

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Introduction 15 non-­Buddhist Shinto, as proclaimed by Kanetomo, received a warm welcome as “the ancient belief of Japan” in Nativist scholarship during the Edo period. In very general terms, before the fifteenth century, the preliminary processes of “assembling” Shinto (to the extent that Shinto can ever be understood as a single entity) involved a variety of historical and cultural elements and agencies, such as cultic sites, pilgrimage networks, religious specialists, donors, practitioners, and Buddhist concepts, often of esoteric persuasion. Such processes were facilitated and shaped by the constantly changing social, economic, and political conditions of Japan. In this respect, the broader term “Shinto” emerging from this book should be understood, as Teeuwen and Scheid have described it, as “a collective term for various attempts made in different historical periods to unify kami practices and beliefs.”26 By situating this study in the geographical and historical contexts of Mt. Miwa and mapping out its connections to other important cultic sites, I hope to demonstrate that local Buddhist practitioners, such as holy men, mountain practitioners, and Buddhist priests (at different times and with varying agendas), played the most important role in shaping the worship of kami during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The priestly families from the Ōmiwa Shrine, motivated to seek links to important donors and by the need to preserve their economic and mythological heritage, were also instrumental in this process, albeit to a lesser degree and, perhaps, for different reasons. In all its diversity, kami worship in medieval Japan will emerge as a multifaceted, dynamic phenomenon being assembled through constant negotiation or “power play” between different agents and institutions and multiple strands of religious thought and practice.27 It is clearly far from being the monolithic entity that the politically motivated twentiethcentury narratives sought to present it as. Einzige Weg der Götter, and his later essay on the Urabe scholarship, “Two Modes of Secrecy in the Nihon Shoki Transmission.” 26. For a detailed discussion of this definition, see Teeuwen and Scheid’s introduction to the special issue of JJRS, “Tracing Shinto in the History of Kami Worship,” and Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shinto,” 233. Italics mine. 27. Grapard, “Medieval Shintō Boundaries,” 6.

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16 Introduction

Kami Worship at a Glance The history of kami worship in premodern Japan has attracted the growing attention of Japanese and Western scholars. What follows below is a simple overview of this history based on recent scholarship, a brief general account that will help to put the case of Mt. Miwa and its main protagonists discussed in the central part of this book into historical perspective.28 Japan’s earliest records, such as Kojiki (Records of Old, 712), Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan, 720), and regional gazetteers ( fudoki, ca. 713) describe the prehistoric landscape as inhabited by invisible supra-human entities and supernatural forces that were conceptualized in terms of their actions and effects on the environment and humankind. They mentioned land-creator, plague, or ancestral deities, and deities capable of causing environmental or political disorder, obstruction at passes, mountains and roads, and so on. These unruly, irrational deities, many of whom were known to have come to Japan from “beyond the sea,” could be benign or malicious depending on the circumstances; their main duty seemingly was to punctuate the time and space inhabited by humans with their oracles and sudden, unpredictable actions. Ancient deities, capable of attaching themselves to human beings, ruled over both the human realm and the unseen world and required constant placation and regular ritual offerings in order to be kept silent and docile. The ritual communication with these deities and their harsh, wild spirits could be performed by female or male priests, or persons of elevated social and political standing. Prehistoric kami did not dwell in one place; the oldest cultic sites, particularly those in the vicinity of sacred mountains, did not have shrine buildings attached to them. For example, the sheer scale of ritual deposits found among the archaeological remains in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa suggests that the kami were usually invited to descend into substitute objects (yorishiro), such as rocks, large 28. Up to now, the standard accounts of the history of kami worship have leaned predominantly on Tsuji Zennosuke’s study, Nihon bukkyōshi kenkyū, especially, the section on the honji suijaku, 88–94. Tsuji’s theory continues to be revised; for a recent reevaluation in English, see Teeuwen and Rambelli, Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 7 and 21–30, on the complicated and uneven processes of the honji suijaku amalgamation processes.

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Introduction 17 trees, or ritually decorated tree branches, and sacred compounds (himo­ rogi) at certain times. After the ritual performance was complete, the kami would return to their abode on the mountain.29 From the earliest official records, it is known that early Yamato chieftains had attempted to implement a more locally centralized ritual worship of the “eight myriad of deities” for the purpose of preserving their political status and ensuring peace and stability in the area they controlled.30 By the eighth century, the ancestral deities of different indigenous and immigrant clans and their corresponding cults were incorporated into the early cosmologies of the Yamato ruling houses as a result of polity-building and the compilation of written histories by the Yamato court, which positioned the Sun line of Tenmu and Jitō as a leading force within Japan’s political and ritual landscape. During that early period, the veneration of local divinities included many continental gods that continued to “cross over the seas” and that were becoming steadily localized. Continental ritual practices and frameworks such as the yinyang and the five agents (Ch. wuxing, Jp. gogyō) shaped the communication with the deities, as did the techniques of plastromancy, oracular speech, and divination, or even some elements of the Daoist episteme that were not always described explicitly by the official chronicles.31 The worship of the solar deities at Ise and a class of the “sky-lightening” deities (amateru kami), which became conceptualized as a single figure, Amaterasu, was promoted by the ruling house of tennō from that time as part and parcel of their legitimate status.32 29. Satō Hiroo, “Ikaru kami to sukuu kami” in Satō Hiroo, Kami, hotoke, ōken no chūsei, and “Chūsei ni okeru shinkannen no hen’yō.” In English, see also the earlier discussion by Grapard, “Flying Mountains and Walkers of Emptiness,” 197; on mountains as deities (shintaizan), including Mt. Miwa, 199–200. For the archaeological study of Miwa, see Barnes and Okita, The Miwa Project. 30. Ellwood, “The Sujin Religious Revolution.” 31. Michael Como has discussed several such deities, who must have arrived in ­Japan with the continuous waves of migration. See his Shōtoku, Weaving and Binding, and more recently, “Daoist Deities in Ancient Japan.” Herman Ooms has argued that Tenmu used certain Daoist tropes and practices to consolidate his rule. See his Imperial Politics and Symbolics, and “Framing Daoist Fragments.” 32. It is now recognized that the term tennō was an adaptation of the Chinese title tianhuang, which may have been borrowed by the Yamato court of Suiko (r. 592–628) from Later Han texts, where it was used to designate the “sovereign of the heavens.” Piggott, The

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18 Introduction The historic connection between the ruling house and the worship of kami was further reinforced and institutionalized during the Ritsu­ ryō and early Heian periods when the Bureau of Kami Affairs (Jingikan) was established, and shrines were constructed as places of fixed abode for local kami. Furthermore, the formal procedures for kami rituals (with some pre-existing continental modes already obscured) were prescribed during the Jōgan (859–77) and Engi (901–23) eras, and many of the previously private shrine festivities became affairs of state, with their performance regularly requested by the court. These processes of appropriation of kami worship by the court culminated in a compilation of the ritual codes, the Engishiki (905–27, implemented 967), which gave special directions for shrine rites that came under the jurisdiction of the Jingikan.33 The implementation of a system of twenty-two state-sponsored shrines (nijūnisha) in the metropolitan region of Kinai, and a more loosely connected network of provincial shrines (shokoku ichinomiya) in other regions, further immobilized and stabilized the previously unruly deities. It firmly connected kami with the emerging state politics, ritual, and above all, the figure of the tennō presiding over the realm as the Pole Star, a divine being (arahitogami) and the descendant of the Sun line.34 This historic link between the Japanese tennō and kami became a trope that was reconceptualized and reinterpreted many times in Japan’s history, particularly in the medieval period when the very position of tennō as a social and symbolic ruler of Japan was challenged in unprecedented ways. The process of integration of kami into Buddhist discourse was set in motion by the gradual assimilation of Buddhist ideas in Japan in the Emergence of Japanese Kingship, 91. This term thus only appeared in Japan around the seventh century and could be awarded posthumously to deceased non-ruler figures. Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 11. The problematic connotations of the English term “emperor” as a translation of the Japanese term tennō were pointed out earlier by Piggott, 8–10. This monograph will utilize the Japanese term and only make use of the English translation “emperor” in contexts where it is necessary to avoid repetition. 33. Grapard, “The Economics of Ritual Power,” 70–71. 34. On the nijūnisha, see Grapard, “Shrines Registered in Ancient Japanese Law” and “Institutions, Ritual, and Ideology.” On shokoku ichinomiya, see Okada, “Chūsei ni okeru jinja chitsujo no keisei” and Kodai kokka to shūkyō. On tennō as the Pole Star, see Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 65–69.

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Introduction 19 centuries following the introduction of Buddhism. As Buddhism was taking hold in Japan during the Heian period, one of the novel ideas to be propagated was that the entire phenomenal world as experienced by living creatures was caught up in a cycle of suffering (Sk. duḥkha, Jp. ku) and transmigration (Sk. saṃsāra), caused by ever-perpetuating karmic bonds. This idea of suffering initially justified the formation of a lasting relationship between Buddhist doctrine, ritual, and institutions and the realm of local kami, and not only in Japan. Japanese scholars have recently pointed out that the hagiographies of Buddhist monks from the Tang and Song dynasties, Gaoseng zhuan (Biographies of Eminent Monks), included tales explaining the links between local divinities and Buddhist figures and the construction of temples, which may well have been adopted in Japan within the context of acculturation of Buddhism.35 In this respect, one of the earliest often-mentioned examples is a case of a kami residing in Kehi in the province of Echizen in northwestern Japan (map 1). According to eighth-century sources, around the year 715 the deity expressed the wish to convert to Buddhism, citing resentment caused by being born into the phenomenal world as a kami. Other contemporaneous sources reported that soon a deity of the Tado Shrine in Ise followed suit, proclaiming in an oracle that it wished instead to escape being trapped in a kami’s body and to praise the “three treasures [of Buddhism].”36 Following these divine statements, the Buddhist milieu responded by constructing Buddhist facilities ( jingūji) at local cultic sites where native deities resided, and by dispatching Buddhist monks to read sutras in front of kami to relieve them of their suffering and convert them to Buddhism. Japanese scholar Kadoya Atsushi has pointed out that the earliest jingūji were mostly constructed at the peripheries 35. Yoshida Kazuhiko, “Tado jingūji to shinbutsu shūgō,” and Kadoya, “Shinbutsu shūgō to wa nanika?,” 264–65. Notable here for example is the case of an early Buddhist monk and translator An Shigao (fl. 148–ca. 170) who reportedly built a Buddhist temple after a request from the local serpent deity resenting its own condition. Tibet presents a comparable case of assimilating Buddhism with the cults of local deities. Samuels, Civilized Shamans. 36. These events were described in the Nara-period source Tōshi kaden (Transmissions of the Fujiwara Family, ca. 760) and the record entitled Tado jingūji garan engi narabi ni shizaichō (Inventory and Origins of the Tado Shrine Temple, 801), respectively. See the discussion on the Tado oracle and other examples in Teeuwen and Rambelli’s introduction to Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 9–11.

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20 Introduction of the eighth-century Yamato polity.37 This supports the thesis regarding the vital role that the regional elites and their own links and resources played in the early adaptation of Buddhism and other continental practices in early Japan. The growing political influence of Buddhism stipulated that kami (many of which descended from overseas) were seen increasingly as protective deities of this new ritual system, not only benefiting from its presence, but actively aiding its further integration on Japanese soil. Such was the case of Hachiman, a deity originally worshipped by the immigrant lineages, the Hata and Ōmiwa (also called Ōga), at Usa in northern Kyu­ shu (map 1).38 This deity became famously involved in the construction of the Great Buddha of Tōdaiji in Nara and was awarded the title of Great Bodhisattva (daibosatsu) and princely status for its outstanding services to the state under Emperor Shōmu (701–56, r. 724–49).39 The Buddhist clergy promptly took notice of kami. Local and distant deities were invited to be enshrined as protective deities at temple precincts (chinju); in that form, they began to appear as a part of the sacred landscape at Buddhist monastic complexes and were perceived as benign kami protecting Buddhism (gohō zenjin). For example, the Tendai temples Enryakuji and Onjōji established the cults of continental deities, such as Sekizan Myōjin and Shinra Myōjin, respectively. These deities soon became integral parts of these temples and were regarded on a par with other pre-existing local kami. Temples connected with the Shingon school, such as Daigoji and Jingoji near the Heian capital, or Kongōbuji at Mt. Kōya, worshipped female kami called Seiryū Gongen (fashioned after a Chinese deity from the Qinglonsi in Chang’an) or Niu Myōjin. Syncretic, volatile deities, such as Zaō Gongen, were appropriated as guardians of Buddhism within the mountain ascesis and pilgrimage discourse. 37. Kadoya, “Shinbutsu shūgō to wa nanika?” 266–69. 38. On the Hata lineage, see Como, Weaving and Binding, “Immigrant Gods on the Road to Jindō.” The Ōga are discussed in Grapard, “The Source of Oracular Speech,” 78–87, and Scheid, “Shōmu Tennō and the Deity from Kyushu.” 39. Bender, “The Hachiman Cult and the Dōkyō Incident.” Also, Teeuwen and Rambelli, Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 13–14. On Hachiman receiving princely status from Shōmu, see Scheid, “Shōmu Tennō and the Deity from Kyushu,” 39.

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Map 1 Medieval Japan, with an inset showing the location of the Ise shrines and Futami Bay area. Courtesy of Dr. Ivan Sablin.

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22 Introduction In general terms, from the Buddhist perspective, kami-related matters were seen as part of the Buddhist cosmology and one of the six paths of transmigration, jindō.40 The surviving sources suggest that during the Heian period the Buddhist gaze was mainly fixed on those kami that played a major role in the official cosmologies incorporating the ancestral deities of the imperial and aristocratic families, or those who were beneficial to the development of Buddhist temples as institutions, for example, the kami venerated at twenty-two shrines officially sponsored by the court.41 Folk deities, less relevant to the political process of institutional advancement, were left aside for the time being; at the very least, the documentation of such practices was avoided by the official scribes. The Japanese scholar Satō Hiroo has argued that the arrival of novel Buddhist cosmologies, not least the powerful imagery of Pure Land paradises and Buddhist hells and the ideas of “the last age of the Buddhist dharma” (mappō) in the Heian period facilitated further incorporation of kami into the Buddhist landscape of Japan and necessitated a major change in their character. From irrational, unpredictable supra-human beings, kami began to be understood as saving deities, patiently answering the prayers and wishes of human beings, acting as agents of transition toward the enlightened state.42 The domestication of Buddhist ideas led to the merging of kami and Buddhist divinities (later called shinbutsu shūgō) that took place during the late Heian and subsequent medieval periods.43 This uneven and often asymmetrical process was aided 40. On the historical development of this notion, see Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shinto.” 41. Grapard, “Religious Practices,” in The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 2, Heian Japan. 42. Satō Hiroo, Kami, hotoke, ōken no chūsei. 43. To describe the nature of the medieval kami cults of the Buddhist persuasion, the fifteenth-century Shinto theorist Yoshida Kanetomo used the term Ryōbu shūgō shintō (“the Shinto devised around the Twofold Mandala combinations”): Grapard, Yuiitsu Shintō Myōbō Yōshū, 137. The term shinbutsu shūgō as a heuristic category was employed in the late Meiji period by the Japanese scholar Tsuji Zennosuke (1877–1955) in his work on Japanese religions, and has been used by other Japanese and Western scholars ever since. Teeuwen and Rambelli translate this term as “amalgamation of kami and Buddhism,” Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 7.

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Introduction 23 by the construction of the paradigm of honji suijaku, “original ground and manifest trace,” which helped to establish, conceptualize, maintain, and diversify the emerging combinatory and associative relationships between specific kami and buddhas within the compounds of each local cultic site. In the words of Mark Teeuwen and Fabio Rambelli, honji suijaku functioned not only to connect buddhas and kami, but “rather as an extremely versatile tool for assembling complex divine entities of the greatest possible power.”44 Kami largely remained unseen. Their presence could only be channelled through the speech of a possessed person, or through a physical representation of their true body (goshintai), often a sacred rock, tree, mirror, or a Buddhist statue deposited at the shrine built in the vicinity of a sacred area or a cultic site. Since ancient times, catching a glimpse of a kami capable of inflicting grave injury or wrath in its true form (often a snake) was thought extremely dangerous and deemed a strict taboo. It was believed that if ordinary people saw the kami, they might be struck dead, or made blind, destitute, or heirless. Only persons of outstanding purity and virtue, such as Buddhist monks and mendicant holy men, shōnin or hijiri, who practiced the Buddhist precepts and had no selfish motives, might safely look upon one.45 The Buddhist milieu, however, had no strict taboos on the depiction of deities or the production of Buddhist images and statues. It is therefore of little surprise that the earliest examples of kami portrayed in a physical form were the statues and images of Hachiman as a Buddhist monk.46 From the late Heian period, sacred sites enshrining kami were depicted in a format somewhat fashioned after the Buddhist mandalas (miya mandara), and simple wooden statues of kami (shinzō) began to be produced in considerable numbers, most likely for rituals of purification, 44. Teeuwen and Rambelli, Buddhas and Kami in Japan, 30. On the history of the term honji suijaku and a similar construct of wakō dōjin (“dimming their light, and min­ gling with dust”), ibid., 15–21. For a recent reevaluation in Japanese, see Satō Mabito, “Honji suijaku no son’i wo megutte—shinbutsu shūgō wo toraenaosu.” 45. Yamamoto Yōko, “Kami wo miru koto to egaku koto,” 142–45. 46. On the iconography of the statues of Hachiman and other kami, see Guth, Shinzō. On more recent directions for research see Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shintō Icons,” 151–59.

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24 Introduction redemption, or healing and rainmaking.47 Still, even the production of such statues was imbued with ritual taboos and deemed dangerous for the artisans involved. Perhaps for this reason, such images were often kept hidden away as hibutsu (literally, “secret buddhas”).48 Medieval pictorial scrolls, such as the Kitano tenjin emaki and the Kasuga gongen genki emaki, typically seen by a circle of spectators at court and in aristocratic residences, would often depict kami in their anthropomorphic form, but with their faces obscured by clouds or nearby objects. The invisibility of kami and the awesomeness of their true form, their close relation to concepts of authority and their historical connection with the imperial house and state politics, their individual abilities to cause disturbances and to provide direct links to the Buddhist deities as well as their conceptual ambivalence; these were the chief factors that attracted medieval Buddhist practitioners to the kami inhabiting the ancient cultic sites of Japan.

Esoteric Buddhism and the Imperial Deity The appropriation of new ritual techniques and ideas of esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō), as systematized by Kūkai (774–835), Saichō (767–822), and later Shingon and Tendai thinkers and ritualists, instigated further formidable changes to Japan’s religious landscape.49 Local deities, 47. On shrine mandalas, see Ten Grotenhuis, Japanese Mandalas, 144–52; also, Arichi, “Sannō Miya Mandala: the Iconography of Pure Land on this Earth.” On the rainmaking aspect, see Ruppert, “Buddhist Rainmaking in Early Japan.” 48. For the discussion of hibutsu, see Rambelli, “Secret Buddhas,” and Horton, Living Buddhist Statues, 156–92. 49. Upon their introduction to Japan, the ideas and teachings of esoteric Buddhism (also referred to in Japanese context as mikkyō) were far from being a fossilized entity or a stabilized force. On the development of esoteric Buddhist traditions and issues regarding the construction of esoteric Buddhist discourses in China, see Sharf, “Visualization and Mandala in Shingon Buddhism” and Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism. On the issues of terminology and the category of “esoteric Buddhism,” see McBride, “Is There Really ‘Esoteric’ Buddhism?” On the establishment of the esoteric Buddhist traditions in Japan and Kūkai’s creation of the new mikkyō taxonomies, see Abè Ryūichi, The Weaving of Mantra, and Bogel, With a Single Glance.

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Introduction 25 especially those central to the political discourse, began to be identified with the divinities of esoteric Buddhism. The divine progenitor of the imperial house, Amaterasu, is a primary example of this process. During the late Heian period, Buddhist circles put forward different theories as to which Buddhist divinity could act as Amaterasu’s “original ground.” According to some of them, Amaterasu’s original source Buddha (honji­ butsu) was the bodhisattva Kannon, but more elaborate explanations also developed.50 Often cited in this regard is a text penned by the monk Seizon (1012– 74), entitled Shingon fuhō san’yōshō (Abbreviated Compendium of Essential Rituals and Mantras).51 Seizon was an important cleric of the Ono lineage of Shingon who in his later years served as the bettō of Tōji, the imperially designated temple in the southwest of the Heian capital. Closely associated with Emperor Go-Sanjō (r. 1068–72), he occupied the post of a protector-monk (gojisō) performing daily esoteric prayers for him, and was known to have assisted the then prince during his enthronement ceremony (sokui kanjō).52 More controversially, he allegedly performed a secret ritual of Aizen Myōō with the aim of “pacifying” the previous ruler, Go-Reizei (1025–68). Largely preoccupied with the construction of the correct Shingon tradition in Japan more than two hundred years after the death of Kūkai, the Shingon fuhō san’yōshō was dedicated to the royal prince Takahito (later Emperor Go-Sanjō). It contained a crucial passage setting out the relationships between the various esoteric deities. Here, Seizon drew the first parallel between the imperial ancestor, Amaterasu, and the esoteric Buddha Mahāvairocana, known in Japan as the Buddha of “Great Light,” Dainichi. 50. Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” 140–41. See also the extensive analysis of this theory in Japanese: Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin shinkō no kenkyū, 175–243. Itō suggests that this theory must have come into existence by the eleventh century; the earliest mention of it in Japanese literary sources appears in Ōe no Masafusa’s (1041–1111) collection of stories, Edanshō, which he penned around 1104–7. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 178–80. 51. This link was pointed out by the Japanese scholar of Shingon Buddhism, Kushida Ryōkō, in his Shingon mikkyō seiritsu katei no kenkyū, 277. 52. On the activities of the gojisō, see Uejima, “Nihon chūsei no kami kannen to kokudokan.”

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26 Introduction In the olden days, the Bodhisattva Weiguang [Ikō, Divine Light], an ­i ncarnation of Mahāvairocana and also Deva Maricī, lived in the Sun Palace [nichigū] and avoided the troubles caused by the evil Asura kings [who waged war].53 Nowadays, All-Illuminating Vajrasattva [henshō kongō] dwells endlessly in the land of the sun, increasing the good fortune of Golden Wheel-Turning Sage Kings [Sk. cakravartin, Jp. kinrin jōō, the rulers of Japan]. As a kami, it is called Tenshō no son [or, Amaterasu no mikoto], in the country which is called the true land of Mahāvairocana [or the great country of Japan, Dainichi no hongoku/Dai nihon koku].54

As the above passage demonstrates, among the select Buddhist monks affiliated with leading esoteric lineages there was a realization that the ritual powers of esoteric Buddhism could be transferred to the Japanese deities. Of utmost interest, of course, was the fact that through the light metaphor and sun imagery the divine progenitor of Japan’s ruling family could be successfully linked to the central divinity of esoteric Buddhism, the universal cosmic deity Mahāvairocana. Nevertheless, when considering the historical circumstances surrounding the production of this text, more important details begin to emerge. Given Seizon’s proximity to the imperial family and his close involvement with the ritual needs of Go-Sanjō, it is fair to say that identifying the kami with the deities of esoteric Buddhism at that time was paramount for the successful enthronement of a new ruler. Drawing parallels between Amaterasu and Mahāvairocana-Dainichi was first of all a political move by the Shingon clergy that established a precedent allowing the succession of a royal offspring born to a non-Fujiwara mother. Such an offspring would have had no direct relation to the Fujiwara family, whose regents and ministers dominated court politics at that time. This 53. Jp. Marishiten, a Brahmanic goddess of the morning sun, incorporated into Buddhist cosmology. 54. T. 2433, 421c03–04. Itō Satoshi interprets the second sentence in this passage as referring to Kūkai, who constantly improves the fortunes of the Japanese emperor by practicing in Japan the esoteric Buddhism he had brought from China (Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 29–30). A more extended English translation and discussion of this passage can be found in Iyanaga, “Medieval Shinto as a form of ‘Japanese Hinduism,’ ” 269–74.

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Introduction 27 purpose was successfully achieved, as Go-Sanjō ascended the throne soon after the death of his predecessor in 1068, a few years after Seizon f inished writing his Shingon fuhō san’yōshō. At that time, however, understanding of this potential linkage remained conf ined to small circles of elite monks residing in close proximity to the Heian capital who were concerned with retaining and strengthening their position at court. Yet there were broader implications in these events. First of all, the emergence of the new concept that Amaterasu was one and the same as the esoteric Buddha Dainichi served to strengthen the political, ritual, and symbolic power of the Japanese sovereigns and supported notions of imperial authority as essentially Buddhist rule (obō buppō), leading toward an ideal Buddhist state. Second, Japan could be envisioned as such an entity, being “the main base of the universal Buddha Dainichi” (Dainichi no hongoku). Third, it was proposed that the ritual framework for achieving this could only be provided by the teachings and ritual technologies of esoteric Buddhism, brought to Japan by Kūkai and embodied in elite esoteric lineages, such as those of Tōji, Daigoji, or Ninnaji. In short, by throwing their weight and ritual expertise to support a non-Fujiwara ruler, the main branches of Shingon were to be regarded as the major protectors of the Japanese state and of its tennō.55 These ideas, however, may have been known only to the select monks working closely with the Heian court. It took another two hundred years before Buddhist monks, and then “holy men,” mendicant priests, mountain practitioners, yin-yang diviners, travelling nuns (bikuni), and other folk directed their steps toward the sacred groves of Ise Province on their way to worship Amaterasu.

55. This particular episode suggests that the Shingon temples led the process of conceptualizing the Japanese kami along the lines of esoteric Buddhism. Even so, one must not assume that the same efforts were not made within Tendai and other Buddhist temples that also specialized in esoteric Buddhist doctrine and ritual. On the Tendai appropriation of kami see Grapard, “Linguistic Cubism” and “Keiranshūyōshū”; Dolce, “Hokke Shinto”; Bodiford, “Matara.” I have also sketched the approaches of Tendai lineages to Miwa in “The Deity of Miwa and Tendai Esoteric Thought.” This topic will be picked up again in chapters 5 and 6.

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28 Introduction

The Ise Shrines and the Buddhist Pilgrimage to Ise According to Japan’s earliest mytho-historical sources, the origins of the Ise shrines went back to the time of an early third-century Yamato chieftain called Sujin. In the sixth year of his reign, the ruler, fearful of enshrining two powerful kami, Amaterasu Ōmikami and Yamato no Ōkunidama, together in his residence, entrusted the sacred body of Amaterasu to a princess (or possibly, a female shaman), who installed this important deity at a nearby cultic site, Kasanui, near Mt. Miwa.56 Later, during the reign of Suinin, the princess Yamato-hime took the sacred body of the deity to Ise, where she found a site on the bank of the Isuzu River that was finally deemed appropriate for the ruler’s divine ancestor. Such were the origins of the Inner Shrine (Naikū), according to the Nihon shoki, the earliest mytho-historical annals sponsored by the eighth-century court. As map 1 shows, the Inner Shrine was located on the bank of the Isuzu River. The first official record documenting the Outer Shrine (Gekū) appeared in the early Heian period. Entitled Toyuke no miya no gishikichō (Ritual Manual of the Toyuke Shrine), it was a part of the state ritual manuals of the Enryaku era (Enryaku gishikichō). According to it, the deity Toyuke (also known in medieval Japan as Toyouke) from Tanba Province was charged with feeding Amaterasu and ritually installed on the Yamada Plain of the Watarai District at Ise, during the reign of Yūryaku tennō. 57 The ritual specialists overseeing the worship of Toyuke were the Watarai, and the priestly family in charge of the shrine of Amaterasu were the Arakida; both shrines’ administrative affairs were under the jurisdiction of the Ōnakatomi clan, who also presided over the Jingikan in the capital. It is not clear when exactly the two shrines fully came into being, but by the eighth century the deity of Ise was already revered as the imperial ancestor, and worship at the Ise 56. The Nihon shoki states that Yamato Ōkunidama was another name for Ōna­ muchi, also known as Ōkuninushi or Ōmononushi, the deity enshrined on Mt. Miwa. These deities will be discussed further shortly. Kasanui was located on the site of the Hibara Shrine, an auxiliary shrine of Ōmiwa, in the northwestern part of Mt. Miwa. 57. Teeuwen, Watarai Shintō, 29–33.

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Introduction 29 shrines was exclusive to the imperial family.58 It was not possible to carry out private worship there. Despite the famous taboo on Buddhist attire and language within the sacred compound of the two Ise shrines, Buddhism played an important role at Ise from early times.59 The first Buddhist temples were constructed in the area around the late seventh century. Official records reported that in 767, following an imperial edict to construct a shrine temple, a Buddhist image was installed there to ensure the presence of the Buddhist dharma.60 By the late Heian period, the hereditary ritual lineages employed at the shrines also established their ancestral temples (ujidera) there: the members of the Ōnakatomi family who presided over the ritual worship at the shrines built the Buddhist temple Rendaiji, the Arakida had Dengūji, and the four branches of the Watarai had their family temple of Jōmyōji. In the Futami area, there was also Tengakuji built by the Arakida priests.61 During the late Heian and Kamakura periods, monks from the large Buddhist temples, including those in Kyoto and Nara, repeatedly went to Ise to pay their respects at the imperial shrines. Some recorded their experiences in diaries and travelogues, while for others only testaments in numerous setsuwa collections remain. For example, the monk Shōken (1138–96) from Daigoji, known to scholars as the teacher of Dharma Prince Shūkaku (1150–1202) of Ninnaji, was reported to have come to Ise on pilgrimages many times during the late 1180s and 1190s. Like many 58. One theory is that Amaterasu, originally a male sun deity, was worshipped by local fishermen at Ise. Wada, “The Origins of Ise Shrine.” Herman Ooms notes that Amaterasu was almost absent from the Nihon shoki, apart from its beginning chapter on the Age of Gods and the sections describing the reign of the late seventh-century ruler Tenmu. It may have been adopted as the imperial progenitor and installed at a certain site in Ise as a result of the political and military aspirations of Tenmu and his consort Jitō, and the existential needs of the eighth-century Yamato court. Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 30–31. 59. On the taboo of Buddhist attire and language at Ise, see for example Kuroda Toshio, “The Discourse on ‘The Land of Kami,’ ” 366–71. 60. Jingo Keiun 1 (767.10.3), in Daijingū shozōjiki (Miscellaneous Records of the Great Ise Shrine), 79. 61. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 194–95, 220, 551. He notes that many of these temples had the Eleven-Headed Kannon (Jūichimen Kannon) as their principal image.

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30 Introduction other monks, he was directly involved in collecting resources for the repairs at Tōdaiji and in busy exchanges with the Ise clergy; this resulted in a compilation of numerous important ritual memoranda and records that were subsequently deposited at Shinpukuji in Owari Province.62 The Kōfukuji monk Gedatsubō Jōkei (1145–1213) supposedly went to Ise in 1195. Having received an oracle from the deity, he commissioned a sacred image that could fit into a portable shrine (zushi), and subsequently installed it in his quarters at Kasagidera, near Mt. Mikasa in the province of Yamato.63 In fact, Jōkei’s reverence for the deities of Ise and Kasuga has been well-documented in his famous rebuttal of the nenbutsu movement, the Kōfukuji sōjō, and in his works dedicated to religious awakening, such as the Gumei hosshinshū. In the latter, Jōkei advocated the manifestation of Buddhas and bodhisattvas who possess the inherent dharma quality (hosshō) as local kami (reijin kenbutsu). They appear, he argued, in a defiled world in order to save sentient beings.64 In the Kōfukuji sōjō, Jōkei was even more explicit about kami, stating that “ferocious kami of a real kind” ( jitsurui kijin) were in fact the avatars, reincarnations, and manifest traces of Buddhist deities (gonge suijaku), and hence great Buddhist saints who had been respected by the high Buddhist clergy for centuries.65 Similar understandings of kami were spreading among Buddhist monks and practitioners of many denominations, including Shingon, Tendai, Zen, and later, for example, among the followers of Hōnen, Ippen, Nichiren, and Shinran (although not necessarily always in a positive sense).66 62. Shōken was linked to the esoteric teachings of the Goryū lineage and multiple ritual texts on kami transmitted at Ise, Tōdaiji, and Shinpukuji (Ōsu Bunko temple archive) in Nagoya. Abe Yasurō, “Shintō as Written Representation,” esp. 111–12. 63. Agatsuma, “Jōkei to jingi shinkō.” 64. NST, vol. 15, 28. Cited in Agatsuma, “Jōkei to jingi shinkō,” 9. 65. Kōfukuji sōjō, in DNBZ 124, 105. Cited in Agatsuma, “Jōkei to jingi shinkō.” Morrell translates this passage as follows: “They [the nenbutsu followers] put aside the reality of supernatural beings [kijin]. The trace manifestations [suijaku] who assume provisional forms [gongen] are actually the great [Buddhist] Holy Ones, revered by all the eminent priests of antiquity.” Morrell, “Hossō’s Jōkei and the Kōfukuji Petition,” 79. For a study on Jōkei in English, see James Ford, Jōkei and Buddhist Devotion in Early Medieval Japan. 66. Itō Satoshi, “Shinbutsu shūgō riron no hen’yō,” 177–79. Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō. Also Stone, “Do Kami Ever Overlook Pollution?,” 211–12. On the kami

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Introduction 31 During the Kamakura period, pilgrimages to Ise were undertaken by different types of Buddhist practitioners, not only by the large temple clerics and scholar-recluses but also by semi-itinerant holy men who often pursued the ritual practice of dream incubation in front of famous shrines and temples.67 In his diary, Gyokuyō (Jewel Leaves), the regent Kujō Kanezane (1149–1207) described how a blind Hokkebō Shōnin secluded himself in the vicinity of the Ise shrines in order to receive direct contact with the imperial kami through means of an oracular dream.68 A few years later, Kanezane himself dispatched a Shingon ajari to the Ise shrines to offer a gold-inscribed Wisdom Heart Sutra to ensure the birth of an heir to the imperial consort, his own daughter.69 This important trend of approaching the deities of Ise for private interests was best exemplified by the monk Chōgen (1121−1206), who was initially educated at Daigoji and performed mountain pilgrimages at Ōmine as a part of his religious training. He first went to Ise in the middle of winter in 1186 on a mission to collect funds for the restoration of the great statue of Vairocana at Tōdaiji, after the Nara temples had been torched by Taira forces. Following custom, he spent a night in the vicinity of the shrine’s precincts, outside the mizukaki fence, and received an oracle from Amaterasu. The imperial deity allegedly complained that it felt somewhat tired and weakened of late, and asked Chōgen to worship it. Upon his return to Tōdaiji, the monk made a new copy of the Great Wisdom Sutra, and two months later, accompanied by a party of sixty monks and a seven-hundred-strong group of onlookers, he went to Ise again and made an offering of a copy to each shrine, performing tendoku (reciting the title of each volume) and team doctrinal debate (ban rongi). Since Buddhist rituals were forbidden within the shrines’ precincts, Chōgen’s party performed the service at the interpretations and practices in Nichiren traditions, see Dolce, “Hokke Shinto.” On Tendai and Zen approaches, see Bodiford, “Matara,” and Teeuwen, “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.” 67. Visual evidence of such pilgrimage can be found in medieval pictorial scrolls, for example, Ippen hijirie (ca. 1299) and Ippen shōnin eden (ca. 1304–7), preserved at the Tokyo National Museum. 68. Gyokuyō on Genryaku 2 (1185.3.17), Yamada, “Ise jingū no chūseiteki igi,” 165–66. 69. Gyokuyō on Kenkyū 5 (1194.1.20), Yamada, “Ise jingū no chūseiteki igi,” 165–66.

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32 Introduction nearby temple, Seikakuji, where they were lodging. He visited Ise again in 1193 and 1195 to present the two copies of the Great Wisdom Sutra to both shrines and offer the recitation of selected sutras (hōraku, lit. “dharma appeasement”) to the kami through services at Tengakuji, the Arakida family temple located in the Futami Bay area, and at a temple near Mt. Bodai.70 The monk Tsūkai (1234–1305), who was related to the Ōnakatomi clan and also trained at Daigoji, went to Ise at imperial request in 1258. Relating the details of his stay in his Daijingū sankeiki (Records of Pilgrimage to the Great Ise Shrines) in 1286, he noted that Buddhist practitioners were akin to private visitors to the shrine and thus had to follow a code of behaviour that often saw them paying their respects at the shrines at night; Buddhist monks could go no further than the garden in the immediate vicinity of the second torii.71 Nuns also could pay their respects at the Ise shrines, and they often did. The experience of the consort of the retired emperor Go-Fukakusa, Lady Nijō, described in a record dated Shōō 4 (1291) in the Towazugatari (ca. 1306–8), is a notable example. After taking the tonsure, she went to the Outer Shrine for the first time. Upon hearing that Buddhist garb was prohibited at the Inner Shrine, but not knowing the best way to pay homage, she resorted to seeking advice from the shrine priests at the purification hall. One of them informed her that the shrine priesthood did not mind visitors coming to the second torii gate and worshipping the deities from the garden there. Following this advice, Lady Nijō also paid homage to the deity of the Inner Shrine, again from a distance, at a hall located across the Mimosuso River. She also observed other women attending the shrines.72 70. Tōdaiji shuto sankei Ise daijingū ki, discussed in Itō Satoshi, “The Medieval Cult of Gyōki and the Ise Shrines,” and Yamada, “Ise jingū no chūseiteki igi,” 165–67. Itō has also investigated new evidence related to Chōgen’s campaign in Ise, including a record of offertory services of chanting the Great Wisdom Sutra to the Ise deities, preserved at Kanazawa Bunko (Shōmyōji temple archive, Yokohama). Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 541–53. 71. Daijingū sankeiki, by Tsūkai, Kōan 9 (1286.8.14), 759. This text should not be con­ fused with the similarly titled record written by Saidaiji monk Shōkai around 1280. 72. For an English translation, see Brazell, The Confessions of Lady Nijō, 211–16.

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Introduction 33 In fact, according to Tsūkai’s thirteenth-century records, the flow of pilgrims may have intensified during that time. He reported that a special facility (hōrakusha) for Buddhist visitors to perform services to entertain the local deities was constructed around 1275–81 as a space to perform pacification rituals at the time of the Mongol invasions.73 Given the perceived threat of an unprecedented foreign incursion during the late thirteenth century, the political and religious importance of the Ise shrines and kami in general evidently reached new heights. At Ise, Buddhist practitioners of various stripes mingled with religious specialists and mountain ascetics from all over the country, and more importantly, with members of the Arakida and the Watarai families who were available for guiding the pilgrims around the sacred complex and the Futami Bay area. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the temples and private Buddhist facilities at Ise formed a unique environment where, under a veil of secrecy, new rituals, esoteric theories, and new salvatory techniques were invented, developed, and exchanged. Several Buddhist temples and bessho on the fringes of the Ise shrine precincts were linked to esoteric Buddhist temples and mountain ascetic practices, both in central Japan (for example, in the Ōmine mountains) and in the vicinity of the shrines. One, Sekidera, established around the mid-thirteenth century, was located near the Outer Shrine, on the southern slopes of Mt. Takakura (map 1). A small pond in its vicinity supplied water for ritual procedures at both shrines. The temple had strong connections with Onjōji, a powerful Tendai temple and the great rival of Enryakuji, situated on the shores of Lake Biwa, within a short distance of the capital. Another temple, Kongōshōji, was located on top of Mt. Asama, not far from the Inner Shrine. This temple specialized in the star cults, rituals for acquiring perfect memory (gumonji hō), and rain prayers and was associated with the worship of Maitreya (the Buddha of the Future) and esoteric and shugen practices.74 Sengūin, originally 73. Daijingū sankeiki, recounting the events from Kōan 4 (1281), 766. From the evidence discussed above by Yamada and Itō, it is evident that such hōraku services were performed by Buddhist pilgrims by the late twelfth century, although it is not clear whether any permanent facilities for such rites existed at that time. 74. The exact date of Kongōshōji’s foundation is unclear. In 1392, it was “restored” by a meditation master from Zen temple Kenchōji in Kamakura. The ritual texts from Mt.

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34 Introduction the jingūji of the Sengū Shrine, guarding the entrance to Ise from the Kumano area, was another hub of a network of Buddhist and shugen practitioners, often with connections to Onjōji, who came on their way from Kumano. Buddhist practitioners posed no particular threat and were welcomed by the shrine priests and personnel of the shrine family temples if they arrived in small groups, stayed away from the main buildings, and behaved with deference. Thus, despite the formal taboo of Buddhism at the Ise shrines, outside the shrines’ sacred compounds the boundaries separating the two realms were porous and allowed interaction and a fairly unrestricted flow of ideas between the shrine clergy and Buddhist practitioners. Moreover, in the course of these interactions Buddhist and kami circles studied each other with the utmost intensity and interest. For example, during the late Heian and early Kamakura periods, Onjōji monks were involved in producing esoteric Buddhist commentaries on the Nakatomi formula (Nakatomi harae), a ritual purification performed for private donors by shrine specialists and yin-yang diviners (onmyōji). These specialists travelled the country to establish ties with local landowners and propagate the virtues of the Ise shrines while performing a wide range of rituals aimed at personal gratification and success. Commentaries such as the Nakatomi harae kunge (Explanation of the Nakatomi Purifi­ cation Formula) and Nakatomi harae kike (Notes on the Nakatomi Purifica­ tion Formula), attempted to understand this practice from the perspective of esoteric Buddhism by clarifying how and why the ritual procedures of the Nakatomi could be infused with esoteric Buddhist meaning.75 Compiled toward the end of the twelfth century, these texts may have been the earliest to propose that the two Ise shrines were the Two Mandalas of esoteric Buddhism, the Womb (Taizōkai) and the Diamond (Kongōkai) Mandalas, and that together they represented the notion of non-duality ( funi). Moreover, as if following up Seizon’s esoteric theory recorded earlier for consumption at court, it was understood that Amate­ rasu, the solar deity enshrined at Ise, was none other than the esoteric Asama’s own tradition state that previously in this location there had been a temple or, perhaps, a meditation hall founded by Kūkai in 825 and frequented by mountain ascetic and esoteric Buddhist priests practicing the gumonji hō. 75. For the English translation, see Teeuwen and van der Veere, Nakatomi Harae Kunge. Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” 120–21.

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Introduction 35 Buddha Dainichi, the universal cosmic deity permeating and illuminating all places in the physical and divine realms. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, many more texts recording esoteric theories about kami and discussing the true nature of the Ise shrines using ideas originating in the world of esoteric Buddhism, Onmyōdō cults, and mountain religion were produced at Ise.76 Some can be traced to Sekidera, some to Sengūin, while others, like the major Ryōbu Shintō compendium, the aforementioned Reikiki, remain difficult to trace precisely. The majority of these esoteric texts were fixated on the Ise shrines, introducing theories about the essentially esoteric nature of Amaterasu and how the deities could be helpful for those seeking Buddhist enlightenment; they also contained new ideas about the nature and appearance of kami and about ritual implements that could be used in esoteric rituals summoning them.77 The idea that the imperial shrines were a manifestation of the utmost truths of esoteric Buddhism rapidly penetrated the circles of Buddhist monks with links to Shingon, Tendai, Zen, and Pure Land temples as well as itinerant hijiri and shugen practitioners. It was understood that Amaterasu, especially its turbulent spirit (aramitama), could ­appear not only in the form of the supreme deity of esoteric Buddhism, Dainichi, but also in the form of Dainichi’s fiercer manifestations, such as the esoteric wisdom kings Aizen and Fudō, or even darker divinities, the female demons Dakiniten.78 With time, the kami installed at other cultic sites were also brought into these discussions. It became clear that the turbulent kami (araburu kami), especially those appearing in the form of unenlightened beings such as dragons, serpents, or foxes, proved to be the most powerful in a ritual context.79 76. See a detailed discussion of ritual texts, such as late Kamakura period Tenshō Daijin giki and Bikisho (ca. 1324), in Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” and Iyanaga, “Honji Suijaku and the Logic of Combinatory Deities,” 159–69. These texts will be addressed again in chapter 6. 77. On the relationship between medieval Shinto imagery and the Reikiki, see Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shintō Icons,” 159–79; Hayashi, “Kogo ruiyōshū ni miru jisshu jinpō zu”; and Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō. 78. Itō Satoshi, “Chūsei Nihon ni okeru taiyō shinkō–toku ni Tenshō Daijin to Aizen Myōō no shūgō wo megutte”; on Amaterasu as the judge of the dead, see Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity.” 79. Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” 110.

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36 Introduction Toward the second half of the thirteenth century, the secret theories about Amaterasu and other kami began to be passed on in the form of kirikami, simple paper strips or certificates that proved one’s knowledge of the special ritual of abhiṣeka initiations, called Ise kanjō (Ise Abhiṣeka) or Reiki kanjō (Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits). Practitioners exchanged such rituals at the private facilities and the Buddhist and shugen temples at Ise. From there, esoteric theories and initiations were making their way to other regions of Japan. The kami realm was similarly affected. Toward the end of the thirteenth century, the Watarai, anxious about the status of the Outer Shrine and their own situation, recorded a series of secret scriptures that justified their claims to place the deity Toyuke (alt. Toyouke) on a par with Amaterasu. These texts, produced over a period of several decades, mainly to legitimize the Watarai’s position during the litigation at court, acquired the name of the “Five Secret Scriptures of Shinto” (Shintō gobusho). At least the early versions of some of the Watarai scriptures were written under the influence of the court circles in Kyoto and selected Zen scholarship newly arriving from Song China.80 The Arakida, who were in charge of the Inner Shrine and the hereditary priests attending on the imperial deity, did not produce anything on that scale, but they were actively involved in interactions with the esoteric Buddhist and shugen specialists who were at the center of the creation of secret theories about kami. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Ise continued to be a center of study of various writings on kami, including the Nihon shoki and transmissions on the Age of Gods; Pure Land, Zen, Shingon, and Tendai monks continued to be actively involved in these exchanges.81 It is against the backdrops of these medieval developments that the story of Mt. Miwa and the emergence of a particular brand of kami worship associated with it came into being.

80. For an in-depth study of this period in the Ise shrines’ history, see Teeuwen, Watarai Shintō, and more recently, “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.” 81. While the activities of esoteric monks and temple lineages are becoming well researched, less is known about the involvement of Zen and Pure Land priests. A recent study by Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, rectifies this problem.

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Pa rt I Mt. Miwa and the Yamato Landscape

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Ch a pter 1

The Ancient Cultic Site

The Sacred Mountain The Yamato Basin in central Honshu teems with geographical landmarks, many of which are connected to the events described in Japanese history. In the north lies the city of Nara with the hills of Kasagi to the east. Mt. Ikoma and Mt. Shiki frame the basin from the northwest and west, respectively. The mountains of Nijō and Katsuragi enclose the basin from the southwest and south-southwest corner before gradually merging with the Mt. Kongō range further to the south. In the southeastern corner of the Yamato Basin lies the area of Asuka; a short distance to the east and further south of it lie the mountains of Tōnomine, leading to Mt. Kinpu (Kinpusen), and the mountains of Yoshino. As map 2 shows, in the far southeastern corner of the Yamato Basin, a short distance from the modern towns of Tenri and Sakurai, stands Mt. Miwa. At a relatively low height of 467 meters, this conically shaped extinct volcano dominates the Yamato landscape in the southeast, offer­ ing from its top a perfect view of the basin and the peaks of Mt. Nijō and Katsuragi. Surrounded by two rivers, the Makimuku and the Hase, from the west, Mt. Miwa is only a short distance from the mountainous areas of Hase and Murō to the east. The Hase River flows into the Yamato River to the west and allows access to Osaka Bay by water.

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Map 2 The Yamato Plain. Courtesy of Dr. Ivan Sablin.

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The Ancient Cultic Site 41

One of the most active ritual centers in prehistoric times, Mt. Miwa was essential to the worldview of the early Yamato rulers. During the third century, it emerged as a potent ritual site, used by local chieftains, whose presence in the vicinity of Miwa is indicated by the culture of key­ hole mounded tombs, kofun.1 Early records report that in prehistoric times several residences of local chieftains were situated in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa at Makimuku, Iware, and nearby Hatsuse. The Chinese history Wei zhi reported that the ruler of Wa, the third-century theurgic queen Himiko, was buried in a “great mound . . . more than a hundred paces in diameter, and more than a hundred male and female attendants followed her to the grave.”2 While the identity of Himiko still remains a mystery, and no solid proof has been found that either the Wa polity or her grave was indeed located in Miwa, archaeological research estimates that the giant tombs might have appeared in Miwa a few decades prior to the compilation of the continental records.3 For example, Hashihaka or “Chopstick Grave” (275 meters long) was constructed in Miwa at the turn of the fourth century. Other tombs such as Sakurai Chausuyama (207 meters) and Mesuriyama (224 meters) were also built at about the same time. The contents of such tombs, for example, the Han-dynasty bronze mirrors and magatama beads, indicate the heightened ritual and political status of the entombed person. Modern archaeologists and historians often consider the subsequent replication of these tombs in other regions of Japan as a sign of an emerging local polity at Miwa that came to dominate early Japan’s political landscape.4 The human settlement in Miwa was a prominent economic and administrative center from early times. The old Mountain Road, Yamanobe 1. Barnes, State Formation in Japan, 20–21, 141; Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship, 28–29. 2. Tsunoda, “History of the Kingdom Wei,” 16. 3. See the discussions proposed respectively by Walter Edwards in his “In Pursuit of Himiko,” and Edward Kidder in his Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai. 4. Barnes and Okita, The Miwa Project; Ellwood, “The Sujin Religious Revolution”; Edwards, “In Pursuit of Himiko”; Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship, 28– 37; Barnes, State Formation in Japan, 178–94; and Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 143.

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no michi, trailing the Kasuga fault along the rim of the mountains on the eastern side of the Yamato Plain, connected sites of prehistoric ritual activities at Furu (in the vicinity of modern Tenri) in the north and Miwa (the area within present-day Sakurai) in the southeast, and led toward the Hase mountains in the southeast. The waterways of the Yamato and Hase rivers linked Osaka Bay to Miwa, which in the early seventh century became the station for visitors to the palaces of the Asuka rulers and a destination for settlers from the Korean peninsula and the eastern coastal area of the Seto Sea. The Lower (Shimotsu michi), Middle (Nakatsu michi) and Upper (Kamitsu michi) roads which led to the intersection of the Great Horizontal Road (Yoko ōji) provided easy access from the capitals of Asuka, Fujiwara, and Heijō to the Tsubaki Market (Tsubakiichi, alt. Tsubaichi) and the sacred site at the foot of the mountain.5 Moreover, Mt. Miwa was located to the northeast of Asuka, protecting it from possible malevolent interventions. From the early records, such as the Kojiki (712) and the Nihon shoki (720), and provincial gazetteers, fudoki, it appears that the ritual sites at the foot and on the slopes of the mountain enshrined divinities of a diverse character and mysterious power. Some of these early cultic activities may have involved the veneration of the three iwakura rock sites located on the mountain: Okitsu (far), Nakatsu (middle), and Hetsu (near). These early sites had no ritual buildings or permanent structures; since some of them were situated at different spots on the mountain’s slopes, the whole mountain gradually came to be venerated as an abode of divine entities. After the transfer of the “sovereign’s seat” or capital to other locations—as, for instance, in 668 when the court of Tenji tennō was moved to Ōtsu near Lake Biwa—the divinities enshrined at Mt. Miwa, as the protective deities of the ruling family, may have been relocated along with the court.6 Yet by the time the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki, the two texts that were considered the authori­ tative sources of imperial legitimacy, were written, the importance of 5. These roads were used as administrative thoroughfares and were constructed even earlier than the Fujiwara (694–710) and Heijō (710–84) capitals, since they are all mentioned in the Nihon shoki account of the Jinshin Rebellion of 672. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 317. 6. Grapard, “Linguistic Cubism: A Singularity of Pluralism in the Sannō Cult,” 213–14; Sugahara, Sannō shintō no kenkyū, 10–11.

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Mt. Miwa had already begun to decline, and its deity was gradually losing its significance for the ruling lineage of Tenmu (r. 673–86) and Jitō (r. 690–97) who, instead, preferred to establish a sacred retreat in the south, at Yoshino.7 Nevertheless, the deities enshrined on Mt. Miwa continued to be revered, due to their part in the early history of Yamato and its rulers.

From Izumo to Yamato What were the connections between the deity of Miwa and the early Yamato rulers? Although the eighth-century court histories are often inaccurate, they provide a rich field for mining Japan’s earliest cultural memories. Mt. Miwa and its deities figure prominently in them. The records in the “Age of the Gods” fascicle in the Nihon shoki report that, after the deity Susanoo descended from heaven to the land of Izumo, he married the daughter of a local chieftain, and conceived a son, Ōnamuchi or Ōnamochi no kami, the “Great-Name Possessor”8 (map 1). The Kojiki has a variation of this story, proposing that the deity Ōkuninushi, the “Great Land Master,” also known as Ōanamuchi/Ōnamuji, was born of the Susanoo lineage in the sixth generation.9 Ōnamuchi and Ōkuninushi were the two major deities enshrined on Mt. Miwa. Early forays into the cultural origins of Susanoo and Ōnamuchi have described them as the ancient agricultural and fertility deities of Izumo, and have pointed out the connection of these kami to the worship of serpent, water, and mountain deities.10 More recent investigations from a broader East Asian perspective have suggested a vital link between 7. Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics. 8. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 52–55; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 123–25. 9. Philippi, Kojiki, 92; NKBT, vol. 1, Kojiki, 91. Philippi notes that the name Ōkuni­ nushi appears only in the chronicles of the Yamato cycle; Izumo no kuni fudoki, for example, refers only to the deity Ōnamuchi. Philippi, Kojiki, 543. 10. Ouwehand, “Some Notes on the God Susanoo.” This line of older research does not acknowledge the possible continental roots of Susanoo and, by extension, the deities of Izumo, and owes much to the 1940s investigations of folk beliefs by Japanese ethnologists such as Higo Kazuo (1899–1981).

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the Susanoo lineage in Izumo and prehistoric immigration from Korea. The Kojiki, the Nihon shoki, and the Izumo no kuni fudoki (733, hereafter, the Izumo fudoki) indicate that in ancient times Izumo was an important area whose maritime proximity to the Korean peninsula played a great role in facilitating contact between Japan and continental East Asia; the import of myths and cults from the continent was historically significant there. From this viewpoint, Susanoo as well as his descendant deities may well represent a migration from Korea to Izumo.11 This theory is very plausible, especially in view of the archaeological evidence and recent studies, which have begun to fully acknowledge and describe the role of migrant groups from the Korean kingdoms who settled in the areas along the Japan Sea coast and who were skilled in metallurgy, weaving, and rice farming.12 For instance, the Izumo fudoki suggests that the land of Izumo was in fact created from spare land of Shiragi (Silla).13 This gazetteer, although still propagating the official version of a peaceful surrender of Izumo to Yamato, was based on a local discourse. For instance, it treats the characters of Susanoo and Ōnamuchi as cultural heroes and explorers of an unknown land, rather than as unruly deities from Izumo, as they are portrayed in a similar episode in the Kojiki written at the behest of the Yamato court. The fudoki also has more information on the activities of Ōnamuchi, who was worshipped in Izumo and Harima as the “Great Deity,” ōkami, and as a principal deity of the Kizuki Shrine.14 A large number of shrines dedicated to Ōnamuchi existed along the coastline of Izumo and neighboring areas, where Ōnamuchi was 11. Grayson, “Susa-no-o: A Culture Hero from Korea.” 12. On maritime links between northern Kyushu and the continent, see Batten, Gateway to Japan. Michael Como has recently discussed what he has called “the immigrant kinship groups” and their broad influences on Japanese culture in his two studies, Shōtoku and Weaving and Binding. 13. Aoki, Records of Wind and Rain, 80–82; NKBT, vol. 2, Izumo no kuni fudoki, 99–103. 14. Izumo fudoki refers to Ōnamuchi as a “great deity who created [the realm] beneath heavens,” ame no shita tsukurashishi ōnkami. NKBT, vol. 2, Izumo fudoki, 167, 203, 217, 225–27, 243. The Harima fudoki contains numerous similarly worded descriptions and narratives mentioning Ōnamuchi. NKBT, vol. 2, Harima fudoki, 271–73, 277, 287, 291, 325, 339, 341.

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perceived as the “creator of the land,” kunizukuri no kami.15 A reflection of this important status of Ōnamuchi can still be gleaned from the local gazetteers as well as the contents of the Laudatory Prayer of the Chieftain of Izumo, mentioned in the tenth-century ritual code Engishiki.16 After the affirmation of the solar deity of Ise as the imperial progenitor, however, Ōnamuchi, along with other deities related to the Izumo myth ­cycle, was demoted to the category of “earthly deities” (kunitsukami) and was increasingly described as a part of the “unruly Izumo” discourse. The legends recorded in the Nihon shoki relate that after the creation of the sub-celestial world with the assistance of yet another migrating deity, Sukunabiko, “Little-Name Lad,” associated with medicine, immortality, and early beliefs in the Land of Eternal Life (tokoyo), the deity Ōnamuchi went to Izumo in order to rule the land.17 There he encountered his own divine and wondrous spirit (nigimitama), who came from beyond the sea. Upon this, a divine radiance illuminated the sea, and all of a sudden there was something which floated towards him and said: “Were I not here, how could you subdue this land? It is because I am here that you have been enabled to accomplish this mighty undertaking.” Then Ōnamochi no Kami inquired, saying: “Then who are you?” It replied and said: “I am your guardian spirit [sakimitama], the wondrous spirit [kushimitama].” Then said Ōnamochi no Kami: “True, I know therefore that you are my guardian spirit, the wondrous spirit. Where do you now wish to dwell?” The spirit answered and said: “I wish to dwell on Mount Mimoro, in the province of Yamato.” Accordingly he built a shrine in that place and made the spirit go and dwell there. This is the God of Ōmiwa [Ōmiwa no Kami]. 15. The evidence for this observation can be extracted from the Nihon shoki, particularly from the narratives focusing on the legendary Empress Jingū and her conquest of Korea. 16. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 1, 114–15. The text of the ritual praise can be found in the “Book of Norito,” NKBT, vol. 1, Norito, 453–57; English translation in Philippi, Norito, 72–75, and Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 2, 102–5. 17. On the origins of Sukunabikona and its association with healing, immortality cults, and beliefs in the Land of Eternal Life, see the thought-provoking discussion in Como, Shōtoku, 44–52. On the pursuits of Ōnamuchi, see Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 59–61; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 128–30. The Izumo fudoki describes this deity as “the Lord of the Great Land, Ōnamuchi, who created the arable land with five hundred hoes and ploughs.”

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The children of this Deity were the Kimi of Kamo and Ōmiwa, and also Himetatara Isuzu-hime no Mikoto.18

This passage sheds light on the overseas origins of Ōnamochi or Ōnamuchi, indicating that what is presented in the Nihon shoki (and Kojiki) as one deity with five or eight different names may in fact originally have been separate kami.19 It also describes the origins of the enshrinement of this deity on Mt. Mimoro (Miwa) and provides an impor­ tant insight into the foundation of the lineages of Kamo and Ōmiwa. It is notable that the sacred area around Mt. Miwa was said to be used as a peace-token in the discourse of Izumo’s surrender to the Yamato rulers. The above episode also makes clear the paternal roots of the female character Himetatara Isuzu-hime, who later in the narrative becomes the spouse of the first human ruler, Jinmu, the legendary figure who supposedly unified early Japan.20 Although the connection to continental culture and the influence of the immigrant groups is not described at all, this passage in the Nihon shoki officially establishes the connection between Ōnamuchi (Ōkuninushi)’s lineage and the f irst ruling house of Yamato. The Kojiki, in fact, states that the spouse of the emperor Jinmu came from a family house located on the shores of the Sai River.21 The connection of Ōnamochi and Ōkuninushi to the first line of the legendary Yamato rulers was further acknowledged by Jinmu’s descendants, who continued to establish their respective residences in the southern and southeastern areas of Yamato. Ōnamochi/Ōkuninushi plays a significant role in these official narratives as a “land-creator” deity representing the ruling houses of early 18. Translations are modified from Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 61; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 130. Here and thereafter the names are given in their modern transliteration. For a comparable narrative, see Philippi, Kojiki, 115–17; NKBT, vol. 1, Kojiki, 109. 19. James Grayson has suggested that Ōnamuchi was the name of the original deity worshipped by Korean immigrants in Izumo. After the compilation of the Nihon shoki this passage came to be interpreted as portraying the unique capacity of kami to manifest several, often conflicting, character traits. Grayson, “Susa-no-o: A Culture Hero from Korea.” 20. Kojiki, chap. 29, verses 1–2 also gives an extensive account of Ōkuninushi’s descendants from his many marriages. Philippi, Kojiki, 113. 21. The Sai River is a part of the present-day Kusuri River in the vicinity of the Sai Shrine in Miwa, where Isuzu-hime was enshrined as a main deity.

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Izumo, with their continental roots, before the land of Izumo was “incorporated” into the early Yamato kingdom. In return for surrendering the rights to their land, these continental deities were pacified by enshrinement at a pivotal site in Yamato, Mt. Miwa, and in close proximity to the residence of the early Yamato rulers. Given their connection to the early rulers, the domesticated deities, whose itinerary most likely represented the historical routes of migration from the continent, played a great role in Yamato ritual and politics. For example, the following episode describes such influence in striking detail. During the rule of Sujin, who resided in the Mizukaki Palace in Shiki, a series of disasters occurred: plague and unrest among the people prompted the ruler to beg “for punishment of the Gods of Heaven and Earth.” Before this two Gods Amaterasu no Ōkami and Yamato no Ōkunidama were worshipped together within the Emperor’s Great Hall. He dreaded, however, the power of these Gods, and did not feel secure in their dwelling together. Therefore he entrusted Amaterasu no Ōkami to Toyosuki Iribime no Mikoto to be worshipped at the village of Kasanui in Yamato, where he established the sacred enclosure [himorogi] of Shiki. Moreover, he entrusted Yamato Ōkunidama no Kami to Nunaki Iri-bime no Mikoto to be worshipped. But Nunaki Iri-bime no Mikoto was bald and lean, and therefore unfit to perform the rites of the worship.22

This is a crucial passage, which serves to indicate that the authority of Sujin was intrinsically linked to the worship of kami, and more importantly, to kami named Amaterasu and Yamato Ōkunidama.23 It is generally agreed that the Yamato rulers did not subscribe to the worship of Amaterasu at Ise until much later, during the reign of Tenmu and Jitō.24 22. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 151–57; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 238–42. Ellwood, “The Sujin Religious Revolution.” While I agree with some of Ellwood’s findings, my analysis of the early records related to Mt. Miwa and its deity differs. 23. According to the earlier citation from the Nihon shoki, this was another name of Ōkuninushi-Ōnamuchi. 24. Wada, Nihon kodai no girei to saishi, and “The Origins of the Ise Shrine”; and Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 79. Matsumae Takeshi has argued that originally Amaterasu was a male solar deity worshipped in coastal regions such as Ise. He also links the early forms of sun worship and their adjacent cults, such as that of Ame

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It is therefore plausible that the whole story of Yamato-hime, who in the times of Emperor Suinin, wandered the land carrying the sacred body of the imperial deity until she reached Ise, was in fact a much later addition forming part of a conscious effort to construct a political ideology for the Yamato court.25 Even within a modified narrative, however, the Nihon shoki still portrays the kami enshrined in Yamato as powerful plague deities (ekijin), feared by the ruling house. Conspicuously, it also indicates that initially the worship of these deities was entrusted to women. Although Yamato-hime herself may be a mythical character, the story of Amaterasu’s worship at Kasanui became an important motif in Miwa’s later religious history. The Nihon shoki record does not specify the location of the worship site, but the whole idea remained as a part of official knowledge at least until the early ninth century. The regulations for the conduct of ceremonies relating to the Great Shrines of Ise, Kōtai jingū gishikichō, compiled in 804 by the Ōnakatomi and Arakida priests under the supervision of the Jingikan (Bureau of Kami Affairs), refer to the Nihon shoki legend and specify that Yamato-hime constructed an “abstinence palace” (saigū) on the Mimoro Plain in the vicinity of Miwa, where she worshipped the imperial ancestor at the Miwa no Mimoro Shrine.26 It is doubtful whether Amaterasu was indeed venerated in Miwa at such an early stage; however, this connection may have been made because of Miwa’s original status as the protective deity of certain immigrant groups and of the Yamato ruling house, and because of the ancient sun worship at Himuka sites that existed in Yamato in prehistoric times.27 no Hiboko, to Korea. Matsumae, “Origins and Growth of the Worship of Amaterasu.” On another theory discussing the continental origins of Ame no Hiboko, see Michael Como, Shōtoku, 41–54. 25. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 176; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 269–70. 26. GR, vol. 1, 1–83; OJS, vol. 2, 26–27. 27. The practice of “facing the sun” (himuka) during the summer and winter solstice was an important part of ritual life in early Japan, particularly as part of the ritual duties of the imperial court. Ooms, Imperial Politics and Symbolics, 79–80. According to Matsumura Kazuo, the sacred sites on Mt. Miwa could have been incorporated into the rites associated with what he called “the way of the sun” (taiyō no michi), which connected the Saigū Palace at Ise westwards to the Hibara Shrine at Miwa, Mt. Nijō, and Awaji Island. Matsumura, “Ancient Japan and Religion,” 132.

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Of Snakes and Women The Nihon shoki episode mentioned above reports that Sujin’s prayers continued without much effect until a divine message from Ōmononushi, “the God who dwells within the borders of the land of Yamato,” was delivered through the mouth of a female medium, Yamato Totobimomosohime.28 The name Ōmononushi can be translated as “the Great Spirit Possessor” or “God, Master of Great Things.” Much is uncertain about this deity, but according to one theory, the Sino-Japanese character mono was used in early Japan due to its nuanced meaning of “suprahuman or strange things, taboo objects, malevolent spirits,” which implies that Ōmononushi was perceived as having a power over, and representing, the realm of the unseen.29 It was originally women who were entrusted with ritual kami worship at Sujin’s court. Yamato Totobimomoso-hime, a female shaman, is one such important figure in the Sujin chronicles who was actively involved in the early Ōmiwa cult.30 In the Nihon shoki she is described as “a shrewd and intelligent person, who could foresee the future,” and as a woman capable of advising the emperor on the ritual and political affairs of the kingdom.31 The same chapter of the Nihon shoki also invokes this female character in the famous story of a “divine marriage” (shinkon). According to this story, Yamato Totobimomoso-hime was visited by a mysterious ­deity who only appeared at night. In response to her request to reveal his true form, the invisible deity promised to reveal itself, but urged her 28. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 152–53; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 238–41. 29. Ebersole, Ritual Poetry and the Politics of Death in Early Japan, 159. 30. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 152; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 240. Grapard and Scheid have separately noted the importance of female Ōga priestesses who oversaw the ritual worship at the Hachiman Shrine in Kyushu. The Ōga were said to be historically related to the Ōmiwa clan in Yamato. Grapard, “The Source of Oracular Speech”; and Scheid, “Shōmu Tennō and the Deity from Kyushu.” 31. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 156; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 244. Some modern historians have even compared this figure to the third-century queen Himiko and the legendary empress Jingū. Edwards, “In Pursuit of Himiko”; and Barnes, State Formation in Japan, 178. Ellwood finds similarities between the characters of Himiko and Jingū Kōgo, but distinguishes them from that of Yamato Totobimomoso-hime. Ellwood, “The Sujin Religious Revolution.”

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not to be alarmed. The woman then discovered a small snake in her toiletry-case; she broke her promise and shrieked out loudly, thus ­causing acute embarrassment to the god in question.32 Ōmononushi, “treading the Great Void, ascended Mt. Mimoro,” and the woman died of remorse, having stabbed her genitals with a chopstick. This episode was said to explain the origins of the Hashihaka (Chopstick) Grave.33 The Kojiki reports a similar “divine marriage,” in which another female protagonist, a daughter of Mizokui of Settsu, Seyadatara-hime, was stung in the genitals by a red arrow, which turned out to be the deity Ōmononushi.34 This woman then gave birth to a daughter. According to the narratives of both the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki, this girl would become the spouse of the legendary ruler Jinmu, the first human sovereign. Echoing the narrative of the Nihon shoki cited earlier, the Kojiki story also indicated that the wife of the first human ruler was a female shaman (miko) and a descendant of the Ōmiwa deity. In both episodes, Mt. Mimoro (Miwa) once again appeared as the sacred compound where the mysterious serpent deity dwells. A third version of this story, found in the Kojiki, involved Ikutamayori-hime, who welcomed a mysterious man at night and became pregnant. Wishing to f ind out the true identity of her lover, the ­woman’s mother and father instructed her to “scatter reed clay by the bed, thread hemp yarn to a needle, and sew it onto the hem of his garment.” The girl then attached a thread to the hem of the garment of her mysterious nightly guest. The thread passed out through a hole in the door and led into the shrine compound on Mt. Miwa.35 When the protagonists discovered that there were only three reels of the thread left, they understood that the stranger was in fact the Ōmiwa deity.36 The Sendai kuji hongi (True Chronicles of Old Matters and Previous Generations, ca. 936), an enigmatic text whose origins have caused much 32. In the Nihon shoki, the characters for the word koworochi have been interpreted as “small snake.” 33. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 158–59; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 246–47. 34. Philippi, Kojiki, 178–79; NKBT, vol. 1, Kojiki, 161. 35. The implication is that the deity has assumed the form of a snake. 36. Philippi, Kojiki, 203–4; NKBT, vol. 1, Kojiki, 181–83. Michael Como discusses these and other episodes related to Mt. Miwa and its deity in the context of weaving cults and sericulture: Como, Weaving and Binding, 113–35.

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dispute and which may have once been revered as Japan’s oldest history, reports an alternative version of this famous legend. Here, the deity of Miwa was a woman, Ikutamayori-hime from the Chinu District of Izumi (nowadays in the vicinity of Izumi Sano near Osaka Bay), who was skilled in weaving and producing hemp and sewing “divine short robes.” This character could be related to our third example of a woman with a divine lover, the Ikutamayori-hime who appeared earlier in Kojiki. She married Ōnamuchi (transliterated in the Kuji hongi as Ohonamuzi) near Mt. Mimoro before disappearing into the mountains of Yoshino.37 The aforementioned females were probably not one and the same person. Nevertheless, official records imply that, throughout the early history of the cultic site in Miwa, women were actively involved in the worship of kami. The presence of a female figure such as Yamato ­Totobimomoso-hime may indicate that the high-ranking women of Miwa were engaged in the making of politics as well as in weaving and healing cults (more on those shortly) while also playing a major role in fertility and serpent deity worship. The Ōmiwa-Ōga women based in eighth-century Kyushu also featured significantly in early Japan’s history by serving as mediums and interlocutors with the local deities, at times also being punished for delivering “false,” politically misguided oracles.38 Another important aspect of these records is that indigenous worship in prehistoric Miwa comprised veneration of thunder and water deities who manifested themselves as snakes, or, given the obvious connections of the Ōmiwa female characters to weaving and cloth-­making, as silkworms.39 37. Bentley, The Authenticity of Sendai Kuji Hongi, 184–85. 38. Bender, “Hachiman Cult,” 136; Grapard, “The Source of Oracular Speech,” on Ōga Higi 79–80, and 81–83 on Ōga no Morime and the Ōga sacerdotal house in Usa. 39. For comparison with continental serpent deity worship, Denise Chao has proposed that in the period from the Han to the Tang dynasty, the serpent-human pair Fu Xi and Nü Wa were worshiped as ancestral guardian spirits protecting their clansmen after death, and as a result their depictions “became engraved on tombstones, funeral banners covering inner coffins and served as tutelary genii of the dead.” Chao, “The Snake in Chinese Belief,” 195. More recent scholarship suggests that this pair represented the yin-yang dualism in Han ritual culture, including the funerary context. Tseng, Picturing Heaven in Early China, 285–94.

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The Ōmiwa Family and the Early Yamato Rulers Let us return to the troubles that occurred during the reign of Sujin and the above-mentioned episode of the ritual communication between the ruler and Ōmononushi. The episode describes a time when Sujin, much concerned with the state of his kingdom, was pressed to deal with the spread of contagious disease and subsequent unrest threatening his status as a sovereign.40 According to the Nihon shoki, Ōmononushi revealed that the realm of Yamato would find peace only if he were duly worshipped by the tennō. Moreover, the deity indicated that his propitiation would bring additional benefits, such as the peaceful submission of “the land beyond the sea.” Following that revelation, Sujin and several of his courtiers saw in a dream that Ōmononushi desired to be worshipped by his own descendant, a man called Ōtataneko. This man was subsequently found in a village called Sue in the Chinu District of Izumi, in an area situated along the Settsu seacoast, where many immigrants from the continent had settled. Ōtataneko was brought to Sujin’s court in Yamato and put in charge of the rites dedicated to the Miwa deity.41 Little is divulged about the real reasons for such developments, but the official records imply that, just as the historical patterns of migration would suggest, the plague crisis may have been of a translocal, mobile nature, involving the Yamato polity, Izumo, the Harima and Seto Sea coastal areas, and possibly the Korean peninsula.42 From the accounts of the “divine marriage” and Sujin chronicles discussed above, it is evident that the small area of Chinu in the province of Izumi and Osaka Bay overlooking it had a special connection to ancient Miwa. If the suggested crisis indeed involved so many coastal areas, located both at a distance and in proximity to Yamato, the assumption of ritual duties propitiating the influential overseas land-creator deity worshipped by the migrant groups would 40. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 151–55; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 238–41, referred to earlier. 41. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 151–55; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 238–41. 42. On the early migration of people and epidemics see Como, “Horses, Dragons, and Disease in Nara Japan.”

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have been a crucial step in the political, military, and possibly economic legitimation of the Yamato rulers.43 At that time, the Nihon shoki says, after receiving more oracles and performing more divinations, the Yamato ruler sought to establish a system in which Ōmononushi was given a clear priority. The records report that Sujin took steps to ensure further protective and appeasing measures for the newly adopted deity of Miwa, such as setting up a regular site for its worship, appointing a specialist for the production of “sacred sake” (omiki), sponsoring feasts at the Ōmiwa Shrine, and maintaining regular contacts with the deity through Ōtataneko. Additionally, Sujin created the rules for worshipping the “eighty myriads” of other deities, “allotting the land and houses for the service of gods.” And thus both the plague and the political crisis were apparently averted.44 The presence of Ōmiwa (Great Miwa) continued to loom large in early Japanese history. Ōtataneko subsequently was def ined as the ­ancestor of the Ōmiwa family that played a central role in early Yamato politics and ritual. One of the Nihon shoki records reports: “Mononobe no Yugehi no Moriya no Ōmuraji, Ōmiwa no Sakahe no Kimi and Naka­ tomi no Iware no Muraji conspired together to destroy the Buddhist [dharma]. They wanted to burn the temple and pagoda, and also throw away the Buddhist images. [Soga no] Mūmako no Sukune opposed this project, and would not agree to it.”45 This record, reporting the events of 585, has often been interpreted as evidence of opposition by the Ōmiwa family to the introduction of 43. The American-British archaeologist Gina Barnes studied a variety of nonlocal materials found at Miwa sites, including bead stones made of agate, jade, and crystal and possibly imported from Izumo and Hokuriku, northern wheat from Ezo, and Sue ware from kilns near the coast of Osaka Bay. All of these indicate the import of materials from distant areas and attest to a long-range exchange. Barnes and Okita, The Miwa Project; Barnes, Protohistoric Yamato, Appendix III: P; and Barnes, State Formation in Japan, 183. 44. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 154; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 241. It is still not clear whether any permanent r­ itual structures existed near Mt. Miwa in that prehistoric period. The Nihon shoki record cited above may simply indicate a customary location where ritual festivities and offerings to the deity were staged. 45. Modified from Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 104; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 152.

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Buddhism from the Korean kingdoms in the late sixth century. Perhaps the Ōmiwa, who played a prominent role in the courts of Kinmei (ca. 539–71) and Bidatsu (ca. 572–85), feared how their clan deity, by then a revered domestic god and the guardian of Yamato Province, would react to this new style of worship, which seemed to have mainly comprised the veneration of Paekche- and Koguryŏ-style images of Maitreya (Miroku) and Bhaiṣajyaguru (Yakushi). Or, perhaps and more likely, the political situation at court called for specific alliances against the Soga clan that were found to be meaningful at the time. The Ōmiwa family was well integrated into the political and ritual landscape of Yamato, acknowledged by the Nara court, and listed in the genealogical census of Shinsen shōjiroku (Record of the Newly Selected Clan Surnames, 815). This official census, produced to distinguish between the native, long-settled, and newly arrived immigrant groups, traced the Ōmiwa ancestry to Susanoo and Ōkuninushi.46 Yet again, the historical proximity of the Ōmiwa family to northern Kyushu and the Korean peninsula as well as various tensions between those roots and the family’s position at court were inadvertently acknowledged. Even though the singular worship of the Miwa deities was becoming less important for the Yamato rulers personally, the Ōmiwa family skillfully managed to retain their leading positions at court. Perhaps, it was because Ōmiwa clansmen occupied key positions with the ruling elite that their deity and its mythological heritage came to be acknowledged in the official histories. Because of their closeness to the ruling houses in early history, the Ōmiwa were entrusted with key missions at the courts of Bidatsu and Suiko in the late sixth century. The Nihon shoki mentions close relations between the then Empress Consort Kashikiya-hime (the future Empress Suiko) and her favorite minister, Miwa no Kimi, Sakahe (possibly the very same f igure mentioned earlier) during the power struggles between the Soga and the Mononobe and unrest that followed Bidatsu’s death, when one of the princes attempted treason.47 This was an unsettled time 46. ST, Koten hen, vol. 6, 556. 47. Having been forced into seclusion at Mt. Mimoro (Miwa), Sakahe then went into hiding in the palace of Kashikiya-hime at the Tsubaki Market, near Mt. Miwa. Aston, Nihongi, vol 2, 108; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 152–56. On Tsubakiichi, see the next section. On Prince Anahobe’s treason and Sakahe’s death, see Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 106–9; NKBT, vol. 68, N ­ ihon shoki, 156–58.

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in Japanese history, when geopolitical changes on the continent such as the reunification of the Chinese kingdoms in 589 and the subsequent animosity between the Sui court and the Koguryŏ kingdom led to the increased contact of Yamato with both and to a rapid dissemination of continental culture, including Buddhist worship, in the Japanese isles.48 The Soga and other immigrant clans contributed greatly to the construction of early Buddhist temples at Naniwa and Asuka; they also influenced political movements at court, often mediating the space between competing branches of contenders for the Yamato rulership.49 At that time, the popular religious landscape remained dominated by the propitiation of household and continental deities and local kami, often with techniques that closely resembled those on the continent and which at times had discernable Daoist overtones.50 Although Miwa no Sakahe was betrayed by his own clansmen and eventually executed, other Ōmiwa lords were given significant tasks at court, such as acting as ambassadors to Paekche. As the contacts with Paekche, Koguryŏ, and Silla increased, so too did the need to receive foreign envoys, their gifts, and messages, and to deal with increasing numbers of Buddhist monks, nuns, and artisans arriving in Japan. Perhaps because of their own ancestral connections to the continent, northern Kyushu, and Izumo, as well as their close proximity to the court at Asuka, the Ōmiwa may have also been involved in the reception of delegations from Tang China and elsewhere at Tsubaki Market in Miwa during the reign of Suiko and Prince Shōtoku.51 The Ōmiwa clansmen were generally supportive of Tenmu’s lineage during the Taika Reforms (645) and the Jinshin War (672). It was even said that he was indispensable when it came to political maneuvering by the Yamato court in the sphere of relations with the Korean kingdoms of Silla, Paekche, and Koguryŏ.52 Shikobu was the first Ōmiwa family member to be awarded the eminent Buddhist rank of hōtō (“dharma-­ 48. See a brief discussion of this period in Como, Shōtoku, 36–37. 49. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 115, 118; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 164, 168. See also Como, “Horses, Dragons, and Disease in Nara Japan.” 50. Como, “Daoist Deities in Ancient Japan,” and Ooms, “Framing Daoist Fragments.” 51. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 137; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 190. 52. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 236, 306–7, 311–12, 317, 364; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 311, 388–89, 396, 404, 436.

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lantern”) in 643.53 This signalled a cardinal shift in the political stance of his family, who had initially been seen to oppose the Soga’s promotion of Buddhism and the political changes that this brought to the Yamato court. The ruling lineage of Tenmu and Jitō approved of the Ōmiwa clan, which by this time may have consisted of several branches residing in northern Kyushu, Yamato, and elsewhere, and regularly rewarded its members with honors. Tenmu sent one of them as an ambassador to Paekche and later granted the Ōmiwa the title of asomi, along with fiftytwo other families. When Tenmu died, it was the task of Ōmiwa asomi Takechimaro (also known as Takachimaro) to deliver a funerary oration on behalf of the court during the ceremony, where he stood alongside Fuse, Isono­kami, Ōtomo, and Nakatomi officials. During the eighth century, the members of the Ōmiwa and Ōga sacerdotal houses served as mediums and shrine ritualists, participating even in the enshrinement of the divinities from Usa in northeastern Kyushu at the Tamukeyama Shrine at Tōdaiji, although their prominence was curtailed after these events.54

Miwa as a Cultural and Economic Center Due to its favorable position at the intersection of the Mountain (Yama­ nobe), Hatsuse, and Great Horizontal roads, early Miwa was a lively hub of local culture and trade. These roads connected it to the other impor­ tant sites of Katsuragi, Yoshino, and Hatsuse, as well as to the provinces of Ōmi and Naniwa.55 Thanks to an easy route by way of the Hase and Yamato rivers and access to Osaka Bay, trade with distant regions flourished. Local prosperity was sustained by harvests from nearby rice paddies on the southern Yamato Plain. Professional weavers, potters, and 53. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 203; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 277. 54. In 754, the Ōga house lost out to the Usa priests in a long-standing political rivalry. In the background of the Dōkyō affair, the Ōga priests and mediums residing in Kyushu were accused of sorcery and manufacturing of “fraudulent oracles,” stripped of their titles, and exiled. Grapard, “The Source of Oracular Speech,” 83. 55. Ueda Masaaki, Kodai no michi.

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blacksmiths resident in Miwa produced goods which could then be traded at the Tsubaki Market, said to be located on the crossroads to the southwest of the mountain.56 As has just been shown, the Ōmiwa clansmen played ambassadorial roles at the imperial court and maintained links with the continent. The Nihon shoki reports that, upon its return from China at the time of Yūryaku, the Yamato delegation anchored at Suminoe, “bringing with them skilled workmen presented by Wu, namely Aya weavers and Kure weavers, as well as the seamstresses Anehime and Otohime.” By the emperor’s orders, the men of Wu were warmly received and then settled in Yamato, whereas Anehime was presented to the deity of Ōmiwa.57 At the time of Suiko, a guesthouse was established at the Tsubaki Market to ensure a proper reception for the Korean envoys en route from Kyushu to Asuka.58 Docks may even have been built on the Hase River to serve the boats transporting goods from Kawachi and Izumi by water.59 The market and the crossroads (chimata) in front of it brought crowds of visitors, but the site was also employed for another, less glamorous social function: public punishment and imprisonment. When Mononobe no Muraji instigated a campaign against Buddhism, three Buddhist nuns who had trained with the teachers from Korea, and who had assisted the Soga family in their propagation of the Buddhist teachings, were relieved of their duties and delivered to Mimoro (Miwa), where officials “removed their garments, imprisoned them, and flogged them at the road-station of the Tsubaki Market.”60 One of the oldest 56. The crossroads near the Tsubaki Market (tsubakiichi no chimata) is mentioned in the Nihon shoki in the time of Emperor Buretsu. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 400; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 8. Tsuba(ki)ichi is said to have been located near presentday Kanaya neighborhood in the town of Sakurai. 57. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 363; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 491. This statement may correspond with the earlier proposition that a group of professional female weavers who lived in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa were involved in the veneration of the serpent deity Ōmononushi. See the story of the aforementioned “divine marriage” in the Kojiki, chapter 66; Philippi, Kojiki, 203–4. 58. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 137; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 190. 59. At present, it is not possible to verify this assumption, since local rivers’ depths and positions have changed considerably due to modern irrigation and construction. 60. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 101, 103–4; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 150–52.

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s­ urviving records documenting this fact is the Origins of Gangōji, alternatively known as Gangōji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaichō (The Karmic Origins and Inventory of Holdings of Gangōji), which was completed in 747: “Then three nuns, in the time of Prince Nagaya, were taken with others to the Tsubaki Market and stripped of their Buddhist clothes. [The authorities] thus destroyed the Buddhist dharma.”61 One entry for the year 643 describes how the Korean prince Yö Phung-chyang, who resided in Yamato as a hostage during the reign of Emperor Jōmei, was released from imprisonment and left to his own pursuits. He was said to have “kept four hives of honey-bees on Mt. Miwa; but they did not multiply their kind.”62 The communal public space near the Tsubaki Market and guesthouses suitable for the reception of foreign visitors was also a center of utagaki or ritual song-making gatherings, where people and gods could meet and socialize. Scroll 12 of the Man’yōshū describes the Tsubaki Market as situated on the “crossing of many roads” (yaso no chimata), and a likely site of roadside offerings and rites to prevent the actions of malevolent deities.63

The Ōmiwa Shrine and Its Festivals The origins of the migrant deities enshrined on Mt. Miwa had been both obscured and significantly redefined by the official mythology. One such trace remains in the Laudatory Prayer of the Chieftain of Izumo documented in the “Book of Norito” in the tenth-century ritual 61. DNBZ, vol. 118, Jishi sōsho 2; Gangōji garan engi, in Takeuchi, Nara ibun, vol. 2, 383–93. English translation in Stevenson, “The Founding of the Monastery Gangōji and a List of Its Treasures.” 62. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 184; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 253. 63. Two such important rites were the Ceremony of Roadside Offerings (Michiae no matsuri) and the Fire Pacification Ceremony (Hoshizume no matsuri). They were also often performed before the arrival of the foreign embassies to court. Como, Shōtoku, 107–8. On the roadside offerings and the signif icance of chimata, see also Como, “Horses, Dragons, and Disease in Nara Japan,” 402, as well as his monographs Weaving and Binding and Shōtoku, 102–9, 125–27.

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code Engishiki.64 This incantation, performed by the chieftain of Izumo, describes how Ōnamuchi agreed to his own pacification and instilled his own being into a many-faceted mirror (yata no kagami). To this mirror “he gave the august name Yamato no Ōmononushi Kushimi­ katama no Mikoto, which he caused to dwell in the divine woods of Mt. Miwa in Yamato.” Ōnamuchi’s august offspring were then made to dwell in the areas of Kamo, Katsuragi, Unade, and Asuka. All of these deities were worshipped as the protective kami of the Yamato sovereign’s lineage (sumemima mikoto no chikaki mamorigami), whereas Ōnamuchi himself remained enshrined in the Kizuki Shrine in Izumo. As new concepts of rulership and authority were taking hold in early Japan, the previous intricate relationships between many deities of continental, Izumo, and Yamato descent were written out of official records. At Miwa, these deities had been brought together in the collective persona of the god enshrined on Mt. Miwa, Ōmononushi, who was venerated as a plague deity and a tatarigami (cursing deity), capable of inflicting grave danger on Japanese rulers. Engishiki helps us to further reconstruct the formal status of the Ōmiwa Shrine during the Heian period. In the “Book of Divine Names” ( Jinmyōchō), the Ōmiwa Shrine was registered as “Ōmiwa Ōmononushi Shrine” in the Shikinokami District of Yamato.65 It was dedicated to the “benign spirit” (nigimitama) of Ōmononushi, the serpent and plague deity that played a central role in the court and politics of early Yamato rulers and made such a prominent appearance in the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki. The “turbulent spirit” (aramitama) of this kami was venerated at the nearby tutelary shrine of the Sai family, which was also dedicated to the spouse of the legendary ruler Jinmu. Other shrines in the vicinity included Tsunakoshi and Himuka, while the shrines of Makimuku and Hibara were located in the western corner at the foot of the mountain. Originally, Hibara Shrine was closely connected with Kasanui no mura, where, according to the Nihon shoki, an external site for the worship of Amaterasu was set up during the

64. The “Book of Norito,” NKBT, vol. 1, Norito, 453–57; English translation in Philippi, Norito, 72–75, and Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 2, 102–5. 65. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 2, 120; ST, Koten chūshaku hen, vol. 11, 300.

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plague in the time of Sujin.66 To the northwest was the Anashi Shrine, described in the Engishiki as a site enshrining military deities.67 Little is known about it, and during the Heian and Kamakura periods it was largely abandoned. The Shiki Shrine to the southwest of Mt. Miwa was located on a site that had rich connections with the court of Sujin and his palace, Shiki no Mizukaki no miya, and the tombs of previous early rulers. The Engishiki records these shrines separately, indicating that although the deities venerated at Ōmiwa and surrounding sites in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa were seen to be related, they were not considered to be formally connected. Close to the Ōmiwa veneration sites was the shrine temple ( jingūji), Ōmiwadera, probably one of the earliest permanent religious structures in Miwa. It was established sometime during the mid-eighth century; more on it will follow below. The Ōmiwa Shrine had several annual festivals. One of the most important was the Chinkasai or Hanashizume no matsuri, “Pacification of the Flowers,” which was held in the third month of each year both at the Ōmiwa and Sai shrines.68 The origins of this festival go back to a legend of the epidemic at the time of Emperor Sujin. This particular ritual was connected to ancient healing practices in Miwa that comprised the gathering and application of medicinal herbs, such as mountain lilies and moxa. Among the population of southern Yamato, the Miwa deity was thus perceived as a protector against disease. Curiously, an entry in the kunizukuri episode of the Nihon shoki alludes to such ordinary worshippers of the Ōmiwa deities, indicating their significance for the common folk. Now Ōnamochi no Mikoto and Sukunabikona no Mikoto, with united strength and one heart, constructed this sub-celestial world. Then, for the 66. Ryō no gige, in the section on “Kami Worship Procedures” ( Jingiryō, section 1), mentions the Ōmiwa site as Kasanui no mura. KT, vol. 23, 194. The actual location of this site has been a matter of dispute, as several sites in the Yamato area, some in Yoshino, some in Asuka, claimed to have been the original site of Amaterasu worship. 67. The Anashi shrine is also mentioned in Ryō no gige ( Jingiryō, section 6) as one of the shrines which had the Niiname festival in winter. OJS, vol. 2, 27. 68. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 1, 73; ST, Koten hen, vol. 11, 28–29.

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The Ancient Cultic Site 61 sake of the visible race of man as well as for the beasts, they determined the method of healing diseases. They also, in order to do away with the calamities of birds, beasts, and creeping things, established means for their prevention and control. The people enjoy the protection of these universally until the present day.69

Healing (and possibly divination associated with natural disasters and plagues) was an important aspect of local worship at Miwa and its neighboring shrines. For example, the Three Herbs Festival (Saigusa matsuri) was another ritual occasion celebrated each summer at the nearby Sai shrine. A similar festival was also held at the Izakawa Shrine in Sōnokami District.70 During these festivals the common people were also allowed to gather mountain herbs, lilies, and the like, which were believed to have medicinal properties and were normally presented only to the deities. Another important festival, Ōmiwasai, was held in the eleventh month of each year.71 Its celebration was a symbolic reminder and acknowledgement of the significance of this local deity and the Ōmiwa clan by the imperial court. On many occasions during the Heian period, perhaps as a token of formal respect, it brought a halt to Buddhist ceremonies of sprinkling water (kanbutsu) at court.72 From various Heian records, it would appear that the worship of Ōnamuchi or Ōmiwa was widespread by the early tenth century, with a number of shrines dedicated to the Ōmiwa deities located in various parts of the country, such as Ōmi, Hokuriku, and Izumo. These shrines were also listed in the Engishiki.73 But rather than implying that some centralized form of worship was in place, the existence of such records suggests that the veneration of land-creator deities Ōnamuchi and 69. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 59; NKBT, vol. 67, Nihon shoki, 128. 70. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 1, 73; ST, Koten hen, vol. 11, 29. 71. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 1, 90; ST, Koten hen, vol. 11, 53. 72. Such symbolic discontinuations of Buddhist rituals can be seen in many historical records, such as Sandai jitsuroku, Jōgan 1 (859); Nihon kiryaku, Shōreki 2 (991.4.8), Chōtoku 3 (997.4.8), Kannin 4 (1020.4.8); or the Heian court diaries, for example, Gyokuyō by Kujō Kanezane, entries of Jishō 5 (1181.4.7), Bunji 2 (1186.4.8), Kenkyū 1 (1190.4.6); these references can be found in OJS, vol. 1, 183, 194, 340. 73. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 2, 159, 162; ST, Koten hen, vol. 11, 362, 369, 382, 402.

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Ōkuninushi had been widespread along the seacoast of western Japan since early times, due to the historical patterns of migration. Only later did they become incorporated into the Yamato worldview, after the “subjugation” of those areas by the central Yamato polity.

The Ōmiwa Jingūji The records in the Nihon shoki claim that some of the Ōmiwa clansmen, perhaps for political reasons, initially opposed the Soga clan and their propagation of Buddhism in the sixth century.74 Nevertheless, Buddhist culture was destined to reach Miwa eventually. The accounts in the Konjaku monogatarishū, a twelfth-century collection concerned with the dissemination of Buddhist ideology, attributed the foundation of a Buddhist temple at Miwa to the above-mentioned Ōmiwa dainagon, Takachimaro.75 This figure appears in several records, including official histories documenting the period between the late seventh and early eighth centuries; his true character, however, remains hard to grasp. Several episodes in the Nihon shoki, the Shoki Nihongi, the Nihon ryōiki, and the Konjaku monogatarishū describe the tension between Takachimaro and Jitō tennō, who wanted to proceed to Ise despite Taka­ chimaro’s intimation that this would incur many taxes and large state expenditure.76 For example, the tale in the Konjaku monogatarishū relates how Takachimaro acquired the benevolence of heaven by being sensitive to the needs of local people and converting his own house at Miwa in the Shikinokami District of Yamato into a Buddhist temple, called Miwadera. The text also notes that the descendants of Takachimaro still served as the priests of “that shrine” (sono yashiro no tsukasa), thus indicating the close relationship between the founder of the first 74. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 103–4; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 150–52. 75. For example, Takachimaro appears in the Nihon ryōiki, upper volume, scroll 25 (NKBT, vol. 70), trans. in Nakamura, Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, 137–38; Konjaku monogatarishū, 20:41 (NKBT, vol. 25, 209–10). 76. See the previous section on the Ōmiwa clan as well as references in the Nihon shoki: Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 406; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 513–14; entries from the Shoku Nihongi in OJS, vol. 1, 172–73; and KT, vol. 2, 13, 18.

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Buddhist temple at Miwa and the Ōmiwa sacerdotal lineage of kannushi shrine priests. Although in the Konjaku monogatarishū it is not understood what deity assisted Takachimaro by making rain fall on his fields, the records in Nihon ryōiki associated such rainmaking with the dragon deity, ryūjin.77 This may imply that the early cults at Ōmiwa jingūji encompassed protection of the land, healing, and rainmaking rituals in equal measure. While more is known about the physical location of the pre-Meiji shrine temple structures at Miwa, it is not quite clear what images were installed there, especially in the early period of their existence. For ex­ ample, figure 1.1 shows a statue of the Eleven-Headed Avalokiteśvara (Jūichimen Kannon), dating to the Tenpyō period (729–49) that is said to have been the principal image of the Ōmiwa Shrine temple before the Meiji restoration. It is currently preserved at the Shōrinji temple, located to the south of Sakurai, near the entrance to the mountainous area of Tōno­ mine.78 By the Heian period, the Kannon statue at Miwa was well known to the wider public. The Heian aristocracy, and noble women in particular, would often make a stop at Miwa on their way to pay homage to the Hase­ dera Kannon. More on this topic will follow shortly in chapter 2. Different clues about the early Buddhist cults at the Ōmiwa Temple come from a text entitled Ōmiwa no kami sansha chinza shidai (Order of Enshrinement at the Three Sacred Sites of Ōmiwa) compiled by the local shrine priests.79 An earlier version of this text may have been in existence around 1226, but the significant portion was most probably completed sometime during the 1330s and augmented again in the Edo period. This text refers to a cult that brought together the deity Ōna­ muchi and the Medicine Buddha (Sk. Bhaiṣajyaguru, Jp. Yakushi nyorai). According to it, in the Heian period, the original deities (honji) residing at the three rock sites of Miwa were Yakushi and two bodhisattvas ­representing the sun and moon, Nikkō and Gakkō, respectively. This 77. Nihon ryōiki, upper volume, scroll 25 (NKBT, vol. 70), trans. in Nakamura, Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, 137–38. 78. Before being transferred to Shōrinji, this statue was discarded and thrown in a ditch during the violent spell of separation of kami and buddhas in the Meiji period. MSK, 353; Antoni, “The ‘Separation of Gods and Buddhas’ at Ōmiwa Jinja in Meiji Japan.” 79. ST, Jinja hen, vol. 46, Ōmiwa—Isonokami, 3–13, particularly, 12.

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Fig. 1.1 Eleven-Headed Kannon (Jūichimen Kannon 十一面観音). Heian period, latter half of the 8th c. Wood, wood-core dry lacquer, and applied gold foil (kokuso urushi), ht. 209 cm. National treasure. Photograph courtesy of the Shōrinji, Sakurai, Nara Prefecture, and the Nara National Museum.

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arrangement of Buddhist deities follows the traditional interpretation of the Sutra of the Medicine King’s Original Vow (Ch. Yaoshi rulai benyuan jing, Jp. Yakushi nyorai hongankyō),80 which was known in Tang China and customary in the temples established in Nara, such as Yakushiji.81 Moreover, as far as the kami enshrined at Miwa are concerned, there seems to have been a tradition in Heian Japan associating the deity Sukunabikona with the Buddhist deity of medicine. For example, Michael Como mentions that Montoku jitsuroku (True Records of Montoku’s Rule) described Ōkuninushi/Ōnamuchi and Sukunabikona as associated with the Medicine Buddha and installed in a “shrine of the Medicine Bodhi­ sattva” (Yakushi bosatsu jinja) in Hitachi Province.82 Given that the Ōmiwa deity was famous for its powers to cure disease and was worshipped as a plague deity (ekijin) throughout Yamato Province and during the Festival of Pacification of Flowers at Miwa, the possibility of such an association with Yakushi is not at all surprising. The contemporaneous records such as the Sandai jitsuroku and Montoku jitsuroku state that the members of the Ōmiwa clan were proficient in the knowledge of healing and medicines. One Ōmiwa no Toranushi was so learned in the arts of healing, needling, and apotropaic substances that in 860 he was appointed a chief court physician (naiyaku no shō).83 Others were dispatched to Tang to procure “fragrant medicines” (kōyaku).84 The local families residing in the vicinity of the nearby Sai Shrine may have also been involved in dealing with medicines.85 For example, the archaeological evidence 80. For the Chinese translation by Dharmagupta (?–619), see T. 449. Other versions of this sutra were translated into Chinese under similar but slightly different titles by Xuanzang (602–64) and Yijing (635–713): see T. 450 and T. 451, respectively. 81. MDJ, 270. 82. Como, Shōtoku, 47. 83. Montoku jitsuroku, entry for Saien 2 (855.2.15) and Saien 3 (856.1.7), in OJS, vol. 1, 191. Sandai jitsuroku, kan 4, Seiwa tennō’s reign, entry for Jōgan 2 (860.11.27); in OJS, vol. 1, 183–84. 84. Sandai jitsuroku, entry for Jōgan 16 (874. 6.17), on Ōmiwa no sukune. OJS, vol. 1, 187. 85. Kageyama, “Ōmiwa jinja wo chūshin to suru shinbutsu shūgō to sono bunka.” MSK, 357–59. Kageyama further notes the presence of Sai temples in Settsu Province, which was a place of settlement for many immigrant groups from the Korean peninsula, and proposes a theory outlining the connection between the Sue clay ware found in the Miwa and Sai areas and a similar kind of pottery produced in Settsu Province before or during the Nara period. Kageyama, MSK, 360–61.

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s­ uggests that the Buddhist monk called Dōyaku, a descendant of a Korean immigrant group, the Ōnara, lived at the Sai temple near Mt. Miwa during the Wadō era (708–15) and was involved in healing practices.86 Early Buddhist culture at Miwa must have been influenced to a great extent by the practices characteristic of the Buddhist temples in Asuka and Nara, and to a certain degree by the strands of Buddhism transported from Korean kingdoms and Tang China. For instance, the relative proximity of Miwa to the Buddhist establishment of Nara made it accessible to monks associated with the propagation of Buddhism and the study of Huayan (Jp. Kegon), Vinaya, and possibly, Faxiang (Jp. Hossō) in the eighth century. According to the Enryaku sōroku (Record of Monks of the Enryaku Era), a monk of noble descent called Jōsan (d. 770) was a direct disciple of the Chinese Vinaya master Jianzhen (Jp. Ganjin) (688–763) who arrived in Japan in 753.87 After receiving the bodhisattva precepts (bosatsukai) from this famous Chinese master, Jōsan, seemingly one of the well-placed officially ordained scholar-monks of Nara, dedicated himself to preaching the Buddhist dharma as a major doctrine for the protection of the state. Among his other appointments at Tōdaiji, Hokkeji, and Jōdoin, he also travelled to Miwa to give lectures on the Dhārāṇī Sutra of Six Gates (Ch. Liumen tuoluoni jing, Jp. Rokumon darani kyō, T. 1360, 1361), a short Buddhist scripture translated by the Chi­ nese pilgrim to India Xuanzang (602–64), which focused on the ritual incantations purifying the six senses and eliminating the sources of suffering (ku). The aforementioned record thus implies that a Buddhist temple existed at Miwa sometime before 770 and that it may have served as a place where lectures were conducted on the Buddhist doctrines and scriptures arriving from China, all of which were first studied at the Nara temples and then circulated to Miwa.88 86. The silver memorial plaque with his and the temple’s name dated Wadō 7 (714.2.26) was found in a funerary vessel shaped as a medicine container (yakko) made from Sue clay during the archaeological excavations in 1958. It is currently preserved at Nara National Museum. Nara kokuritsu hakubutsukan no meihō, 281, no. 17. 87. Honchō kōsōden, written by Sōshō in the 1240s, is probably the only surviving source of information on Jōsan. Nihon kōsōden yōmonshō (Essential Abstracts from the Biographies of Eminent Japanese Monks), in KT, vol. 31, 86–87. 88. Sakurai Toshio has pointed out that an early structure of the temple may have been in existence during the Nara period. Sakurai, “Shinbutsu shūgō no kenchiku,”

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Yet another string of early continental and Buddhist influences can be traced via the establishment of the tutelary temple of the Abe family, Abedera, which was said to have been located to the southwest of Mt. Miwa on the site of the Kamakura-period Sūkeiji temple (today, Abe Monjuin). During the Reiki (715–17) to Tenpyō (729–49) eras, members of the Abe clan served as ambassadors to Tang China and Silla and were versed in astronomy and calendrical science, thus constituting another signif icant force specializing in continental techniques of divination and worship of deities. One of the Abe clansmen, better known as Hossō monk Genbō (?–746), travelled to Tang in 717 where he studied with Chinese monks expert in the Faxiang teachings. Upon his return to Japan he brought with him many esoteric scriptures, which were stored at Yamashinadera, the temple that would later be called Kōfukuji, the center of Hossō studies in Japan.89 I shall return to the discussion of Kōfukuji and its role in the religious history of Miwa in chapter 2.

Within the Imperial System Court diaries and official records of the Heian period often mention the Ōmiwa Shrine along with other important shrines in central Japan whose deities were invoked for the protection of the state, for rain, and importantly, for the pacification of diseases. For example, the Ruijū sandaikyaku (Supplementary Legislation From the Three Reigns) reports that throughout the ninth century imperially appointed kannushi priests were installed at important provincial shrines, and that the Ōmiwa deity, along with the kami of Hirose, Tatsuta, Kamo, and Anashi, was appealed to when there was a need to protect the state from natural disasters, such as drought or excessive rain, fires, or earthquakes.90 MSK, 439–518. Kuroda Ryūji concedes that the remains of that structure later became incorporated into a renovation in the late Kamakura period. Kuroda Ryūji, “Daigorinji no saishi to kenchiku,” 140–42. 89. Bauer, “Monastic Lineages and Ritual Participation,” 47–48. 90. KT 25, vol. 1. For example, see also references for the year of Kōnin 12 (821.1.4). OJS, vol. 2, 29–30.

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Such a need to involve and placate the Ōmiwa deity among others at a state level was, perhaps, justif ied by the fact that this kami was still widely worshipped in many locations along the Japan Sea coast, following historical patterns of early migrations from the continent. The tenth-century Engishiki, for instance, states that there were shrines dedicated to the Ōmiwa deity in Hokuriku, Awa, and other regions. The imperial court must have felt it necessary to continue embracing the Ōmiwa deities within the court ritual agenda, given its wide representation throughout the realm. Courtiers’ diaries, such as the Saigūki by Minamoto no Takaakira (914–983), also note that the Ōmiwa Shrine was included in the list of important shrines, along with Usa, Iwashimizu, Kamo, Matsunoo, Inari, Kasuga, and Sumiyoshi, to which the imperial court, while abstaining from pollution or praying for rain, dispatched messengers and tokens of sovereign recognition on the dates of shrine festivities.91 The importance of these shrines, located mainly within the Yamato Basin or its neighboring provinces, was also recognized by the Buddhist establishment. There are records that describe the procedure of dispatching middle and high-ranking Buddhist monks, accompanied by a party of six apprentices, to the sites of kami worship included within the so-called twenty-two shrine system (nijūnisha), to recite Buddhist scriptures such as the Sutra for Benevolent Kings (Ch. Renwang jing, Jp. Ninnōkyō, T. 245 or 246) and the Great Wisdom Sutra (Sk. Mahāprajñā­pāramitā sūtra, Ch. Da bore poluomi jing, Jp. Daihannya haramitsu gyō, T. 220) before the deities.92 These sites were often also referred to as the “provincial shrines of the seven roads of the five Kinai provinces” (goki shichidō shokoku jinja), and thus the key ritual centers charged with the propitiation of natural disasters, diseases, or malevolent spirits. The gods of these shrines were understood to be the “bright deities” (myōjin), or deities of heaven and earth (amatsukami kunitsukami), and kami who had protected the land before the descent of the divine offspring to 91. See the records dated Engi 14 (914.4.12), Ōmiwasai; Enchō 6 (928.11.24); Ōwa 1 (961.12.13); Kanna 1 (985. 07.13), rain prayers to various shrines; Chōho 6 (1004.12.12), Ōmiwasai. OJS, vol. 2, 36–37. 92. On the system of the twenty-two shrines off icially sponsored by the court, which developed between 966 and 1039, see Grapard, “Institution, Ritual, and Ideology” and “The Economics of Ritual Power,” 74.

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earth. From the point of view of the imperial house and the Buddhist institutions, such ritual pacification of local deities was mainly done for the protection of the state and to control the diseases and malevolent spirits travelling along the roads, or to spread the virtue of the Buddhist dharma.93 The aforementioned measures continued to be endorsed and sanctioned by the Fujiwara, who came to play a leading role in court politics during the Heian period. Throughout the tenth and eleventh centuries, when the pacification of disease and prevention of economic shortages and social unrest were major concerns for the imperial court and leading political players, the Ōmiwa Shrine continued to be addressed by officialdom on a par with the Kasuga Shrine. The late Heian compendium Nihon kiryaku (The Abbreviated Chronicles of Japan) also describes how imperial messengers were dispatched on Ōmiwa festival dates, and how monks from the provincial (kokubunji) and imperially designated ( jōgakuji) temples would dutifully read the Sutra for Benevolent Kings and Great Wisdom Sutra in front of imperially sponsored shrines.94 Records show that although throughout the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries the attention of the imperial court was ultimately directed at Ise, important provincial shrines such as Ōmiwa, Hirose, and Tatsuta also had to be nominally included in the pic­ ture to represent and support the worldview and authority of the imperial court, even as the court’s structure and economic position con­ tinued to change. The modern Ōmiwa Shrine still preserves a copy of the Great Wisdom Sutra in six hundred scrolls, which have a variety of colophons. In particular, it appears that selected scrolls of this sutra collection were later copied in Gan’ei 3 (1120), Bunji 3 (1190), Kōan 10 (1288), and Ōan 3 (1371).95 93. Such examples are mentioned in the Ruijū fusenshō, Jian 1 (1021.4.20), or Chōgen 3 (1030.3.23). OJS, vol. 2, 38–40. 94. For example, during the Ōmiwasai on Ninna 4 (888.11.8), and Kanpyō 5 (893.1.11), respectively. OJS, vol. 2, 42–45. 95. Kageyama, “Ōmiwa jinja wo chūshin to suru shinbutsu shūgo to sono bunka,” 412–14. In 2004, scholars from Kōyasan and Kōgakkan universities found other documents preserved in the Ōmiwa Kose Shrine family collection. Among them are the Genpishō, a ritual manual penned by the twelfth-century Daigoji monk Jichiun (alt. Jitsuun, 1105–60) and copied in 1276, and sixteenth-century ritual manuals from the Daigoji Sanbōin tradition. Takeda, “Kose ke shozō shōgyō ni tsuite.” More on Miwa’s link to the Daigoji monks will be discussed in chapter 3.

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Throughout the tenth century, Ōmiwa Shrine was included in another symbolic encirclement by the imperial court, which distributed Buddhist relics to the most important provincial shrines in the Kinai region as a token of respect and a sign of their continuing affinity with the house of the tennō.96 Various sets of shrines (eleven, sixteen, seventeen, twenty-one, or twenty-two shrines) are mentioned, but they usually included Ise, Iwashimizu, Kamo, Matsunoo, Hirano, Inari, Kasuga, Ōharano, Yamato, Isonokami, Ōmiwa, Hirose, Tatsuta, Sumiyoshi, Niu, and Kifune. The records also convey a certain anticipation of favorable omens by the imperial court during or immediately after these ceremonial dispatches. This portrays the choreography of action and expectation by the imperial court and the vital role played by influential regional kami, including those from Ōmiwa, who, en masse or individually, were capable of affecting the course of events and politics both at court and throughout the country. Major concerns of the court at the time were, of course, those related to natural disasters, such as “divine omens, strange phenomena, unstoppable rain, and disease” (tenpen keii rin’u shippei), or occurrences that could potentially threaten the political position of the rulers. The late Heian Fusō ryakki (Short Records of Japan), too, reports that Buddhist relics continued to be distributed to the main shrines even when the imperial house underwent structural changes during the reigns of the retired emperors in the eleventh century.97 The court mirrored the ritual calendar of the shrines, conducting or postponing certain ceremonies. For instance, there would always be a delay in sprinkling water over Buddhist statues at the time of the Ōmiwa festival. Moreover, during the early Heian period, the deity of Miwa, revered for its connections with imperial mythology, was gradually promoted in court rank, reaching the highest first rank by the mid-ninth century.98 As part of the system of officially sponsored shrines, Ōmiwa was one of 96. Nihon kiryaku, Eien 1 (987.9.27), the reign of Ichijō tennō (980–1011, r. 986–1011). 97. Fusō ryakki, vol. 29, Go-Reizei tennō, Eishō 4 (1049.11.25); Go-Sanjō tennō, Enkyū 2 (1070.11.17). OJS, vol. 2, 52. 98. According to the Sandai jitsuroku (901), after being promoted to the senior third rank in Kashō 3 (851), and junior second rank in Ninju 2 (851), in Jōgan 1 (859) the Ōmiwa deity was granted the senior first rank. OJS, vol. 1, 182–83.

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the sites to which imperial messengers were dispatched during the festivals as a token of respect—or a method of symbolic control—by the imperial house. Nevertheless, as the number of symbolically important shrines continued to increase throughout the Heian period, the individual significance and special appeal for the imperial court of the sacred site at Ōmiwa began to diminish. This spelled an ominous change for the shrine’s economic support base and also for its religious stature at court. Even though the shrine and its jingūji could still claim connections with a powerful deity and the lineage of ancient rulers, and it remained the tutelary sacred site for the once-prominent Ōmiwa clan, both the shrine and the clan were beginning to find it difficult to compete with, and subsequently challenge, the growing influence of the Fujiwara at court and Kōfukuji and the Kasuga Shrine in the Yamato region. This chapter has surveyed the early sources describing the deities and sacred sites at Miwa and the early forms of worship at both the early Ōmiwa Shrine and its jingūji. The overall evidence suggests that the early cults of kami and buddhas at Miwa were focused on the worship of overseas and local deities, some of whom were perceived to be serpents, dragons, or perhaps silkworms. The earliest rituals of propitiation of lo­cal deities at Miwa were facilitated via oracular speech and divine possession (mostly by women); continental techniques, possibly including different forms of divination or astral calculation (mostly by men); regular festivals; and Buddhist worship of Kannon and Yakushi. These early rituals were connected to healing, the protection of land, and rainmaking.

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Ch a pter 2

Temple Networks in Southern Yamato

In the Shadow of Kōfukuji Toward the end of the Heian period, the sacred site near Mt. Miwa mostly lost its previous prominence for the imperial court and the powerful aristocratic families. From the ninth century onwards, the worship of Miwa gained significance at Mt. Hiei, where the deity of Miwa was established as a part of the seven Hie shrines complex. Not only was this deity esteemed by Buddhist thinkers for its ties with the imperial house, but it also became fêted as a crucial link with the Tiantai tradition in Tang China and for its capacity to protect the major scripture of Tendai, the Lotus Sutra. The Buddhist lineages at Mt. Hiei were among the first to incorporate the deity of Miwa into their version of the star cults and Buddhist kami worship, and were possibly the first to place it in a ritual system that had a distinct esoteric flavor. Nevertheless, because of the scarcity of surviving evidence, the story of Miwa and Tendai would not surface again in full until the fourteenth century, when the deity of Miwa featured prominently in Tendai esoteric thought on kami.1 1. Andreeva, “The Deity of Miwa and Tendai Esoteric Thought,” 854–62. See also Breen and Teeuwen, A New History of Shinto, chapter 3, “The History of a Shrine: Hie,” 67–90.

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During the Heian period, the Ōmiwa Shrine with its adjacent subshrines and shrine temple was one of the twenty-two shrines formally acknowledged by the court. The court regularly dispatched its envoys, ritual gifts, and Buddhist relics in return for the shrine’s continued support with propitiatory services for avoiding epidemics, procuring rain, or mitigating droughts, thus protecting the state. But even though it was designated the “first shrine of Yamato” (Yamato ichinomiya), toward the twelfth century the Ōmiwa lost a significant portion of its economic support and direct patronage. It gradually assumed the character of a local sacred site, thus almost disappearing from the official records. One factor that may have indirectly contributed to Miwa’s economic and symbolic diminution was the expansion of the influence of Kōfukuji in southern Yamato during the Heian period. The ancestral temple of the Fujiwara family and a ritual institution in its own right, Kōfukuji was gradually taking over the region, and eventually came to dominate the administrative and economic running of various temples and shrines there. The sacred site at Miwa was no exception. Its shrine lands fell under the control of Kōfukuji and the Kasuga Shrine, while the Ōmiwa Shrine temple came to be formally supervised by a Kōfukuji bettō, an administrative overseer and tab-keeper who actually resided in Nara. This chapter will outline the history of economic and administrative control of the Miwa estates and will map out several important networks and routes of pilgrimage that were to play a significant role in Miwa’s religious history.

Control of the Land One theme that can be immediately noticed in the historical sources is the extended campaign by Kōfukuji and the Kasuga Shrine to acquire, both actually and symbolically, shōen estates in the Yamato region.2 In 2. On the development of shōen, see Nagahara, “Landownership under the ShōenKokugaryō System,” and Amino, Rethinking Japanese History, 65–78. In the most general terms, shōen could be described as privately held landed estates that were assigned to courtiers or officially sanctioned temples and shrines, or granted by the emperor to members of the imperial family, aristocracy, and officials via the system of divided

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the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Ōmiwa shrinetemple complex did not escape these encroachments, although at times it attempted to launch its own bid for protection from them. Kasuga Shrine and Kōfukuji may have subsumed some of the most significant lands, the rights to which traditionally belonged to the Ōmiwa shrines and temples, but the sacred site of Miwa also tried to wrest back some of its land and symbolic space. This attempt was embodied by the Izakawa Shrine, located to the north of Mt. Miwa in the Isonokami District. It was considered by the Ōmiwa Shrine lineage as one of its own kin as a result of the historical links and similarity in rituals and deities, but during the medieval period Izakawa was overtaken by the Kasuga Shrine. Before the Heian period, the area around the “first shrine of Yamato” appeared as a recipient of substantial landholdings and tax allowances, recognized by the state. The Ōyamato kuni shōzeichō (Book of Correct Taxes for the Great Yamato Province), commissioned by Shōmu tennō in 730, recorded annual festivities as well as tax conditions and stipulations about the collection of tribute and surplus harvest for thirty-nine important shrines in Yamato Province. Among these, it lists the Ōmiwa Shrine along with its auxiliary Sai Shrine. The former was allowed to collect up to 217 koku of rice from the cultivators of its lands, or up to 2134 soku of stem rice (ine), of which 36 soku were allocated to the Ōmiwa deity and 100 soku for the production of sacred sake (omiki).3 In addition, 284 soku were assigned as food for the three hafuribe priests. In comparison to other nearby shrines, such as Anashi or Furu at Isonokami, the tributes and taxes were very generous. Remarkably, of all of the thirtynine shrines recorded, only the entry for the Ōmiwa Shrine specified how much of the collected tribute was to be allocated for the deity, how estate tenure rights (shiki). John Hall describes the shiki as originally a function or ­office with attached benefits, which gradually became a hereditary right to designated income from the estate. Between the late Heian and early Muromachi periods, shōen were “the dominant units of local land administration” formally presided over by ­absentee overlords who enjoyed the majority of rights to income; some rights to such estates were also distributed locally. Shōen gradually became independent of the civil administrative system. Hall, “Terms and Concepts in Japanese Medieval History,” 29. 3. Koku was a measure of volume often used for grains. One koku contained ten to and was equivalent to 180.39 liters. Soku were large bundles of roughly ten smaller bundles of stem rice tied together.

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much for the hafuribe priests, and how much for the production of sake. These brief records indicating the political and economic situation of the region reveal that in the eighth century the Ōmiwa Shrine held a special position among the shrines of the Yamato area and enjoyed considerable economic privileges granted by the imperial court.4 For example, during the reign of Shōtoku tennō, the “divine land parcels” (shinpō) bestowed on the Ōmiwa Shrine and its deity in the past came to a substantial 160 residential units ( fuko), 45 of which were located in Yamato, 25 in Settsu, 10 in Ōmi, 50 in Mino, and 30 elsewhere.5 According to an edict issued by the Great Council of State (Dajōkan) in 765, revenues from these lands were allocated for festivals and miscellaneous expenditures by the shrine. In addition, 62 units (ko) of the newly granted land parcels were located in Chikuzen Province in northern Kyushu, a traditional abode of the Ōmiwa-Ōga clan. Such generosity was perhaps not surprising, given the character of the Ōmiwa deity with its strong continental connections and the active role that the Ōmiwa family played in relations with the continent and internal politics of the eighth-century Yamato court. An additional 10 parcels of arable land were allocated for the private expenditure of the Ōmiwa Shrine, 5 in Yamato and 5 in Settsu. In contrast, the Izakawa Shrine, in the nearby Isonokami District of Yamato, historically related to Ōmiwa, had only 6 ko, while the Sai Shrine, in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa, had 2.6 It is possible that the majority of these arrangements were later discontinued. Toward the end of the Heian period, Kōfukuji emerged as a large “power block” (kenmon) temple supporting the ritual needs of the Fujiwara family, and a power to be reckoned with in the political, economic, and religious spheres of the Yamato region.7 Its political connection with 4. Ōmiwa jinja shi, 131–33. Admittedly, a small portion of this document did not survive, but from the majority of records it is evident that the Ōmiwa Shrine figured prominently in the Yamato region at that time. 5. The fuko residential units, comprising 2–3 small households, 20–30 people in each, were assigned to support high-ranking off icials, temples, shrines, and royal households by paying half or all of their land tribute and the whole of their labor tribute to their designated overlord. Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship, 310. 6. Ōmiwa jinja shi, 156–57. 7. The definition of kenmon (literally, “gates of power”) derives from Kuroda Toshio’s kenmitsu taisei theory. Kuroda described the large Buddhist temples as ideological centers embracing a vast range of both esoteric and exoteric teachings and practices, and

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the Fujiwara provided representation and ritual connections with the imperial court, while its military force, composed, when necessary, of lower-ranking monks, ensured that Kōfukuji could manifest its presence and enforce its will in almost every corner of Yamato. As a result, by the mid-twelfth century it eventually became the province’s de facto governor. As an economically driven ritual institution, during the Heian period Kōfukuji expanded its combined land portfolio and collected shōen estates in the Yamato region and beyond, at one point even taking over the lands of the Kasuga Shrine.8 In addition to donations of land (kishin) from local proprietors (gōchō) and sometimes hostile takeovers of public lands, both Kōfukuji and Kasuga Shrine also acquired lands by incorporating shrines and temples in Yamato as their own branch temples (matsuji) and shrines (massha), and by installing their own land supervisors and administrators throughout the province. As the influence of the Fujiwara regents steadily rose at court, the imperial house, bound to the Fujiwara family by familial links, was obliged to reciprocate with economic rewards and political favors. Allan Grapard’s now-classic study of Kasuga and Kōfu­ kuji has shown that from 986 onwards, Japan’s ruling elite, including the reigning and retired emperors as well as the Fujiwara themselves, continued to commend lands to both institutions. In the early eleventh century, Fujiwara no Michinaga’s steward Minamoto no Yorichika, who enjoyed the position of Yamato governor at the time, founded several private estates in the southern part of Yamato province, allowing his descendants, initially Kōfukuji temple retainers, to settle there. In 1021, explained the mutual dynamics and interaction between the multiple centers of power, such as the imperial family, temples or shrines with historic connection to the imperial family, and the military government, that emerged as major agents in pre­modern Japan’s history. For the more recent revisions of Kuroda’s theory see the studies by Taira, Nihon chūsei shakai to bukkyō, and “Kuroda Toshio and the Kenmitsu Taisei Theory”; Sueki, “Kenmitsu taiseiron no saikentō,” “A Reexamination of the Kenmitsu Taisei Theory,” and Kamakura bukkyō keiseiron; Mass et al., The Origins of Japan’s Medieval World; Adolphson, “Enryakuji–An Old Power in a New Era,” and The Gates of Power. 8. On the institutional development of Kōfukuji, see the detailed studies by Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, and Adolphson, The Gates of Power. The most recent overview of Kōfukuji’s expansion in southern Yamato and its overtaking of Kinpusen is in Blair, Real and Imagined, 190–245. On the significance of scholastic debates and rituals at Kōfukuji, see Bauer, “The Yuima-e as Theater of the State.”

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for instance, the whole Sōnokami District in Yamato was donated to Kōfukuji. The initiator of the rule of retired emperors (insei), Shirakawa tennō (1053–1129, r. 1072–1086) also donated some shōen estates to both the shrine and the temple; however, at other times he consistently challenged the latter’s authority through the official appointments of Buddhist clergy, especially in the 1120s.9 In addition to being exempt from taxes, such donated land was then considered to be under divine protec­ tion. At the same time, Kōfukuji was assuming control over public lands, also exempted from tax, gradually appropriating them as a part of its administrative domain and eventually using them for its own ends. According to the Kōfukuji zōyaku menchō, the temple tax register from 1070, land in the Shikinokami District, such as the Iwata no shō in Miwa, had already been incorporated into Kōfukuji-supervised lands. Sources related to Daijōin, one of the two leading sub-temples of Kōfu­ kuji, also list the village of Iwata as public land “belonging to the cloister” (in no iri no shō).10 In effect, this land was administered by Kōfukuji throughout the late eleventh and twelfth centuries as part of its function as the Yamato provincial governor. From this document it appears that Kōfukuji considered lands in the southeastern corner of Yamato to fall within its own administrative domain: some were fields, exempted from public taxes, near Hasedera, others were “divine fields” of the Ōmiwa Shrine (Ōmiwa shinden), and some constituted public paddies (ōyake no tehata), fields surveyed and registered for tax purposes by the provincial governor.11 As the Kōfukuji documents indicate, a substantial part of the lands in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa had fallen under the supervision of the Daijōin princely abbot (monzeki). Understandably, the expansion of ­Kōfukuji dominance, in both religious and economic terms, was not a welcome development for Ōmiwa, ostensibly the “first shrine of Yamato” and one of the oldest sacred complexes of the region. 9. On donation of lands to Kōfukuji, Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 128–29. On Shirakawa’s rule and his politico-religious agenda at Mt. Kōya, Kinpusen, and Kumano, see Blair, Real and Imagined, 119–26. 10. On the two monzeki cloisters of Kōfukuji, the Ichijōin (est. 978–83) and Daijōin (est. 1087), see Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 107–9. 11. This document, surviving in fragments, is also known as the Kōfukuji shizaichō (Kōfukuji property register). Sankōinke shō, in Naikaku bunko Daijōin monjo. OJS, vol. 1, 316, 327; also, Ōmiwa jinja shi, 193–97.

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At the Crossroads of Pilgrimage Circuits Along with placing claims on landed estates and violent clashes with other temples in the wider Yamato region, Kōfukuji was at the same time involved in creating long-lasting links to the Buddhist temples there. As map 3 shows, throughout the early medieval period, groups of monastic and semi-lay practitioners associated with Kōfukuji, among many others, played a significant, although little recognized, role in developing mountain pilgrimage (shugen) circuits connecting the areas of Yoshino, Hase, and Murō. Although these routes traversed roughly the same terrain, they differed considerably from the earlier, elite routes of pilgrimage cutting through the Yamato Basin, such as those explored by Heather Blair in her study of Kinpusen. The next few sections will map out these new movements. During the Heian period, Kōfukuji played an increasingly assertive role in presiding over the several major sites associated with mountain religion training in southern and southeastern Yamato.12 Recent research has demonstrated that ninth- to early eleventh-century clerics and scholar-monks of Kōfukuji successfully combined the studies and practice of the temple’s main tradition, Faxiang (Jp. Hossō; “Dharma Characteristics”), with the teachings of esoteric Buddhism. Although it was not officially recognized as an esoteric temple, its high-ranking ­clerics were often ordained in the Shingon tradition and held double appointments at the main strongholds of the Shingon school in the Heian capital, Tōji and Ninnaji.13 The Kōfukuji monks of various ranking 12. Throughout this book, the terms “mountain religion,” “mountain pilgrimage,” and shugen are used interchangeably, but not in a sense of organized religion, which Shugendō became only after certain institutional developments in the middle to late medieval period. Therefore, I shall reserve the term “Shugendō” for the organized and institutionalized structure it became after 1613, and refrain from discussing the precursors of Shugendō in terms of its two biggest branches, Honzanha and Tōzanha, unless it is appropriate within a given historical context. 13. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 145; Abe Ryūichi, The Weaving of Mantra, 247; Bauer, “The Yuima-e as Theater of the State,” 164, 174, citing Tomabechi, “Heianki ­Kōfu­k uji ni okeru Shingonshū.” Mikaël Bauer highlights two cases of early eleventhcentury noble high clerics from Kōfukuji who studied both Hossō and Shingon and received important esoteric initiations at another imperial esoteric temple, Ninnaji. Bauer, “Conf lating Monastic and Imperial Linage: The Retired Emperor’s Period

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Map 3 Mountain pilgrimage routes in the Yamato area. Courtesy of Dr. Ivan Sablin.

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were linked to the austerities performed at Kinpusen and the Ōmine mountains; some of them even received official appointments at the former.14 This suggests that the traditions of esoteric Buddhism were held in higher regard in early Kōfukuji than has been previously acknowledged. These conditions left their mark on the development of other Yamato mountain temples that were founded or appropriated by Kōfukuji monks during the Heian period. According to Royall Tyler, high-ranking Kōfukuji monks, such as Kūsei (878–957) and Shinki (930–1000), studied both Hossō and esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō), and were also known as keen mountain practitioners who trained in the mountains of Katsuragi (or in Shinki’s case, Kinpusen) and Kumano.15 Shinki’s students accompanied the influential courtier Fujiwara no Michinaga (966–1027) on his pilgrimage to Kinpusen in 1007.16 Consequently, Kōfukuji monks of this lineage were appointed to the position of chief administrative officer (kengyō) of Kinpusen, a pilgrimage site of paramount importance for the Fujiwara and the Heian aristocracy (more on this place shortly).17 Toward the end of their careers, some such high-ranking monks retired to the “mountains and forests” and smaller Buddhist facilities in the vicinity of famous sacred sites in greater Yamato, mostly the mountainous areas of Kasagi, Hase, Murō, Yoshino, and Miwa (map 3, routes A, B, C, D). Mt. Kasagi has already been mentioned in relation to the Kōfukuji monk Gedatsubō Jōkei, who retired there toward the end of his life. In fact, medieval collections of tales tell us of several such priests with links to Kōfukuji who settled at Miwa. One of the more famous personages in Miwa’s history was undoubtedly the monk Genpin Sōzu (?–818). Originally a monk at the Yamashina Temple (that later became Reformulated,” 242–45. Heather Blair mentions Retired Emperor Shirakawa’s own admission that Kōfukuji was widely considered to be an exoteric temple. Blair, Real and Imagined, 205–6. 14. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō”; Blair, Real and Imagined, 235–44. 15. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 150–52. Kōfukuji bettō shidai, DNBZ, vol. 124, 8–9. 16. See the description of that pilgrimage in Michinaga’s own words in Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 224–25. 17. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 150–52. Blair points out that such appointments often caused considerable strife at Kinpusen: Real and Imagined, 202–3, 207–8.

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Kōfukuji), he may have been personally involved with Emperor Kanmu (737–806) and the founder of the esoteric Buddhist establishment, Kūkai (774–835). Poems attributed to Genpin invoking the sacred area around Mt. Miwa as the site of his religious seclusion appear in Japanese classic poetic anthologies such as the Kokinshū and the Wakan rōeishū.18 A thirteenth-century collection of renunciation tales, Senjūshō, has a record of another prominent Kōfukuji cleric, Shinpan bettō (986–1054), who decided to withdraw from the world; he took up the life of a wander­ ing ascetic and died facing east at the foot of Mt. Miwa, calling upon the Kasuga deity.19 The fourteenth-century illustrated scrolls of the Kasuga gongen genki (Record of Miracles of the Kasuga Deity) have a story of Ichiwa Sōzu (890–970), who retired to the village of Tobi, in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa.20 Perhaps, this tradition of settlement in the area had something to do with Kōfukuji’s ownership of several shōen estates in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa during that time. Or, it could be that Miwa was in a close enough proximity to Nara and yet presented a rural, secluded place, ideal for clerics’ retirement. While the activities of high-ranking Kōfukuji monks and their connections to powerful aristocrats are well recognized, the movements of low-ranking monks, such as dōshū (“those residing in the halls”), are less well acknowledged when it comes to specific developments, such as the emergence of travel and pilgrimage networks between Kōfukuji, Tōdaiji, and remote sacred sites in the Yamato region.21 As will be shown shortly, several places that emerged there as major pilgrimage or mountain practice sites were already “owned” by Kōfukuji or frequented by groups of 18. The earliest premodern source that mentions the existence of Genpin’s Hut is a late Kamakura-period setsuwa tale collection, Kojidan, compiled by the courtier Mina­ moto no Akikane between 1212 and 1215. OJS, vol. 2, 197; KT, vol. 18, 53. 19. This account can be found in the Senjūshō 5/9. Cited in Tyler, The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity, 67. More on this collection in Moore, “Senjūshō: The Buddhist Tales of Renunciation.” 20. Kasuga gongen genki 8.4. Cited in Tyler, The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity, 210–12. Tobi is an area in the modern town of Sakurai, Nara Prefecture. 21. The most detailed examination of these monastics to date can be found in ­Mikael Adolphson, “The Dōshū: Clerics at Work in Early Medieval Japanese Monasteries.” On the shuto and dōshū groups at Kōfukuji, see Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 111–13. On the dōshū groups at late medieval Tōdaiji and their involvement in the shugen practices, see Daitō, “Chūsei goki Tōdaiji dōshū to jushi.”

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Kōfukuji monks who trained in their vicinity; among such were the already mentioned Kinpusen (or Sanjōgatake), located close to Yoshino, which provided the entrance to the Ōmine range on the Yamato side, and the mountainous areas of Hase and Murō, which led further east toward Ise and Owari. The next few sections provide a guide along two routes: from Heiankyō and Nara via Miwa to Hasedera, and further east to Murō; and from Heiankyō and Nara via Miwa to the south, toward Tōnomine and Yoshino. These routes are depicted in map 3. The aim of these sections is to show that before the Kamakura period, while several sacred sites and important Buddhist temples and facilities were developing in southeastern Yamato, attracting a considerable number of aristocratic and monastic pilgrims, the sacred site at Miwa lay dormant, only attracting travellers as a market town with lodging facilities, which functioned as a stopover for those en route to other, more important destinations. The reason why Miwa does not figure much in this context is precisely because at a time when the early medieval temples of Hasedera, Murō, or Kinpusen were growing as centers of Buddhist worship, the Buddhist facilities at Miwa had little to offer to aristocratic or political figures of high standing in terms of efficacy and innovative combinations of kami and buddhas.

Hasedera One of the major sub-temples of Kōfukuji in southeastern Yamato was the temple of Hasedera, located a short distance from Mt. Miwa (map 3, route B).22 Since early times, Hase or Hatsuse, a long valley surrounded by mountains, was regarded as a sacred, hidden area where kami resided (Hatsuse no komoriku).23 It was considered the ultimate place for religious practice and purification by the early imperial court. With the rise 22. The distance is about 16 kilometers, and it takes a few hours on foot along the Yamanobe Road, which leads from the foot of Mt. Miwa to Hasedera. 23. In the Man’yōshū, the epithet Hatsuse no komoriku is actually ascribed to the Hibara area in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa, which faces the Yamanobe Road toward Hase. Man’yōshū, vol. 7, no. 1095.

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of the ritual importance of the Ise shrines, Hase remained strategically important, as it was situated along the routes leading eastwards to Ise. According to the Nihon shoki, in 673, an imperial princess was sent from the palace in Asuka to perform ablutions in Hase before heading off to serve as a consecrated princess (saigū) at the Ise shrines.24 Although it is not clear when a temple was constructed there, its foundation is often attributed to mountain ascetics who underwent train­ ing in that area. Numerous and often contradictory sources suggest that Haseyamadera appeared in the Hase mountain range, overlooking the highway connecting Yamato and Ise, sometime between 720 and 727.25 Limited material evidence, however, indicates that the foundation of Hasedera might be traced to the late seventh century. For example, the bronze plaque explaining the eleventh chapter of the Lotus Sutra, the “Treasure Stupa” (dōban Hokke sessō zu), preserved at Hasedera and now kept in the Nara National Museum, relates that a temple located on the Toyoyama (cited as Buzan, a traditional appellation for Hasedera) was constructed by the monk Dōmyō (n.d.) along with eighty other supporters, following an order from “the ruler of the Kiyomihara Palace at Asuka” (usually, a reference to the seventh- and eighth-century rulers Tenmu and Jitō).26 Hasedera’s own tradition often mentions a certain holy man, Tokudō Shōnin (656–?), originally from the Karayatabe family of Harima Province. According to the Hasedera engi mon (Karmic Origins of Hasedera, late 13th c.), Tokudō founded the temple at Hase upon receiving an order from Shōmu tennō, a task that he undertook under the guidance of the aforementioned Dōmyō. Tokudō was also credited with the creation of the magnificent statue of the Eleven-Headed Kannon from a large camphor tree that was discovered in the vicinity of the 24. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 322; NKBT, vol. 68, Nihon shoki, 412. 25. See the discussion of the Heian-period sources, including the Shichidaiji nenpyō, Sanbōekotoba (984), and Fusō ryakki (ca. 1094?–1150) in Tsuji Hidenori, Hase­dera shi no kenkyū, 4–24. On the construction of early Buddhist temples in the seventh-century Yamato region, see McCallum, The Four Great Temples. 26. The plaque, measuring 83.3 centimeters long, 75 centimeters wide, and 2 centimeters thick, was discovered after a fire in the temple’s pagoda during the Meiji period. On the “Treasure Stupa” scene and its popularity in the Buddhist art of Dunhuang and Yungang in medieval China, see Wang, Shaping the Lotus Sutra, 1–66.

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mountain.27 Other medieval sources, such as Hasedera shitō kinkan gonjō (Respectful Address by the Hasedera Head Priest, ca. 1314), preserved at Kanazawa Bunko in present-day Yokohama, reflect similar theories but often differ in dates. This scroll, one of the early texts of the medieval Hasedera engi literature, attributes the foundation of the temple to a time of mountain ascesis of Tokudō Shōnin in the ninth year of Monmu’s (683–707, r. 697–707) reign, that is, 705.28 Like other major Yamato temples that emerged during the seventh and eighth centuries, Hasedera was initially under the patronage of Tōdaiji, and was one of the temples that performed rituals for the protection of the country (chingo kokka), thus receiving much attention from the imperial family. According to the Shoku Nihongi, Empress Kōken made a pilgrimage there in 768, and Ninmyō tennō (810–50) proclaimed it a “temple of the imperial wish” (goganji). Nevertheless, with the empowerment of the Fujiwara at court and the growing strength of Kōfukuji, Hasedera, along with many other temples in southern Yamato, gradually became incorporated into Kōfukuji’s infrastructure as a branch temple. By 990 the appropriation was complete, and Hasedera became a branch of Daijōin at Kōfukuji.29 According to the early twelfth-century Tōdaiji yōroku (Essential Records of Tōdaiji), in that year a previous Hasedera bettō, the Ninnaji cleric Shin’ei (n.d.), had died, and the duties of supervision were transferred to his father, Hyōden Risshi of Kōfukuji. Since then, Hasedera began to appear in all Kōfukuji records as its dependant temple. Unsurprisingly, the Kasuga deity and shrine were implanted in the ritual domain of Hasedera and were steadily worshipped there throughout the medieval period. Several medieval Hasedera engi texts, including the aforementioned Hasedera shitō 27. Hasedera engi mon, attributed to Sugawara no Michizane (845–903), is a col­lec­ tion of the “tales of dependent origination” (Sk. pratītyasamutpāda, Jp. engi). For a brief analysis of the Hasedera engi literature, see Fujimaki, “Nanto kei Hasedera engi setsu no tenkai,” “Hasedera engi no keisei to tenkai,” and “Jiin nettowaaku to denshō– Kōfukuji to Hasedera.” The original text of Hasedera engi mon is preserved in Waseda University Library (No. 06–01478) and National Institute of Japanese Literature (box 6–26, no. 271–2), both accessible in digitized form online. 28. Kanazawa Bunko, MS 250–9, opening page, slightly damaged. Monmu tennō was a grandchild of Tenmu and Jitō. 29. Tyler, The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity, 73–74.

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kinkan gonjō, have colophons related to Fujiwara figures or Kōfukuji itself, which implies that they circulated and were copied or edited there.30 The temple’s principal image, the Eleven-Headed Kannon, was reportedly installed during the time of Shōmu tennō, perhaps in the Tenpyō era (734–46). Kannon (Sk. Avalokiteśvara) or the Bodhisattva Kan­zeon (Kanzeon Bosatsu), the “Perceiver of the World’s Sounds,” was a deity believed capable of assuming thirty-three different forms and manifesting itself in order to save people from danger, illness, and suffering. In India it was originally conceived as a male figure, but in China and Japan it was frequently perceived as a female deity and worshipped as a protector of women and children.31 In early Japan, statues of Kannon were used to cure disease, avert epidemics, or to prevent war.32 As shown by Samuel Morse, the production of the Eleven-Headed Kannon statues and their installation in provincial temples flourished around the mid-ninth century, a time known for outbreaks of epidemics; the Hossō monks (some of whom were affiliated with Kōfukuji) were particularly interested in promoting different modes of Kannon worship in both the capital and the provinces during the eighth and ninth centuries.33 Kannon was perceived as a pacifier of the ashura domain within the “six realms” (rokudō), which is why, perhaps, it was so revered by ascetics traversing the six or ten realms of transmigration thought to be found within the sacred mountains as a part of their spiritual training. The powers of Kannon were explained in the Lotus Sutra, and an early esoteric, possibly apocryphal, scripture known as the “Heart Sutra of the Divine Incantations of the Eleven-Headed [Kannon]” ( Jūichimen jinju shingyō).34 The principal image of the Eleven-Headed Kannon at Hasedera was accompanied by statues of two attendant deities: Sekishō Dōji and the 30. Fujimaki, “Jiin nettowaaku to denshō–Kōfukuji to Hasedera,” 68. 31. See Iyanaga Nobumi’s extensive study of myths and images of various forms of Kannon in India, China, and Japan. Iyanaga, Kannon hen’yōhyō. 32. Shoku Nihongi, vol. 10, the entry on Jinki 5 (728.8.21); and vol.13, the entry on Tenpyō 12 (740.9.15). The latter record refers to the case of Fujiwara Hirotsugu’s revolt in 740. On the worship of the Eleven-Headed Kannon, see details in Morse, “The Buddhist Transformation of Japan in the Ninth Century,” 153–76, and Hayami, “Heian jidai ni okeru Kannon shinkō no henshitsu.” 33. Morse, “The Buddhist Transformation of Japan in the Ninth Century,” 160–67. 34. T. 262, and T. 1071, respectively.

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Dragon King Nanda Ryūō (dated 1316).35 The latter, most likely installed in connection with the rainmaking rituals performed at one of the mountain sites at Hase, was also understood to be the Great Deity of Kasuga (Kasuga Daimyōjin).36 A distant reflection of this process of appropriation can be seen in the Hasedera engi mon, mentioned above. Predictably, in these legends the Fujiwara were credited for having founded the temple.37 Although the Buddhist monks had gone to train in the mountains of Hase from the early eighth century, it was later that Hasedera fully emerged as a center of popular religious pilgrimage.38 Heather Blair has recently shown how Kinpusen on the southern rim of the Yamato Plain was frequented by the Fujiwara regents and developed as their signature ritual site during the tenth and eleventh centuries.39 Nevertheless, it seems that elite pilgrims from the capital, including the Fujiwara regents and some of the retired emperors, tended to travel from Heiankyō via Nara and proceed along the road cutting through the middle part of the Yamato Plain, bypassing Mt. Miwa, located in the southwest corner of the plain, altogether.40 Almost in parallel with that process, from the mid- to late tenth century on, the wealthy metropolitan aristocracy began to make journeys to Hasedera to proclaim their devotion to the merciful and benevolent deity and ask for fulfilment of their worldly wishes. Barbara Ambros has demonstrated that many such pilgrims were Fujiwara women, who embarked on the journey mostly during autumn and spring, when the weather was best for travel.41 According to the Eiga monogatari (The Tale 35. Buzan Hasedera shūi, vol. 1 (daiikkan), ega (illustrations), 53. plates 147 and 148, Hasedera-style Jūichimen Kannon, a triple deity set (sanzon zō), Muromachi period. There are also several separate images of the Dragon King Zennyo Ryūō from the seventeenth century. Ibid., 87. More about this will be discussed shortly in relation to both Murō and Miwa. 36. Noman’in, one of Hasedera’s sub-temples, also owned a f ine example of the Kasuga Shrine mandala. Tyler, The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity, 124, 267. 37. Fujimaki, “Hasedera engi no keisei to tenkai.” 38. Tsuji Hidenori, Hasedera shi no kenkyū, 76. 39. On the pilgrimages by Fujiwara no Michinaga, his son Yorimichi (992–1074), and Moromichi (1062–99) to Mt. Kinpu, Blair, Real and Imagined, 110–19. 40. Blair, Real and Imagined, 130–59, especially, map 2. 41. Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 305.

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of Flowering Fortunes), on her pilgrimage to Hasedera in 991, Fujiwara no Kaneie’s daughter (and Michinaga’s sister) Senshi (961–1001) “presented magnificent offerings to the sacred image [of Kannon], [and] conferred largess on the monks.”42 Since these journeys were tiring and not entirely safe, noblewomen were often accompanied by a small retinue of attendants. The Genji monogatari contains a dramatic description of several such arduous trips. The pilgrimage was to be on foot. . . . Late on the morning of the fourth day, barely alive, they arrived at Tsubaichi, just below Hatsuse. Though they had come very slowly, the girl was so footsore when they reached Tsubaichi that they feared she could not go on. Led by the former vicegovernor, the party included three bowmen, three or four grooms and pages, three women [in tsubosōzoku], and a pair of ancient scullery women. . . . A second party just then came up, also on foot, including two women who seemed to be of considerable standing and a number of attendants, men and women. Four or five men were on horseback.43

Ambros notes that many aristocratic women, including the authors of the Kagerō nikki and Sarashina nikki, were known to have performed such journeys to Hasedera, and some of them actually travelled in horsedrawn carriages rather than walking on foot.44 Sometimes a proxy was sent instead of the pilgrim, to ensure the goodwill of the famous bodhi­ sattva in the present realm regarding worldly matters (genze riyaku) such as marriage, the safe delivery of a child, curing a disease, and the attainment of salvation.45 The setsuwa collections, such as Nihon ryōiki 42. Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 323. Trans. modified from McCullough and McCullough, A Tale of Flowering Fortunes, 165. 43. Seidensticker, The Tale of Genji, 415–16, also mentioned in Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 308 and 311. For the English translations of Kagerō nikki see Seidensticker, The Gossamer Years; for Sarashina nikki, see the English translation of the same title by Omori and Doi. 44. Michitsuna’s mother went to Hasedera in 968 and 971, while the author of the Sarashina nikki went in 1046. Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 312, 316. 45. In the Kagerō nikki, the mother of the young Sugawara no Takasue no Musume sends a priest to Hasedera in order to procure an auspicious dream about the girl’s future. A similar practice is described in the Sarashina nikki. Omori and Doi, trans, Sara­shina nikki, 39. Ambros proposes that such substitute pilgrimages were needed because of the unpleasantness and dangers related to travel, particularly in mountainous areas.

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(Miraculous Tales from Japan, 822?) recorded a considerable number of stories of such miraculous interventions of the merciful Kannon, which must have been well known to the public, including the aristocratic women, in Heian Japan.46 For many of them, the deity of Hasedera was linked with the possibility of giving birth to a desired child, a matter indispensable to a successful marriage. This link was explicitly outlined in chapter 25 of the Lotus Sutra, one of the most popular and influential Buddhist scriptures in East Asia. The teachings found in this particular chapter were spread widely throughout the many regions of China, mostly through multiple translations, copies, and sermons as well as religious paintings and miraculous tales.47 Mirroring these broader East Asian developments, in Japan the Eleven-Headed Kannon of Hase­ dera was understood as particularly efficacious in fulfilling such desires. ­Apparently, “it was known even in China as the Japanese temple among them all that gets things done.”48 Miwa, which had an inn located at the Tsubaki Market, became an essential stopover for such pilgrims. For instance, the court lady and diarist Sei Shōnagon wrote in her Makura no sōshi: “Among all markets in Yamato Province, that of Tsuba is most noteworthy; for everyone who is on a pilgrimage to Hase Temple stops there, and its connection with Kannon makes it seem different from other places of its kind.”49 The market inn of Tsuba[ki]ichi, located at a relatively a short distance from Hasedera, served as a shelter for noble travellers who, after a short stopover, would change out of pilgrim’s attire, thus often marking the end of On the return journey from Hasedera and noblewomen’s fear of bandits, see her “Liminal Journeys,” 137–18; on broader motivations of pilgrimage, ibid., 328–40. 46. See, for example, a story of a destitute woman whose hardships were relieved by a Thousand-Armed Kannon in Nihon ryōiki. Nakamura, Miraculous Stories, vol. 2, tale 42, 215–16; on healing a tumor by chanting the Kannon scriptures, ibid., vol. 3, tale 34, 270–71. 47. Campany, “The Earliest Tales of the Bodhisattva Guanshiin.” On the cave wall paintings depicting Avalokiteśvara at Dunhuang and elsewhere, see Wang, Shaping the Lotus Sutra. 48. See the case of Lady Tamakazura in Genji monogatari. Seidensticker, The Tale of Genji, 415; also discussed in Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 329. 49. Translation adapted from Morris, The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon, 14.

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the formal part of their journey.50 During such journeys, the pilgrims often happened to come into direct contact with beggars. Barbara Ambros has shown that noble women such as Fujiwara Michizuna’s mother found the sight of the Hasedera beggars regrettable; others, like Sei Shōnagon, may have felt dismay at having to share the same space with commoners.51 No doubt there was a community of socially displaced people in the vicinity of both Hase and Miwa. The latter had a whole settlement for the sick, lepers, or outcasts (hinin), which subsequently became known as the Miwa shuku; they will be further discussed in chapter 4. As the Kannon pilgrimage became popular among many other social groups, people from different provinces came to seek the assistance of the Hasedera Kannon and its accompanying deities, possibly contributing to the increasing concentration of social outcasts and the poor in the vicinity of and along the route to the temple. Hasedera Kannon genki (Miraculous Tales of Hasedera Kannon, 1218), for instance, informs us that people came to Hasedera from as far away as Kawachi and Mutsu (or Michinoku) Provinces, not counting numerous visitors from the various districts of Yamato.52 The sacred site at Miwa had its own Eleven-Headed Kannon image (fig. 1.1, Shōrinji Kannon) which may have been installed at the Ōmiwa jingūji in the Heian period. With the increasing flow of visitors from Heiankyō and Nara, the Ōmiwa Shrine temple’s principal image came to be seen as a manifestation of the merciful deity, auxiliary to that installed at Hasedera. The Buddhist facilities at Miwa were not formally included in any of these pilgrimages in their own right, being deemed too small and insignif icant in comparison to such famous places as Hasedera, or Tsubosakadera, located in the south of the Yamato Plain. Still, it is not difficult to imagine why those on their way to visit the famous Kannon sites would stop at Miwa on their way from or en route to other temples, given its location, principal image, and history.

50. See the descriptions of such journeys in Seidensticker, The Tale of Genji, 116; also a discussion of the Kagerō nikki in Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 324. 51. See a brief treatment of these figures in Ambros, “Liminal Journeys,” 329. 52. Dykstra, “The Tales of the Compassionate Kannon,” 137.

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Kōfukuji Monks and Mt. Murō The Hase road, starting at the Tsubakiichi crossroads at Miwa, led further east from Hasedera toward the mountains of Murō (map 3, route B). In early Japan, muro or mimuro meant a cave, or a sacred space where a supernatural being such as a kami might reside. A large cavity, called the Dragon Cave (Ryūketsu), was located in a dark and forested part of the mountain; it may have been one of the earliest sites of worship in the area. These prehistoric sites were probably dedicated to water and rainmaking, and were connected with the veneration of dragon deities, ryūjin. Murō came to be particularly famed for its “Dragon Cave” worship among the mountain practitioners of southern Yamato. The most numinous place there was a small peak called Nyoisan, the “Wish-Fulfilling Mountain.” During the Heian and early Kamakura periods, mountain practitioners, or yamabushi, followed a route passing by Miwa and the Kōfukuji sub-temples near the Hase waterfall, and then heading toward the temple of Butsuryūji in Murō.53 The Murō Shrine temple ( jingūji) may have been built in association with the nearby Dragon Cave shrine (Ryūketsu jinja) sometime between 778 and 793. According to the respective studies by Tsuji Hidenori and Sherry Fowler, one of the earliest surviving documents casting light on the foundation of the Buddhist temple at Murō is Ben’ichisan nenbun dosha sōjō (Petition to Appoint Yearly Ordinands for Mt. Ben’ichi, ca. 937).54 It suggests that the first Buddhist facility was founded there by the Kōfukuji monk Kenkei (ca. 8th c.) to protect the local deities. During the early medieval period it became customary to use the word Ben’ichi, as well as other words abbreviated in a similar way, to refer to Mt. Murō and its tradition of Buddhist practices. A few words would be appropriate here about the role of Kōfukuji and its monks, who were involved in the pacification of the sacred realm and the creation of a Buddhist temple at Murō in the Heian period. The 53. Gorai, “Yamato Miwayama no sangaku shinkō,” 190–91. 54. Ben’ichi was another name for Murō. This term is a specific abbreviation that breaks the characters representing muro into the constituent parts ben and ichi. On its religious and art history see the respective studies by Tsuji, Hasedera oyobi Murōji shi no kenkyū, and Fowler, Murōji.

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aforementioned Kenkei initially served as the administrator priest (bettō) of Hasedera before relocating further east to Murō in the eighth century. According to the Tado jingūji garan engi narabi ni shizaichō (Inventory and Origins of the Tado Shrine Temple, 801), he was also involved in the construction of a three-storied pagoda in the vicinity of the Tado Shrine in his native Owari.55 He and his disciples were instrumental in the creation of Buddhist facilities at these places, and they set the stage for the early versions of Buddhist and kami associations in the areas of Hase, Murō, and Owari during the early Heian period. Kenkei’s disciple Shūen (n.d.), also known as the Murō Zenji, supervised construction of the temple’s main building.56 He was appointed an attendant of the emperor’s personal monk (gojisō), and also occupied the position of the Hasedera bettō, just like his teacher.57 More importantly, he received the samaya precepts directly from the Tendai founder Saichō (767–822) in 805.58 The movement of learned and influential monks associated with Kōfukuji via the southern corner of the Yamato Plain to Hasedera and Murō, and then, following the Nabari River, to Iga and Owari provinces for the purpose of creating more Buddhist temples, contributed significantly to the reformation of the sacred landscape in those areas.59 At a time when the Hossō school in Nara was rising to the heights of its influence, Kōfukuji monks actively sought to discover new sacred sites that had not yet been appropriated by other temples. They established themselves in the Murō mountains, while Gangōji monks who also specialized in the study of Hossō went south and founded temples in Yoshino.60 55. ZGR, vol. 27, “Section on Shrine Families” (shake-bu), 350–55. 56. Zenji was a title often bestowed on semi-Buddhist, semi-lay holy men known for their magico-religious powers, such as shōnin or hijiri. This title does not directly relate to the later term “meditation master” (zenji) written with the same characters and attributed, for example, to Dōgen or other masters in the Zen tradition. 57. Some sources attribute this record to the time of Kanmu tennō (737–806), others to that of Saga tennō (786–842). 58. The association between these Kōfukuji monks and Saichō seems to have ended when the latter became involved in the debates with the scholars Gōmyō and Tokuitsu following the establishment of the new ordination platform on Mt. Hiei. For a detailed discussion, see Groner, Saichō, 107–109. The monk Shūen, although he received the precepts from Saichō, was actually Tokuitsu’s teacher at Kōfukuji. 59. Tsuji, Hasedera oyobi Murōji shi no kenkyū, 17. 60. Tsuji, Murōji shi no kenkyū, 18; Horiike, Nanto bukkyōshi no kenkyū, 7–96.

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Both these areas became prominent sacred sites for mountain practitioners and attracted pilgrims, either of monastic or aristocratic standing, during the Heian period. Given this connection, the temple at Murō may originally have been conceived as a center for Hossō studies. Nevertheless, with the arrival of the second generation of the Murōji bettō, who had studied on Mt. Hiei, travelled to China, received direct transmissions from Saichō, and had a particular interest in esoteric Buddhism, the doctrine of Hossō became mixed with esoteric Buddhist practices.61 Several texts dating from the Kamakura period, recently investigated by the Japanese scholar Fujimaki Kazuhiro, reveal details about the arrival and establishment of esoteric lineages at Murō in the medieval period. Many of them claim that after Kūkai returned from China, he buried a “wish-fulfilling gem” (Sk. cintāmaṇi, Jp. nyoi hōju) on the peak of Mt. Murō. One of these texts entitled Ben’ichisan hōju anchisho no koto (On the Installing of the Wish-Fulfilling Gem at Mt. Ben’ichi) claims that it was the Kōfukuji monk Kenkei and not Kūkai who introduced the Chinese magic gem to Murō. These texts reveal distant echoes of a power struggle between the Kōfukuji and Shingon lineages, particularly the Sanbōin of Daigoji, over this site. The compilation of stories about the origins of various temples and shrines, such as Hasedera and Murōji, may in fact have been commissioned or sponsored by the Kōfu­ kuji sub-temple, Daijōin, during the Insei period.62

Esoteric Buddhism at Murō The “Petition to Appoint Yearly Ordinands for Mt. Ben’ichi,” mentioned above, suggests that the imperial house was indirectly involved in the construction of the temple, or at least contributed to its fortune.63 Accord­ing to this text, the foundation of the new temple was ordered to 61. Horiike, “Ben’ichisan zu to Murōji”; Bowring, The Religious Traditions of J­ apan, 154. 62. Fujimaki, “Ben’ichizan engi rui no shōsei” and “Nanto-kei Hasedera engi setsu no tenkai.” 63. Tsuji, Murōji shi no kenkyū, 28–29. Fowler, “In Search of a Dragon,” 147.

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ease the illness of Prince Yamabe. After he was enthroned as Emperor Kammu, the temple at Murō was asked to perform services for the protection of the country. The official records reveal that the state provided sponsorship of rainmaking rituals (shōuhō) summoning the dragon kings (ryūō) that were performed at Murōji.64 These rituals formed a basis for the development of Murōji as an influential esoteric temple under imperial patronage and as a center of ascetic practice, promoting Murōji as a “surrogate Shinsen’en.” The latter was the site in the Heian capital where Kūkai had originally performed esoteric rain rituals for the imperial court in the early ninth century. These rituals conducted at Shinsen’en by esoteric monks, mostly from the Ono branch of Shingon, were often performed in conjunction with the Onmyōdō Festival of the Five Dragons (Goryūsai) which was carried out by the yin-yang diviners (onmyōji).65 The involvement of Shingon lineages such as those of Sanbōin of Daigoji or Kajūji during the late Heian and early Kamakura periods contributed to the emergence of a diversity of esoteric rituals at Murōji, particularly those mirroring Kūkai’s rainmaking rituals at Shinsen’en (perhaps also combined with aspects of the Onmyōdō festivals), or those involving a wish-fulfilling gem.66 The secret ritual involving esoteric divinities holding a wish-fulfilling gem and the ritual of the White Snake (byakuja hō, alt. hija hō, “purging the serpents”) were linked with these lineages and became trademarks of the Murō esoteric tradition.67 During 64. A now-lost passage from the Nihon koki, cited in the Nihon kiryaku, informs us that in 817 (Kōnin 8), the Vinaya Master and ajari Shūen performed prayers for rain at Mt. Murō. Records for the following year also report that rain prayers were performed in the vicinity of the Dragon Cave. Tsuji, Murōji shi no kenkyū, 28–29. 65. Trenson, “Shingon Divination Board Rituals and Rainmaking,” 116. See also Table A, “Performances of the Goryūsai and their relations with Shingon rainmaking rituals at the Shinsen’en,” Trenson, 130. 66. Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 145–72. The mythological links between rainmaking, wish-fulfilling gem, Kūkai, and Mt. Murō became reflected in a number of medieval ritual texts and esoteric transmissions produced and circulated at Murō. Many of them are preserved at Kanazawa Bunko and will be further analyzed in chapter 3. 67. Fujimaki has recently produced a study of their activities and the emergence of a secret esoteric culture in Murō during the early medieval period. See Fujimaki, “Ben’ichisan to nyoi hōju hō wo meguru Tōmitsu-kei kuden no tenkai” and “Ben’ichisan engi rui no shōsei.” I also thank Brian Ruppert for his personal communication on this issue. These rituals will be addressed further in chapters 3 and 6.

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the Kamakura period, the presence of esoteric temple lineages and mountain practitioners who venerated deities enshrined at Ryūketsu played a defining role in the development of secret theories and rites concerning buddha and kami worship at both Hasedera and Murō.68 Before the involvement of Sanbōin and Kajūji lineages, however, the mountains of Murō had been frequented by monks connected with Kōfu­ kuji, who went there to advance their knowledge through the acquisition of powers from mountain asceticism. Monks from Kōfukuji would have travelled the routes that connected Nara with Miwa and Hasedera on their way to Murōji, thus creating yet another stream of Buddhist cultural agency—religious travellers who must have frequently stopped in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa. It is difficult to state without a degree of speculation when one group (esoteric lineages of Sanbōin or Kajūji) replaced the other (Kōfukuji monks training at Murōji), or in fact whether such a complete shift ever occurred. Perhaps one should regard these groups as mixing and training at Murō simultaneously over a period of time.69

Tōnomine and Yoshino-Kinpusen By the late Heian and early Kamakura period, sacred mountains in southern Yamato, notably those close to and along the Ōmine mountain range, had been connected by a path leading from Yoshino to Kumano, thus becoming the leading pilgrimage route of mountain religion (map 3, route C). Shugen, the ascetic practice exemplified by legendary figures such as En no Ozunu, is usually described as a much older tradition that 68. Fujimaki, “Hasedera engi mon: Amaterasu Ōkami, Kasuga Myōjin sen’yakuhyō o megutte,” “Hase no ryūketsu to nyoi hōju,” and “Ben’ichisan to nyoi hōju hō wo meguru Tōmitsu-kei kuden no tenkai.” 69. Esoteric lineages and mountain practitioners based at Murōji in the medieval period played a significant role in the formation of what later became known as the “Shinto of the August Lineage,” Goryū Shintō. The foundation of this type of combinatory kami worship that included many esoteric Buddhist elements was, unsurprisingly, attributed to Kūkai. On the other hand, several documents related to the Miwa lineage (Miwa-ryū) and copied in the Edo period assign a key role in the development of this particular strand of worship to Miwa Shōnin Kyōen (1145–1223). Crucial links between Murō and Kyōen will be further discussed in chapter 3.

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predated the advent of Buddhism but was nevertheless strengthened by the Buddhist traditions that developed in Japan, particularly esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō). In the world of shugen, mountains were perceived as sacred places, representing the six paths of transmigration, the sources of water, and ultimately, of life and death. The “mountain men,” yamabushi, sought to undergo severe hardships during their stay in the harsh environment in order to attain special powers, or “miraculous results” (gen) through their practice. Such powers allowed them to act as healers, exorcists, diviners, and prayer leaders among the people and local communities.70 Conveniently situated in the vicinity of highways and mountain roads, Miwa connected the metropolitan areas of Heiankyō and Nara to southern Yamato with its many Buddhist temples and ancient sacred sites. For example, the Yamanobe no michi was an old road connecting Mt. Mikasa near Kōfukuji in Nara with the Furu Shrine and Mt. Miwa, while the Iware Road led from Miwa to the Asuka area and further south to the vicinity of Tōnomine and the Danzan Shrine (map 3, routes C and D). This area was an entry to the emerging shugen pilgrimage trails leading toward the mountain ranges of Yoshino and Ōmine, west to Mt. Kōya, or yet further south, to Kumano. The historical links with Tōnomine may have been one of the issues that affected Miwa’s historical resistance to the influence of Kōfukuji. The monastic complex of Tōnomine, the resting place of the Fujiwara clan founder, Kamatari (614–69), was a leading center of mountain ascetic practices and a great rival of Kōfukuji in southern Yamato. As shown earlier by Mikael Adolphson, the relationship between Kōfukuji and Tōnomine had long been complicated. Disputes between the two temples started in 947, when Tōnomine, originally under the supervision of Kōfukuji, was transferred to Mudōji on Mt. Hiei. The reasons for the change remain unclear, but Kōfukuji was understandably dissatisfied with Tōnomine’s relative autonomy in the south.71 The situation was further exacerbated in 1173 by a dispute over new tollgates set up by Kōfukuji.72 As a result of protracted warfare, Tōnomine was burned to 70. Miyake, Yamabushi, and The Mandala of the Mountain, 45–94. 71. Adolphson, The Gates of Power, 75–184. 72. Ibid., 144–46.

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the ground. The tension in the region continued to escalate and lasted even after Kōfukuji was temporarily weakened by its destruction in 1181 during the Genpei War. In 1208, the monks from Kinpusen attacked the temple-shrine complex, destroying the statue of Kamatari.73 Since Tōnomine, being located only a short distance away from Miwa, provided protection for the Miwa temple and the lay practitioners associated with it, the villages, shrines, and temples at the foot of Mt. Miwa were under constant threat of being dragged into these battles, not least because some communities in the Miwa locale were clearly on Tōnomine’s side. In an opening passage describing the geographical area overseen by the temple, the Tōnomine ryakki (Abbreviated Records of Tōnomine, 1197), declares Mt. Miwa to be one of its four defining landmarks: The Dan Peak of the Wa Province is a truly unsurpassable place. In the east, there is the High Peak of Ise and Great Deity Amaterasu who protects the country of Yamato. In the west, there is the Vajra Peak [Kongōzan of Katsuragi] and Bodhisattva Hōki who preaches the dharma and awards merit. In the south, there is Golden Peak [Kinpusen of Yoshino] and the Great Provisional Bodhisattva [Zaō Gongen] who awaits the appearance of the Merciful Buddha [Maitreya]. In the north, there is the mountain of the Great Deity [Mt. Ōmiwa] and the trace of the Tathāgata who saves common folk. In the middle, there is the Dan Peak, the miraculous mountain of divine sages.74

From further entries, it is evident that Tōnomine had historic connections with Miwa. These connections were maintained via the affilia­ tion of at least one of the Ōmiwa Shrine families, the Kose, to the Buddhist facilities at Tōnomine, where they chose to retire upon the completion of their shrine duties. In addition, one of Miwa’s Buddhist temples (although it is not clear which) was, like many other small mountain temples in the Yamato area, affiliated with Tōnomine, mainly, again, through the Ōmiwa Shrine families. If accurate, these entries suggest 73. Blair, Real and Imagined, 238–40. 74. The original entry in the Tōnomine ryakki, lower part, chap. 3, “The form of land,” (chikei) is dated Kenkyū 8 (1197.6). GR, vol. 24, 424. For an earlier translation of this passage, see Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 237–38.

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that some practitioners from Miwa were engaged in mountain training or other affairs at Tōnomine before 1197. Yet the Tōnomine ryakki further reports that Miwadera was a sub-temple of Tōnomine until it was “opened up,” or possibly forcibly reclaimed, by one Ryōchi Tokugyō (n. d.), a monk from Yamashinadera, that is, Kōfukuji.75 This may point to a theory that Kōfukuji agents traversed Yamato searching for small local temples to claim as the property of Kōfukuji for incorporation into the economic, ritual, and symbolic networks of this powerful temple, thus helping its restoration in the aftermath of the deadly fires of the Genpei War. Low-ranking Kōfukuji monks, particularly those called dōshū (“those residing in the halls”) or zenshū (“meditation monks”), were one of the largest groups involved in the mountain practices of southern Yamato. Among them were the monks affiliated with the East Golden Hall (Higashi Kondō) who went to train in the Yoshino and Ōmine area (map 3, route C). The dōshū practitioners of the East and West Golden Halls at Kōfukuji continued training at Kinpusen and Yoshino mountains during the late Kamakura and Muromachi periods.76 As mentioned earlier, Kinpusen, envisioned by early Yamato rulers as the “land of the immortals,” was important for the Heian court. It was believed that Kinpusen contained all the gold that would be used when the future Buddha Maitreya arrived to save the world. The mountain is mentioned in the ninth-century collection of the Nihon ryōiki, and official records state that in 852 the deity of Kinpusen was awarded the Junior Third Rank. The central object of worship on this mountain was the deity Kongō Zaō Gongen, the “King of the Vajra Realm.” Traditional accounts attribute the beginning of Zaō veneration to the legendary founder of many shugen traditions, En no Ozunu, a miracle-worker who had been famous for his powers since the early Nara period.77 Nevertheless, mountain asceticism in this area seems to have started somewhat later, after the monk Shōbō (832–909) installed a statue of Zaō on Kinpusen to which the mountain practitioners began to pay homage. 75. Original entry in the Tōnomine ryakki, lower part, chap. 6, “Sub-temples” (matsuji) is dated Kenkyū 8.6 (1197). OJS, vol. 1, 359; GR, vol. 24, 449. 76. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 148–49. 77. The mountains of Yoshino attracted lay practitioners from early on. See Swanson, “Shugendō and the Yoshino-Kumano Pilgrimage,” and Blair, Real and Imagined.

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As noted previously, in 1007 Fujiwara no Michinaga was the first powerful courtier to make an elaborate pilgrimage to Kinpusen, donating generous gifts and burying Buddhist sutras in the hope that they would help him to be reborn when Maitreya descended into the world.78 Since the imperial court and Heian aristocracy worshipped Kinpusen, Kōfukuji wanted to “own it.”79 This caused considerable tensions with the Kinpusen resident monks, and in 1093 resulted in military clashes during which the Zaō Hall on the mountain top was burned to the ground, much to the dismay of the Fujiwara nobles, Kinpusen’s formal patrons.80 The regents assisted with the temple’s reconstruction, and by the late Heian period, Kinpusen constituted a complex temple establishment. It enjoyed the formal status of a government-sponsored temple (kanji), although fewer and fewer aristocratic patrons set foot there.81 Heather Blair has shown that during the twelfth century, through a series of clerical appointments advanced by the Fujiwara to the offices of kengyō and bettō, Kinpusenji was gradually integrated into Kōfukuji’s sphere of influence, although this was accompanied by another series of military clashes in 1145–46.82 By that time, Kinpusenji’s quarters comprised several halls of worship, with resident clergy divided into “scholar monks” (gakuryo), mostly affiliated with Tendai, and “those filling the halls” (mandō), practicing Shingon.83 Present at the site were also nonresident practitioners who came to Kinpusen and the Yoshino-Ōmine area to participate in seasonal rites and mountain practices. Blair, in her recent investigation of Kinpusen’s history, has proposed that the organized pilgrimages by the Kōfukuji monks began taking place during the 78. Subsequent aristocratic pilgrims donated the shiki rights to revenue from the estates they owned on the occasion of their pilgrimage to Kinpusen, as did Fujiwara no Michinaga and his son Yorimichi. Shinjō, Shaji sankei no shakai keizaishiteki kenkyū, 13. 79. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 172. 80. Blair, Real and Imagined, 223–32. 81. Miyake, Yamabushi, 54–55; Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 155. Blair notes that despite Kinpusen’s recognition as an important cultic mountain, the involvement of aristocracy “shifted from pilgrimage and devotion to pro forma administrative dealings.” Blair, Real and Imagined, 235. 82. Blair, Real and Imagined, 235–41. 83. Suzuki Shōei, “Shugendō Tōzanha no kyōdan sōshiki to nyūbu,” 79–80; Tyler, “Kōfukuji and the Mountains of Yamato,” 188.

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late Kamakura period that coincided with the restoration of the Buddhist movements hailing from Nara in the second half of the thirteenth century.84 Chapter 3 will show that their activities may have built on an earlier dynamic taking place in the southern and southeastern corner of the Yamato Plain, and that some of the seasonal practitioners joining the practices at Kinpusen and Yoshino-Ōmine in the late twelfth century hailed from Miwa. The Buddhist complex at Kinpusen came to house the headquarters of a loose confederation of temples, which provided sendatsu guides capable of leading other practitioners through the dangerous peaks and caverns of the nearby sacred mountains in the Yamato Basin and Kii Peninsula.85 During the medieval period, practitioners situated at the foot of Mt. Miwa were gradually involved with this emerging group of shrines and temples upon which shugenja practicing in the YoshinoKinpusen area depended for support. As mentioned earlier, the purpose of their practices was to attain supernatural, magical, or, at least, supranormal powers through ascetic training in the mountains. According to Miyake Hitoshi, by the Kamakura period the practices in the areas of Yoshino and Ōmine (although not entirely organized) were structured along the lines of attaining purification, and included confession (zange), sutra recitation for the extinction of sin (metsuzai), fasting (danjiki), ­abstinence from water (mizudachi), firewood gathering (kogi), sitting under waterfalls, meditation, hanging over cliffs, and “weighing sins” (gōbyō), among others. It is within the framework of such practices that sacred mountains such as Ōmine, Yoshino, Katsuragi, and Kumano came to be treated as the manifestations of sacred realms embodied by the Two Mandalas of esoteric Buddhism (ryōkai mandara). The origins of cultic sites in Yoshino, Ōmine, Kumano, and others, along with the oral traditions of mountain ascetics, were passed down and recorded in a late-twelfth century collection, known as the “Karmic Origins of Various Mountains,” Shosan engi.86 84. Blair, Real and Imagined, 282–83. 85. In the Edo period these temples became known as the “thirty-six sendatsu” temples and connected to the Tōzan branch of Shugendō. Sendatsu is a Shugendō title for one who is empowered and thus qualified to lead practitioners formally into the mountains. 86. Miyake and Earhart, Shugendō, 109–30.

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It is diff icult to state with certainty the extent to which groups of monks from Kōfukuji influenced the practices and organization of shugen austerities in the Yoshino-Ōmine areas, since few records survive to document such developments. It seems that historical circumstances and an institutional animosity between Kōfukuji and Kinpusenji resulted in the role of Kōfukuji in the history of Kinpusen and the Shugendō of that region being entirely forgotten. Nevertheless, some evidence has survived to provide a glimpse of the involvement of Kōfukuji monks at Kinpusen and Yoshino in the medieval period, which coincided with the emergence of Mt. Miwa as an esoteric sacred site. Royall Tyler’s investigation of a late-medieval document entitled Kinpusen kengyō shidai, an account of kengyō appointees at Kinpusen, revealed that a number of such appointees came from Kōfukuji and that they were all related to the Fujiwara clan.87 Moreover, his study of the surviving accounts of sendatsu guides from Kōfukuji, collected in the Ōmine tōzan honji Kōfukuji tōkondō sendatsu kiroku, “Record of the Sendatsu of the East Golden Hall of Kōfukuji, the Head Temple of Tōzan Mountain Practice at Ōmine,” shows that at least in the Kamakura and Muro­machi periods Kōfukuji monks took an active part in the shugen training at Kinpusen. This document dates from 1359 or 1360, and contains an account of a mountain-entry (nyūbu) ritual, dated 1359.88 As a result of his investigation of the Sendatsu kiroku text, Tyler argued that the East Golden Hall (Higashi Kondō) of Kōfukuji presided over the thirty-six sendatsu temples, belonging to what later became known as the Tōzan branch of Shugendō.89 This hypothesis has been 87. See also Blair, Real and Imagined, 235–41. 88. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō.” 89. This somewhat contradicts the previous well-established opinion that the Tōzan branch (Tōzanha) of Shugendō was organized and supervised by the Sanbōin of Daigoji in Kyoto. In his article, Tyler further elaborates on available Japanese research to support his argument. For example, he cites important findings by Suzuki Shōei, who proposed that Daigoji had little or nothing to do with the early history of Tōzanha Shugendō. Suzuki stressed that the jike-gata (fully ordained) monks of Kinpusenji were Tendai, whereas only the ordinary practitioners, mandō (also known as dōshū), were Shingon, and that the monk Shōbō, traditionally acknowledged as the founder of Sanbōin and organizer of Kinpusen Shugendō, could not have been a decisive force in the Kinpusen organization. Suzuki Shōei, “Shugendō Tōzanha no kyōdan sōshiki to nyūbu,” 79; cited in Tyler, “Kōfukuji and the Mountains of Yamato,” 188. Suzuki also

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supported by the research of Suzuki Shōei and, more recently, Sekiguchi Makiko.90 Miyake Hitoshi also leans toward the assumption that it was the East Golden Hall of Kōfukuji that dominated the sendatsu guides of mountain practitioners in southern Yamato, although he does not cite any sources directly.91 Although the discussion of this diverse evidence has temporarily taken us away from Miwa both in time and space, these emerging, criss-crossing geographies of pilgrimage have to be viewed as a foundation for further investigation of the groups of semi-itinerant Buddhist practitioners known as shōnin or hijiri (“holy men”) situated near the sacred site of Mt. Miwa in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries. By the late Kamakura period, many such groups emerged in connection with private Buddhist facilities such as bessho; their activities, practices and writings helped shape and define the religious landscape of medieval Japan.

showed that during the Kamakura and Muromachi periods Daigoji actually disapproved of Shugendō as a mode of practice worthy of high-ranking monks on the grounds that it was not “pure mikkyō.” He found no reliable records attesting to the fact that Sanbōin headed Tōzan Shugendō before 1602, and noted that the Sanbōin leadership was not formally recognized until 1613, when it was officially confirmed by Toku­ gawa Ieyasu. Ibid., 80. On Sanbōin and the institutional formation of Tōzan Shugendō, see also the recent works by Sekiguchi Makiko in English and Japanese. I warmly thank Gaynor Sekimori for many conversations on this fascinating topic over the years. 90. See the English translations of the articles by Suzuki Shōei, “The Development of the Suijaku Stories about Zaō Gongen” and Sekiguchi, “The Sanbōin Monzeki and Its Inception as the Head Temple of the Tōzan Group” in the special issue of Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 18 (2009). Also, Sekimori, “Shugendō: The State of Field,” and “Shugendō: Japanese Mountain Religion.” 91. Miyake, Yamabushi, 95. For the most recent discussion on the rise of Shugendō, see Blair, Real and Imagined, 270–94.

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Pa rt II Holy Men and Buddhist Monks at Miwa

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Ch a pter 3

Miwa Bessho

Toward the end of the Kamakura period, low-ranking monks known as dōshū, particularly those associated with the East Golden Hall (Higashi Kondō) of Kōfukuji or Tonan’in of Tōdaiji, regularly passed through Miwa. They were either on their way east toward Hase and the Murō mountains, where Kōfukuji had a number of unofficial training halls (bessho), or south toward Kinpusen and Ōmine, where they par­ ticipated in austerities.1 At Miwa, too, such a facility became the base for a group of Buddhist practitioners throughout the medieval period. The holy men of Miwa, known as shōnin or hijiri, were involved in mountain pilgrimage, rainmaking rituals, and worship of local deities, and had established their own links to other sacred sites in Yamato. At the 1. Some of the Ōmiwa land estates belonged to Tōnan’in, a sub-temple of Tōdaiji. In the 1130s, some of the estates were overseen by a Tōnan’in cleric, Kakuju (n.d.). See Gonshōsōzu Kakuju Ōga (Ōmiwa) shō sōden ken’an (Certificate of Inheritance of the Ōga [Ōmiwa] Estate Issued to Provisional Lesser Abbot Kakuju), in Tōdaiji monjo, vol. 4, 717; also Heian ibun, vol. 5, 2259, dated Chōshō 2 (1133.1.13). A letter of commendation for the estates (shō no chūshinjō) dated Kyūan 4 (1148.9.25) concerning tax-exempt land belonging to Tōdaiji also mentions that some land in the Ōga (Ōmiwa) no shō, an estate near the Ōmiwa Shrine, was subject to Tōnan’in. Tōdaiji monjo, vol. 4, 415; Heian ibun, vol. 6, 2654; OJS, vol. 1, 312. Some of these lands may have been given up to Kōfukuji before 1200. On the historical background of betsuin and bessho, see Adolphson, “Institutional Diversity and Religious Integration.”

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bessho near Mt. Miwa, they studied and copied Buddhist scriptures, commentarial literature, and ritual manuals, or meditated and prepared themselves for the arduous training in the mountains during seasonal rites of entry (nyūbu). Many were captivated by the imagery of Pure Lands and engaged in chanting the nenbutsu, worshipping stars and esoteric deities, and acquiring gen, the magico-religious powers that helped them perform divination, exorcism, and healing. These practitioners became the foundation of the Miwa lineage, and were instrumental in creating a basis for the emergence of a loose assemblage of rituals, doctrines, and images that later would be called “Miwa-ryū Shintō.” This chapter will now take a closer look at the Miwa bessho, its religious leaders, and the activities of its practitioners both at Miwa and within the wider Yamato area.

Holy Men of Miwa in the Medieval Sources It is not clear when exactly the Miwa bessho was established, or what funds were procured for its foundation.2 Initially, it may have lodged monks from Nara and wider Yamato who came to pay homage to Mt. Miwa and its deity on their way to other destinations. One such local hijiri who acquired a particularly prominent reputation was a man called Kyōen (1143?–1223), also known under the title of Miwa Shōnin (the holy man of Miwa). In fact, during the Muromachi and Edo periods, he was regarded as the founder of the Miwa bessho and the local Buddhist lineage, Miwa-ryū. Kyōen was one of the most famous hijiri of southern Yamato associated with Miwa. Records about him were included in the Genkō shakusho (Buddhist Records from the Genkō Era, 1322), penned by Rinzai Zen monk Kokan Shiren (1278–1346) at Tōfukuji in Kyoto.3 It seems that Kokan was aware of the multiple hijiri figures hailing from Miwa. His collection 2. Parts of this chapter were presented at the Medieval Shintō Symposium at Columbia University in 2007. A shortened version of the paper was subsequently published in Andreeva, “The Origins of the Miwa Lineage.” This chapter is a substantially revised version of that publication. 3. KT, vol. 31, Genkō shakusho, kan 13, 185–86.

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Miwa Bessho 107 actually has two records: one entitled “Abeyama Kyōen” (Kyōen from Mt. Abe), and another entitled “Miwayama Jōkan” (Jōkan of Mt. Miwa), raising the possibility that Genkō shakusho might be describing two different people. The first account, that of Kyōen from Mt. Abe, is clearly based on a record known as the Miwa shōnin gyōjō, to be discussed shortly. The collection of Buddhist tales by Mujū Ichien (1226–1312), Shasekishū (Sand and Pebbles, ca. 1278–83), also offers a glimpse of a mysterious figure known as Miwa Shōnin; however, it is unclear whether Mujū is referring to Kyōen or some other hijiri who practiced at Miwa.4 In one of his writings, Kegon scholar-monk Gyōnen (1240–1321) mentions a certain Miwa Shōnin with relation to Buddhist initiations that were transmitted to his teacher, a monastic called Enshō (1221–77), of Tōdaiji.5 Some of Kyōen’s followers, such as Zenninbō Jōshin (act. 1240s) and Rendōbō Hōkyō (act. ca. 1202–35), were also known as Miwa Shōnin. It may therefore be appropriate to conclude that this title simply indicated the status of a “holy man” (shōnin, hijiri) who resided in Miwa, or one who practiced at the Miwa bessho. Traditionally, discussions of Kyōen’s biography have been based on two texts attributed to his followers but written long after his death. One is the aforementioned Miwa shōnin gyōjō (The Deeds of the Holy Man of Miwa; hereafter, the Gyōjō), a collection of tales recorded by one of Kyōen’s disciples in 1255, almost three decades after his death in 1223. The second is Miwa shōnin gyōjōshō (The Abbreviated Deeds of the Holy Man of Miwa; hereafter, the Gyōjōshō). From its colophon, it appears to have been written around 1341. These two primary texts are most likely related, Gyōjō being the earlier original and Gyōjōshō its abbreviated and augmented version. A 4. There are also other texts dedicated to Kyōen. One such is the Miwayama Byōdōji Kyōenkan shōnin betsuden (Separate Biography of Holy Kyōenkan of Byōdōji at Mt. Miwa), in ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 2, 483–97. According to its colophon, it was written in 1702 by the monk Seiryō Genshin, a man who played the most significant role in the “revival” of Miwa-ryū Shintō during the Edo period. He will be mentioned again shortly here and in chapter 7. Another Edo-period source, the Shintō wakumon (Exposition of Shintō) by Jiun Sonja (1718–1804), also mentions Kyōen. Because of their late provenance and different historical context these sources will not be discussed in depth here. 5. Tōdaiji Enshō shōnin gyōjō (Deeds of Enshō, the Holy Man of Tōdaiji). ZZGR, vol. 3, Denshi-bu (hagiographies), 476–506. Further quotation, ibid., 483.

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closer examination reveals that while they do indeed share two sections in common, they may have been recorded separately by people belonging to at least two different groups: one situated in southern Yamato (mostly Yoshino, Kinpusen, and Miwa) and the other in the southeast of Miwa, at Murō. These narratives cast light on the movements of the hijiri groups and the unofficial Buddhist practices of medieval Japan. In this chapter, they will be considered as the “narratives of origin” of the hijiri groups in the Miwa, Yoshino, and Murō areas, and as documents providing background on the hijiri networks in these areas, rather than as strictly personal accounts of Kyōen’s life. According to its colophon, the Gyōjō was compiled at Kitashirakawa (now northern Kyoto) in Kenchō 7 (1255.6.9) by a disciple of Kyōen called Tōgi (ca. 1181–1260?) who was seventy-four at the time.6 This hagiographical text, a collection of several independent stories, was partially based on accounts by one Eihan (n.d.) and other followers of Kyōen, semi-itinerant practitioners who were based at Miwa and the Yoshino-Kinpusen area. Eihan’s description of Kyōen’s death and funeral in Jōō 2 (1223.1.26) was recorded two months later in the same year, at Kinpusen. Personal recollections by Kyōen’s direct disciple, Rendōbō, were another source for Tōgi’s written account. Rendōbō appears in many Miwa-ryū lineage charts and will figure prominently in the discussion that follows. The Gyōjō portrays Kyōen as a mendicant priest who acquired his knowledge through practicing shugen and esoteric Buddhist rituals and training at various bessho, rather than through traditional monastic ordination and doctrinal learning. This text links Kyōen to the famous reformer of the Shingon tradition, Kakuban (1095–1143) and the Kōfukuji monk Jōkei (1155–1213), and emphasizes Kyōen’s involvement in esoteric rainmaking and relic rituals (sharihō) at Murō. The Gyōjō presents Kyōen as a charismatic master (genja) performing exorcisms, appearing in dreams, or pacifying malevolent and powerful ghosts (goryō) that possessed monks, laymen, and laywomen. He did so by imparting the bodhisattva precepts (bosatsukai) to the troubled person, or performing kaji purification by binding mudras and chanting mantras, or simply conferring the Buddhist consecrations (Sk. abhiṣeka, Jp. kanjō). In fact, Kyōen was apparently so holy that during his funerary procession at Yoshino his 6. ZGR, vol. 9, kan 218, Denshi-bu, chap. 29, 59–66.

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Miwa Bessho 109 disciples cut his nails and pulled his teeth to preserve them as relics, while a luminescence and purple clouds rose over the Kinpusen and Tōnomine mountains, a sure sign of his safe rebirth in the Pure Land. The second text featuring Kyōen, the Gyōjōshō, is a much later work, first compiled in 1341 and last copied in 1424.7 This abbreviated account was reproduced “from the Murō book” by a certain Shōshin (1287–1357), who was a scholar-monk at the temple Chikurinji on Mt. Ikoma, in the northwestern corner of the Yamato Plain (map 2).8 In addition to the ascetic training, he also received teachings from the Shingon monk Gahō (1240–1317) and attended a study group at Tōji.9 From the Gyōjōshō’s colophon it is evident that Shōshin studied or practiced at Murō sometime in the first half of the fourteenth century. His name appears next to that of Kyōen in many ritual transmission charts describing the Miwa-ryū lineage.10 Although Tōgi’s earlier hagiographic account of Kyōen’s miraculous deeds has many rich details, the remarkable distinction of the much shorter and later Gyōjōshō is that it contains a full citation of the so-called sokushin jōbutsu verse, the “formula of enlightenment with this very body,” which does not appear in the thirteenth-century Gyōjō. The provenance and meaning of this verse as well as the figure of Shōshin will be discussed further below. According to these records, Kyōen was born on a Fujiwara family estate in the Chinzei region of northern Kyushu (the modern town of Karatsu in Saga Prefecture), a coastline area only a short distance from the Korean peninsula via the islands of Iki and Tsushima (map 1). After the death of a disciple, he began the life of a holy man, practicing religious abstinence and begging for food as he roamed from place to place in search of prominent Buddhist teachers. He also studied sporadically at various seminars based at the Buddhist temples. His interest in ­Buddhist practice 7. ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 2, 21–24. 8. MDJ, 1169. 9. Gahō’s compendium Datō hiketsushō (Secret Compendium on the Dhātu) contains a colophon dated Enkei 3 (1310).3.20, which states that the collection was transmitted to Shōshin. Datō hiketsushō, by Gahō, 289; also SZ 23, kaidai, 165–66. This Gahō should not be confused with Gahō (1131–91) from Mt. Kōya or the influential cleric Gohō (1306–62) who resided at the sub-temple of Tōji, Kanchiin. 10. Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō no keisei ni tsuite ichi shiron,” “Miwa-ryū Shintō ni okeru ni daikeifu,” and “Miwa-ryū Shintō no keisei to hatten.”

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brought him to seek training near famous cultic sites in central Japan. He first resided at the Abe bessho in southern Yamato, which may have been adjacent to the temple Sūkeiji at Mt. Abe, not far from Mt. Miwa.11 The Gyōjō suggests that Kyōen’s determination to establish a base in Miwa may have been prompted by a divine oracle that he received at the Hachiman Shrine, most likely at Usa in northern Kyushu, where members of the Ōmiwa (Ōga) family served as priests. It relates that as a mysterious light spread in the direction of “the remains at Miwa” (Miwa no iseki), the “net of his doubts and dismay disappeared.”12 The text does not specify what exactly these Miwa remains were. Since the Ōmiwa Shrine itself had no buildings yet at that time, perhaps these were the three sacred iwakura rock sites on the slopes of Mt. Miwa, the Buddhist temple, the Ōmiwa jingūji, or the tombs of Japan’s ancient rulers and their spouses.

Roaming Around Murō, Kinpusen, and Tōnomine According to the Gyōjō, after a short spell at the Abe bessho, Kyōen established a hut near a temple called Ryūmonji, in the district of Uda.13 This area was one of the training grounds for Kōfukuji monks coming to practice mountain austerities near the Dragon Cave (Ryūketsu) Shrine at Mt. Murō. Royall Tyler has pointed out that during the period from 1213 to 1219, the imperial court had commissioned the Kōfukuji scholar monks (gakuryo) to pray for rain there, usually during the summer months.14 Miwa shōnin gyōjō suggests that the Buddhist facilities at 11. The whereabouts of the Abe bessho are unknown, but it may have been located close to the temple called Abedera in southern Yamato, now known as Abe Monjuin. Miyake Hitoshi identifies this Abe bessho as one that later became a leading temple (dai­ sendatsu) within the network of Tōzanha Shugendō. Miyake, Shintō to shugendō, 88. 12. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 59. 13. Horiike has suggested that Kyōen trained at Ryūmonji in Yoshino. Horiike, Nanto bukkyōshi no kenkyū, Ihōhen, 317. However, his argument is based on the record in the Genkō shakushō (1333), which itself was based on the Miwa shōnin gyōjō. Such discrepancies may simply highlight the numerous locations where the Yamato hijiri were based. 14. Tyler, “Kōfukuji and Shugendō,” 150.

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Miwa Bessho 111 Murō offered access to a variety of Buddhist treatises and esoteric scriptures. While there, Kyōen engaged in divination and meditation in solitude, and copied the Great Wisdom and other Mahāyāna sutras, at least sixty Tendai scrolls, and many Shingon ritual manuals. In addition, he performed the fire and dhārāṇī rituals (goma darani gyōhō) every single day. The Gyōjō explains that he was “an old-style hijiri who was not ashamed to earn his miraculous powers by performing prayers and rituals.”15 These may have been standard activities among hijiri and itinerant mountain ascetics arriving at Mt. Murō (and possibly other mountain ascetic spots) as seasonal practitioners during the late Heian and early Kamakura periods. Kyōen’s deep connections to Mt. Murō are portrayed in the famous account of his encounter with the dragon deity Zennyo Ryūō in 1211. As shown previously, by the end of the twelfth century, Mt. Murō and the surrounding mountainous area were becoming popular with semiitinerant Buddhist practitioners, some of whom were connected to Kōfukuji or other mountain temples in southern Yamato; this area also began to attract monks from established esoteric Buddhist temples close to both capitals, such as Sanbōin at Daigoji, and later, from the esoteric Vinaya lineages of Tōshōdaiji.16 It is also possible that those practitioners who periodically came to Mt. Murō were travelling to and trained at other mountains in Yamato and beyond, such as Kasagi, Katsuragi, Shiki, Kōya, and Kumano.17 The Zennyo Ryūō story is central to all legendary accounts of Kyōen. From this it is clear that Kyōen initially trained in the mountainous areas of southeastern Yamato, establishing himself as a respected practitioner 15. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 59. Gorai Shigeru has defined hijiri as the religious practitioners who take up seclusion, arduous training, magico-religious rituals, fundraising, collective living, and performative proselytization. Gorai, Kōya hijiri, “Hijiri to iu mono,” 29–64. For an earlier definition of such practitioners in English, see also Hori, “On the Concept of Hijiri.” 16. Nishida, Nihon shintōshi no kenkyū, vol. 4, 195–318. 17. In her recent analysis of Shosan engi, Heather Blair has charted other ­Kōfukujiled mountain sites in the Yamato area, including Mt. Kasagi and Mt. Katsuragi. Blair, Real and Imagined, 259–65. Miwa shōnin gyōjō suggests that Kyōen had either travelled to or met with other practitioners from Mt. Kasagi, Hasedera, Mt. Shiki (venerated as the tomb of bodhisattva Gyōki), and Mt. Kōya, in addition to other provinces. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 63–64. On Kumano, see Moerman, Localizing Paradise.

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at Murō, where he engaged in the veneration of the deities at the Dragon Cave Shrine alongside many other practitioners from Nara and other ­areas of Yamato. Sugahara Shinkai has noted that it is only in the sources compiled during the early Edo period, notably by the monk Seiryō Genshin (ca. 1670–1710), a famous “restorer” of the medieval Miwa-ryū traditions, that the Murō Dragon of the Gyōjō is replaced by the serpent deity of Miwa, Miwa Myōjin.18 It is also significant that the author of the second major hagiographic record of Kyōen’s life, the Gyōjōshō, was also based in the vicinity of or, at the very least, visited Mt. Murō. Both the thirteenth-century Gyōjō and the fourteenth-century Gyōjōshō describe how Kyōen, in a manner typical of a shugen practitioner, secluded himself in the mountains of Murō for one thousand days during the summer of the first year of Kenryaku (1211). After some nine hundred and ninety days, he was approached on a bridge that he passed every day by a noble lady who asked him for an “initiation certificate of enlightenment with this very body” (sokushin jōbutsu injin). In other words, she asked him to transmit to her a secret ritual which would grant her instant enlightenment in her physical form. Kyōen replied that according to the rules of the “dharma transmission” ritual (denbō kanjō), he would have to know her name. The noble lady then revealed herself as the “good woman,” Zennyo.19 After the initiation was performed, she at first refused to show her face, saying that her shape was so terrible that no person could bear to see it. However, following Kyōen’s request, she transformed herself into a dragon and rose into the air. Extending her little finger, which turned out to be “a claw of more than 18. Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō ni okeru ni daikeifu,” 225–27. 19. According to Yamamoto Hiroko, medieval tales about Zennyo appearing as the Dragon King’s daughter were also connected to notions of salvation for women as explained in the Devadatta chapter of the Lotus Sutra. Yamamoto Hiroko, Henjōfu, 227–87. Miwa shōnin gyōjō includes another story in which Kyōen exchanges the sokushin jōbutsu mudra and abhiṣeka initiation with a woman from the Hase area possessed by a spirit of the Tendai prelate Ryōgen (912–85): Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 64. On the other hand, it is also possible that the Japanese character nyo (woman) was used by medieval Japanese scribes as a more concise substitute and homophone for the character nyo (to fulfill, to equal). Such reduction frequently occurred when scribes had to deal with multiple repetitions of the expression nyoi hōju (wish-fulfilling gem), for example, in a variety of Murō documents. The fact that these nuances became conflated in hagiographic literature may point to the oral nature of these stories’ transmission.

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Miwa Bessho 113 ten shaku long, radiating the illumination of f ive colors, she disappeared into the Dragon Cave.”20 In China, Korea, and Japan, as in most of Asia, dragon worship was associated with water. In Han China, the images of dragons (sometimes made of straw or clay) were produced in significant numbers to procure rain. The veneration of Indian nāgas, the water-serpent deities, figured prominently in Hindu and Buddhist worship.21 In Heian Japan, the Dragon King was a mythical figure who resided in a palace at the bottom of the sea and often appeared in Buddhist iconography as a celestial officer wearing Chinese-style headdress and garb. The dragon kings (ryūō, or ryūjin) were venerated by the yin-yang diviners and esoteric monks during the Five Dragons Festival as well as divination and rainmaking rituals. As material and textual evidence studied here suggests, these semi-divine figures also held a special place in the ritual arrangements both at Hasedera and Murōji.22 Sherry Fowler, in her study of the Buddhist art at medieval Murōji, discusses a legend from the setsuwa collection Kojidan (1212–15). Depicting the connections between this cultic site, Kasuga, and Kōfukuji, the legend portrays Buddhist monks paying homage to the Dragon King of Murō: The Dragon Cave on Mt. Murō is the dwelling place of Dragon King Zentatsu. . . . Years later, the priest Nittai wished to view the venerable form of the Dragon King. He entered the Dragon Cave and went about three or four chō [approx. 436 meters] in darkness. Then he arrived at a palace under a blue sky. To the south he saw a bright light through a jewelled window screen. When the screen fluttered in the wind, he saw a section of the Lotus Sutra resting on a jewelled table. Then he heard a voice asking him who he was and where he came from. Nittai answered that he wished to see the Dragon King’s form and announced his name. The Dragon King answered, “You will not be able to see me in this place. Leave this cave 20. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 61–62; ST, Miwa shōnin gyōjōshō, 21–22. 21. Loewe, “The Cult of the Dragon and the Invocation for Rain,” in Loewe, Divination, Mythology, and Monarchy in Han China, 142–59; De Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan, 30–33. 22. Steven Trenson has noted that by the end of the twelfth century the dragon kings were employed in the divination-board rituals closely related to rainmaking at Kajūji, one of the Ono-branch Shingon temples. Trenson, “Shingon Divination Board Rituals and Rainmaking,” 110–12 and 116–18.

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and go about three chō [approx. 327 meters] from the entrance.” Nittai left the cave and at the agreed upon place he saw the Dragon King, dressed in a robe and crown, rise out of the ground, and then vanish.23

The manner in which Nittai’s encounter with the Dragon King is narrated is not dissimilar to that employed in the description of Kyōen’s exchange with mysterious lady Zennyo at Murō as it appears in both the Gyōjō and the Gyōjōshō. Both invoke a powerful reptile-like local deity inspiring awe and reluctant to be seen, who at once requires Buddhist salvation and clearly adores the Lotus Sutra. Read together, these accounts indicate that Kyōen and his followers were one of the many groups of shugen and hijiri practitioners who trained at Murō and participated in the veneration of local deities at the Dragon Cave. Sherry Fowler’s analysis of the Kojidan account further indicates that ritual performances at the Ryūketsu Shrine included reading out sutras to pray for rain: when the dragon deity was willing to answer those prayers, a dark cloud would appear over the hole, gradually taking over the sky and eventually causing rain.24 The records of Miwa Shōnin further suggest that these performances were highly combinatory. It is not clear whether they included any kind of Onmyōdō divination or ritual actions akin to those performed by the onmyōji during the Five Dragons Festival at Shinsen’en, but they had strong overtones of esoteric Buddhist and possibly shugen rituals while appealing to the local kami, the dragon kings, who in fact may have been reincarnations of important Chinese and Hindu deities.25 Medieval ritual texts from the Murō area preserved at Kanazawa Bunko reveal more details of such worship, namely, the religious alliances and ritual exchanges that were actively sought by the ascetics and Buddhist monks at Murōji. For example, an undated manuscript entitled Zennyo ryūō nyoi hōju narabi ni jūsen kuden (Oral Transmission about the Wish-Fulfilling Gem of Dragon King Zennyo and His Pointy Claw) relates a secret theory that was in fact a famous legend circulating within 23. KT, vol. 21, 102–3, translation slightly adapted from Fowler, Murōji, 17–18. Also note the elaboration on this account in De Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan, 168–71. 24. Fowler, Murōji, 17–18. 25. For a detailed discussion of rainmaking rituals in medieval Japan, see Ruppert, “Buddhist Rainmaking in Early Japan”; and Trenson, “Daigoji ni okeru kiu no kakuritsu to Seiryūjin shinkō.”

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Miwa Bessho 115 the medieval Murō network and documented in a variety of other contemporaneous texts.26 According to this transmission, when the founder of the Shingon tradition Kūkai practiced rainmaking rituals, reciting the Peacock Sutra (Peahen Sutra, Jp. Kujakukyō) at Shinsen’en in the capi­ tal, the Dragon King Zennyo suddenly emerged from the pond and gave him a wish-fulfilling gem (nyoi hōju).27 Kūkai then buried this treasure under one of the five rocks at the temple called Butsuryūji in Yamato Province, so that it could reappear in the future during times of mappō and help to propagate Buddhism.28 As for the Dragon King’s pointy claw, the kuden continues, it is now stored in the residence of the highest cleric of Tōji (chōja).29 Accordingly, when monks conduct recitations of the Peacock Sutra and rain rituals there, this claw is enshrined on the altar, so it is Tōji’s miraculous possession. Sherry Fowler and Brian Ruppert have separately shown that such legends and the snake-like appearance of Dragon King Zennyo were already described in a variety of early medieval Shingon texts, including the so-called Goyuigō (Last Testament, ca. 10th c.) attributed to Kūkai, and twelfth-century transmissions of the Kajūji lineage of the Ono Shingon branch.30 The resident monks at Murōji, many of them specializing 26. Kanazawa Bunko, MS 311–70. Some of the characters in the original manuscript title are simplified. 27. Other medieval sources report that the gem buried at Mt. Murō was received by Kūkai from his teacher Huiguo in China. In general, it was believed that wish-fulfilling gems could be found in dragon’s liver, and thus Buddhist texts are full of references to miraculous travel to the Dragon King’s Palace on the bottom of the sea, where such gems could presumably be acquired. Regarding the Peacock Sutra, also known in Japan under the title of Kujaku myōō kyō, there were a variety of Chinese translations with similar titles, some of which were recited during the rainmaking rituals. The Japanese Taishō canon lists such sutras under the numbers T. 982 and 984–88. 28. Butsuryūji is an earlier name for Murōji. Note the previous reference to this temple in chapter 2, in the section on “Kōfukuji Monks and Mt. Mūro.” 29. This is most likely a reference to the so-called “Ritual of Purging the Serpents” (hija hō) or “White Snake Ritual” (byakuja hō) that was performed at medieval Murōji and was known to monks in other Shingon temples, including Tōji. Brian Ruppert translates its name as the “Serpent Exorcism Rite.” Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 149–51. I thank him for a personal communication on this issue. This ritual will be further mentioned below. 30. Fowler notes that the early descriptions of Zennyo Ryūō appeared in the Goyuigō (T. 2431) in her “In Search of a Dragon,” 151–55; see also her Murōji. Ruppert discusses Eiji ninen Shingon’in mishihō ki, a record of the Latter Seven Days Rite dated Eiji 2 (1142)

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in Shingon, Tendai, or Hossō teachings, were no doubt aware of these legends circulating at major centers of esoteric learning and ritual, including Kajūji and Tōji. As evident from both the Kanazawa Bunko kuden manuscript and Miwa shōnin gyōjō, these politically important narratives were incorporated into the local discourses at Murō and often embellished with strategic details and additions. For seasonal, itinerant ascetic practitioners such as Kyōen, who took part in rituals practiced at Murō, such legends signified access to and symbolic partaking in the imposing traditions of Shingon and Kūkai’s legacy. The legendary lore of Murō that linked Dragon King Zennyo and Miwa Shōnin Kyōen recorded by Tōgi in his thirteenth-century account was a boost to the posthumous perception of Kyōen as an itinerant miracle-worker and esoteric Buddhist practitioner. In this hagiographic account, he is portrayed as an outstanding ascetic who, through mountain training, ritual seclusion, and his links to dragon kings and other local deities, had acquired the most important secret, the ultimate goal of Buddhist practitioners, especially those who followed the teachings of esoteric Buddhism: the secret of sokushin jōbutsu, enlightenment “with this very body.” Such a kind of enlightenment was first discussed by Kūkai in his treatise The Meaning of Becoming a Buddha in This Very Body (Sokushin jōbutsu gi).31 It allowed practitioners to acquire the ultimate Buddhist goal of unity with the supreme Buddhist deity, Mahāvairocana, to reach the state of vajrasattva (kongōsatta), and to be reborn among the luminous divinities of esoteric Buddhism. Ritual techniques and metaphysical foundations for acquiring this kind of enlightenment were first laid out in Japan by Kūkai, but toward the end of the twelfth century these issues were adopted, debated, and promoted by the growing circles of medieval Buddhist practitioners, especially those pursuing Shingon, Tendai, and Zen training and participating in different traditions of Pure Land worship and mountain asceticism. by the Kajūji monk, which relates the same legend. Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 130–31, 133, 155–56. A similarly titled but later text, Goyuigō daiji, found at Ninnaji, is discussed in Dolce, “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” and “Duality and the Kami.” See also Trenson, “Shingon Divination Rituals and Rainmaking,” 126–27. 31. KZ, vol. 1; English translation by Rolf E. Giebel, in Shingon Texts, BDK English Tripitaka, vol. 98, 63–82. An extensive discussion of this treatise can be found in Abe Ryūichi, The Weaving of Mantra.

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Miwa Bessho 117 There are several episodes in the Gyōjō that tell how Kyōen, due to his knowledge of the secret mudra and mantra that enabled Buddhist practitioners to acquire sudden enlightenment (hereafter, the sokushin jōbutsu formula), was able to relieve lay people in the districts of Uda (Murō) and Hase as well as other monks at Yoshino and Tōnomine of suffering caused by frightening spirits. In one of these accounts, Kyōen confronted the spirit of the Shingon reformer Kakuban, which possessed a young Buddhist monk at Tōnomine; in another, he assisted a woman from a village at Hase, who was overcome and disturbed by the ghost of Tendai prelate Ryōgen (912–85).32 A record by Eihan, who was present both at Kyōen’s funeral in 1223 and at the memorial service held at the Zaō Hall at Kinpusenji, indicates that Kyōen was well known and had practiced at Kinpusen. In fact, Kinpusenji attracted practitioners affiliated with both Shingon and Tendai temples, which may explain the heterogeneous transmissions Kyōen received there and later passed to his disciples, who lodged at the Miwa bessho. In the Gyōjō episode concerning a poem by Gedatsubō Jōkei, the monk who resided at Kōfukuji and Kasagidera and who was already discussed in the introduction and chapter 2, Kyōen shows a good degree of familiarity with the customs of the Zaō Hall at Kinpusenji.33 From other sources it is evident that other Miwa hijiri also frequented these sites. For instance, in Mujū Ichien’s Shasekishū, the setting of Kyōen’s encounter with a small bereaved girl near the Hachiman Shrine, first recorded in the thirteenth-century Gyōjō and later included in the Gyōjōshō, is relocated to Yoshino.34 It is more than likely that Kyōen was buried in the Yoshino area, not too far from Kinpusen.35 32. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 60–61. 33. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 60. 34. Morrell, Sand and Pebbles, 81–82. Jacqueline Stone discusses this episode in her article, “Do Kami Ever Overlook Pollution?,” 203–32.The main protagonist of the Shasekishū episode appears to be a different Miwa figure, Jōkanbō. It has already been noted that Jōkanbō and Kyōen are treated separately in Kokan Shiren’s 14th-century Genkō shakusho, indicating that they may have been two separate figures. The Shasekishū episode, however, corresponds to the description of Kyōen’s encounter with death pollution at the Hachiman Shrine in the Gyōjō. 35. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 63–64.The Ōmiwa Shrine collection contains a record of an inscription on a grave stele understood to have been erected by Kyōen’s follower Shōkai in Yoshino in 1335 to commemorate his teacher’s death. OJS, vol. 2, 150. The inscription,

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Kakuban’s Formula The Gyōjō repeatedly describes Kyōen as a master initiated into the “­secret ritual leading to enlightenment with this very body” (sokushin jōbutsu hihō). Since the time of Kūkai, the knowledge of such ritual techniques constituted the ultimate goal of esoteric Buddhist practice, and in medieval Japan it was crucial for any aspiring Buddhist practitioner, with perhaps only a few exceptions. If the Gyōjō was recorded with the help of Buddhist practitioners who resided at the Miwa bessho long after Kyōen’s death in order to claim legitimacy for their lineage, it would not be too far-fetched to assume that it was the Miwa hijiri themselves who claimed the crucial knowledge of this ritual. Although the Gyōjō itself never reveals the content of sokushin jōbutsu, several episodes place the emphasis on Kyōen’s intimate understanding of this ritual. In the text, he confers it on Buddhist monks who, remarkably, had been unable to receive initiation at the very heart of Shingon study and practice, Mt. Kōya. The historical basis of such a story may or may not be genuine, but as a result, Kyōen’s followers at Miwa were able to present themselves as possessors of a powerful secret tradition that def ied the allegedly declining standards of Kōya, and so could prevail over other, more established esoteric Buddhist lineages. This is where the much later Gyōjōshō becomes very useful, for it offers the most complete version of the sokushin jōbutsu verse.36 It is remarkable that this verse, passed down among Kyōen’s followers, ­exactly follows one of the versions transmitted to Kakuban, who was hailed as the reformer of Mt. Kōya and the Shingon tradition itself. It was included in his treatise Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku (Secret Commentary on the Five Chakras and the Nine Syllables), written between 1141 and reportedly located at the gravesite of Hirao in the town of Yoshino, reads: “At the age of eighty-four, in the second year of the Jōō era (1223), aoi no matsu, f irst month, twenty-seventh day [he] entered nirvana. [Sanskrit syllable] A, [following] the true wish of this temple, Saihōji [location unclear], this is the tomb of Kyōen Shōnin. Disciple in the fourth generation, Shōkai. Second year of Kenmu era (1335), hinoe ne, first month, twenty-fourth day.” 36. The translation of this verse is cited in van der Veere, Kōgyō Daishi Kakuban, 178–79.

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Miwa Bessho 119 1143.37 The fourteenth-century Gyōjōshō thus suggests that the sokushin jōbutsu verse was known and circulated widely among the hijiri and other Buddhist practitioners traversing the sacred mountains and cultic sites in southern Yamato, including those at Miwa and Murō. Kakuban was undoubtedly one of the most radical religious figures of the early twelfth century.38 Originally from Hizen Province, he began his monastic career by training at Ninnaji, Kōfukuji, and Tōdaiji before arriving for a decade of study at Mt. Kōya. During 1115 and 1126 he collected a variety of transmissions within the Ono and Hirosawa schools, most dealing with key aspects of “becoming the Buddha with this very body.” Under the direction of the scholar-monk Meijaku (or Myōjaku, ca. 1124), Kakuban also dedicated himself to the practice of the gumonji hō, an old esoteric ritual for acquiring the utmost lucidity of mind and perfect memory, as well as the performance of a thousand-day fire ritual (sennichi goma).39 Like many other religious practitioners, he understood that the hardships experienced during the periods of mountain training were central to acquiring gen, the special powers possessed by ascetics. At Mt. Kōya, Kakuban attempted to promote doctrinal studies of esoteric Buddhism by means of the so-called “dharma-transmission assembly” (denbōe) that he witnessed at Ninnaji, thus aiming to reconstruct what he assumed was proper practice of the Shingon tradition. This approach was conceived at a time when the monastic establishment on Mt. Kōya was expanding, with scores of hijiri congregating at many “separate halls” (bessho) there; many of those were practicing nenbutsu and promoting the ideas of Pure Land, which were understood broadly.40 Some assumed that the religious motivation there had moved away from Kūkai’s ideal of both doctrinal and religious practice, and Mt. Kōya was becoming highly factionalized.41

37. KDZ, 1121–81; T. 2514. Translation and Introduction by Dale Todaro in Shingon Texts, BDK English Tripitaka, vol. 98, 257–328. 38. On the earlier study of Kakuban in English, see van der Veere, Kōgyō Daishi Kakuban. 39. MDJ, 225–27. See also Drummond, “Looking Back and Leaping Forward,” 817. 40. Gorai, Kōya hijiri, 68–73, 106–14. 41. By the end of the Heian period the two branches (or ryū) of Shingon, the Ono and the Hirosawa, had their own subdivisions. The main politically active force was at Tōji,

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Kakuban was radical in that he aligned himself with the hijiri congregating at Kōya; his recognition of the importance of Amida worship is easily readable in his many writings that discuss the “secret chanting of the Buddha’s name” (himitsu nenbutsu) or construct a vision of esoteric Pure Land (mitsugon jōdo).42 He also actively sought initiation from various masters in order to reconstruct the proper practice and esoteric knowledge he felt was essential for the survival of the esoteric Buddhist milieu. He acquired his own line of dharma transmission, the Denbōinryū, thus founding the first lineage to be established independent of previously existing traditions. Due to his rapid rise through the ranks, Kakuban met with disfavor at Mt. Kōya’s main temple, Kongōbuji, and soon had to flee and establish his own quarters at Mt. Negoro in 1140. The initiatives and precedents that he and his disciples at Kōya set forth inspired the foundation and influenced the development of local study and practice groups, such as those later formed by hijiri at Miwa. At the same time, Kakuban placed a new emphasis on individual esoteric activities and salvatory techniques, for example, the visualization of Sanskrit syllables.43 He thus reevaluated the whole idea of esoteric Buddhist practice, asserting that even those practitioners who lacked supreme wisdom but possessed faith could nevertheless attain purity and, ultimately, enlightenment (not unlike the nenbutsu practitioners) merely by chanting the mantras (shingon), binding symbolic hand gestures (mudra), and visualizing the written form of different Sanskrit syllables.44 Kakuban also proposed an important reassessment of the meaning of the “dharma body” (Sk. dharmakāya, Jp. hōsshin) and the physical body of a Buddhist practitioner: in his Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku, the latter was aligned to a five-part stūpa (gorintō) and the five agents (Ch. wuxing, Jp. gogyō) of the Chinese or Indian correlative system. The five viscera (gozō) and six entrails of the human body were which was established in the capital by Kūkai and also Ninnaji; both had strong links to the court. 42. See, for example, his Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku, or Mitsugon jōdo ryakkan (Short Visualization of the Pure Land, Mysteriously Adorned, T. 2515). Also Gorai, Kōya hijiri, “Kakuban to bessho hijiri,” 106–14. 43. Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku, by Kakuban; Todaro, “The Secret Commentary,” 260–63. 44. Ibid.,” 307. Bowring, The Religious Traditions of Japan, 233–36.

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Miwa Bessho 121 linked to a variety of esoteric and medico-religious items, including the Sanskrit syllables, nature elements, stars, and so on.45 Lucia Dolce has recently pointed out that Kakuban’s innovations were instrumental in leading to the emergence of a plethora of religious ideas and ritual imaginaire dealing with the “five stages of the embryo” (tainai goi) in medieval Japan.46 At the same time, Kakuban was known for advocating immediate ways of achieving esoteric enlightenment by means of the sokushin jōbutsu verse. These themes, no doubt, captivated the esoteric Buddhist milieu during the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries; some of Kakuban’s ideas subsequently trickled down to the local hijiri groups during the medieval period. This chapter’s last section will demonstrate the effects of this process seen at Miwa. The magic verse that explained how to achieve sudden enlightenment was known under a variety of names. According to the brief description of the sokushin jōbutsu ritual in the verse, during the ceremony one was required to place one’s hands in the “stūpa mudra” (tōin), intone the Sanskrit syllable vaṃ, which represented Mahāvairocana, and visualize this powerful deity in one’s heart without falling into doubt. The ritual would enable one to escape, or rather transform fundamental ignorance (mumyō) rooted in one’s own body, its sensory faculties, and one’s mind into the enlightened state, expiate all transgressions, and even relieve the so-called icchantika, those who had no means of achieving enlightenment due to their endless sins. The verse was considered to have been initially transmitted to Kūkai by his masters in China, but by the Kamakura period it circulated among esoteric Buddhist practitioners of certain temple lineages. According to Henny van der Veere, this verse was mainly imparted in one of two versions, consisting either of fifty-two or fifty-four lines. Both were passed down within the Ono and the Chūin lineages (Chūin-ryū) at Mt. Kōya. Kakuban himself may have initially received this sokushin jōbutsu verse as a part of the “abbreviated transmission of the Yogin 45. Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku, by Kakuban; Todaro, “The Secret Commentary,” 275–93. See an analysis and translation of a late Tang Chinese esoteric text that may have been a precursor to Kakuban’s theory of the five-fold body in Rambelli, “Tantric Buddhism and Chinese Thought in East Asia”; also Dolce’s discussion of shintairon (embodiment theory) in her “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” 186–89. 46. Dolce, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.”

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Sūtra” (Yugi kirimon). This transmission was performed by Kakuban’s own mentors, an esoteric master from Daigoji called Ryōga ajari (ca. 1110) and “a lay priest from the Oki Islands,” the previously mentioned Meijaku (Oki nyūdō Meijaku, d. 1124).47 Recent research by Lucia Dolce has shown that this sutra was of special significance to the medieval esoteric practitioners. There were an increasing number of commentaries and transmissions on the aforementioned Yogin Sūtra (known in Japanese as the Yugikyō) and other esoteric scriptures in circulation around the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries; the next chapters will show that this phenomenon formed a crucial background to the development of both medieval esoteric practice and worship of kami at Miwa.48 Kakuban died in 1143, before Kyōen was born, so there could hardly have been any personal encounter between the two. Upon investigation of the main sources on Kyōen’s life and other evidence from medieval Miwa, however, it soon becomes evident that some connections were indeed present. Several episodes in the thirteenth-century Gyōjō ­describe Kyōen’s communication with the spirit of Kakuban or invoke 47. Van der Veere, Kōgyō Daishi Kakuban, 178–79; KDZ, 831. The Oki Islands are located off the coast of Izumo (modern Shimane Prefecture). See map 1. Ryōga initially served as the precept master at Ono Daijōin and later became the main disciple of the Ono school master from Tōji, Hanjun (1038–1112). Ryōga left several transmission lines including the so-called Ryōga-ryū at the Shingon temple Kajūjii (also known as Kanshūji) in Kyoto. His transmissions focused on Aizen Myōō and tripartite rituals featuring the Kongōkai, Taizōkai, and Soshitsuji; at least three of his disciples, Jōkai (1074– 1149), Kakushin, and the aforementioned Meijaku, went on to form their own ritual lineages at Daigoji, Kajūji, and Mt. Kōya. MDJ, 2275. The issue of the tripartite pattern will be analyzed further in chapter 5. 48. Ch. Jingangfeng louge yiqie yuqie yuqi jing, Jp. Kongōbu rōkaku issai yuga ­yugikyō, Sutra of All Yogas and Yogins of Vajra Peak Pavilion, T. 867; hereafter, the ­Yugikyō. Its Chinese translation was attributed to the Indian monk Vajrabodhi (671–741), but modern scholars tend to agree that it is most likely a Chinese apochryphon. See Goepper, Aizen Myōō, and Vanden Broucke, Yugikyō (in Dutch). It must have been known in esoteric Buddhist circles of Tang China, but along with the so-called Sutra of the Guiding Principle (Ch. Liqu jing, Jp. Rishukyō, T. 243) and Amoghavajra’s Commentary to it (Ch. Liqu shi, Jp. Rishushaku, T. 1003), it became one of the most important scriptures in the esoteric Buddhist tradition in medieval Japan. The significance of the medieval Japanese commentaries on the Yugikyō was pointed out by Dolce in her “Duality and the Kami,” “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” and more recently, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” I am grateful to her for the personal communication on this subject.

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Miwa Bessho 123 Kakuban’s own teachers, the aforementioned Ryōga ajari and the Oki nyūdō Meijaku. At least three episodes in the Gyōjō refer to Kakuban directly. One is the story of the monk at Tōnomine possessed by an evil spirit mentioned earlier. As the ill monk had suffered from his malady for several months, a yamabushi was summoned to pacify the disease, but was of no help. Upon the arrival of Kyōen, the possessed reacted with hatred and, looking at him with an evil eye, tried to stab him with iron fire chopsticks. It was only when Kyōen conferred the bodhisattva precepts on him that the spirit became subdued and was willing to communicate. At Kyōen’s request the spirit then identified himself as Kakuban and proclaimed that although the foolish monks at Kōya said that he had forged his certificate of transmission of the secret of sudden enlightenment, in fact it was “a secret mudra and mantra of the Two Worlds [Kongōkai and Taizōkai] transmitted in the three lands of India, China, and Japan” (sankoku sōshō no ryōbu hioku inmyō), that is, a legitimate transmission. To make this known, his spirit had taken possession of the young monk. Kyōen cried with delight at meeting such a holy spirit and took the opportunity to converse with the great teacher. Needless to say, the possessed monk was immediately cured. The moral of the episode is that Kakuban had not, after all, fallen into the evil realm and become “a true evil spirit” (makai jitsurui) as was commonly thought previously, but instead had become a protector of the dharma at Mt. Kōya (Kōya no gohō).49 The tale of Miwa Shōnin’s ability to converse with the departed reformer of Mt. Kōya only enhanced the significance of the thirteenthcentury practitioners from Miwa bessho. The remaining two episodes in the Gyōjō concern the secret ritual of initiation into “enlightenment in this very body.”50 One describes a young monk from Hōki Province who struggled to receive full initiation into this ultimate secret at Mt. Kōya during his practice at the Higashi 49. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 60–61. It was believed that Buddhist monks who indulged in inappropriate or misguided practices would fall into the realm of evil (madō). For more on the concepts of evil and their representations in medieval Japan, see Waka­bayashi, The Seven Tengu Scrolls. 50. The implication here is that this was the secret transmitted by Kyōen to the Dragon King Zennyo.

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bessho of Senjuin, one of the sub-temples on the mountain.51 At last, the monk succeeded in obtaining the remaining lines of the ritual from the kami of Oshima at the Wakaōji Shrine in Bizen Province (the southeastern portion of modern Okayama Prefecture), an area that was a land estate under the supervision of the Kumano resident monks (naga­ toko). Kakuban, who happened to be at Mt. Kōya at that time, was said to have rejoiced.52 Another episode, which strangely does not mention Kyōen at all, concerns a young monk from the Oki Islands who was put through a gruelling trial before he received the transmission of the sokushin jōbutsu ritual from the aforementioned Ryōga ajari at Daigoji. According to one theory, it was imparted by Emperor Shirakawa to Ryōga as a part of Kūkai’s Yugi kirimon transmission during one of his pilgrimages.53 This story is reminiscent of Kakuban’s own teacher, Meijaku, who had trained with Ryōga at Daigoji and was initiated in the Shingon traditions practiced by the Ono and Chūin factions at Mt. Kōya.54 In fact, an unidentified “Lesser Abbot of Chūin” (Chūin shōsōzu) is portrayed in the Gyōjō as another vengeful spirit possessing a monk. It is unclear what relation this person had to the Miwa hijiri as a whole, but Kyōen appears to have been in the line of Chūin transmissions.55 The above episodes, although they lack any precise characterization of the relationships between the protagonists involved, indicate that Kyōen and his followers and fellow hijiri based at Miwa and Murō had access to esoteric Buddhist traditions transmitted at Denbōin and Chūin on Mt. Kōya, among many other transmissions, and were most likely aware of the religious issues raised earlier by Kakuban. Moreover, their networks and personal acquaintances spanned the major sacred sites and ascetic training areas such as Hase, Murō, Kasagi, Kinpusen, and Mt. Kōya, 51. Senjuin was one of the largest quarters that housed Kōya hijiri. In the thirteenth century it was particularly open to those aff iliated with the Time school ( jishū) founded by Ippen (1239–89). Gorai, Kōya hijiri, 16–17. 52. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 62. 53. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 62–63. On Meijaku’s training with Ryōga and their alleged reception of Yugi kirimon from Shirakawa tennō in the late eleventh century, see MDJ, 2117. 54. Van der Veere, Kōgyō Daishi Kakuban, 29. 55. Murayama, “Kakuban no jingi shisō to Miwa shōnin Kyōen.”

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Miwa Bessho 125 and included also locations further afield, in the countryside and other provinces.

Miwa Bessho, Byōdōji The hagiographic accounts of the Gyōjō do not state the actual extent of Kyōen’s involvement in the construction of practice facilities near Mt. Miwa. Nevertheless, from the above discussion it is evident that he bore important ritual knowledge gained from multiple Buddhist traditions. The general assumption prevails that Kyōen founded the Miwa bessho, a practice hall in the immediate vicinity of Mt. Miwa, sometime around the turn of the thirteenth century. The earliest accounts of his life highlight his links with the mountain complexes of Tōnomine, Yoshino, Hase, and Murō, and emphasize his involvement in the worship of local deities such as dragon kings. The same facts may apply to Kyōen’s followers at Miwa bessho. Thirteenth-century sources provide more detailed information about its background and the activities of the people residing there. As described previously, the bessho were usually private facilities for mixed practices established separately from the official Buddhist temples and outside of formal temple hierarchies.56 Not much is known about the early Miwa bessho, how it was established, and what funds were available for its foundation. It may be imagined, though, that the local community of semi-lay and semi-itinerant practitioners actively participated in procuring the means for its construction. From the previous discussion of the economic and symbolic appropriation of Mt. Miwa by Kōfukuji, the possibility arises that low-ranking Kōfukuji monks, perhaps the dōshū affiliated with the East or West Golden Halls who regularly passed through Miwa, could have been involved in this process. The hijiri attached to Miwa bessho traversed the same routes. The Gyōjō, for example, contains a brief episode that describes a personal meeting between the Kasagidera recluse, Kōfukuji monk Jōkei, 56. On the development of this and similar facilities, see Adolphson, “Institutional Diversity and Religious Integration.”

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and Kyōen in front of the Kasuga Shrine. The former was conducting a fund-raising (kanjin) campaign for repairing the tower of the East Golden Hall (Higashi Kondō). Through him, Kyōen was said to have met a skilled Buddhist sculptor, An’amidabutsu of Hosshōji, who subsequently created the Eleven-Headed Kannon statue to replace one that perished in a fire at Hasedera; the Gyōjō reports that Miwa Shōnin even served as an officiating priest during the eye-opening ceremony (kaigen) at the temple.57 The holy men of Miwa must have been involved in considerable fundraising efforts, since by 1235 the Miwa bessho had grown into a small temple, Byōdōji, which consisted of several halls and had its own library. It housed a group of hijiri who were involved in combinatory esoteric practices and mountain training in Yoshino, Tōnomine, Hase­ dera, and Murō and the other nearby mountains of Kasagi, Katsuragi, and Ikoma. At the same time, the bessho in Miwa was open to the local practitioners coming from other mountain temples in Yamato. One such traveller was the monk Sōshō (1202–78). He resided at ­Tōdaiji and then at Kasagidera, located in the northeastern corner of the Yamato Plain, and was a contemporary witness to the expanding Buddhist facilities at Miwa. In the biography of the Kegon and Ritsu scholar Enshō Shōnin (1221–77), Sōshō is described as his teacher in Huayan (Kegon) doctrine. Sōshō was also associated with scholastic seminars at Tōdaiji combining a variety of classical Buddhist traditions, and with the mountain temple at Kasagi. At some point he even served as the administrative head of the Tōdaiji monastic compound. In the 1240s, Sōshō was greatly moved by the ideas and practice of Gedatsubō Jōkei, who had also resided at Kasagidera and was involved in collecting ritual texts that displayed a strong devotion to the future Buddha Maitreya and his Pure Land (Miroku Jōdo).58 Kasagidera was a mountain temple with strong connections to mountain austerities. Traditionally, it was the closest training ground for the monks of Kōfukuji (map 3, route A). A rock near the temple precincts featured a large cliff-carved image of Maitreya, which had been 57. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 63. This account could not be further verified. Rather, it may have served to highlight Kyōen’s personal involvement in the Hase area. 58. Blum, The Origins and Development of Pure Land Buddhism, 60–61.

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Miwa Bessho 127 an object of ardent worship since the time of the eighth-century ruler Tenmu tennō. Mt. Kasagi itself was identified as the outer realm of Maitreya’s Tuṣita Heaven (Tosotsuten).59 During the late Heian and Kama­ kura periods, Kasagidera was an important cultic site of Pure Land worship, and was frequented by Nara monks circumambulating the cultic sites of Yamato.60 Similar to many other Buddhist monks in Nara, Sōshō had personal connections within Buddhist temples and bessho in the mountains of Yamato. He often travelled there, participating in study and retreats and copying available religious texts. On several occasions between 1233 and 1248, Sōshō stayed at the Great Wisdom Hall (Daichiin) of what he described as the “Miwa bessho, Byōdōji” in order to consult books from the temple’s collection. This is known from Sōshō’s personal writing entitled Shunge shūgetsu shōsō (Short Notes on Spring Flowers and the Autumn Moon). In it, he describes the circumstances in which he compiled his treatises on the worship of Maitreya. Of these, at least two are known: the Miroku nyorai kannō shōsō (Abbreviated Notes on the Perception of Miroku Nyorai), and Hokke yuishiki hannya sankanshō (Summary of the Three Kinds of Meditation, Comprising the Lotus Sutra, the Mind-Only Doctrine [of the Faxiang school], and the Wisdom Sutra).61 In the spring of 1233, Sōshō recorded the details of his visit to Miwa, when, aged thirty-two, he arrived at Byōdōji to study manuscripts kept by another holy man of Miwa and Kyōen’s direct disciple, the aforementioned Zenninbō Jōshin. It took him two days to copy one volume, after which he requested more books, carefully “transferring the marks” (copying) before going back to Kasagidera to finish his treatise. He later indicates that the texts he consulted at Miwa were a collection of personal notes on forging karmic ties with the Buddha Maitreya (Miroku 59. Ford, Jōkei and Buddhist Devotion in Early Medieval Japan, 22. 60. Ueda Sachiko, Shugen to nenbutsu, 99–111. Blair, Real and Imagined, 259–65. 61. Both are now preserved at Tōdaiji; see the excerpts in OJS, vol. 2, 154 and OJS, vol. 1, 361, respectively. Hiraoka Jōkai discusses these records in his compilation of historical documents by Sōshō. Hiraoka, Tōdaiji Sōshō shōnin no kenkyū narabi ni shiryō, vol. 1, 483–87, 517–18, and Nihon jiin shi no kenkyū. Kageyama Haruki, in his article “Miwa no jingūji,” 10–11, for some unknown reason identifies Sōshō with Eizon, which is a mistake.

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nyorai kechien shibunshū).62 Six months later, he set off from Tōdaiji again, and while wandering around the mountain temples of Yamato, returned to Miwa to find that the autumn landscape provided sublime inspiration for his devotion to the future Buddha.63 In the late summer of 1235, Sōshō came to the Daichiin at Byōdōji once more in order to consult books that would help him finish his notes on the three kinds of meditation. He copied the manuscripts owned by Jōshin by the light of a lantern, “rushing his brush like a horse” while consulting the Lotus Sutra during this short spell of intense study.64 On the basis of these records, Hiraoka Jōkai has argued that Miwa bessho may have enshrined Maitreya among its objects of worship.65 Although Hiraoka does not cite any direct evidence for this, it is possible that, given the connections between the Miwa hijiri and the practitioners at Kinpusen, the worship of the future Buddha Maitreya may have been present in Byōdōji’s ritual system at some point.66 If Sōshō’s testimony is to be trusted, the training facilities at Miwa also had a collection of ritual texts discussing practices and teachings concerning Maitreya as well as the Lotus Sutra and, as will be shown in the next chapter, personal notes penned by Jōkei, who contributed to the propagation of Vinaya thought and practice. The involvement of Sōshō and the existence of copies of the Chinese scriptures on the Vinaya at the Miwa bessho raise an interesting question about the involvement of Miwa bessho and its hijiri in the Vinaya restora­ tion movement before the arrival of the famous Saidaiji order (Saidaijiryū) in the 1240s, a phenomenon already studied by many Japanese and Western scholars. Horiike Shunpō has even suggested that Kyōen may 62. Cited in Hiraoka, Tōdaiji Sōshō shōnin no kenkyū narabi ni shiryō, vol. 1, 483–84. 63. Hiraoka, Tōdaiji Sōshō shōnin, vol. 1, 487. 64. Ibid., vol. 1, 517. 65. Hiraoka, Nihon jiin shi no kenkyū, vol. 1, 85–86. 66. In the Edo period there was a stone image of Miroku in the Miroku Valley on the southern slope of Mt. Miwa, near the village of Kanaya. Nowadays it is known as the Kanaya Miroku. Its origins are unclear, but according to some reports it was transferred from the forest on the mountain slopes, where it had been installed during the Kamakura period.

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Miwa Bessho 129 have been in the line of transmission that led back to Jichihan, one of the first early medieval Nara monks to realize the importance of the Vinaya.67 Although a definite answer may be out of reach, such a theory appears plausible. For instance, the Miwa shōnin gyōjō indicates that some relationship between the Miwa bessho and Kasagidera may indeed have existed. It reports a curious incident when Gedatsubō Jōkei, who spent his last days at Kasagidera, uttered a poem on his deathbed. Nobody could interpret its meaning for many years, until a Kasagidera monk, Bodaibō, called at the Miwa Hall (Miwa no muro) and asked this question of Kyōen, who was able to resolve the matter immediately. In fact, as mentioned before, the Gyōjō even portrays Kyōen meeting Jōkei in person at the Kasuga Shrine in Nara.68 One of the books preserved at the Miwa bessho was a Chinese work on the Vinaya, a manuscript in Gedatsubō Jōkei’s own hand and an invaluable asset that would later attract the attention of a group of ordained monks affiliated with another old Nara temple, Saidaiji. As the next chapter will show, it was the existence of this manuscript that first brought together the two groups, the Saidaiji monks and the self-educated hijiri of the Miwa bessho. By the 1240s, the old Ōmiwa Shrine temple was in a state of disrepair, with only a few monks in residence, while the Miwa bessho, Byōdōji, was growing.69 It is not clear when Byōdōji was made a branch temple of Kōfukuji, but this may have come about partially as a result of historical links and the land acquisition campaign by the latter as described earlier in chapter 2. By the 1280s most of the Ōmiwa Shrine lands in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa were under the supervision of a representative of the land steward ( jitō) appointed by the Kasuga Shrine.70 Although some of the lands were reallocated to Saidaiji, the Miwa bessho must have been incorporated within the Kōfukuji infrastructure sometime during or

67. Horiike, Nanto bukkyōshi no kenkyū, Ihōhen, 324–25. 68. Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 63. 69. During the late medieval period, Byōdōji even began to act unofficially as the jingūji of the Ōmiwa Shrine. 70. A continuous debate on intrusions into the Ōmiwa no shō in 1280 was reported by the then land supervisor, the monk Seia (ca. 13th c.) in the Kasugasha kiroku (Rec­ ords of the Kasuga Shrine). OJS, vol. 2, 157–58.

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shortly after this period.71 As it was expanding into a temple, it required not only endowment, but also, more importantly, a legitimate lineage. The group of monks who had inherited the mixed ritual knowledge acquired by Kyōen hailed him as the founder of the Miwa bessho and of the local Buddhist lineage or ryū, a “stream” of practitioners affiliated with the temple at Miwa and practicing a certain brand of Buddhism. The next section will show that these practitioners were at the forefront of crucial intellectual and ritual exchanges that were taking place in medieval Japan.

“Country Bumpkins” in Search of Enlightenment Priests at the core of the unofficial groups of practitioners at Miwa and Murō, such as the already mentioned Shōshin or a less known Kaishin (1204–62), among many others, appear next to Kyōen in the various “blood lineage” charts (kechimyaku) representing transmissions of esoteric rituals acquired at different temples, often more established traditional centers of esoteric learning. It is they, rather than foreverperegrinating Kyōen, who may have been the actual organizers or supporters of the Byōdōji temple. Holy men such as these, resembling the Kōya hijiri or the nenbutsu practitioners elsewhere, played a major role in the expansion of the Miwa bessho into a temple by securing sufficient funds to allow that to happen. Although the dynamics behind the compilation of the transmission charts referring to the Miwa lineage are not always entirely clear, this section will trace the emerging Miwa group in more detail, following the hints they provide. Having adopted Kyōen as their founder, the shōnin and hijiri at Miwa continued to practice and update their knowledge of combinatory esoteric rituals. A colophon of Kōan 4 (1283) in the Hōkyōshō (Notes of the Jewelled Mirror, copied ca. 1340) by the monk Kōban, preserved in the Ōsu Bunko temple archive at Shinpukuji in modern Nagoya, reports on 71. By the fifteenth century, a section of Byōdōji was still under the control of the Daijōin monzeki at Kōfukuji, whereas another faction within the temple was seeking unofficial affiliation with Sanbōin at Daigoji.

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Miwa Bessho 131 the activities of at least three priests who attended Byōdōji: “On the first day of the first month of the second year of Bunryaku [1235], in the old hut of Kyōen Shōnin of Miwa, three persons, namely, Nyojitsu Shōnin, Kōban, and Chisenbō, respectfully faced Hōkyō Shōnin. At that time [he] transmitted the rites of various Buddhas.”72 The aforementioned Rendōbō Hōkyō appears as a direct disciple of Kyōen in several transmission charts, extensively copied during the Edo period, that emerged within the corpus of later ritual texts attributed to the Miwa-ryū.73 It was this same Rendōbō Hōkyō who assisted with the compilation of Miwa shōnin gyōjō. From the Hōkyōshō colophon, it appears that Hōkyō invested a considerable amount of time and energy in the acquisition, preservation, and further interpretation of esoteric knowledge imparted to him by his teachers. He received a “dharma transmission initiation” (denbō kanjō) from Jikken Sōshō (alt. Jitsugen, 1176–1249) of Kongōōin at Daigoji, studied with scholar-monks personally acquainted with Kaku­ ban and his teachings at Mt. Kōya, and followed Kyōen in his peregrinations in Yamato, before eventually settling down at Miwa. From the contemporaneous records, it becomes evident that holy men like Rendōbō Hōkyō practiced a variety of Buddhist rituals and exchanged their understandings of esoteric Buddhist traditions with other Buddhist monks and practitioners. For example, the aforementioned Gyōnen in his account of the Tōdaijii Enshō shōnin gyōjō (alt., Enshō shōnin gyōjō; The Deeds of Enshō [1221–77], Holy Man of Tōdaiji, ca. 1302), mentions a certain Miwa Shōnin in relation to the initiations at the “secret altar of the Two Realms” (ryōbu mitsudan), which were passed down to Enshō.74 This record, emphasizing the Buddhist transmissions practiced in front of the Womb and Diamond Mandalas, could 72. OJS, vol. 1, 360, cited in the earlier version of this chapter, Andreeva, “The Origins of the Miwa Lineage.” The date of Bunryaku 2 (1235), which appears in this colophon, suggests that the activities of esoteric practitioners at the Miwa bessho almost coincided with the visits by the Kegon scholar Sōshō of Tōdaiji and Kasagidera. This indicates that the bessho at Miwa, even though it was a mountain temple distant from the metropolitan area, was indeed a center of thriving scholarly and ritualistic exchanges that attracted local Buddhist scholars and shugen practitioners. 73. MDJ, 1995; also see Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō ni okeru ni daikeifu” and “Miwaryū Shintō no keisei to hatten.” 74. ZZGR, vol. 3, Denshi-bu (hagiographies), 476–506. Further quotation, ibid., 483.

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easily refer to Rendōbō Hōkyō. One of his companions during the exchange at the Miwa bessho, the monk Nyojitsu, had his own connections to Kongōōin and other Shingon sub-lineages, and could easily fit that description too.75 Perhaps it was this intellectual curiosity as well as a certain creativity in interpreting major esoteric rituals and scriptures, such as the aforementioned Yugikyō, that were to blame for a reputation that practitioners at the Miwa bessho acquired in later times. For example, Hōkyō was famously criticized for his connection to the Tachikawa-ryū, a Shingon lineage often described as “heretic” in modern scholarship.76 The Japanese scholar of Shingon Buddhism Moriyama Shōshin, in his early study of this lineage, notes that Rendōbō Hōkyō appears to have been initiated into the Tachikawa tradition and even to have edited some of its scriptures.77 And indeed, elsewhere in late medieval and early modern ritual documents related to the Miwa-ryū, the transmission charts reveal the name of Ninkan (1057–1123?), the alleged founder of the Tachikawa-ryū, in lines of transmission to familiar Miwa figures such as Kyōen and Shōshin.78 This connection was probably at the root of the later perception of the Miwa lineage as a non-mainstream branch of Shingon that “proper” practitioners were advised not to trust.79 Such an assumption in part stemmed from the work by the monk Yūkai (1345–1416), also entitled Hōkyōshō, which was compiled almost a century after Rendōbō Hōkyō’s death, sometime around 1375.80 Yūkai, 75. Iyanaga Nobumi briefly mentions this figure in his “Secrecy, Sex, and Apochrypha,” 219–20. 76. On the early study of Tachikawa-ryū in English see Sanford, “The Abominable Tachikawa Skull Ritual” and “Wind, Waters, Stupas, Mandalas: Fetal Buddhahood in Shingon.” 77. Moriyama, Tachikawa jakyō to sono shakaiteki kenkyū, 533, fn. 20, 21. 78. For example, in the collection of various abhiṣeka initiations, Shoryū kanjō, said to be acquired by Kyōen between 1190 and 1217 and preserved among other Miwaryū related texts at Hasedera. OJS, vol. 5, 11. 79. Moriyama noted, however, that even after preliminary investigation of the transmission certificates by the Miwa lineage, it remained unclear to what extent the prac­ tices of the Miwa lineage as transmitted by Hōkyō were really inf iltrated by the Tachikawa teachings, or which teachings, including those originating at Kongōōin, could be particularly identified as “perverse.” Moriyama, Tachikawa jakyō, 91. 80. T. 2456.

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Miwa Bessho 133 seeing himself as an ardent scholar of the “proper” Shingon traditions at Mt. Kōya, had accused Hōkyō and others like him of spreading heretical ideas such as those of the Tachikawa lineage, and participating in the compilation of their works. For instance, he wrote: Furthermore, there are many heretical views in the teachings of the writings by Hōkyō Shōnin [Rendōbō] of Miwa in the province of Yamato. The “Compendium of the Single Drop” [Ittekishō] and the like are Tachikawa teachings. One should regard writings of this kind and their oral transmission as generally false writings. In those lineages, there are altogether perverse teachings. One must enquire to which lineage [a writing] belongs.81

The opprobrium of Yūkai, who saw himself as a champion of the historic Shingon tradition, was directed mostly toward various “country bumpkins,” Buddhist practitioners and holy men residing in the countryside. His other targets included the Kantō branch of the Sanbōin Goryū lineage, also allegedly linked to the Tachikawa, of which he complained: “They have many scriptures and oral transmissions, which incorporate Ono and Hirosawa [lineages of Shingon], cut and paste the Sutra of the Guiding Principle, and line up [famous] masters and disciples.”82 In other words, Yūkai implied that such people had experimented almost a hundred years earlier with the highly complicated teachings transmitted by Vajrabodhi, Amoghavajra, and Kūkai without proper or sustained doctrinal training. Moreover, according to Yūkai, they misguidedly cited important esoteric scriptures such as the Yugikyō, the Rishūkyō (Sutra of the Guiding Principle), the Bodaishinron (Treatise on the Bodhicitta), and related commentaries, thus promoting the spread of false trans­ missions (which were later called “heretical teachings,” jakyō).83 By 81. Moriyama, Tachikawa jakyō, 579, translation modified. from Vanden Broucke, Hōkyōshō, 28. An earlier version of this translation is cited in Andreeva, “The Origins of the Miwa Lineage.” A more recent analysis of this issue appears in Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.” I thank Iyanaga Nobumi for discussing this issue with me over the years. 82. T. 2456, 849a23–24, in passing, Iyanaga, “Tachikawa-ryū,” 812. Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb,” 445. 83. Rishukyō, T. 243, and Bodaishinron, T. 1665. On the countryside priests, see Iyanaga, “Tachikawa-ryū.”

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e­ xtension, in his eyes, the Miwa hijiri personified by Hōkyō would also fall into such a category of “country bumpkins,” who barely understood the complex and intellectually challenging tenets of the elite imperial temple traditions of esoteric Buddhism, and who were “most corrupt and dangerously misled” in their practice. Moreover, by mentioning Rendōbō Hōkyō and the otherwise unidentified treatise Ittekishō in the same passage, Yūkai seems to imply that the likes of Hōkyō practiced secret initiations of the most incredible kind.84 Such accusations should be placed in a historical context. It is not clear whether the Ittekishō actually existed, as it was not listed among other Tachikawa-related scriptures.85 That being said, texts with similar titles were known to have circulated in the esoteric milieu, and not only among the historical adepts of the Tachikawa lineage.86 The religious thinkers and scholar-monks educated within elite esoteric Buddhist temples of medieval Japan such as Tōji, Ninnaji, or Daigoji were exposed to numerous canonical sources and commentaries by Chinese and Japanese esoteric masters that employed theological constructs built on allusions to sexual desire and conjugal relations. For example, the already mentioned Sutra of the Guiding Principle (Ch. Liqu jing, Jp. Rishu­ kyō, T. 243) and Amoghavajra’s Commentary on it (Ch. Liqu shi, Jp. Rishu­ shaku, T. 1003) explained the states of vajrasattva achieving enlightenment by using metaphors of sexual desire such as “great bliss” (dairaku) and “the merging of two roots” (nikon kyōe).87 Thirteenth-century Shingon writings from the Ono lineage also contained plenty of references 84. BDJ, vol. 4, 3471. Vanden Broucke, Hōkyōshō, 80. 85. Kushida, Shingon mikkyō seiritsu katei no kenkyū, 375. The title of the text is reminiscent of the “union of the two drops” (niteki wagō), which referred to speculations on ritualized sexual intercourse. Thought earlier to be propagated by the Tachi­ kawa lineage (according to Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 52), these notions can in fact be encountered in a substantial number of medieval Shingon commentaries and writings, especially those focusing on the Yugikyō and the Rishukyō. 86. Moriyama, Tachikawa jakyō, 545–46; Iyanaga, “Secrecy, Sex and Apochrypha,” 210–11. 87. Ch. Dale jingang bukong zhenshi sanmoye jing banrui boluo miduo liqushi, Jp. Daigaku kongō fukū shinjitsu sanmaya kyō hannya haramitta rishushaku, The Commentary on the Guiding Principle of Transcendental Wisdom, the Sutra of True ­Samdhi, by Amoghavajra of Great Bliss. Also known as Bore liqu jing, or Hannya rishu­ kyō. For an English translation, see Astley-Kristensen, The Rishukyō.

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Miwa Bessho 135 to such notions. For example, Hishō kuketsu (Oral Transmissions on the Secret Compendium), penned by the monk Kyōjun (fl. 13th c.) in 1268– 69 and revised in 1283, or the later Datō hiketsushō (Secret Compendium on the Dhātu) by the monk Gahō (1240?–1317), cited oral transmissions that invoked precisely such notions. The latter often quotes teachings by the already mentioned Daigoji Kongōōin cleric Jikken, a teacher of Rendōbō Hōkyō, without any particular cautioning.88 Evidently, medieval Shingon thinkers perceived these teachings as serious subjects of theological study and considered them to be secret expositions on Buddhist phenomenology, including the stages and state of esoteric enlightenment. According to Yūkai, that such teachings were gradually “leaked” to various countryside-dwellers such as those based at Miwa and Kantō, who then allegedly misunderstood them, was to be condemned by proper Shingon practitioners as heretical and harmful. On the other hand, the fact that such teachings were passed down at the very fortresses of esoteric Buddhism, Mt. Kōya or Daigoji, often by high-ranking clerics and elite scholars, was quietly hushed by the f­ ourteenth-century critics. Although Yūkai’s Hōkyōshō is full of condemnatory rhetoric, there is compelling evidence suggesting that Rendōbō as well as many other medieval Buddhist practitioners (a number of whom had been trained at Mt. Kōya and Daigoji) were indeed involved in the production of rather sophisticated writings that used vocabulary and reproductive imagery deriving from important esoteric sutras, including the Yugi­ kyō.89 This evidence suggests that the Miwa practitioners had littlerestricted access to the esoteric knowledge preserved at Mt. Kōya, Daigoji, 88. See Hishō kuketsu, by Kyōjun, chapter 23, “Oral Transmissions on the Aizen Ritual,” SZ 28, 378–80. Datō hiketsushō, by Gahō, chapter 5, “On the Meaning of the Rishukyō,” SZ 23, 254. Gahō was the teacher of the aforementioned Shōshin from Murō and Mt. Ikoma. 89. See, for example, writings by the scholar-monks from Mt. Kōya such as Yugi­k yō hiketsu (Secret Instructions on the Yugikyō) attributed to Jitsuun, and Yugikyō kuketsu (Oral Instructions on the Yugikyō, ca. 1249) by Dōhan (1178–1252); SZ 5, 11–26 and 27–137, respectively. Jitsuun was a contemporary of Kakuban, while Dōhan’s work can be considered an important precursor to the theories of medieval esoteric Buddhists and Shinto specialists. See the analysis of the medieval Yugikyō commentaries in Dolce, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” More specif ically, on Rendōbō and his treatise, Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.”

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and other Shingon temples. For example, a 1276 copy of the Genpishō (Compendium on Profound Secrets), a compendium of esoteric rituals by the Shingon monk Jitsuun (alt. Jichiun, 1105–60), who resided at both Daigoji and Kajūji, was preserved at the Ōmiwa Shrine among its sacred scriptures. This compendium, among much else, includes the discus­ sion of the second and fifth chapters of the Yugikyō.90 As will be shown shortly, the Mt. Kōya and Daigoji connections played a critical role in amassing the ritual legacy of the Miwa lineage. Among the texts left by Rendōbō Hōkyō are two important treatises: the Yugikyō kuden (Oral Transmissions of the Yogin Sūtra) in two volumes and Kakugenshō (Lectures by Kakukai and Yūgen).91 The former survives as damaged manuscript copies by his associate, the already mentioned priest Kōban, and a later Shingon scholar-monk Kiin (fl. 14th century). Kanazawa Bunko archive has preserved Rendōbō’s commentary in two parts, under the title of Yuga yugi kuden Kōban ryakuchū (Oral Transmissions of the Yugikyō, with Short Commentary by Kōban, undated), and Yugi dainana Yuga Jōjūbon kuketsu [Rendō] (Rendō’s Oral Instructions on the Seventh Chapter of the Yugikyō, colophon of 1328).92 According to the Japanese scholar of Shingon Buddhism Manabe Shunshō, the fourteenth-century copyist of the second manuscript, Kiin, noted that both Rendōbō and Kōban, while knowledgeable on many Buddhist topics, completely misinterpreted several crucial esoteric concepts.93 From the scarce but revealing commentaries left by Kiin and Yūkai, it appears that the overall criticism of the “less qualified” esoteric lineages and practitioners had mostly emerged in the latter half of the fourteenth century, perhaps as a reaction by the major esoteric temples against uncontrolled spread of their trademark teachings and scriptures among wider circles of esoteric practitioners. Since the fourteenth-­ century critics could not easily throw accusations at respected clerical figures such as Jitsuun or Jikken, who were at the very center of the 90. T. 2486. See n. 95 in chapter 1. On the significance of the second chapter of the Yugikyō, see Dolce, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” 91. Kakugenshō, by Rendōbō Hōkyō, early thirteenth century; SZ, vol. 36, 325–91. On the Yugikyō, ibid., 321b–22a. For a more detailed analysis of this text, see Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.” 92. Kanazawa Bunko, MS 293–13 and 82–2, respectively. 93. Manabe, Jakyō Tachikawa-ryū, 40.

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Miwa Bessho 137 Shingon establishment, the indictments were directed at their less prominent or less socially advantaged disciples. Kakugenshō, for instance, was based on verbatim accounts by Yūgen (1169–?) and Kakukai (1142–1223), who were considered among the brightest scholars at Mt. Kōya in their time. Yūgen was a scholar from Daidenbōin and a personal acquaintance of Kakuban; they originally hailed from the same Hizen Province. Rendōbō’s treatise is peppered with Yūgen’s remarks on the state of affairs at Mt. Kōya “when Kakuban was alive.” Upon hearing the news of Kakuban’s death in 1143, Yūgen rushed to Kōya from Kumano, where he was involved in mountain practice; during the funeral, he recited the Sutra of the Guiding Principle in front of his teacher’s coffin.94 The other contributor to Kakugenshō was Kaku­kai. He studied at Daigoji and resided at several esoteric temples including Daigoji, Zuishin’in, and Ishiyamadera in Kyoto before moving to Mt. Kōya, where he subsequently reached the position of the Kongōbuji head administrator in 1217.95 Among his disciples at Kōya was the monk Dōhan (1178–1252), who, similarly to Rendōbō, also received tutelage from Jikken of Kongōōin at Daigoji.96 Seen in these personal and intellectual surroundings, the Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō surely appears to have been more educated than the fourteenth-century critics sought to portray him. Therefore Kakugenshō represents an interesting if previously overlooked depository of various theories and ritual techniques that had proliferated in the esoteric Buddhist milieu of the late twelfth to mid-thirteenth century, and not necessarily only in the elite temple context.97 In addition to the commentaries on the Yugikyō and the Rishukyō, recorded verbatim from his teachers at Kōya, Hōkyō also included his 94. MDJ, 2194. On Kakuban’s funeral, ibid., 226. 95. MDJ, 217. 96. On the various esoteric theories that these figures shared, see Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb,” 422–40. 97. Earlier scholars have assumed that Rendōbō’s compendium was written around 1270; Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 116. I think it may have been compiled earlier, at least in a draft form. For example, Gahō’s (1240?–1317) collection Datō hiketsushō contains an interim note describing how Rendōbō received a secret transmission from the Kongōōin cleric Jikken in a dream, on Kennin 2 (1202.7.28). Datō hiketsushō, 287. This suggests that he was at least of age around that year. Rendōbō’s exchanges at Miwa in 1235 also support the earlier timing.

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own elaborations on a number of esoteric subjects.98 For example, he referred to the “five stages of the embryo [inside the womb]” (tainai goi), that was gaining currency at the time.99 From his commentaries on the Yugikyō, surviving at Kanazawa Bunko, it is evident that he was enthusiastically learning in depth about one of the fundamental scriptures prominent in the Japanese esoteric Buddhist milieu, and about the deities such scriptures described. For instance, the Kakugenshō discusses the secret rituals of the “two-headed Aizen” (ryōzu Aizen), which alludes to sexual intercourse between man and woman.100 Nevertheless, Ren­ dōbō seems to have been aware that the origins of such transmissions could be understood metaphorically, if not philosophically.101 More on Aizen will appear in the next few chapters. A medieval text studied earlier by Iyanaga Nobumi, the Juhō yōjinshū (On Receiving the Dharma with Circumspection) written in 1268 by the monk Shinjō (b. 1215), mentions both Rendōbō Hōkyō and his contemporary, the Miwa Shōnin Zennin.102 The latter is, presumably, 98. Kakugenshō, 261b–262a. See also the Japanese editors’ annotation (kaidai), SZ, vol. 36, 325–91. Rendōbō mostly discusses tantric deities such as Aizen, Fudō, Shōten, Vinayaka, and Kundalini, but also touches upon the nature of addiction, enlightenment, and the human body, sometimes describing them using sexual imagery or rhetoric. Kakugenshō, 334–35, particularly for rituals dedicated to the esoteric deities Shōten and the two-headed Aizen. 99. For an early introduction to this theory see Sanford, “Fetal Buddhahood in Medieval Shingon.” For a detailed historical and doctrinal analysis, see Dolce, “Duality and the Kami,” “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” and most recently, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.”  100. The various two-headed Aizen images mentioned here were discussed in a number of doctrinal and iconographic texts dating to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Goepper mentions at least four such texts: one iconographic scroll by Bansei of Daigoji (1297, Shoson zuzō, TZ, vol. 3, 695, fig. 19) and three other texts from Sanbōin of Daigoji (SZS, vol. 34, 63, 2) along with two more preserved at the Kanazawa Bunko (one by the priest Enkei, dated 1297, and another by Kenna [1261– 1338]). Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 48–50. 101. Kakugenshō, 340. A partial translation of this text appears in Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 52–53. For more details, see also Vanden Broucke, Yugikyō, and more recently, Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.” 102. Note an early discussion of this text in English by Sanford, “The Abominable Tachikawa Skull Ritual.” Recently, Iyanaga Nobumi has argued that Shinjō’s text actually does not always refer to the Tachikawa teachings specifically. Instead, Shinjō constantly talks about the “perverse teachings” of “that lineage,” ka no ryū. By Iyanaga’s

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Miwa Bessho 139 Zenninbō Jōshin, who kept a substantial collection of copies of impor­ tant Tang scriptures on the Vinaya, esoteric sutras, and personal testaments by shugen and hijiri practitioners at the Miwa bessho, and was instrumental in facilitating the intellectual exchanges between practitioners at Miwa, Kasagidera, and Saidaiji. Without linking this information specifically to the Tachikawa practices, Shinjō comments that Zennin was also initiated into the esoteric traditions that led back to Kongōōin at Daigoji and that were transmitted at nearby Tsubosakadera.103 Like the aforementioned Rendōbō, another impressive supporter of Kyōen’s lineage, Shōshin, the fourteenth-century resident of Mt. Murō and Mt. Ikoma, was similarly interested in the study of the Yugikyō; he left an extensive and detailed commentary based on the teachings of Kūkai, Annen, and other important esoteric thinkers.104 These discoveries suggest that esoteric discourses, including those considered to be most secret, were not out of reach for practitioners based at local bessho and Buddhist temples, and furthermore, that local “countryside priests” actively participated in esoteric studies and experimented with rituals. In view of these findings, perhaps Yūkai’s accusations are not so surprising. The esoteric practices that emerged at sub-temples of Daigoji, such as Kongōōin, or Daidenbōin of Mt. Kōya, were spreading and gaining recognition among the lower strata of local Buddhist practitioners. This was perceived as threatening by some Shingon followers, who wanted a “proper practice” legitimized by a reliable line of transmission, as opposed to the spread of unsolicited interpretations of the esoteric scriptures, deities, and rituals by poorly informed practitioners from the countryside. The lineage charts reconstructed from Edo-period records by Sugahara Shinkai and Kubota Osamu contain the names of several other priests who were initiated into various esoteric traditions and who conestimation, many transmissions similar to those described as “Tachikawa teachings” radiated from the Sanbōin sub-temple of Daigoji. Iyanaga, “Secrecy, Sex, and Apochrypha,” 207–8 and 213. 103. Moriyama, Tachikawa jakyō, 533. 104. Yugi hiyōketsu (Essential Secret Instructions on the Yugikyō), by Shōshin. SZ 5, 137–299.

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sistently appear in the same line of transmission with Kyōen.105 This encourages one to think that a group of practitioners that emerged in the late medieval period as the “Miwa-ryū” did actually exist. But, more importantly, many sources suggest that by the mid-thirteenth century, low-ranking monks, hijiri, and shugen practitioners based at Byōdōji were involved in an impressive array of practices ranging from veneration of Maitreya, reptile-like dragon kings, Pure Lands, and the Lotus Sutra to the shugen austerities at Murō, Tōnomine, and Kinpusen. Furthermore, some of them were intimately acquainted with the secret theories arising within the scholarly esoteric circles at Daigoji and Mt. Kōya. The Miwa hijiri had a deep interest in the worship of local deities, and may have been the earliest to participate in rituals creating a space for special communication with the kami. Further development of these practices was instigated by the arrival of another group of Buddhist practitioners who aimed at appropriating the “forgotten” sacred site of Miwa—the Saidaiji lineage.

105. Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō no keisei to hatten”; and Kubota, Chūsei shintō no kenkyū.

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Ch a pter 4

Saidaiji

Saidaiji and Eizon By the early thirteenth century, the criss-crossing pilgrimage routes and mountain temple networks continually brought visitors to the ancient sacred site and temples near Mt. Miwa.1 It was around that time that a bessho was established at Miwa, frequented by semi-itinerant shōnin and hijiri who sought ritual practice and study outside the formalities of the established temples. Some of these shōnin were able to forge contacts with scholar-monks at Tōdaiji, Daigoji, and Mt. Kōya, and were involved in production and circulation of important esoteric knowledge and commentarial literature. Although the holy men from Miwa actively pursued contact with other religious groups and monastic centers, including Kasagi, Tōnomine, Kinpusen, Murō, or Hase, the bessho remained a private facility, and its connections with the larger Buddhist institutions were mainly on an individual basis. This situation began to change in the 1240s when a new religious group, armed with an influential doctrine and an ambitious mission to restore the Buddhist dharma in Japan, arrived at Miwa. These were 1. An earlier and shorter version of this paper was presented at the meeting of the European Association of Japanese Studies in Vienna in 2005 and subsequently published in the Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 33/2 (2006). Andreeva, “Saidaiji Monks and Esoteric Kami Worship at Ise and Miwa.” This chapter represents a substantially revised version.

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monks affiliated with the Nara temple Saidaiji, which came to play a major role in the medieval “discovery” of the sacred site at Miwa. This chapter will examine the socio-political and religious factors surround­ ing the arrival of the Saidaiji order at Miwa, and the order’s activities. The Saidaiji monks’ motivation to establish a base there, and the religious cults and practices that their innovations involved, will also be discussed here. Much has been written about the activities of the Saidaiji order and its leader Eizon (1201–90) in the context of the revival of the study and practice of the Vinaya (kairitsu fukkō), and their charitable activities involving women, lepers, and social outcasts. Many of these studies place emphasis on the importance of the precept movement. But only some draw attention to the fact that Eizon also created a new religious culture at Saidaiji that appears far more complex than previously portrayed within the framework of the Vinaya studies.2 Saidaiji, the “Great Western Temple” commissioned by Empress Kōken (718–70) in the eighth century, is thought to have been originally planned as a counterpart to Tōdaiji, the “Great Eastern Temple” of Nara. The official records report that the temple was constructed to pacify the rebels, ensure the protection of the state, and strengthen the Buddhist rule of the imperial family. According to the Saidaiji shizai rukichō, the property register commissioned by the central government in 781, the original site allocated to the temple was in the Sakyō (left) quarter of the Heijō capital and covered over thirty-one chō.3 The grand design of 2. Ishida Mizumaro has presented a study of the precepts in Japan, in which the activities of the Saidaiji order are discussed in a broader context: Ishida, Nihon bukkyō ni okeru kairitsu no kenkyū. Minowa Kenryō’s exhaustive study Chūsei shoki Nanto kairitsu fukkō no kenkyū investigated the Saidaiji order and its view of the Vinaya precepts from a doctrinal point of view, whereas Matsuo Kenji concentrated on the activities of the Zen and Ritsu monks. One of Matsuo’s many books is dedicated to Ninshō, Eizon’s follower and a prominent Ritsu leader in Kantō: Matsuo, Nihon chūsei no Zen to Ritsu. Hosokawa Ryōichi’s research has as its main focus Saidaiji’s salvation for women, and examines the institutional growth of the Ritsu temples’ infrastructure as well as their social activities in an historical perspective: Hosokawa, Chūsei Risshū jiin to minshū and Kanshin gakushōki. The growing body of research in English on Eizon and the multifarious activities of the Saidaiji order includes works by Paul Groner, “Icons and Relics,” “Tradition and Innovation”; David Quinter’s “The Shingon Ritsu School,” and more recently, From Outcasts to Emperors; and Lori Meeks, Hokkeji. 3. About forty-eight hectares. By comparison, other prominent Nara temples were much smaller in scale. For example, at the time, Kōfukuji occupied approximately

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Saidaiji 143 the temple grounds included two Golden Halls dedicated respectively to the Medicine Buddha (Yakushi Kondō) and the Buddha Maitreya (Miroku Kondō), eastern and western pagodas, southeastern and southwestern corner chambers, the Four [Heavenly] Kings Hall (Shiōin), and a prayer hall of the Eleven-Headed Kannon (Jūichimendō). A record in the eleventh-century collection Fusō ryakki, dated Jingo Keiun 3 (769.6.15), reports that Saidaiji was envisioned as a manifestation of the Pure Land of the future Buddha Maitreya (Miroku Jōdo), while other later texts, such as the Shichidaiji junrei shiki (Private Account of Pilgrimage to the Seven Great Temples, 1140) by Ōe no Chikamichi (?–1151), described Saidaiji as the “Heavenly Palace of the Tuṣita Heaven” (Tosotsu tengū) where Maitreya was thought to dwell.4 Saidaiji was traditionally regarded as one of the ten state-sponsored temples (kandaiji) and one of the seven great temples of Nara (Nanto shichi daiji). However, as fires in the late ninth and tenth centuries devastated many of its buildings, its fortunes declined.5 Historical records of the Heian period observe that by the early twelfth century Saidaiji was largely in a state of disrepair and, compared with its influential neighbor, Kōfu­ kuji, its remaining buildings presented a sad sight, including only the Four Kings Hall, the refectory ( jikidō), and the eastern pagoda.6 By the end of the twelfth century Saidaiji was far from its former glory, and barely recognizable as a former symbol of the centralized Nara polity. This became all the more significant and challenging when, a few decades later in 1235, a group of enthusiastic Buddhist practitioners devoted to the revival of the practice and study of the Vinaya precepts and esoteric Buddhism, led by the monk Eizon and a few of his allies, began to work on restoring its fortunes. twenty chō, while Gangōji and Daianji took up only fifteen chō each. Hasegawa, Saidaiji, 8–9. 4. Hasegawa, Saidaiji, 19. 5. For example, Saidaiji’s Lecture Hall burned in 846, while fires in 860, 927, and 962 destroyed both pagodas, the monks’ refectory, and other buildings. The hall dedicated to Maitreya’s Pure Land did survive until the mid-Heian period, but it had lost most of its splendor by then. 6. According to the Shichidaiji junrei shiki (entries for 1105 and 1140), and the diary of Minister of the Right Fujiwara no Munetada (1062–1141), Chūyūki (1087–1138), dated Gan’ei 1 (1118).

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Eizon was born into the family of the Kōfukuji monk Keigen (1164– 1252) and a woman from the Fujiwara clan, in the village of Minota in the Sōnokami District of Yamato.7 After his mother died in 1208, he was sent to live with his aunt, a miko priestess at the Kiyotaki Shrine at Daigoji, in the Fushimi District of the capital. When she also passed away, he was employed as a temple assistant by Iga ajari Eiken at Daigoji, where he learned about monastic life and was occasionally engaged in meditation practice. Many facts of Eizon’s life are known through autobiographical notes entitled Kongō busshi Eizon kanshin gakushōki (True Records of Learning for Body and Mind by the Vajra Buddha-Child Eizon) that he wrote toward the end of his life in 1285–86, and from accounts penned by his immediate disciples.8 At the age of seventeen, following an oracle from the Kiyotaki Shrine priestess received in a dream, Eizon went to study esoteric Buddhism at Kongōōin of Daigoji. There he began reading the Chinese translations of Vasubandhu’s (ca. 5th c.) Abhidharmakośa bhāṣya (Ch. Jushe lun, Jp. Ku­ sharon, T. 1558, 1559) and the Treatise on the Bodhicitta (Ch. Putixin lun, Jp. Bodaishinron, T. 1665), as well as “records containing the Sanskrit syllables and similar [books]” (shittanjiki nado). During that period, he learned that the teachings of esoteric Buddhism were “a miraculous cure, appropriate for the [faculties of] mundane persons during the Last Age of the Dharma” that must be comprehended through both study and practice.9 While completing an initial period of studying Kūkai’s work and meditating on the “eighteen paths” ( juhachidō kegyō), Eizon went to Mt. Kōya, where he paid homage to Kūkai’s grave and prayed to Amoghavajra (Ch. Bukong, Jp. Fukū, 705–74), revered within the Shingon temples as a translator and systematizer of esoteric teachings.10 Indeed, the propositions 7. Eizon’s own father was probably a typical example of the ambiguous status of a monk with a family. Groner, “Tradition and Innovation,” 210. On Eizon’s foster mothers, see Meeks, “The Disappearing Medium,” 217–20. 8. Kanshin gakushōki, by Eizon, Saidaiji Eizon denki shūsei, 1–63. Hereafter, all quotations of the Kongō busshi kanshin gakushōki are given according to the SEDS edition. 9. Kanshin gakushōki, 3.The following translations from Eizon’s diary are mine, unless stated otherwise. 10. The “eighteen paths” was one of the entry practices of esoteric Buddhism. It consisted of meditation on the eighteen deities of the Two Mandalas of esoteric Buddhism, Diamond Realm (Kongōkai) and Womb Realm (Taizōkai). Kanshin gakushōki, 4–5.

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Saidaiji 145 presented by the teachings of Kūkai and Amoghavajra promised practitioners instant enlightenment “with this very body,” thus countering the essentially pessimistic rhetoric of mappō, according to which many Buddhist teachings were thought to have already entered decline. While training at different monastic centers and small mountain temples, including Kōfukuji and Tōdaiji in Nara, or Chōgakuji to the north of Mt. Miwa, Eizon studied the Yogācāra treatises and practiced essential Shingon rituals, collected secret transmissions (himitsu kuden), and received esoteric initiations (Sk. abhiṣeka, Jp. kanjō), some of them in the Daigoji Sanbōin style. He also discovered that the practice of mikkyō should be reinforced through strict adherence to the Buddhist precepts, thus leading to a heightened state of ritual purity. In addition, the significance of the Vinaya was explained in important esoteric scriptures, such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra and Yixing’s (Jp. Ichigyō, 673–727) Commentary on it.11 In his diary, Eizon cited Kūkai’s admonition: “Without the precepts how can one realize the way of the Buddhas? You should rigidly adhere to both the exoteric and esoteric precepts. Be pure and do not violate them. . . . If you purposely violate them, you are not Buddha’s disciple. Neither are you a Vajra- or a Lotus-child . . . nor are you my disciple.”12 For Eizon, practicing the precepts provided the means to reestablish the Buddhist order in the way it was envisioned by the Chinese Vinaya master Jianzhen (Jp. Ganjin), while striving toward the ideal of a bodhisattva.13 He made a vow to dedicate himself to the propagation of the Vinaya among the populace and to practice esoteric Buddhism, seeing these two pursuits in combination as the essential and most appropriate means to restore the “declining” Buddhist Law in the age of mappō.14 In 1236 he and three fellow monks obtained the status of bodhi­ sattva bhikksu (bosatsu biku) by performing a ceremony of self-­ordination ( jisei jukai) at Tōdaiji.15 They saw this as an opportunity to restore the 11. Dainichikyō, T. 848, and Dainichikyō sho, T. 1796. 12. Kanshin gakushōki, 7. Translation slightly changed from Groner, “Tradition and Innovation,” 211. Previously cited in Andreeva, “Saidaiji Monks and Esoteric Kami Worship at Ise and Miwa,” 356, but that quoted translation has been modified here. 13. For further elaboration on this ideal, see Quinter, “Emulation and Erasure.” 14. Kanshin gakushōki, 7–9, 13. 15. Kanshin gakushōki, 8–9. See this ordination and Eizon’s early activities discussed in detail by Groner, “Tradition and Innovation,” 211–16, and Meeks, Hokkeji, 118–23.

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original Vinaya (Ritsu) lineage brought to Japan by Jianzhen in the eighth century, the glorious age when the Nara temples were at the center of both the emerging Buddhist tradition and the tennō’s rule. From the late 1230s onwards, Eizon and his followers undertook the formidable task of carrying out many social projects. Major among them was a long-term fund-raising campaign for the restoration and rebuilding of Saidaiji, a temple that would serve as a base for the Saidaiji lineage and from which some of Eizon’s future projects would be initially administered and directed. Those tasks and projects would encompass conferring the precepts on large groups of people, including social outcasts (hinin, literally, “non-persons”) and women, constructing shelters, hospices (hiden), and bridges, dispensing clothes and food, and generally providing an opportunity to broadcast the message of enlightenment to the groups that had previously been overlooked or ignored.16

Saidaiji Monks at Miwa It was Eizon’s closest ally, the monk Ninshō (1217–1303), who first approached the groups of hinin in Nara and southern Yamato. Contemporary historical sources on Ninshō’s life are quite scarce, so we learn of it mostly from Eizon’s diary and from Kantō ōkanki, the account of Eizon’s travels to the eastern provinces written by his disciple Kyōe as well as a few other sources written several years after Ninshō’s death.17 Eizon remains the principal voice relating the details of his disciple’s life, documenting his own encounters with Ninshō in his autobiographical notes. Pursuing his own religious goals, Ninshō had initiated a local religious movement which involved practitioners interested in the Vinaya 16. Wajima, Eizon, Ninshō. On Eizon’s involvement with hinin see Quinter, “The Shingon Ritsu School”; on his attitudes toward women’s Buddhist practice see Meeks, Hokkeji; and on the construction of hospices and the practice of medicine by the Ritsu lineages, see Goble, Confluences of Medicine. 17. SEDS, Kantō ōkanki zenki (Records of the Return Trip to Kantō, part 1, Kanazawa Bunko MS), 67–69, and Kantō ōkanki (Sonkyōkaku Bunko MS), 70–106. Also see Matsuo, Ninshō.

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Saidaiji 147 from small temples in the wider Yamato area, groups of social outcasts, and the worship of the Buddhist deity Mañjuśrī (Monju). This movement started as Ninshō’s personal devotional practice in the late 1230s, but by the 1240s it had been taken up and carried further by many of his fellow monks, who came to join the Saidaiji order to practice and propagate the Vinaya precepts and pursue the path of a bodhisattva.18 From Eizon’s diary it appears that Ninshō’s initial motivation to become a monk was concerned with the posthumous karmic benefits of his mother. Growing up and maturing alongside Eizon and his fellow monks, Ninshō also became deeply involved with the restoration of Sai­ daiji, propagation of the Saidaiji movement’s values and practices, and overall rebuilding of the Buddhist dharma in Japan. For him, it was the virtue of Mañjuśrī and the inspirational figure of Gyōki Bosatsu that showed him the way to attain the state of a bodhisattva, a longed-for ideal for an aspiring Buddhist monk.19 According to Eizon’s diary and other sources, Ninshō regularly paid homage at the Buddhist temple Chikurinji on Mt. Ikoma in the northwestern corner of Yamato, where both Gyōki’s burial site and a famous temple dedicated to Mañjuśrī were located (map 2). Leading the life of a semi-itinerant holy man, Ninshō apparently went on pilgrimage to Ikoma once a month for six years. He usually remained there for seven days, fasting and performing the esoteric ritual of reciting the five-syllable incantations that invoked Mañjuśrī (Goji Monju juhō). Ninshō’s biography, Shōkō daitokufu, written several years after his death, also mentions that he visited other important centers dedicated to Mañjuśrī, such as Gakuanji and Abe Monjuin 18. Kanshin gakushōki, 14–15. A thorough study dedicated to the cult of Mañjuśrī and Saidaiji has been made by David Quinter; see his “Emulation and Erasure,” and most recently, From Outcasts to Emperors especially chapters 1 and 3. I thank him for sharing his then unpublished Ph.D. dissertation with me in 2010. My research for this section was conducted independently during work on my own Ph.D dissertation in 2002–2006. Since Quinter has already published substantial work on this topic, the treatment of the Mañjuśrī cult here will be limited only to essential historical detail pertinent to the discussion of the activities of the Saidaiji lineage at Miwa. 19. Quinter, in his article “Emulation and Erasure,” further expands this argument by suggesting that although Gyōki may have been the original role model for Ninshō and Eizon, the Saidaiji leaders were in fact more ambivalent in their understanding and acceptance of the practices of this holy man.

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near Mt. Miwa in southern Yamato, from the age of sixteen.20 The geography of these peregrinations, especially Mt. Ikoma and its links with the religious figures in Miwa, will resurface and be further discussed in chapter 7. In the Buddhist scriptures, the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī (Monju bosatsu) appears as an attendant of the Buddha Śākyamuni and as a figure of great learning. Traditionally, exoteric Buddhist sources such as the Great Wisdom Sutra presented Mañjuśrī as a deity of wisdom; the Flower Garland Sutra, a scripture central to the Huayan and Kegon discourse, portrayed him as a deity leading people to awakening.21 The Japanese scholar Horiike Shunpō has argued that the tradition of Mañjuśrī worship at the Nara temples can be traced back to Gyōki and the monks of Gangōji and Daianji who promoted his veneration among the masses during the early Nara period.22 Japanese Tendai monks may have followed another tradition of Mañjuśrī worship, first observed by Ennin on Mt. Wutai during his travels in China. There Mañjuśrī was perceived as a Buddhist divinity in the disguise of a destitute person and praised for providing enlightenment to all people regardless of their social status.23 As David Quinter has shown, a wide range of beliefs informed the Buddhist monks who came to join the Saidaiji group in their quest to restore the Buddhist order in thirteenth-century Japan.24 In other instances, Mañjuśrī was described as a great teacher and Buddha-mother who inspired the awakening of other Buddhist divinities, often in an esoteric context.25 It seems that this particular interpretation of Mañjuśrī was gaining ground in Buddhist circles in central Japan by the late twelfth century. For example, the Kōfukuji monk Jōkei, 20. Wajima, Eizon, Ninshō; Matsuo, Ninshō. A Mañjuśrī Hall at Abe is mentioned by Eizon in the entry to Kangen 2 (1244.10.25). Kanshin gakushōki, 20. 21. Sk. Mahārajñāpāramitā sūtra, Ch. Da bore boluomi jing, Jp. Daihannya hara­ mitsukyō, Xuanzang’s 659 translation, T. 220. Sk. Avataṃsaka sūtra, Ch. Huayan jing, Jp. Kegonkyō, different Chinese translations, T. 278, 279, and 283, respectively. 22. Horiike, Nanto bukkyōshi no kenkyū, 473–91. 23. Reischauer, Ennin’s Travels in Tang China; Stevenson, “Visions of Mañjuśrī on Mount Wutai.” 24. Quinter, From Outcasts to Emperors. 25. Quinter discusses the increasing esotericization of this deity’s cult at Saidaiji after Eizon’s death: Quinter, From Outcasts to Emperors, chapters 5 and 6, 151–78 and 179–233, respectively.

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Saidaiji 149 who specialized in Hossō studies among his many other interests, described this deity as an embodiment of “the wisdom of ‘inner realization’ (naishō).” The latter term was encountered in the Yogācārabhūmi śāstra (Ch. Yuqie shidi lun, Jp. Yuga shiji ron, Treatise on the Stages of Yoga, T. 1559), Abhidharmic treatises, and a multitude of esoteric scriptures, including Yixing’s Commentary on the Mahāvairocana Sūtra. It was known among the medieval scholars of Hossō and esoteric Buddhism and used to mean “the virtue of Mahāvairocana’s direct experience,” or simply, esoteric enlightenment. Furthermore, Jōkei said, Mañjuśrī was “a true Mother of Awakening, a part of the thirty levels of spiritual attainment pre­ced­ ing the bodhisattva ground. . . . [B]ecause it manifests the Dharmabody (hosshin), if one has shown an initial aspiration for awakening, one already dwells in the womb of Mañjuśrī of Great Wisdom (hannya Monju tainai). Its mercy and enveloping protection are akin to the thoughts of the pregnant mother in the mundane world.”26 The precursors to the esoteric thought on Mañjuśrī may also be sought in the writings of the twelfth-century Shingon scholar-monks from Mt. Kōya. As discussed in chapter 3, Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō had been involved in the exchanges of esoteric knowledge and transmission at Miwa bessho in 1235. His records of lectures by the Kōya scholars Kakukai and Yūgen amply reflected such trends.27 It is thus possible that the esoteric rituals involving this deity may have been known at Miwa bessho even before Eizon and Ninshō’s arrival. In 1239, the twelve-year old Ninshō entered Saidaiji as a novice and first met Eizon. That year, thirty-nine-year old Eizon was involved in the reconstruction and sanctification of the Saidaiji pagoda, where he participated in an all-night esoteric ritual (sanji hihō) at the beginning of the year. He became Ninshō’s teacher in the ten precepts and recommended that the young monk follow a further course of Buddhist ordinations. Ninshō told his mentor that he had made a vow to create images of Mañjuśrī and deliver them to seven hinin settlements (hinin shuku) in 26. Jōkei, Hossō shin’yōshō (The Essentials of the Hossō Doctrine), chap. 8, “On the Mother of Awakening.” T. 2311, 61a25–61b01. Modified from Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb,” 426. For another treatment of this text, see Quinter, “Invoking the Mother of Awakening.” Other references to Monju as a Mother of Awakening in Wu, “The Mañjuśrī Statues,” 194. 27. Kakugenshō, 327 and 390–91.

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Yamato. As a yearly observation of his mother’s death, he promised to chant Mañjuśrī’s name all night on the twenty-fifth day of each month and to dedicate the merit thus attained to benefit his mother’s salvation. Eizon, who had also lost his mother and aunt early in life, was moved by Ninshō’s determination, and encouraged him to begin the project immediately.28 Despite Ninshō’s young age, his initiative to install hand-painted scrolls of Mañjuśrī in the hinin settlements had a remarkable effect. One may assume that such practices were already known in the Yamato area if even a young boy like Ninshō could have been aware of their possibility. Very soon, and perhaps not without Eizon’s tacit assistance, other monks and Saidaiji allies based in small temples in southern Yamato got involved with his project and the propagation of the Vinaya. Thus, young Ninshō’s personal undertaking was quickly becoming a small religious movement in itself. Among those fellow monks was a certain Rikanbō Keijitsu (n.d.), who lived in the already mentioned Chōgakuji.29 This small mountain temple was located near the Furu Shrine, a few hours’ walk to the north of Mt. Miwa (now modern Tenri), and was visited by Eizon some years earlier, during his initial period of study as an esoteric practitioner. In 1241, to bring relief to those affected by diseases and poverty, Keijitsu went to Miwa and installed an image of Mañjuśrī in the hinin settlement near the mountain. It was requested that Eizon, perhaps an old acquain­ tance of Keijitsu, personally conduct the kaigen ceremony, the ritual “opening of the eyes,” and transform it into a “living image.”30 The Saidaiji master immediately complied: on the eighteenth day of the eleventh month of the same year, he came from Nara to Miwa. One can imagine that this particular occasion was somewhat similar to the commissioning and installation of a Mañjuśrī statue at another temple linked to the Saidaiji order, Hannyaji, in 1267, albeit on a much smaller scale. The votive text, written by Eizon for this occasion, praises the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī as the Mother of Awakening, who “dispenses milk . . . and saves 28. Kanshin gakushōki, 14–15. 29. His name appears in the Saidaiji records. SEDS, Ju bosatsukai deshi kōmyō (Names of Disciples Who Received the Bodhisattva Precepts), 360. 30. On the importance of the “living images” see Horton, Living Buddhist Statues; and Paul Groner’s study, “Icons and Relics.”

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Saidaiji 151 the infants of the three realms . . . even the icchantikas [issendai], are not abandoned. For this reason, those who pay homage to his statue will arouse the great mind of the enlightened being [sattva].”31 After the ceremony at Miwa, Eizon mused how marvelous and pure such offerings were. He decided to do the same for the benefit of his beloved mother and donate the Mañjuśrī scroll to the hinin lodgings in the nearby village of Wani, close to his mother’s gravesite.32 The origins of the hinin in Miwa remain unclear. Legendary accounts in the Nihon shoki report that the tribes of northern emishi who had initially been presented to the Atsuta Shrine in the Ayuchi District of Owari “shamelessly brawled day and night, and were disrespectful in their goings out and comings in.” In order to prevent such scandalous and offensive behavior, it was decided that these people were not to be allowed near the Atsuta Shrine. Instead, they were “sent to the Court, where they were made to settle beside Mount Mimoro,” that is Mt. Miwa. However, the emishi “cut down all trees of the sacred mountain, shouted and brawled in the neighboring villages and threatened the people” until they were eventually sent to the provinces of Harima, Sanuki, and Iyo.33 These accounts do not fully explain the formation of the hinin in Miwa, but they do provide a glimpse into the early origins of some groups, which, due to their highly mobile status, may have been excluded from the mainly agricultural milieu there. The word hinin was a generic term designating different groups of people whose position in society, for one reason or another, was confined to the bottom. Often they were people with visible signs of skin disease, usually identified as rai (“leprosy”), or who were simply very ill.34 As pointed out by Nagahara Keiji, they might also be those who had become rootless due to the loss of property or extreme poverty and who therefore 31. For Eizon’s description of this ceremony, see Kanshin gakushōki, 31; Eizon’s vow inserted into the Mañjuśrī statue, Hannyaji Monju zō zōryū ganmon, is described in the entries for Bun’ei 5; SEDS, 155–56. Translation is slightly modified from Quinter, “Votive Text for the Construction of Hannaji Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva Statue,” 470. 32. Kanshin gakushōki, 16. 33. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 211–12. 34. On construction of medical facilities by the Ritsu monks, particularly Ninshō in Kamakura, and the notions of karmic illness, see Goble, Confluences of Medicine, 14–20, and especially chapter 4, 67–88.

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“ceased being persons” in a social sense.35 According to one Buddhist view, mainly stemming from the early Yogācāra discourse on different capabilities for enlightenment, these people had accumulated so much evil karma that they were subject to retribution not only in future lives, but during their present lifetime, and thus called icchantika, “full of greed” or “devoid of good roots.”36 Some hinin lived near shrines and temples, on dry riverbeds, or at crossroads. They had specific occupations such as cleaning or performing tasks that involved direct contact with ritual pollution (kegare), for instance during funerals, the skinning of animals, production of bowstrings, shoes, and leather goods, or disposal of animal carcasses; in medieval texts, such people might appear under the labels of saka no mono (hillside people) or inu jinin (shrine menials).37 Identifiable groups of hinin appeared in Yamato sometime in the tenth to eleventh centuries and became affiliated with large shrines and temples in the capitals of Heian and Nara, where they lived in specially constructed separate facilities (shuku). Owing to their special skills, which were seldom exercised by others, hinin were indispensible to the economic life of their temple or shrine. Often the hinin who lived on lands owned by a large religious complex were used as a military force in boundary disputes involving shōen and other landed estates. Sometimes they were even employed by the police forces (kebiishi) to carry out punishments. Buddhist temples in Nara and wider Yamato, such as Kōfukuji, Kiyomizudera, and Hasedera, had a long history of employing and supervising hinin, who, despite their position as persons of bad karma, also came to be considered reincarnations of Mañjuśrī. Donations and services aimed at relieving the suffering of hinin were therefore perceived as a form of homage to the deity himself. Such beliefs were well-known among the lay public in premodern Japan. For instance,

35. Nagahara, “The Medieval Origins of Eta-Hinin,” 389. 36. On the etymology and different ideas behind the use of this term in India and China see Liu, “The Problem of the Icchantika”; Karashima, “Who Were the Icchan­ tikas?”; BD, vol. 1, 148–49; and Charles Muller’s entry on yichanti in the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism (http://www.buddhism-dict.net). Not all Buddhist schools accepted this particular term or shared such interpretations. 37. For a discussion of hinin in the context of medieval literature, see Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship, and the Dragon Cults,” 232–36.

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Saidaiji 153 various accounts found in early medieval setsuwa collections such as the late-Heian Konjaku monogatarishū or the early thirteenth-century Kojidan report cases where Mañjuśrī manifested himself in the form of a poor woman or a leper.38 As already noted in chapter 2, the court literature of the Heian period often mentioned the groups of beggars and hinin who congregated in the vicinity of Hasedera to solicit alms from the pilgrims. Since Hase­ dera was only a few hours’ walk from Mt. Miwa and its shrine and temple compounds, these may have been the same groups of hinin who lived in the lodge (shuku) at Miwa and went to Hasedera to beg from wealthy visitors to the temple arriving from Kyoto, Nara, and beyond. In 1242, six months after the ritual activation of the Mañjuśrī image at Miwa shuku, Eizon went to Hasedera where, by his own admission, he conferred the bodhisattva precepts on more than a hundred people; it is possible that some of those recipients were also hinin. He repeated his visit to Hase­ dera and Miwa in the second month of 1243, to participate in the offertory service to Mañjuśrī and give a lecture on its karmic history (Monju kuyō engi). Zensan, one of the Hasedera resident monks, who followed Eizon to Miwa, had encountered his own mother on the dry riverbed near the Miwa shuku. Impressed with the karmic merits of such offertory services to Mañjuśrī, he vowed to enter the Saidaiji order and follow the course of precept ordinations for her sake.39 Located on the crossroads of several busy roads, the inns at Miwa were not only housing travellers who followed the Upper (Kamitsu michi) and the Great Horizontal roads (Yoko ōji) toward southern and southeastern Yamato, as discussed in part 1 of this book. The Miwa shuku also accommodated a significant group of hinin; some of them may have been employed by Hasedera and the Ōmiwa Shrine and worked near the old Tsubaki Market, or were involved in casting iron in the nearby village of Kanaya, to the southwest of Mt. Miwa. As noted in chapter 1, the deity of the Ōmiwa was famous for its protection against plagues and other diseases, and the shrine itself was well known for its festival of medicinal 38. Konjaku monogatarishū, vol. 19, tale 2, “Mikawa no kami, Ōe no Sadamoto no shukke no katari” (On the Tonsure of the Mikawa Governor, Ōe no Sadamoto). Kojidan, scroll 3, tale 81, “Chikai, rainin to hōdan no koto” (On Chikai, the Leper, and the Dharma Talk). 39. Kanshin gakushōki, 17, 18.

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herbs as well as the regular distribution of herbal remedies. It is possible that the Miwa shuku, located in the vicinity, also had a hospice facility for treatment of the sick or lepers. From 1241 on, Eizon mentions Miwa and its inhabitants on several important occasions. Born in Yamato not far from that area, Eizon was undoubtedly aware of the special place held by Mt. Miwa and its deity in the local landscape. In the early days, Eizon’s interest in Miwa seems to have been motivated solely by his determination to carry on with the restoration of the Vinaya and caring for hinin. In part, this must have been dictated by the needs of the expanding Saidaiji order as it increased its foothold in southern Yamato and other provinces. On the other hand, the Saidaiji group was interested in collecting and copying Buddhist scriptures and commentaries that could help them gain much needed expertise and legitimacy in propagating the newly reformed brand of Buddhism that Saidaiji was promoting. In the 1240s, Eizon and his fellows made a plan that a group of Nara monks involved in the Vinaya restoration efforts should go to Song China and procure some of the Chinese scriptures on Vinaya. These monks, including Ninshō, returned a few years later, bringing with them the major Vinaya commentaries.40 Lori Meeks has noted that the works of the Chinese patriarch Daoxuan (596–667) and Korean masters such as Silla priest Taiehyoen (fl. 8th c.) were of particular interest to Eizon and his allies at Saidaiji and other Nara temples. These commentaries mostly focused on the Four-Part Vinaya (Sk. Dharmaguptaka vinaya, Ch. Sifen lü, Jp. Shibun ritsu, T. 1428) or the precepts explained in the Brahma’s Net Sutra (Ch. Fanwang jing, Jp. Bonmōkyō, T. 1484), in addition to other important scriptures.41 Collecting Buddhist texts on the Vinaya and other crucial doctrines and rituals led the Saidaiji monks far and wide in search of suitable materials and possible collaborators. Often, personal connections between the monks residing at different temples or shrines around the country helped them procure new manuscripts or find copies of genuine Chinese works on the Vinaya. 40. See entries in Eizon’s diary: for his prayers at Sumiyoshi Shrine for safe sea passage to Song, Kangen 3 (1245.9.13), and on the arrival of Ninshō and others with the load of Song scriptures at Chinzei in northern Kyushu, Hōji 2 (1248), spring. Kanshin gaku­ shōki, 20–21. 41. See this issue discussed in Meeks, Hokkeji, 123–25.

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Saidaiji 155 In the beginning of 1250, Eizon called upon the assistance of a fellow monk from Kairyūōji named Renkakubō Kōen (n.d.) who happened to know others able to help with the above task.42 He was an active member of the Saidaiji order, and during the years 1247 to 1249 participated in several summer retreats at Saidaiji along with Eizon, Ninshō, and others. His name appears in several religious vows proclaimed and signed by the Saidaiji monks during such retreats and in the colophons of scriptures copied at the temple on several occasions, including the Yugikyō inserted in the Aizen Myōō statue made by Eizon’s request in 1247 (plate 1).43 According to the inventory of Saidaiji land holdings, Saidaiji den’en mokuroku, in 1247 he even donated rights to his land parcels to assist in the everyday activities of his temple order.44 In 1249, Kōen was said to have read the first lecture (kōshiki) before the construction of a new Śākyamuni Buddha statue at Saidaiji, for which the Saidaiji monks procured a template from Seiryōji in Kyoto.45 Following Eizon’s request, Kōen made contact with Jōshin Shōnin (fl. 13th c.), a local hijiri who lived at the Five Wisdoms Hall (Gochiin) at 42. Eizon resided at Kairyūōji in Nara shortly after his self-ordination, but was quickly forced to move elsewhere. Meeks, Hokkeji, 120. For Kōen’s biography, I have consulted Honchō kōsōden (Biographies of Eminent Monks of Japan), vol. 59. However, since it was compiled much later, it contains some discrepancies; for example, stating that Kōen received a status of novice only in 1256, much later than Eizon’s diary indicates. Here I follow the woodblock print edition of the Honchō kōsōden available online on the website of the National Institute of Japanese Literature (NIJL), http: base1.nijl.jp. 43. For references to Kōen in Saidaiji-related records, see votive texts signed by ­Eizon and others during summer retreats in 1247: SEDS, Geango seiganjō, dated Hōji 1 (1247.5.10), 130–32; ibid., Ei[zon]nado hatsuganmon, dated Hōji 1 (1247.5.25), 133–34. Both documents mention Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī; the latter uses the epithet “Mother of Awakening.” Also, ibid., Kongō rōkaku issai yuga yugikyō okugaki (Colophon of the Yugikyō), dated Hōji 1 (1247. 8.18), 328; Hōji ninen shōrai Ritsu sandaibu haibun no jō (On the Distribution of the Vinaya Scriptures in Three Parts, Brought from the Song Kingdom in Hōji 2 [1248.10.30]), 328–29; the entries corresponding to the 1247 summer retreats in Eizon’s Jisei jukaiki (Record of Self-Proclaimed Ordination), 341–42; and Ju bosatsukai deshi kōmyō (Names of Disciples Who Received the Bodhisattva Precepts), 360. 44. SEDS, Saidaiji den’en mokuroku, 412–41, particularly, 413. Also known as the Saidaiji sanbō ryō den’en mokuroku, this survey of Saidaiji’s land donations and property was compiled in 1298 by Eizon’s disciple Kyōe. 45. Eizon first mentions Kōen in the entry to Kenchō 1 (1249. 2.14). Kanshin gaku­ shōki, 22.

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the Miwa bessho.46 The reason for this encounter was an important book, a copy of a Chinese work on the Vinaya entitled “On Encouraging the Mind that Aspires for Enlightenment” (Ch. Quanfa putixin ji, Jp. Kanbotsu bodaishinshū, T. 1862) by Huizhao (Jp. Eshō, 648–714).47 The manuscript, penned personally by the Kasagidera and Kōfukuji monk Jōkei, was preserved in the collection of Buddhist scriptures at the Miwa bessho. This copy by Eizon’s spiritual and doctrinal predecessor in the Vinaya movement was safely borrowed from Miwa, transported to another nearby bessho, and copied there by the Saidaiji associates.48 Through Kōen’s contacts, the Saidaiji order was able to gain access to much-needed Vinaya ritual manuals and liaise with local Buddhist practitioners who trained at the bessho and were connected to local mountain temple networks such as those described in chapters 2 and 3. Moreover, Kōen, who also participated in esoteric studies at Saidaiji, came to play a pivotal role in both the activities of the Miwa bessho and the esoteric rituals developed by the emerging Miwa lineage, which will be investigated further in chapter 5. The links between the Miwa bessho and the mountain temple of Kasagidera were of great interest to Eizon and his disciples. As already noted in chapter 3, because of its connection with the monks of Kasa­ gi­dera, the Miwa bessho kept a substantial library that attracted many scholars and monastics, including Sōshō of Tōdaiji. That it happened to have Jōkei’s own handwritten copy of Huizhao’s treatise is not surprising. As mentioned earlier, Miwa Shōnin Kyōen may have been personally acquainted with Jōkei, perhaps as a result of their shared interest in practicing the bodhisattva precepts, the worship of Maitreya, esoteric Buddhism, and mountain austerities. For the Saidaiji order around 1250, 46. For a short biography of Jōshin, see Honchō kōsōden, vol. 60. The woodblock print edition, online on the website of the National Institute of Japanese Literature (NIJL), http: base1.nijl.jp. 47. Huizhao was renowned as a second patriarch of Chinese Faxiang (Jp. Hossō) learning who studied with Xuanzang and Kuiji (632–82) and specialized in Yogācāra and important “Consciousness-Only” (Jp. Yuishiki) treatises. The presence of this work shows that even a relatively remote Buddhist facility such as Miwa bessho could provide access to important works of Buddhist masters, both from India (in Chinese translations) and China (in copies by Japanese monks). 48. Kanshin gakushōki, 23.

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Saidaiji 157 access to up-to-date works on Vinaya was necessary. Perhaps it was sheer luck that the local temple at Miwa had preserved such an important manuscript. Even more fortunate was the availability of this text for copying and further use in actual practice. Eizon returned to Miwa in his senior years on at least three more occasions. In 1281, after spending much time at the Iwashimizu Hachi­ man Shrine, where the massive services for the pacification of Mongol invasions were staged, he came to Miwa bessho to attend to “a certain matter,” possibly to lend a Buddhist scripture to be copied as a replacement for one that had been worn out, or to clarify some passages from it.49 It seems that such invitations from Miwa may have reached Eizon before, but for many reasons, including the state-sponsored rituals at the Iwashimizu Hachiman and Sumiyoshi shrines as well as violent protests by Kōfukuji and Kasuga shrine monks and retainers during the preceding months and days, he was prevented from making that visit. He managed to come to Miwa bessho for a few hours late in the evening in the beginning of the tenth month, crossing over from nearby Chōgakuji, only to return to Saidaiji next morning.50 In the winter of 1283 Eizon, already an old man, accompanied by his close disciples, arrived at Iwata Village within the Miwa estate (Miwa no gō) to confer the bodhisattva precepts on dozens of people at the local temple. Late at night, he also visited the Buddhist hall at the hinin lodgings in Miwa, where he administered the precepts to more than four hundred people; at least a hundred and thirty of them vowed to stop drinking alcohol. There was even a fuda tablet explaining that bringing sake inside the lodgings was prohibited. This visit was also short, en route to Uda District further east in the Murō area.51 The most significant occasion that actually changed the religious landscape at Miwa happened in 1285, when Eizon was brought in to oversee a restoration of the old Ōmiwa jingūji temple. The entries in his diary for that year indicate that it was a busy time for him, taken up with many requests from the aristocracy, warrior clans, and Zen and Ritsu 49. This could have been any manuscript kept at the Miwa bessho, including the 1276 copy of the Daigoji monk Jichiun’s Genpishō mentioned earlier in chapters 1 and 3. 50. Kanshin gakushōki, 51–52. 51. Kanshin gakushōki, 53.

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monks from the Kantō region, all vying for Eizon’s attention, in addi­ tion to Saidaiji’s own institutional matters. Despite his age, he spent sum­ mer and autumn in travels from Tennōji in Settsu Province to Saidaijiaffiliated temples in Harima and Hyōgo. In late autumn he arrived at Miwa to conduct a mandala ritual for the sanctification of the newly restored pagoda. Within the next few days, he presided over a “middle dharma assembly” (chū hōe) and conferred the bodhisattva precepts on more than four hundred people. By his own (or rather, his disciples’) admission, these attendees gathered from south and north of the whole province.52 These short records in Eizon’s diary documenting the events related to Miwa are scattered among descriptions of other, more pressing concerns of a given day and year and do not exceed more than a few characters. However, the historical significance of these short visits cannot be overestimated. Because of his age, it is most likely that Eizon’s engagements at Miwa in the 1280s were facilitated and closely managed by his immediate followers and disciples such as Shōkai or Kyōe, who by that time already undertook most important liaisons on his behalf. Thus it is likely that he was never purely alone on those visits, but surrounded by a handful of fellow monks who communicated with local residents. Through their efforts to improve the social and spiritual conditions of local hinin and to restore the fortunes of the Buddhist temple located near the sacred mountain and shrine, the Saidaiji order gained the chance to make lasting contacts and institute itself at Miwa. They also secured a foothold on a crossroads connecting the cultic sites of Tōnomine, Yoshino, Katsuragi, and Mt. Ikoma in the southwest of the Yamato Plain, Hasedera and Murō in the southeast, and further to the provinces of Iga, Nabari, and Ise. It was during one of those visits, possibly in 1285, that Eizon came into contact with the shrine priest overseeing the old Ōmiwa jingūji and requested (or, most likely, was invited) to peruse the manuscripts preserved at the temple. Based on those records, old legends, and oral transmissions of the jingūji priests, Eizon and his disciples compiled a manuscript that laid out the story of the origins and circumstances sur 52. Kanshin gakushōki, 61. On different kinds of “dharma assembly” (hōe), see BD, vol. 5, 4547–48.

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Saidaiji 159 rounding the foundation of this Buddhist temple, one of the oldest shrine temples in Yamato. The manuscript was later copied several times by the Saidaiji priests and circulated among the Buddhist facilities affiliated with Saidaiji in Miwa and Ise under the title Miwa daimyōjin engi (Karmic Origins of the Great Bright Miwa Deity).53 Not only did this text record the history of the Ōmiwa Shrine temple, it also introduced a completely new understanding of the nature of the deities residing at the foot of Mt. Miwa and their relationship with other important cultic centers. Moreover, reflecting the major trends proliferating within the Buddhist milieu at the time, Miwa daimyōjin engi reinvented the divine geography of the site. For the first time a unified vision of the sacred mountain and the cult center at Miwa had been produced. By compiling a text documenting the origins of the Ōmiwa Shrine temple and explaining the secret nature of the kami enshrined on Mt. Miwa, the Saidaiji lineage put a stamp of ownership on the site. In 1285, the pagoda near the Ōmiwa jingūji, restored by Eizon’s followers, was renamed Daigorinji, the “Temple of the August Wheel,” and officially made a branch temple of Saidaiji. This enabled the Saidaiji order to establish itself formally at Miwa, no doubt upon agreement with the local shrine clergy. For this reason, the compilation of the engi was a crucial step, since such records were often treated as official documents that could prove the legitimacy of claims over local shōen and thus ensure economic survival for the holder of the original record.54 The contents of this text will be further discussed in chapter 5. It seems that in the 1240s and 1250s, Eizon and his followers were motivated by their goal of helping hinin, propagating the Vinaya and the cult of Mañjuśrī along with other practices, and searching for copies of the doctrinal texts on Vinaya that could help them further their religious and institutional agenda. At the same time, they travelled far and wide in Yamato and other provinces seeking out small and dilapidated temples with the view of restoring them. As in the case of Miwa, these temples were then included in the Saidaiji network as branch temples. By 53. For an annotated translation, see Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins of the Great Bright Miwa Deity.” The Miwa daimyōjin engi will be discussed in more detail below. 54. On the use of religious vows and other kinds of religious texts as official documents in legal proceedings, see the study of medieval Ategawa no shō by Judith Froehlich, Rulers, Peasants and the Use of the Written Word.

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establishing itself officially at Miwa in 1285, the expanding Saidaiji order secured access to a potent sacred center dedicated to an old kami that had been all but cast aside by other powerful monastic lineages and wealthy official donors. The meaning of this event was truly remarkable: not only did it transform the religious landscape of the mountain itself, but the presence of the Saidaiji monks and their connections with other important cultic sites ensured the circulation, cross-fertilization, and further recon­ figuration of Buddhist knowledge pertaining to the numinous powers of local deities and their relationships with the divinities of esoteric Buddhism. At the same time, the historic consequences of the arrival of the Saidaiji order may have been detrimental for other religious practitioners based in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa, such as Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō, discussed in chapter 3. The reputation of the Saidaiji order, the temple’s long history and expansive network, as well as the Saidaiji monks’ mastery in collecting and reproducing religious texts eventually overshadowed the achievements of the local Buddhist practitioners at other temples in Miwa, despite the fact that the latter had been engaged in the study of precepts, esoteric Buddhism, and worship of local deities for at least several decades before the 1280s. Nevertheless, the full significance of Eizon’s and the Saidaiji order’s activities at Miwa, including the compiling of the Miwa daimyōjin engi and bringing Miwa into a larger network of Buddhist figures and institutions, would be lost if not seen in a broader context. The next section and subsequent chapters will unpack the story of the Saidaiji order and other Buddhist groups with which it came in contact by looking at esoteric Buddhist teachings and their iconographic and ritual logic, set against the background of unofficial and institutional networks between large temples and smaller Buddhist facilities in central Japan and the eastern provinces, such as those at Ise and Kantō. It will become clear that the cultural agency provided by Buddhist practitioners at Miwa, including both those officially ordained and those outside the temple hierarchies, led to a radical transformation of ideas about kami and the invention of Buddhist rituals that offered new possibilities for sudden enlightenment.

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Esoteric Cults and the Saidaiji Network: The Case of Aizen Myōō An important legacy left by Eizon’s group was Saidaiji’s renewed esoteric Buddhist culture. During the Kamakura period, Eizon and his disciples’ efforts to propagate the Vinaya made significant contributions toward reviving Saidaiji’s wealth and infrastructure. In addition, being a part of the larger intellectual and religious milieu that comprised the exoesoteric Buddhist environment in medieval Japan, the Buddhist monks participating in Eizon’s movement conceptualized a number of cults and devotional practices that had not previously existed at Saidaiji and other Ritsu-affiliated temples. Among them were the already mentioned esoteric worship of the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī (Monju) and Mahāvairocana (Dainichi), the cults of the wisdom kings (myōō), and a revitalized worship of Shōtoku Taishi, Daikoku, and the four Buddhas (Śākyamuni, Amida, Hōshō, and Ashuku). In his diary, Eizon also gives much attention to the veneration of arhats (rakan), Buddhist relics, esoteric Buddhist mandalas, and Japanese deities. These innovations can be seen as a part of the effort to “revive” or, rather, create a Buddhist environment that was appropriate for the perilous times of mappō and effective in fulfilling the religious needs of both the Saidaiji lineage and Japanese society in a constantly changing historical, political, and economic climate. After Eizon and his followers established themselves at Saidaiji during the 1240s and 1250s, it was deemed necessary to bring forth a plethora of new visual and material objects that could serve as focal points of the new cults and devotional practices. During that time, several new images of the Buddhist deities were commissioned and consecrated there. A number were produced with the help of the most accomplished artisans of the Yamato region.55 The religious vows (ganmon) 55. The cooperation between the Saidaiji lineage and Buddhist sculptor-monks ­residing in the Nara area, such as Zenkei, Zen’en (possibly the same person as Zenkei), and Zenshun, was most notable. For example, in 1249 Zenkei, along with his nine disciples, reproduced the standing statue of Śākyamuni on the basis of a template statue kept at the temple called Seiryōji in Kyoto. Zenshun was behind the creation of the image of Shōtoku Taishi for Gangōji in 1268 and the esoteric deity Daikoku for Saidaiji

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and colophons penned and signed by Eizon and his disciples were deposited inside these statues, along with Buddhist scriptures, relics, iconographic images, and other documents. These religious vows and the Sanskrit seed-syllable mandalas (shuji mandara) would often be drawn by Eizon himself, in a continuous process which involved bowing three times after completing each letter.56 Subsequently, a ceremony of ritual activation often termed “opening the eyes” (kaigen) would be performed for either the statue or a mandala, and the image would be ready for worship. This was seen as a way to imbue these statues with life and divine power and produce a “living image” (shōjin) of the Buddha for the benefit of all sentient beings. These new images endowed the temple with the physical presence of the Buddhist deities and filled Saidaiji’s prayer halls with a renewed sense of sacrality and religious power. Such innovations influenced the culture of Saidaiji itself, and through the temple’s connections with other Buddhist practitioners and institutions they were echoed within its many branch and allied temples in the greater Yamato, Ise, and Kantō regions. One of the devotional practices found at Saidaiji and some of its major affiliated temples was the cult of the esoteric deity, Aizen Myōō (Sk. Ragārāja), “the Wisdom King Tainted by Love.” The cult of this deity had been known in Japan since the Heian period. It played a long-lasting role in Japan’s medieval religious history and, ultimately, in the emergence of new forms of worship for the kami. Aizen, one of the wisdom kings and the guardian deity of the Buddhist faith, was known from the so-called Yogin Sūtra (Yugikyō), already mentioned previously. Chapter 5 of this sutra describes the deity Ragāvajra (Ch. Airan Jingang, Jp. Aizen Kongō), as a bright red three-eyed deity with a scowling face and various attributes held in his six arms, who sits on a red lotus in a blazing circle and has a body akin to the rays of the sun. Underneath his lotus seat, according to the sutra’s iconographic description, there is a vase emitting jewels. Aizen’s appearance is that of an “enlightened being,” vajrasattva; given his esoteric power, in 1278, as well as the statue of the eighty-year-old Eizon in the early 1280s. Nara Sai­ daiji ten, 14. 56. Such was the case for the Two Mandalas, Kongōkai and Taizōkai, inserted into the Mañjuśrī statue made in 1267. Quinter, “The Votive Text for the Construction of Hannyaji Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva Statue,” 469.

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Saidaiji 163 this wrathful-looking deity is capable of realizing the “Rite of Great Attraction” (Ch. daran fa, Jp. daizen hō).57 One of his hands contained a mysterious unspecified object that could be replaced by different things depending on ritual need. For example, Aizen was appealed to during the rites of purging disasters and epidemics (sokusai hō), increasing merits and profits (zōyaku), prolonging life (enmei), and most importantly, pacif ication of malevolent forces (kōbuku).58 During the late Heian and Kamakura periods, when esoteric Buddhism was rapidly gaining influence and popularity at court, Aizen Myōō appeared in large, officially sponsored ritual liturgies and more private secret rites aimed at the elimination of political enemies, protection of the state, or attracting a love interest, as well as some ritual performances said to be more macabre and tinted with implications of dark magic. The diverse iconography of this complex deity has already been studied at length, including the so-called “five-fingers-width in height” images (goshiryō Aizen), the images of Aizen shooting the skies with an arrow (tenkyū Aizen), and Aizen with two heads (ryōzu Aizen), with four arms, with four heads and four legs, etc.59 In his classic study on the religious culture of the Heian period, the Japanese researcher Hayami Tasuku has pointed out that esoteric rituals performed by the elite Buddhist clergy on behalf of their private clients had increased during the Insei period, which saw a transfer of secular powers from the ruling emperors and Fujiwara regents to the retired sovereigns (in), most notably, during the rule of the Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa (1127–92, r. 1155–58, retired 1169).60 Kojima Yūko has separately argued that the 57. T. 867, 256c05–18. A variant translation in Vanden Broucke, Yugikyō, 63–90; quoted in Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 13–14. A more recent variant translation in Iyanaga, “Human Yellow,” 388–90. See also MDJ, 5–7. 58. Kojima Yūko suggests that such ritual objects could include a sun disk during pacification of disasters, a wish-fulfilling gem for increasing merits, armor for prolonging life, or a lock of human hair for pacification of enemies. Kojima, “Inseiki ni okeru Aizen’ō mishuhō no tenkai,” 325. See also a detailed discussion in Iyanaga, “Human Yellow.” 59. See for example the classic study by Roger Goepper, Aizen Myōō. For a more recent investigation in Japanese, see Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon no shinwa, moji, shintai, 36–149. 60. Hayami, Heian kizoku shakai to bukkyō, especially chap. 1, “Kizoku shakai to himitsu shuhō.”

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political crises of the mid-twelfth century involving Go-Shirakawa, with at least two conflicts over the order of royal succession, the Hōgen (1156) and Heiji Rebellions (1159), accompanied by court intrigues, assassinations, exile, imprisonment, and military coups, hastened the pace of proliferation of private esoteric rituals, particularly those focusing on Aizen. Her research suggests that it was a period of instability during which elite esoteric lineages were pressed to invent and articulate many ritual particularities that were transmitted along an increasing number of temple and sub-temple lineages.61 In particular, the transmissions acquired and recorded by the Dharma-Prince Shūkaku (1150–1202), Go-Shirakawa’s second son and the sixth abbot of Ninnaji in Kyoto, show the already present cross-fertilization of ritual fields in the esoteric temple milieu. This was reflected in the complicated itinerary of Shūkaku’s version of the Aizen ritual that he conducted at Ninnaji in 1162 for the pacification of a protracted period of political turmoil instigated in no small part by his royal father.62 Because of these circumstances, it is perhaps no coincidence that toward the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries Aizen, a wrathful wisdom king, was also discussed in numerous ritual manuals and commentaries on them, including those entitled Yugi kuden (as in the case of Kakuban described in chapter 3) or Yugi kirikami (“cut-paper certificates on the Yugikyō”). As shown by Lucia Dolce, many of these ritual documents and writings were radiating from different sub-temples of Daigoji; some were known to the Taimitsu and Zen monks, some were circulating on Mt. Kōya.63 What appeared at first as closely guarded esoteric knowledge produced for the benefit of elite clients, such as the ruling sovereigns, Fujiwara regents, or retired emperors opposing them, was initially shared only among the high-ranking esoteric temple clergy. Yet as mentioned previously in chapter 3, such ritual knowledge was also recorded by the scholar monks at temples such as Kongōōin at Daigoji or Mt. Kōya, and from there it was gradually 61. Kojima, “Inseiki ni okeru Aizen’ō mishuhō no tenkai,” 321–22, 329–33. 62. Ibid., 333–48. For a facsimile edition of the Ninnaji materials see Abe Yasurō and Yamazaki Makoto, Ninnaji zō Goryū shōgyō; for their detailed analysis, Shūkaku Hōshinnō to Ninnaji Goryū no bunkengakuteki kenkyū. 63. Dolce, “Duality and the Kami,” 142–45; “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” 166–71; and “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” I have also discussed this issue briefly in relation to the Miwa lineage in Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.”

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Saidaiji 165 trickling down to the non-elite esoteric practitioners, such as those residing at Miwa bessho. With its heterogeneous background, Aizen Myōō was revered for an ability to recognize earthly passions and transform them into spiritual enlightenment, a quality that was expressed in the phrase bonnō soku bodai, “worldly passions are equivalent to enlightenment.” Importantly, because of the Yugikyō description portraying this deity as being associated with rays of light, Aizen was also perceived as a manifestation of the cosmic Buddha Mahāvairocana (Dainichi) and was considered to have both male and female aspects. The female manifestation of Aizen was channelled within the images of the so-called Aizen with Two Heads, a more rarefied representation of this deity that has already been mentioned in the discussion of esoteric Buddhist practices that emerged at the thirteenth-century Miwa bessho. Eizon, too, held this deity in high regard for its ability to protect the worldly realm and ensure practitioners’ passage to sudden enlightenment. He was known to keep a personal statue of Aizen, only one shaku (about thirty-two centimeters) in height. Preserved today in the Aizen Hall (Aizen dō) at Saidaiji, the red-colored deity, sitting cross-legged on a flowering lotus, has fierce facial features and holds esoteric implements in his six arms, surrounded by a blazing halo, as plate 1 shows. In recent years, it was discovered that the inside of the statue is hollow, serving as a cavity where a small hexagonal container with relics, a copy of the Yugikyō (the main Buddhist scripture from which the appearance of this deity is thought to derive), and a religious vow were inserted. According to the latter, the statue was created by the Nara sculptor Zen’en as an image for personal invocations and prayers for the restoration of the Buddhist dharma in 1247, following the wish of Eizon.64 The proclamation to the deities (keibyaku) presented by one of Eizon’s followers and inserted in this statue is of further interest. Dated Hōji 1 (1247. 8.18), this short text sheds light on the motivation behind the creation of the image. In it, the writer of the vow pledges: “as long as this [physical] body lasts, [we strive] to follow the benevolent bodhi­ sattvas capable of acting without any restraints to their mental cognition, 64. Nara Saidaiji ten, 80–81, 174. This image and its contents were previously discussed by Groner, “Icons and Relics,” 117–20.

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to comprehend their merciful vow of equality, to respect the Mother of Awakening of the three worlds, to embrace the great unlimited wisdom, to reveal the innate body of great prosperity, and to increase the existing karmic bonds.” Therefore, the monks pray that: As the Three Treasures [of Buddhism] strengthen in the future, the holy men of great awakening ferry all those lacking karmic bonds to their place of rebirth and ask selflessly the buddhas and celestial beings to protect them. Due to the times of mappō, the common folk is unskillful and lacks the capacity to pursue the true mind [of awakening]. . . . It is difficult to make those who are unequal to praise the secret powers of deities [himitsu iryoku]. . . . The karmic action of gracefully merging the principle [ri] and transcendental knowledge [chi] produces the six kinds of harmony, and the signature of the precepts is included in the dharma of the five kinds of esoteric association.65 Therefore, we pray for the eternal prosperity of Buddhism . . . recite divine spells endlessly for seven days . . . perform the night ritual of the six periods . . . praise the dharmakāya of the five esoteric wisdoms [gochi] and invoke “Vajrasattva Separating the Passions” [riai kongō].66

It has been argued previously that this image was used by Eizon for his personal devotion. Paul Groner has noted earlier that since it was not mentioned in Eizon’s autobiography, his devotion to Aizen must have been of a private nature and, centering on the ability of the deity to “remove attachment to worldly passions like an adamantine thunderbolt,” such devotion was consistent with his adherence to the Vinaya precepts.67 This may very well have been true for that time. The religious vow inserted in the statue does not give any specific reason to suspect otherwise. And yet, it seems that the very nature of this image’s production involved a collective effort. Moreover, the colophon of the Yugikyō, 65. According to the fifth chapter of the Yugikyō, the expression “five kinds of esoteric association” (goshu sōō) related to one of the mudras associated with Aizen. T. 867, 257b04. The latter clause of this sentence may appear obscure, but in fact it affirms the Saidaiji order’s intention to practice both the Vinaya precepts and esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō) as mutually reinforcing teachings. 66. SEDS, Saidaiji Aizen Myōō zō nōnyū monjo, Zōryū ganmon (A Votive Text Written at the Time of the Aizen Statue’s Production), 327. 67. Groner, “Icons and Relics,” 120.

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Saidaiji 167 signed by Eizon as the main conductor of the dedication and listing the names of all those involved, explains that the production of the small statue was conceived of as a meritorious deed that had at its base a consideration for the merit of the many. It states also that one of the monks copied the two first chapters of the sutra in Sanskrit, and the rest, led by Eizon, chanted the spells for seven days and conducted the rituals for seven nights.68 Even if Eizon did keep this statue of Aizen as a personal Buddha, the details and circumstances of its production were known to, and endorsed by, a group of his immediate disciples and associates. Among those who assisted in the compilation of Eizon’s vow and contributed to the copying of the Yugikyō were his disciples and close affiliates, such as Ninshō, Shinkū, and the already familiar monk Kōen. Just a few years earlier, in 1241, when the Saidaiji monks were establishing themselves at Miwa, Kōen acted as an intermediary between them and the Miwa bessho when Eizon wanted to study the Vinaya scriptures preserved there. After the completion of the Aizen statue, Kōen participated in all its consecration ceremonies. It seems that he was closely involved in the study, adherence, and propagation of the Vinaya precepts, as his name appears along with close supporters of the Saidaiji movement who collected and copied the Vinaya and esoteric scriptures together with Eizon over the next few years.69 As will be shown in chapter 6, Kōen was also connected with esoteric Buddhist abhiṣeka rituals that people at the Miwa bessho and the Ōmiwa Shrine temple Daigorinji were said to be practicing from the late thirteenth century onwards. Seen in a broader light, Eizon’s private devotion to Aizen circa 1247 was indicative of a much larger trend emerging within Buddhist circles in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Japan. Esoteric Buddhist ­teachings 68. SEDS, Saidaiji Aizen Myōō zō nōnyū monjo, “Kōngō rōkaku issai yuga yugikyō, okugaki” (The Sutra of All Yogas and Yogins of the Vajra Peak Pavilion, colophon), 328. The suggestion that the Yugikyō may have existed in Sanskrit and was available in such form to the Japanese medieval practitioners is thought-provoking. However, unless more concrete material evidence emerges, it is best to assume that this scripture attributed to Vajrabodhi had been produced in Tang esoteric circles, perhaps from a variety of other Sanskrit-Chinese translations. 69. Such was, for example, the project of copying and distributing the Vinaya in three parts, undertaken by the Saidaiji order in 1248. SEDS, Hōji ninen shōrai Ritsu sandaibu haibun no jō (On the Distribution of the Vinaya Scriptures in Three Parts, Brought from the Song Kingdom in Hōji 2 [1248.10.30]), 328–29.

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and commentaries on esoteric scriptures, seen previously as an elitist tradition and a preserve of the old kenmitsu temples with strong imperial and aristocratic connections such as Saidaiji, Daigoji, Ninnaji, Kōfukuji, and Tōji, were gradually being spread to a much wider circle of practitioners. In part, this was a result of certain structural changes within the old esoteric temples themselves. Following the split of the imperial family into competing lineages and the politically motivated installation of an increasing number of high-ranking Buddhist clerics of noble blood (monzeki) in Buddhist temples during the Insei period, the very format of passing trademark knowledge of a certain Buddhist tradition from one teacher to a single disciple came increasingly under pressure. It was accepted that a renowned teacher could have several disciples and pass his knowledge of Buddhist rituals and doctrines to one or a few of them. The increasing number of initiates and the culture of exchanging “secrets” or Buddhist abhiṣeka initiations created a fertile ground for the emergence of new Buddhist lineages (ryū), branches (ha), or “sidelines” (-gata).70 This gave way to the proliferation and further modification of the cults of esoteric Buddhist deities and their merging with other forms of religious expression. The spread and popularization of esoteric Buddhism during the late Heian and Kamakura periods led to an increasing interest in the worship of esoteric Buddhist deities not only within Buddhist institutions, but among broader circles of Buddhist practitioners and lay devotees. Individuals and groups of local practitioners, such as those at Miwa, interested in the most effective ways of achieving enlightenment sought connections with famous Buddhist lineages in a bid to secure a legitimate foundation for their own pursuit of esoteric Buddhist practice. Played against a complex background of economic, political, and religious factors affecting medieval Japanese society, such as the weakening of the imperial house, the destabilization of the production base in the form of shōen, the shifting of the social make-up, and increasing pressure from the outside world, Buddhist circles became concerned with 70. Scheid and Teeuwen, The Culture of Secrecy, Introduction. See also the earlier study by Ruppert that describes the complicated lines of transmission within the Shingon lineages in relation to the veneration of Buddhist relics. Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 157–64, especially fig. 7.

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Saidaiji 169 finding new ways of maintaining their own position and providing new techniques and possibilities for achieving salvation for as many people as they could. As already stated in chapter 3, by the latter half of the thirteenth century the commentarial tradition involving the Yugikyō and the worship of esoteric Buddhist deities such as Aizen Myōō was gaining ground not only within many Buddhist lineages affiliated with the old kenmitsu temples and their branch temples elsewhere, but also within smaller, local Buddhist facilities such as Miwa bessho. For instance, Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō, discussed in the previous chapter, was aware of the multitude of rituals and transmissions featuring different iconographic types of Aizen. The second scroll of his compilation Kakugenshō contains at least fifteen subchapters dedicated to this deity and acquired from different corners of Japan’s esoteric world, most also connected with the interpretation of the Yugikyō and other esoteric scriptures.71 It was understood that veneration of and ritual union with this deity could provide considerable immediate returns and activate the state of enlightenment. As far as the Saidaiji order was concerned, the worship of Aizen Myōō was considered extremely efficacious both in times of acute political crisis and under the critical conditions of mappō. A variety of Aizen images could be seen in many corners of the temple network that the Saidaiji order had built up by the end of the thirteenth century following its advances into greater Yamato, Ise, and Kantō. This shows a diverse understanding of this deity and its role in esoteric Buddhist practice among the Buddhist priests affiliated with Saidaiji and other temple networks. According to Saidaiji’s own tradition, the aforementioned statue of Aizen Myōō dated 1247 may have been the very image used by Eizon during his performance of the esoteric Aizen ritual for victory (Aizen sonshō hō) at the Hachiman Shrine during the Mongol invasions in 71. Kakugenshō, by Rendōbō Hōkyō, 340–44. In these subchapters, Rendōbō mentions the traditions of Aizen worship attributed to the ninth-century Tendai monk Ennin (Chishō Daishi) and Kūkai, also listing the transmissions from Miidera, Daidenbōin at Mt. Kōya, as well as Kita no in of Ninnaji. Although this is difficult to verify independently, the latter fragments imply that Rendōbō Hōkyō (or rather, his interlocutors from Mt. Kōya) claimed to be aware of Dharma Prince Shūkaku’s transmissions on the Yugikyō. Kakugenshō, 344.

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1281.72 Moreover, legend has it that during the last day of the ritual, the arrow held by the statue made a strange sound, flew to the west, and caused the defeat of the enemy. This idea no doubt invokes several important aspects of Aizen: its ability to avert disaster, its ferocity and power to subdue enemies, the image of Aizen aiming an arrow at the skies, and its potential to provide immediate results in critical circumstances. Eizon does not mention anything to that effect in his diary, but his records indicate that the Buddhist deities and major Japanese kami, such as those venerated at the Iwashimizu Hachiman, Sumiyoshi, and Ise shrines, were appealed to in a series of Buddhist rituals that were continuously performed over the course of more than a decade. These rituals included the chanting of exoteric and esoteric scriptures such as Sutra for Benevolent Kings, the Great Wisdom Sutra, the Heart Sutra, the Diamond Sutra, and the grand spells of the deities Nyoirin Kannon and Sonshō as well as the conducting of the rishu zanmai, a combined assembly and invocation of the Sutra of the Guiding Principle.73 If such rituals indeed featured Aizen Myōō, the public nature of some of these performances, combined with an appeal to Hachiman and Amaterasu, would undoubtedly have increased the popularity of both the Aizen cult and kami worship among Buddhist practitioners and lay devotees. The theme of the Mongol invasions and the effect that they had on Eizon’s and the Saidaiji order’s religious activities will be investigated in depth in chapter 5. Other important examples of the Aizen cult related to the Saidaiji lineage include a small statue of Aizen in a portable shrine container, 72. See the Edo-period collection Saidai chokushi Kōshō bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu (A Yearly Account of Bodhisattva Kōshō of Saidaiji), third scroll, 176–77. Although clearly hagiographic, this entry is very detailed and lists a considerable number of esoteric rituals allegedly conducted by Eizon and his associates at the Hachiman Shrine in 1281. Also, MDJ, 141. Eizon’s own diary mentions the sonshō hō ritual, but does not give any further detail. Kanshin gakushōki, 50. 73. The chanting of Buddhist sutras was conducted at the Iwashimizu Hachiman and Sumiyoshi shrines in the summer of 1268, the year when the letter from Kublai Khan announcing the intention of invasion had arrived in Japan. The Buddhist rituals were also conducted at Shitennōji in Settsu Province (modern-day Osaka) and Saidaiji. The prayers for the pacification of the foreign fleets continued in 1268, 1275, and 1281. Kanshin gakushōki, 29, 39–41, 49–50.

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Saidaiji 171 dated 1297 and originally kept at Shōmyōji near Kamakura in Kantō.74 Established in 1258 by Hōjō Sanetoki (1224–76) as a Buddhist prayer hall for the benefit of his deceased mother, Shōmyōji was initially a Pure Land temple, with some of its practitioners specializing in nenbutsu, chanting the name of Amida. Toward the end of the thirteenth century, this temple became a monastic center that collected various esoteric Buddhist documents and transmissions and had an impressive library. Eizon noted in his diary that the first invitations from Shōmyōji (or most likely, Hōjō Sanetoki) reached him in the autumn of 1261; he and the Saidaiji delegation were received there in the second month of the following year.75 Shōmyōji became affiliated with the esoteric Ritsu lineage a few years later in 1267, thanks to Eizon’s close disciple Ninshō, who at the time was residing at Gokurakuji in Kamakura.76 Shōmyōji thus functioned as a family temple for the Hōjō clan and was one of the main Saidaiji affiliates in the Kantō area. The temple’s archive of medieval manuscripts, now known as the Kanazawa Bunko, commissioned by Sanetoki around 1275, has preserved a wealth of historical documents that shed light on the political and religious history of medieval Japan, including the religious history of sacred sites such as Mt. Murō and Hasedera.77 One hanging scroll preserved at Shōmyōji (now at Kanazawa Bunko) was of utmost importance for the appearance of new forms of kami worship in medieval Japan (plate 2). It is a rare representation of the tonal, vocal form of Aizen Myōō depicted as the double seed-syllable hhūṃ (un) in Sanskrit. It is written with a flat, broad brush in black ink and 74. Nara Saidaiji ten, 162, 188. This statue is now preserved in the temple’s archive, Yokohama, Kanagawa prefecture. 75. Kanshin gakushōki, 29. Kantō ōkanki, a record of Eizon’s travel to Kantō compiled by his followers, mentions his visit to Shōmyōji in an entry dated Kōchō 2 (1262.2.27). Kantō ōkanki, by Kyōe, 73. 76. Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 248. More on Shōmyōji and its esoteric tradition, especially under the second abbot Kenna (1261–1338), ibid., 242–48. 77. For example, Kankei Ben’ichisan ki uragaki (The Notes on the Reverse Side of Kankei’s Records of Mt. Murō), Kanazawa Bunko, MS 328–24, describes the “White Snake Ritual,” Zennyo Dragon King, and the Tōji transmissions regarding Kūkai and the wish-fulfilling gem. Hasedera shitō kinkan gonjō (Respectful Address by the Hase­ dera Head Priest, ca. 1314), Kanazawa Bunko, MS 250–9, narrates the religious history of the temple and links Hasedera’s principal image, the Eleven-Headed Kannon, with Amaterasu.

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imprinted in ink, color, and gold on silk, and dates to the Kamakura period. The syllable is placed inside a glowing sun disk on top of a lotus pedestal resting on a vase emitting jewels, much like the Aizen iconography described in the Yugikyō. It is possible that this image was produced when the monk Kenna (1261–1338) was the second-generation head priest of Shōmyōji and the Aizen Myōō ritual (Aizen myōō hō) was regularly performed there.78 The fifth chapter of the Yugikyō revealed the mantra of Aizen that engendered the powers of this deity, whereas chapter seven contained a description of the siddhi of syllable hūṃ: If one constantly invokes this syllable, he will gain love, respect, and surrender of all celestial beings and humans. He will easily order others to watch him with adulation and joy and just as easily achieve all the wishes that are on his mind. All will be perfect. He will speedily realize the condition and the body of the adamantine enlightened being [vajrasattva], and within the present lifetime will achieve the adamantine mind of equality in all [esoteric] rituals. . . . [One should] eternally contemplate syllable hūṃ in one’s own mind, with the voice following the coming and going of their vital breath.79

That Aizen was connected with the Sanskrit syllable hūṃ is also demonstrated by the fact that in Yugikyō and other Buddhist texts, including the Japanese medieval treatises, Aizen was referred to as the “Hūṃ-King” (Un-ō).80 The double invocation of this particular syllable was meant to represent the non-duality ( funi) of the principle (ri) and wisdom (chi), two notions embodied by the Two Mandalas of esoteric Buddhism, Kongōkai and Taizōkai. These notions facilitated the transition of the human mind from the grasp of worldly knowledge to the five types of esoteric wisdom (gochi) and a ritual union with the dharmakāya, much as described in the votive text of 1247 inserted in the Saidaiji Aizen statue. 78. Kanazawa bunko no meihō, 152. 79. T. 867, on the Aizen mantra, 257a20–22, on the siddhi of syllable hūṃ, 257c21–26 and 258a20–21. For a different translation of this passage see Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 128. 80. See for example the thirteenth-century Byakuhōshō, by Chōen, TZ, vol. 10, no. 3191, cited in Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 120.

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Saidaiji 173 Writings and transmissions by scholar-monks from Mt. Kōya, such as Jitsuun and Dōhan or the already mentioned Jikken of Kongōōin and Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō, who were involved in production and dissemination of the secret commentaries on the Yugikyō, testify that such practices were becoming increasingly known within the esoteric Buddhist milieu throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.81 For example, the invocation of the double syllable hhūṃ was believed to open up the practitioner’s body to the descent of the deity and to endow him with the power of attraction, for which Aizen was famously venerated. Various Buddhist lineages advocated different meanings for this particular conceptual construct, of which the image preserved at Shōmyōji is only one.82 The fact that it was produced as a hanging scroll points in the direction of meditative ritual practice that combined the visualization of Aizen in the form of a Sanskrit syllable with a vocal invocation and served to enhance the mysterious connections between body, speech, and mind, as described in the seventh chapter of the Yugikyō.83 The conceptualization of this important esoteric deity did not stop there. As will become apparent from the following chapters, Buddhist lineages experimenting with new salvatory techniques were embarking on an exploration of the relationships between esoteric deities and kami. The emerging ritual culture in which esoteric Buddhist deities such as Aizen Myōō were worshipped and appealed to along with Japanese deities was shared widely within Buddhist circles. It was particularly 81. See the mid-twelfth-century compendium Yugikyō hiketsu attributed to Jitsuun, SZ 5, 11–26, or the Yugikyō kuketsu by Dōhan (ca. 1249, copied at Mt. Kōya in 1282 and 1285), SZ 5, 27–137. Kakugenshō discusses different chapters of the Yugikyō at length, claiming knowledge of the Daigoji and Ninnaji traditions on this issue: on the first chapter of the Yugikyō, Kakugenshō, by Rendōbō Hōkyō, 344–45. A later compendium by the monk Gahō (1240–1317) also includes plenty of references to the Yugikyō and Jikken’s transmissions: Datō hiketsushō, by Gahō, 202–10. We should not forget that the Ōmiwa Shrine had preserved a 1276 copy of Jitsuun’s ritual compendium Genpishō, which was largely based on the Yugikyō transmission. See chapter 1, n. 95, and chapter  3. 82. Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 121. 83. We should remember here that Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō left a commentary on the seventh chapter of the Yugikyō that currently survives in a manuscript copy at Kanazawa Bunko (MS 82–2, mentioned in chapter 3, n. 92). This, again, suggests a certain degree of awareness of esoteric teachings and practices among the inhabitants of the thirteenth-century Miwa bessho, perhaps, before Saidaiji’s arrival at Miwa.

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evident among the groups connected with the old and well-established esoteric temples, the centers of mountain pilgrimage, and smaller local facilities, such as bessho. New ways of conceptualizing the esoteric deities and modifying their cults to suit new religious needs were also becoming noticeable, particularly in the aftermath of the Mongol invasions in the latter half of the thirteenth century. The practitioners from Miwa and the Saidaiji temple network played a leading role in these medieval innovations.

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Ch a pter 5

From Ise to Miwa and Beyond

The Mongol Invasions By the end of the thirteenth century, as the Saidaiji order gained recognition and established itself as a permanent fixture in the religious and political landscape of central and eastern Japan, Eizon’s presence at different parts of the country was requested on many occasions. The interested parties would initially approach him with an invitation, often using reliable contacts within the Saidaiji temple network. Given Eizon’s age and degree of public engagement, the proposed plans for his trips had to be meticulously thought through and balanced out with his other commitments; he would often put such matters up for discussion at the temple’s monks’ assembly. It was not unusual for the inviters to have to ask several times. Eizon’s pilgrimages to Ise had to be organized and facilitated in precisely the same manner. Arakida Chikamichi (fl. 13th c.), the hereditary priest of the Inner Shrine of Ise, initially approached Eizon in the autumn of 1271, discussing with him at length plans for the pilgrimage and the Arakida’s possible assistance with it. This matter was put up for the Saidaiji monks’ approval before Chikamichi could return to Ise with their positive response.

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Eizon visited the Great Shrines of Ise on at least three occasions: in 1273, 1275, and 1280, with each procession lasting for up to a month.1 These pilgrimages were in large part necessitated by the threat of Mongol invasions and by Eizon’s concern, as the leader of a monastic order belonging to one of the great Nara temples, for the protection of the country. As already mentioned in chapter 4, the first worrying signs were already manifest in 1268. Back then, Eizon spent much time conducting ritual services and conferring the precepts at Tennōji and Sumi­ yoshi Shrine in Settsu, as well as the Hachiman Shrine at Iwashimizu, not far from the capital.2 The news that the Mongols arrived at Tsushima and could be soon at Hakata reached Eizon in the autumn of Bun’ei 11 (1274). Next spring, in the third month of Bun’ei 12 (1275), urged by the high-ranking lay followers and encouraged again by the Arakida, the seventy-five-year-old Eizon left for his second trip to Ise. His disciple and long-term associate Ninshō, now the head of the temple Gokurakuji in Kantō, set off on a boat from Kamakura Bay, taking with him part of the Great Wisdom Sutra brought a few years earlier from Song China. He reached Toba Bay in Ise ahead of Eizon’s expedition and, after procuring assistance from the local governor, continued his progress to the jingūji near Mt. Bodai, not far from the Inner Shrine (map 1). Meanwhile, the Saidaiji monks sent hand-painted scrolls of the Two Mandalas, Kongōkai and Taizōkai, represented by the Sanskrit seed syllables (zue ryōkai shuji mandara) and the image of Śākyamuni with two attendants and sixteen deities (Shaka sanzon jūroku zenjin). The latter was usually used as a principle image during the Great Wisdom Sutra assemblies (daihannyae).3 1. Kanshin gakushōki, 38–39, 45–46. I have discussed this topic earlier in Andreeva, “Saidaiji Monks and Esoteric Kami Worship at Ise and Miwa,” 363–65. This chapter presents a substantially revised argument. 2. Eizon’s diary indicates that he lectured on the Brahma’s Net Sutra and its set of the ten precepts, while the monks staged a recitation of the Sutra for Benevolent Kings and the Great Wisdom Sutra at Naniwa Bay, and of the Heart Sutra at the Sumiyoshi Shrine. At Tennōji, scores of people received the bodhisattva precepts, while the monks performed a constant recitation of the Nyoirin Kannon spells. Kanshin gaku­ shōki, 33. 3. The aforementioned image of Śākyamuni is preserved at Saidaiji, and is now on loan to the Nara National Museum. Its peculiar feature is that twelve of the sixteen attendant deities wear headdresses in the form of twelve zodiacal animals. Nara National Museum, Nara Saidaiji ten (tenrankai zuroku), 70.

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In addition, ten printed copies of the Sutra for Benevolent Kings with a new commentary, the Brahma’s Net Sutra, and handwritten copies of the Yugikyō, the Great Cloud Sutra, the Peacock Sutra, and the Sutra of the Guiding Principle were brought from Saidaiji by Shōkai.4 In his following entries for that year Eizon noted: “Frightful news of the frequent Mongol incursions. After breaking up the summer retreat, I led a group of fellow monks to pay homage [to the sacred sites to pray for] the subjugation of foreign enemies. Shrines and Buddhist temples host an incredible number of services. We pray that the land of the Sun [nichiiki] is safe and peaceful and that the True Dharma lives forever.”5 Nevertheless, the dangers certainly persisted. In the next few years, Eizon was alternating his time between the services at the Sumiyoshi Shrine and Tennōji in Settsu, life at Jōjūji in Kyoto, collecting food and funds for the sick and poor, and delivering lectures, services, and precepts to his supporters, including the members of the ruling house and the warrior government. Continuing to pray for the peace of the land, Eizon wished to proceed with his plan to donate a copy of the whole Buddhist canon (issaikyō) to the Ise shrines. In a conversation with the director of the royal stables, courtier Miyoshi Nagahira, in the autumn of 1279, Eizon mentioned that during his first trip to Ise he had already presented the Tang copies of the Great Wisdom Sutra to both Inner and Outer shrines, and during his second trip, one more copy was offered to the Ise jingūji at Mt. Bodai, with “dharma appeasement” ceremonies (hō­raku) conducted for the imperial deities at both shrines. This time, Eizon wanted to bring the Song Buddhist canon, but because of the threat of the Mongol invasions his plan to procure a printed collection from Song did not come to fruition. Thus he decided to donate handwritten copies of the sutras, but given their large number, the copyists’ labor 4. The Great Cloud Sutra was either a short scripture translated by Zhu Fonian, the fourth-century Chinese monk from Eastern Jin, T. 388, or a larger collection translated by Dharmakṣema (Tan Wuchen, 388–433), T. 387. The Peacock Sutra (Peahen Sutra) was most likely the scripture known in Japan under the title Butsumo daikujaku myōō kyō translated by Amoghavajra, T. 982. See the corresponding entry in the Edo-period Saidaiji source, which lists the same items. SEDS, Saidai chokushi Kōshō Bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu, 166. In his own diary Eizon noted that some of the copies were later taken to Saidaiji. 5. Kanshin gakushōki, 39.

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would have to be enormous; he asked Nagahira if there could be any “secret plot” (hikei) to accomplish it? In a few days, the courtier sent a message that Lord Saionji happened to have an old handwritten copy of the canon at his disposal, and moreover, this collection was available for viewing. Eizon paid a visit to the Saionji mansion; in a few days, the scriptures arrived and the work on their repair and copying began immediately. This was finished in approximately a month, although the work of supplementing the missing scrolls and substituting the missing fragments continued. As if in reciprocation for this benevolent gesture of the Saionji house, Eizon was summoned to the royal palace, where he delivered lectures and conferred precepts on the members of the royal court. During one such visit, he was queried by the royals about his plan to deliver the Song Buddhist canon to the Ise shrines. The audience must have gone well. A few days later, the emperor sent sutras from the Song Buddhist canon to Eizon’s residence at Jōjūji; other pieces, the Japanese copies from the regent, were dispatched at the same time. In winter of 1280, before setting off on his third pilgrimage to Ise, Eizon once again paid a reverent visit to the royal residence in Kyoto to deliver the precepts to the emperor and his consort; his trip was somewhat delayed by various services for the shrine deities.6 Eizon’s third pilgrimage to Ise undoubtedly had the personal stamp of royal approval; it was also a much grander procession this time, comprising several of his immediate disciples and many more temple monks.7 On these occasions, Eizon took the opportunity to converse about the nature of kami with the Ise shrine priests, especially the Arakida, and to learn more about the local religious landscape. For example, the monk Tsūkai, a son of the courtier and Ise priest Ōnakatomi no Takamichi (1208–49), who lived as a resident monk at Rengeji, reported that during his first visit in the autumn of 1273 Eizon climbed Mt. Asama in the Toba area, to the northeast of the Ise shrines. There he paid homage to the Asamayama Shrine, where he observed the sacred mirror and the Buddhist image inscribed on it. Tsūkai, who resided in 6. Kanshin gakushōki, 46–47. 7. The Edo-period Saidaiji source suggests that the eighty-year-old Eizon was accompanied by his disciples Shōkai, Kyōe, and more than a hundred other monks. Kōshō Bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu, 171.

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Ise for many years and was himself a Shingon monk with links to the Sanbōin lineage of Daigoji, may have accompanied other prominent monks to such local sacred sites. In the records of his sojourn at Ise, the Daijingū sankeiki (Records of Pilgrimage to the Great Ise Shrines, ca. 1287), Tsūkai does not reveal what kind of image it was, saying only that it was “a Buddhist deity wearing a crown” (hōkan no sonzō).8 During the 1280 visit and thereafter, Eizon and his disciples met with the shrine priests and, most likely, other Buddhist practitioners who had congregated in considerable numbers in the vicinity of the Ise shrines. As far as the kami officialdom at Ise was concerned, the attentiveness of Buddhist practitioners and institutions toward the shrines was based on mutual interest. The continuous invitations of Eizon by the Arakida were just one case in point. For example, the Outer Shrine negi Watarai Yukitada (1236–1305), a key figure instrumental in the rise of Ise Shintō, mentioned in his Korō kujitsuden (Transmissions of the Men of Old, ca. 1299) that even though it was forbidden for the shrine clergy to sit or lodge with the Buddhist priests, it was no problem as long as the latter appeared in secular attire, for example, “wearing a hat.”9 In addition to the itinerant hijiri, nuns, and other religious practitioners, the Buddhist population of Ise at that time was increasingly dominated by the temple lineages, many of which specialized in esoteric Buddhism and had links to elite patrons. Tsūkai’s own appointment was precisely of that kind. He relates how in Shōka 2 (1258) he was summoned by Retired Emperor Go-Saga (1220–72, r. 1242–46) and ordered to accept ritual duties at Ise.10 Having received the august order, 8. Daijingū sankeiki, by Tsūkai, ZGR, vol. 3, pt. 2, Jingi-bu (kami worship), kan 81, 769–70. The entry in Eizon’s diary for that visit does not mention this event. Kanshin gakushōki, 38. For the entry on Tsūkai’s residence and service at Ise requested by GoSaga tennō in Shōka 2 (1258), Daijingū sankeiki, 786. This particular entry will be discussed again shortly. 9. Korō kujitsuden, by Watarai Yukitada, ST, Ronsetsu hen, Ise Shintō, vol. 1, 244–69. Manuscript facsimile edition, in open access on the website of the National Institute of Japanese Literature, http://base1.nijl.ac.jp, MS page 470–430. Yamada, “Ise jingū chūseiteki igi,” 162–65. 10. At the same time, he notes that Buddhist visitors had been coming to Ise for sev­ eral decades, beginning with Chōgen, who conducted a fund-raising campaign for Tōdaiji and may have set up the first hōraku facilities in the 1180s; in the 1190s eso­teric monks from Daigoji Sanbōin (to which Tsūkai himself belonged), began arriving. This

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Tsūkai assumed the position at a private Buddhist facility, the “dharma appeasement temple” (shidō hōrakuji). Moreover, the royal wish was outlined in a note from the court that must have arrived later. It stipulated that the “two schools, Shingon and Vinaya, should be emplaced [there officially to pray for the appeasement of the Ise deities]” (shingon kairitsu no nishū wo okaru). Thus, relates Tsūkai’s record, “according to the royal edicts, the Grand Shrines of Ise, with their divine mirror lit by the moon shining over the Heavenly Cave [ama no iwato], [will] gladly accept the merits of the Buddhist Dharma of Akitsushima [that is, Japan]. Therefore, with the Aizen Myōō fire ritual [Aizen myōō no goma] being officially practiced, and the Buddhist services conducted all day long without [the monks] retiring, the Ise Shrines [will be] provided with the Dharma Flavor [hōmi] and so must pray for the peace and tranquillity of the land.”11 This royal dictum was embodied by the monks from large esoteric temples, some of them high-ranking, who were arriving at Ise in increasing numbers during the time of the Mongol crises. Tsūkai states that in Kenji 1 (1275), in order to conduct the rituals for the pacification of foreign invaders, special “dharma appeasement” facilities were additionally set up near both shrines, and two hundred and sixty monks and six esoteric masters (ajari) were installed to work there daily. Some of the smaller facilities outside the immediate sacred perimeter of the Ise shrines had ritual objects placed there that replicated the main shrine; a thatched-roof granary called Sakadono (“sakè hall”) near the Wind Shrine (kaze no miya), the closest to the Inner Shrine that the Buddhists could attend, had a “mantra master” (shingonshi) assigned to it so that the pilgrims to the Ise shrines could apply to him and sponsor a Buddhist service.12 Two years later in 1277, Dōhō (1214–81), the grand abbot of Kajūji, who had just been appointed the head of Tōji and personal priest of the emperor (gojisō), arrived at Ise from Kyoto following the imperial decree by Go-Uda (1267–1324, r. 1274–87) to pray for the subjugation of trend was embraced by the Buddhist pilgrims from the “Southern Capital.” For example, he mentions a hijiri from Nara arriving at Sekidera in the vicinity of the Outer Shrine to recite the Lotus Sutra in 1255. Daijingū sankeiki, on Chōgen, 794, 798–99; on Daigoji monks, 770; on Nara hijiri, 797. See also the introduction to this monograph. 11. Daijingū sankeiki, 788–89. 12. Ibid., 773–74.

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the Mongol fleets attacking the western boundaries of Japan.13 Since he was, according to Tsūkai, the first grand esoteric master (ōajari) from Kūkai’s Tōji lineage to come to the Ise shrines on such official business, the “dharma appeasement temple” housed the recitations of the Great Wisdom and Lotus Sutras as well as the performance of esoteric rituals (himitsu gyōhō). Three shrine monks (kyūsō, also shasō) were assigned to conduct these services every day, with dozens more changing in tenday shifts “in front of the Yogic altar [yuga no dan], with faith in the power of the divine wind [of Ise].”14 With the threat of the Mongol invasions not subsiding, the imperial decree ordering more Buddhist services for the “dharma appeasement” of the Ise deities that followed in 1281 only increased the number of visitors and official Buddhist clergy arriving there to conduct prayers.15 Given that there were also pilgrims from other regions, temples, and denominations, such a situation resulted in a decades-long construction boom, with temples for housing resident monks and lodgings for pilgrims (shukubō) gradually being built up in the Ise, Shima, Toba, and Futami Bay areas (map 1). Saturated with esoteric clergy, the religious milieu at Ise embraced the theories about kami inspired by the teachings of esoteric Buddhism, such as those connecting Tenshō Daijin and Mahāvairocana-Dainichi or those regarding other kami and important esoteric deities. Many of these theories were based on the assumption that the two shrines of Ise were a physical manifestation of the Diamond and Womb Realm mandalas. The Ōnakatomi, Watarai, and Arakida shrine priests were no exception; many of them were well aware of such theories and the Buddhist worldview. The very same Watarai no Yukitada mentioned earlier observed that by the end of the thirteenth century, they had approximately one hundred secret scrolls and folded papers regarding the deities of Ise ( Jingū hiki) in their library, although it seems that not all of these manuscripts were of entirely esoteric persuasion.16 Some scholars 13. MDJ, 1667. 14. Daijingū sankeiki, 807. 15. Ibid., 804. 16. These included the secret texts with esoteric theories about kami compiled elsewhere, for example, Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki (Records of the Treasure Mountain Katsuragi in Yamato). Korō kujitsuden, by Watarai Yukitada, National Institute of Japanese Literature, http://base1.nijl.ac.jp, MS page 470–428.

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have entertained the idea that Yukitada, driven back by the profusion of esoteric agencies in 1280s Ise, almost certainly launched an intellectual counter-response that resulted in the compilation of the “Five Scriptures of Shinto” (Shintō gobusho) and the rise of the Watarai tradition of Ise Shintō. Recently, Ogawa Toyoo and Mark Teeuwen have separately provided an alternative reading of these historical circumstances. According to their respective opinions, Yukitada may have allied himself with the Zen monks who had access to the new Zen treatises and commentaries on the Confucian works brought from Song China; this may explain why the influential Watarai writings, such as Yukitada’s Ise nisho daijingū shinmei hisho (Secret Book on the Names of the Deities of the Two Ise Shrines, 1285–87) and Ruijū jingi hongen (Encyclopedia on the Origins of Kami, ca. 1320) compiled by Outer Shrine priest Watarai Ieyuki (1256?–1351?), have so much vocabulary borrowed from the Confucian classics.17 Having embarked on the Ise pilgrimage project during 1271 to 1280, the Saidaiji order arrived in the midst of a burgeoning Buddhist milieu. It must have been during this period, when Eizon repeatedly came to pay his respects to the deity of Ise, that his belief that the main cultic site of Japan was a sacred ground manifesting the ultimate truths of esoteric Buddhism was reinforced. His close disciples and allies, especially those who stayed in the Ise and Toba areas for prolonged periods of time after Eizon’s pilgrimages, contributed to the rise of the secret theories about kami and their further conceptualization.

The Saidaiji Order in Ise From the 1270s onwards, Saidaiji monks established themselves at Ise by acquiring bases at small temples constructed in the vicinity of the Inner Shrine and elsewhere in the Ise and Shima areas. One such temple, 17. Teeuwen, “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise,” especially on the discussion of earlier Japanese scholarship linking Ise Shinto with Daoism, 112, and on Yukitada’s sources, 114–21. He builds this argument on research by the Japanese scholar Ogawa Toyoo. See Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon no shinwa, moji, shintai: on Zen vocabulary in Ise Shinto texts, 159–84; on Yukitada and Zen monks travelling to Song, 204–30.

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Kōshōji, was established by the Saidaiji group in the aftermath of Eizon’s pilgrimages to Ise during the Mongol invasions. It was located in the Kusube area, close to the sacred rice-paddy fields belonging to the Inner Shrine. Another temple, Enmyōji, was founded sometime after Kōshōji in the northwestern part of the Shima peninsula, in the vicinity of the modern town of Tsu.18 For the Saidaiji monks these small abodes became home bases and hubs of intellectual and ritual exchanges with Ise Shrine specialists and Buddhist practitioners who had come to Ise on pilgrimage.19 It is not clear whether or not the propagation of the Vinaya precepts by the Saidaiji order took place at Ise as prolifically as it had in Yamato, Settsu, Kawachi, and other provinces, or whether such propagation ever played a great role in that expansion. Nevertheless, it seems likely that residing in the vicinity of Japan’s greatest kami was something that the Saidaiji order recognized as being of utmost importance, both for the pro­tection of the state and for exploring means of individual salvation. The idea of the Ise shrines as manifestations of the Two Mandalas and of their deities as “traces” of major esoteric divinities was spreading in Buddhist and lay circles; with the constant influx and mixing of different Buddhist practitioners in the vicinity of the shrines, these ideas were repeatedly transmitted, augmented, and modified. This phenomenon became reflected in a variety of medieval ritual texts such as the Mitsu no kashiwa denki (Transmissions of the Three Oaks, ca. 1170), Naka­ tomi harae kunge (Explanation of the Nakatomi Purification Formula, ca. 1180s), Reikiki (Records of the Divine Spirits, n.d.), Sengūin himon (Secret Records from Sengūin, ca. 1280), as well as the Bikisho (Record of Returning to Origins, 1324) and Tenshō Daijin kuketsu (Oral Transmissions about Tenshō Daijin [Amaterasu], 1327).20 Some of these texts have 18. On the foundation of Kōshōji and Enmyōji, see the discussion in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 614–16 and 619–22, respectively. The exact location of these temples can now be identified only tentatively. 19. This intensive intellectual exchange is partially reflected in myths connecting local deities to Amaterasu that were developed at Murōji, Hasedera, and Kasuga Shrine. Narita Bukkyō library manuscript, cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 607, 609; on Shingon lineages in Murō and Hasedera, Fujimaki, “Ben’ichisan to nyoi hōju-hō wo meguru Tōmitsu-kei kuden no tenkai” and “Hasedera engi no keisei to tenkai.” 20. Sengūin, a jingūji to the Yoshizu Shrine in the Shima District of Ise, was the most likely center for the production of the early versions of Ryōbu Shintō scriptures such as these in the late Heian and Kamakura periods. Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon no shinwa, 341–44;

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already been explored by Japanese and Western researchers.21 The combinatory corpus of these ideas, secret theories, and rituals is usually addressed in modern scholarship as Ryōbu Shintō, the “Shinto of Two Mandalas,” although with the expanding body of the newly discovered or previously overlooked medieval sources this simple definition emphasizing Shingon agency is constantly being challenged. Medieval ritual texts on kami contain ample references to astral cults and knowledge of celestial bodies (tendō), the five agents (Ch. wuxing, Jp. gogyō), notions deriving from the Chinese classics on divination such as Yijing (Book of Changes), Zen, or older Buddhist treatises including the Abhidharmic texts and Chinese Tiantai works, thus reflecting a complicated field of knowledge that was available to the medieval thinkers and religious practitioners. Having created long-lasting connections at Ise, the Saidaiji order became one of the major forces in the development of esoteric ideas about kami at Ise and surrounding areas; moreover, it played an active part in their spread to other sacred sites within its own network, for example, to Miwa, as already mentioned in chapter 4. At Saidaiji, based on these ideas, the cult of the Ise shrines was institutionalized via the medium of a special ritual object, the Ise mishōtai zushi, a miniature portable shrine representing the sacred body and esoteric essence of the two Ise shrines. It is not clear when the zushi, a lacquered box with two doors, about f ifty-six centimeters high, forty-three centimeters wide, and twenty-two centimers deep, was created (plates 3–6). Some tend to see it as a direct outcome of Eizon’s visits to Ise, but it is also possible that the container was made at a later stage.22 In either case, it Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 54; Suzuki Yoshikazu, “Sengūin himon,” 180–81. Sengūin had historical connections with Kumano pilgrimage and Onjōji (Miidera) in Omi Province. See the introduction for a brief mention of this temple. 21. On Nakatomi harae kunge, see the annotated translation in Teeuwen and van der Veere, Purification and Enlightenment. On Reikiki, Rambelli, “Texts, Talismans, and Jewels” and “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto.’” The Bikisho and Tenshō Daijin kuketsu were most likely produced under the influence of Daigoji Sanbōin, another major esoteric Buddhist force represented at Ise. See the detailed analyses in Kadoya, “Ryōbu Shintō shiron”; Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” and “Knowing vs. Owning a Secret”; and also Iyanaga, “Honji Suijaku and the Logic of Combinatory Deities.” Many of these texts are also discussed in Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon no shinwa. 22. Kondō Kihaku, “Ise jingū mishōtai zushi.”

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is a concrete example of kami worship at Saidaiji and among S­ aidaiji-​ affiliated monks stationed at Ise and elsewhere during the medieval period. Behind its wooden doors, the zushi contains double-layered representations of the Two Mandalas and esoteric deities in the Siddham script, and two mirrors depicting the spring and autumn landscapes of the two shrines. The autumn mirror and the wooden panel with the seed-syllable mandala of the Diamond Realm (Kongōkai) are generally considered to represent the Outer Shrine (Gekū) and its divine landscape (plate 3). According to modern researchers such as Kondō Kihaku, the spring mirror, which is somewhat larger than its autumnal counterpart, and the second wooden panel with the seed-syllable Womb Mandala (Taizōkai) represent the Inner Shrine (Naikū) and its many sub-shrines (plate 4).23 Observed and comprehended together “in a single glance,” these two mandalas would remind a Buddhist practitioner that the land of Ise, the most sacred site of Japan, encompassed by the two Ise shrines, emerged, like Mt. Sumeru of classic Buddhist cosmology, from reverberating Sanskrit syllables that brimmed with the power of esoteric deities inhabiting the Two Mandalas.24 Another idea was that, much like these two icons of esoteric Buddhism, the Ise shrines could also guide an esoteric practitioner through his ritual peregrinations of these mandalic realms, toward enlightenment “with this very body.” The very object itself suggested a symbolic appropriation by esoteric Buddhist temples of this ancient kami site previously reserved exclusively for worship by the imperial house, and its incorporation into the sphere of influence of the medieval esoteric clergy. On the reverse sides of these two wooden panels there are two more depictions; these contain further hints as to why the Saidaiji Ise Shrine was constructed in the first place. On the reverse side of the Taizōkai Mandala, there is a seed-syllable mandala representing the deity ­Buddha-Eye Buddha-Mother (Sk. Buddhalocanī, Jp. Butsugen Butsumo). 23. Ibid. 24. I borrow the expression “in a single glance” from Bogel’s authoritative book, With a Single Glance: Buddhist Icon and Early Mikkyō Vision. For the iconography of the Two Mandalas, see Snodgrass, The Matrix and Diamond World Mandalas in Shingon Buddhism. For a short scheme outlining the arrangement of both mandalas’ deities, see Bowring, The Religious Traditions of Japan, 436–47.

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This deity, as its name suggests, was considered the enlightenment-­ giving mother of Buddhas and was the object of a cult among Buddhists during the Kamakura period (plate 5).25 On the reverse side of the Kongōkai Mandala there is a combinatory image, also in seed syllables, that according to the Japanese scholar Nakahara Yasunori appears to be a fusion of the mandalas of esoteric deities Aizen Myōō and Daishō Kongō (plate 6).26 He has described the zushi’s mandalic arrangement as a tradition specif ic to the Saidaiji lineage based on what he has termed “the Hossō interpretations of the Yugikyō.”27 This latter combination, based on a fairly straightforward reading of the sutra, was known among a variety of transmissions on this sutra at medieval Mt. Kōya and in other mikkyō traditions.28 Evidently it brings together two esoteric deities who appear in rituals dedicated to subjugation of enemies or victory in warfare, both for the Buddhist dharma and in the mundane, physical world; their doubling on the same mandala could be understood as doubling the effect of the ritual object. All three foci 25. For example, the Tendai prelate Jien saw this deity in a dream that revealed the meaning of the sexual union between the emperor and his consort. Grapard, “Of Emperors and Foxy Ladies.” In Japanese, see the authoritative monograph by Misaki Ryōshū, Taimitsu no kenkyū: on Buddhalocanī and One-Syllable Golden Wheel (Ichiji Kinrin), 529–36, and on Jien’s worship of these deities, 545–60. Buddhalocanī is also extolled in many writings by the Shingon monks such as the aforementioned scholar-monk Dōhan from Mt. Kōya and Rendōbō Hōkyō from Miwa. 26. Nakahara, “Ise jingū mishōtai zushi.” I warmly thank Kadoya Atsushi for bringing this short but significant article to my attention in 2004. 27. Nakahara, “Ise jingū mishōtai zushi.” He does not elaborate further, so it is not clear what these “Hossō interpretations” were, but the personal background of Eizon allows us to suggest that he would have been familiar with the esoteric traditions of Daigoji, or Ninnaji in Kyoto and Kōfukuji in Nara. Among the writings attributed to Eizon are several discussions of Hossō ritual proceedings and teachings, also known under the rubric of the school of “rational application,” Ōri-shū. SEDS, 200–202. Also see a discussion in Itō Satoshi, “Chūsei Nihon ni okeru taiyō shinkō,” 200–202, on the same subject. 28. Vanden Broucke translates the eighth chapter of the Yugikyō describing Daishō Kongō. According to him, in Tendai esoteric tradition, this deity was perceived as a manifestation of Dainichi, while in the Hirosawa school of Shingon, it was thought to be a form of Aizen Myōō. The Miidera/Onjōji branch of Taimitsu and Daigoji esoteric tradition also had their own specific interpretations. Vanden Broucke, “The TwelveArmed Daishō Kongō,” 148.

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Plate 1 Aizen Myōō, by Zen’en, commissioned by Eizon in 1247. Polychromed wood with kirikane decoration, ht. 31.8 cm. Important cultural property. Photograph courtesy of Saidaiji, Nara Prefecture, and the Nara National Museum.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 2 Aizen as the Sanskrit Syllable hhūṃ (Shuji Aizen Myōō zu 種子愛染明王圖). Kamakura period. Hanging scroll, ink, color, and kirikane on silk, 83.7 x 39.4 cm. Shōmyōji, Yokohama. Designated cultural property of Kanagawa Prefecture. Photograph courtesy of the Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 3 Kongōkai Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi 伊勢大神宮御正体厨子). Kamakura period. Polychromed wood. Saidaiji, Nara Prefecture. Important cultural property. Photograph courtesy of the Saidaiji and the Nara National Museum.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 4 Taizōkai Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi 伊勢 大神宮御正体厨子). Kamakura period. Polychromed wood. Saidaiji, Nara Prefecture, Important cultural property. Photograph courtesy of the Saidaiji and the Nara National Museum.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 5 Butsugen Butsumo Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi 伊勢大神宮御正体厨子). Kamakura period. Polychromed wood. Saidaiji, Nara Prefecture. Important cultural property. Photograph courtesy of the Saidaiji and the Nara National Museum.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 6 Aizen Myōō Mandala, panel from the portable Ise shrine (Ise mishōtai zushi 伊勢大神宮御正体厨子). Kamakura period. Polychromed wood. Saidaiji, Nara Prefecture. Important cultural property. Photograph courtesy of the Saidaiji and the Nara National Museum.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 7a, above left: Vertical “seal of trust” for the Denbu Aizen ritual (Denbu hō tategami injin 田夫法竪紙印信), detail of Enpō 3 [1676] copy. Ink and color on paper. Private collection, Japan. Plate 7b, above right: Principal deity of the “Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits” (Reiki kanjō honzon 麗氣灌頂本尊), ca. 1513–14. Ninnaji, Kyoto. Modern reproduction drawing by Tai Sekimori.

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Plate 8 Map of Mt. Miwa (Miwayama ezu 三輪山繪圖). Muromachi period. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper, ht. 180 cm w. 128 cm. Photograph courtesy of the Ōmiwa Shrine, Sakurai, Nara Prefecture, and the Nara National Museum.

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Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0



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of the Saidaiji Ise Shrine, Butsugen Butsumo, Aizen, and Daishō Kongō, featured prominently in the Yugikyō; medieval esoteric Buddhist practitioners at Saidaiji, aware of the potency of these deities, constructed a ritual object that at once epitomized the powers of esoteric imagery and teachings and extolled the virtues of kami in a unique historical and political context.29 In his introduction to the Ise mishōtai zushi, the Japanese scholar Kondō Kihaku points out that the main objective of Eizon’s pilgrimages to Ise at the time of the Mongol invasions was to ward off the threat of foreign intrusion, thus reinforcing the widespread opinion that by the end of the thirteenth century the worship of kami was seen as a powerful means for protecting the country. He also noted that among the items found inserted in the Ise portable shrine at Saidaiji (although it is not entirely clear when this happened), there were eight written texts and samples of the “five grains and five medicines” (gokoku goyaku). Some of these manuscripts are damaged and thus are difficult to read. However, at least two are clearly dedicated to Eizon’s pilgrimages to the Ise shrines.30 One fragment dated Bun’ei 10 (1273.4.11) describes Eizon’s visits to the Inner Shrine, where he was treated to a detailed account of the Ise deities by the priest Arakida Nobusue.31 Eizon mused that most of 29. The Yugikyō serves as a major source for the iconographic descriptions of these deities: as mentioned before, chapter 5 focuses on Aizen (T. 867, 256b25–257a19), chapter 7 on Daishō Kongō (ibid., 257c18–258a29), and chapter 9, the longest by far, on Butsugen [Kongō Kisshō] Issai Butsumo (ibid., 259c26–264a29). Tendai lineages based at Mt. Hiei and Onjōji as well as the scholar-monks at Mt. Kōya took a great interest in these figures and had prominent cults of them based on the aforementioned scripture. Yamamoto Hiroko, Henjōfu, 299. As mentioned previously in chapter 4, the Yugikyō interpretations radiating from Mt. Kōya were known even at Miwa, in large part thanks to Rendōbō Hōkyō, who settled there by 1235. 30. Three fragments are published in SEDS, Ise mishōtai zushi nōnyū monjo, 332–35. Document 1 dated Bun’ei 5 (1268.3.27) may be related to the posthumous prayers conducted by Eizon on behalf of his former patron Hōjō Tokiyori (r. 1246–56), the fifth regent of the Kamakura bakufu, known also as Saimyōji nyūdō. 31. Nobusue was skilled in receiving Buddhist visitors and giving them “tours” of the Ise shrines. For example, he also met Enshō Shōnin (1221–77) of Tōdaiji Kaidan’in, and even wrote a preface to one of his works discussing the Two Mandalas and esoteric enlightenment. I have mentioned it briefly elsewhere. Andreeva, “Saidaiji Monks and Esoteric Kami Worship at Ise and Miwa,” 364.

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these details were highly secret and that therefore he was not allowed to divulge or record them, but later he received two letters from Nobusue containing brief recollections of both meetings. Another document inserted in the Saidaiji Ise Shrine container was the Daijingū sankeiki (Rec­ ords of Pilgrimage to the Great Ise Shrines), dated the third month of 1280 and written by Eizon’s disciple Shōkai.32 Almost intact, it describes Eizon’s interaction with Nobusue, a miko priestess, and the shrine deity, whom he queried about the outcome of his prayers for peace and pacification of Mongols; the deity duly thanked him for offering the whole Buddhist canon. Significantly, item six of the documents inserted in the container mentions an undisclosed oracle by the Great Miwa Deity in relation to Eizon, but its meaning is irrevocably lost.33 Kondō further suggests that the “five grains and five medicines” were inserted into the miniature shrine, possibly following the protocol for an esoteric rite featuring Aizen Myōō.34 Given the mandalic content of the Ise mishōtai zushi and the fact that it was subsequently installed inside the Aizen Hall at Saidaiji, Kondo’s suggestion seems plausible. An object both of Eizon’s personal devotion and of institutional worship at Saidaiji, Aizen Myōō played an important role in the ritual simulacrum of the Ise mishōtai zushi.35 It also 32. This text must not be confused with the similarly titled collection written by the monk Tsūkai, which has already been discussed in some detail earlier. 33. Kondō Kihaku, “Ise jingū mishōtai zushi,” 6. He recalls this record from his personal notes, citing the original text as “Kōshō bosatsu no onkoto wo, Miwa no daimyōjin ontakusen,” which could be roughly understood as “the case of Koshō bosatsu [Eizon’s posthumous name granted in 1300] . . . in an oracle by the Great Bright Miwa deity.” This oracle was not recorded in Eizon’s diary. The Edo-period accounts of his life, such as the Saidai chokushi Kōshō bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu (hereafter, Nenpu) attribute it to 1267. SEDS, 151–52. Allegedly, during Eizon’s stay at Shitennōji in Settsu, a seven-year old girl was suddenly possessed by Miwa Myōjin and declared that Eizon was in fact a living manifestation of the Buddha Śākyamuni. 34. Kondō Kihaku, “Ise jingū mishōtai zushi,” 26. 35. The Edo-period Kōshō bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu contains a story about Eizon’s veneration of Amaterasu and Aizen. According to this setsuwa, Amaterasu appeared to Eizon in a dream, holding an image of Aizen Myōō. Next morning, Eizon encountered an old man (okina) who brought him the statue of Aizen, which was subsequently installed at Saidaiji. Nenpu, 140–41. Given that the Saidaiji Aizen statue was produced in 1247, and that Eizon went on pilgrimages to Ise in 1273–75 and 1280, this story is of course a much later invention. However, it demonstrates that at Saidaiji in the early

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began to carry special significance in the field of public kami worship by the 1270s and 1280s. As mentioned above, it is evident from records such as Tsūkai’s Daijingū sankeiki that Aizen featured prominently in the rituals sponsored by the imperial court at the “dharma appeasement” temples in Ise by 1258, that is, before the Mongol invasions. The prayers conducted by numerous clerics in front of what Tsūkai called the “Yogic altar” must have laid a foundation for connecting the main deity of the Ise shrine with Aizen Myōō. Such links may have been further reinforced during the pacification rites (chōbuku) led by Eizon and sponsored by the imperial court and the bakufu at Iwashimizu Hachimangū in the summer of Kōan 4 (1281), in the aftermath of Eizon’s pilgrimages to Ise. Services dedicated to powerful kami, such as Hachiman at Iwashimizu and Sumi­ yoshi, proved very successful; Eizon’s contemporaries believed that the arrows of Aizen invoked during the rituals of pacification at Hachimangū brought forth the “divine wind” that destroyed the Mongol ships.36 While not entirely straightforward in the case of the Ise mishōtai zushi, the association between Aizen and Amaterasu was an influential esoteric theory that circulated during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries at Ise and elsewhere, and served as a linchpin for several esoteric kami cults and rituals involving kami. This will be discussed in more detail shortly. Incidentally, a similar tradition of installing the sacred bodies of kami in portable shrines within Buddhist temples of Ise is found also at Futaiji.37 Other Saidaiji-affiliated temples located in the Ise and Shima areas, such as Kōshōji and Enmyōji, had images of the Buddha Dainichi of the Taizōkai and Kongōkai, who was considered to be the principle modern period the cults of Aizen and Amaterasu were interrelated. Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 610; and Itō, “Chūsei Nihon ni okeru taiyō shinkō,” 202. 36. In fact, a Saidaiji document on the prayers against Mongol invasions dated Kōan 4 (1281) lists the Aizen ritual in addition to the Sonshō and seven-altar fire rituals. SEDS, Ikoku shurai kitō chūroku (Annotated Records of Prayers Against the Foreign Attacks), 402–404. Kushida Ryōkō has suggested that these rituals may even have been conducted in front of the Ise mishōtai zushi. Kushida, Shingon mikkyō seiritsu katei no kenkyū, 310–11. However, there are no contemporaneous records to confirm this. 37. Futaiji, reconstructed during the early Muromachi period, had a similar zushi with the miniature five-story stupa and a depiction of the Kasuga deity inside. Abe Yasurō, “Shintō mandara no kōzō to shōchō no sekai,” 336–46.

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Buddhist divinity (honjibutsu) of the Ise shrines. These combinations, based on esoteric theories associating Amaterasu with Dainichi, were also transmitted to Buddhist temples and cultic sites connected with Saidaiji in other parts of Japan. We will return to these Saidaiji branch temples in the following sections of this chapter.

Miwa Daimyōjin Engi The monks of the Saidaiji order, having acquired bases both at Miwa and Ise, were well connected with the circles of Buddhist practitioners and ritual specialists at the Ise shrines and in their vicinity. Moreover, succeeding generations of Saidaiji monks were right in the middle of a creative environment that was trying to capture the essence of the nature of kami by producing theories and rituals involving Amaterasu and other kami as central objects of veneration. At Miwa, the Ōmiwa Shrine temple, renamed Daigorinji by Eizon in 1285, also became a Saidaiji branch temple. It was an opportune moment to collect and review all the available records that summarized the origins of the sacred mountain and Buddhist theories about its main deity, Ōmononushi. Most likely initiated during Eizon’s time and probably even overseen by him personally, this compilation project became the foundation for a version of the Miwa daimyōjin engi (Karmic Origins of the Great Bright Deity of Miwa) written around 1318, shortly after a prayer hall (haiden) for venerating the Ōmiwa deities was constructed.38 Therefore this was the time when the first permanent facility appeared within the shrine proper. The 1318 version of the engi may have been formally commissioned or copied to commemorate this event. I have discussed this text in detail elsewhere, but here I will provide an outline of its definitive points relevant to my further argument. The engi begins with a description of the author’s encounter with a mysterious voice during a seven-day pilgrimage to the Ise shrines. The 38. ST, Jinja hen, vol. 46, Ōmiwa Isonokami, 95–104. For an annotated translation, see Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins.”

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voice speaks of venerating the deity of Ise “from afar,” suggesting that the author of this particular episode was a Buddhist monk who could only worship from a distance.39 Following his query about the true name of Amaterasu, the author receives the revelation that the imperial deity is in fact the universal Buddha Mahāvairocana (Dainichi) and the “Heavenly Golden King (Sk. Cakravartin), Illuminating All Things.” The author further elaborates on his understanding of the deep secret that is Amaterasu’s name. He finds that the original ground of Amaterasu is Dainichi, manifesting itself as the “Three Bodies in One” (sanshin soku ichi no Dainichi), which perfectly embodies the doctrine of the “Three Points” (santen) and the teachings of esoteric Buddhism.40 The author further states that the earthly manifestations of Dainichi appeared in the form of two kami: the Great Ōmiwa deity (Ōmiwa Daimyōjin), enshrined at Mt. Miwa in Yamato, and the Great Imperial Deity, Kōtaijin, enshrined at Mt. Kamiji in Ise.41 By appealing to the authority of the Nihon shoki and Japan’s ancient myths, the engi makes a powerful political statement that the deity of Miwa is much older than, and thus superior to, the deity of Ise, because it descended to earth during the Age of Gods (kami no yo, alt. jindai), whereas Amaterasu did not do so until the reign of Emperor Suinin. Since the Buddhist dharma is prohibited at Ise, the sacred site of Miwa 39. Due to the formal taboo against Buddhism at the shrine precincts, Buddhist monks could approach only as far as the “Wind Shrine” (Kaze no miya), located on the shore of the Isuzu River across from the Inner Shrine proper. 40. The engi explains that the three bodies of Mahāvairocana are the “corresponding body” (Sk. nirmāṇakāya, Jp. ōjin nyorai), the “reward body” (Sk. saṃbhogakāya, Jp. hōjin nyorai), and the “dharma body” (Sk. dharmakāya, Jp. hōsshin nyorai). Jacqueline Stone has shown that these definitions had already been debated by Chinese Buddhist scholars, for example, the Tiantai monk Zhiyi (538–97) in his Mohe zhiguan (Stopping and Contemplating, T. 1911), which discusses different kinds of Buddha body, leading up to the theory of the “Three Bodies in One” (sanshin soku ichi). Stone, Original Enlightenment, 26, 184–85. For a concise example, see Zhiyi’s commentary on the Lotus Sutra, the Miaofa lianhua jing wenju (hereafter, Fahua wenju), T. 1718, 129c14–21, where he discusses the “divine permeating powers” (Ch. shentongli, Jp. jinzūriki). For the English translation of this passage, see Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric,” 136. More generally, the term “three bodies” (Sk. trikāya, Ch. sanshen, Jp. sanshin) was also significant in the Faxiang/Hossō discourse. 41. Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 273–75.

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is therefore the supreme ancient cultic site, openly manifesting the glory of the Buddhist teachings, thus implying that Mt. Miwa is the oldest and most important sacred site of Yamato, essential for pilgrimage and veneration of kami. This central message is supported and explained by numerous arguments derived from esoteric Buddhist texts and icons. In this section of the engi, Mt. Miwa (or Mimuro) is envisioned as a form of the Lotus World, the Flower-Store Realm (kezō sekai). Such a vision is infused with notions deriving from the Flower Garland Sutra (Sk. Avataṃsaka sūtra, Ch. Huayan jing, Jp. Kegonkyō), which describes how such a realm, consisting of a single lotus floating in a “sea of fragrant water” resting on the wind disc, was decorated according to the words of the Buddha Vairocana.42 In Buddhist terms, such a realm was perceived as the ultimate form of the Pure Land and the most desirable destination for rebirth for any righteous Buddhist practitioner. The name “Mimuro,” argues the engi, should mean mimuro, the “Three Pure [Ones],” the three undefiled, divine bodies of the Buddha Dainichi, and therefore Mt. Miwa should be perceived as a manifesta­ tion of the “Land of Tranquil Light ( jakkōdo) where the Three Pure Ones reside.”43 These composite definitions used together had a potential to appeal to a broad spectrum of Buddhist practitioners and donors. The Buddhist term mimuro appearing in older Buddhist scriptures such as the Abhidharma, Yogācāra, and Huayan treatises could be well understood by the monks specializing in the Nara and Shingon traditions. Read phonetically, it fitted well with the local religious landscape of both Mt. Miwa and Mt. Murō, which were not far from each other and linked by the routes of local pilgrimage (chapter 3 and map 3). The engi also plays on the notions of “store-consciousness” (Sk. ālayavijñāna, Jp. ganzō), which would ring familiar to those acquainted with Nara and Shingon Buddhist teachings; here it seems to be interpreted positively 42. For different Chinese translations of this sutra, see T. 278, 279, or 293. 43. Jp. sanbutsu shojū no jakkōdo. The term “land of tranquil light” derives from the “Treasure Stupa” chapter of the Lotus Sutra, according to which Buddha Śākyamuni appears as the “Buddha of Tranquil Light,” accompanied by the two attendants who symbolize wisdom (ri) and principle (chi); in the engi chapter this is the “land of tranquil light.” MDJ, 1046 (italics mine).

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as the source of undefiled existence.44 The ideas of the “land of tranquil light” (one of the multiple Buddha lands) and the “triplicity” of the local divinities were evidently connected with the teachings of the Lotus Sutra and Pure Land as well as their esoteric interpretations, prolific in Tendai. They also appealed to Shingon practitioners aware of these notions. The engi advocates the important idea that the grasses, trees, and land on Mt. Miwa (sōmoku kokudo) are nothing less than the karmic shape (eshō) and the “dharma body” (Sk. dharmakāya, Jp. hōtai, alt. hosshin) of Dainichi reflected in its manifestation as the Miwa deity. Therefore, as such, the natural environment of Miwa fundamentally contains the seeds of “original enlightenment” (hongaku) ready to grow and bloom. The deep meaning of this, the engi continues, is that even grasses and trees can become buddhas (sōmoku jōbutsu), so that the mundane world can be seen as full of innumerable paths leading to Buddhist enlightenment.45 The authors of the engi find that even the Ōmiwa Shrine, which traditionally had no main building, could demonstrate that the mountain itself was the sacred body of Miwa Myōjin, and therefore, a physically existing source of Buddhist enlightenment.46 This message, describing Japan’s local landscape as the fundamental element in both kami and Buddha nature and local deities as a source of Buddhist enlightenment, was shared by many other medieval texts dealing with kami. The authors of the engi were no doubt well informed about the geographical shape and symbolic meanings of the sacred landscape at Ise. For example, the engi cites legends connected with activities of the kannushi priests of the Ise shrines and shugen practitioners congregating in the greater Ise area. When explaining the meaning of the Mimosuso River, it cites the story of the daughter of Emperor Suinin, Yamato-hime, who went from Yamato to enshrine the imperial deity at Ise: “Wandering through 44. On the classic meanings of this term, see Schmithausen, Ālayavijñāna: On the Origin and Early Development of the Central Concept of Yogācāra Philosophy. 45. These two themes have already been well explored by Western scholars of medieval Japanese Buddhism. See Stone, Original Enlightenment, and Rambelli, Vegetal Buddhas. 46. The shrine had no permanent structure or main building (honden) until 1317, that is, until shortly before the engi’s completion. See p. 190.

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lands and places, when she arrived at this place, the hem of her garment [mimosuso] was soiled. Because she washed and cleansed it in this river, hence [it is called] the River of Cleansed Garment [mimosuso].” 47 As for another stream that flows in the immediate vicinity of the Inner Shrine of Ise, the Isuzu River, the engi provides the following explanation. Perhaps there are clues here hinting at the activities of mountain ascetics who traversed the peaks of nearby Mt. Kamiji and Mt. Asama to pursue their goal of accumulating magico-religious power: “deep in the Mount of Divine Way [Kamijiyama], long ago five hundred mountain hermits [sennin] practiced austerities, sitting in lines and repeatedly performing services with the bells. For this reason this river is called the River of Five Hundred Bells [Isuzugawa].” 48 Nevertheless, as far as the sacred landscape of Miwa is concerned, the engi explains time and again that the mountain reveals the utmost secrets of esoteric Buddhism like no other. Its physical features are equated to Sanskrit seed syllables (Siddham), thought to be imbued with a secret meaning, manifesting the power of esoteric purification by water and fire. These are again two rivers, which are called Non-Dual rivers, raṃ and vaṃ. These rivers flow deep out of Mt. Mimuro [Mimuroyama], wind around the mountain to the south and north [of it], and emerge to the west, in front of the Great Bright Deity [daimyōjin], [where] they become one river. The form is like the one depicted on a mandala [zue mandara].49 In the secret transmissions of men of old [korō hiden] it says: “These two rivers are raṃ and vaṃ, the Rivers of Non-Duality [Fuji/Funikawa]. The river in the north is called vaṃ, the river in the south is raṃ. The place where they merge is Fujikawa, the River of Non-Duality.”50 To clarify, this is the working of principle and wisdom, which is the union of the Three Sections [sanbu wagō], where the Non-Dual is made of Two [ funi jini]. 47. Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 280. 48. Ibid., 281. 49. Here the engi presumably refers to the original materials kept at the Ōmiwa jingūji, Daigorinji. However, no such mandalas have survived. 50. Seed-syllable vaṃ represented the Dainichi of the Kongōkai Mandala; Kakuban in his treatise Ban jigi (Meaning of Syllable Vaṃ) equated this syllable with wisdomwater; MDJ, 1826. Syllable raṃ was equated to fire capable of burning off the earthly afflictions (bonnō). The two syllables were employed in esoteric rituals as means of purification representing the active and passive forms of karmic retribution (eshō nihō). MDJ, 2235.

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In short, this text presents a vision of Mt. Miwa and its deity based on complex manipulations of notions and teachings from different streams of Buddhist thought and practice, including the Nara schools, Shingon, Tendai, and mountain worship, as they were developed and understood in medieval Japan. For example, according to the Buddhist logic of the engi, Mt. Miwa, the very name of which was written in the characters meaning “three wheels,” embodied the virtue of the Three Parts: the Womb (taizō bu), the Diamond (kongō bu), and the Lotus (renge bu). The mountain’s sacred landscape was represented by a triple constellation of deities: Buddha-Eye Buddha-Mother (Sk. Buddhalocanī, Jp. Butsugen Butsumo), One-Syllable Golden Wheel (Sk. Ekākṣara uṣṇīṣcakra, Jp. Ichiji Kinrin), and Thousand-Armed Perceiver of Sounds (Sk. Avalokiteśvara sahasrabhuja, Jp. Senju Kannon). At least two of these deities were a focus of prominent cults at Mt. Hiei, and the last chapter of the engi explicitly connected the deities of Miwa and Mt. Hiei, stating that both were originally identical.51 In the passage quoted above, the engi describes Mt. Miwa as a concrete example of the nature of “non-duality” ( funi). Non-duality, a fundamental concept in Japanese esoteric Buddhism, was embodied in the Two Mandalas, Kongōkai and Taizōkai, which, although different in appearance, were essentially the same in nature. The examples of non-duality in the Miwa daimyōjin engi are mainly presented through the use of a tripartite pattern (sanbu), but the text also states that the “Non-Dual is made up of Two [Not Two, Yet Two, funi jini].” Misaki Ryōshū and Lucia Dolce have separately shown that although the tripartite pattern was initially linked with Tendai thought, during the medieval period it was known in both Shingon and Tendai traditions.52 The next sections will demonstrate further that it was circulating 51. Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 263–64 and 282; on the last chapter of the engi dealing specifically with the theory equating the deities of Miwa and Mt. Hiei as well as the links to Saichō and the Tendai establishment, 265–67 and 287–89. On the worship of the deities One-Syllable Golden Wheel and Buddha-Eye Buddha-Mother at Mt. Hiei, see Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, 529–36. This topic will be further discussed shortly. 52. Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, chapters “On the Tripartite Esotericism and Its Formation,” 169–204, and “On the Susiddhi in the Tōmitsu Esotericism,” 606–53. Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric,” 152–55.

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widely among esoteric Buddhist and mountain practitioners in the south­ ern Yamato region.

The Authorship of the Engi Previous scholarship states that it was Eizon who, in all likelihood, inaugurated the writing of Buddhist temple history at medieval Miwa.53 If Ōmiwa jingūji was officially restored and re-consecrated in 1285, this must have been preceded by a considerable fund-raising campaign that could have taken some months or even years. Part of such fund-raising may have been conducted by the Saidaiji monks on their travels around Yamato and elsewhere, but a considerable portion of the funding must have also been procured by the local temple priests and shrine families. Eizon, already a renowned monastic figure and an elderly man, was most likely asked to view the old records, maps, and ritual images preserved at the Ōmiwa jingūji; with the assistance of his fellow Saidaiji monks he also recorded the legends and theories circulating among the Ōmiwa Shrine lineages and groups of hijiri residing at the Miwa bessho. Hence, some material that formed the basis of the engi could have come from the shrine priests of the Takamiya and Kose families, who upon retirement from their shrine duties served as Buddhist priests (shasō) at the Ōmiwa Shrine temple and at nearby Tōnomine. Other sources might be sought through the links to the Miwa bessho. Some of the sources that informed the compilation of the engi, in the form of honji suijaku theories and ritual practices, arrived via the agency of people like the aforementioned Zenninbō Jōshin or the mikkyō enthusiast Rendōbō Hōkyō and their close affiliates. As already discussed in chapters 3 and 4, these holy men practiced austerities, privately studied Buddhism at the Miwa bessho and major esoteric temple 53. Nishida, “Miwa Shintō seiritsu no ikku,” 179, 184; Kubota, Chūsei shintō no kenkyū, 348–55; Murayama, “Miwa-ryū Shintō no densho ni tsuite,” 326, 340; Sugahara, Shinbutsu shūgō shisō no kenkyū, 111. See previous discussion in Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 254–57.

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complexes, and participated in mountain pilgrimages in the areas of Murō, Tōnomine, Kinpusen, and other sacred peaks of Yamato and Kii provinces (map 3). There is also another possibility. As the previous section has already indicated, a number of religious concepts in the Miwa daimyōjin engi can be traced back to the Tendai-related scriptures. This suggests that an earlier discourse, and possibly a textual tradition explaining the Buddhist nature of the Miwa deity, had existed within the Tendai temple milieu before 1318. Indeed, the last section of this chapter will demonstrate that a separate discourse on Miwa circulated at Mt. Hiei.54 These cumulative findings indicate that although the Saidaiji order, including Eizon, ended up receiving historical credit for the compilation of the Miwa daimyōjin engi, the contents of this text are far more diverse and reflect a much broader picture of Japan’s medieval religiosity. Based on what they heard or read, the Saidaiji monks compiled an abridged version of the most important facts about the Miwa deity. After Eizon’s death in 1290, those among his followers who resided in Ise and had contacts at Miwa continued to refine Eizon’s original records of the engi by introducing new interpretations of kami cults and rituals from Ise. In addition to the activities of local Buddhist practitioners, these communications instigated a reformulation of the sacred landscape of the mountain. Mt. Miwa was transformed into a new kind of transcendent space, and emerged as a religious authority in its own right. Itō Satoshi has argued that it was Eizon’s descendants residing in Ise and subsequently taking leading posts at Saidaiji who recorded the original notes for the Miwa daimyōjin engi and imported their knowledge of esoteric traditions at Ise to Miwa. Among them were two fourteenth-­century monks associated with the Saidaiji lineage, Sen’yū (d. 1325) and Kakujō (ca. 1273–1363).55 By analyzing records such as the Saidaiji daidai chōrō myō, which documented the appointments of Saidaiji temple heads, and the Edo-­ 54. I ave discussed these theories in Andreeva, “The Deity of Miwa and Tendai Esoteric Thought.” 55. Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 607–55.

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period Ritsuen sōhōden (1689), a collection of hagiographical accounts of the Vinaya lineages, Itō makes a strong case for Sen’yū as the most likely author of the Miwa daimyōjin engi.56 For example, in these records Sen’yū is credited with the discovery of the Buddhist meaning of Tenshō Dai­jin’s name, as described in the passage cited above.57 Based at Koshōji, ­between the Kusube area of Ise and Mt. Asama, until his appointment as head of Saidaiji in 1316, Sen’yū must have been actively involved in exchanges with other ritual theorists, shrine priests, mendicant hijiri, and numerous shugen practitioners from Kumano and Ōmine connected with temples such as Onjōji and Sanbōin of Daigoji, who came to practice in the mountains near the Ise shrines. Thus, the argument in his favor is plausible: a newly appointed head of Saidaiji would have been an appropriate clerical guest to be invited for the consecration of new religious facilities at Miwa in 1317.58 Nevertheless, while the Edo-period sources indeed associate the production of that particular strand of honji suijaku–type thinking with the figure of Sen’yū, no existing contemporaneous historical documents in the extensive Ōmiwa Shrine collection can confirm his involvement at Miwa. Another important person linked to Saidaiji, Ise, and Miwa was Kakujō. Based at the Saidaiji branch temple Enmyōji in the Iwata District near Futama Bay in the Ise and Shima areas, Kakujō was close to some of the major figures involved in the production of medieval Ryōbu Shintō texts at the nearby temples of Sengūin and Sekidera, such as the monks Chien (n.d.) and Jibu Risshi (n.d.). As pointed out earlier by Mark Teeuwen, 56. In Saidaiji kankei shiryō, vol. 1, 73, and DNBZ, 274. Both cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 616. 57. The passage in question concerns the deciphering of the name Tenshō Kōtaijin as “Dainichi, King of the Heavenly Golden Wheel, Illuminating All Things” (ten kinrinnō kōmyō henjō Dainichi [no] son). Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 260; an annotated translation of the Japanese version of this passage, 273–75. Essentially, only the following few lines reappear in the historical sources studied by Itō. For example, ­Ritsu­en sōhōden reveals a passage very similar to the beginning of the Miwa daimyōjin engi: “One day, he came to pay homage at the great shrine of Amaterasu in Ise and sought the knowledge of the deity’s true body. On the night of the seventh day of his prayers, when the length of his vow was fulfilled, the deity proclaimed in an oracle: ‘The first meaning is Heavenly Golden Wheel [Turning] King, Illuminating All Places, Dainichi.’ ” Cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 616–17, translation mine. See also p. 191. 58. See chapter 4.

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they in turn were said to have received secret transmissions related to the deities of Ise from members of the Watarai family, including Tsune­ yoshi (1263–1339).59 Although these exchanges may not have personally involved Watarai no Ieyuki, the key strategist behind the rise of Ise Shintō, they took place in the settings that were never quite far from him.60 As mentioned in the earlier section of this chapter, the same milieu was frequented by high-ranking esoteric monks from Tōji or Sanbōin who came to Ise to pray on behalf of their royal clients.61 After ritual exchanges with Chien around 1327, Kakujō recorded and copied several crucial texts that now are often cited as examples of the Ryōbu Shintō tradition. Among them are Kakujō’s own copies of Tenshō Daijin kuketsu and the Bikisho, most likely authored by Jibu Risshi in 1324.62 These two texts are closely related, containing a wealth of secret theories about Amaterasu as well as many Buddhist divinities. Evidently Kakujō was in the very midst of a crucial Ise circle that attracted the key religious thinkers and practitioners with a variety of political links and ritual capital; each one of them participated in forming their own intellectual alliances and assembling their own religious constructs involving kami, esoteric deities, and other divine entities. 59. Teeuwen, “Kami in Esoteric Thought and Practice,” 111. During the Genkō years (1321–24), Tsuneyoshi, a negi priest at the Outer Shrine, copied some secret treatises on the Ise deities borrowed from the court of Emperor Go-Daigo. These were subsequently transmitted to his Buddhist acquaintance, Jibu Risshi, who in turn passed them on to Chien, and later, Kakujō. Tsuneyoshi also had good relations with the Tendai monk Jihen. 60. Watarai no Ieyuki had contacts with the Daikakuji imperial line of the retired emperor Go-Uda, Go-Daigo, and Go-Daigo’s minister Kitabatake Chikafusa. He authored several important scriptures, such as the aforementioned Ruijū jingi hongen (Encyclopedia on the Origins of Kami, ca. 1320) and the Shintō kan’yō (Concise Essentials of Kami Worship). Ieyuki’s life and career is discussed at length in Teeuwen, Watarai Shinto. 61. Jibu Risshi was in close contact with the Daigoji Sanbōin zasu Dōjun (?–1321), who stayed at Sekidera in Ise and participated in ritual exchanges with Jibu, from whom he received a transmission of a ritual of imperial enthronement, sokui kanjō. The Sanbōin lineage, supported by the Daikakuji imperial line of Go-Uda and Go-Daigo, had a major influence on the production of texts such as the Bikisho and the Tenshō Daijin kuketsu, mentioned earlier. On sokui kanjō see an extensive study by Matsumoto Ikuyo, Chūsei ōken to sokui kanjō; in English, Teeuwen, “Knowing vs. Owning a Secret.” 62. According to the Bikisho manuscript preserved at Jingū Bunko, 12−13 on the reverse. Cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 627–29. On Bikisho see Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity,” and “Knowing vs. Owning a Secret,” 188–92.

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In contrast to Sen’yū, Kakujō’s connections to Miwa appear more palpable. In the 1960s–80s, Japanese scholars discovered that Kakujō’s name appears in a number of ritual documents related to transmissions of the so-called jingi or shintō kanjō, or the kami abhiṣeka, a new type of esoteric ritual that appeared in medieval Japan.63 Many of these ­documents are related to the so-called Miwa lineage, a ritual study group initiated by Rendōbō Hōkyō at Miwa bessho, to which Kakujō must have had some connections. These rituals will be discussed in the following chapters.

Protecting the Ancient Deities For Saidaiji, the compilation of initial versions of the Miwa daimyōjin engi was motivated first of all by the acquisition of the Ōmiwa jingūji Daigorinji and its inclusion into the temple’s own administrative and economic network during the 1280s–1320s. As one of the oldest shrine temples in Yamato, it was a symbol of the Buddhist order imposed on the local landscape, a structure designed to oversee and protect the Ōmiwa deities, whose origins went back to the Age of Gods. According to the engi, the origins of the Buddhist temple at Miwa also dated back to prehistoric times. During the reign of Emperor Suinin, a daughter of a local chieftain called Takechihara Dainagon encountered a mysterious man, who became her husband. The man only came secretly to visit at night, and the young woman soon became pregnant. To resolve her suspicions, she attached a thread to the hem of the garment of her mysterious guest. After he left, the thread led through the door into the sacred compound of the Ōmiwa rocks. Thus it was understood that the man was in fact the deity living on Mt. Miwa.64 63. Ikeda, “Haitai, sōsōki,” MSK, 65–123; Kubota Osamu, Chūsei shintō, 314–15; Murayama, “Miwa-ryū Shintō no densho ni tsuite”; Okada, “Miwa Shintō no seiritsu”; and more recently, Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 622–24. 64. As discussed in chapter 1, this part of the legend corresponds to the story about Totobimomoso-hime and the deity Ōmononushi found in the Nihon shoki. For an annotated translation of this segment, see Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 264–65 and 285–87. For a recent discussion of the cluster of myths regarding “divine marriages”

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Afterward, following the request of the Dainagon, the deity manifested itself in the form of a large snake. It licked the chest of the newly born child, Ōtataneko, and left a golden mark, which said “the Master of Great Things, of Senior First Rank, the Great Deity, Outstanding [for its services in the matters of state]” (shō ichii daimyōjin kun ittō Ōmono no nushi). Following this divine apparition, Dainagon retired from the world and turned his own residence into a Buddhist temple.65 Such were the origins of Ōmiwadera. As already shown in chapter 1, the majority of legends that made the foundation for this chapter of the Miwa daimyōjin engi had been widely known since the Heian period, and in some cases, even earlier. Nevertheless, the theories that the Saidaiji monks were able to record were most likely the Ōmiwa Shrine’s local legends, to which the Saidaiji monks had added their own layers of interpretation and given emphasis that made sense for their time. For example, the engi continues with the story of the young prince. After his mother passed away, he was inconsolable and continued to lament her death. To assuage his grief, the Miwa deity manifested himself in the form of a mysterious man, created an image of a compassionate mother (hibo), and presented it to the prince.66 Judging by the contents of this section, the engi might be referring here to the mythological founder of the Ōmiwa kannushi lineage, Ōtataneko (chapter 1). The prince continued to worship his divine father, attending the sacred site on Mt. Miwa dressed in white attire and seated on a white horse. One day, he concealed himself in a cell at Ōmiwadera and would not come out again. It was said that the prince-priest had entered the Buddhist samādhi and become the first “living image” in Japan (Yamato no kuni shōjin nyūjō no hatsu). Many years passed, until Shō­ toku Taishi came to Miwa and opened the door of the cell. There, instead between deities and local maidens and their connection to ancient weaving cults, see Como, Weaving and Binding, 119–36. 65. This story is usually associated with Ōmiwa Dainagon Takachimaro, a semihistorical figure discussed in chapter 1. 66. This episode is reminiscent of Eizon and Ninshō’s projects to create merit for the benefit of their deceased mothers by worshipping the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and installing its images in the settlements of hinin in Yamato. See a brief discussion in chapter 4; more details in Quinter, “Emulation and Erasure.”

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of the body of Ōtataneko, he found a beautiful statue of the ElevenHeaded Kannon, which became the principal image of Ōmiwadera. Even though the origins of Ōmiwadera recorded in the engi were compiled with regard to the legends already known from Japan’s early official histories, ritual codes, and Buddhist tales, some of the elements were clearly added, including quite possibly Eizon’s own interpretation of these ancient “events.” For example, the image of the Eleven-Headed Kannon, which nowadays is kept at Shōrinji temple (fig. 1.1), near the entrance to Tōnomine, dates back to the Heian period. It is not clear when and how this image came to be installed at Ōmiwadera, but by the time of the engi’s compilation, the legend explaining its origins had already been created. The Miwa daimyōjin engi therefore reflected a number of important cults proliferating at Miwa: the cults of the plague deity Ōmononushi and his descendant Ōtataneko, the early honji suijaku associations involving Kannon, and the cult of Shōtoku Taishi, which was also prominent in Saidaiji and wider Yamato. The origins of Ōmiwadera are of course told in a way that hints that Miwa was a sacred site where the Buddhist order had prevailed long before Shōtoku Taishi arrived, therefore explaining how truly Buddhist the ancient mountain was. Of great importance was the fact that the shrine and its temple were dedicated to the protection and Buddhist salvation of a very ancient deity whose original form was a serpent. Many premodern historical and literary sources contain reports about divine entities manifesting themselves as snakes or dragons.67 In chapters 2 and 3, I have discussed how the practitioners that later were linked to Miwa had participated in the veneration of the reptile-like deity Dragon King Zennyo, worshipped at nearby Mt. Murō. According to the Nihon shoki, the cultic site at Mt. Miwa had enshrined the most ancient serpent kami of all. In medieval Japan, it was believed that unenlightened, fierce, or turbulent kami were very powerful, and there was great merit in bringing them to Buddhist salvation. Since the Kamakura period, such kami were often appealed to in a ritual context; the esoteric Buddhists in particular 67. See the classic book by De Visser, The Dragon in China and Japan. More recently, Yamamoto Hiroko, Henjōfu; Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship, and the Dragon Cults”; Trenson, “Daigoji ni okeru kiu no kakuritsu to Seiryūjin shinkō,” 247–61, and “Shingon Divination Board Rituals and Rainmaking.”

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sought to engage such kami in their ritual space. These rituals and the ideas behind them will be discussed further in chapters 6 and 7.

Constructing the New Sacred Geographies In the Miwa daimyōjin engi, the physical relief of the mountain is seen as a constellation of three esoteric mandalas: the Diamond Realm, the Womb Realm, and the part in between, which constituted the realm of non-duality, funi. Each part was presided over by different manifestations of Mahāvairocana: the Kongōkai Dainichi, the Taizōkai Dainichi, and the Non-Dual Dainichi. Furthermore, to the north of the mountain was a sacred site inhabited by the Great Hibara Deity, and in the south, one of the Great Ōmiwa Deity. The engi further clarifies that Hibara was dedicated to the deities Izanagi and Izanami who created the “Middle Land of the Reed Plains” (Ashihara no nakatsu kuni, that is, Japan) and gave birth to the ancestor of Japan’s imperial family, the deity Ama­ terasu. According to the engi’s narrative, Japan’s foundational legends describing events from the Age of Gods are emplaced in the immediate vicinity of Mt. Miwa, the most ancient sacred site of Yamato, and tightly knit with Miwa’s own sacred geography. Such sacred kami geography was crucial for the Buddhist monks, especially for the Saidaiji order, which made considerable efforts during the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to establish itself at Ise. The Hibara Shrine in Miwa was thought to be the original site of Kasanui, the first mytho-historical site where, according to the Nihon shoki, Ama­ terasu was venerated by Yamato-hime during the reign of Emperor Sujin. The Ōmiwa deity, on the other hand, was itself a manifestation of the great deity of Ise. Thus, the whole mountain could be thought of as the original enshrinement site of the divine ancestor of the imperial house in Yamato. The Miwa daimyōjin engi not only revived this old idea, but gave it a place within an entirely new cosmology, constructed by the means of esoteric and other Buddhist notions. The connections mapped out in the previous sections of this chapter between the Saidaiji monks, Buddhist theorists residing at Ise, and the shrine priests of the Arakida and the Watarai highlight the fact that the

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conceptual background of the Miwa daimyōjin engi clearly derived from multiple Buddhist traditions. The theory that the Miwa daimyōjin engi was solely conceived within a Shingon environment amidst the rise of Ryōbu Shintō theories arriving from Ise does not really explain why the engi’s vocabulary is full of notions that could be linked to ideas deriving from Tendai teachings. It is also replete with threefold patterns and constellations of the deities prolific both in Tendai and Shingon ritual practice. This testifies to the fact that the religious landscape of medieval Japan came to exist as a result of active exchanges between the temple lineages with little regard to their sectarian affiliation; much of this landscape emerged as a result of transporting religious ideas along the lines of criss-crossing geographies of mountain and sacred sites’ pilgrimage and networks between temples and shrines. The history of the Buddhist approaches to Miwa shows that the Tendai milieu was probably the earliest to realize the importance of this cultic site.68 Mt. Miwa, the mountain embodying the important Buddhist notion of “Three Wheels” (sanrin), simply required the construction of a mandalic vision based on three elements. Tendai’s philosophical and soteriological system, transported from Tang China to Japan by Saichō and further refined by his disciples during the ninth and tenth centuries, had historically employed the notion of “Three Points” (santen) and, more generally, the widespread notion of the “three bodies of the Tathāgata” (sanshin nyorai), which suited the Miwa discourse much more flexibly. Taimitsu, the esoteric Buddhist teachings and practices which emerged within the Japanese Tendai school, carried forth these traditional philosophical notions and employed them in ritual terms using a threefold pattern (sanbu). For example, the notion of “merging the three parts” (sanbu wagō), encountered in the Miwa daimyōjin engi, only occurs once in the Taishō Buddhist canon, in a Chinese translation of an 68. One of the earliest texts to link the deity of Miwa as the protector of Tendai doctrine to the religious discourse at Mt. Hiei may have been the no longer extant Sanbō bugyōki (Account of Assisted Quest for the Three Treasures), attributed to the Enryakuji monk Ennin (794–864), although it is more likely that such a discourse had developed later. NDK, Shūten-bu, Tendaishū kengyōshōshō, vol. 2, 607–9; MDJ, 165–66. Andreeva, “The Deity of Miwa and Tendai Esoteric Thought.”

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esoteric sutra from Song.69 However, the previously mentioned notion that the “Non-Dual is made up of Two [Not Two, Yet Two]” ( funi jini) was used extensively by Chinese Buddhist scholars of the Sui and Tang periods specializing in Tiantai, Sanlun, and Huayan. For example, the Tiantai patriarch Zhiyi (538–87) mentions this term several times in his commentaries on the Sutra for Benevolent Kings and the Lotus Sutra, as does also another Tiantai scholar, Zhanran (711–82).70 The Sanlun found­er Jizang (549–623) also employed it in his commentaries on the Lotus Sutra, and so did the Huayan scholars Fazang (643–712) and Chengguan (738–838).71 Jacqueline Stone has shown that these Chinese commentaries have played a major role in constructions of Japanese medieval Buddhism, particularly Tendai.72 Lucia Dolce has subsequently argued that in medieval Japan the “threefold pattern,” first conceived within the Tiantai school, transcended the confines of the Tendai milieu and spread further afield.73 In addition, medieval Japanese Tendai thinkers constructed the so-called “Dainichi Residing in Three Parts” (Sanbu Dainichi) that is reflected in the central argument of the 1318 Miwa 69. Sk. Mahāyogatantra, full Chinese title Wuer pingdeng zuishang yuqie dajiao­ wang jing, Jp. Muni byōdō saijō yuga daikyō ōkyō, Sutra of King of Supreme Yoga Teaching of Non-Duality and Equality, T. 887, by an Indian translator from Northern Song, Dānapāla, ca. 932. The SAT Daizōkyō database, http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/, and Charles Muller et al., Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, http://www.buddhism-dict.net. I thank Iyanaga Nobumi for the long discussions over the years on this and other significant topics. 70. Zhiyi, Renwang huguo bore jing shu (Commentary on the Sutra for Benevolent Kings, T. 1705), Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi (Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra, T. 1716), and Miaofa lianhua jing wenju (Passages of the Lotus Sutra, T. 1718). Zhanran, Fahua xuanyi shiqian (Commentary on the Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra, T.1717) and Fahua wenzhu ji (Notes on Zhiyi’s “Passages of the Lotus Sutra,” T. 1719). 71. Jizang, Fahua xuan lun (Profound Treatise on the Lotus Sutra, T. 1720) and Fahua youyi (Varied Thoughts on the Lotus Sutra, T. 1722). Fazang, Huayanjing tanxuan ji (Notes on the Profundity of the Flower Garland Sutra, T. 1733). Chengguan, Huayan jing shu (Commentary on the Flower Garland Sutra, T. 1735). 72. Stone, Original Enlightenment. 73. The tripartite pattern in the Tendai sources in Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, (see n. 52 above). On the emergence of this pattern in medieval Tendai and Shingon ritual texts, see Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric,” “Duality and the Kami,” and “Nigenteki genri no gireika.”

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daimyōjin engi. By contrast, many of the esoteric Buddhist discourses arriving from Ise during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were mainly based on the dualistic patterns presupposed by the structure of the Taizōkai and Kongōkai mandalas. They provided great inspiration, but were simply not sufficient to embrace and interpret the sacred landscape of Mt. Miwa. One of the most telling clues is found in the Keiranshūyōshū, compiled by the Tendai monk Kōshū between 1311 and 1349. Consider this example using the notion of the “Three Part Dainichi” in an entry on the nature of the three deities of Sannō. In this passage, an anonymous disciple asks how one should address the fact that the deities enshrined on Mt. Hiei are called the “ ‘three sages’ (Sannō sanshō) of the Mountain King.”74 Kōshū records the following response: As for the Three Sages, they are called thus because of the Three Tathāgatas who are called the Three Sages. [Teacher] also said: Because Miwa Myōjin is called the Three Sages. Some theories disclose that at the time when our country was created, there was a seal-sign of Dainichi [Great Light] at the bottom of the sea, which said: “This is the Vajra of Three Wheels” [sanrin no kongō]. That is, Miwa Myōjin. That is also the Tathāgata in Three Bodies [sanshin nyorai]. It is also Dainichi of Three Parts [Sanbu Dainichi], the Three Tathāgatas of the unproduced and inherent awakened body, the true evidence [achieved by] the accurate esoteric practice.75 74. The “three saints” or “three sages” seems to have been a broader Buddhist concept that meant different things in different Buddhist schools. For example, in the Huayan tradition this meant Buddha Vairocana with Mañjuśrī (Monju) on the left and Samantabhadra (Fugen) on the right. The Pure Land school had a tradition that positioned the Buddha Amitābha in the center, with his attendants Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta on either side. In Tiantai, the term was used to represent the Āgama teaching, the distinct teaching (bekkyō), and the perfect teaching (enkyō). In Japanese Tendai, these were often understood to be the “three teachers” (sanshi) who were invoked during the transmission of the “perfect bodhisattva precepts” (enton bosatsukai), that is the deities Śākyamuni (Shaka), Mañjuśrī, and Maitreya (Miroku); alternatively, the three deities of the Hie shrines, that is Ōmiya, Ninomiya, and Shōshinshi, altogether known as Sannō Gongen. Charles Muller et al., Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, http://www.buddhism-dict.net, accessed on September 26, 2011. Also BD, vol. 2, 1580–81. 75. Keiranshūyōshū, T. 2410, 524b04–09.

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Explaining the meaning of the physical enshrinement of the deity of Miwa in the passage cited below, Kōshū uses an argument that reveals the correspondences between the actual name of the cultic site, Buddhist notions, celestial bodies, and Buddhist divinities. Within this line of logic the deity of Miwa, of course, appears as a manifestation of Dai­ nichi, a Dainichi whose divine body rises from the overlapping of the three parts of the Buddhist mandala. The bright deity resides in Three Wheels [sanrin or miwa, that is, Mt. Miwa]. The torii is triple-shaped [sankei]. The so-called three shapes are the torii of the deity’s body. [The torii of] Miwa Myōjin [are] constructed as above. Because the deity’s body, which is the Dharma-World, exists everywhere, the shrine’s altar is not constructed. In heaven, this is the sun, moon, and star constellations. On earth, these are the Three Holy Bright Deities [sanshō myōjin]. In Buddhist [terms], this is the perfect Tathāgata of Three Bodies. In mikkyō, this is Dainichi of Three Parts [Sanbu Dainichi].76

Apart from the links to Tōnomine, the historical influence of the Tendai lineages in medieval Yamato and their presence in Miwa, Tendai’s outpost in the south, have been somewhat difficult to trace.77 This is further complicated by the adoption by the Shingon lineages of the tripartite structure and ritual patterns in the medieval period.78 Other general factors obscuring the pre modern links between Miwa and Tendai lineages may be the major redefinition of the Yamato religious landscape that occurred in the late medieval period when Oda Nobu­ naga torched and completely destroyed Enryakuji and subsequently 76. The corresponding segment in the online SAT database, Keiranshūyōshū, T. 2410, 524b04–525a15, is accompanied by drawings of three torii gates of the Sannō at Mt. Hiei, and a triple torii gate of Miwa Myōjin. 77. At Miwa, the other Tendai-related evidence comes from a text of the Miwa Shrine priest tradition, Ōmiwa no kami sansha chinza shidai, most likely composed by the Kose and Takamiya families for the Southern Court in the 1330s–40s. In this text there is a reference to a statue of the deity Daikoku alleged to have been made by Sai­ chō and presented to the Ōmiwa Shrine. For the analysis of the Daikoku cults at Mt. Hiei and Miwa, see Iyanaga, Daikokuten hensō, 494–511. 78. Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric,” and “Nigenteki genri no gireika.”

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launched a campaign to restore the Shingon temples in the Yamato ­region (notably, Hasedera), and in the seventeenth century with the institutionalization of Shugendō. Perhaps the answer to these missing links may be sought in the diverse traditions of Yamato’s mountain temples, considered to have made a meaningful, if little studied, contribution to the formation of combinatory cults at Miwa. As shown in chapters 2 and 3, Mt. Miwa was located at the intersection of several shugen circuits connecting the temples of Kasagidera in the northeast of the Yamato Plain, Miwa in the southeast, and Tōnomine and Yoshino in the south (map 3, routes A, C, and D). Many of the ritual practices at these sites were based on a similar threefold pattern. Shōnin residing at the medieval Miwa bessho, including the already much mentioned Rendōbō Hōkyō, were no doubt aware of them. From a selection of medieval ritual texts it appears that the practitioners congregating at the above-mentioned cultic sites all recognized the importance of the “Three Parts” (sanbu): the Diamond (Kongō bu), the Womb (Taizō bu), and the Lotus (Renge bu, or in other versions, Soshitsuji). As has briefly been mentioned elsewhere, this pattern is reflected in several medieval texts associated with cultic sites situated along the eastern rim of the Yamato Plain: Ichidai no mine engi (Karmic Origins of the First Peak, late 12th century), Miwa daimyōjin engi (ca. 1318), and Kin­ pusen himitsuden (Secret Transmission of the Golden Peak, ca. 1330s).79 The Ichidai no mine engi is a section of the late twelfth-century Shosan engi, a collection attributed to shugen groups linked to Mt. Kasagi, in the northeastern corner of the Yamato Plain. This particular text refers to the “secret rituals of the Three Mandalas” (sanbu no hihō). They were performed by more than five hundred local ascetics, who, following a period of five to seven days of ritual seclusion in mountain caverns (also referred to as “dragon caves,” ryūketsu), went on to perform ritual contemplation of the three secret mandalas and chant the main scriptures of esoteric Buddhism, such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra (Daini­ chikyō) and the Sutra of the Diamond Peak (Kongōchōkyō). This engi also describes Mt. Kasagi as the outer boundary of the Tuṣita Heaven of the 79. Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 267–69.

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future Buddha Maitreya, and a part of the divine mandalic landscape, which extended further south toward the region of Tōnomine and Yoshino.80 As mentioned in the previous section, Mt. Miwa is described in the Miwa daimyōjin engi as a three-dimensional installation of the “Three Mandalas” and the embodiment of the “Three-Part Dainichi” (Sanbu Dainichi). The mountain’s physical landscape was envisioned as a combination of the Womb Mandala, the Diamond Mandala, and in between, “the ridge of Non-Duality” ( funi no o). These elements are simultaneously interpreted as the union of the “Buddha Part” (Butsu bu), the “Diamond Part” (Kongō bu), and the “Lotus Part” (Renge bu), and associated with the veneration of three Buddhist deities: Buddha-Eye Buddha-Mother, One-Syllable Golden Wheel (Ichiji Kinrin), and the T ­ housand-Armed Avalokiteśvara (Senju Kannon).81 A significant portion of these transmissions may be attributed to the Ōmiwa Shrine temple priests, most likely members of the Kose family with their historical connections with Tōnomine, the outpost of the Tendai school in southern Yamato. Unfortunately, as Tōnomine was completely destroyed by the Kasuga-Kōfukuji forces in 1438, little survives to tell us what religious cults, rituals, and icons were considered important there during the medieval period.82 But, more importantly, these transmissions were carried and exchanged by the Miwa shōnin, who travelled between a number of sacred sites in Yamato and had ­access to the Buddhist scriptures, theological treatises, and scholarly 80. NST, vol. 20, Jisha engi, 136–38. 81. Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 263, 267–69, 281–82. Note that the cults of Butsu­ gen and Ichiji Kinrin also existed in the Tendai tradition (see n. 51); a famous dream recorded by the Tendai abbot Jien (1155–1225) in his Jichin kashō musōki in 1203 refers to images of Butsugen and Ichiji Kinrin. This record has been discussed in depth by Yamamoto Hiroko, Henjōfu, 297–302; Abe Ryūichi, The Weaving of Mantra, 363–64; and Allan Grapard, “Of Emperors and Foxy Ladies,” 134–38. The triple set of deities featuring the Thousand-Armed Avalokiteśvara was a part of the Buddhist tradition at Kinpusen. Suzuki Shōei, “The Development of Suijaku Stories about Zaō Gongen.” A similar constellation of deities was described in the works of Mt. Kōya scholar-monk Dōhan. 82. After 1438, Tōnomine was restored to a certain degree, but the mountain subsequently came under the influence of the Yoshida sacerdotal lineage. Grapard, The Protocol of the Gods, 240.

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networks at Murō, Tōnomine, and Yoshino, as well as the main complex of the Shingon tradition, Mt. Kōya. The description in the Miwa daimyōjin engi is therefore not the only example of three Buddhist deities who rule over the mandalic landscape. Their early precursor appears in the works of the Kōya scholarmonk Dōhan, who discussed the tripartite pattern at length in his ­Yugikyō kuketsu (Oral Instructions on the Yugikyō) recorded in the 1240s and copied at Mt. Kōya in the 1280s.83 Dōhan, like his rough contemporary Rendōbō Hōkyō from Miwa, was familiar with the scholarship of the early systematizer of the Tendai esoteric tradition, the monk Annen (841–97?), and referred to the notions expressed by him.84 Two ritual transmission documents, copied by the Shōmyōji monk Kiin in the late Kamakura period and preserved at Kanazawa Bunko, were recently edited and analyzed by the Japanese scholar Takahashi Yūsuke. These documents suggest that there was a separate medieval transmission of the Yugikyō focusing on the ritual merging of Aizen Myōō and Amate­ rasu which invoked the combination of the esoteric deities Butsugen Butsumo and Ichiji Kinrin. Furthermore, the latter pair was equated with the primordial Japanese deities Izanagi and Izanami.85 It is not clear if this particular transmission was ever known at Miwa, but the fact that local Hibara and its adjacent shrines venerated these deities implies that it was not impossible. Given such cumulative evidence, it is not surprising that by the late thirteenth and mid-fourteenth centuries the mixture of Tendai and Shingon ideas was widely known at a number of cultic sites and sacred mountains in Japan. For example, a similar construction of a triple constellation of local deities, Sanbu Gongen, emerged in the late thirteenth century at the temples of Mt. Kōya and Mt. Negoro. By 1292, an engi related to the Nego­ roji tradition ascribed the worship of Sanbu Gongen to the Shingon ­reformer Kakuban. Sannō Gongen, another tripartite deity and the protector of the Tendai school, was worshipped by the Buddhist monks at 83. SZ 5, 27–136, particularly, part 2, 56, 73, 86. 84. On Annen, see Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, and Dolce and Mano, “Godai’in Annen.” 85. Kanazawa Bunko, Jāh-Jāh shidai, MS 423–74, and Jāh-Jāh kuketsu, MS 337–154. See the modern Japanese edition in Takahashi, “Kanazawa Bunko no chūsei shintō shiryō.”

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Mt. Kōya.86 While it is difficult to argue with precision about the specific transmission routes of these ideas, suffice it to say that these mountain engi texts are indicative of a general medieval trend, which saw Buddhist groups adopting a variety of schemes in their ritual practice at their own convenience. The pattern emerging in the Miwa daimyōjin engi is reminiscent of the “Ritual of the Three Deities” (sanson gōgyō hō), separately studied by both Fujimaki Kazuhiro and Lucia Dolce. As its name suggests, it involved three esoteric deities, such as the Wish-Fulfilling Wheel Kannon (Nyoirin Kannon) or an object known as the Wish-Fulfilling Gem (nyoi hōju) flanked by two powerful attendants, usually the wrathful esoteric kings Aizen and Fudō. Such rituals were performed at nearby Murōji, for example (map 3, route B).87 Lucia Dolce has proposed that the sanson gōgyō ritual proliferated in several forms in medieval Japan and was transmitted among temples in Yamato and elsewhere.88 The three divinities combi­ nation appearing in the Miwa daimyōjin engi, if it was indeed used in a similar ritual, may have been specific to the local shugen branch at Miwa bessho, particularly in connection with Kasagi and Tōnomine, but it can probably be found in other types of mountain ascetic practice as well. In fact, a group of ritual texts gathered under the label Shoryū kanjō (Initiations of Various Lineages) contains a transmission allegedly obtained by Miwa Shōnin Kyōen during the years 1193–1217, but most likely circulated among his disciples at Miwa bessho in the later period.89 It is 86. Tomabechi, “Kakuban to jingi,” 115–27. Kakuban has been mentioned above in chapter 3 in relation to the groups of shōnin and hijiri at Miwa bessho. 87. Fujimaki argues that the sanson gōgyō ritual at Murōji was transmitted and practiced by esoteric lineages affiliated with shugen and powerful Shingon temples, for example Sanbōin of Daigoji. Fujimaki, “Ben’ichisan to nyoi hōju hō wo meguru Tōmitsukei kuden no tenkai.” 88. Dolce, “Nigenteki genre ni gireika,” on sanson gōgyō and the influence of the Sanbōin lineage (Sanbōin-ryū), 173–86. It must be noted, however, that even though the involvement of the Sanbōin lineage in the shugen pilgrimage in the Yamato area is widely acknowledged, this was not due to any formal links, but rather to unofficial ties between local temples and Sanbōin as it sought to establish its influence in that area. As already noted, the formal structure of what became Tōzanha Shugendō fully emerged only in the Edo period. Sekiguchi, Shugendō kyōdan seiritsu shi. 89. The text referenced here is entitled Shoryū kanjō burui shūshū (A Collection of Abhiṣeka Initiations by Various Lineages [categorized by groups]). OJS 5, 55–66. The

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entitled “The Seal of Trust for the Secret Initiation into the Ritual of Fusing the Three Mandalas” (Sanbu gōgyō himitsu kanjō injin). As its name suggests, it reveals an abbreviated protocol to be performed by an initiate when proceeding through the three stages of ritual, represented by the Three Mandalas in the following order: first, the Taizōkai, next the Kongōkai, and last, the Soshitsuji.90 Although the actual date of this document cannot be sufficiently clarified, its inclusion in the Miwa documents indicates that rituals deriving from multiple Shingon and Tendai traditions were indeed performed at Miwa and may have been transmitted as a part of a coherent ritual practice during the medieval period. More significantly, Rendōbō Hōkyō, in his records of lectures heard from Mt. Kōya scholars, documented transmissions regarding the three ­bodies of Dainichi and the Tendai teachings of the “Three Truths” (santei) as well as the principle deity and mandala of the esoteric Lotus Ritual (Hokke hō). He even referred specifically to a transmission of the “three-part meditation” (sanbu jōin) and “three-part stupa” (sanbu tōin) mudras that involves precisely the same tripartite mandalic principle described in Miwa daimyōjin engi.91 From this cumulative evidence it is once again clear that esoteric knowledge, although supposedly secret, was nevertheless accessible to non-elite local practitioners. A compendium entitled the Kinpusen himitsuden, a lengthy text attributed to the infamous specialist of Shingon ritual and strong supporter of the Southern Court Monkan Gushin (1278–1357), describes similar concepts based on the “threefold pattern.”92 Among other things, it demonstrates that the shugen practitioners worshipping Zaō Gongen at Kinpusen were well aware of the concept of the “three buddhas in one body” (sanbutsu ittai). The text claims that Zaō was a suijaku manifessurviving manuscript, dated the early nineteenth century, is a copy of Miwa-ryū transmissions from Tōji. 90. OJS 5, 58. 91. Kakugenshō, by Rendōbō Hōkyō, 356–57, and 359–60. The next entries refer to the “land of bliss where the three buddhas dwell,” echoing the engi’s construct of the “land of tranquil light” ( jakkōdo), and the so-called Susiddhi (Soshitsuji) sutra ritual; ibid., 360–61. On the significance of this scripture in Tendai esoteric thought and ritual, Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, and Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric.” 92. NDZ, Shugendō shōso, vol. 3, 435–70.

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tation of three buddhas and three kami, and further mentions that in the ritual this complex deity could be represented by the Wish-Fulfilling Gem symbolizing the three deities in one form.93 Needless to say, the sacred realm of Kinpusen was envisioned as corresponding to the layout of the Three Mandalas, sanbu.94 As seen from this material, a diversity of religious concepts, deities, and ritual patterns circulated among Buddhist temples and shrines in medieval Japan, and many of these were reflected in the leading medieval ritual text of Miwa, Miwa daimyōjin engi. It is often impossible to trace the origins of a single idea as multiple cultic sites and religious institutions adopted it, modified it to suit their own needs, and passed it on to other sites where concepts, deities, and rituals continued to be reinterpreted. As the esoteric Buddhist teachings were spreading in medieval Japan, local landscapes required additional cultural and religious explanations and, essentially, new interpretational tools and concepts. Local Buddhist agency, including ordained monks and semi-itinerant holy men, played a leading role in these exchanges.

93. It is possible that a version of the ritual “fusing the three deities” (sanson gōgyō) similar to that at Murō was also practiced on the mountain routes of Yoshino. Judging by his other writings, Monkan was very interested in this ritual format, and during the late 1330s he compiled several texts that mention it. Dolce, “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” 177–79. 94. NDZ, Shugendō shōso, vol. 3, 437.

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Pa rt III Assembling Shinto

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Ch a pter 6

Enlightenment for the “Country Bumpkins”

Serpent Deities and the Buddhist Imagination During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Buddhist milieu, including temple lineages as well as wandering shōnin, hijiri, and mountain ascetics, was actively involved in the process of re-definition of Japan’s sacred landscape. At local shrine temples and bessho adjacent to ancient cultic mountains, such as the Miwa bessho and Daigorinji near Mt. Miwa, the geography was re-invented and transformed into complex mandalic installations and assemblies of esoteric deities. In large part, these developments were a result of a gradual dispersal of the teachings of esoteric Buddhism during the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, embodied in an increasing number of offshoot esoteric lineages radiating from major temples and the establishment of local Buddhist facilities and non-elite esoteric study and practice groups. Such groups and the individuals belonging to them interacted with the established temples (the nodes of Buddhist knowledge) and each other in an almost unconstrained manner. This enabled secret knowledge and ritual transmissions to flow from places and institutions like Mt. Kōya and Kongōōin or Sanbōin of Daigoji to Miwa, Murō, or Ise. Yet to think that such flows went only in one direction, from “top” or “elite,” “established” temples to private, unofficial, and “out-of-temple-hierarchy” smaller local temples,

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would be overly simplistic. If we adopt a larger frame of observation, it will become evident that, after a period of time and development, the esoteric theories and rituals featuring kami were reabsorbed by the major temples of esoteric learning such as Tōji or Ninnaji. The late twelfth- and thirteenth-century structural changes within the Buddhist milieu prompted an increased mobility of people and ideas not only between the individual sacred sites but also within the different strata of the Buddhist communities and their networks. As the processes of economic and symbolic appropriation of individual sacred sites by the Buddhist lineages advanced, local deities were becoming of paramount importance for expressing the new ideas propagated by esoteric Buddhists. The Japanese premodern historians Amino Yoshihiko and Kuroda Hideo have suggested that the unprecedented threat of the Mongol invasions of the 1270s–1280s prompted a major upheaval affecting the religious milieu of medieval Japan, with aftershocks continuing well into the fourteenth century.1 As shown in chapter 5, the changes, already present within Buddhist circles during the latter half of the twelfth century, were galvanized further by external political pressures during this period. These processes went hand in hand with other important developments that spelled changes for the realm of kami. First, practitioners of esoteric Buddhism had to rethink the roles of individual kami residing at important cultic sites within the correlative paradigm of honji suijaku, and reconceptualize their substance along the lines of esoteric Buddhist logic. As new ideas about the esoteric nature of kami were developed and internalized by the Buddhist milieu, it was understood that kami, most of all Amaterasu, had an intrinsic value for advancing new salvatory techniques that could open gates to achieving perfect enlightenment, namely, the kind specified earlier by Kūkai and Kakuban, enlightenment “with this very body.” These realizations resulted in the further transfer and imposition of esoteric Buddhist concepts onto the realm of kami worship, and, consequent to this process, the emergence 1. Amino, Mōko shūrai; Kuroda Hideo, Ryū no sumu Nihon, 92–101. In contrast, Kenneth Chase poses a legitimate question as to whether the Mongols were firmly committed to invading Japan. Chase, “Mongol Intentions Toward Japan in 1266.” While Chase’s argument helps to redress the balance, I think it is important to consider the historical developments in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Japan in terms of the impact that the perceived threat of the Mongol invasions had on the religious milieu during that time.

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of a cluster of secret theories, ritual practices, and imagery, often within specific sites, that has been described by modern scholars as “medieval Shinto.” At Miwa, local shōnin and monks linked to the Saidaiji order were at the forefront of precisely such esoteric Buddhist exchanges, which ultimately led to the emergence of what was later called “Miwa-ryū Shintō.” First of all, how was the essence of kami understood in medieval Japan? And how were the medieval (read esoteric Buddhist) forms of kami worship, particularly at Miwa, practically assembled? This chapter will begin by discussing the Buddhist ideas underpinning notions related to local deities, primarily those of Ise. It will then move on to the ritual innovations involving kami that were part of the broader Buddhist trends in medieval Japan. To this end, the previously discussed cult of Aizen Myōō will demonstrate the subtle transitions of esoteric and kami discourse and the porous boundary between esoteric deities and kami, as seen in the medieval rituals of Denbu Aizen and Ise kanjō. The case of Miwa and the historical figures linked to it, already familiar to readers from the previous chapters, will form the backdrop to these developments. Japan’s medieval religiosity (and the honji suijaku paradigm) was based on the understanding that kami inhabiting its many cultic sites were an integral part of the Buddhist worldview, belonging to one of the ten realms of existence. Some could be, and were, successfully “converted” to Buddhism of their own accord, whereas others continued to lead an unenlightened existence resembling that of human beings, beasts, and asuras; of these, many were believed to be serpent-like creatures in their true form. In addition, the local landscape was envisioned as being inhabited by such serpent- or dragon-like deities, dwelling ­variously in ponds, rivers, mountains, sacred groves, caves, waterfalls, springs, and the sea. The early mytho-histories recorded in the eighthcentury Nihon shoki often depicted local deities as serpents causing rain, as at Mt. Ibuki, or river deities belching up poison and killing travellers with their deadly vapors, as in the province of Kibi.2 Some of these deities had great potency in controlling rain and drought, and were often ap 2. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 208–9 and 298–99; NKBT, vol. 67, 308 and 414–16. On the cultural history of dragons in premodern Japan, see also Kuroda Hideo, Ryū no sumu Nihon, 102–32; on the dragon caves in the vicinity of Buddhist sites, ibid., 139–53.

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pealed to in rainmaking rituals, such as those previously conducted at imperial request by Kūkai at Shinsen’en in the Heian capital, at Daigoji, or at Murōji in southeastern Yamato.3 At Miwa, where, in contrast to nearby Murō, the emphasis on healing and avoidance of plague was historically more significant, it was clear that one of the main kami enshrined there since early times was a snake. The long history of this cultic site was filled with legends in which its deity, Ōmononushi, manifested itself as a serpent, appearing to its female consorts only at night. Another deity enshrined at Miwa, Ōnamuchi, was also closely associated with mysterious faculties. In the late Heian period, yin-yang diviners and religious specialists performing purif ications focusing on kami thought that Ōnamuchi was a deity capable of causing and pacifying invasions of agricultural space and the human body by harmful insects and centipedes, and therefore could be appealed to through divination and purification ceremonies should such calamities happen.4 Serpent symbolism and its visual tropes, including dragons, insects, and worms, were among the major, although not exclusive, vehicles for Buddhist appropriations of kami. Prominent Buddhist scriptures such as the Lotus Sutra, well known in Japan, described how the nāgas, or dragon kings, were converted to Buddhism and subsequently became its guardians.5 In this form the serpent deities had been part of Buddhist cosmology in Japan since early times, but serpent and dragon motifs became further entwined with kami lore and reinforced in medieval religious texts in order to emphasize the replication of Buddhist discourse within Japan’s local conditions.6 3. Ruppert, “Buddhist Rainmaking in Early Japan”; Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship, and the Dragon Cults”; Trenson, “Daigoji ni okeru kiu no kakuritsu to Seiryūjin shinkō”; Scheid, “Unterhändler des Imaginären: Regenmachen im vormodernen Japan.” 4. For example, via a recitation of the Nakatomi formula, as explained in the Nakatomi harae kunge (ca. 1180s), NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron, 48. Considered to be a precursor to many medieval Ryōbu Shintō theories, this text attempted to explain the nature of local deities in Buddhist terms, while also employing many elements vital to Onmyōdō ritual practice. For an annotated English translation, see Teeuwen and van der Veere, Nakatomi harae kunge. 5. The names of these dragon deities, eight altogether, are stated in the opening chapter of the Lotus Sutra. Watson, trans. The Lotus Sutra, 5. 6. The insect motif was also part of this conceptual spread, although seemingly to a lesser degree. For the sake of brevity I shall omit this discussion here. Andreeva, “The ‘Earthquake Insect.’ ”

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Take for example the seventh-century miniature shrine, the Tamamushi zushi (Beetle-Wing Cabinet), now kept in the Golden Hall of Hōryūji in Nara. One of its side panels features a representation of Mt. Sumeru, which is depicted as emerging from the great ocean supported by a foundational pillar around which two nāgas, the serpent kings Nanda and Upananda, coil their bodies. At the bottom of the ocean is the palace of the Dragon King, housing a central figure, possibly the Buddha himself, or, according to the Lotus Sutra, the bodhisattva Mañjuṣrī, with an attendant on each side (fig. 6.1).7 Used for didactic lectures at court, the cabinet’s panels illustrated the early Jātaka tales and are still regarded as an early material representation of Buddhist teachings in Japan, albeit in the context of social elites. In the medieval period, this fascinating image received a further interpretation in ritual texts dealing with kami: for example, the fourteenth-century Bikisho (ca. 1324), produced at Ise, stated that dragon kings Nanda and Upananda, the two white serpents encircling Mt. Sumeru, were expounding the Buddhist teaching of the Abhidharmakośa bhāṣya (Jp. Kusharon).8 Comparable to this image is a passage from yet another medieval text, the Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki, which used Buddhist terms to explain the landscape of the Katsuragi mountains. It referred to the idea that the wisdom kings, vidyarāja (myōō), manifested themselves as the Eight Great Dragon Kings and protectors of Buddhism in the Lotus Sutra 7. See the iconographic description of Hōryūji’s original Mt. Sumeru panel and the two nāgas in Howard, The Imagery of the Cosmological Buddha, 37; and Bowring, The Religious Traditions of Japan, 32–35. Following the Japanese scholarly interpretation, Howard describes the central figure flanked by two attendants, appearing in the middle of the Dragon King’s Palace on the bottom of the ocean, as the Buddha Śākyamuni. According to the descriptions in the Chinese translation of the Sāgara nāgarāja parippṛchā sūtra, the Sutra of the Dragon King of the Sea (Ch. Hailong wang jing, Jp. Kairyūōkyō, T. 598), Śākyamuni was invited to the Dragon King’s Palace to expound his teaching. This particular visual trope was re-invented in medieval Japan as the myth of the Dragon King’s Palace and the divine seal, the Sanskrit syllable vaṃ inscribed on the bottom of the ocean. The same location was ascribed to the palace of the “Demon King of the Sixth Heaven,” Dairokuten Maō, who traded Japan’s territory in a pact with Amaterasu in return for her promise not to allow Buddhism into the premises of the Ise shrines. Itō, “Dairokuten Maō setsu no seiritsu”; and a revised version in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 118–43. 8. Kuroda Hideo, Ryū no sumu Nihon, 203–4; Bikisho, ST, vol. 88, Ronsetsu hen 2, Shingon Shintō, vol. 2.

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Fig. 6.1 Mt. Sumeru fragment from the “Beetle-Wing Cabinet” (Tamamushi zushi 玉虫 厨子). Mid-7th century. National treasure. Painted panel from the original shrine pre­ served at Hōryūji, Nara Prefecture. Modern reproduction drawing by Tai Sekimori (after a Meiji-period drawing preserved in the Tokyo National Museum, item no. C0016059). Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0



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(hachidai ryūō).9 These were, in effect, the serpent-dragon deities (ryūjin) of Japan, who were appealed to in rain prayers at cultic sites around the country, and who often petitioned Buddhist specialists through dreams and oracles for help in achieving enlightenment.10 The text further stated that such dragon deities were protectors of the heart-pillar of shrines (shin no mihashira).11 Moreover, in their true form they were messengers of unruly, “rough-shaking” deities (araburu kami), enshrined at many cultic sites around the country.12 Unsurprisingly, this motif appears to mirror the function and follow the earlier iconographic examples of the Tamamushi zushi; as will be shown further, similar descriptions were used in relation to medieval Ise shrines. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the earlier notion that prominent kami were the direct manifestations (suijaku) of major Buddhist divinities such as Amida, Śākyamuni, and Kannon were gradually supplemented (or in some cases, possibly even replaced) by esoteric Buddhist ideas. Since the late Heian period, it was understood that some kami, especially those described as “rough, shaking deities” (araburu kami), were more difficult to pacify and bring into the Buddhist domain. (Note, for example, Gedatsubō Jōkei’s theory about the different kinds of kami discussed in the introduction). If tamed successfully, however, 9. See further discussion of this text in Iyanaga, “Honji Suijaku and the Logic of Combinatory Deities,” 166–68; and Yamamoto Hiroko’s exploration of this theme in Henjōfu, 223–88. 10. Note the episodes from the Miwa shōnin gyōjō discussed in chapter 3, which describe how Miwa Shōnin Kyōen had encountered the Dragon King’s daughter near the Ryūketsu Shrine at Mt. Murō. Other famous cults of dragon deities also existed at Daigoji, where Seiryū Gongen was venerated as a protective deity, and at Shinsen’en, a famous site for rain-prayer rituals. See the aforementioned articles by Ruppert, Scheid, and Trenson. 11. The Buddhist iconography of Mt. Sumeru often depicts dragon deities coiled around pillars supporting the earth disc on which the mountain rests beneath the ocean surface. The medieval Buddhist theorists of kami worship clearly built on earlier understanding of the function and iconographic disposition of these deities by transferring the visual language of Buddhist iconography into their discussions of the workings of the kami realm. These discussions then became recorded in medieval Shinto texts. 12. The argument and the line of associations appearing in this passage of the Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki is actually more extensive, making connections between the dragon kings, Fudō Myōō, particularly in its form as Kurikara Myōō, and sword and vajra symbolism. NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron, 64.

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such kami could provide a new means for achieving enlightenment necessary during the “last age of dharma,” with its famines, wars, and general social instability. To the Buddhist mind, since Japan’s many kami resided in the mundane world of human beings, they provided a direct link to the distant divinities of Buddhism originating in continental Asia. Such agency fitted well with the esoteric concept of bonnō soku bodai, “worldly passions (Sk. kleśa) are in themselves [Buddhist] enlightenment.” Not only were the serpent deities, including kami, associated with the “worldly passions” and suffering, but their metaphorical appearance was found to be connected to the notion of the “three poisons” (sandoku) of greed (ton), anger ( jin), and ignorance (chi). According to Buddhist doctrine, these three poisons or delusions usually characterized sentient beings such as humans, and, even more so, sub-human species such as beasts, birds, worms, or fishes (chikushō), and were the root of fundamental ignorance (mumyō). In this way, the core Buddhist questions about the roots and causes of ignorance, and, by extension, the most pressing concerns about the nature and ways of overcoming such ignorance to achieve enlightenment, were placed at the center of local Buddhist discourses in medieval Japan. The notion of “three poisons” was considered to be a standard metaphor for describing the travails of the mundane physical world and the susceptibility of humans to worldly attachments. It was discussed widely in prominent Buddhist sutras and scholastic literature such as the Great Wisdom Sutra, the Lotus Sutra, the Flower Garland Sutra, and the Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom (Ch. Da zhidu lun, Jp. Dai chido ron, T. 1509).13 The Yogācārabhūmi śāstra (Ch. Yuqie shidi lun, Jp. Yuga shiji ron, T. 1579), which bore a special significance for Tantric thinkers in Buddhist countries including India, Tibet, and China, equally linked the “three poisons” with greed, anger, and ignorance and explained them in the context of “worldly passions” (bonnō).14 Japanese scholar of medieval Japan Yamamoto Hiroko has pointed out that in prominent Chinese Buddhist texts such as the “Essay on the Meaning of Mahāyāna” (Ch. 13. A simple search for this term on the SAT database revealed more than 3,400 entries. http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/, accessed September 28, 2011. 14. See for example a lengthy discussion in T. 1579, 630b21–630c25.

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Dasheng yizhang, Jp. Daijō gishō, T. 1851) by Huiyuan (334–416) of Lushan, the three poisons were described in the following way: “These three poisons encompass all worldly passions of the three worlds. All worldly passions [have] the potential to damage sentient beings. They are like poisonous snakes or poisonous dragons. For this reason, [when] invoking such a metaphor, [it is to say that] the name refers to poison.”15 Following the trail of Buddhist transmissions and exchange with the continent, such rhetoric was adopted by Buddhist thinkers in Japan. For instance, in the opening section of his “Treatise on the Ten Stages of Enlightenment,” Kūkai stated: “The four serpents that cause four hundred diseases are the body of suffering (kutai). The three poisons that are the karmic reason for eight hundred illnesses are [in] the troubled mind.”16 Ennin (794–864) and Annen (841–?), the Heian-period systematizers of the Tendai esoteric teachings, frequently invoked this notion in their works when discussing the conditions of ignorance and methods of overcoming the karmic afflictions.17 During the medieval period, Japanese Buddhist scholars were more inclined to focus this particular discussion on specific esoteric deities, often citing these deities’ supreme ability to cut delusions and help practitioners to disentangle their exis­ tence from harmful worldly afflictions. At least one such deity should by now be very familiar. Pondering on the meaning of the Treatise on the Bodhicitta (Ch. Putixin lun, Jp. Bodaishinron, T. 1665) in his ritual compendium Datō hiketsushō (Secret Compendium on the Dhātu), the Shingon cleric Gahō noted that out of the three poisons, “greed is equated to love” (sono ton to wa ai nari) and that “the ‘one who taints with love’ refers to King Aizen” (ai ga somu to shirusu wo Aizen-ō to iu nari). In the same passage, he continued: “Therefore, in the Treatise [it says that] all 15. The following quote is from scroll fascicle 5, Zasshū (Miscellaneous), T. 1851, lines 0565a16–17; cited in Yamamoto, Henjōfu, 249–50. Huiyuan was a contemporary of translators of early Buddhist scriptures such as the Kashmiri monk Samghadeva (ca. 397–98) and the Kuchean monk Kumārājīva (344–413), who worked on the Sanskrit-­Chinese translations of Mahāyānic Buddhist texts at Lushan and Chang’an, respectively. 16. Himitsu mandara jūjūshinron, by Kūkai, T. 2425, 303a15–16. The notion of “four serpents” will be mentioned again shortly. 17. See for example Ennin’s Ken’yō daikairon (Praise to the Great Precepts Treatise [Saichō’s Kenkairon, Clarifying the Precepts, T. 2376], T. 2380), or Annen’s Shingonshū kyōjigi (On the Meaning of Shingon Teachings, T. 2396), among other works.

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the sentient beings are originally existing enlightened ones (that is, kongōsatta), and [the one who] controls the worldly passions of greed, anger, and ignorance by binding them is Aizen.”18 Perhaps it was only natural that Japanese medieval ritual texts applied the preexisting general Mahāyānic descriptions of the roots and nature of ignorance to suit local Buddhist contexts, and explained the nature of kami inhabiting Japan’s landscape to that effect. Elsewhere in his treatise the aforementioned Gahō made the following argument, which could be representative of the Shingon temple milieu of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries: In short, all the kami have a promise to protect Buddhism. Therefore, one must heed this vow and use it. A more profound meaning is that the principal Buddhist deity [honzon] embodies the Gate of Principle [rimon], while the realm of divinities [ jinmyō] [represents] the virtue of the Gate of Wisdom [chimon]. Since principle and wisdom are aligned perfectly and constitute the dharma body [Sk. dharmakāya, Jp. hottai, alt. hōtai], one [should] use the position of kami [ jinbun]. In the utmost secret sense, various buddhas constitute the karma section in the northern part [of the mandala], and all the kami [ jindō] represent the treasure section in the southern part. That often used saying of “softening the light and mingling with dust” [wakō dōjin] is the samādhi of syllable rāṃ. In the deep karmic sense, all kami have the serpent form and the serpent’s body [ jakei jashin]. For this reason, one enters the “dust and grime” in the samādhi [ jinkō no sanmai] of syllable rāṃ. The King of Hell Enmaten is the deity of the southern direction. All the deities [kami; here, jinmyō] are his relatives. King Enma is King Aizen. His relatives are Desire, Attachment, Love, and Pride. Since the dust and grime [of the mundane world] represent desire and attachment, the various kami thus represent the schemata of Aizen Myōō’s own body. In Kūkai’s proclamation [keibyaku] it says: “the Buddha relics [shari] are [local] deities [ jingi], and the sutra fascicles are the three secrets.” The relics are King Aizen. When the relics and Aizen become one, that is called the Ritual of Purging the Serpents [hijahō].19 When conducting the ritual contemplation of the practice hall [dōjōkan], there 18. Datō hiketsushō, by Gahō, 218. For an earlier translation of this passage, see Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 85; however, it does not always strictly follow Gahō’s original phrasing and omits significant references. 19. This is most likely a reference to the ritual of the same name conducted at Tōji and Murōji. See chapters 2 and 3 for brief mentions in the context of both temples

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Enlightenment for the “Country Bumpkins” 227 are essential details. Therefore one knows that relics, Aizen, and kami are but one body, which has three names. When practicing this ritual, one must use the position of kami in utmost faith, and, after achieving the fruits, save others and lead them to enlightenment. In the most absolutely profound sense, kami are the mind-deities of our hun and po souls [waga konpaku shijin nado no shinjin]. For this reason, they are embodied as the shape of syllable hūṃ in one’s own heart [ jishin chū no un ji no tai].20

In this dramatic quote, Gahō reproduces all the essential elements of medieval esoteric logic, explaining each level of the secret reasoning one by one. Not only does he describe the Buddha and kami as coexisting and mutually interdependent spheres, being one and the same interpenetrating parts of the dharmakāya, whose layout is demonstrated by the Buddhist mandalas, but he notes a special protective position of kami toward Buddhism and their original appearance as serpentine entities who at once embody ignorance and are capable of destroying it. Following this logic, kami thus should be envisioned as Buddhist relics, next of kin to the King of Hell Enma, and as manifestations of the esoteric deity Aizen Myōō. By invoking the serpent kami in tandem with Aizen, one could perform esoteric rituals that purge ignorance (such as that which he calls hijahō) and after becoming enlightened, help others to achieve the same. Perhaps the most striking admission that this passage makes is that kami should be understood as inhabiting the outer, least perceptible levels of the practitioner’s own mind and be invoked as part of the esoteric process of activating the state of enlightenment through mental contemplation of the Sanskrit syllable hūṃ. In short, it was understood, at least within the medieval Shingon temple milieu, that Japanese kami were indispensable to the practice of esoteric Buddhism; they could act as crucial mediators, activating the prized state of enlightenment. Furthermore, such a state is inherently existent and could be achieved by a and the Kakugenshō, Miwa Shōnin Hōkyō Rendōbō’s record of esoteric teachings from Mt. Kōya. 20. Datō hiketsushō, 195. See also brief discussions of this compendium in the context of relic worship, Ruppert, Jewel in the Ashes, 190–91 and 242; in the context of the Aizen rituals, Goepper, Aizen Myōō, 85–87. According to Mochizuki, a similar explanation appears in Dōhan’s writings; see the entry on the “status of kami” ( jinbun), Mochizuki, BD, 2090.

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simple realization that the human mind already contains the seeds of buddhahood, which just need to be discovered. It should be noted here that such discussions were initially conf ined to the esoteric temple scholars. Nevertheless, the theories produced in the scholarly environment, or one might say, in an experimental, theoretical setting, began to circulate as ritual transmissions and thus spread among wider circles of Buddhist practitioners. The medieval Tendai thinkers did not fail to match these advanced theoretical arguments regarding the state of being a kami. For example, the fourteenth-century Tendai encyclopedia Keiranshūyōshū explain­ ing the true nature of Sannō Gongen renders this complex issue thus: Question: Why does the suijaku form of kami [shinmei] always manifest itself as a snake [ jashin]? Answer: Because these deities are the embodiment of the [notion] of “softening the light and mingling with dust” [wakō dōjin], they resemble and are equal to unenlightened mundane beings [Sk. pṛthagjana, Jp. bonbu, lit. “a man from the crowd”]. Unenlightened beings are the fully-fledged embodiment of polarity [of] the three poisons [sandoku] and such. The states of completeness of the three poisons and of unproduced source and substance of all phenomena [musa honnu] [all] necessarily [appear] in the form of a serpent [ jatai].21

This particular statement illustrates how in the medieval Buddhist scholarly milieu the serpent deities were understood to be, on the one hand, a representation of fundamental ignorance and, on the other, identified with the original, unproduced state of enlightenment and considered to be the “substance of all phenomena.” Of particular note here are the attempt to describe kami through Buddhist channels as manifestations of true reality and the notion of bonbu, an ordinary ignorant, immature person who has not yet began to rise to higher levels of cognition. The latter is somewhat resonant with the image of “country bumpkins” or countryside priests unable to grasp the complex truths of esoteric Buddhism that was conjured up by the fourteenth-century critics from Mt. Kōya, discussed in chapter 3. Most importantly, as seen from the 21. T. 2410, lines 0517c17–20. See further discussion in Yamamoto, Henjōfu, 251.

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Shingon example cited above, in some instances these diverse notions seem to have been mediated through the cult of Aizen Myōō.22 Shrine lineages, most prominently those of Ise, attempted to match these theories by composing their own theological texts. Mirroring the Buddhist notion of “three poisons,” these texts often described kami by the application of yin-yang theory, as the embodiment of primeval chaos (konton). Such notions can already be seen in the Mitsu no kashiwa denki, a text produced at an Ise estate that provided sacred oak for ritual use at the Ise shrines, and the thirteenth-century texts penned by the Watarai lineage, such as the Zō Ise nisho daijingū hōki hongi (True Records of the Treasure Base [on which] the Two Great Shrines of Ise are Built).23 Moreover, as already mentioned in chapter 5, the Watarai attempted to construct their own intellectual sphere focusing on the Ise shrines, which also involved discussions of the nature of kami and the effects of their presence on the local landscape. These constructions may have depended slightly less on specifically esoteric, secret readings of the state of being a kami, but, as has been shown by Teeuwen, Ogawa, and others, they nevertheless appropriated many concepts and much vocabulary from the Chinese classics and Buddhist literature. The next sections will map out more carefully the itinerary of these emergent theories within the esoteric Buddhist milieu at Ise and Miwa, with a focus on the agencies of the Saidaiji and Miwa lineages.

Amaterasu as a Serpent Ise, the abode of divine ancestors of the imperial house, was the most obvious candidate for inspiring medieval ritual theories about kami and other powerful divinities. The theory that imperial ancestor Amaterasu was a manifestation of the Buddha Dainichi had been known in elite Buddhist circles since the late eleventh century (see the introduction), 22. There existed a number of other elaborate theories explaining the esoteric nature of kami and linking them with other Buddhist divinities in medieval Japan. For the sake of the overall brevity and focus of this study, however, the discussion is limited to this particular cult of Aizen. 23. See the discussion of these notions in Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shintō,” 249–53.

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but in the medieval period many more elaborate theories about its appearance and connection to powerful esoteric divinities were produced. Such theories were also implanted into esoteric Buddhist ritual discourse. Initially conceived within scholarly Buddhist circles, they had an impact far beyond the confines of the established esoteric Buddhist temples. A history of one of the Saidaij-affiliated temples, Enmyōji engi (1638), includes a legendary narrative concerning the monk Kakujō, one of the major theorists of esoteric kami worship at Ise and Miwa, which depicts him paying homage at the Ise shrines. Wanting to receive an oracle from the deities, he undertook ritual dream incubation. As a result, the legend goes, he was able to witness the true form of the suijaku manifestation of the great deity of Ise, a large snake over one jō (3.03 meters) in length.24 This seventeenth-century account is reminiscent of earlier tales of the Buddhist monks from Tang and Song China who encountered serpent deities in the mountains.25 But it also reflects Japan’s medieval past, when Buddhist practitioners of different affiliation, rank, and level of scholarship went to sacred areas, Buddhist temples, and shugen facilities in the vicinity of the Ise shrines to pay homage to the main deity of Japan (see chapter 5). This legend provides an entry to the complex issue of how the medieval Buddhist milieu understood, appropriated, and dealt with kami in local contexts. Even though the Ise shrine protocol did not allow the Buddhists to approach shrine precincts too closely, their religious imagination could do the work. From fourteenth-century texts such as Bikisho and the Tenshō Daijin kuketsu, compiled at Ise in large part with the help of Buddhist practitioners from Sanbōin of Daigoji, it is evident that medieval residents and visitors to Ise shrines used Buddhist notions and serpentine imagery 24. While the original manuscript of the Enmyōji engi has not survived, a large portion was included in a collection entitled the Seyō zakki (Miscellaneous Records from Ise), currently found in Mie ken kyōdo shiryō sōsho, vol. 13, 106–7; cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 621. 25. See for example a tale of the monk Tanguang, who encountered a half-tiger, half-serpent mountain deity in a dream while waiting out a rainstorm in a mountain cave. Gaoseng zhuan (Jp. Kōsōden, Biographies of Eminent Monks), T. 2059, 395c06–17. Song gaoseng zhuan (Jp. Sō kōsōden, Biographies of Eminent Monks from Song) has a story of a monk Lingtan from Hualinsi temple in Yangzhou, who “saw two large white snakes, several jō in length” near the Dragon Cave that belched up poisonous clouds. T. 2061, 769b09–14.

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abundantly to describe the appearance of imperial ancestor Amaterasu and its sacred abode, linking both to the Buddhist cosmology and iconography of the Kongōkai and the Taizōkai, the two esoteric mandalas. The production of these texts was previously discussed in relation to the fourteenth-century monk Kakujō, who had links to Saidaiji, the Sanbōin, and the Watarai family at Ise, in addition to his connections at Miwa. The Tenshō Daijin kuketsu contains the following description: “As for the Eight Great Dragon Kings of the [Lotus] Sutra, four are at the Inner Shrine [of Ise], and four are at the Outer Shrine, altogether Eight Great Dragon Kings [hachidai ryūō]. They represent the divine body [shintai] of the shrines. They also represent the Great Vehicle [the Mahāyāna teaching]. I think the dragons are a metaphor for the three poisons.”26 In a fashion similar to the examples of the Beetle-Wing Cabinet and Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki, cited above, the section entitled “On the four incantations of the Eight Dragons of Mt. Sumeru” in the Bikisho noted: At the foundation of the heart-pillar is the mysterious working of the universal law. It reveals the Mt. Sumeru of our consciousness [Sk. cittadharma, Jp. shinpō] in the form of two dragons, blue and white. The blue dragon is associated with the east and the Taizōkai; the white dragon is associated with the west and the Kongōkai. These are the two shrines of Ise, the Outer and the Inner. In regards to this, [Watarai no] Tsuneyoshi said that the Eight Great Dragon Kings were present at the Ise shrines. For this reason, the traces of the prayer halls of the Inner and Outer shrines were in four places, and these four places were [guarded by] the two dragons of the Kongōkai and the Taizōkai, altogether eight. This meaning is most fitting. However, the Inner Shrine is usually represented by the blue snake, and the Outer Shrine by the white snake; they represent the Kongōkai and the Taizōkai. . . . The two snakes, blue and white, according to another theory, are the same as the serpent form of non-duality representing the three poisons of our [mundane world] [waga sandoku funi no jakei to dōtai nari].27 26. ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 1, 497. Cited in Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 383. The notion of the three poisons also occurs in the Ise kanjō kirikami. Itō Satoshi, “Ise kanjō no sekai,” 66; and Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 104. 27. ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 1, 516. See further discussions of this text in Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 383; and Teeuwen, “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity.”

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Although these theories do not correspond in precise detail, it is clear that the Buddhist and shrine lineages operating in the proximity of the Ise shrines and the esoteric clergy based at established mikkyō temples such as Tōji or Daigoji shared roughly the same body of ideas and conceptual metaphors. Moreover, from the above excerpts it becomes clear that these ideas about the appearance of Japanese deities, the Buddhist nature of the foundation of the Ise shrines, and the shrines’ correspondence with the Buddhist worldview represented by Mt. Sumeru went back to the fundamental cosmologies of Buddhism and iconographies described in Mahāyāna Buddhist scriptures (fig. 6.1). As in the case of the writings by esoteric temple scholars cited in the previous section, notable here is the fact that in combinatory texts produced by the religious practitioners at Ise the Buddhist metaphors were applied both to the sacred landscapes of Japan and to the practitioners’ own minds and bodies.28 The dualistic pattern correlating the Inner and Outer Shrines with the Kongōkai and the Taizōkai, found in the excerpt from Tenshō Daijin kuketsu, was a regular feature of any mandalic representation of Ise, as is also seen in the case of the Saidaiji portable shrine, the Ise mishōtai zushi discussed in chapter 5. The excerpt from the Bikisho indicates that Buddhist concepts, often via the procedures of the so-called “inner fire purification ritual” (uchi goma), or “contemplation on one’s own nature” ( jishōkan) and the medium of kami, were also applied to the mental and physical landscapes of the human body. Although space does not allow for developing this impor­ tant topic here in full, more on the application of esoteric Buddhist notions in the context of rituals involving practitioners’ bodies and minds will follow shortly. Medieval Buddhist texts, which presented kami as unruly, shaking, violent deities and as serpents, also explained how such deities could be seen as manifestations of esoteric divinities, representations of true reality, and embodiments of the enlightened mind. In fact, the very ambivalence of serpent deities was seen as the prime manifestation of the notion of non-duality. As pointed out by David Bialock and Yamamoto Hiroko, this notion was used as a conceptual tool that helped medieval 28. See, for instance, Max Moerman’s “Demonology and Eroticism,” which discusses many examples of Buddhist cosmology and map-making in medieval Japan.

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thinkers to connect to kami and buddhas in a ritual context and to unlock and transcend the boundaries of several other contrary dichotomous states, such as male and female, pollution and purity, defiled and perfected body, and notions of kingship and authority.29 To the Buddhist mind, the discovery of this important conceptual juncture, at once clarifying and ambiguous, was at the very foundation of the medieval fascination with kami, including Amaterasu and, increasingly, other local deities. The medieval theories about kami may have borrowed the rhetoric of broader Buddhist discourses produced earlier in India and China, but they reflected intimately on the Japanese cultural context, weaving the Buddhist notions firmly into their very texture, somewhat differently at each individual location or sacred site. In general, medieval discussions of kami as serpents were not confined to temples such as Daigoji, the Tendai kike scribes from Mt. Hiei, or the shrine clergy of Ise; as previously noted in passing, Zen monks, itinerant yin-yang diviners, miko shamans, Pure Land priests, and court literati were involved in the veneration of kami, and many of them were familiar with secret theories about the local divinities. Nevertheless, from the surviving medieval sources, at least those surveyed until now, it seems that the religious practitioners linked to the esoteric Buddhist temples remained the most visible and active agency when it came to the formation of theories regarding kami. For instance, in this matter the Keiranshūyōshū had to acknowledge the momentous (and perhaps momentary) predominance of the medieval Shingon lineages, which considered that all kami, however enlightened, at some point returned from their provisional manifestations ( jakka) to their original form as “insects” (chūrui) or “serpents” ( jashin). Its author Kōshū refers to some “forty volumes of Ono lineage ritual transmissions by Kūkai” (Ono Kōbō yonjū chō no ketsu) that allegedly dealt with the kami. The original quote from the Keiranshūyōshū reads: “It is said that the provisional manifestation of all kami is insects [chūrui]. The 29. Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship, and the Dragon Cults,” 295. Yamamoto Hiroko draws attention to the flexibility of the notion of gender in medieval reinterpretations of the story of the Dragon King’s daughter’s enlightenment. Yamamoto, Henjōfu, 225–88. Bialock analyzes a crucial passage from the Keiranshūyōshū explaining how the two contrary states could be embodied by another serpent deity, Benzaiten. Ibid., 301–2.

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provisional manifestation points to the kami’s temporary trace in this world [shinmei no ōjaku]. ‘Insects’ means serpents. There are transmissions regarding the Peasant Aizen [Denbu Aizen] and the Three-sun Fudō [sanzun no Fudō].”30 The medieval monks associated with the Ono branch of Shingon (esoteric temples located in the Ono area in the southeastern portion of Kyoto, including Daigoji) indeed circulated secret transmissions, often in the form of so-called “cut paper certificates” (kirikami) or “seals of trust” (injin), which conceptualized and expressed this process of kami transmutation and the kami’s versatile appearance in esoteric Buddhist rituals. As noted earlier, the cults of esoteric deities were already replete with serpent symbolism; these served as fertile soil for cultivating new kami icons and rituals. Thus, the process of conceptualizing kami worship in medieval Japan moved on from adapting Buddhist concepts found in the Mahāyāna scriptures and Chinese translations of Indian Buddhist treatises, to embedding these concepts into esoteric Buddhist discourse and Japan’s cultural and local contexts, and then to the crucial stage of visualizing the kami. The cults of esoteric divinities with their extensive and changing iconography served as vehicles and templates for such visualizations of kami. The case of Aizen Myōō remains perhaps the most telling example in this respect. To that end, the medieval Tendai encyclopedia Keiranshūyōshū mentions the images of two wisdom kings, so-called “Peasant Aizen” and “Three-sun Fudō.” From the description, the latter was likely a small statue, approximately thirty centimeters in height, of the well-known esoteric deity Fudō Myōō. But who was this “Peasant Aizen”? And how were the kami connected with it?

Aizen and Medieval “Country Bumpkins” Aizen, already familiar to us from the previous chapters, played a leading role in esoteric Buddhist practitioners’ taming and appropriation of unruly kami as a source of enlightenment. This divinity appeared in the 30. Keiranshūyōshū, T. 2410, l517c20–23.

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writings of thirteenth-century practitioners at the Miwa bessho, in rituals to quell the Mongol fleet at the Hachiman Shrine in Iwashimizu, as an integral part of a ritual simulacrum of the Ise shrines, and in the meditative practices of Shingon Ritsu monks in Kantō.31 During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and later, the diverse and complex iconographical description of this deity originating in the Yugikyō became a source of inspiration for the Buddhist lineages, which produced many ritual and visual expressions for the Aizen cult. The Yugikyō specified that the esoteric powers, the fundamental essence and “dharma nature” (hosshō) of Aizen, could be condensed in the Siddham syllable hūṃ or, in its doubled form, hhūṃ (plate 2).32 In esoteric Buddhist circles, particularly those connected with the Ono and Hirosawa lineages of Shingon, it was understood that the shape of this Siddham syllable representing Aizen was reminiscent of a curled serpent. This form was further interpreted in soteriological terms and applied as a key concept for the process of achieving enlightenment “with this very body.” Among seventeenth-century copies of initiation documents called “seals of trust” (injin), transmitted within the Ono lineage and now preserved at Zentsūji in Kagawa Prefecture in Shikoku, there is a group of records describing the ritual of “Peasant Aizen” (denbu aizen).33 One rec­ ord of an oral transmission (kuketsu) attached to it, studied earlier by Itō Satoshi, states: “The principal deity [of this ritual] is the seed-syllable hhūṃ in the form of a snake. It is of black color, because the syllable hūṃ [NB: forming the base for the double syllable hhūṃ] corresponds to the element of wind. It emits breath, or so it is said.” Furthermore, the same record contains the following explanation: 31. Yamamoto Hiroko also discusses Aizen’s connection to imperial symbolism in her chapter on the eroticism and politics of Aizen cults in medieval Japan. Yamamoto, Henjōfu, 309–24. 32. The previous chapter mentioned a fourteenth-century scroll painting of the Siddham syllable hhūṃ representing Aizen Myōō, preserved at Shōmyōji, then a part of the Saidaiji’s Shingon Ritsu network in the Kantō region (nowadays Kanagawa Prefecture). See plate 2. 33. This non-canonical representation of Aizen Myōō was f irst discussed by Yamamoto Hiroko in 1997. The Japanese scholar Itō Satoshi has conducted further research on the oral transmissions related to this particular figure in 2007. Yamamoto, Ishin, 418; Itō Satoshi, “Ise kanjō no sekai,” and Tenshō Daijin, 371–422.

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Question: Why does one not draw the image of Aizen, but use the image of a snake? Answer: The three poisons are, in general, the fundamental root of various passions, [represented by] serpents. The secret tradition reveals this. [The notion that] “worldly passions are equal to enlightenment” [bonnō soku bodai] has “one object, but two views.” Scroll five of the secret scripture [that is, the Yugikyō] is the fundamental source for the dharma nature of this deeply secret treasure. From the three poisons originate the enlightenment of the three bodies [of a Tathāgata].34 From pollution originates the Pure Land, and therefore, [so does] enlightenment with this very body [sokushin jōbutsu].35

These records, although they are fairly late copies of original transmissions, attest to several facts. Buddhist practitioners in medieval Japan experimented with the notions of ignorance and enlightenment and with manipulating the metaphorical and symbolic language of snakes, poison, and pollution. In doing so, they were effectively searching for new ways of achieving the ultimate goal of enlightenment, and in the process inventing new ritual techniques and soteriologies that could resolve existential issues and alleviate the pressures of their time. Such enlightenment, represented by the cosmologies of esoteric Pure Lands and luminous buddhas residing in the mandalic circles of the Taizōkai and the Kongōkai, was to be sought in the very midst of the deluded world, among the bitterness resulting from pursuing worldly passions and within the serpentine web of human desire. Ritual pollution (kegare) or, more generally, the condition of the human body, could thus be seen as an inseparable and integral part of, even a pre-requisite for, such enlightenment. This idea was at the foundation of several medieval cultic practices, 34. Scroll five of the Yugikyō is dedicated to the iconographic description of Aizen Myōō, T. 867, lines 256b25–257.b16. Note the description of Aizen’s mantra huṃ ta ki huṃ jā appearing in lines 257a19–22. 35. Cited in Itō, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 398. Other ritual documents dealing with the “Peasant Aizen” ritual are preserved at the Kanazawa Bunko in Yokohama (MS 334–25, 328–12, accessed in March-April, 2012), and in Eizan Bunko in Ōtsu, Shiga Prefecture (MS 873–366, accessed in May, 2013). Ogawa Toyoo has since published another document of this kind with an image of Denbu Aizen, entitled Shintō Ama no Iwato no daiji (The Secret of the Heavenly Rock Cave in Shintō). It is preserved at Jingū Bunko archive at Ise, Mie Prefecture. Ogawa, Chūsei Nihon shinwa, 347.

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such as the envisioning of outcasts and beggars as reincarnations of Mañjuṣrī, Kakuban’s intense sacralization of internal bodily landscapes, or the ritual search for power by opposing branches of the imperial family during the fourteenth century. Moreover, the esoteric doctrine of non-duality implied that the divine and physical worlds were inseparable, that the practitioner’s body could essentially become the site onto which divine worlds could be instantly mapped out, and that the seeds of enlightenment could be found not only within sacred landscapes, but also within the very body and mind of the practitioner. The concern that Buddhist enlightenment should potentially be accessible to any person (although mainly monastic males) was, perhaps, not too dissimilar to the stance of other medieval religious groups, such as those founded by Hōnen, Nichiren, and Shinran. From the “Peasant Aizen” transmission quoted above it is also evident that the medieval transmissions of the Yugikyō played a critical role in the development of the medieval forms of kami worship in terms of both conceptualizing the nature of kami and visualizing their appearance. As shown earlier by Lucia Dolce, in the late thirteenth century and throughout the fourteenth century these experimentations stimulated the production of esoteric images and icons that began to move away from the original descriptions in the canonical sources.36 This happened with the visual representation of Aizen Myōō, first described in the Yugikyō and subsequently presented in late-Heian and Kamakura-period Japanese iconographic collections such as the Zuzōshō (Compendium of Images, 1139), Besson zakki (Miscellaneous Records of Individual Deities, mid. 12th c.), Kakuzenshō (Compendium by Kakuzen, 1198), and Asabashō (Compendium of A, Sa, Va, ca. 1275, by Shōchō).37 In fact, the principal image used in the “Peasant Aizen” ritual mentioned above was one 36. A detailed discussion of the new medieval iconographies of Aizen and Fudō Myōō can be found in Dolce, “Nigenteki genri no gireika,” 159–206. She also notes the emergence of the non-canonical imagery particularly in relation to the Sanbōin of Daigoji in her earlier article “Duality and the Kami,” 122. 37. The Zuzōshō by Ejo and the Besson zakki by Shinkaku (1117–80) can be found in the Taishō Zuzō (Images; TZ) supplement of the Taishō canon, vol. 3. The Kakuzenshō by the Shingon monk Kakuzen (1143–1218) and the Asabashō by the Tendai monk Shōchō (1205–80) are respectively in the TZ, vols. 4 and 9. The Byakuhōshō by Ryōzen (1258–1341), TZ, vol. 6.

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such example. The seventeenth-century ritual transmission documents (kirikami and injin) studied by Itō Satoshi contain a sketch of the ritual’s honzon within the body of the text. A section of the folding manuscript, dated Enbō 3 (1675) and preserved in a private collection, contains the following title: “The seed syllable (shuji) of the Peasant Aizen is the serpent-shaped seed syllable in the form of the syllable hhūṃ.” The folding page consists of a short description of the ritual transmission in the form of specific mantras and mudras attributed to this composite deity and their transmission history, identifying the origination of the ritual with the Ono lineage of Tōji. The text is accompanied by a hand-drawn image of a thick-bodied snake with a bulky head facing downward and roughly drawn scales, curled up in the form of the Siddham syllable hhūṃ, wearing a flaming five-layered jewel on its neck and rising from a lotus (plate 7a).38 Almost identical images depicting a serpent coiling on the tip of a three-pronged vajra emerging from a red lotus, or a blue snake with a flaming gem on its neck coiling in a shape reminiscent of the syllable hhūṃ on a red lotus, were used in Denbu Aizen rituals by the Saidaiji lineage.39 Similar images can be found at Mt. Kōya in Kii Prefecture, the main archive of the Tendai school Eizan Bunko in Shiga Prefecture, Jingū Bunko in Mie Prefecture, and private collections, thus attesting to the significance and popularity of this ritual among Buddhist practitioners throughout the medieval esoteric Buddhist milieu.40 Kanazawa Bunko has preserved several items that contain only the records of Denbu Aizen transmissions, without any depictions. As will be shown shortly, similar rituals were also practiced at Miwa; moreover, Itō’s study has suggested that the Miwa bessho practitioners may have been at the very helm of the creation of “Peasant Aizen.” 38. Denbu hō tategami injin. A copy of Enpō 3 [1676]. A black and white reproduction is published in Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 379. I thank Itō Satoshi for kindly allow­ ing me to view the original manuscript in March, 2012. I am also grateful for his permission to re-publish this image. 39. See Aizen Myōō, exhibition catalogue from Kanazawa Bunko, 66. Also, Shinbutsu shūgō no hon, 173. 40. Although it is often difficult to obtain permission to publish such images, the recent research survey of them shows that many are very similar, if not almost identical. See also note 35.

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Although a subject of secret “oral transmissions” (kuden), these new images and icons circulated seemingly with little constraint within esoteric Buddhist networks. Medieval practitioners belonging to such networks were interested in exploring the kami realm and in experimenting with ritual protocols that would allow symbolic union between the practitioner, esoteric deities, and kami. Importantly, these rituals were set within the landscape of Japan’s most prominent cultic sites and mountains imbued with sacred power, such as Ise, Miwa, Murō, or Hiei. During the late thirteenth century, esoteric Buddhist concepts encountered in scriptures such as the Mahāvairocana Sūtra, or, in this particular case, the Yugikyō, were re-formulated by scholar-monks and esoteric practitioners to suit the Japanese medieval context and then transferred onto the domain of Buddhist kami worship; the realm of rituals featuring esoteric Buddhist divinities and of those featuring kami was essentially the same shared field, where Buddhist concepts and elements were re-shaped to fit the mold of local historical contexts and kami cults, with resulting similarities and subtle differences. The secret Buddhist texts, icons, and rituals featuring kami that proliferated among the Buddhist temple lineages stationed in small local branch temples at Ise or at private Buddhist facilities such as bessho at Miwa were eventually re-absorbed by the major esoteric temples. This process can be seen reflected in the historical artifacts recently released by major Buddhist temples in Japan and studied by Japanese researchers. For example, one such image (although dated later) clearly refers to the depiction of Aizen in the form of the Siddham syllable hhūṃ. It was used as the principal image in the ceremony known as the “Abhiṣeka [of the] Divine Spirits” (Reiki kanjō), which involved the combinatory veneration of esoteric deities and Amaterasu.41 It is currently preserved at Ninnaji (that is, the Hirosawa branch of Shingon) in Kyoto and was said to have been used in kami rituals during the years 1513–14. The image displays a serpent with a birdlike head, a protruding thin tongue, and small scales drawn on the skin of its back, curled in a shape resembling a simplified syllable hhūṃ and rising from a flaming lotus 41. See a more detailed study of this ritual by Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” 276–89; also in Japanese, Mitsuhashi, Heian jidai no shinkō to shūkyō girei.

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emitting small jewels. On its neck the serpent wears a five-colored flaming jewel (plate 7b).42 Compared with one another, these two images (plates 7a–b) display obvious similarities. Even though one was supposedly used in an esoteric Buddhist ritual featuring Aizen Myōō, while the other was employed as a focusing point in a Buddhist initiation into kami secrets, both were clearly produced within the same environment. Moreover, looking back at the hand-painted scroll of the Siddham syllable hhūṃ from Shōmyōji (plate 2) discussed in chapter 4, it becomes clear that the Buddhist clerics based at local temples in Kantō, Ise, and central Japan, as well as their itinerant counterparts, hijiri and shugen practitioners travelling from one cultic site to another, shared the same body of concepts fusing esoteric deities, visual symbols, relics, and omnipresent kami. Achieving salvation, attaining enlightenment “with this very body,” and ensuring that such enlightenment was equally accessible to all: such concerns underpinned the world of medieval religious practitioners who understood that the esoteric Buddhist divinities and kami were inseparable parts of the same cultic worldview. But what about the so-called “country bumpkins”? As far as the Denbu Aizen ritual is concerned, why was there a connection with the countryside? It seems that during the Kamakura period, both Tendai and Shingon ritual specialists were convinced that this secret Aizen ritual was transmitted to the tenth-century monk Ningai (951?–1046), the founder of the Ono lineage of Shingon. According to Kamakura-­ period transmissions, Ningai, having heard that someone living in the province of Izumo was in possession of knowledge about the Aizen ritual, went there in search of the “peasant-monk” (denbu no sō). Upon his ­arrival, the monk, who according to one explanation was the ghost of Ningai’s own teacher, gladly taught him the secret ritual, which subsequently became a treasured possession of the Ono lineage.43 Other parts 42. This ritual image was first published by the research team of Abe Yasurō in 2000, and since then has appeared in museum exhibitions and subsequently published catalogues. See Abe Yasurō et al., Ninnaji shiryō (Shintō hen), Shintō kanjō injin, for a black and white facsimile, 18. 43. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 401–4. Kanazawa Bunko manuscripts were inaccessible in March 2011 due to the Tōhoku earthquake, but I could finally study them in March 2012. Additional assessment of the Denbu Aizen kirikami was conducted at

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of the Denbu Aizen transmission explain that the word denbu (field cultivator) is just “a different name for the Two Mandalas, non-duality of two kami, and the principle of the two wisdom kings [Aizen and Fudō] having one body.” Just as fields produce rice to feed the population and sustain human lives, such divine principle produces a wish-fulfilling gem (nyoi hōju) appearing on the serpent’s neck that is a vital essence of both buddhas and the “originally unborn” (honpushō) kami.44 This legend, most likely constructed by thirteenth-century Ono ­lineage sympathizers, reveals a mythological background that contrasts with the usual stories of “transmission origins.” It seems to assert that the elite traditions of esoteric Buddhism did not originate only in China or India; the most coveted and effective secret rituals could potentially be found in Japan’s remote countryside, and, moreover, in Izumo, the land of the ancient creator deity Ōnamuchi and snake-slashing hero Susanoo. Furthermore, the aforementioned records imply that these potent rituals could be transmitted by nameless low-ranking priests, and that such grassroots ritual techniques could become the base for the famous temples’ tradition. Further investigation of the medieval sources preserved at Kana­ zawa Bunko by Japanese scholars reveals that the “Peasant Aizen” ritual was transmitted at least as early as 1277, with some colophons even mentioning 1210 (although such an early date is probably unlikely). Itō ­Satoshi has argued that the earliest ritual documents confirming the transmission of Ise kanjō (to be discussed shortly) can be traced back to 1262, and therefore the “Peasant Aizen” ritual must also have emerged around the same time, or perhaps even a few decades earlier. Nevertheless, he suggests that the emergence of this ritual and its components may have happened in different stages: f irst, there were circulations of mudra and mantra (inmyō) focusing on this particular form of Aizen; second, the process of mental visualization took place, resulting in the temple archive libraries at Mt. Kōya and Mt. Hiei in April and May of 2013. The majority of these paper certificates carry the explanation cited by Itō. 44. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 408–11. The Denbu Aizen transmissions contain references to the notions of “three parts” (sanbu), “three points” (santen), and “principle, wisdom, and matter” (ri chi ji) that also appear in the Miwa daimyōjin engi discussed at length in chapter 5. On the combination of Aizen, Fudō, and the wish-fulfilling gem, see Dolce, “Nigenteki genri no gireika.”

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appearance of the serpentine ritual image (honzon); and finally, by the Muromachi period, there developed a plethora of secret oral transmissions (kuden) explaining the history of “Peasant Aizen” that became attached to the ritual.45 Moreover, from the colophons of Kanazawa Bunko materials related to this ritual, it appears that it was transmitted among the very people who were rumoured to be closely associated with the Miwa bessho. As discussed in detail in chapter 3, this particular lineage at Miwa, due to its links with the Tachikawa-ryū, experienced discrimination and was denounced by fourteenth-century critics from Mt. Kōya.46 But rather than Ninkan, the alleged founder of the Tachikawa-ryū, those behind the early versions of the “Peasant Aizen” ritual were the ajari Kōban and the “holy man of Kamo,” Nyojitsu, both of whom can be linked to the high cleric Jikken (alt. Jitsugen) at Kongōōin of Daigoji.47 They were the very same people involved in meetings and ritual exchanges at the old hut of Kyōen Shōnin at Miwa bessho circa 1235, in the company of Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō, the most likely organizer of the legacy that later became the foundation of the Miwa-ryū ritual traditions. Hōkyō’s activities at the Miwa bessho have been discussed at length in chapter 3.48 It is thus plausible that some ritual elements (such as mudra and mantra, for example) that became incorporated into the Denbu Aizen transmission may well have come directly from or via this group of esoteric practitioners. 45. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 401–4, 416. 46. Iyanaga, “Himitsu girei to nenzuru chikara,” 127–58. 47. Itō cites a folded paper (orikami) transmission document entitled Aizen Denbu hōji (Secret Ritual of Peasant Aizen) preserved at Kanazawa Bunko among a group of similar transmissions, all copied at the same time. These documents appear under a general title Shoson hiketsu (Oral Instructions on Various Deities, MS 025–0010, three items) and refer to the ritual initiations which took place at Miwa bessho in 1235 under the tutelage of Hōkyō Rendōbō. At least one of them has an additional colophon of Kenji 3 (1277.5.17), and two items contain Hōkyō’s, Kōban’s, and Nyojitsu’s names. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 399–402; Bunkachō bunkazaibu bijutsu gakugeika, Shōmyōji shōgyō mokuroku, vol. 1, 27. 48. Recent research brought to light other documents in the Kanazawa Bunko confirming that Kōban and Nyojitsu indeed received initiations in secret rituals of various deities from Hōkyō in 1235 at the Miwa bessho. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 400. The same colophon appears in the Shinpukuji copy of the Hōkyōshō, referred to in chapter 3 on the Miwa bessho.

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Hōkyō, a mikkyō enthusiast who studied with Jikken at Kongōōin and collected many transmission certificates, was involved in the production of texts and the circulation of rituals focusing on esoteric deities such as Aizen and Fudō. The Kakugenshō, his notes on the transmissions of scholar-monks from Mt. Kōya, was based on the teachings of the Yugi­ kyō and additional Buddhist sources containing descriptions of numerous esoteric rituals and deities. Although it does not include specific references to “Peasant Aizen,” the Kakugenshō describes the previously mentioned ritual of “Purging the Serpents” (hijahō) that was known at Murōji and Tōji, and which employed the notion of “three poisons” discussed earlier in relation to kami.49 It also mentions the sequences of Sanskrit syllables a, vāṃ, and hūṃ transmitted as a part of essential Shingon consecration ( jumyō kanjō) that would later be seen in many versions of the so-called “Kami Abhiṣeka” ( jingi kanjō).50 No doubt Hōkyō, the very person accused of dabbling in unorthodox interpretations of the most important scriptures of esoteric Buddhism—the ultimate “country bumpkin” in the view of the later Shingon champions from Mt. Kōya—was a likely candidate for engaging in such exchanges. Moreover, his involvement in the study of the Yugikyō makes it likely that during the thirteenth century this Miwa Shōnin and his disciples at Miwa bessho were intimately aware of the newly emerging secret transmissions. Itō concludes his research by saying that it is Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō and those who received Jikken’s teachings at Kongōōin who could be credited with production of the Denbu Aizen mudra and mantra, while other esoteric lineages were involved in the invention of the “Peasant Aizen” ritual image and its accompanying kuden, thus clearly separating the different stages in the emergence of this fascinating medieval 49. Kakugenshō, 324–91. The ritual for “purging the serpents,” 364. 50. See Hōkyō’s notes on the “wisdom-f ist mudra” (chiken-in) and the so-called “abhiṣeka of receiving the mantras” ( jumyō kanjō, glossed by him also as the “life-span abhiṣeka”). He explained that syllable hūṃ transmitted at the end of this consecration represented the elevation of the practitioner to the status of “enlightened being” (kongōsatta), and that the other two syllables, a and vāṃ, represented the Two Mandalas, Taizōkai and Kongōkai. Kakugenshō, 332. Jumyō kanjō is one of the initial esoteric consecrations conferred on a Shingon practitioner before the grand ceremony of the “dharma transmission” (denbō kanjō). MDJ, 1098.

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phenomenon.51 One could add that the holy men of Miwa might be representative of the larger medieval shōnin communities involved in transporting esoteric ideas and rituals and shaping them to suit local religious needs and contexts. By the fourteenth century the Denbu Aizen ritual was known among the mikkyō practitioners and the shrine clergy. It was not unusual for it to be performed in front of the local deities. The Saidaiji transmissions of the Denbu Aizen ritual from the late Muromachi period mention, for example, that in the summer of 1357, “a priest from the Tokiwa Shrine of Ise Province, Nakatomi no ason Mitsuhide (Tokiwa Jingi Daifu), during his pilgrimage at [Miwadera in Yamato], consulted this [ritual manual] and performed the “dharma appeasement” (hōraku) in front of the [Miwa] deity, for its enlightenment and amiability.”52 This suggests that the traffic of ritual specialists between Ise and Miwa continued to be significant during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and that esoteric Buddhist rituals involving kami were increasingly popular among them. Furthermore, it also implies that the Denbu Aizen ritual was performed as a basic ritual for venerating local kami. In fact, the early modern copies of the ritual transmissions attributed to the Miwa lineage further demonstrate that this group was among the most active participants in the process of fusing important Buddhist concepts, landscapes, practitioners’ bodies, esoteric deities, and kami. Classic Buddhist scriptures and meditation treatises, such as the Mahā­ parinirvāṇa sūtra (Ch. Da banniepan jing, Jp. Daihan nehangyō, T. 374), Yogācārabhūmi śāstra (Yuga shiji ron), and Zhiyi’s Mohe zhiguan, referred to the human body as endangered by the forces of desire that operated at the roots of the sense faculties, thus giving causes for possible afflictions. For example, the above-mentioned Mahāparinirvāṇa sūtra spoke of the body “as a casket”; of the four elements of earth, water, fire, and wind as “the four poisonous serpents” (Ch. sishe or shidushe); and of all beings “encountering the four poisons of seeing, touching, breathing, and tasting” and as a result, “losing their lives,” proceeding to 51. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 416–17. 52. Inagi Nobuko, “Nara-shi, Saidaiji shozō tenseki monjo no chōsa kenkyū,” 167– 68, MS no. 44–47. Tokiwa Shrine may be another name for either the Kusanagi or Ōmakunari jinja, both historical branches of the Outer Ise Shrine, located in the Tokiwa District of present-day Ise.

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die.53 Medieval Japanese esoteric practitioners, while no doubt aware of the canonical readings of these major Buddhist works, nevertheless proceeded to radically reformulate the bodily substance both as a vehicle for fundamental ignorance (mumyō) and as potential vessel for instantaneous enlightenment (sokushin jōbutsu), which could be set in motion through an active mental engagement with the medium of esoteric deities, Sanskrit syllables, and kami. Contemplate the Syllable hhūṃ . . . that is the divine body [shintai]. The divine body, that is my body, is in the snake form [ jakei]. An oral transmission says that the original ground of various kami is all Aizen Myōō. . . . The deeds generating karmic causality are abundant in the consequences [fruits]. Ignorance [mumyō] is [equivalent to] the fundamental nature of things; that is the dharma nature [hosshō]. Various kami as well as their transmutated forms [kakei] all have the form of a snake. . . . [The principal image], Aizen Myōō, derives from the Peasant Ritual [denbu no hō].54

A description of this kind appears in several versions of the ritual documents attributed to the Miwa lineage, which were dedicated to a new type of medieval ritual known as the “Kami Abhiṣeka” ( jingi kanjō). The colophons of such documents, mostly surviving as copies from the Edo period, hail the Miwa lineage as one of the harbingers of such innovation. For example, as will be shown further, the three short texts, copied around 1820 at Hasedera, claim that their contents were reproduced from the original records by Kōen, already discussed in chapter 4. He was one of the key figures connecting the medieval Saidaiji order and the Miwa bessho. The Hasedera copies thus suggest that esoteric initiations into kami-related matters were practiced at Miwa as early as 1266. 53. See such discussions in Da banniepan jing (Daihan nehangyō), Dharmakṣema’s translation, T. 374, 499b20–22. English translation modif ied from Yamamoto, The Mahayana Mahaparinirvana Sutra, chapter 29, “Bodhisattva Highly Virtuous King,” 311. Yuqie shidi lun (Yuga shiji ron), T. 1579, 366c25. Mohe zhiguan (Maka shikan), T. 1911, 93c07 or 106a20. 54. Jingi kanjō Miwa-ryū nijūyon tsū (Twenty-Four Transmissions of the Kami Abhi­ ṣeka, by the Miwa lineage), scroll 9, colophon of Kanbun 3 [1673]. OJS, vol. 5, 34. Italics mine.

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Absorbing the Power of Kami In medieval Japan, a variety of Buddhist rituals were based on the merging of conceptual and ritual functions of esoteric deities and kami. As shown above, such rituals often employed visual imagery, be it in the form of actual objects or internal visualization, either conceptually connected to the worship of powerful esoteric Buddhist deities or focused on kami. Given the intense interest of Buddhist practitioners in the Ise shrines from the late twelfth and throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the main role in these ritual experimentations was primarily given to the imperial ancestor Tenshō Daijin, or Amaterasu. Yet as the ritual conception of kami gradually advanced, such rituals increasingly incorporated other kami as well. These rituals, known currently under a more generic term, “initiations into kami-related matters” or “Kami Abhiṣeka” ( jingi kanjō), were modelled after the esoteric Buddhist consecrations (abhiṣeka), including the aforementioned jumyō kanjō (abhiṣeka of receiving the mantras). They came to include several varieties.55 For example, ritual collections produced by practitioners with links to esoteric Buddhist temples, including those at Miwa, often contain ritual manuals describing procedures entitled “Ise Abhiṣeka” (Ise kanjō), the previously mentioned “Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits” (Reiki kanjō), or the “Nihon shoki Abhiṣeka” (Nihongi kanjō). The former two concentrated on the secret theories about Amaterasu and other deities, while the latter was a ritual transmission of secrets from the Age of Gods and three divine regalia, themes also broadly encountered in medieval Japanese religious literature. Depending on the source, such rituals could be referred to under a more general name, the “Secrets of Various Shrines” (shosha daiji). A comparison of these various rituals suggests that the medieval jingi kanjō may have developed from fairly simple procedures for itinerant Buddhist practitioners attending the shrines or from initial steps of Buddhist abhiṣeka, which included singular mantras and mudras, into elaborate multi-step consecrations with complex sym 55. This translation of the term jingi kanjō was proposed earlier by Fabio Rambelli in his works on the Miwa-ryū and other combinatory rituals, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto’ ” and “Texts, Talismans and Jewels.”

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bolic meanings set within the temple compounds. The jingi kanjō ritual manuals were copied in significant numbers during the Edo period, not least by people who thought that the original transmissions of “Kami Abhiṣeka” must be attributed to the holy men based in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa and Murō. Although performed very rarely in the temples of Yamato today, such rituals still survive in the form of initiation certificates and transmission documents, also known as “seals of trust” (injin) and “cut paper” (kirikami), in Koshikidake and Haguro Shugendō as well as other ritual traditions.56 An early version of the Ise kanjō ritual documents, dated 1289, is preserved at Tōji in Kyoto. These documents have been previously studied on separate occasions by Kushida Ryōkō, Itō Satoshi, and Mark Teeuwen; Itō has more recently proposed that according to some colophons, the ritual transmissions of the Ise kanjō can be traced back to 1262.57 Other Ise and jingi kanjō documents are preserved at Mt. Kōya, the Ōsu Bunko archive of Shinpukuji temple in Nagoya, the Jingū Bunko at Ise, Kanazawa Bunko of Shōmyōji in Yokohama, at Ōmiwa Shrine, and elsewhere.58 The following description is based on Kushida’s and Teeuwen’s previous overviews of this ritual.59 Below, I will only refer to the details that are pertinent to further discussion of the kami rituals set in Miwa and investigated in chapter 7. The Tōji version of Ise kanjō was based on the twofold visualiza­ tion of the Ise shrines. The Outer Shrine (Gekū) was envisioned as a “fivestoried stupa” (gorintō) and the Inner Shrine (Naikū) as the “eight-petaled lotus” (hachiyō renge). Similarly to other medieval texts, the Tōji transmissions stated that the sacred bodies of the Ise shrines (Amaterasu and Toyouke) were, in their true form (shintai), two snakes. Amaterasu was 56. Gaynor Sekimori, personal communication. I thank her for bringing these cases to my attention. 57. Kushida, “Chūsei shintō kanjō no tenkai,” 511–12; Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 102–4. Itō Satoshi’s recent survey of the surviving documents shows that the ritual records describing Ise kanjō preserved at temples on Mt. Kōya and at Shinpukuji in Nagoya have colophons varying from 1380 to those on fairly late copies dated 1843. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 373–74. 58. For example, fine specimens of the nineteenth-century Shintō kirikami are preserved in the Kyoto University Library. Accessed in February, 2013. 59. Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 102–4.

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a golden snake on top of the eight-petaled lotus, while Toyouke was a white snake curled inside the five-storied stupa. The two deities could also be represented by the Sanskrit syllables a and vaṃ.60 A similar but slightly different transmission document entitled Ise ryōgū jakei daiji (The Secret of the Serpent Form of the Two Ise Shrines) and dated Eishō 10 (1513–14) has also been found among Ninnaji’s many ritual documents related to medieval kami worship. It represents the non-duality of the Two Mandalas (kintai funi), and contains drawings of the two serpent deities of Ise: one, titled “the Sun Deity, Izanagi no Mikoto,” is curling on top of the five-layered stupa that itself rests on the lotus and is embracing the Sanskrit syllable a; another, titled “the Moon Deity, Izanami no Mikoto,” is sitting on top of the lotus facing its counterpart and embracing the syllable vaṃ (fig. 6.2).61 Typically, when visiting a shrine, a Buddhist practitioner was supposed to perform several steps embodying the symbolic progress through the Taizōkai and Kongōkai mandalas. Although the Ise kanjō from the Tōji tradition followed this dualistic pattern, the combination of three Sanskrit syllables (a, vaṃ, huṃ) and three mudras seen in the description below appear to have been a standard part of the “Kami 60. This description is based on Kushida’s reconstruction of Ise kanjō found in documents preserved at the Hōbodaiin sub-temple of Tōji, a major imperial temple complex specializing predominantly in Shingon. Kushida, “Chūsei shintō kanjō no tenkai,” 511. See seventeenth-century accounts in the Enmyōji engi, mentioned in the beginning of this chapter. Note also the similarity of the descriptions of the deities to those appearing in the Bikisho, cited earlier. 61. This document was first published by the research team of Abe Yasurō in 2000. See Abe Yasurō et al., Ninnaji shiryō (Shintō hen), Shintō kanjō injin, for a black and white facsimile, 28; and for a modern Japanese transcription, 78. The central segment of this Ninnaji document also includes the two following waka poems: (1) Next to the serpent sitting on the stupa: Sono kami no ukarishi koto mo wasurarete, au ureshisa zo, mi ni wa amareru (I forget that this kami also is a floating, ephemeral entity  .  .  . oh joy of meeting you in person! the harmony abounds in my limbs). (2) Next to the serpent sitting on the lotus: Moto yori no hikari ni sakeru hachisu ha wa, kono mi yori koso, mi ni wa nari kere (From their root, the lotus leaves are blossoming in light . . . from this body [of the deity], the harmony, fill my body). On these and other medieval Shintō poems, see Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 519–40.

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Fig. 6.2 Serpent deities of Ise, from the Secret of the Serpent Form of the Two Ise Shrines (Ise ryōgū jakei daiji 伊勢両宮蛇形大事), ca. 1513–14. Ninnaji, Kyoto. Modern reproduction drawing by Tai Sekimori.

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Abhiṣeka” in its many local guises, including the several early versions of it transmitted by the Miwa-ryū. Moreover, other types of “Kami Abhi­ ṣeka,” notably those in the Miwa tradition, clearly followed the threefold pattern, proposing a progress through three mandalic realms instead of two, namely the Taizōkai, the Kongōkai, and the Soshitsuji (Susiddhi). This pattern was discussed at length in chapter 5.62 First, upon arriving in front of the torii gate at the shrine entrance, the practitioner made the “closed-stupa mudra” (heitōin) and intoned the Siddham syllable a. (It is not clear whether this recitation was supposed to be performed vocally or internally.) This step signified entry into and passage through the mandalic order of the Womb Mandala (Taizōkai), considered to be the manifestation of the physical world, governed by compassion of the buddha Dainichi. Second, upon proceeding to the shrine’s main hall (shinden), the practitioner made the “outer five-pronged vajra mudra” (ge gokoin) and intoned the syllable vaṃ. This step symbolized the entry into and progress through the Diamond Mandala (Kongōkai), and the acquisition of Dainichi’s adamantine wisdom. Third, the practitioner paused to contemplate (kansō) the sacred body of the enshrined deity (in this case, Amaterasu in its serpent form), while making the “eight-petal lotus mudra” (hachiyōin) and reciting the syllable huṃ.63 This Siddham syllable, as mentioned previously, represented the wisdom king Aizen Myōō or other esoteric deities, depending on the context. Here, we must consider the possibility that the combination of the aforementioned three syllables (a, vaṃ, huṃ) was somehow related to the major scripture describing Aizen, or more precisely, the medieval 62. “Susiddhi” implies a reference to the Susiddhikara sūtra (Ch. Suxidijieluo jing, Jp. Soshitsujikyō, T. 893) translated by Śubhakarasiṃha (637–735) in 726. It was particularly revered in Tendai esoteric tradition (taimitsu) as expressing the non-duality of the two principles (ryōbu funi). On the significance of this triple pattern in Japan and its history in both medieval Tendai and Shingon Buddhism, see Dolce, “Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the Esoteric,” 149–55; in Japanese, Misaki, Taimitsu no kenkyū, “On the Tripartite Esotericism and its Formation,” 169–204, and “On the Susiddhi in the Tōmitsu Esotericism,” 606–53. 63. This description follows Kushida, “Chūsei shintō kanjō no tenkai,” 511–12; and Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 102–4. Scholars have different opinions on the meaning and implications of kansō. See Sharf, “Visualization and Mandala in Shingon Buddhism,” 185–87; on eidetic contemplation in the context of Heian esotericism, Bogel, With a Single Glance, 189–205.

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Buddhist discourse that surrounded it.64 As Itō Satoshi has pointed out, the visualizations of Amaterasu’s true body featured in Ise kanjō were directly inspired by the iconography and imagery of Aizen Myōō employed in the rituals of Denbu Aizen, discussed in the previous sections.65 This crucial step of the ritual thus represented the symbolic unif ication of the practitioner with the kami in its primordial form through the channelling agency of an esoteric Buddhist deity (or unification of the practitioner with the esoteric deity through the agency of the kami) and signified the acquisition of an enlightened mind (bodai­ shin), much as in the citation from the comparable Miwa-ryū “Kami Abhiṣeka” quoted in the previous section. Mark Teeuwen has pointed out that the “eight-petaled lotus mudra” could be understood as corresponding both to the physical setting of the shrine hall and to the symbolic representation of the physical organ of the practitioner’s heart, both appearing in red.66 The latter reading corresponds well to descriptions of the human body in the dramatic quote from Gahō’s medieval Shingon compendium Datō hiketsushō and the early modern Miwa-style jingi kanjō ritual manual, both cited above. The fourth step of Ise kanjō usually included an incantation of a Buddhist gathā verse; the fifth was to intone a waka poem. The former indicated the physical acquisition and ritual acceptance by the practitioner of the esoteric deity representing inherent enlightenment and the symbolic emplacement of the ritual fire altar within the practitioner’s own body. In other words, the medieval Buddhist practitioners initiated in this ritual were expected to absorb the power of kami and buddhas within their own body and mind, simultaneously burning the roots of 64. For example, an early commentary on the Yugikyō attributed to the Daigoji monk Jitsuun (ca. 1105–60). In the notes on the sutra’s second chapter on Aizen, it says: “the pure syllable hūṃ of the intermediate being (antarābhava) deposited in the midst of a and vāṃ, the two drops, red and white, produces the body and mind of Aizen.” Yugikyō hiketsu (Secret Transmissions on the Yugikyō), attributed to Jitsuun, 14. Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō’s collection, the Kakugenshō, has a similarly phrased passage; see n. 50 above. According to Lucia Dolce, the second chapter of the Yugikyō played a major role in the emergence of the embryological discourse in medieval Japan. Dolce, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” 65. Itō Satoshi, “Ise kanjō no sekai,” 64–65; more extensively, in Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 373–86. 66. Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 102–3.

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delusion and fundamental ignorance in the mentally conducted “internal homa” fire ritual. Namu hongaku hosshin honnu nyorai jishō shindan nai goma dōjō Hail the Tathāgata, the unproduced dharma body of inherent enlightenment, in your own heart-altar, the hall of practice for the homa fire ritual.

The waka poem, on the other hand, postulated that it was the practitioner’s own mind that was the repository of the seeds of enlightenment and, at the same time, a site for forging or unlocking the bonds of karmic causation. Chihayaburu waga kokoro yori suru waza wo izure no kami ka yoso ni miru beki Tearing (the placenta), karmic deeds emerge from my own heartmind . . . what kami could one find anywhere else? 67

That this poem, much like the serpentine image of the Denbu Aizen, had its roots in esoteric Buddhist discourse could be guessed from the explanations of the esoteric scriptures and important ritual meditations (kansō) received by Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō from his teachers at Mt. Kōya. In his compendium Kakugenshō, Hōkyō records the words of Yūgen of Daidenbōin: “To say which Buddha will be observed when the mind aspires to awakening, it is the ancient Buddha residing on the lotus pedestal of our mind of inherent enlightenment (waga hongaku shin rengedai). Therefore, there is no other Buddha outside the mind aspiring to awakening.”68 67. For the earlier translations of these poems, see Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 103. On the notion of chihayaburu in medieval literary texts, see Klein, “Ise Monogatari Zuinō: An Annotated Translation,” 29–33; and more recently, Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 519–40. For other varieties of Shintō poems see the Ninnaji ritual documents on the Ise shrines mentioned above, n. 61. 68. Kakugenshō, 327. Rendōbō’s teacher Yūgen may be referring to Kakuban’s earlier discussion on the origins of “the pure mind of awakening” ( jō bodaishin). See for example Shingon sanmitsu shūgyō mondō (Questions and Answers on the Practice of Three Mysteries in Shingon), by Kakuban, T. 2525, 52b17–52c4, and especially, 52b27–52c01:

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The visceral imagery of the mandalic lotus-womb worlds invoked in the waka and the ritual employment of Aizen Myōō was inspired by the esoteric teachings of the Yugikyō and the Rishukyō (Sutra of the Guiding Principle) and was echoed in the writings of many medieval ritual theorists, including Watarai Ieyuki, Monkan Gushin, Hōkyō Rendōbō, and others. Moreover, some themes appearing in these rituals were important to the other discursive fields that were being explored in medieval Japan. Such, for example, were the intense theological ruminations on the reproductive power of esoteric deities and the processes of human gestation through the “five stages of the embryo [in the womb]” (tainai goi).69 I have explored Rendōbō Hōkyō’s contribution to this phenomenon elsewhere, but suffice it to say, he was clearly immensely interested and actively involved in the leading religious trends of his day. The ­many-layered vocabulary and imaginaire of esoteric sutras was the language that Miwa Shōnin understood and spoke. His followers Kōban and Nyojitsu no doubt followed in his footsteps.70 The ritual protocol of Ise kanjō must have come into existence around the mid-Kamakura period. It is not clear whether it happened shortly before or after the emergence of the Denbu Aizen ritual, upon which it may have been closely modelled.71 The appearance of both rites would sit well with suggestions that link the emergence of the Buddhist initiations into the secrets of kami worship, particularly those focusing on Ise, with the intense interest of the Buddhist priests in the Ise shrines in the second half of the thirteenth century and the prolonged period of competition between the two imperial branches in the fourteenth century. It comes as no surprise that throughout the period between 1185 “the pure mind of awakening, also called the Lotus Samdhi.  .  .  . [S]ince there is no separate ritual apart from the pure mind of awakening, it is inherent and unproduced.” 69. Sanford, “Wind, Waters, Stupas, Mandalas”; also Itō Satoshi, “Shinbutsu shūgō riron no hen’yō,” 184–87. Most recently, Dolce, “The Embryonic Generation of the Perfect Body.” 70. Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb,” 422–40. 71. Itō and Teeuwen have separately suggested that ideas about kami began to be handed down through esoteric initiations sometime in the second half of the thirteenth century. Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 102. Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 374. Itō maintains that the development of the Ise kanjō slightly precedes that of Denbu Aizen.

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and 1392, rituals that involved Japanese kami, and in particular the deity of Ise, also displayed profound concerns with questions of the ritual attributes of kingship, such as, for example, the three divine regalia. By the Muromachi period, these rituals became firmly situated in temple settings, with ample material entourage required for their performance; the internal disposition of jingi kanjō altars, decorations, and hall orientation was recorded in detailed “ritual maps” (sashizu). The Miwa materials in particular include a wealth of such images.72 This subject will be revisited in the next chapter. At first glance, it would appear that the strongest force behind the emergence of secret theories and esoteric rituals involving kami should be the Buddhist lineages of Tōji, Ninnaji, Saidaiji, Sanbōin of Daigoji, or Onjōji, which had local connections at Ise and were linked to a variety of other cultic sites. And, indeed, the majority of historical evidence pertinent to the current project of reconstructing the medieval worship of kami survived only when it was preserved in large temple archives and libraries; smaller local temples, including Byōdōji at Miwa, were often destroyed by fires or wartime conflicts, and some of their legacy disappeared in the aftermath of the Meiji Restoration. What has survived is often unavailable for viewing and study due to the temple or shrine’s restrictions. Nevertheless, from a more sustained investigation of the remaining sources it transpires that the medieval combinatory rituals of “Peasant Aizen” and “Kami Abhiṣeka” were spreading widely, and were circulating among local shōnin and hijiri, whose names and backgrounds were less discernable but can still be reconstructed. One such transmission record of Ise kanjō contains a colophon of 1262 and begins with the name of Kyōen, the man hailed as the founder of the Miwa bessho and the socalled Miwa lineage.73 This once more tends to support the theory that the local Buddhist milieu consisting of peregrinating monks, mountain ascetics, and holy men such as shōnin and hijiri may have been the original matrix wherein such rituals were invented. Although at present one can only speculate on the basis of scattered surviving evidence, if the 72. Unno Keisuke, “Kongōji zō ‘Goryū Shintō dōjō sashizu’ ni tsuite,” and Yonezawa, “Miwa-ryū Shintō kanjō no ba no tokushitsu.” 73. Kushida, “Chūsei shintō kanjō no tenkai,” 512.

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thirteenth-century Ise kanjō texts from Tōji and nineteenth-century Hasedera copies claiming that the “Kami Abhiṣeka” were practiced at Miwa bessho as early as 1262 and 1266 are correct, it could indeed be true that the medieval shōnin of Miwa were among the first of those religious pioneers who combined the aforementioned religious, iconographic, and doctrinal elements together and applied them within the setting of the kami sites. The analysis of later surviving copies of such rituals, especially those belonging to the Miwa-ryū tradition, indicate that they became increasingly elaborate during the Muromachi period, when they began circulat­ ing widely among the Buddhist communities based beyond the Yamato region. Local esoteric practitioners, hijiri and shugen ascetics—the v­ arious otherwise little acknowledged “country bumpkins”—took an active part in transmitting these rituals across the country.

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Ch a pter 7

Miwa-ryū Shintō

Late Medieval Developments The connections of local Miwa shōnin to the emergence of medieval worship of kami were amply acknowledged in both religious and secular writings. As the previous chapter demonstrates, the colophons in several medieval and early modern transmission records reveal that the Buddhist practitioners linked to the Buddhist temples at Miwa, including semi-itinerant shōnin and ordained temple monks, actively participated in the exchanges of new medieval rituals, such as the Denbu Aizen and Ise kanjō, that combined the worship of kami with esoteric deities and diverse Buddhist concepts. The late thirteenth-century Hōbodaiin texts from Tōji analyzed by the Japanese scholar of Shingon Buddhism Kushida Ryōkō and discussed in chapter 6 contain the early examples of Ise kanjō and its transmission record or “blood lineage chart” (kechi­ myaku), which included the names of Miwa Shōnin Kyōen and his disciple Kaishin (1204–62). While it is debatable whether or not Kyōen himself was personally involved in the exchanges of Ise kanjō, this evidence indicates that the transmissions of Ise kanjō or similarly styled rituals were somehow linked to, or even performed at, Miwa. Other scholarly findings here remain confined to the Edo-period copies of the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō rituals and similarly dated external evidence because a major

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part of Byōdōji, the main repository of the Miwa-ryū texts in the premodern period, burned in the 1460s as a result of an internal conflict. Nevertheless, the Edo-period documents preserved at Hasedera, Mt. Kōya, Genpin’s Hut in Miwa, Saikyōji temple near Mt. Hiei, and elsewhere in Japan are so abundant that they have been compiled by the Ōmiwa Shrine into a modern ten-volume collection. Itō Satoshi’s recent investigation of the Denbu Aizen and Ise kanjō rituals has reinforced the above-mentioned view of the Miwa lineage.1 From his study of the ritual documents found in the past decades at Kanazawa Bunko and elsewhere it became evident that people closely involved with the esoteric study group at the thirteenth-century Miwa bessho were implicated in the “Peasant Aizen” transmissions. I have noted also that, while not mentioned in these colophons directly, and despite his non-elite status, Miwa Shōnin Rendōbō Hōkyō, the key figure of the Miwa bessho discussed throughout this book, was keenly aware of the many important elements that were at the core of the newly invented medieval kami rituals. His compendium Kakugenshō provides a wealth of information on the pool of esoteric and ritual knowledge that was available to him and other practitioners at Miwa during the thirteenth century. These findings suggest that in medieval Japan the flow of theories and secrets featuring esoteric deities and kami was taking place not only in geographical terms, between the individual temples and sacred sites, but also in a broader social context, within the different strata of the Buddhist milieu itself, with far-reaching consequences. There are several other important findings that also link the medieval rituals of jingi kanjō to Miwa. One clue comes from the previously mentioned late Edo-period copies of the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō (“Kami Abhiṣeka, Miwa-Style,” ca. 1818–20) in three parts, preserved at Hasedera.2 Two colophons in these early nineteenth-century Hasedera copies date 1. Itō Satoshi, “Ise kanjō no sekai”; in a revised form, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 371. 2. Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō shiki (Personal Notes on the Kami Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage), Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō nijū shiki (Personal Notes of the Second Level of Kami Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage), Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō sanjū shiki, torii sahō ryaku (Personal Notes of the Third Level of Kami Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage, with the Short Torii Procedure), all preserved at Hasedera. OJS, vol. 5, 222–34, 250–51, and 252–55. Colophons mentioning the Kairyūōji-Saidaiji monk Kōen appear in the two latter documents, ibid., 251 and 253.

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back to 1266. They mention among the transmitters the name of the monk Kōen, who assisted the Saidaiji leader Eizon with acquisition of Japanese copies of the prominent Chinese works on Vinaya in the 1250s. In the past, Japanese scholars have debated the veracity of these colophons, and there is little other surviving evidence to corroborate the involvement of Kōen in the performance of esoteric rites featuring kami at Miwa around that time. Nevertheless, the Saidaiji materials discussed in chapter 4 have shown that Kōen had close knowledge of the people from Miwa bessho, and the latest evidence has revealed how active the Miwa practitioners were within the thirteenth-century scene of esoteric transmissions. If any of these early colophons are to be believed, there are multiple other reminders of such religious activities at Miwa, including the transmission of other types of “Kami Abhiṣeka” such as “Abhi­ ṣeka of the Divine Spirits” (Reiki kanjō), “Abhiṣeka of Father and Mother” (Oyashiro kanjō), and others.3 Another clue comes from a variety of colophons found in the other Edo-period ritual documents with the “Miwa-ryū” marker in their titles preserved at Hasedera and at various temples at Mt. Kōya. Many mention the names of the Buddhist monks Teikū (n.d.), Shōshin (1287–1357), and Kakujō (ca. 1273–1363). Chapter 3 has already introduced Shōshin as the chief protagonist in fourteenth-century Miwa and Murō who recorded the Miwa shōnin gyōjōshō (Abbreviated Deeds of the Holy Man of Miwa) in 1341. Shōshin was based at Chikurinji on Mt. Ikoma, in the northwestern corner of the Yamato Plain (map 2). Chapter 5 has shown that Kakujō was a resident monk at the Saidaiji branch temple Enmyōji in Ise. Significantly, the names of both Shōshin and Kakujō appear in the Ise kanjō transmission line, and the same two names can also be found in a number of Miwa-ryū transmissions preserved at Mt. Kōya and elsewhere.4 3. One Hasedera document has an internal colophon of Karyaku 3 (1328) stating that a Reiki kanjō transmission was copied by one Jōshin, a resident monk of Daigorinji at Miwa (not to be confused with the mid-twelfth-century monk from Miwa bessho with a similar name): Reiki kanjō shi (Private Notes on the Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits), OJS, vol. 5, 18–23. I have recently discussed the Oyashiro kanjō examples appearing in Miwa-ryū documents in Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb.” 4. See separate discussions of these links in Ōyama, Shinbutsu kōshōshi, 400–409; Nishida, “Miwa Shintō seiritsu no ikku,” 189; Kubota, Chūsei shintō, 314; and Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō ni okeru ni daikeifu,” 232–40. A Hasedera collection titled Shoryū

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And while history remains tight-lipped about Teikū, the name of Kakujō in the Ise kanjō transmission chart offers us some vital clues. As previously mentioned, Kakujō was a dedicated scholar, connected to the Saidaiji order established by Eizon. He was involved in religious circles at Ise connected with the Watarai clergy, influential Shingon and Tendai lineages, and groups of shugen practitioners based in the vicinity of the Ise shrines before becoming the eleventh head (chōrō) of Saidaiji. Following extensive investigation of the Miwa-ryū lineage transmission charts appearing in different versions of the ritual documents and kirikami certificates preserved at temple and shrine archives, Japanese scholars have concluded that Kakujō was indeed a key figure in the transmission of early esoteric initiations involving kami.5 Moreover, as already discussed in chapter 5, Kakujō copied important fourteenth-century texts produced at Ise describing combinatory kami theories and rituals, such as the Bikisho (ca. 1324) and Tenshō Daijin kuketsu (1327). He may also have been one of the editors of an earlier version of the Miwa daimyōjin engi (1318). Kushida Ryōkō further points out that the Hōbodaiin manuscripts from Tōji mentioned in chapter 6 contain a jingi kanjō transmission written in the same hand as the Ise kanjō and dated 1289 at the earliest, describing the “secrets of various shrines.” This ritual must have been transmitted by the same group of people who were involved in performing early versions of the Ise kanjō. The contents of this shorter text claim that at a crucial stage in the ritual, the practitioner was supposed to form the three mudras representing the three bodies of the Buddha: ­dharmakāya, kanjō (Initiations of Various Lineages, colophons of 1217, 1706, 1730, 1820) claims a direct link between Miwa Shōnin Kyōen and Shōshin, although due to their different life dates such transmissions were highly unlikely. OJS, vol. 5, 3–15. A Miwa-ryū “blood lineage chart” (kechimyaku) of the shintō kanjō is dated Kanbun 6 (1666) and Enkyō 6 (1747) and preserved at Mt. Kōya. It starts with the names of the deities Kuninotokotachi and “seven heavenly gods” and contains the names of legendary emperors, but it also includes the names of Kyōen and the Enmyōji-Saidaiji monk Kakujō. Shintō kanjō Miwa-ryū shishi sōshō kechimyaku (A Blood Lineage of Transmission of the Shintō Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage), OJS, vol. 6, 3–4. The same chart was transmitted at Kōkiji temple in Kawachi Province and at Saikyōji, near Mt. Hiei in Shiga Prefecture. OJS, vol. 10, 524–25. 5. Sugahara, “Miwa-ryū Shintō ni okeru ni daikeifu,” 240–41. Itō Satoshi, “Ise no shintōsetsu no tenkai ni okeru Saidaiji-ryū no dōkō ni tsuite.”

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samboghakāya, and nirmāṇakāya.6 The colophon states that this ritual was also transmitted by Teikū and later, by Kakujō in 1328. To repeat Kushida’s argument here, this shorter initiation ritual was underpinned with specific Buddhist notions such as the idea that the omnipresent Tathāgata has “three bodies manifested in one” (sanshin ittai; or sanshin soku ichi) already discussed. While acknowledging that a similar pattern occurs in the Miwa daimyōjin engi, Kushida has noted that because the “three body” theory fitted well with the conceptualization of Miwa Myōjin, it was only natural that this pattern became reflected in esoteric rituals dedicated to kami in the versions of jingi kanjō performed by Buddhist practitioners at Miwa. The Hōbodaiin jingi kanjō manuscripts from Tōji studied earlier by Kushida also state that the ritual was structured along the “three parts” of Kongōkai, the Tai­zō­kai, and the Lotus (in other ritual versions, the Soshitsuji). Thus, the Tōji version of Ise kanjō effectively constructed “non-duality” from three basic elements. As already demonstrated in chapter 6, the rituals featuring kami and built on the “threefold” pattern were known in medieval Miwa bessho. They became an inseparable part of the ritual legacy of the Miwa lineage as it was understood by early modern Buddhist practitioners based at other temples throughout the country.7 By the fifteenth century, the fame of the Miwa-ryū began to be acknowledged by the major shrine lineages, notably, by the Urabe family. The Urabe were a sacerdotal lineage whose influence with the Ashikaga shoguns resulted in their being charged with issuing licenses to shrine specialists and with imposing a network of control over all Japan’s local shrines. In 1486, one of the Urabe, called Kanekuni (late 15th c.), cited the “lineage of Miwa Kyōen,” Miwa Kyōen-ryū or Miwa-ryū, as one of the four most prominent movements of “Shinto”: “[The Shintō of] Shōtoku Taishi. Yoshida and Urabe. Kōbō Daishi [that of the Dragon King ­Zennyo]. Miwa Kyōen Shōnin [the same].” In another entry regarding the worship of the Dragon King Zennyo at Murō, the sacred mountain located to the east of Miwa and Hasedera, Kanekuni wrote: “In the Shintō of the Miwa 6. Jp. hosshin, hōjin, and ōjin nyorai, respectively. On the appearance of these concepts in the Miwa daimyōjin engi, see Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins,” 274. 7. Hatta, “[Miwa-ryū Shintō no] kyōsō,” MSK, 149–239. Also see more detailed discussion of the Miwa-ryū ritualism in Hatta, Kamigami to hotoke no sekai.

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lineage it says: Kyōen Shōnin said that Zennyo was so very ancient that [s]he probably knew about events in the Age of Gods.”8 It should be noted here that by encapsulating the religious practices allegedly conducted by Kyōen and his lineage at Miwa as “Shinto,” Kanekuni followed the custom of the unvocalized, soft spelling of the word shintō. Mark Teeuwen has shown that the first attempts to establish such a spelling were made by Urabe no Kanetomo (1435–1511), Kanekuni’s contemporary and the main organizer of Yoshida’s own brand of Shinto, and to a certain degree, by his earlier Buddhist counterpart and member of the Urabe lineage, the Tendai monk Jihen.9 By the fifteenth century, this reading was gaining a foothold; the monk Ryōhen, when lecturing in 1419 on the Reikiki and Nihon shoki, explicitly said that this term must be read “without voicing, to indicate its straightforward character.”10 By then, multiple discernable traditions of several localized types of kami worship existed, if not exactly in name, then certainly in shape. Many of them shared similar themes, reflecting the notions, theories, icons, and rituals circulating among the major cultic sites of Ise, Miwa, Hiei, and elsewhere. During that time, the Ōmiwa shrine-temple complex had become an impressive site (plate 8). The Muromachi-period map, the earliest of its kind portraying Mt. Miwa in its entirety, shows several clusters of buildings as well as smaller shrines and Buddhist facilities as follows.11 Of the three roads starting at the bottom of the map and leading up to 8. Kanekuni jingi hyakushu kashō, ZGR, vol. 3, part 2, 662 and 696, respectively. 9. Jihen was a son of Urabe no Kaneaki and brother to Yoshida Kenkō (ca. 1283– 1352), the author of the famous Tsurezuregusa (Notes in Idleness). He was active at Ise during the 1330–40s, in close proximity to the Watarai priests, notably Tsuneyoshi, and to the court of Emperor Go-Daigo. Although as yet little discussed in Western scholarship, Jihen belonged to the group of medieval Buddhist intellectuals who were intensely interested in matters concerning kami worship. He produced important texts such as the Tenchi jingi shinchin yōki (Essential Records on the Enshrinement of Deities of Heaven and Earth), Kogo ruiyōshū (Encyclopedia of the Essentials on the Old Words), and the Toyoashihara jinpū waki (Native Records of the Divine Wind of Abundant Reed Plain). On his role in conceptualizing the different sets of the divine regalia, see Kadoya, “Myth, Rites, and Icons.” 10. Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shinto,” 242. 11. As seen in plate 8, the map has white paper labels with the name of each facility. These labels were most likely not an original feature of the Muromachi-period map and may have been attached later. It is also possible that the original map was larger than

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the mountain, the central path went past the two torii gates before a smaller turn to the left revealed an entrance to the Wakamiya Shrine. As indicated by the pagoda, this may have been the original site of the medieval Daigorinji. The main road led further north, to the third torii demarcating the Ōmiwa Shrine compound. This site included the prayer hall (haiden) built in 1318, the Dainichi Hall, and the facility for the fire rituals (gomadokoro). Behind the red triple torii gate facing the mountain, there were the Great Wisdom Sutra repository (Daihannya kyōzō) and a granary (mikura).12 To the left of the main shrine compound, there was the Hanashizume Shrine with its adjacent Mañjuśrī Hall, and further to the west, the Hibara Shrine flanked by the sites dedicated to Kasuga Daimyōjin and Amaterasu (Tenshō Daijin), with a separate road leading up to it. Close to these, on the shore of the Sai River, stood Genpin’s Hut.13 The western slope of Mt. Miwa shows the three sacred iwakura rock sites and three peaks topped with small red buildings called Kuchi Fudō, Takamine, and Oku Fudō, thus suggesting that the latter were the sites for shugen pilgrimage. Almost dwarfing the compounds of the Ōmiwa Shrine and Daigo­ rinji, the right-hand side (eastern) part of the map reveals the Buddhist temple complex of Byōdōji. By the Muromachi period, this temple, the successor of the medieval Miwa bessho, performed the function of jingūji to the Ōmiwa Shrine. This is in part confirmed by the proximity of the shrine monks’ assembly quarters (shasō rongisho), where the Buddhist ceremonies of “dharma appeasement” dedicated to the Miwa Daimyōjin were taking place, and of the hall for receiving the official messengers arriving with gifts from the government (chokushidokoro).14 It is these shrine monks (shasō), in addition to other types of Buddhist practiits current form. Personal communication with Shirayama Yoshitarō, November 2004. The map is currently on display at the Ōmiwa Shrine museum. 12. The landscape of the mountain presented on the Muromachi map is marked with a waka poem that is barely discernable between the tree leaves. Not easily identifiable, the poem seems to end with the clause Miwayama no moto (at the foot of Mt. Miwa). Some of the Japanese imperially sponsored waka anthologies contained poems with this ending, so it may have been a standard poetic expression. For examples, see OJS, vol. 2, 776–85. 13. See a brief mention of this Heian-period figure in chapter 2. 14. Close to these facilities were two other temples, the nunnery Jōganji and temple Myōōji, and a number of Benzaiten shrines. According to Hosokawa Ryōichi, Jōganji

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tioners at Miwa, who must have acted as intermediaries in facilitating the discussions on buddhas and kami. The Muromachi-period Byōdōji premises had at least twelve separate monks’ living quarters and several temple halls. The main temple compound depicted in the top right corner of the map and eastern part of the mountain shows Daichiin (attended in the early thirteenth century by the Tōdaiji scholar-monk Sōshō as shown in chapter 4), the Aizen and Fudō halls, the Medicine King Hall (Iōdō), the main hall, four shrines to the protective deities (chinju) in front of the hill, and a bell tower. Nearby, there were other temple structures (mieidō), dedicated to Kūkai, the legendary mountain ascetic En no Gyōja, and the founder of Miwa bessho Kyōen Shōnin.15 By the Muromachi period, both Daigorinji and Byōdōji boasted influential and possibly intertwined traditions of Buddhist rituals and transmissions involving esoteric deities and kami. These Miwa-style rituals even began to include specific sets for different kinds of patrons and professions. At first, such rituals may have been created for those guilds that resided and worked in the vicinity of the Ōmiwa Shrine, for example, the local carpenters (daiku), blacksmiths (imoji), and cast-ironpot merchants (Miwa no nabe uri), some of whom may have been the descendants of medieval outcasts (hinin).16 These Miwa-style rituals for was included in the Saidaiji network. Hosokawa, Chūsei no risshū jiin. Little is known of the other temple. 15. As for the inhabitants of these facilities, a later, Edo-period source, Dōnisshō (Through the Eyes of a Child, ca. 1660s–70s), recorded most likely by a resident of the Yamato region, reveals: “Daigorinji: shrine families, five households; shrine priests (negi), twenty people; shrine monks (shasō), twenty-one [under the supervision of?] wakamiya bettō.” The record mentions Byōdōji, noting that the recitation of sutras and the relic rituals were not performed there anymore. OJS, vol. 2, 471–73. 16. These groups are described in the diary of the Kōfukuji Daijōin cleric Jinson (1430–1508), Daijōin jisha zōjiki (Miscellaneous Records of Temples and Shrines [under the Jurisdiction of] Daijōin), which was kept by him and his successors between 1450 and 1527. During the fifteenth century, the hamlets of Miwa were among the most important suppliers of bamboo, wood, and skilled professionals to suit the needs of both Kōfukuji and the Kasuga Shrine in the Yamato region. At Miwa, the Tsubaichi Market and professional craftspeople such as weavers had existed at least since the eighth century, according to Nihon shoki. At nearby Kanaya, the individuals involved in metal casting gradually formed a group of merchants (kane no za) who traded in black metal (kurogane). The Miwa iron-pot merchants were linked to the guild at Hase­ dera, and considered to be the retainers of Daijōin. DJZ, vol. 10, 452; ibid., vol. 11, 164.

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professionals and artisans would gradually spread among the local temples in central Yamato and adjacent provinces. In contrast to the simpler rites of attending shrines known in ­t hirteenth- and fourteenth-century Japan as “various shrines’ secrets” (shosha daiji), the late medieval and early modern rituals of jingi kanjō were increasingly institutionalized, taking place in temple settings. At some point, these rituals became incorporated into the conventional program of Buddhist initiations at temples such as Hasedera. The ­­Miwa-ryū ritual documents copied in abundance during the Edo period contain a number of hand-drawn images and written descriptions of the ritual altars, mandalas, and other implements used in these proceedings.17 I shall return to this topic shortly. Some of the jingi kanjō rituals were based on a ritual performance of the mythic events thought to have taken place during the Age of Gods. Some of these myths were recorded in the opening section of the eighth-century Nihon shoki; during the medieval period these myths were reinterpreted as a part of intense Shinto-Buddhist exchanges. The first level of such ritual initiation was focused on the symbolic reenactment of the myth of Ama no Iwato, in which Amaterasu hides herself in the Heavenly Cave.18 The second level was centered on the transmission of a set of “three divine regalia” (sanshu no jinki, alt. sanshu no jingi) and the assumption of the status of ruler, or shintō ajari, the Shinto ācārya, by the initiated. The third level concentrated on a symbolic transfer of the “Heavenly Broad Spear” (ama no nuhoko) originally carried by the deity Ōnamuchi as a symbol of his rulership and political power after the creation of the land in the Age of Gods. In the mythical narratives 17. The drawings demonstrating the physical settings of the jingi kanjō ritual at Hasedera based on the Miwa-ryū sources can be found in Miwa-ryū shintō kanjō dōjō no zu (Image of the Practice Hall for the Shintō Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage). OJS, vol. 5, 67. Also, Shintō kanjō giki (Ritual Memorandum for the Shintō Abhiṣeka), OJS, vol. 5, 111–13 and 119–20. Numerous copies of these manuals, including the altar drawings, are preserved at Kōyasan University Library; accessed in November 2004 and May 2013. 18. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 41–48; NKBT, vol. 67, 111–16. In the medieval period, it was believed that the Ama no Iwato was located at Mt. Takakura in Ise. See the discussion of this myth and ritual in the context of the Miwa-ryū ritual documents preserved at Hasedera in Dolce, “Duality and the Kami.” See also n. 79.

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produced by medieval Ōmiwa Shrine priests, Ōnamuchi handed over this spear to Amaterasu in an act of submission, and the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō ritual followed this pattern.19 For example, the Hasedera copies of Miwa-ryū ritual documents, such as Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō zu (Plan for the “Kami Abhiṣeka, by the Miwa Lineage”), relate that the ajari played the part of Ōnamuchi, who created the land of Japan, while the disciple receiving the initiation embodied Amaterasu, to whom Ōnamuchi transferred the land.20 Moreover, as in the case of Ise kanjō, these rituals encompassed the transmission of the three secret mantras and mudras pertaining to the worship of shrines and kami installed in them; unsurprisingly, these mantras and mudras were borrowed from the esoteric Buddhist practices that most likely emerged in medieval Japan as a part of the broad processes of appropriating esoteric scriptures such as the Yugikyō and interpreting them in Japanese context.21 The lateness of the surviving Miwa-ryū ritual manuals’ copies suggests that in the early modern period, the contents of the jingi kanjō may have been restored from earlier records. It is more than likely that by the end of the Edo period this ritual had moved away from its medieval prototype. The Edo-period copies emphasize that the early modern, “restored” version of jingi kanjō was focused on the transfer of the divine symbols of power, essentially allowing the person being initiated to assume the status of Shinto ajari. This was not necessarily the highest ritual rank in the hierarchy of the esoteric Buddhist tradition, but toward the end of the Edo period this rank was routinely bestowed in addition to standard esoteric Buddhist ajari status, not only at Hasedera but at other temples, with some of the Miwa-ryū records found as far as 19. This version of the Ōnamuchi myth appearing in the Nihon shoki was transmitted by the Ōmiwa Shrine priests, the Takamiya and the Kose, and recorded in the Ōmiwa no kami sansha chinza shidai, compiled by these lineages during the medieval period. It must have been known to the Buddhist practitioners at Daigorinji and the Miwa bessho, and thus was incorporated into the versions of jingi kanjō circulating among the Buddhist practitioners at Miwa. The early sixteenth-century Ninnaji materials also reflect this trend. See Tenjin shichidai chijin godai keizu (Genealogy of the Seven Heavenly and Five Earthly Deities), Abe et al., Ninnaji shiryō (Shintō hen), Shintō kanjō injin, 90–91. 20. OJS, vol. 5, 121–26. 21. See also n. 46 in this chapter, and chapter 6, nn. 50 and 64.

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the Fukuoka Prefecture in northern Kyushu and the Tōhoku region in northern Japan.22 It is unlikely that the rituals involving kami were performed at the medieval Miwa bessho in such a precise, standardized form. Ritual transmissions involving esoteric Buddhist deities, such as Aizen Myōō, and kami began circulating in the mid-thirteenth century, with a transition from esoteric Buddhist rituals toward those incorporating kami occurring between the latter half of the thirteenth century and throughout the fourteenth. Therefore it is very plausible that during that time, the rituals performed by the shōnin and hijiri at the Miwa bessho were conceived within the framework of the esoteric Buddhist ritual system and were primarily aimed at the symbolic acquisition of Buddhist rulership, the protection of the realm, and the attainment of enlightenment “with this very body.” These rituals circulated in a variety of guises among the Buddhist lineages, who moved around Miwa, Ise, Murō, Kinpusen, Kumano, Hiei on Honshu, and other islands of Japan. At the same time, the intense interest of medieval Buddhists in the world of kami was propelled by another complex trend in the cultural and religious production of medieval Japan: the reinterpretation of ­cosmogonic myths, some of which were recorded in a first fascicle of the Nihon shoki, the “Age of Gods” ( Jindai no maki). Such expansion of mythographies rooted in the world of the Kojiki, Nihon shoki, Sendai kuji hongi, and other early collections has been described by modern Japanese scholars as the “medieval Nihongi.”23 These myths, originally the preserve of Urabe scholars, were reinterpreted and recalibrated in the social, political, and economic conditions of medieval Japan by a wide variety of ritual specialists. Shrine personnel informed the emergence of medieval myths and rituals involving kami just as much as did 22. For the Fukuoka materials, see OJS, vol. 10, 564–82. I warmly thank Kadoya ­ tsushi for his introduction and help with the viewing of the Miwa-ryū documents A from Tōhoku, currently preserved at Ueno Gakuen in Tokyo, during February 2005. My many thanks go also to the researchers and professors of Ueno Gakuen, especially to Fukushima Kazuo and Tanaka Yukie, who assisted with the viewing of the materials kept in the Library of Japanese Music Manuscripts (Nihon ongaku shiryōshitsu). 23. Itō Masayoshi, “Chūsei Nihongi no rinkaku”; Abe Yasurō, “Chūsei ōken to chūsei Nihongi,” and Yasurō and Yamazaki, Chūsei Nihongishū; Yamamoto Hiroko, Chūsei shinwa; Tanaka Takako, Keiranshūyōshū no sekai.

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the Buddhist milieu, along with those who specialized in the Onmyōdō divination, purification practices, oracular speech, dream incubation, and star cults. The medieval reinterpretation of the Nihon shoki myths echoed through the late medieval and early modern periods. Ritual documents attributed to the Miwa lineage and preserved at Hasedera, Genpin’s Hut in Miwa, and major centers of Buddhist scholarship such as Mt. Kōya or Saikyōji temple near Mt. Hiei demonstrate this in abundance. These documents contain sections that describe Buddhist abhiṣeka initiations involving kami and, in particular, the three divine objects that were supposed to have been handed down by the kami to the first human ruler, Jinmu. These three divine treasures, which according to some ­theories included the “divine seal” (shinji) or a curved jewel (magatama), the “treasure sword” (hōken), and the mirror (kagami, or naishi dokoro), generated a wealth of mythological theories in the medieval period and in this way came to represent the symbols of imperial power.24 Re-inscribed into the Buddhist discourse, these objects (or rather, the idea and depictions of them) became at that time a focus of preoccupation of many a Buddhist practitioner based within established mikkyō or shugen temples, local temples, and private training facilities such as bessho. The shrine and temple lineages at Miwa were undoubtedly at the center of such practice.

Divine Regalia and the Symbolic Rulership The mytho-historical records of the Age of Gods included in the Nihon shoki mention different varieties of sacred objects that served as ritual instruments of power and authority in early Japan. These curved jewels, octagonal white-copper mirrors, and eight- or ten-span swords or spears may have included symbolic gift-decorations often hung on the branches of sacred sakaki trees and presented to a chieftain of a neighboring area 24. Yamamoto Hiroko, “Kitabatake Chikafusa ni okeru jinki kannen no seisei”; Abe Yasurō, “Chūsei ōken to chūsei Nihongi”; Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship and the Dragon Cults”; and Kadoya Atsushi, “Jingi, jinpō kō–Shintō zuzōgaku no kokoromi.”

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by the local ruler, possibly as a tribute.25 Archaeological remains found in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa demonstrate that similar objects were also deposited as funeral gifts in the tumuli of the rulers, or were presented to the deities. Another object associated with early instruments of power was the “jewel-spear” (nuhoko). According to the myths recorded in Nihon shoki, such a spear was first owned by the deity Ōnamuchi of Izumo and later transferred to the divine grandchild Ninigi, when Ōnamuchi was forced to cede control over Izumo to the descendants of the imperial Sun line.26 One of the legendary rulers, Suinin, reportedly used a broad spear as a symbol of his elevated social status to proclaim his vow to a newly selected concubine and to perform a ritual divination on a tortoise shell.27 Seen in this light, it is not surprising that during the process of compilation of the early mytho-historical records the eighth-century Nihon shoki editors inserted an entry describing how Amaterasu bestowed three similar objects, namely the curved Yasaka gem, the octagonal mirror, and the divine Kusanagi sword used by Susanoo to slash the serpent Yamato no Orochi, on the divine grandchild Ninigi, considered by the Yamato court as the direct ancestor of the Sun line.28 Yet it is not known 25. The mythological accounts in the Nihon shoki state that before the descent of the divine grandchild Ninigi to earth, “every town had always been allowed to have its own lord, and every village its chief, who, each one for himself, made division of territory and practiced mutual aggression and conflict” (Jinmu tennō’s reign; Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 110). As far as tribute of the three objects was concerned, there are numerous accounts; see, for example, a legend describing the female ruler Kamunashi-hime presenting the objects as ritual gifts symbolizing submission to the ruler Keikō. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 192–93; NKBT, vol. 67, 286–89. 26. The Nihon shoki gives several versions of this myth. One portrays Ōnamuchi transferring his “broad spear, which he had used as a staff when he was pacifying the land [of Izumo]” to the two messengers of Ninigi, saying: “By the means of this spear I was at last successful. If the Heavenly Grandchild will use this spear to rule the land, he will undoubtedly subdue it to tranquillity.” Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 69; NKBT, vol. 67, 140. Another record says that Ōnamuchi ceded the power to Amaterasu’s grandchild Ninigi by giving him sacred jewels. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 80–81; NKBT, vol. 67, 150–52. 27. Suinin tennō’s reign, thirty-fourth year, spring, third month, second day. Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 181–83; NKBT, vol. 67, 274. The Nihon shoki further reports that ceremonial shields and spears were granted as symbols of authority to newly appointed provincial governors (kuni no miyatsuko). Seimu tennō’s reign, Aston, 215–16; NKBT, vol. 67, 318. 28. On the provenance of the Kusanagi sword by the deity Susanoo as described in the Nihon shoki, see Aston, Nihongi, vol. 1, 53–57; NKBT, vol. 67, 122–27. On the three

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whether these three particular objects were actually used in any succession ceremonies at the time. As far as the symbolic attributes of rulership and power were concerned, beginning from the seventh century, Japanese tennō assumed their status and ascended to the throne in a fashion that followed Chinese notions of statehood, by receiving a “divine seal” or Celestial Status that enabled them to conduct matters of state and, at least after the Engi era (901–23), to perform the Great New Food Festival (Ōnie no matsuri, or Daijōsai) at court.29 The issue of the imperial regalia had surfaced in the public consciousness in the aftermath of the Genpei War of 1180–85. During the Battle of Dannoura, the child prince Antoku drowned, taking one of the imperial regalia, the divine sword, to the bottom of the sea with him. In principle, there were a number of swords presented to the royal princes and rulers throughout their lives, for example, soon after birth, so it could have even been one of those.30 Nevertheless, the ­absence divine treasures entrusted to Ninigi by Amaterasu, see Aston, 76–77; NKBT, vol. 67, 146. The story of Amaterasu’s d­ ivine mirror appears in a separate section: Aston, 83; NKBT, vol. 67, 152. The Nihon shoki also ­describes another set of seven or eight divine treasures, brought to Japan during the time of Suinin by the Silla prince Ame no Hiboko. Aston, 168, 185; NKBT, vol. 67, 260, 277–78. During the medieval period, these different sets of regalia merged into the set of “ten divine treasures” ( jisshu shinpō), which were installed at the altar during jingi kanjō ceremonies, particularly in the Yoshida Shinto tradition. Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shinto Icons,” 164. 29. This was certainly the case of Kashikiya-hime (Suiko) in the late sixth century (Aston, Nihongi, vol. 2, 121; NKBT, vol. 68, 172). Before her enthronement, the Nihon shoki editors had inserted the descriptions of royals ascending to the throne as “assuming celestial or lordly status” (ten’i, alt. amatsuhitsugi; e.g., Sujin, twelfth year; modified from Aston, vol. 1, 160; NKBT, vol. 67, 248). As a matter of off icial succession, this status could be assigned by royal decree (Suinin, thirtieth year; Aston, vol. 1, 180; NKBT, vol. 67, 272). “Celestial Status” here acts as a paraphrase for the Chinese notion of the Mandate of Heaven. The royal princes could also “receive the command of the Celestial Court” (Yamato Takeru, Keikō tennō’s reign, fortieth year: Aston, vol. 1, 209; NKBT, vol. 67, 310), which is certainly reminiscent of the Chinese pattern. On Suiko, Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship, 66–101. On the ritual protocol for Daijōe, see books 1 and (in full) 7 of the Engishiki. Bock, Engi-shiki, vol. 1, 46, 49; and vol. 2, 31–56. On the history of Daijōsai, see Blacker, “The Shinza or the God-Seat in the Daijōsai,” and more recently, Breen and Teeuwen, A New History of Shinto, 168–98. 30. Court protocol records such as Kōgū osan tōjitsu shidai (Procedures on the Day of Royal Childbirth) give ample descriptions of such swords, which were kept e­ ither at

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of the appropriate item caused a considerable problem for Retired Emperor Go-Toba (1180–1239, r. 1184–98) when he was trying to reinstate himself as a politically active figure in the first half of the thirteenth century.31 Go-Toba’s restricted position within the imperial court and state governance in the early thirteenth century, exacerbated by a symbolic lack of the full set of imperial regalia, prompted a deep need to remedy the situation, first through literary activities and, later, through a series of political decisions that ultimately led to the Jōkyū Rebellion of 1221. It may have been the very loss of these symbolic objects that spurred the intense search for their origins within the mythological corpus of the Nihon shoki and for their subsequent whereabouts in early medieval Japan, first within Tendai aristocratic circles and later, within a broader sphere of local Buddhist lineages, shrine specialists, performers, and importantly, the imperial court itself.32 The concept of imperial regalia came to be of interest to the religious milieu in the two decades after the Battle of Dannoura. In 1203, the Tendai cleric, poet, and historian Jien (1155–1225) had a dream about two of the imperial regalia, the sword and the jewel, which he famously interpreted in terms of esoteric Buddhist imagery and doctrine.33 By the 1260s, several decades later, the imperial house was split into two competing branches and, as the century progressed, into two separate courts. At that time, the quest for actual or symbolic possession of the regalia resumed with renewed intensity. The narratives of the sword’s loss were spread by the traveling monks and blind biwa hōshi, who recited the Tale of Heike at a variety of gatherings; there were divergent the shrines or at the mansions of regents and royal family. In the Jishō era (1177–80), when Antoku was born, the “august sword” was brought from the residence of the Retired Emperor. The sword had a lacquerwork decoration in the form of the blue dragon and white tiger, the shark pattern, a purple leather cord, and was wrapped in a brocade sheath. ZGR, kan 999, 542–49. 31. The loss of the imperial regalia presented considerable difficulties for the enthronement of Go-Toba, documented by the regent Kujō Kanezane in his diary Gyo­ kuyō. See, for example, the entries of Juei 2 (1183.8.6 and 8.20); discussed in Yamamoto Hiroko, “Kitabatake Chikafusa in okeru jinki kannen no seisei,” 27–28. 32. Abe, “Chūsei ōken to chūsei Nihongi.” 33. See the discussion of Jien’s dream in Abe, “Chūsei ōken to chūsei Nihongi”; Abè Ryūichi, The Weaving of Mantra, 363–64; and Grapard, “Of Emperors and Foxy Ladies,” 137 onwards.

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theories about this incident, of which the different corners of the court were well aware.34 At another critical moment, the imperial regalia became an elusive prize in the quest for power, first being dutifully transferred by Emperor Go-Daigo to his competitors at the Northern Court, and then proclaimed to be a false replica some time later.35 Tensions over the order of imperial succession during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries had a profound impact not only on the economic and political standing of both factions of the imperial line, but also on the religious community, which sought to gain patronage from one faction or the other.36 Religious thinkers, poets, courtiers, and ritual specialists, such as the descendant of the Urabe lineage and Tendai cleric Jihen, the priest Watarai Ieyuki of the Outer Shrine at Ise, and courtier Kitabatake Chikafusa, the intellectual force behind the Southern Court, wrote treatises discussing the origins, nature, location, and meaning of varying sets of regalia and their importance for the legitimacy of imperial succession.37 Medieval Shinto texts, such as the Tenchi reikiki (Records of the Divine Spirits of Heaven and Earth; alt. Reikiki) and Yamatohime no mikoto seiki (Chronicles of Yamato-hime no mikoto), produced by religious practitioners connected most likely to Onjōji, Sanbōin, and Ise, also propounded ideas about different sets of divine treasures, their origins, and movement.38 Depending on the source, their number varied 34. Bialock, “Outcasts, Emperorship, and the Dragon Cults,” 276–81. 35. Conlan, From Sovereign to Symbol, 59–60. He also gives a short overview of the regalia’s history, 61–63. 36. On the strife between the Southern and Northern courts, see Goble, Kenmu, and Conlan, From Sovereign to Symbol. On the impact on the religious environment, see Matsumoto, Chūsei ōken to sokui kanjō. 37. Watarai Ieyuki touched upon the subject of the imperial regalia in his Ruijū jingi hongen (Encyclopedia on the Origins of Kami), written around 1320. Kitaba­t ake, who was in close contact with Ieyuki and used his writings for reference, dedicated whole passages and sections in his writings Gengenshū and Jinnō shōtōki (ca. 1339–41) to this subject. Yamamoto, “Kitabatake Chikafusa,” 19. Jihen also discussed the three and ten divine treasures in one of his commentaries, Kuji hongi gengi (Sublime Meaning of True Records of Matters Past), and Kogo ruiyōshū. Kadoya, “Jinki, jinpō kō,” and “Myths, Rites, and Icons”; and Hayashi, “Kogo ruiyōshū ni miru jisshu jinpōzu ni tsuite.” 38. The Reikiki was particularly influential. It consisted of eighteen volumes, four of which contained the so-called shintaizu, “the kami images.” Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shinto Icons,” 159–64. The Reikiki was quoted in the Ruijū jingi hongen written

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between two, three, eight, and ten.39 Even the scholar monks from Pure Land temples coming from distant regions were later drawn into the intense study of this phenomenon. One of them, Ryōyo Shōgei (1341– 1420) from Hitachi Province, who is much better known as the key figure in the Pure Land school, studied medieval Shinto theories, including the various transmissions on the Age of Gods, and left a commentary on the Reikiki. His records contain detailed descriptions of the ritual images used in the Shintō kanjō initiations, including the regalia. Obviously he sourced this knowledge in the medieval Shinto-Buddhist milieu, which by the late fourteenth century was gaining a foothold in eastern Japan, far beyond the confines of the Ise shrines.40 At Miwa, this important theme of the divine regalia and imperial legitimacy may have been reinforced by the physical proximity of the Southern Court of Go-Daigo stationed at Yoshino, and repeated attempts of the Ōmiwa Shrine priests to gain patronage from Go-Daigo’s line.41 by the Outer Ise Shrine priest Watarai Ieyuki, already discussed in chapters 5 and 6. Although the Reikiki cannot be dated with precision, scholars assume that it appeared in the period following the Mongol invasions (Kōan era, 1278–88) and before the compilation of Ieyuki’s compendium, which he finished in 1320. See Shinbutsu shūgō kenkyūkai, Reikiki; Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto.’” 39. On the “ten divine treasures,” their description in the Sendai kuji hongi and the Reikiki corpus, and possible involvement of Shingon and Tendai lineages, see Kadoya, “Jinki, jinpō kō,” and “Myths, Rites, and Icons.” 40. Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, 177–80. He further outlines the idea that Ryōyo Shōgei may have learned about Buddhist worship of kami stemming from Ise at a Sanbōin branch temple in Hitachi. One such temple, Kojimadera, was founded or restored by the Shingon scholar-monk Yūson (1361–1450), who was affiliated with the Igyō branch of the Sanbōin of Daigoji and involved in the establishment of several Shingon temples in Hitachi Province (in the north of modern Ibaraki Prefecture). Suzuki also notes that Komatsudera has preserved the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō initiation certificates. Ibid., 182–84. 41. Conlan has proposed an interesting theory on the territorial aspirations of Go-Daigo’s court. He has argued that after 1338, forced to move from the capital, GoDaigo had decided to shift his focus to symbolic control over the twenty-one shrines; such a move may have been reinforced by what Conlan calls “Shingon notions of legitimacy.” From Sovereign to Symbol, 66–68. In my view, this strategy may instead have been influenced by the fact that central Yamato was dotted with religious institutions with considerable economic and military power that were connected by the well-developed system of government thoroughfares and hidden routes of mountain pilgrimage, where scores of supporters, normally scattered around the main temples

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For example, the Ōmiwa Shrine hereditary priests presented their shrine records to Kitabatake Chikafusa during his visit sometime between 1330 and 1346, presumably to assist with the compilation of his work, the Jinnō shōtōki (A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns, ca. 1343).42 The military epic Taiheiki and the genealogical charts of the Takamiya family relate that the Ōmiwa kannushi Katsufusa (also known as lay monk Seia) fought in a battle in 1340 on the side of the Southern Court, for which he received the senior fifth rank. He resigned his shrine duties to his son Motofusa, and was appointed a guard at the imperial abode in Yoshino. A member of the Kose family, also hereditary negi priest at the Ōmiwa Shrine, led attacks alongside the troops of Prince Moriyoshi (ca. 1308–35) and Kusu­ noki Masashige (1294–1336) at the beginning of the Genkō uprising in 1331, fighting against the bakufu army in Kii and Settsu provinces and later, in Yoshino. As a token of appreciation, the Southern Court rewarded him with gifts, among which were a protective breastplate (horo) and an arrow stand, said to have been donated personally by Prince Moriyoshi.43 Go-Daigo’s son, Go-Murakami (1328–68), maintained a military outpost at Miwa around 1352.44 Faced with the need to balance out mutual economic and political interests with other clusters of power, such as the bakufu in Kamakura and its outpost and successors in Kyoto, or the increasingly independent large Buddhist temples capable of asserting their own economic and military might, Japan’s medieval emperors had a limited space within which to demonstrate their social and political leadership. In the worldview of most of their contemporaries, including the majority of Buddhist practitioners and other religious specialists, the emperor would have been more of a mythological than an actual figure. But this is not to say and private mountain facilities, could be summoned and assembled with relative ease. See chapters 2, 3, and 4 for detailed background on the pilgrimage networks and traffic in Yamato and Ise during the late twelfth to fourteenth centuries. 42. ST, Jinja hen, Ōmiwa-Isonokami, Introduction by Ueda Masaaki, 11–13. For an English translation of Kitabatake’s treatise see Varley, A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns. 43. These items are still preserved at the Ōmiwa Shrine museum. Nihon no kosha, Ōmiwa jinja, 73. 44. OJS, vol. 1, 636–37. More on the ritual and political activities of the Southern Court can be found in Goble, Kenmu, and Conlan, From Sovereign to Symbol.

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that a mythological figure had no cultural meaning. On the contrary, the crisis in imperial authority unfolding throughout the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries led to a situation in which the very symbols of imperial power preoccupied medieval ritual specialists and mythographers to an almost obsessive degree. This might happen when actual historic events and structural changes in the upper echelons of society came to be reflected in the combinatory imagination merging buddhas and kami, and in the ritual activities of a broad range of religious practitioners, not least local temple lineages. A good illustration of this is found in the ritual legacy attributed to the Miwa lineage. As shown before, many of the Miwa-ryū ritual documents copied in the early modern period contain a ritual segment concentrating on the “receiving” of the three divine regalia by Buddhist practitioners. It is usually concealed within the ritual format of kami consecration procedures such as jingi kanjō or Reiki kanjō. In the most general sense, receiving of the three divine regalia by a Buddhist practitioner being initiated into the secrets of Japanese deities signified the assumption of the symbolic status of ruler presiding over the world of the shinbutsu shūgō. In other words, a Buddhist novice would “become” an emperor of the divine land of Japan and its many deities. Given the debates about imperial regalia at court and within religious circles, it is possible that the symbolic objects or “three regalia” entered the ritual discourse around the same time, toward the end of the thirteenth century or during the fourteenth.

“Kami Abhiṣeka, Miwa-Style” at Daigorinji Given that the majority of the ritual documents possessed by medieval Miwa practitioners perished in a fire at Byōdōji in 1461, many contemporaneous ritual documents capable of clarifying the further role of the Miwa lineage in the religious landscape of medieval Japan did not survive. According to the records kept by the Kōfukuji Daijōin cleric Jinson (1430–1508), Daijōin jisha zōjiki (Miscellaneous Records of Temples and Shrines [under the Jurisdiction] of Daijōin), there was a tension between Byōdōji’s two temple factions, the scholar monks (gakusō) and the “meditation monks” (zensō). The former group would have been in charge of

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the scriptures and ritual records preserved at the temple, and thus were the likely bearers of the medieval Miwa-ryū esoteric and kami traditions. The latter were involved in mountain austerities; after their main source of patronage, Kinpusen, was torched in 1438, this group was seeking to procure a formal patronage from the Sanbōin of Daigoji and to establish religious independence. After a decade of internal divisions, much of which derived from the struggles about the religious authority, in 1461 the Daichiin Hall was set on fire, and the six gakusō monks were driven from the temple.45 As a result of these events, there is a critical gap in historical sources that places limits on what can be known or described concerning medieval kami worship at Miwa. Nevertheless, numerous later documents that refer to the Miwa-ryū rituals can provide many useful clues. As already mentioned, the majority of the Miwa-ryū Shintō rituals were also transmitted and practiced at Miwa’s temple Daigorinji and nearby Hasedera in addition to Byōdōji. The Muromachi-period map of Mt. Miwa discussed above shows a special facility (rongidokoro) for monastic study and lectures, which was designated for attendance by the shrine monks (shasō). Perhaps this particular group of people, who had links in equal measure to the Ōmiwa Shrine, its temple Daigorinji, and the shrine’s then jingūji, Byō­ dōji, was the very agency involved in the transmission of these rituals, the records of which now survive at Hasedera and elsewhere. A collection preserved at Hasedera contains a body of personal notes recorded in 1564 (Eiroku 7.1.15) at a Buddhist temple located in Nabari in Iga Province. In large part, these notes refer to the Reiki kanjō, which developed sometime during the Kamakura period.46 Read t­ ogether with 45. The internal conflict during the 1460s–90s and the fire at Byōdōji are described in detail by the Kōfukuji Daijōin cleric Jinson, in his Daijōin jisha zōjiki. Jinson’s diary does not deal with theological details, but rather with economic and administrative matters; he does not mention the Miwa-ryū rituals. Thus, it is only possible to link what information he provides with the medieval “Miwa-ryū Shintō” phenomenon speculatively. Daijōin jisha zōjiki, DJZ, vol. 3: 22–23, 31, 98, 125, 138, 147–51. 46. OJS, vol. 5, 18–23. On the history of Reikiki and Reiki kanjō see the extensive study by Mitsuhashi, Heian jidai shinkō to shūkyō girei, and Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto.’ ” The latter’s article investigates the Reiki and shintō kanjō as they appear in the ritual documents attributed to the Miwa lineage and copied in the seventeenth century (see n. 79). I would like to suggest, however, that by the seventeenth century the ritual legacy of the Miwa-ryū underwent a significant overhaul, which was

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another ritual text from the Miwa tradition called Nihongi Miwa-ryū (The Chronicles of Japan by the Miwa Lineage, ca. 1543) preserved at Ōsu Kannon archive of Shinpukuji temple in Nagoya, these notes cast light on the body of ritual knowledge transmitted by the Miwa-ryū adepts in the late medieval period, most likely at Daigorinji.47 The aforementioned “Personal Notes on the Reiki Kanjō” have a sub-heading “Fourteen items [related to] Shinto in the Miwa-ryū [tradition]” (Shintō Miwa-ryū shodaiji jūyon). In other words, it is a collection of personal notes and transmission certificates related to one of the versions of the Reiki kanjō as it may have been performed within the Miwaryū tradition at Daigorinji. However, it is not clear how and in what particular circumstances these notes were assembled. For example, it is not known if the author, Shinshū (ca. 16th century), was allowed to take notes while learning the rituals during his time at the temple in Nabari, or whether he had to come to Hasedera in order to gain access to some previously compiled manuals, and copied them there. It could be that the segments appearing in his notes were not originally related as parts of a single ritual procedure, but were copied in no particular order in the course of several days of study and ritual transmissions. This short collection focuses on the increasingly eclectic rituals intended for a semilay audience that were considered by others to be a part of the Miwa-ryū legacy by the mid-sixteenth century. Importantly, it also illuminates the process of vernacularization of esoteric Buddhist ritual concepts and formulae in what appears to be a shift toward the final stage of the incorporation of kami into the Buddhist episteme. Shinshū’s notes encompass several rituals, but only some of them contain important information pertinent to the divine regalia and the broader processes of “assembling Shinto” that took place in medieval Japan. The ideas encountered there are particularly characteristic of the period after the emergence of the inverted honji suijaku paradigm and motivated and shaped by the agendas of Edo-period Shingon restorers such as Seiryō Genshin of Byōdōji or Shinzei of Daigorinji. In principle, this merits a separate study. 47. The Ōsu Bunko version of this text has a gap, and has been supplemented by another surviving copy from the Ise Shrine archive, Jingū Bunko. The restored and augmented version of this text can be found in Abe Yasurō and Yamazaki, Chūsei Nihon­gishū, 459–86.

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the production of the seminal treatise Yuiitsu shintō myōbō yōshū (The Essentials of the Excellent Principles of the One and Only Shintō) by Yoshida Kanetomo around 1485.48 Predictably, Shinshū noted that the rituals associated with the Miwa lineage were mainly transmitted and practiced by semi-itinerant hijiri who congregated in the vicinity of Mt. Miwa, Hasedera, and other mountain temples and important cultic sites. For example, he recounts a story of a mendicant “meditation monk” (zensō), Jakujōbō, who came to Hase­ dera each year on the seventeenth day of the sixth month. For eighteen years, he went to a Buddhist temple at Miwa on the eighteenth day to have his midday meal. Jakujōbō claimed to have learned the ritual tradition of the Miwa lineage, which, according to him, was a complex transmission of the Chūin lineage [the main Ono lineage tradition of Shingon at Mt. Kōya], namely, the “Abhiṣeka of Divine Light in the Way of Kami” (Shintō kōmyō kanjō), which he also called “Abhiṣeka of the Syllable A” or “Kami Abhiṣeka” ( jingi kanjō). Shinshū stated that this story was recorded in Karoku 3 (1329. 9.28) from the words of a bettō of Daigorinji in Miwa. It must be noted here that the very title of this Shintō kōmyō kanjō invokes the Buddhist “Abhiṣeka of Divine Light” (Kōmyō kanjō), which was propagated by the Saidaiji lineage and transmitted among Buddhist priests, hijiri, mountain ascetics, and other practitioners.49 As shall be argued further, the specification categorizing this ritual as “Shinto” may have been appended later, during the fifteenth century. Shinshū’s notes have several more segments, including rituals of “waiting for the moon” (tsukimachi no daiji) and “waiting for Kōshin” (kōshin machi no daiji), most likely late medieval additions.50 The ­former 48.For an annotated English translation, see Grapard, “Yuiitsu Shintō Myōbō Yōshū” and “The Shintō of Yoshida Kanetomo.” On Kanetomo’s discussion of the three and ten divine treasures, see Scheid, “Reading the Yuiitsu Shintō Myōbō Yōshū,” 126–30. 49. Kōmyō kanjō was also known in the Tendai esoteric tradition, and practiced at Kongōōin at Daigoji. MDJ, 593. 50. The worship of Kōshin had its origins in a popular Chinese practice influenced by medico-religious and Daoist beliefs. It was thought that on the Kōshin night, when everyone was asleep, the “three worms” (sanshi) residing in the human body climbed to heaven and reported to the Heavenly Emperor (or Great King Enma) on one’s deeds and misconduct. Therefore, it was customary to spend that night worshipping deities and staying awake until sunrise. Early mentions of such a custom appear in Sei

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was also described by him as a “ritual of the Black Moon” and involved visualization of the esoteric deities Aizen Myōō and Dakiniten.51 The latter would be more familiar to the lay practitioners. The main segment of interest is Shinshū’s personal recollection of a ritual that corresponded to the first level of the “Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits,” that is, the Reiki kanjō. This ritual combined the veneration of kami and buddhas and was supposed to reveal the “essentials of the true awakening for all sentient beings” (issai shōju shōgaku no kanshin). Naturally, Shinshū’s notes warn, such an important ritual was to be kept totally secret and was not to be disclosed to the uninitiated; otherwise, “ninetyeight thousand thunder and lightning deities will crack your head [into pieces].”52 The notes explain in sketchy detail what kinds of procedures were to be undertaken by the disciple during the first level of Reiki kanjō. These descriptions mostly correspond to the seventeenth-century example from the Miwa-ryū tradition studied by Fabio Rambelli.53 One may assume that by the time Shinshū recorded his notes in 1564 this ritual was already a fairly standardized procedure, and perhaps at this stage it began to reach even non-monastic audiences. At first, the practitioner was supposed to progress through three torii gates while performing various purifications, intoning the three Sanskrit syllables, and binding the three mudras. These three mudras and syllables corresponded to those deriving from the medieval discourses on esoteric scriptures, and were transmitted by the Miwa-ryū and other lineages specializing in esoteric and kami worship. Next, the practitioner’s face was covered with a mask or a cloth, and he was led toward the “treasure altar of the Flower-Store in the hall of deities” ( jinden kezō no hōzen). He would then establish a karmic connection with a certain Shōnagon’s Makura no sōshi; by the late Muromachi period, Kōshin machi was a pop­ ular practice known to commoners. 51. This ritual was supposed to have been performed on the night of the eighteenth day, after the moon begins to wane. The ritual involved summoning the esoteric deities Aizen Myōō and Dakiniten. The practitioner had to envision Dakiniten arriving on a black cloud against the full moon and bestowing seven wish-fulfilling gems, which the practitioner was then supposed to internalize. 52. OJS, vol. 5, 21. 53. Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto.’ ” See also n. 79.

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Fig. 7.1 “Spread out” mandala for the “Shinto Abhiṣeka, Miwa-Style” (Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō shiki mandara 三輪流神祇灌頂敷曼荼羅). Edo period. Hasedera, Nara Prefecture. Modern reproduction drawing by Tai Sekimori.

deity by throwing a flower onto a mandala with the names of important kami recorded on it, shown in figure 7.1. After this, the mask was removed, and the disciple was awakened to the world of real deities by contemplation of the setting of the practice hall. Subsequently, the practitioner would arrive at the “small altar of true enlightenment” (shōga­ kudan), where he would receive the water consecration and the crown, as in a standard Buddhist abhiṣeka initiation.54 Depending on the ritual 54. Ibid., 271. Yonezawa discusses the same procedure from the viewpoint of material culture and architectural history, combining the study of the Miwa-ryū altar maps

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version, this segment might also be accompanied by the fire purification (goma), the drinking of purified water, and binding the “mudra of the four seas” that symbolizes kingly control over the religious landscape.

The Kami Iconography at Daigorinji This progression took place in a space inhabited by the divine entities familiar from the “Age of Gods” chapter of the Nihon shoki, esoteric deities, and Shingon patriarchs. The first group consisted of the “seven generations of heavenly deities” (tenjin shichidai) and the “five generations of earthly deities” (chijin godai), represented by seven and five mirrors or icons, respectively. Their order and names display slight variations according to different versions of the Reiki kanjō, but in general, the deities correspond roughly to the primordial divinities listed in the Nihon shoki.55 The ritual images depicting these deities survive at Hasedera and at another temple with links to both Saidaiji and Miwa, Hōzanji, situated on Mt. Ikoma in the northwestern portion of the Yamato Plain (map 2).56 We should recall that in the fourteenth century the practitioners from and ritual implements with that of the Edo-period Hasedera records of the Miwa-ryū initiations mentioned above in n. 2. Yonezawa, “Miwa-ryū Shintō kanjō no ba no toku­ shitsu,” 1129–30. 55. For the list of names of some of these deities see, for example, Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” 271, n. 8. Also, see the discussion of a number of primordial deities and of their correlations with the concepts of original enlightenment (hongaku) and fundamental ignorance (mumyō) featured in medieval Shinto texts in Rambelli, “Before the First Buddha.” 56. Several examples appear in Buzan Hasedera shūi, 92–95; the divine regalia, 88–91. For the Hōzanji images, see Shinbutsu shūgō no hon, 104–5. Images belonging to the Miwa-ryū tradition can also be found there; Shinbutsu shūgō no hon, 112–18. Comparable images also exist in Europe. For example, the hanging scrolls depicting the second pair of the seven heavenly deities, Toyokumunu and Kuni no Satsuchi, are preserved in the Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zurich (Völkerkundemuseum der Universität Zürich) and can be accessed via the database of Japanese Buddhist Art in European Collections (JBAE). I am grateful to the Völkerkundemuseum Universität Zürich, and especially to Dr. Martina Wernsdörfer, Ms. Salome Guggenheimer, and Mrs. Tomoe Steineck, who arranged the viewing of these two scrolls and graciously helped to acquire permissions to publish them.

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Mt. Ikoma frequented Miwa (chapters 3 and 6). It seems that these links were continued in the Edo period when Hōzanji was established. During the Meiji Restoration, due to the volatile process of dismantling the relations between kami and buddhas, many esoteric materials from the Miwa temple Daigorinji, particularly those related to combinatory rituals, ended up at Hōzanji. The serpentine appearances of the Hōzanji set of the “seven heavenly deities” and the tantric motives underlying this depiction attest to the fact that medieval concepts of kami based on esoteric Buddhist ideas survived well into the early modern period and were part of the Buddhist temple traditions before the Meiji Restoration. Although the “seven heavenly deities” were mentioned amply in the medieval Reikiki, the exact timing of the emergence of their images and precise sources of their iconography still remain puzzling. Different volumes of the Reikiki put forward several explanations regarding the Buddhist nature and attributes of these “heavenly deities,” but these explanations were often too diverse and did not match each other precisely. Such conceptual gaps must have generated an ample oral exegetic tradition, which led in turn to the development of ritual images.57 One can only hazard a guess that the appearance of the “heavenly deities” may have been based on that of esoteric deities such as Aizen Myōō (and, more generally, the wisdom kings), Kōshin, or possibly, Suiten. The last was usually depicted as a green- or blue-bodied deity holding a sword and a coiling snake and sporting a headdress crowned by rising serpents.58 In fact, the Miwa-ryū ritual documents pertaining 57. For example, the fourth volume of the Reikiki described a particular type of golden wish-fulfilling gem as an attribute of Kuni no Tokotachi, whose Buddhist origin was Mahāvairocana, while the deities Kuni no Satsuchi and Toyokumunu were described respectively as Vairocana and Locana buddhas. Suzuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, 199–200. On oral transmissions regarding the kami imagery by the fourteenth-century Tendai monk Ryōhen and Pure Land monk Ryōyo Shōgei, Suzuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, 206–19. Kadoya notes the similarities of some kami imagery appearing in the medieval Reikiki commentaries and that in fourteenth-century Ryōbu Shintō texts produced at Ise, such as Tenshō Daijin kuketsu and Bikisho. Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shinto Icons,” 159–65, esp. 162. 58. See, for example, Suiten (Sk. Varuna, the Water Deva) in a Kamakura-period set of the twelve deva from Tōji temple in Kyoto. Tōji Hōmotsukan, Tōji ni mikkyō zuzō, 25. Trenson has recently noted the importance of this deity in the medieval Shingon and

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to the material objects employed during the jingi kanjō ceremonies state that the images of the “seven heavenly deities” and “five earthly deities” were used together with the icons of the twelve deities ( jūniten). Thus, it may be that the ritual settings of the jingi kanjō ceremonies provided a stage for re-configuring different elements of pre-existing esoteric images and fusing them into a new type of iconography. In the Miwa tradition, there was even an icon of Miwa Myōjin; however, during the rituals it was usually concealed by a bamboo screen.59 Although esoteric visual culture offered multiple options for assembling new kami iconographies, Suiten may have been one possible figure whose proximity to local deities and landscapes loomed large in esoteric Buddhist discourse and imagination. During the Heian and Kamakura periods both Tendai and Shingon scholar monks acknowledged Suiten as one of the twelve protector deities ( jūniten) of the Diamond World Mandala (Kongōkai); this deity was also invoked in the Womb World (Taizōkai) ritual procedures. In accordance with the earlier Chinese commentaries on esoteric sutras, in Heian-period Tendai works Suiten was associated with the western direction, water, and ocean creatures (including fish and dragons) and was understood to be the bearer of divine powers ( jintsū), capable of inducing “miraculous transformations” ( jinpen).60 Onmyōdō rainmaking rituals and its association with Dragon King Zennyo; in the latter, Suiten “was imagined ascend[ing] to the sky, causing rain and thunder,” much like the dragon deities of Murō and Miwa discussed in chapter 3. Trenson, “Shingon Divination Board Rituals and Rainmaking,” 116, n. 17, and 121. 59. Yonezawa, “Miwa-ryū Shintō kanjō no ba no tokushitsu,” 1129–30. No such images of Miwa Myōjin have yet been discovered. One can only hazard a guess that if such images did exist, they would either conform to the iconography of Kuni no Tokotachi and other heavenly deities or display a courtly male figure, like one of the “five earthly deities” discussed here. The latter image also became a standard depiction of kami in the late Edo and Meiji periods. 60. In his Shingonshū kyōjigi (On the Meaning of Teaching and Time in the Esoteric School, T. 2396), the ninth-century Tendai scholar Annen described Suiten as residing in the western direction, together with its dragon attendants (T. 2396, 429c10). Similar views were reflected in other works by Tendai monks: Shinkō’s (934–1004) commentary on the ritual program of the Taizōkai (T. 2231, 558b19–20) and Chōen’s (1016–1081) ­Yonjūchō ketsu (Decisions on the Forty Books, T. 2408, 891a07–20). Chōen in particular mentions the ritual offerings to Suiten (suiten gu or suiten no hō) based on descriptions found in the seventh-century Chinese esoteric scripture Tuoluoni ji jing (Dhārāṇī

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Shingon monks from the Ono school incorporated the twelve deities into their rainmaking rituals, as evidenced from the record by Genkai (1094–1157). In his Atsuzōshi (Thick Notes, T. 2483), he briefly relates how such rituals were conducted by the esoteric master Ningai (951?–1046) at Shinsen’en in the fourth year of Chōkyū (1043) and states that they were accompanied by the offerings to deities ( jingu, or jinku) and the making of straw dragon effigies. 61 The Sanbōin lineage of Daigoji resorted to similar ritual procedures, using painted images of the Two Mandalas, the five dragons, and blue or green banners with the twelve deities’ names written in Sanskrit.62 The monk Raiyu (1226–1304), who studied at Nara, Mt. Kōya, and Daigoji, was one of the most prolific Shingon thinkers of the Kamakura period. Since he was a few decades younger than the Saidaiji and Miwa priests featured in this book, he thus may be considered a reliable witness to what had already been present within the realm of religious practice during his time. He documented many details related to the propitiation of Suiten by different Shingon lineages throughout the thirteenth century, including that of the Kongōōin of Daigoji. He even recorded a theory that linked Suiten with the Dragon King Zennyo, the deity already discussed in the context of Miwa and Murō (see chapter 3); elsewhere, Raiyu drew parallels between Zennyo and the protective deity Seiryū Gongen of Daigoji, as well as the kami of Ise, Hachiman, Kamo, and Kasuga.63 Suiten was also worshipped at medieval Mt. Kōya.64 Collection Sutra, T. 901); he states that such rituals were conducted in Japan in 1045 and 1048 at Ōhara (T. 2408, ibid., and 908a17–27). 61. Genkai, Atsuzōshi, T. 2483, 267a06–267b29. For other sources discussing the Shinsen’en, see Trenson, “Shingon Divination Board Rituals and Rainmaking.” 62. Genkai, on the events of Eikyū 5 (1118.06.14), ibid., 267b29–268a19. On the general history of rainmaking and Seiryū Gongen at Daigoji, see Trenson, “Daigoji in okeru kiu no kakuritsu to Seiryūjin shinkō.” 63. Raiyu discusses Suiten in detail in the sixth fascicle of his Hishō mondō (Questions and Answers on the Secret Compendium, T. 2536). On Suiten and the Dragon King Zennyo being one and the same, see T. 2536, 384b26–29, 385c23–26, 395b11–17 (this point is briefly mentioned in Trenson, ibid., 249). On Zennyo and kami, ibid., 387b23– 26. On the Daigoji sub-temple Rishōin’s version of the propitiation of kami ( jingu), starting with offerings to Suiten, ibid., 395a23–28. 64. Hirose, “Chūsei Kōyasan ni okeru kiu no igi.” On whale bones as ritual offerings at Mt. Kōya, ibid., 17.

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Given that the Kongōōin was once home to the Daigoji zasu Jikken who specialized in a particular kind of Aizen ritual (the so-called nyohō Aizen hō) and was involved in the rain prayers at Shinsen’en commissioned by the imperial court in 1240, it is possible that the ritual knowledge that Jikken had to acquire before these official performances was imparted by him, in some form, to his disciples and followers.65 As discussed in chapter 6, these disciples came to include also the non-elite practitioners residing in the countryside, such as Hōkyō of Miwa and Nyojitsu of Kamo. Although more precise evidence linking all of these figures and elements is still being sought, the esoteric and ritual knowledge radiating from places like Daigoji may have served as an inspiration for local practitioners and was incorporated into the esoteric rituals featuring kami that came to be transmitted at Miwa bessho and Daigo­ rinji serendipitously. As becomes clear from the images of the “seven heavenly deities” preserved at Hasedera and Hōzanji, the first three figures, the primordial deities Kuni no Tokotachi, Kuni no Satsuchi, and Toyokumunu, hold in their many hands the symbolic objects that derive from the medieval iconography of the “ten divine treasures.” According to the Japanese scholar Kadoya Atsushi, these treasures have been described in ritual texts such as the tenth-century Sendai kuji hongi, most likely produced by the Mononobe clan, and in the Kamakura-period corpus of esoteric and kami transmissions, the Reikiki. Moreover, the fourteenth-century Tendai-Urabe scholar Jihen in his treatise Kogo ruiyōshū (Essential Encyclopedia of the Old Words) drew their detailed images, and further explanations of their nature subsequently appeared in the fourteenthand fifteenth-century commentaries on the Reikiki.66 65. MDJ, 983. The map of the temporary facilities used by Jikken during his 1240 and 1244 rain prayers at Shinsen’en is preserved at the Nara National Museum. It was copied at Saidaiji in 1279, most plausibly by request of the Saidaiji leader Eizon. Nara kokuritsu hakubutsukan Shinsen’en shōukyō hō dōjō zu (Map of the facilities used during the rainmaking ritual at Shinsen’en), item 1151 (124). This artifact and the figure of Jikken require a separate study. 66. Kadoya, “Myths, Rites, and Icons,” 270–73. For more details, see the modern Japanese annotated translation of the Reikiki by Shinbutsu shūgō kenkyūkai, and the study of medieval Nihon shoki commentaries by Hara, Chūsei Nihongi ronkō. The Pure Land monk Ryōyo Shōgei has also left thick descriptions of the divine regalia and

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As figure 7.2a shows, the first primordial deity of the Hōzanji set of images, Kuni no Tokotachi, is a fierce blue-bodied figure with three faces, six sets of arms and legs, and a serpent tail, dressed in floating garments and a tiger skin. In his upper arms he holds a sword, a lotus, and a wish-fulfilling gem; his lower set of arms holds two objects that the medieval Shinto texts identified as chikaeshi no tama and taru no tama.67 Kadoya Atsushi has pointed out that a medieval commentarial text, Tenchi reiki furoku (A Supplement to the Records of Divine Spirits of Heaven and Earth, ca. 1320) claimed that the chikaeshi no tama symbolized the mother’s body and was represented by the Sino-Japanese character “downwards” (shita), while the taru no tama represented the father’s body and the character “upwards” (ue).68 In addition to these two objects, the second heavenly deity, Kuni no Satsuchi, similar in appearance to his predecessor but sporting five more heads, eight sets of legs and arms, and covered by leopard skin, is holding in his upper arms two more items from the set of the “ten treasures” (fig. 7.2b). These items were iku no tama, which resembled a flaming gem, and hachi no hire, a sixpronged round object resembling a wheel.69 While the iku no tama may have been represented in medieval Shinto texts as a life-giving treasure similar to the Buddhist wish-fulf illing gem (nyoi hōju), the hachi no hire may have been understood as a magical implement used to purge poisonous insects and serpents, a theme of profound interest to medieval Japanese Buddhists.70 The third heavenly deity, Toyokumunu, whose images appearing in the Reikiki. See Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, and nn. 38–40. 67. Their names are rather puzzling: the characters for the first one mean something like “the path-returning gem” and for the second, “the gem of plenty.” 68. Kadoya, “Myths, Rites, and Icons,” 273. Tenchi reiki furoku is one of the many Reikiki commentaries. Given the uncertain dating of the Reikiki’s production, the exegetical furoku text may have been compiled during the same period (around mid-thirteenth century) or later, but before 1320, since Watarai Ieyuki quotes it in his Ruijū jingi hongen. 69. Again, I can propose only tentative translations of these objects’ names. The Japanese characters for iku no tama mean literally, “the gem of life,” whereas the characters for hachi no hire literally mean “the bee scarf.” For a possible explanation of the latter, see n. 70. 70. Kadoya notes that in the Kojiki the deity Ōkuninushi (the same as Ōnamuchi enshrined at Miwa) used a hire scarf to save himself from snakes, centipedes, and bees. Philippi, Kojiki, 99; Kadoya, “Myths, Rites, and Icons,” 272 and 281, n. 8.

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iconography is clearly taken up a notch from the two previous figures, also had eight heads, arms, and legs, with his wrathful front face revealing sharp fangs (fig. 7.2c). In addition to the treasures mentioned above, he holds three more: a cross-like hebi no hire in the middle left arm, a fourpronged bent okitsu kagami (mirror) in his lower right, and a crownlike object called shinamono no hire in his front pair of arms. The so-called hire objects were rather obscure and generated many theological explanations. For instance, if, by analogy with hachi no hire, the hebi no hire could be considered a magical object capable of pacifying the serpents, the shinamono no hire was thought by Jihen to be the imperial regalia worn by a ruler capable of governing the four seas (entire world).71 All of the said items were added to the tantric iconographies of these primordial Shinto deities to enhance their significance and mysterious power. The remaining four pairs of “heavenly deities” are perhaps more readily understood in the context of medieval Buddhist rituals and visual culture, already discussed in chapters 5 and 6. These gods are represented by the male and female pairs of serpent deities, with human heads and coiling snake bodies; the gendered figures appear as an old man (okina) and a young female. In the Hōzanji set, the first pair, Uijini and Suijini (that is, the fourth generation of “heavenly deities”), have the bodies of red and white serpents with swordlike tips on their tails (fig. 7.2d). The second pair, Ōtonoji and Ōtomabe (the fifth generation), appear as brownish yellow and blue serpents (fig. 7.2e). The third pair, Omodaru and Kashikone (the sixth generation), again, are depicted as red- and white-bodied serpents (fig. 7.2f). These deities are largely similar in appearance, with only slight variations, and are reminiscent of the many images of Denbu Aizen, already discussed in chapter 6, that were known to medieval esoteric practitioners, including those at Miwa bessho. While the previous serpent pairs were rarely discussed in medieval Japan as individual deities, the sixth generation, Omodaru and 71. See other examples in OJS, vol. 5, Miwa-ryū documents from Hasedera archives, 67, 238–39, and 266. For Jihen’s explanations of the hire objects, see Kadoya, “Myths, Rites, and Icons,” 275–76. In the Hasedera set of images, these three tantric-looking deities are depicted somewhat differently than they are in the Hōzanji set, while the serpent and human pairs look strikingly similar in both sets. Buzan Hasedera shūi, 92–95.

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Kashi­kone, not only merited their own (albeit rather derivative) iconography, but featured prominently in the medieval engi texts produced at Mt. Asama in Ise.72 As figure 7.2g shows, the last pair of “heavenly deities” were the primordial deities Izanagi and Izanami, who, according to the Nihon shoki, created the islands of Japan by thrusting the “heavenly broad spear” into the ocean water. They were the most famous of the sevenfold set by far, and their depiction in the medieval Shinto ritual context differed starkly from that of all the previous generations: both the Hōzanji and Hasedera icons portrayed them as a male and female dressed in courtly robes. The male deity Izanagi was wearing a black court cap and bright overlay jacket with voluptuous white hakama trousers, while the faintly smiling female deity Izanami sported high, painted eyebrows and was dressed in several kimono layers. In early and medieval Japan there was a belief that the sight of kami could strike a person blind (see the introduction). Nevertheless, as the kami became increasingly incorporated into esoteric Buddhist discourse with its emphasis on mental or visual contemplation, the temple lineages had to conceptualize new kami iconographies. Such Buddhist images of kami included the Denbu Aizen and Ise kanjō icons that utilized representations of kami in their serpent, esotericized form. As the Hōzanji and Hasedera images of the “seven heavenly deities” show, with time, the esoteric, tantric imagery of kami was reconciled with the more customary depictions of local deities in their anthropomorphic form. These images, alongside those of the “five earthly deities,” all of whom were represented as male courtier figures wearing plain robes, were produced and used in a ritual context at Buddhist temples in early modern Japan. Even so, as the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō materials suggest, belief in the wrath of kami persisted, and during the procedures some of the images may still have had to be concealed or even replaced by mirrors.73 72. See, for example, Asamayama engi, NST, vol. 20, Jisha engi, 77–87. Discussed in Andreeva, “The Karmic Origins of the Morning-Bear Mountain.” A fully annotated English translation of this text is in progress. 73. OJS, vol. 5, Miwa-ryū documents from Hasedera archives, 67, 238–39, and 266. On the “ten divine treasures” and their images, see Kadoya, “Myths, Rites, and Icons.”

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Fig. 7.2a–g Seven generations of heavenly kami (tenjin shichidai, alt. amatsukami nanayo 天神七代). Edo period. Hōzanji, Mt. Ikoma, Nara Prefecture. Modern reproduction drawings by Tai Sekimori. Opposite page above, left to right: (a) Kuni no Tokotachi; (b) Kuni no Satsuchi; (c) Toyokumunu. Directly above, left to right: (d) Uijini and Suijini; (e) Ōtonoji and Ōtomabe; (f) Omodaru and Kashikone; (g) Izanagi and Izanami.

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The Divine Regalia in the Miwa-ryū Rituals To come back to Shinshū’s sixteenth-century record of the Miwa-ryū rituals discussed in previous sections of this chapter, their author made extensive notes on the “three divine regalia” that were presented to the initiates during the consecration rites. He noted that the mirror represented the kami, and that to polish such a mirror made of red copper until it turns white is the deep meaning of kami worship, akin to the “merging of the two drops, red and white” (shakyubyaku [alt. akashiro] niteki wagō), a metaphor for sexual congress between father and mother and, by extension, the procreative actions taken by the primordial deities Izanagi and Izanami. As for the other sacred regalia, Shinshū mentioned that the sword represented the adamantine sword of Mahāvairocana (called there Dainichi nyorai) and the “treasure sword of a ruler” (teiō hōken). One of the central objects of sixteenth-century Reiki kanjō initiation, as described by Shinshū, may have been a serpentine image similar to the Denbu Aizen ritual discussed earlier and used in the jingi kanjō rituals at Ninnaji and elsewhere (plates 7a–b). As shown in chapter 6, such images emerged from the medieval esoteric Buddhist milieu preoccupied with the cult of Aizen Myōō, and the Miwa lineage was one of the prolific users of such esoteric knowledge. Shinshū did not make any mention of it, but instead he recounted that the central altar of the “true awakening” (shōgakudan) enshrined the imperial deity Amaterasu, which was a manifestation of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, or Kannon. This association, particularly that of Amaterasu and Eleven-Headed Kannon, was well known in medieval Japan, including at Daigorinji of Miwa, Hasedera, and Murō. At Miwa, it was also recorded separately in the aforementioned text, Nihongi Miwa-ryū.74 Some sets of ritual 74. Abe Yasurō and Yamazaki, Chūsei Nihongishū, 464–66. Nihongi Miwa-ryū includes a host of other secret theories, such as that connecting Amaterasu with esoteric deities Aizen, Daishō Kongō, and Ichiji Kinrinnō, all described in the Yugikyō. These theories appear prominently in the medieval ritual texts from Ise, the Miwa daimyōjin engi, and form a backdrop to the ritual objects, such as the portable Ise shrine at Saidaiji, Ise mishōtai zushi. These theories and objects are discussed in chapters 4 and 5.

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documents from the Miwa-ryū studied previously by Lucia Dolce equated Amaterasu and the deity Memyō Bosatsu, a female divinity riding on a horse, and designated Amaterasu, Aizen, and Fudō as the triple set of divinities for this ritual.75 The altar employed during this procedure may have resembled a wooden structure currently preserved at Hasedera (fig. 7.3). Crucially, Shinshū demonstrates that by the sixteenth century, at the time he received the Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, it was already accepted that the honji suijaku paradigm was no longer dominated by buddhas. In his notes he explains that: In Shinto, honji and suijaku are not the same.76 Kami are the original traces, and the buddhas are their manifestations. The original trace, Daini­chi, resides in our deity Amaterasu. The honjaku theories that were mentioned this morning all comply with this theory. The original trace shows many manifestations; in return, if the original world is infinite, its divine reflections [are also] multiple. However solemn the karmic origins are, the application is the same.77

His most significant contribution, however, is the detailed description of the three divine regalia, which were supposed to be transmitted to the disciple during the second stage of the ritual, entitled “Prince Abhiṣeka” (taishi kanjō).78 Fabio Rambelli has already noted that this second stage displays the most explicit references to medieval imperial enthronement rituals, also studied in some detail independently by

75. See the detailed discussion of this arrangement and the Miwa-ryū Iwato Kanjō in Dolce, “Duality and the Kami,” 124–36. The images of Memyō Bosatsu (Bodhisattva Aśvagoṣa) were included in the Reikiki. Kadoya Atsushi traces the imagery of this deity through the Tendai iconographic compendium Asabashō and other esoteric treatises as well as Chinese Daoist visual sources and talismans. Kadoya, “On the Formation of Shinto Icons,” 173–79. 76. For the term “Shintō,” Shinshū uses a single character that combines the components shin and dō into a single morpheme, which can often be seen in the late medieval and early modern Miwa-ryū texts. 77. OJS, vol. 5, 18–23. 78. OJS, vol. 5, 22–23.

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Fig. 7.3 Altar for the “Shinto Abhiṣeka, Miwa-Style” (Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō no dan 三輪流神祇灌頂壇). Edo period. Width 1.8 m. Original wooden structure preserved at Hasedera, Nara Prefecture. Modern reproduction drawing by Tai Sekimori.

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Kushida Ryōkō and Matsumoto Ikuyo.79 Rambelli has pointed out that for medieval Buddhist practitioners, such as those congregating in the vicinity of Japan’s important cultic sites—Ise, Miwa, and Hiei—the r­ itual acquisition of the three divine regalia and the symbolic status of tennō was an essential step toward enlightenment “with this very body.” Shinshū’s records demonstrate that by the mid-sixteenth century, enlightenment was envisioned as the ritual unification of the practitioner’s body with Japan’s supreme kami, the imperial deity Amaterasu (“my body is Amaterasu”).80 Crowned with the diadem of five wisdoms (gochi hōkan), the disciple had to recognize that the three torii gates (of the Ōmiwa Shrine) in fact correlated to the “three luminaries” (sankō) of sun, moon, and stars, the “three contemplations” (sankan), and the “three esoteric wisdoms” (sanchi). Shinshū noted that one also had to realize that the “three parts constitute non-duality” (sanbu funi) and that “principle and wisdom appear singular in contemplation” (richi ichinyo kannen). After receiving or, most likely, being shown the three divine regalia depicted on hanging scrolls, the disciple was supposed to recite a Buddhist gathā verse and a waka poem and proceed to the third stage of initiation, the “Abhiṣeka of Utmost Meaning” (ōshi kanjō).81 According to Shinshū, in esoteric initiations into the kami secrets attributed to the Miwa lineage in the sixteenth century the three divine regalia were conceptualized in the following way: 79. Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” 274–75. He notes that elsewhere in the Edo-period Miwa-ryū documents, such ritual segments are referred to as “enthronement rituals” (sokui kanjō) or “dharma-king initiations” (hōō kanjō). Rambelli’s case study is based mainly on an analysis of the collection entitled Miwa-ryū shintō genryūshū (A Compendium of the Source Lineage of Miwa-Style Shinto). This collection was compiled in the seventeenth century, when the ritual legacy of the “Miwa lineage” was already split into many branches and claimed by at least five sub-lineages. In this sense, Shinshū’s personal notes on the Reiki kanjō referred to here may well provide clues to the sixteenth-century version of this ritual as it was transmitted by the Buddhist lineage of Daigorinji. On medieval sokui kanjō, see Kushida, “Chūsei shintō kanjō no tenkai,” 523–30; and Matsumoto, Chūsei ōken to sokui kanjō. 80. OJS, vol. 5, 22. 81. For some examples of these in the context of Ise kanjō, see Teeuwen, “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice,” 103. For the study of other similar ritual poems, see chapter 6, nn. 61 and 67; also Itō Satoshi, Chūsei Tenshō Daijin, 519–40.

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Fig. 7.4a–c Three divine treasures (sanshu no jinki 三種の神器). (a) Edo period. Ninnaji, Kyoto; (b) Hōzanji, Mt. Ikoma; and (c) Hasedera, Nara Prefecture. Modern reproduction drawings by Tai Sekimori. From left to right: (a) divine seal; (b) divine sword; (c) naishidokoro (divine mirror).

The Divine Seal [fig. 7.4a]. [The teacher] showed it and explained: “The fact that this jewel [konotama] is called the divine seal [shinji] means that when this country was created [the heaven and earth separated], Tenshō Daijin [made a pact with] the Demon King of the Sixth Heaven, Dairokuten Maō [Enma]. Because he objected to the spread of Buddhism, Maō promised to give up this country. When there was no country, Tenshō Daijin requested this jewel seal in

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Miwa-ryū Shintō 295 Maō’s palace and received the land [of Japan].82 The divine seal governs this country. It is kept in the Imperial Palace [dairi] and used during the enthronement of the ruler [teiō no sokui]. I will now show it to you.” The Divine Sword [fig. 7.4b]. To receive the divine sword [hōken] means to receive the Vajra Abhiṣeka of multiple Buddhas [shobutsu kongō kanjō gi]. He showed the sword and said: “This divine sword is the sword inherited from the Age of Gods [ jindai sōden]. It is the Ten-Stem Sword [toya no katana]. It is preserved at the Furu Shrine in the Isonokami District of Yamato, and is called the GrassBending Sword [Kusanagi]. When Yamato no Take no mikoto [Yamato Takeru] came to the plains at the foot of Mt. Fuji and set them on fire, he drew this sword, and mowed all the grass on seven ri of land in one stroke. It is also called the Divine Gathering-Cloud Sword [Ama no Murakumo]. When this sword was kept in the Imperial Palace, it was called the Heavenly Gathering-Cloud Sword, because eight-color clouds and fog gathered on top of it. You now receive this sword.” The Divine Mirror [fig. 7.4c]. Similarly, to receive the mirror means to receive the Vajra Abhiṣeka of multiple Buddhas. [The teacher] showed the mirror and said: “The fact that this mirror is called the Inner Shrine of Ise [naishidokoro] is because it reflects the true form [onsugata] of Tenshō Daijin in its mold [transferred in the mirror, i ni utsuri, tomaritamafu]. The third is this mirror. It reflects the minds of the people of the four seas [the realm governed by the Buddhist king], and deals out rewards and punishments [shōbatsu]. It is the much-treasured mirror of the ruler [teiō], called the imperial regalia. Now you receive it.” The three treasures should be kept secret at all costs.83

82. The myth of Dairokuten Maō was known in Japan at least since the late twelfth century. Itō Satoshi has investigated its emergence in relation to the Nakatomi harae kunge in some detail. Itō Satoshi, “Dairokuten maō setsu no seiritsu ni tsuite.” Important here is the connection between the status of tennō and the realm of dark esoteric deities like the King of Hell, Enma. At Miwa, Maō was sometimes represented as Ōna­ muchi. A similar idea was reflected in the medieval ritual of imperial enthronement, sokui kanjō, which involved the summoning of Dakiniten. 83. The illustrations of the divine regalia presented here are modeled after three sources. Figures 7.4a and 7.4b are modern reproductions of the images of the divine seal and the sword used during the Nihongi kanjō consecrations conducted at Ninnaji during 1513–14. See the reproductions of these images in Abe et al., Ninnaji shiryō (Shintō hen), Shintō kanjō injin, 16 and 19–20. Figure 7.4c is based on the Hōzanji image

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These conceptualizations dwell on the medieval Nihongi myths, such as those of Dairokuten Maō (sometimes envisioned as Ōnamuchi) and Amaterasu. It is clear that by the time Shinshū took these notes, the rituals associated with the Miwa lineage employed elements that derived from the medieval discourses at Mt. Miwa, Ise, and other sacred mountains and nearby shrines. These rituals inherited the notion of nonduality consisting of “three parts” (sanbu), which was prolific among medieval practitioners congregating at mountain temples in the Yamato region. The rituals also continued to utilize esoteric Buddhist notions, objects, and ritual formulae. Yet in combining all these diverse elements, the substance of this sixteenth-century version of Reiki kanjō rested on the inverted honji suijaku, which elevated the deities of Japan to the highest degree and endowed them with ultimate power, which, argued Shinshū, was much more appropriate for the land of Japan. In other words, he implied that this was a ritual aimed at the acquisition of the power of the kami, and as a consequence, of buddhas. The third and final stage of initiation was the “Abhiṣeka of Utmost Meaning” (ōshi kanjō). Shinshū notes that this section was almost identical in terms of procedure to the previous ones. The disciple ascended to a high table and a high seat facing northeast, which was traditionally envisioned as the entry point of malicious spirits and demons. He would hold a spear in his right hand and the octagonal mirror in his left to receive the “methods of pacifying the country and governing the people” (chokoku rimin no hōhō). Placed on top of the symbolic Mt. Tsukuba, the disciple would envision himself as Amaterasu ( jishin soku Tenshō Daijin) descending to earth. This was to be understood as the outward appearance of Mahāvairocana Tathāgata, the Buddha of inherent enlightenment (Dainichi hongaku no nyorai) and the “store of inherent state of enlightenment” (honnu kakuzō nyorai). of the divine mirror that was most likely transmitted from Daigorinji in Miwa: Shinbutsu shūgō no hon, 118. The descriptions of the first two items appear in the second volume of the Reikiki. Suzuki Hideyuki, Chūsei gakusō to Shintō, 210–12. As for the depiction of the divine mirror (naishidokoro) consisting of the triple gem, a sword placed on three gems, and a moon crescent with rising dragon surrounded by three more gems, Suzuki concludes that it must have been sourced from different parts of the Reikiki corpus and may have been specific to the Miwa-ryū. Ibid., 214–15.

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By an extension of this combinatory logic, Shinshū notes, one should realize that the mundane human being is in fact one and the same as the body of Dainichi nyorai. He further suggests that just as a mirror reflects physical phenomena, the human body is in fact a repository of the five esoteric wisdoms, and the human heart, “the eight-part fleshball” (hachibun nikudan), can be equated to the repository of the Wondrous Lotus (myōhō renge zō). By holding the heavenly spear, one becomes Ōnamuchi and Tenshō Daijin, and creates the land of Japan by thrusting the spear into the ocean. The spear is the one-pronged vajra of esoteric Buddhism, or in the mundane secular world, writes Shinshū, it is the same as the tools of trade, such as bows, arrows, and swords of the warrior class or the digging mallets of peasants.84 Given the lack of reliable sources, one may never know what the medieval rituals of the Miwa-ryū that involved kami may have exactly meant for practitioners, but judging by later external evidence it is possible to deduce some useful information. The ideas appearing in Shinshū’s notes of 1564 can be decoded as illustrating the final process of “assembling Shinto” in the period when Japan was moving away from medieval economic, political, and cultural modes of production and power to early modern ones, with economic power shifting from the aristocracy and kenmitsu temples to warriors, artisans, merchants, and peasants. Shinshū’s notes usefully demonstrate that by the mid-sixteenth century, a local Buddhist milieu, such as that of his temple in Nabari, was capable of replicating and recalibrating ideas first produced within medieval esoteric Buddhist circles in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries for its own ends and for a more popular audience. The final stage of conceptualizing the sphere of kami, marked by the emergence of the inverted honji suijaku paradigm and the production of Urabe no Kanetomo’s Yuiitsu Shintō Myōbō Yōshū around 1485, was well reflected in these documents.

84. As mentioned in the previous section, the Miwa-ryū was also famous for production of Buddhist rituals for different professions. See also Rambelli, “The Ritual World of Buddhist ‘Shinto,’ ” and “Texts, Talismans, and Jewels.”

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Edo-Period Revival of Miwa-ryū Shintō By the end of the medieval period, the Miwa-ryū tradition, including its rituals of jingi kanjō, was well known in central Japan and elsewhere. At Miwa, the temples of Byōdōji (rebuilt after a fire in 1461) and Daigo­ rin­ji both claimed possession of the Miwa-ryū legacy, with many subbranches belonging to it. In fact, there were so many rituals circulating with the Miwa name attached to them that by the seventeenth century the Miwa-ryū tradition had to be further systematized and underwent a significant reconfiguration. Although detailed investigation of the Edo-period Miwa-ryū transitions falls outside the scope of this book, a few words are necessary to set the direction of future study. In the autumn of the tenth year of Kanbun (1670), an aspiring Buddhist priest called Seiryō Genshin arrived at the sacred site of Miwa. Not much is known about him apart from the fact that he was trained at the monastic complex of Daigoji near Kyoto, which at the time housed the headquarters of the prominent esoteric Buddhist lineage, the Sanbōinryū. By the seventeenth century, Daigoji, a major historic center of the scholastic and ritual tradition of the Ono branch of Shingon, had also emerged, through its sub-temple Sanbōin, as the officially designated leader of the Tōzan branch of mountain religion, Shugendō. Upon his arrival at Miwa, Genshin set up a lodge in the vicinity of the old Henshōin, part of Byōdōji located at the foot of Mt. Miwa, east of the Ōmiwa Shrine. He was particularly interested in the achievements and teachings of a local shōnin, a medieval mendicant holy man called Kyōen (1145–1223). But why? Perhaps, at his former temple abode there was a feeling that, as a historic Shingon institution, Daigoji had to regain control over esoteric knowledge, which by the seventeenth century had dispersed a little too widely among countryside and mountain temples as well as lay practitioners. Whether sent on a mission or acting of his own accord, Genshin thus may have had particular reasons to collect the surviving sources about Miwa-ryū and its leaders. Medieval hagiographies portrayed Kyōen as roaming around the sacred sites, mountains, and temples of Yamato, practicing Buddhism, mountain religion, and self-cultivation at Ōmine, Yoshino, Hasedera, Murō, and Kasagidera, and collecting certificates of esoteric transmis-

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sions from various Buddhist lineages associated with both the Shingon and Tendai traditions. At seventeenth-century Byōdōji, Kyōen was venerated as the founder of the temple complex and the Miwa-ryū, by then one of the thirty-six lineages of Shingon, famed especially for its esoteric Buddhist rituals involving kami. In fact, it was widely known that the priests residing in the two local temples at Miwa, Daigorinji and Byōdōji, were in possession of a whole ritual tradition that had been transmitted after Kyōen’s death in the early thirteenth century. By the seventeenth century, this tradition was known in many temples in Yamato and elsewhere from records circulat­ ing on paper slips (kirikami) or ritual certificates, known as “seals of trust” (injin), which connected such ritual transmissions to the Miwa line­age. From a broad survey of the colophons of the Edo-period copies of Miwaryū ritual documents, it appears that their transmissions were copied in the provinces of Yamato, Ise, Kawachi, Iga, and Settsu. Nineteenthcentury examples that claimed connections with the Miwa-ryū were copied as far as Kyushu and the Tōhoku region. Judging by the contents of the surviving ritual manuals and other manuscripts attributed to the Miwa-ryū, this tradition was a magpie collection of combinatory practices that mainly comprised Buddhist abhiṣeka initiations revealing the secrets of “acquiring enlightenment with this very body” (sokushin jōbutsu), often with the help of numerous kami. Some were “dharma-king initiations” (hōō kanjō) used in Shingon and Tendai as standard modes of ritual knowledge transmission, while others encompassed everyday ritual procedures for professional artisans and different labor groups. As time progressed, the initially secret ­r itual formats adopted from the esoteric Buddhist milieu were increasingly reoriented toward a non-monastic and secular audience. A large part of these ritual transmissions incorporated the esoteric worship of Japanese deities, for which reason the medieval Miwa lineage was credited— mainly by others—with the invention of the so-called “Shinto of the Miwa lineage” (Miwa-ryū Shintō).85 In the 1670s, Genshin, who must first have learned about Miwaryū’s ritual tradition at Sanbōin and Daigoji, acquired access to the old 85. The term Miwa-ryū shintō appeared as a distinct category in the seventeenth century and gained currency afterward.

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handwritten manuscripts and ritual manuals preserved at Byōdōji, by then a branch temple of Sanbōin, and made it his task to collect, copy, and revise them. The results of his painstaking efforts were remarkable. By studying the old texts relating the details of Kyōen’s life, Genshin was able to produce a new version of Kyōen’s biography, which he called A Separate Biography of Holy Kyōenkan of Byōdōji at Mt. Miwa (Miwayama Byōdōji Kyōenkan shōnin betsuden).86 This newly recorded collection was based on the thirteenth-century records made by Kyōen’s disciple Tōgi and some other texts, but it also included legendary lore about that holy man that had circulated in Yamato from medieval times. A few decades later, in 1702, using funds collected by his thirty-seven followers, Genshin published his collection, and, against the odds, a printed edition of Kyōen’s life story entered general circulation and became available to the public.87 In the years between his arrival at Miwa and the publication of his book, Genshin managed to accomplish some important tasks. He collected and edited several volumes of scattered certificates of esoteric Buddhist ritual transmissions attributed to the Miwa lineage that circulated among the Buddhist practitioners at Hasedera and other temples in the Yamato region and beyond. One of Genshin’s most complete surviving editions of Miwa-ryū rituals was a collection of seventeen books entitled Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō injin hiketsu (The Secret Transmissions and Seals of Trust for Kami Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Line­ age), which he compiled at Byōdōji in 1703.88 This collection, along with several other Edo-period compilations, such as Miwa-ryū shintō genryūshū (The Collection of the Source Lineage of Miwa-Style Shintō) and Miwa-ryū shintō kuketsu (Oral Transmissions on Miwa-ryū Shintō), remain major sources for research on both the development of postmedieval kami worship and Edo-period religiosity. A deeper investigation and historic contextualization of these materials merits a separate study. 86. ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 2, 483–97. The Shintō Taikei edition of Gen­ shin’s collection is based on the original manuscript, preserved at Tōdaiji (ibid., 24). Other copies appear in OJS, vol. 6; Edo-period prints and copies are also preserved at the Kōyasan University Library, accessed in November 2004 and May 2013. 87. MDJ, entry on Miwa Byōdōji Kyōenkan shōnin betsuden, 2129. 88. ST, Ronsetsu hen, Shingon Shintō, vol. 2, 227–322.

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By the end of the seventeenth century, practitioners at many Yamatoarea temples large and small, mainly connected with the study and practices of esoteric Buddhism and by then off icially institutionalized Shugendō, exchanged rituals of esoteric initiations. Among those, the rituals of “Kami Abhiṣeka” were considered of intrinsic value; their knowledge was deemed valuable as an addition to the regular procedures of ritual education at esoteric Buddhist temples and was also conferred on lay patrons. The title of Miwa-ryū had become firmly attached to these initiations, as well as to a cluster of rituals associated with the sacred labor of professional artisans such as metal casters (imoji or kanuchi) and carpenters (daiku or banku) as well as military spies (shino­ bimono) and women.89 It seems that in the public consciousness, the Miwa lineage became an ubiquitous force, even though much remained to be discovered about its origins. Genshin’s efforts to restore the Miwa-ryū religious legacy did not go unnoticed. He made one of the first attempts to publish texts relating to the traditions of the Miwa lineage and thus can be credited with bringing some of the knowledge about Kyōen and the Miwa lineage into the wider public domain. However, until the Meiji period, there was a long line of other “restorers” of Miwa-ryū’s ritual legacy who helped to revive the religious tradition of this enigmatic group even as they created it anew. Among them were Shinchō Hōin (act. 1673), a monk from the temple of Sōjiji in Yamato and, later, the abbot of Daigorinji in Miwa; Shinzei (act. 1775), another resident monk of Daigorinji; the controversial monk Gyokuei (act. 1791–1802) of Byōdōji; and Ken’yo (act. 1810–30) of Hasedera. Gyokuei, for instance, attempted to purge influences of Ryōbu Shintō from Miwa traditions of kami worship, striving instead to produce a sort of “pure” Shinto of Miwa, unadulterated by the worship of Ise. There were countless others who studied and copied the Miwa-ryū ritual manuals whose names now remain known to readers only through manuscript colophons. In 1868, these practices, along with the whole world of premodern kami-Buddha associations in Japan, were subjected to drastic changes 89. For a detailed study of the Miwa-ryū rituals for professionals, see Rambelli, “Honji Suijaku at Work.” I have discussed the Miwa-ryū and Goryū rituals for women in Andreeva, “Lost in the Womb,” 465–69.

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at the behest of the Meiji government. At Miwa this resulted in a violent separation of the Shinto and Buddhist spheres that saw Buddhist statues such as the famed Eleven-Headed Kannon of Daigorinji allegedly being dumped in a nearby ditch, and Buddhist clergy being defrocked or pressured to convert to Shinto priesthood. Buddhist statues and imagery were either burned or salvaged by other priests and transferred to nearby temples such as Shōrinji, Hasedera, Genpin’s Hut, or Hōzanji on Mt. Ikoma.90 By 1868 the world of premodern Japan had come to an end, but the many forms of Shinto produced in the medieval period, including that of Miwa, provided concepts and themes that became crucial for the emerging “religion” of Shinto, and as a consequence, the state ideology that came to shape much of Japanese and East Asian history during the twentieth century.

90. Antoni, “The Separation of Gods and Buddhas at the Ōmiwa Jinja.”

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Conclusion

Despite twentieth-century claims to the contrary, Shinto is not something that has “existed” in uninterrupted fashion in concrete and definable form throughout Japanese history. Rather, as the growing body of scholarship proves, Shinto should be understood as multiple attempts to invent its meaning depending on the specific historical circumstances.1 In some cases, the concept itself was defined, often through an act of retrospective historiographical or political writing, by reflection on the meaning of the word shintō (the way or realm of the kami; also the state of being a kami). In other cases, as with the official jingi cult, it could be shaped according to the needs of conduits of power such as the court and aristocracy, or through ritual protocols overseen by the shrine clergy. The growing material, visual, and textual evidence suggests that the meanings, purposes, and contents of kami worship constantly changed depending on social, political, and historical contexts, and most importantly, through the agency of those involved in its continuous reconceptualization, or, as this book has argued, assemblage. Before the end of the twelfth century (and probably still throughout most of the medieval period), the Sino-Japanese character compound for “the way of the deities” was most likely read as jindō and understood (as has been argued by Kuroda Toshio and Mark Teeuwen) as a Buddhist term defining the realm or state of being a kami, which formed an integral part of the Buddhist cosmology. Embedded within the paradigm of 1. Mark Teeuwen, for example, has proposed to treat this term as an “abstraction that had to be produced each time it has been used.” Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shintō,” 233.

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304 Conclusion honji suijaku, Japan’s many kami (although not all) were associated with Buddhist divinities and, for all intents and purposes, were perceived as local deities serving as (at times reluctant) aids for propagating the Buddhist discourse. As a result of working out these systemic relationships between buddhas as “original grounds” and kami as their concrete, local “traces,” it was understood that kami were “non-dual” with buddhas, and as such they could act as a channel to Buddhist salvation. By the end of the twelfth century, kami inhabiting Japan’s landscape became integral to the Buddhist discourse and constituted one of the ten realms of Buddhist existence. Some of them, such as the deities of Hachiman, Kasuga, Ise, and other deities linked to the ruling house’s cosmology, were believed to be the direct manifestations (suijaku) of Buddhist divinities such as Amida, Śākyamuni, Yakushi, and Kannon. Others, more difficult to pacify and bring into the Buddhist domain, were considered to be a manifestation of profound ignorance, or “real kami.” If tamed successfully, however, such deities could provide a new means for achieving enlightenment necessary during the “last age of dharma,” with its famines, wars, and general social instability. To the Buddhist mind, since Japan’s many kami resided in the mundane world of human beings, they provided a direct link to the distant divinities of Buddhism originating in continental Asia; such agency seemed to offer new possibilities for exploring different kinds of salvatory techniques. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, these new ideas about the kami began to gain currency. Although the premise for these ideas had been partially put forward by members of the Buddhist and Shinto clergy close to the court, in practice the new types of kami worship were assembled and forged by medieval Buddhist practitioners who often had no direct connections to the imperial house and who, in many cases, had only cursory affiliations with elite Buddhist temples. It was the Buddhist monks, holy men, shugen practitioners, and other religious specialists who, for soteriological purposes, had an intense interest in ritual manipulations of kami, the sites of their enshrinement, and Japan’s origins as a divine territory and site of inherent enlightenment; it was they who made the first attempts to conceptualize Shinto in terms of cosmogonic myths and define kami as cosmological forces. As a result of these efforts, Japan’s many kami, including, most representatively, the deity of Ise, with its links to both the ruling house and the supreme

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Conclusion 305 deities of esoteric Buddhism, made a transition from localized, concrete entities to a categorically new entity: the kami as a superior force providing original, inherent enlightenment (which was defined in mostly, although not absolutely, esoteric Buddhist terms). The Ise shrines had been the exclusive site of kami worship for the imperial house since at least the sixth century, but in the medieval period Ise became a major center of cultic interest for diviners, esoteric Buddhists, nuns, and shugen practitioners. As seen in the previous discussions of the networks involving Saidaiji, Miwa bessho, and other mountain temples in the Yamato area and beyond, groups of such practitioners often had personal connections at major Buddhist temples and sought to establish their own bases in the vicinity of Ise. These practitioners participated in trans-local religious networks and had access to ritual and doctrinal knowledge as taught at the long-established or even elite esoteric temples. Throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Ise had become the site of ritual and doctrinal experimentation. Frequented by the itinerant holy men and Buddhist clerics wishing to pay homage or perform services to the divine ancestor Amaterasu that were requested by their noble patrons, the area in the vicinity of the Ise shrines was a place where Buddhist monks could directly meet and engage with the shrine priesthood and other religious specialists, put forward their inquiries, and offer their opinions about the kami realm. Moreover, within this environment, multiple new theories about kami were circulating that gradually placed them in an increasingly prominent position within the Buddhist cosmology.2 Other important sites were fomenting similar ideas; most of them were forging new knowledge about esoteric Buddhist divinities and mapping out their own mythological links to the cult of Amaterasu, or Japan’s ruling house, while enhancing their own identities with complex Buddhist doctrines, rituals, and iconographies. Several discernible Buddhist traditions of worshipping kami existed within the compounds of 2. In some cases, as with Watarai Ieyuki’s Ruijū jingi hongen, attempts were made to do away with the Buddhist vocabulary and to replace it with terms familiar from the Chinese commentaries on Yijing, Huainanzi, and other classical religious texts. Teeuwen, “From Jindō to Shintō,” 253–55, and “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.”

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306 Conclusion these sites, linked by the routes of pilgrimage or by economic and political connections; chief among them was the Buddhist worship of kami that developed at Mt. Miwa, Murō, Hasedera, and others. These Buddhist “Shintos” were conceived by religious practitioners well versed in Shingon, Tendai, Hossō, Zen, and Pure Land teachings and ritual practices in constant cross-conversation, and thus they shared similar themes and reflected on the notions, icons, and rituals that circulated within the esoteric Buddhist milieu of medieval Japan. Moreover, the ideas about kami as sources of esoteric Buddhist enlightenment, described either in terms of the Tendai hongaku philosophy or through the notions of physical embodiment (sokushin jōbutsu) first put forward by the Shingon founder Kūkai, began to appear in rapidly expanding medieval rituals of esoteric initiations featuring kami. The leading role in such ritual exchanges was initially attributed to the Ono branch of Shingon, but these exchanges were soon happening widely across the Buddhist milieu with little regard to sectarian affiliation. One such example, Ise kanjō, was a ritual imparting knowledge about how to pay respects at a shrine or cultic site venerating kami. It developed in close conjunction with esoteric Buddhist rituals such as Denbu Aizen, and may have initially consisted of several simple actions to be performed by the practitioner, such as combining ritual hand gestures and invocations. The very idea of Ise kanjō may have been inspired in part by the images of hijiri and Buddhist clerics paying homage to Ise during the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Importantly, Ise kanjō as well as other rituals of this kind ( jingi kanjō, Nihongi kanjō, Reiki kanjō, shintō kanjō, etc.) were conjoined by the important motif of venerating the kami in their primordial serpent forms. This reflected Japan’s medieval religiosity based on the esoteric doctrines of non-duality and inherent or sudden enlightenment that allowed multiple associations of kami with other deities. Serpent symbolism allowed Buddhists an easy access to the mythological world of kami and the subsequent merging of kami and Buddhist concepts through the use of ritual formulae and iconography. The serpent also proved a fruitful conceptual metaphor, encompassing local divine entities under the categories of dragons, serpents, insects, and worms. In medieval Japan, pre-existing mythological narratives such as the legends of divine marriages between serpent deities and the daughters of local chieftains that circulated at the cultic sites of Izumo, Hizen,

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Conclusion 307 Miwa, and Kamo from ancient times were re-conceptualized in Buddhist terms. Moreover, these narratives and their variants were woven into medieval Buddhist myths about kami, which developed as part of the intense search by the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Buddhist practitioners for new and effective soteriologies. As a result, in medieval Japan, serpent symbolism became ingrained in the iconography, doctrinal elucidations, and rituals of a whole cluster of religious and performative practices built on the Buddhist worldview and focused on kami. These practices, including those that unfolded at places such as Mt. Miwa, Ise, or Mt. Hiei, are known to modern scholars as “medieval Shinto”; this phenomenon itself can be described as one of many attempts in Japanese history to conceptualize the multiple meanings of worshipping kami that emerged as a result of overlapping and criss-crossing geographies of pilgrimage and politico-economic links or competitive relationships between shrines and temples. The appropriation of kami worship by the esoteric Buddhist lineages in medieval Japan encompassed multiple processes, all of which can be clearly discerned in the case of Mt. Miwa. An important cultic site in pre­ historic times, this mountain boasted a long history that featured links with ancient Yamato rulers and enshrined Japan’s oldest kami, both ­local and those who arrived from beyond the sea. As a cultic site ingrained in the religious and mythological history of the Yamato region, Mt. Miwa was typical in that its different religious institutions formed a multiplicity of links to other important cultic sites: Murō, Hasedera, Mt. Kōya, Kinpusen, Yoshino, Tōnomine, Ise, and Mt. Hiei. The origins of kami and their connections to the teachings, deities, and rituals of esoteric Buddhism had to be explained. Therefore, multiple engi texts and kuden transmissions recorded secret theories that dressed local kami as manifestations of esoteric Buddhas and reconstructed previously existing landscapes in terms of esoteric Buddhist iconology, including, most prominently, the Two Mandalas: the Kongōkai and the Taizōkai. These processes utilized the concepts and notions developed earlier by the esoteric Buddhist scholars and practitioners and applied them to local conditions, as in the case of Miwa daimyōjin engi and a host of other ritual texts focusing on the cultic mountains of central Japan. In some cases, for example, those involving the cultic mountains of southern

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308 Conclusion Yamato, a threefold, rather than dual, mandalic format was used to reimagine the local sacred geographies. As a result of these innovations, the whole landscape of Japan was understood to be not only inhabited by kami, but also populated by the multiple manifestations of Mahā­ vairocana, the great luminous deity of esoteric Buddhism. Japan, in short, was the radiant land of Dainichi (Dainichi hongoku), and an inherently divine land (shinkoku). In the medieval period, when esoteric Buddhist teachings and notions were rapidly re-defining the honji suijaku paradigm, the nature of kami also came to be understood differently. From the invisible entities or subservient guardian deities protecting Buddhism, its institutions, and scriptures, kami were recast as active agents and propagators of the esoteric Buddhist discourse. These intense processes of reconceptualization were in large part a result of internal trends within the esoteric Buddhist milieu, including the deepened study of esoteric scriptures such as the Yugikyō, and the rise of new understandings of these scriptures that took place during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. As a result of the influx of new esoteric concepts into the Buddhist domain (and, more precisely, their transport by wider circles of Buddhist practitioners), kami emerged as a potent source of and gateway to esoteric Buddhist enlightenment in their own right. Critical here was the idea that the imperial deity Amaterasu (or Tenshō Kōtaijin) was a mani­ festation of both the cosmic deity Mahāvairocana and the wrathful wisdom king Aizen Myōō, although in some cases it was also presented as ­Eleven-Headed Kannon or the female divinity, Dakiniten. At the same time, it was understood that the main deity of Japan and the divine ancestor of the imperial house, much like all other kami in their primordial and original form, was a serpent. These reconceptualizations fitted neatly with the main tenet of esoteric Buddhism, known as bonnō soku bodai, “worldly passions are equal to enlightenment.” Once embedded into the mikkyō framework, kami were also incorporated into Buddhist rituals (such as the Denbu Aizen and Ise kanjō) as a means for acquiring individual “enlightenment with this very body” and the status of a symbolic ruler presiding over the divine land of Japan, the territory overseen by Amaterasu and Mahāvairocana-Dainichi. In this form, Buddhist enlightenment was theoretically available to any (male) practitioner belonging to and wishing to progress within the esoteric

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Conclusion 309 Buddhist tradition. Again, these facets of the new and developing forms of kami worship are reflected in the historical sources pertaining to the religious facilities near Mt. Miwa and their inhabitants. In mythological terms, Mt. Miwa, where the land-creator deities of Japan and the protectors of the early Yamato rulers Ōnamuchi and Ōmononushi were enshrined, was a close rival of the Ise shrines. In fact, as far as the legends from the Nihon shoki were concerned, the sacred site at Miwa could always claim prevalence of its own deity over the imperial deity Amaterasu. Appropriated by the esoteric Buddhist lineages in the course of the thirteenth century, this mountain became a leading cultic site where the practices and teachings of esoteric Buddhism were affirmed much more openly than at the precincts of the Ise shrines, where Buddhist worship was formally avoided. After all, Miwa Myōjin was a manifestation of Dainichi, and Mt. Miwa was the original site of Kasanui no mura, where Amaterasu was worshipped by the early Yamato rulers. It was not surprising that the religious facilities at Miwa became the center of a distinct religious tradition that fused ideas, icons, and rituals of esoteric Buddhism with the worship of kami. This medieval tradition, embodied in ritual transmissions of esoteric teachings, the Nihongi lore, and Buddhist initiations into kami secrets, later became known as a leading combinatory cultic practice, Miwa-ryū Shintō. In modern scholarship it is often addressed as one of the chief examples of Ryōbu Shintō. The main organizers and propagators of this type of kami worship were the local holy men called shōnin or hijiri, and monks aff iliated with the Buddhist temples and private facilities at Miwa. During the late twelfth to fourteenth century, they developed personal and institutional links to other sacred sites and cultic mountains and were actively involved in religious networks connecting Miwa, Ise, Murō, Kinpusen, Hiei, and other places. At one of the Miwa temples, Byōdōji, these holy men formed a group that was involved in the study and practice of esoteric Buddhism, including its more experimental trends, and was at the forefront of merging esoteric Buddhist ritual and doctrinal elements in order to f ind the best possible solution to the problem of achieving enlightenment “with this very body.” Consequently, given the importance of kami worship at the Ōmiwa Shrine, these Miwa shōnin were among the first to herald the invention of a new type of medieval

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310 Conclusion ritual called jingi kanjō that involved the union between physical bodies, serpent kami, and esoteric divinities and a symbolic acquisition of rulership. Their counterparts from another temple, Daigorinji, were connected to the Saidaiji and Ise religious networks and provided further support and impetus to the development of medieval Shinto rituals and mythographies, both at Miwa and elsewhere. As a concept, the Japanese term shintō received wider use only after the latter half of the fifteenth century, when the shrine lineages, most notably that of the Urabe, began to acquire political standing and assert the role of kami worship as an important strand of religiosity in its own right. Yet Urabe no Kanetomo’s critical declaration in 1486 of the importance of Shinto as a self-defined sphere could not have appeared independently. In fact, this development is best seen as an outcome of the interplay between multi-sited and loosely linked Buddhist traditions of kami worship that developed with the help of Buddhist notions, images, and rituals during the period between the twelfth and early fifteenth centuries. Most importantly, the concepts, deities, icons, and rituals associated with esoteric Buddhist discourse and well known within esoteric Buddhist temples and spheres of practice played a signif icant role in the construction of these multi-centered “medieval Shinto” traditions.

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Chinese and Japanese Names and Terms

a阿 Abe bessho 安倍別所 Abe Monjuin 安倍文殊院 ai ga somu to shirusu wo Aizen-ō to iu nari 愛染著云愛染王也 Aizen dō 愛染堂 Aizen Kongō 愛染金剛 Aizen Myōō 愛染明王 Aizen myōō hō 愛染明王法 Aizen sonshō hō 愛染尊勝法 ajari 阿闍梨 akashiro no niteki wagō 赤白二滴和合, alt. shakubyaku niteki wagō Akitsushima 秋津州 Ama no Iwato 天磐戸 Ama no Murakumo 天村雲 Ama no Nuhoko 天瓊矛 Amaterasu 天照, alt. Tenshō Daijin 天照 大神 amateru kami 天照る神 amatsukami kunitsukami 天神地祇, alt. tenjin chigi Amida 阿弥陀 (Sk. Amitābha) Anashi 穴師 Annen 安然 (841–?) araburu kami 荒ぶる神

arahitogami 現人神 Arakida 荒木田 Arakida Chikamichi 荒木田親倫 Arakida Nobusue 荒木田延季 aramitama 荒御霊 Asabashō 阿娑縛抄 (ca. 1275), by Shōchō 承澄 (1205–80) Asamayama 朝熊山 Ashihara no nakatsu kuni 葦原中國 ashura dō 阿修羅道 asomi 朝臣 Atsuta jingū 熱田神宮 Atsuzōshi 厚造紙, by Genkai 元海 (1094–1157) ban 鑁 (Sk. vaṃ) banku 番工, alt. daiku 大工 ban rongi 番論議 Ben’ichi 宀一 Ben’ichisan hōju anchisho no koto 宀一山 寳珠安置所事 Ben’ichisan nenbun dosha sōjō 宀一山年 分度者奏状 (ca. 937) bessho 別所 Besson zakki 別尊雑記 (mid-12th c.) bettō 別当

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312

Names and Terms

Bikisho 鼻帰書 (1324) bodaishin 菩提心 Bodaishinron 菩提心論 (Ch. Putixin lun, T. 1665) bonbu 凡夫 (Sk. pṛthagjana) Bonmōkyō 梵網經 (Ch. Fanwang jing, T. 1484) bonnō 煩悩 (Sk. kleśa) bonnō soku bodai 煩悩即菩提 bosatsu biku 菩薩比丘 bosatsukai 菩薩戒 Butsugen Butsumo 佛眼佛母 (Sk. Buddhalocanī) Butsuryūji 佛隆寺 Byōdōji 平等寺 Chengguan 證觀 (738–838) chi 癡. See also sandoku 三毒 Chien 智円 (fl. 14th c.) Chihayaburu waga kokoro yori suru waza wo izure no kami ka yoso ni miru beki ちはやぶる我が心よりするわ ざをいずれの神かよそに見る べき chijin godai 地神五代 chikaeshi no tama 道反玉 Chikurinji 竹林寺 chikushō 畜生 chimata 巷 chimon 智門. See also rimon 理門 chingo kokka 鎮護國家 chinju 鎮守 Chinkasai 鎮華祭, alt. Hanashizume no matsuri chō 町 chōbuku 調伏 Chōen 長宴 (1016–81) Chōgakuji 長岳寺 Chōgen 重源 (1121−1206) chi 智 (Ch. zhi). See also ri 理 chikoku rimin no hōhō 治國吏民方法 chokushidokoro 勅使所 chōrō 長老 chū hōe 中法會 Chūin-ryū 中院流

Chūin Shōsōzu 中院少僧都 chūrui 虫類 chūsei Nihongi 中世日本紀 chūsei Shintō 中世神道 Dai chido ron 大智度論 (Ch. Da zhidu lun, T. 1509) Daichiin 大智院 Daigoji 醍醐寺. See also Kongōōin 金剛王院, Rishōin 理性院, Sanbōin 三寳院 Daigorinji 大御輪寺 Daihan nehangyō 大般涅槃經 (Sk. Mahāparinirvāṇa sūtra, Ch. Da banniepan jing, T. 374) daihannyae 大般若會 Daihannya haramitsu gyō 大般若波 羅蜜經. (Sk. Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sūtra, Ch. Da bore boluomi jing, T. 220) Daihannya kyōzō 大般若經蔵 Daijingū sankeiki 大神宮参詣記 (ca. 1286), by Tsūkai 通海 (1234–1305) Daijō gishō 大乗義章 (Ch. Dasheng yizhang, T. 1851), by Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) Daijōin jisha zōjiki 大乗院寺社雑事記, by Jinson 尋尊 (1430–1508) et al. Daijōin monzeki 大乗院門跡 Daijōsai 大嘗祭, alt. Ōnie no matsuri Daikoku 大黒 daiku 大工, alt. banku 番工 daimyōjin 大明神 Dainichi 大日 (Sk. Mahāvairocana) Dainichi hongaku no nyorai 大日本覺 之如来 Dainichikyō 大日經 (Sk. Mahāvairocana Sūtra, Ch. Dari jing, T. 848) Dainichi no hongoku, alt. Dai nihon koku 大日本國 dairaku 大樂 dairi 内裏 Dairokuten Maō 第六天魔王, alt. Enma 閻魔 Daishō Kongō 大勝金剛

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Names and Terms

daizen hō 大染法 (Ch. daran fa) Dajōkan 太政官 Dakiniten 荼枳尼天 danjiki 断食 Danzan Shrine 談山神社 Daoxuan 道璿 (596–667) Datō hiketsushō 駄都秘決鈔, by Gahō 我寳 (1240–1317) denbōe 伝法會 Denbōin-ryū 伝法院流 denbō kanjō 伝法灌頂 Denbu Aizen 田夫愛染 Denbu hō tategami injin 田夫法竪紙 印信 (Enpō 3 [1676]) denbu no sō 田夫ノ僧 Dengūji 田宮寺 dōban Hokke sessō zu 銅版法華説相圖 Dōhan 道範 (1178–1252) Dōhō 道寳 (1214–81) dōjōkan 道場觀 Dōjun 道順 (?–1321) Dōmyō 道明 (n.d.) dōshū 堂衆 Dōyaku 同薬 (act. 708–15). See also Ōnara 大楢 Eiga monogatari 栄華物語 Eihan 榮範 (n.d.) Eizan Bunko 叡山文庫 Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90), alt. Eison ekijin 疫神 Engishiki 延喜式 (967) Enmaten 閻魔天, alt. Dairokuten Maō 第六天魔王 enmei 延命 Enmyōji 円明寺 Enmyōji engi 円明寺縁起 (1638) Ennin 円仁 (794–864) Enryaku gishikichō 延暦儀式帳 (804) Enryaku sōroku 延暦僧録 (788) Enshō 円照, alt. Enshō Shōnin 円照上人 (1221–77) enton bosatsukai 圓頓菩薩戒 eshō 依正

313

Faxiang 法相, alt. Weishi 唯識. See also Hossō 法相 (Jp.) Fazang 法蔵 (643–712) fudoki 風土記 Fudō Myōō 不動明王 Fujikawa 不二河, alt. Funikawa Fujiwara no Michinaga 藤原道長 (966–1027) Fujiwara no Munetada 藤原宗忠 (act. 1087–1138) fuko 封戸 Fukū 不空 (Sk. Amoghavajra, Ch. Bukong [705–74]) funi 不二 funi jini 不二而二 funi no o 不二尾 Furu 布留, alt. Furu no yashiro 布留社 Fusō ryakki 扶桑略記 (ca. 1094) Futaiji 不退寺 Gahō 我寳 (1240–1317) Gakkō bosatsu 月光菩薩. See also Nikkō bosatsu 日光菩薩 Gakuanji 額安寺 gakuryo 学侶, alt. gakusō 学僧 Gangōji engi 元興寺縁起, alt. Gangōji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaichō 元 興寺伽藍縁起並流記資材帳 (747) Ganjin 鑑真 (Ch. Jianzhen [688–763]) ganmon 願文 ganzō 含蔵 (Sk. ālayavijñāna) Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳. See also Kōsōden 高僧傳 -gata 方 Gedatsubō Jōkei 解脱房貞慶 (1145–1213) ge gokoin 外五鈷印 Gekū 外宮 gen 験 Genbō 玄昉 (?–746) genja, alt. genza 験者 Genji monogatari 源氏物語 (11th c.), by Murasaki Shikibu 紫式部 (973?–1014?) Genkai 元海 (1094–1157) Genkō no Ran 元弘の乱 (1331–33)

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314

Names and Terms

Genkō shakusho 元亨釋書 (1322), by Kokan Shiren 虎関師錬 (1278– 1346) Genpin no iori 玄賓庵 Genpin Sōzu 玄賓僧都 (?–818) Genpishō 玄秘鈔, by Jitsuun 實運, alt. Jichiun (1105–60) genze riyaku 現世利益 gōbyō 業秤, alt. gō no hakari gochi 五智 gochi hōkan 五智寳冠 Gochiin 五智院 gōchō 郷長 goganji 御願寺 gogyō 五行 (Ch. wuxing) gohō zenjin 護法善神 (Ch. hufa shanshen) Goji Monju juhō 五字文殊呪法 gojisō 護持僧 goki shichidō shokoku jinja 五畿七道諸 國神社 gokoku goyaku 五穀五薬 goma darani gyōhō 護摩陀羅尼行法 gomadokoro 護摩所 Go-Murakami 後村上 (1328–68) gongen 権現 gonge suijaku 権化垂迹 Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku 五輪九字 明秘密釋 (ca. 1141–43), by Kakuban 覺鑁 (1095–1143) gorintō 五輪塔 goryō 御霊 Goryū 御流 Goryūsai 五龍際 Go-Saga 後嵯峨 (1220–72, r. 1242–46) goshintai ご神體 goshiryō Aizen 五指量愛染 Go-Uda 後宇多 (1267–1324, r. 1274–87) Goyuigō 御遺言 (ca. 10th c.), attributed to Kūkai 空海 (774–835) gozō 五臟 (Ch. wuzang) Gumei hosshinshū 愚迷發心集, by Jōkei 貞慶 (1145–1213) gumonji hō 求聞持法 Gyokuei 玉英 (act. 1791–1802)

Gyokuyō 玉葉, by Kujō Kanezane 九条 兼実 (1149–1207) Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321) ha 派 hachibun nikudan 八分肉団 hachi dairyūō 八大龍王 Hachiman Daibosatsu 八幡大菩薩 hachi no hire 蜂比礼 hachiyōin 八葉印 hachiyō renge 八葉蓮華 hafuribe 祝部 Haguro Shugendō 羽黒修験道. See also Koshikidake 甑嶽 haiden 拝殿 Hanashizume no matsuri 鎮華祭, alt. Chinkasai Hannyaji 般若寺 hannya Monju tainai 般若文殊胎内 Hase 初瀬, alt. Hatsuse Hasedera 長谷寺, alt. Haseyamadera 長谷山寺 Hasedera engi mon 長谷寺縁起文 (late 13th c.) Hasedera Kannon genki 長谷寺觀音験 記 (1218) Hasedera shitō kinkan gonjō 長谷寺司等 謹勘言上 (ca. 1314) Hashihaka 箸墓 Hatsuse no komoriku 初瀬の隠口 hebi no hire 蛇比礼 Heiji no Ran 平治の乱 (1159) heitōin 閉塔印 Henshōin 徧照院 henshō kongō 遍照金剛 Hetsu no iwakura 辺津磐倉 Hibara 檜原 hibo 悲母 hibutsu 秘佛 hiden 悲殿 Hieizan 比叡山 Hie shrines 日枝神社 Higashi bessho 東別所. See also Senjuin 千手院 Higashi Kondō 東金堂

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Names and Terms

hijahō 避蛇法 hijiri 聖, alt. shōnin 上人, also shōnin 聖人 hikei 秘計 Himiko 卑彌呼 himitsu gyōhō 秘密行法 himitsu iryoku 秘密威力 himitsu kuden 秘密口伝 himitsu nenbutsu 秘密念仏 himorogi 神籬 Himuka 日向 hinin 非人 hinin shuku 非人宿 Hishō kuketsu 秘鈔口決 (ca. 1268–69, revised in 1283), by Kyōjun 教舜 (fl. 13th c.) Hishō mondō 祕鈔問答, by Raiyu 頼瑜 (1226–1304) Hōbodaiin 寳菩提院 Hōgen no Ran 保元の乱 (1156) hōjin nyorai 報身如来 (Sk. saṃbhogakāya tathāgata, Ch. baoshen rulai). See also ōjin nyorai 應身如来, hōsshin nyorai 法身如来 Hōjō Sanetoki 北条實時 (1224–76) hōkan no sonzō 寳冠之尊像 hōken 寳釼 Hokkebō Shōnin 法華房聖人 Hokkehō 法華法 Hokke yuishiki hannya sankanshō 法華 唯識般若三觀抄, by Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78) Hōkyōshō 寶鏡抄 (late 13th c.; colophon 1283, copied ca. 1340), by Kōban 弘鑁 (fl. 13th  c.) Hōkyōshō 寳鏡鈔 (ca. 1375, T. 2456), by Yūkai 宥快 (1345–1416) hōmi 法味 hongaku 本覺 hongaku shisō 本覺思想 honjibutsu 本地佛 honji suijaku 本地垂迹 honnu kakuzō nyorai 本有覺蔵如来 honpushō 本不生 honzon 本尊

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hōō kanjō 法王灌頂 hōraku 法樂 hōrakusha 法樂舎 horo 母衣 Hoshizume no matsuri 鎮火祭, alt. Chinkasai hosshin 法身, alt. hōsshin 法身 (Sk. dharmakāya, Ch. fashen) hōsshin nyorai 法身如来 (Sk. dharmakāya tathāgata, Ch. fashen rulai). See also ōjin nyorai 應身如来, hōjin nyorai 報身如来 hosshō 法性 Hossō 法相 (Ch. Faxiang), alt. Weishi 唯識 hōtō 法灯 hottai, alt. hōtai 法體 (Sk. dharmakāya, Ch. fati). See also hosshin 法身 Hōzanji 寳山寺 Ichidai no mine engi 一代峯縁起 (late 12th c.) Ichigyō 一行 (Ch. Yixing, 673–727). See also Dainichikyō sho 大日經疏 Ichiji Kinrin 一字金輪 (Sk. Ekākṣara uṣṇīṣacakra) Ikō 威光 (Ch. Weiguang) Ikoma 生駒 iku no tama 生玉 imoji 鋳物師, alt. kanuchi 鍛冶 in 院 i ni utsuri tomaritamafu 鑄に移り留 ま玉ふ injin 印信 ine 稲 inmyō 印明 in no iri no shō 院入庄 inu jinin 犬神人 Iōdō 醫王堂 Ippen hijirie (ca. 1299) 一遍聖絵, alt. Ippen shōnin den emaki 一遍上人 傳絵巻, by Hōgen En’i 法眼円伊 Ippen shōnin eden (ca. 1304–7) 一遍上 人絵傳, alt. Yugyō shōnin den emaki 遊行上人傳絵巻

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Names and Terms

Ise jingū mishōtai zushi 伊勢神宮御正體 厨子, alt. Ise mishōtai zushi 伊勢御正 體厨子 Ise kanjō 伊勢灌頂 Ise nisho daijingū shinmei hisho 伊勢二 所大神宮神名秘書 (1285–87), by Watarai Yukitada 度会行忠 (1236– 1305) Ise ryōgū jakei daiji 伊勢両宮蛇形大事 (Eishō 10 [1513–14]) Ise Shintō 伊勢神道 issaikyō 一切經 issai shōju shōgaku no kanshin 一切聖衆 正覺の肝心 issendai 一闡提 (Sk. icchantika, Ch. yichanti) Isuzugawa 五百鈴河 Ittekishō 一滴抄 iwakura 磐倉. See also Hetsu no iwakura 辺津磐倉, Nakatsu no iwakura 中津 磐倉, Okitsu no iwakura 奥津磐倉 Iwashimizu Hachimangū 石清水八幡宮 Izakawa Shrine 伊率川神社 Izanagi 伊奘諾 Izanami 伊奘冉 Izumo no kuni fudoki 出雲國風土記 (733) jakei jashin 蛇形蛇身 jakka 迹化 jakkōdo 寂光土 Jakujōbō 寂常房 jakyō 邪教 jatai 蛇體 Jibu Risshi 治部律師 (fl. 13th c.) Jichihan 實範 (fl. late 12th c.) Jien 慈円 (1155–1225) Jihen 慈遍 (act. ca. 1332–40) jike-gata 寺家方 jikidō 食堂 Jikken Sōshō 實賢僧正, alt. Jitsugen (1176–1249) jin 瞋. See also sandoku 三毒 jinbun 神分 jindai 神代, alt. kami no yo 神乃世

Jindai no maki 神代巻 jindai sōden 神代相伝 jinden kezō no hōzen 神殿華蔵之寳前 jindō 神道 jingi 神祇 Jingikan 神祇官 jingi kanjō 神祇灌頂 Jingi kanjō Miwa-ryū nijūyon tsū 神祇灌 頂三輪流二十四通 (Kanbun 3 [1673]) jingu 神供 (alt. jinku, shinku, or shingu) Jingū Bunko 神宮文庫 Jingū hiki 神宮秘記 jingūji 神宮寺 jinkō no sanmai 塵垢ノ三昧 Jinmu 神武 jinmyō 神冥, also jinmyō 神明, alt. shinmei Jinmyōchō 神名帳 Jinnō shōtōki 神皇正統記 (ca. 1343), by Kitabatake Chikafusa 北畠親房 (1293–1354) jinpen 神變 Jinson 尋尊 (1430–1508) jintsū 神通 jisei jukai 自誓受戒 jishinchū no unji nado no tai 自心中ノ 吽字等之體 jishin soku Tenshō Daijin 自身即天照 太神 jishōkan 自性觀 jisshu shinpō 十種神寳 jitō 地頭 jitsurui kijin 實類鬼神 Jitsuun 實運 (1105–60), alt. Jichiun Jizang 吉蔵 (549–623) jōgakuji 定額寺 Jōjūji 浄住寺 Jōkei 貞慶 (1145–1213), alt. Gedatsubō Jōkei 解脱房貞慶 Jōmyōji 常明寺 Jōsan 淨三 (d. 770) Jōshin Shōnin 乗心上人 (fl. 13th c.) juhachidō kegyō 十八道加行 Juhō yōjinshū 授法用心集 (1268), by Shinjō 心定 (b. 1215)

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Names and Terms

Jūichimendō 十一面堂 Jūichimen jinju shingyō 十一面神呪心經 Jūichimen Kannon 十一面觀音 jumyō kanjō 寿命灌頂, alt. jumyō kanjō 受明灌頂 jūniten 十二天 kagami 鏡. See also naishi dokoro 内侍所 Kagerō nikki 蜻蛉日記 (ca. 977), by Fuji­wara no Michitsuna’s mother 藤原道 綱母 kaigen 開眼 kairitsu fukkō 戒律復興 Kairyūōji 海龍王寺 Kaishin 廻心 (1204–62) kaji 加持 Kajūji 觀修寺, alt. Kanshūji kakei 化形 Kakuban 覺鑁 (1095–1143) Kakugenshō 覺源鈔 (early 13th c.), by Rendōbō Hōkyō 蓮道房寳筺 (act. ca. 1202–35) Kakujō 覺乗 (ca. 1273–1363) Kakuju 覺樹 (n.d.) Kakukai 覺海 (1142–1223) Kakuzenshō 覺禅抄 (1198) kami 神 Kamijiyama 神路山 kami no yo 神乃世, alt. jindai 神代 Kamitsu michi 上ッ道 Kanazawa Bunko 金沢文庫 Kanbotsu bodaishinshū 觀發菩提心集 (Ch. Quanfa putixin ji, T. 1862), by Huizhao 慧沼 (648–714) kanbutsu 灌佛 kandaiji 官大寺 kanji 官寺 kanjin 勧進 kanjō 灌頂 (Sk. abhiṣeka) Kannon 觀音 (Sk. Avalokiteśvara), alt. Kanzeon Bosatsu 觀世音菩薩 kannushi 神主. See also negi 禰宜 ka no ryū 彼ノ流 kansō 觀想 Kantō ōkanki 関東往還記, by Kyōe 鏡慧

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Kasanui no mura 笠縫邑 Kashikone 惶根. See also Omodaru 面足 Kasuga Daimyōjin 春日大明神 Kasuga gongen genki 春日権現験記 Kasuga gongen genki emaki 春日権現験 記絵巻 Kasugasha kiroku 春日社記録 Kasuga Shrine 春日神社 Kaze no miya 風宮. See also Sakadono 酒殿 kebiishi 検非違使 kechimyaku 血脈 kegare 穢れ Kegon 華嚴 (Ch. Huayan) Kegonkyō 華嚴經 (Sk. Avataṃsaka Sūtra, Ch. Huayan jing, T. 278, 289, or 293) keibyaku 敬白 Keigen 慶玄 (1164–1252) Keiranshūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (1311–49), by Kōshū 光宗 kengyō 検校 Kenkei 堅璟 (ca. 8th c.) kenmon 権門 Kenna 釼阿 (1261–1338) Ken’yo 憲誉 (act. 1810–30) Kiin 煕允 (fl. 14th c.) Kinpusen 金峰山, alt. Sanjōgatake 山上ヶ岳 Kinpusen himitsuden 金峰山秘密傳 (ca. 1330s), attributed to Monkan Gushin 文觀弘真 Kinpusenji 金峰山寺 Kinpusen kengyō shidai 金峰山検校 次第 kinrin jōō 金輪聖王 (Sk. cakravartin) kintai funi 金胎不二 kirikami 切紙 kishin 寄進 Kitabatake Chikafusa 北畠親房 (1293–1354) Kitano tenjin emaki 北野天神絵巻 Kiyotaki Shrine 清滝宮 ko 戸 Kōban 弘鑁 (fl. 13th c.) kōbuku 隆伏

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Names and Terms

Kōen 幸円 (fl. 13th c.). See also Renkakubō Kōen 蓮覺房幸円 Kōfukuji 興福寺 Kōfukuji sōjō 興福寺奏状, by Jōkei 貞慶 (1145–1213) Kōfukuji zōyaku menchō 興福寺雑役免 帳 (1070) kofun 古墳 kogi 小木 Kogo ruiyōshū 古語類要集, by Jihen 慈編 (act. ca. 1332–40) Kojidan 古事談 (1212–15) Kojiki 古事記 (712) Kokan Shiren 虎関師錬 (1278–1346) Kokinshū 古今集, alt. Kokin wakashū 古 今和歌集 (905–13) koku 石 kokubunji 國分寺 Kōmyō kanjō 光明灌頂 Kongō bu 金剛部 Kongō busshi Eizon kanshin gakushōki 金 剛佛子叡尊感身学正記, by Eizon 叡 尊 (1201–90) Kongōchi 金剛智 (Sk. Vajrabodhi, Ch. Jingang zhi, [671?–741]) Kongōchōkyō 金剛頂經 (Sk. Vajraśekhara sūtra, Ch. Jingangding jing, T. 776, 874, or 882) Kongōkai 金剛界 Kongōōin 金剛王院. See also Daigoji 醍醐寺, Rishōin 理性院, Sanbōin 三寳院 kongōsatta 金剛薩埵 (Sk. vajrasattva, Ch. jingangsatuo) Kongōshōji 金剛証寺 Kongō Zaō Gongen 金剛蔵王権現, alt. Zaō Gongen 蔵王権現 Konjaku monogatarishū 今昔物語集 (ca. 12th c.) konotama 此玉 konton 混沌 korō hiden 古老秘伝 Korō kujitsuden 古老口實傳 (ca. 1299) Kose 越 Kōshū 光宗

Kōsōden 高僧傳. See also Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 kōshiki 講式 Koshikidake 甑嶽. See also Haguro Shugendō 羽黒修験道 kōshin machi no daiji 庚申待の大事 Kōshōji 弘正寺 Kōtai jingū gishikichō 皇太神宮儀式帳 (804) kōyaku 香薬 Kōya no gohō 高野之護法 ku 苦 (Sk. duḥkha) kuden 口伝 Kujakukyō 孔雀經, alt. Kujaku myōō kyō 孔雀明王經 (Sk. Mahāmāyūrī vidyārājñī sūtra, Ch. Kongque mingwang jing, T. 982, 984–88) Kujō Kanezane 九条兼實 (1149–1207) Kūkai 空海 (774–835) kuketsu 口決 kuni no miyatsuko 國造 Kuni no Satsuchi 國狭槌 Kuni no Tokotachi 國常立 kunitsukami 國神, alt. chigi 地祇 kunizukuri no kami 國作神 Kusanagi 草薙 Kūsei 空晴 (878–957) Kusharon 俱舎論 (Sk. Abhidharmakośa bhāṣya, Ch. Jushe lun, T. 1558, 1559), by Vasubandhu (ca. 5th c.) kushimitama 奇魂 Kusunoki Masashige 楠木正成 (1294– 1336) kutai 苦體 Kyōe 鏡慧 Kyōen 慶円 (1143?–1223) Kyōjun 教舜 (fl. 13th c.) kyūsō 供僧, alt. shasō 神僧 magatama 勾玉 makai jitsurui 魔界實類 Makimuku 巻向 mamorigami 守神 mandō 満堂 mappō 末法

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Names and Terms

massha 末社 matsuji 末寺 Meijaku 明寂, alt. Myōjaku (also Oki nyūdō Meijaku 隠岐入道明寂, d. 1124) Memyō Bosatsu 馬明菩薩 (Sk. Aśvagoṣa) metsuzai 滅罪 Michiae no matsuri 道饗祭 mieidō 御影堂 mikkyō 密教 miko 巫女 mikura 御蔵 mimosuso 御裳須曾, alt. mimosuso 御裳濯 mimuro 三無漏 Mimuroyama 御室山 Miroku 弥勒 (Sk. Maitreya) Miroku Jōdo 弥勒浄土 Miroku Kondō 弥勒金堂 Miroku nyorai kannō shōsō 弥勒如来感 應抄草, by Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78) Miroku nyorai kechien shibunshū 弥勒如 来結縁私文集 mitsugon jōdo 密嚴浄土 Mitsu no kashiwa denki 三角柏傳記 (ca. 1170) Miwa 三輪 “Miwa bessho, Byōdōji” 三輪別所平等寺 Miwa daimyōjin engi 三輪大明神縁起 (1318) Miwa Kyōen-ryū 三輪慶円流 Miwa Myōjin 三輪明神 Miwa no gō 三輪郷 Miwa no iseki 三輪之遺跡 Miwa no Mimoro Shrine 美和乃御諸宮 Miwa no muro 三輪室 Miwa no nabe uri ミワノ鍋売 Miwa-ryū 三輪流 Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō 三輪流神祇灌頂 (ca. 1818–20) Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō zu 三輪流神祇灌 頂図 Miwa-ryū kanjō injin hiketsu 三輪流灌頂 印信秘決 “Miwa-ryū Shintō” 三輪流神道

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Miwa-ryū shintō genryūshū 三輪流神道 源流集 Miwa-ryū shintō kuketsu 三輪流神道 口決 Miwa Shōnin 三輪上人 Miwa shōnin gyōjō 三輪上人行状 (ca. 1255) Miwa shōnin gyōjōshō 三輪上人行状抄 (1341) Miwa shuku 三輪宿 Miwayama Byōdōji Kyōenkan shōnin betsuden 三輪山平等寺慶円觀上 人別傳 (ca. 1670–1703) Miwayama ezu 三輪山繪圖 miya mandara 宮曼荼羅 Miyoshi Nagahira 三善為衡 (fl. 13th c.) mizudachi 水断 mizukaki 瑞垣 mizukaki no miya 瑞垣宮 Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀 (Jp. Maka shikan, T. 1911), by Zhiyi 智顗 (538–97) Monju 文殊 (Sk. Mañjuśrī), alt. Monju bosatsu 文殊菩薩 (Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī) Monju kuyō engi 文殊供養縁起 Monkan Gushin 文觀弘真 (1278–1357) mono 物 Montoku jitsuroku 文徳實録 monzeki 門跡 Moriyoshi Shinnō 護良親王 (ca. 1308–35) Mudōji 無動寺 Mujū Ichien 無住一円 (1226–1312) mumyō 無明 Muni byōdō saijō yuga daikyō ōkyō 無二 平等最上瑜伽大教王經 (T. 887) Murō 室生 Murō Zenji 檉生禅師. See also Shūen 修円 (n.d.) musa honnu 無作本有 myōhō renge zō 妙法蓮華蔵 myōjin 明神 myōō 明王 nagatoko 長床 Naikū 内宮

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320

Names and Terms

naishi dokoro 内侍所, alt. kagami 鏡 naishō 内證 naiyaku no shō 内藥正 Nakatomi harae 中臣祓 Nakatomi harae kike 中臣祓記解 Nakatomi harae kunge 中臣祓訓解 Nakatsu no iwakura 中津磐倉 Nakatsu michi 中ッ道 Namu hongaku hosshin honnu nyorai jishō shindan nai goma dōjō 南無本覺法身 本有如来自性心壇内護摩道場 Nanda Ryūō 難陀龍王 Nanto shichi daiji 南都七大寺 negi 禰宜. See also kannushi 神主 nenbutsu 念佛 nichigū 日宮 nichiiki 日域 Nihongi kanjō 日本紀灌頂 Nihongi Miwa-ryū 日本紀三輪流 (ca. 1543) Nihon kiryaku 日本紀略 Nihon kōsōden yōmonshō 日本高僧傳要 文抄 Nihon ryōiki 日本霊異記 (ca. 822) Nihon shoki 日本書紀 (720) nijūnisha 二十二社 Nikkō bosatsu 日光菩薩. See also Gakkō bosatsu 月光菩薩 nikon kyōe 二根交會 Ningai 仁海 (951?–1046) Ninigi 瓊瓊杵 Ninkan 仁寛 (1057–1123?) Ninnaji 仁和寺 Ninnōkyō 仁王經 (Ch. Renwang jing, T. 245 and 246) Ninomiya 二宮. See also Ōmiya 大宮, Sannō Gongen 山王権現, Shōshinshi 聖眞子 Ninshō 忍性 (1217–1303) Niu Myōjin 丹生明神 nuhoko 瓊矛 nyohō Aizen hō 如法愛染法 nyoi hōju 如意寳珠 (Sk. cintāmaṇi) Nyoirin Kannon 如意輪觀音 (Sk. Cintāmaṇicakra Avalokiteśvara)

Nyoisan 如意山 Nyojitsu, Kamo Shōnin 加茂上人如實 nyūbu 入峰 ōajari 大阿闍梨 Ōanamuchi/Ōnamuji 大穴牟遲 obō buppō 王法佛法 Ōga 大神 ōjin nyorai 應身如来 (Sk. nirmāṇakāya tathāgata, Ch. yingshen rulai). See also hōjin nyorai 報身如来, hōsshin nyorai 法身如来 ōkami 大神 okina 翁 okitsu kagami 贏都鏡 Okitsu no iwakura 奥津磐倉 Ōkuninushi 大國主 omiki お神酒 Ōmine 大峰 Ōmine tōzan honji Kōfukuji tōkondō sendatsu kiroku 大峰当山本地興 福寺東金堂先達記録 Ōmiwadera 大三輪寺 Ōmiwa Katsufusa 大神勝房, alt. Seia 西阿 Ōmiwa no kami 大三輪の神 Ōmiwa Ōmononushi jinja 大神大物主 神社 Ōmiwasai, alt. Ōmiwa no matsuri 大神祭 Ōmiwa no kami sansha chinza shidai 大三 輪神三社鎮座次第 Ōmiwa shinden 大神神田 Ōmiwa Takechimaro 大神武市麿, alt. Takachimaro 高知麿 Ōmiya 大宮. See also Ninomiya 二宮, Sannō Gongen 山王権現, Shōshinshi 聖眞子 Omodaru 面足. See also Kashikone 惶根 Ōmononushi 大物主 Ōnakatomi 大中臣 Ōnakatomi no Takamichi 大中臣隆道 (1208–49) Ōnamuchi, alt. Ōnamochi no kami 大己 貴神 Ōnara 大楢. See also Dōyaku 同藥 (act. ca. 708–15)

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Names and Terms

Ōnie no matsuri, alt. Daijōsai 大嘗祭 Onjōji 園城寺 Onmyōdō 陰陽道 onmyōji 陰陽師 Ono 小野 Ono Kōbō yonjū chō no ketsu 小野弘法 四十帖ノ決 onsugata 御姿 ōshi kanjō 奥旨灌頂 Oshima no kami 小島ノ神. See also Wakaōji no yashiro 若王子社 Ōsu Bunko 大須文庫, alt. Ōsu Kannon 大須觀音. See also Shinpukuji 真福寺 Ōtataneko 大田田根子 Ōtomabe 大苦辺. See also Ōtonoji 大戸 道 Ōtonoji 大戸道. See also Ōtomabe 大苦 辺 ōyake no tehata 公田畑 Ōyamato kuni shōzeichō 大倭國正税帳 (730) Oyashiro kanjō 父母代灌頂 Qinglongsi 清瀧寺 rai 癩 Raiyu 頼瑜 (1226–1304) rakan 羅漢 raṃ 藍, alt. 覧 reijin kenbutsu 霊神験佛 Reiki kanjō 麗氣灌頂 Reiki kanjō honzon 麗氣灌頂本尊 (ca. 1513–14), Ninnaji, Kyoto Reikiki 麗氣記 (ca. late 13th–early 14th c.), alt. Tenchi reikiki 天地麗氣記 Rendaiji 蓮台寺 Rendōbō Hōkyō 蓮道房寶篋 (act. ca. 1202–35) Renge bu 蓮華部 Rengeji 蓮華寺 Renkakubō Kōen 蓮覺房幸円 (fl. 13th c.). See also Kōen 幸円 ri 理. See also chi 智 (Ch. zhi) riai kongō 離愛金剛 richi ichinyo kannen 理知一如觀念

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Rikanbō Keijitsu 理觀房継實 (fl. 13th c.) rimon 理門. See also chimon 智門 Rishōin 理性院. See also Daigoji 醍醐寺, Kongōōin 金剛王院, Sanbōin 三寳院 Rishukyō 理趣經 (Ch. Liqu jing, T. 243) Rishushaku 理趣釋 (Ch. Liqu shi, T. 1003) rishu zanmai 理趣三昧 Ritsuen sōhōden 律苑僧寳傳 (1689) rokudō 六道 Rokumon darani kyō 六門陀羅尼經 Ruijū jingi hongen 類從神祇本源 (ca. 1320), by Watarai Ieyuki 度会家行 (1256?–1351?) Ruijū sandaikyaku 類衆三代格 ryōbu mandara 兩部曼荼羅, alt. ryōkai 兩界 ryōbu mitsudan 兩部密壇 Ryōbu Shintō 兩部神道 Ryōchi Tokugyō 良智得業 (fl. 12th c.) Ryōga 良雅 (ca. 1110) Ryōgen 良源 (912–85) Ryōhen 良遍 (1194–1252) Ryōyo Shōgei 了誉聖冏 (1341–1420) ryōzu Aizen 兩頭愛染 ryū 流 ryūjin 龍神 Ryūketsu 龍穴 Ryūketsu jinja 龍穴神社 Ryūmonji 龍門寺 ryūō 龍王 Sai 狭井 Saichō 最澄 (767–822) Saidaiji daidai chōrō myō 西大寺代々 長老名 Saidaiji den’en mokuroku 西大寺田園 目録 Saidaiji-ryū 西大寺流 Saidaiji shizai rukichō 西大寺資材流 記帳 (781) saigū 斎宮 Saigūki 西宮記, by Minamoto no Takaakira 源高明 (914–83) Saigusa matsuri 三枝祭 Saikyōji 西教寺

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Names and Terms

Saionji-dono 西園寺殿 Sakadono 酒殿. See also Kaze no miya 風宮 saka no mono 坂の者 sakimitama 幸魂 Sanbōin 三寳院. See also Daigoji 醍醐寺, Kongōōin 金剛王院, Rishōin 理性院 sanbu 三部 Sanbu Dainichi 三部大日 sanbu funi 三部不二 Sanbu gōgyō himitsu kanjō injin 三部合 行秘密汀印信 Sanbu Gongen 三部権現 sanbu jōin 三部定印 sanbu no hihō 三部の秘法 sanbu tōin 三部塔印 sanbutsu ittai 三佛一體 sanbu wagō 三部和合 sanchi 三智 sandoku 三毒. See also chi 癡, jin 瞋, ton 貪 sanji hihō 三時秘法 sankan 三觀 sankei 三形 sankō 三光 sankoku sōshō no ryōbu hioku inmyō 三國 相承之兩部秘奥印明 Sannō Gongen 山王権現. See also Ōmiya 大宮, Ninomiya 二宮, Shōshinshi 聖真子 Sannō sanshō 山王三聖 Sannō Shintō 山王神道 sanrin 三輪, alt. miwa 三輪 sanrin no kongō 三輪ノ金剛 sanshi 三尸 (three worms) sanshi 三師 (three teachers) sanshin 三身 (Sk. trikāya, Ch. sanshen) sanshin ittai 三身一體, alt. sanshin soku ichi 三身即一 sanshin nyorai 三身如来 sanshin soku ichi 三身即一, alt. sanshin ittai 三身一體 sanshin soku ichi no Dainichi 三身即一 之大日

sanshō myōjin 三聖明神 sanshu no jinki 三種神器, alt. sanshu no jingi sanson gōgyō hō 三尊合行法 santen 三點 sanzun no Fudō 三寸ノ不動 Sarashina nikki 更級日記 (1059), by Sugawara no Takasue’s daughter 菅原 孝標女 sashizu 指圖 Seia 西阿, alt. Ōmiwa Katsufusa 大神 勝房 Seikakuji, alt. Jōgakuji 成覺寺 Seiryō Genshin 性亮玄心 (ca. 1660–1710) Seiryū Gongen 清瀧権現 Seizon 成尊 (1012–74) Sekidera 世義寺 Sekishō Dōji 赤精童子 Sekizan Myōjin 赤山明神 Sendai kuji hongi 先代舊事本紀 (ca. 936) sendatsu 先達 Sengūin 仙宮院 Sengūin himon 仙宮院秘文 (ca. 1280) Senjuin 千手院. See also Higashi bessho 東別所 Senju Kannon 千手觀音 (Sk. Avalokiteśvara sahasrabhuja) Senjūshō 撰集抄 sennichi goma 千日護摩 sennin 仙人 Sen’yū 宣融 (d. 1325) Shaka sanzon jūroku zenjin 釋迦三尊十 六善神 shaku 尺 shakubyaku niteki wagō 赤白二滴和合, alt. akashiro no niteki wagō shari 舎利 sharihō 舍利法 Shasekishū 沙石集 (ca. 1278–83), by Mujū Ichien 無住一円 (1226–1312) shasō 社僧 shasō rongisho 社僧論議所 Shibun ritsu 四分律 (Sk. Dharmaguptaka vinaya, Ch. Sifen lü, T. 1428)

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Names and Terms

Shichidaiji junrei shiki 七大寺巡礼私記 (1140), by Ōe no Chikamichi 大江親通 (?–1151) shidō hōrakuji 私堂法楽寺 shiki 職 Shimotsu michi 下ッ道 shinamono no hire 品物比礼 shinbutsu shūgō 神仏習合 Shinchō Hōin 真澄法印 (ca. 1673) shinden 神殿, alt. jinden shingon 眞言 Shingon fuhō san’yōshō 眞言付法纂要抄 (1060) shingon kairitsu no nishū wo okaru 眞言 戒律ノ二宗ヲヲカル shingonshi 眞言師 shinji 神璽 Shinjō 心定 (b. 1215) Shinki 眞喜 (930–1000) shinkoku 神國 shinkon 神婚 shinmei 神明, alt. jinmyō shin no mihashira 心御柱 shinobimono 忍者 shinpō 神封 shinpō 心法 (Sk. citta-dharma, Ch. xinfa) Shinpukuji 眞福寺. See also Ōsu Bunko 大須文庫, alt. Ōsu Kannon 大須觀音 Shinra Myōjin 新羅明神 Shinsen’en 神泉苑 Shinsen’en shōukyō hō dōjō zu 神泉苑請 雨經法道場圖 Shinsen shōjiroku 新撰性氏録 (815) Shinshū 深秀 (ca. 16th c.) shintai 神體 shintō ajari 神道阿闍梨 Shintō gobusho 神道五部書 shintō kanjō 神道灌頂 Shintō kōmyō kanjō 神道光明灌頂 Shintō Miwa-ryū shodaiji jūyon 神道三 輪流諸大事十四 Shinzei 眞盛 (ca. 1775) shinzō 神像 Shiōin 四王院 Shiragi 新羅

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shita 下 shittan 悉曇 shittanjiki nado 悉曇字記等 shōbatsu 賞罰 Shōbō 聖寶 (832–909) shobutsu kongō kanjō gi 諸佛金剛灌 頂儀 shōen 荘園 shōgakudan 正覺壇 shōgyō 聖教 shō ichii daimyōjin kun ittō Ōmono no nushi 正一位大明神勲一等大物 之主 shōjin 生身 Shōkai 性海 (fl. 13th c.) Shōken 勝賢 (1138–96) Shōkō daitokufu 性公大徳譜 shokoku ichinomiya 諸國一宮 Shōmyōji 称名寺 shō no chūshinjō 荘注進状 shōnin 上人, alt. 聖人, also hijiri 聖 Shōrinji 聖林寺 Shoryū kanjō 諸流灌頂 Shosan engi 諸山縁起 shosha daiji 諸社大事 Shōshin 性心 (1287–1357) Shōshinshi 聖眞子. See also Ōmiya 大宮, Ninomiya 二宮, Sannō Gongen 山王 権現 Shoson hiketsu 諸尊秘決 Shoson zuzō 諸尊圖像 Shōtoku Taishi 聖徳太子 (574–622) shōuhō 請雨法 Shūen 修円 (n.d.). See also Murō Zenji 檉生禅師 shugen 修験 shugenja 修験者. See also yamabushi 山伏 shuji 種字 shuji mandara 種字曼荼羅 Shūkaku Hoshinnō 守覺法親王 (1150– 1202) shukubō 宿坊 Shunge shūgetsu shōsō 春華秋月抄草, by Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78)

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324

Names and Terms

Sishe 四蛇, alt. sidushe 四毒蛇 soku 束 sokui kanjō 即位灌頂 sokusai hō 息災法 sokushin jōbutsu 即身成佛 Sokushin jōbutsu gi 即身成佛義, by Kūkai 空海 (774–835) sokushin jōbutsu hihō 即身成佛秘法 sokushin jōbutsu injin 即身成佛印信 sōmoku jōbutsu 草木成佛 sōmoku kokudo 草木國土 Sōnokami 添上 sono ton to wa ai nari 其貪者愛也 sono yashiro no tsukasa 其ノ社ノ司 Sonshō 尊勝 Soshitsuji 蘇悉地 (Sk. susiddhi, Ch. suxidi) Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78) Suijini 沙土煑. See also Uijini 埿土煑 Suiten 水天 Suiten gu 水天供 Suiten no hō 水天法 Sūkeiji 祟敬寺 Sukunabiko 少名彦, alt. Sukunabikona 少名毘古那 sumemima mikoto no chikaki mamorigami 皇孫命能近守神 Susanoo スサノオ Tachikawa-ryū 立川流 Tado jingūji garan engi narabi ni shizaichō 多度神宮寺伽藍縁起 并資材帳 Taimitsu 台密 tainai goi 胎内五位 taishi kanjō 太子灌頂 Taizō bu 胎蔵部 Taizōkai 胎蔵界 Takamiya 高宮 Takechimaro 武市麿, alt. Ōmiwa asomi Takachimaro 大神朝臣高知麿 Tamamushi zushi 玉虫厨子 taru no tama 足玉 tatarigami 祟神 Teikū 定空 (n.d.)

teiō 帝王 teiō hōken 帝王寳剣 teiō no sokui 帝王ノ即位 Tenchi reiki furoku 天地麗氣付録 (ca. 1320) Tenchi reikiki 天地麗氣記, alt. Reikiki 麗氣記 tendō 天道 tendoku 轉讀 Tengakuji 天覺寺 tenjin shichidai 天神七代 tenkyū Aizen 天弓愛染 tennō 天皇 Tennōji 天王寺 tenpen keii rin’u shippei 天變怪異霖雨 疾病 tenrin jōō 轉輪聖王 (Sk. cakravartin) Tenshō Daijin 天照大神, alt. Tenshō no son 天照尊 (or Amaterasu no mikoto) Tenshō Daijin kuketsu 天照大神口決 (1327) Tōdaiji yōroku 東大寺要録 (early 12th c.) Tōgi 塔義 (ca. 1181–1260?) tōin 塔印 Tōji 東寺 Tōji chōja 東寺長者 Tokiwa jinja 常磐神社 tokoyo 常世 Tokudō Shōnin 徳道聖人 (656–?) ton 貪. See also sandoku 三毒 Tonan’in 東南院 Tōnomine 多武峰 Tōnomine ryakki 多武峰略記 (1197) torii 鳥居 Tosotsuten 兜率天 (Sk. Tuṣita [Heaven]) Tosotsu tengū 兜率天宮 toya no katana 十屋釼 Toyokumunu 豊斟淳 Toyouke 豊受, aka Toyuke 止由気 Toyuke 止由気, aka Toyouke 豊受 Toyuke no miya no gishikichō 止由気宮儀 式帳 (804) Tsubakiichi 椿市, alt. Tsubaichi 椿市 Tsūkai 通海 (1234–1305)

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Names and Terms

tsukimachi no daiji 月待の大事 Mt. Tsukuba 筑波 Tsunakoshi 綱越 uchi goma 内護摩 ue 上 Uijini 埿土煑. See also Suijini 沙土煑 ujidera 氏寺 un 吽 (Sk. hhūṃ) Un-ō 吽王 Urabe 卜部 Urabe Kanekuni 卜部兼邦 (late 15th c.) Urabe no [Yoshida] Kanetomo 卜部兼倶 (1435–1511) waga hongaku shin rengedai 我が本覺心 蓮華臺 waga konpaku shijin nado no shinjin 我魂 魄志神等ノ心神 wagami soku Tenshō Daijin 我身即天照 太神 waga sandoku funi no jakei to dōtai nari 我等三毒不二蛇形同體也 Wakan rōeishū 和漢朗詠集 (1013) Wakaōji no yashiro 若王子社. See also Oshima no kami 小島ノ神 wakō dōjin 和光同塵 Watarai 度会 Watarai Ieyuki 度会家行 (1256?–1351?) Watarai Tsuneyoshi 度会常昌 (1263–1339) Watarai Yukitada 度会行忠 (1236–1305) Wei zhi 魏志 (ca. 297) Yakushi 藥師 (Sk. Bhaiṣajyaguru) Yakushi bosatsu jinja 藥師菩薩神社 Yakushi Kondō 藥師金堂 Yakushi nyorai hongan kyō 藥師如来本 願經 (Ch. Yaoshi rulai benyuan jing, T. 443) yamabushi 山伏. See also shugenja 修験者 Yamanobe no michi 山辺之道 Yamashinadera 山科寺 Yamatohime no mikoto seiki 大和姫命 世紀 (ca. 13th c.) Yamato ichinomiya 大和一宮

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Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki 大和葛城寳 山記 Yamato no kuni shōjin nyūjō no hatsu 日本 國生身入定之初 Yamato no Ōkunidama 大和大國玉, alt. Yamato no Ōkunidama 倭大國魂 yaso no chimata 八十衢 yata no kagami 八咫鏡 Yijing 易經 Yoko ōji 横大路 yorishiro 依代 Yoshida [Urabe no] Kanetomo 吉田兼倶 (1435–1511) Yugaron 瑜伽論 (Sk. Yogācārabhūmi śāstra, Ch. Yuqie shidi lun 瑜伽師 地論, Jp. Yuga shiji ron, T. 1579) Yuga yugi kuden Kōban ryakuchū 瑜伽瑜 祇口伝弘鑁略注 Yūgen 融源 (1169–?) Yugi dainana Yuga Jōjūbon kuketsu [Rendō] 瑜祇第七瑜伽成就品 口決 [蓮道] (colophon dated 1328) Yugi kirikami 瑜祇切紙 Yugi kirimon 瑜祇切文 Yugi kuden 瑜祇口伝 Yugikyō 瑜祇經 (Ch. Yuqi jing, full title Jingangfeng louge yiqie yuqie yuqi jing 金剛峯楼閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經, T. 867) Yugikyō kuden 瑜祇經口傳 Yugikyō kuketsu 瑜祇經口決 (ca. 1240s), by Dōhan 道範 (1178–1252) Yuiitsu shintō myōbō yōshū 唯一神道 名法要集 (ca. 1485), by Urabe no [Yoshida] Kanetomo 卜部兼倶 (1435–1511) Yūkai 宥快 (1345–1416) zange 懺悔 Zaō Gongen 蔵王権現, alt. Kongō Zaō Gongen 金剛蔵王権現 zasu 座主 (highest ranking cleric at Enryakuji, Mt. Kōya’s Kongōbuji, or Daigoji)

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Names and Terms

Zen’en 善円 (fl. 13th c.) Zenninbō Jōshin 禅仁房乗心 (act. 1240s) Zennyo Ryūō 善女龍王, alt. Zennyo 善女 or 善如 Zennyo Ryūō nyoi hōju narabi ni jūsen kuden 善女龍王如意寳珠并従爪 口傳 zenshū 禅衆, alt. zensō 禅僧 Zentsūji 善通寺

Zhanran 湛然 (711–82) Zhiyi 智顗 (538–97) Zō Ise nisho daijingū hōki hongi 造伊勢二 所大神宮寳基本記 zōyaku 増益 zue mandara 圖繪曼荼羅 zue ryōkai shuji mandara 圖繪兩界種子 曼荼羅 zushi 厨子 Zuzōshō 圖像抄 (1139)

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Bibliography

Primary Sources Abhidharmakośa bhāṣya (Ch. Jushe lun 俱舎論, Jp. Kusharon). By Vasubandhu. T. 1558, 1559. Asabashō 阿娑縛抄 (Compendium of A, Sa, Va, ca. 1127). By Shōchō 承澄 (1205–80). TZ, vol. 9. Atsuzōshi 厚造紙 (Thick Notes). By Genkai 元海 (1094–1157). T. 2483. Ben’ichisan hōju anchisho no koto 宀一山寳珠安置所事 (On the Installing of the Wish-Fulfilling Gem at Mt. Ben’ichi). Ben’ichisan nenbun dosha sōjō 宀一山年分度者奏状 (Petition to Appoint Yearly Ordinands for Mt. Ben’ichi, ca. 937). Besson zakki 別尊雑記 (Miscellaneous Records of Individual Deities, mid. 12th c.). By Shinkaku 心覚 (1117–80). TZ, vol. 3. Bikisho 鼻帰書 (Record of Returning to Origins, ca. 1324). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇 1, Shingon Shintō 眞言神道, vol. 2. Bodaishinron 菩提心論 (Ch. Putixin lun, Treatise on the Bodhicitta). T. 1665. Bonmōkyō 梵網經 (Ch. Fanwang jing, Brahma’s Net Sutra). T. 1484. Byakuhō kushō 百寳口抄 (Compendium of Transmissions on the Hundred Treasures, ca. 13th c.). By Ryōzen 亮禅 (1258–1341). TZ, vol. 6, no. 3119. Byakuhōshō 百寳鈔 (Compendium of the Hundred Treasures). By Chōen 澄圓. TZ, vol. 10, no. 3191. Dai chido ron 大智度論 (Ch. Da zhidu lun, Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom). T. 1509. Daihan nehangyō 大般涅槃經 (Sk. Mahāparinirvāṇa sūtra, Ch. Da banniepan jing,

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328 Bibliography Great Nirvana Sutra, ca. 421). Translated by Dharmakṣema 曇無讖 (Ch. Tan Wuchen, 385–433). T. 374. Daihannya haramitsu gyō 大般若波羅蜜經 (Sk. Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra, Ch. Da bore poluomi jing, Great Wisdom Sutra). Translated by Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–64). T. 220. Daijingū sankeiki 大神宮参詣記 (Records of Pilgrimage to the Great Ise Shrines, ca. 1287). By Tsūkai 通海 (1234–1305). ZGR, vol. 3, pt. 2, Jingi-bu 神祇部, kan 81, 759–812. Daijingū sankeiki 大神宮参詣記 (Records of Pilgrimage to the Great Ise Shrines, ca. 1280.3). By Shōkai 性海. In Saidaiji Ise mishōtai zushi nōnyū monjo 西大寺伊勢御正 體厨子納入文書. SEDS, 332–35. Daijingū shozōjiki 大神宮諸雑事記 (Miscellaneous Records of the Great Ise Shrine). By the Arakida 荒木田 lineage. GR, vol. 1, Jingi-bu 神祇部. Daijō gishō 大乗義章 (Ch. Dasheng yizhang, Essay on the Meaning of Mahāyāna). By Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416). T. 1851. Daijōin jisha zōjiki 大乗院寺社雑事記 (Miscellaneous Records of Temples and Shrines [under the Jurisdiction of] Daijōin, 1450–1527). 12 vols. By Jinson 尋尊 (1430–1508) et al. Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内理三. Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 1978. Dainichikyō 大日經 (Ch. Darijing, Sk. Mahāvairocana Sūtra). T. 848. Dainichikyō sho 大日經疏 (Ch. Darijing shu, Commentary on the Mahāvairocana Sūtra). By Yixing 一行 (Jp. Ichigyō, 673–727). T. 1796. Datō hiketsushō 駄都秘決鈔 (Secret Compendium on the Dhātu). By Gahō 我寳 (1240?–1317). SZ, vol. 23, 179–293. Denbu Aizen 田夫愛染 (Peasant Aizen). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture. MS 334–25, 328–12. Denbu Aizen 田夫愛染 (Peasant Aizen). Eizan Bunko, Ōtsu, Shiga Prefecture. MS 873– 366. Denbu hō tategami injin 田夫法竪紙印信 (Vertical “seal of trust” for the Denbu Aizen Ritual, Enpō 3 [1676]). Private collection. Dōnisshō 童ニ鈔. (alt. Dōteishō 童眤鈔, Through the Eyes of a Child, ca. 1660s–1670s). Private collection of Nagashima Fukutarō. OJS, vol. 2, 471–73. Eiga monogatari 栄華物語 (Tale of Flowering Fortunes). NKBT, vols. 75, 76. Ei[zon]nado hatsuganmon 叡[尊]等發願文 (Religious Vow by Eizon and Others, Hōji 1 [1247.5.25]). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90) et al. SEDS, 133–34. Engishiki 延喜式 (Protocols of the Engi Era). ST, Koten hen 古典篇, vols. 11–12. Tokyo: Shintō taikei hensankai, 1991–93. Enmyōji engi 円明寺縁起 (Karmic Origins of Enmyōji, 1638). In Seyō zakki 勢陽雑記 (Miscellaneous Records from Ise), Mie ken kyōdo shiryō sōsho 三重県郷土資料叢書, vol. 13, 106–7. Enryaku gishikichō 延暦儀式帳 (Ritual Codes of the Enryaku Era). ST, Jingū hen 神宮篇, vol. 1. Enryaku sōroku 延暦僧録 (Record of Monks of the Enryaku Era, ca. 788). Fragments, in Nihon kōsōden yōmonshō. Fahua wenzhu ji 法華文句記 (Notes on Zhiyi’s “Passages of the Lotus Sutra”). By Zhanran 湛然 (711–82). T. 1719.

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Bibliography 329 Fahua xuan lun 法華玄論 (Profound Treatise on the Lotus Sutra). By Jizang 吉蔵 (549– 623). T. 1720. Fahua xuanyi shiqian 法華玄義釋籤 (Commentary on the Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra). By Zhanran 湛然 (711–82). T. 1717. Fahua youyi 法華遊意 (Varied Thoughts on the Lotus Sutra). By Jizang 吉蔵 (549–623). T. 1722. Fusō ryakki 扶桑略記 (Short Records of Japan). By Kōen 皇円. 30 vols. KT, vol. 12. Edited by Kuroita Katsumi 黒板勝美. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1930. Gangōji garan engi narabi ni ruki shizaichō 元興寺縁起並流記資材帳 (The Karmic Origins and Inventory of Holdings of Gangōji, ca. 747). DNBZ, vol. 118, Jishi sōsho 寺史 叢書, vol. 2. Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Jp. Kōsōden, Biographies of Eminent Monks). T. 2059. Geango seiganjō 夏安居誓願状 (Proclamation of Vow during the Summer Retreat, Hōji 1 [1247.5.10]). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90) et al. SEDS, 130–32. Genji monogatari 源氏物語 (The Tale of Genji, after 1001–5). By Murasaki Shikibu 紫式 部 (973?–1014?). NKBT, vols. 14–18. Genkō shakusho 元亨釋書 (Buddhist Records from the Genkō Era). By Kokan Shiren 虎 關師煉 (1278–1346), 1332. KT, vol. 31. Edited by Kuroita Katsumi 黒板勝美. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1930. Genpishō 玄秘鈔 (Compendium on Profound Secrets, copied in 1276). By Jitsuun 實運, alt., Jichiun, of Daigoji, 1105–60. T. 2486. Gonshōsōzu Kakuju Ōga (Ōmiwa) shō sōden ken’an 権少僧都覚樹大神荘相傳券案 (Certificate of Inheritance of the Ōga Estate, Issued to Provisional Lesser Abbot (gonshōsōzu) Kakuju [Chōshō 2 (1133.1.13)]). In Tōdaiji monjo 東大寺文書, vol. 4, 717. Alt., Heian ibun, vol. 5, no. 2259. Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku 五輪九字明秘密釋 (Secret Commentary on the Five Chakras and the Nine Syllables). By Kakuban 覚鑁 (1095–1143). KDZ 1909, 1121–81. Alt. T. 2514. English translation and introduction by Dale Todaro in Shingon Texts, BDK English Tripitaka 98, 257–328. Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2004. Goyuigō 御遺言 (Last Testament, ca. 10th c.). Attributed to Kūkai 空海 (774–835). T. 2431. Gumei hosshinshū 愚迷發心集 (On Searching for Enlightenment by the Ignorant), 1 fascicle. By Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213). Written after 1192. KKB (NST), vol. 15. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971. Gyokuyō 玉葉 (Jewel Leaves). By Kujō Kanezane 九条兼實 (1149–1207). 3 vols. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1906–7. Hannyaji Monju zō zōryū ganmon 般若寺文殊像造立願文 (Vow Inserted into the Statue of Mañjuśrī at Hannyaji, Bun’ei 5 [1268]). By Eizon 叡尊. SEDS, 155–56. Harima no kuni fudoki 播磨國風土記 (Gazetteer of Harima Province). NKBT, vol. 2. Hasedera engi mon 長谷寺縁起文 (Karmic Origins of Hasedera, late 13th c.). Waseda University Library (No. 06–01478). Alt. National Institute of Japanese Literature (box 6– 26, no. 271–2).

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330 Bibliography Hasedera shitō kinkan gonjō 長谷寺司等謹勘言上 (Respectful Address by the Hase­ dera Head Priest, ca. 1314). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanawaga Prefecture, MS 250–9. Heian ibun 平安遺文 (Records of the Heian Period). Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内理三. Tokyo: Tōkyōdō shuppan, 1947–80. Himitsu mandara jūjūshinron 秘密曼荼羅十住心論 (Treatise on the Ten Abiding S­ tages of Mind According to the Secret Mandalas). By Kūkai 空海 (774–835). T. 2425. Hishō kuketsu 秘鈔口決 (Oral Transmissions on the Secret Compendium, 1268–69, revised in 1283). 28 vols. By Kyōjun 教舜 (fl. 13th c.). SZ, vol. 28. Hishō mondō 祕鈔問答 (Questions and Answers on the Secret Compendium). By Raiyu 頼瑜 (1226–1304). T. 2536. Hōji ninen shōrai Ritsu sandaibu haibun no jō 寳治二年将来律三大部配分状 (On the Distribution of the Vinaya Scriptures in Three Parts, Brought from the Song Kingdom in Hōji 2 [1248.10.30]). SEDS, 328–29. Hokke yuishiki hannya sankanshō 法華唯識般若三観抄 (Summary of the Three Kinds of Meditation, Comprising the Lotus Sutra, the Mind-Only Doctrine [of the Faxiang School], and the Wisdom Sutra). By Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78). In Tōdaiji Sōshō shōnin no kenkyū narabi ni shiryō 東大寺宗性上人の研究並史料, edited by Hiraoka Jōkai 平岡定海, vol. 1, 517–18. Hōkyōshō 寶鏡抄 (Notes of the Jewelled Mirror, copied ca. 1340). By Kōban 弘鑁. Ōsu Bunko, Shinpukuji, Nagoya. Hōkyōshō 寳鏡鈔 (Notes of the Jewelled Mirror, ca. 1375). By Yūkai 宥快 (1345–1416). T. 2456. Honchō kōsōden 本朝高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks of Japan, Genroku 15 [1702]). By Shiban 師蠻 (1626–1710). DNBZ, vols. 102, 103. Tokyo: Bussho kankōkai, 1913. Hossō shin’yōshō 法相心用鈔 (The Essentials of the Hossō Doctrine). By Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213). T. 2311. Huayan jing shu 華厳經釋 (Commentary on the Flower Garland Sutra). By Chengguan 證観 (738–838). T. 1735. Huayan jing tanxuan ji 華厳經探玄記 (Notes on the Profundity of the Flower Garland Sutra). By Fazang 法蔵 (643–712). T. 1733. Ichidai no mine engi 一代峯縁起 (Karmic Origins of the First Peak, late 12th c.). NST, vol. 20, Jisha engi 寺社縁起, 136–38. Ikoku shūrai kitō chūroku 異國襲来祈祷注録 (Annotated Records of Prayers against the Foreign Attacks, Kōan 4 [1281.9.28]). SEDS, 402–3. Ise nisho daijingū shinmei hisho 伊勢二所大神宮神名秘書 (Secret Book on the Names of the Deities of the Two Ise Shrines, 1285–87). By Watarai Yukitada 度会行忠 (1236– 1305). Japanese Rare Book Collection, Library of Congress, Washington D.C. Ise no Kuni Tado jingūji garan engi narabi ni shizaichō 伊勢國多度神宮寺伽藍縁起 並資材帳 (Inventory and Origins of the Tado Shrine Temple, 801). ZGR, vol. 27, Shake-​ bu 社家部, 350–55. Tokyo: Zoku gunsho ruijū kanseikai, 1941. Ise ryōgū jakei daiji 伊勢兩宮蛇形大事 (The Secret of the Serpent Form of the Two Ise Shrines, Eishō 10 [1513–14]). Ninnaji, Kyoto.

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Bibliography 331 Izumo no kuni fudoki 出雲國風土記 (Gazetteer of Izumo Province, ca. 733). NKBT, vol. 2. Jah-Jah kuketsu ジャージャー口決 (Oral Transmissions on the Sanskrit Syllables Jāh). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture. MS 337–154. Jah-Jah shidai ジャージャー次第. (Ritual Order of the Sanskrit Syllables Jāh). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, MS 423–74. Jingi kanjō Miwa-ryū nijūyon tsū 神祇灌頂三輪流二十四通 (Twenty-Four Transmissions of the Kami Abhiṣeka, by the Miwa Lineage, colophon of Kanbun 3 [1673]). OJS, vol. 5. Jinnō shōtōki 神皇正統記 (A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns, ca. 1343). By Kitabatake Chikafusa 北畠親房 (1293–1354). NKBT, vol. 87. Jisei jukaiki 自誓受戒記 (Record of Self-Proclaimed Ordination). 1 vol. By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90) et al. SEDS, 337–47. Ju bosatsukai deshi kōmyō 受菩薩戒弟子交名 (Names of Disciples Who Received the Bodhisattva Precepts). 2 vols. By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90). SEDS, 359–78. Juhō yōjinshū 授法用心集 (On Receiving the Dharma with Circumspection, 1268). By Shinjō 心定 (b. 1215). In Tachikawa jakyō to sono shakaiteki haikei no kenkyū 立川邪 教とその社会的背景の研究, by Moriyama Shōshin 守山聖眞, 530–71. Tōkyō: Rokuyaen, 1965. Jūichimen Kanzeon jinju shingyō 十一面観世音神呪心經. (Ch. Shiyimian Guanshiyin shenzhou xin jing, Heart Sutra of the Divine Incantations of the Eleven-Headed Kannon). T. 1069, 1070, or 1071. Kairitsu kōgyō gansho 戒律興行願書 (Vow on Restoring the Vinaya, ca. 1207–10). By Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213). Also known as Kairitsu saikō ganmon 戒律再興願文. NDZ 69, Kairitsushū shōso 戒律集章疏, vol. 4, 59–62. Kakugenshō 覚源鈔 (Lectures by Kakukai and Yūgen). By Rendōbō Hōkyō 蓮道房寳筺. SZ, vol. 36, kaidai (annotations), 321b–22a and SZ, vol. 36, 325–91. Kakuzenshō 覚禅抄 (Compendium by Kakuzen, 1198). By Kakuzen 覚禅 (1143–1218). TZ, vol. 4. Kanbotsu bodaishinshū 観發菩提心集 (Ch. Quanfa putixin ji, On Encouraging the Mind that Aspires for Enlightenment). By Huizhao 慧沼 (Jp. Eshō, 648–714). T. 1862. Kanekuni jingi hyakushu kashō 兼邦神祇百首歌抄 (Kanekuni’s Notes on the One Hundred Poems by the Deities). By Urabe Kanekuni 卜部兼邦 (ca. late 15th c.). ZGR, vol. 3, pt. 2, 662–90. Kankei Ben’ichisan ki uragaki 寛継宀一山記裏書 (The Notes on the Reverse Side of Kankei’s Records of Mt. Murō). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, MS 328–24. Kantō ōkanki 関東往還記 (Records of the Return Trip to Kantō). By Kyōe 鏡恵. Part 1, Kanazawa Bunko MS), SEDS, 67–69. Part 2 (Sonkyōkaku Bunko MS), SEDS, 70–106. Kasuga daimyōjin hotsuganmon 春日大明神發願文 (Vow to the Great Deity of Kasuga, ca. 1192). 1 vol. By Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213). NDZ, vol. 64, Hossōshū shōso 法相宗章疏, vol. 3, 31.

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332 Bibliography Kegonkyō 華厳經 (Sk. Avataṃsaka sūtra, Ch. Huayan jing, Flower Garland Sutra).T. 278, 279, and 283. Keiranshūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集 (Collection of Leaves Gathered in Stormy Ravines). 1311– 49. By Kōshū 公宗. T. 2410. Alt. ST, Jinja hen 神社篇 29, Hie. Ken’yō daikairon 顯揚大戒論 (Praise to the Great Precepts Treatise [Saichō’s Kenkairon 顯戒論, Clarifying the Precepts, T. 2376]). By Ennin 円仁 (794–864). T. 2380. Kinpusen himitsuden 金峰山秘密傳 (Secret Transmission of the Golden Peak, ca. 1330s). Attributed to Monkan Gushin 文観弘真 (1278–1357). NDZ, Shugendō shōso, vol. 3, 435–70. Kinpusen kengyō shidai 金峰山検校次第 (Order of Appointments of Kinpusen’s Administrative Officers). Shugendō sōsho 修験道叢書, vol. 3, 360. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 2000. Kōfukuji bettō shidai 興福寺別当次第 (Order of Appointments of Kōfukuji Atten­ dants). DNBZ, vol. 124. Kōfukuji sōsho 興福寺叢書, vol. 2. Tokyo: Bussho kankōkai, 1980. Kōfukuji sōjō 興福寺奏状 (The Kōfukuji Manifesto). By Jōkei 貞慶 (1155–1213). KKB (NST), vol. 15, 312–16. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971. Kōfukuji zōyaku menchō 興福寺雑役免帳 (alt. Kōfukuji shizaichō 興福寺資材帳, Kōfukuji Tax Register, 1070). In Naikaku bunko Daijōin monjo 内閣文庫大乗院文書. Alt., Heian ibun 平安遺文, vol. 9, no. 4639, 4640. Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内理三, 3573–3662. Tokyo: Tōkyōdō shuppan, 1964. Kogo ruiyōshū 古語類要集 (Essential Encyclopedia of the Old Words). By Jihen 慈遍 (ca. thirteenth–fourteenth century). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Tendai Shintō 天台 神道, vol. 1. Kōgū osan tōjitsu shidai 后宮御産当日次第 (Procedures on the Day of Royal Childbirth, Jishō era [1177–80]). ZGR, kan 999, 542–49. Kojidan 古事談 (Tales of Old, 1212–15). KT, vol. 21. Kojiki 古事記 (Records of Old). Ca. 712. Edited by Ō no Yasumaro 太安萬呂. In Kojiki, Norito 古事記・祝詞, edited by Kurano Kenji 倉野憲司 and Takeda Yūkichi 武田 祐吉. NKBT, vol. 1. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1958. Kongō busshi kanshin gakushōki 金剛佛子感身学正記 (True Records of Learning for Body and Mind, by the Buddha’s Vajra-Child Eizon). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90). SEDS, 3–78. Kongō rōkaku issai yuga yugikyō okugaki 金剛楼閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經奥書 (Colophon of the Yugikyō, Hōji 1 [1247. 8.18]). By Eizon 叡尊. SEDS, 328. Kongōchōkyō 金剛頂經 (Ch. Jingangding jing, Sutra of the Diamond Peak). Translated by Amoghavajra (Ch. Bukong 不空, Jp. Fukū, 705–74). T. 874. Konjaku monogatarishū 今昔物語集 (Tales of Past and Present). 31 fascicles. NKBT, vols. 22–26. Korō kujitsuden 古老口實傳 (Transmissions of the Men of Old, ca. 1299). By Watarai Yukitada 度会行忠 (1236–1305). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Ise Shintō 伊勢神道, vol. 1, 244–69. Kōtai jingū gishikichō 皇太神宮儀式帳 (Ritual Codes of the Imperial Shrines, 804). GR, vol. 1, 1–83.

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334 Bibliography rate Biography of Holy Kyōenkan of Byōdōji at Mt. Miwa). Ca. 1703. By Seiryō Genshin 性亮玄心 (ca. 1660–1703). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Shingon Shintō 眞言神道, vol. 2, 483–97. Monju zō zōritsu kuyō ganmon 文殊像造立供養願文 (Religious Vow Inserted into the Mañjuśrī Statue [of Hannyaji] during Its Construction, Bun’ei 5 [1268.3.25]). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90) et al. SEDS, 155–58. Montoku jitsuroku 文徳實録 (alt. Nihon Montoku tennō jitsuroku 日本文徳天皇實録, True Records of Montoku’s Rule). KT, vol. 3. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1934. Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止観 (Stopping and Contemplating). By Zhiyi 智顗 (538–97). T. 1911. Nakatomi harae kike 中臣祓記解 (Notes on the Nakatomi Purification Formula). ST, Koten chūshaku hen 古典注釋篇. Nakatomi harae kunge 中臣祓訓解 (Explanation of the Nakatomi Purification Formula, ca. 1180s). NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron 中世神道論. Alt. ST, Koten chūshaku hen 古典注釋篇. Nara ibun 奈良遺文 (Records of the Nara Period). 15 vols. Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内 理三. Tokyo: Tōkyōdō shuppan, 1947–80. Nara kokuritsu hakubutsukan 奈良国立博物館. Shinsen’en shōukyō hō dōjō zu 神泉 苑請雨經法道場圖 (Map of the Facilities Used during the Rainmaking Ritual at Shinsen’en). Important cultural property. Kamakura period, Kōnin 2 (1279). Hanging scroll, ink and light color on paper, ht. 139.3 cm, w. 86.4 cm. Item 1151 (124). Accessible online, on the website of e-Museum, National Treasures and Important Cultural Properties of National Museum, Japan. http://www.emuseum.jp/detail/100115?x=&y=&s​ =&d​ _ lang=en&s_lang=zh&word=&class=&title=&c_e=%C2%AEion=&era=& cptype=&owner=&pos=457&num=7&mode=detail%C2%A2ury= Nihongi Miwa-ryū 日本記三輪流 (The Chronicles of Japan by the Miwa Lineage, ca. 1543). Osu Bunko, Shinpukuji, Nagoya. Nihon kiryaku 日本紀略 (The Abbreviated Chronicles of Japan). KT, vols. 10–11. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1929. Nihon kōsōden yōmonshō 日本高僧傳要文抄 (Essential Abstracts from the Biographies of Eminent Japanese Monks). By Sōshō 宗性 (1202–1292). KT, vol. 31. Edited by Kuroita Katsumi 黒板勝美. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1930. Nihon ryōiki 日本霊異記 (Miraculous Records of Japan, 822). By Kyōkai 景戒. NKBT, vol. 70. Nihon shoki 日本書記 (The Chronicles of Japan). Compiled by Prince Toneri 舎人親王 and others. In Nihon shoki 日本書紀, edited by Sakamoto Tarō 坂本太郎 et al., 2 vols. NKBT, vols. 67 and 68. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1965–67. Ninnōkyō 仁王經 (Ch. Renwang jing, Sutra for Benevolent Kings). T. 245 and 246. Norito 祝詞. NKBT, vol. 1. Ōmine tōzan honji Kōfukuji tōkondō sendatsu kiroku 大峰当山本地興福寺東金堂先 達記録 (Record of the Sendatsu of the East Golden Hall of Kōfukuji, the Head Temple of Tōzan Mountain Practice at Ōmine). Shugendō sōsho 修験道叢書, vol. 3, 401–8. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 2000.

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Bibliography 335 Ōmiwa no kami sanja chinza shidai 大三輪神三社鎮座次第 (Order of Enshrinement at the Three Sacred Sites of Ōmiwa). ST, Jinja hen 神社編, vol. 12, Ōmiwa, Isonokami 大神—石上, 3–13. Ōyamato kuni shōzeichō 大倭國正税帳 (Book of Correct Taxes for the Great Yamato Province, 730). Commissioned by Shōmu tennō 聖武天皇 (701–56, r. 724–49). Nara ibun 奈良遺文, vol. 1, 195–203. Edited by Takeuchi Rizō 竹内理三. Tokyo: Tōkyōdō shuppan, 1962. Reiki kanjō shi 麗氣灌頂私 (Private Notes on the Abhiṣeka of the Divine Spirits), OJS, vol. 5, 18–23. Reikiki 麗氣記 (alt. Tenchi reikiki 天地麗氣記, Records of the Divine Spirits [of Heaven and Earth], n.d.). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Shingon Shintō 眞言神道, vol. 1. Renwang huguo bore jing shu 仁王護國般若經疏 (Commentary on the Sutra for Benevolent Kings). By Zhiyi 智顗 (538–97). T. 1705. Rishukyō 理趣經 (Ch. Liqu jing, Sutra of the Guiding Principle). T. 243. Rishu shaku 理趣釋 (Ch. Liqu shi, Commentary to the Sutra of the Guiding Principle). Attributed to Amoghavajra (Ch. Bukong 不空, Jp. Fukū, 705–74). T. 1003. Ritsuen sōhōden 律苑僧寳傳 (Treasured Biographies of Monks from the Vinaya Garden, 1689). By Eken 慧堅. DNBZ, vol. 105, 125–304. Tokyo: Bussho kankōkai, 1915. Rokumon darani kyō 六門陀羅尼經 (Ch. Liumen tuoluoni jing, Dhārāṇī Sutra of Six Gates). Translated by Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–64). T. 1360 and 1361. Ruijū fusenshō 類衆符宣抄 (Collection of Governmental Edicts). Fragments. OJS, vol. 2, 38–40. Accessible online, website of the National Institute for Japanese Literature (Kokubunken), http://www.nijl.ac.jp/. Ruijū jingi hongen 類從神祇本源 (Encyclopedia on the Origins of Kami, ca. 1320). By Watarai Ieyuki 度会家行 (1256?–1351?). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Ise Shintō 伊勢 神道, vol. 1. Ruijū sandaikyaku 類衆三代格 (Supplementary Legislation from the Three Reigns). KT, vol. 25, pt. 1. Alt., ST, Koten hen 古典篇, vol. 10. Ryō no gige 令義解 (Explanation of the Ritsuryō Codes, 833). 10 vols. KT, vol. 22. Alt., ST, Koten hen 古典篇, vol. 9. Saidai chokushi Kōshō bosatsu gyōjitsu nenpu 西大勅謚興正菩薩行實年譜 (A Yearly Account of Bodhisattva Kōshō of Saidaiji). SEDS, 107–22. Saidaiji Aizen Myōō zō nōnyū monjo 西大寺愛染明王蔵納入文書 (Texts Inserted into the Saidaiji Aizen Myōō Statue, Hōji 1 [1247.8]). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201–90) et al. SEDS, 327–28. Saidaiji daidai chōrō myō 西大寺代々長老名 (List of Appointments of Saidaiji Head Clerics). SKS, vol. 1. Saidaiji den’en mokuroku 西大寺田園目録 (Inventory of Saidaiji Land Holdings and Property, 1298). By Kyōe 鏡恵. SEDS, 412–41. Saidaiji Ise mishōtai zushi nōnyū monjo 西大寺伊勢御正體厨子納入文書 (Texts Inserted into the Saidaiji Ise Portable Shrine, Bun’ei 5 [1268], Bun’ei 10 [1273], Kōan 3 [1280]). By Eizon 叡尊 (1201-90) et al. SEDS, 332–35.

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336 Bibliography Saidaiji shizai rukichō 西大寺資材流記帳 (Saidaiji’s Property Register, 781). Saigūki 西宮記 (Records of Western Palace). By Minamoto no Takaakira 源高明 (914– 83). ST, Chōgi saishi hen 朝儀祭祀編, vol. 2. Sanbō bugyōki 三寳輔行記 (Account of Assisted Quest for the Three Treasures). Attributed to Ennin 円仁 (794–864). NDK, Shūten-bu 宗典部, Tendaishū kengyō shōso 天台 宗顕教章疏, vol. 2, 607–9. Sendai kuji hongi 先代舊事本紀 (True Chronicles of Old Matters and Previous Generations, ca. 936). ST, Koten hen 古典篇, vol. 8. Sengūin himon 仙宮院秘文 (Secret Records from Sengūin, ca. 1280). Shasekishū 沙石集 (Sand and Pebbles, ca. 1278–83). By Mujū Ichien 無住一円 (1226– 1312). NKBT, vol. 85. Shibun ritsu 四分律 (Sk. Dharmaguptaka vinaya, Ch. Sifen lü, Four-Part Vinaya). T. 1428. Shichidaiji junrei shiki 七大寺巡礼私記 (Private Account of Pilgrimage to the Seven Great Temples, 1140). By Ōe no Chikamichi 大江近道 (?–1151). In Shichidaiji nikki, Shichidaiji junrei shiki 七大寺日記・七大寺巡礼私記, edited by Fujita Tsuneyo 藤田 經世. Tokyo: Chūō kōron bijutsu shuppan, 1994. Shingon fuhō san’yōshō 眞言付法纂要抄 (Abbreviated Compendium of Essential Rituals and Mantras). By Seizon 成尊 (1012–74). T. 2433. Shingon sanmitsu shūgyō mondō 眞言三蜜修行問答 (Questions and Answers on the Practice of Three Mysteries in Shingon). By Kakuban 覚鑁 (1095–1143). T. 2525. Shingonshū kyōjigi 眞言宗教時義 (On the Meaning of Shingon Teachings). By Annen 安然 (841–?). T. 2396. Shinsen shōjiroku 新撰性氏録 (Record of the Newly Selected Clan Surnames, 815). ST, Koten hen 古典篇, vol. 6. Shintō kanjō giki 神道灌頂儀軌 (Ritual Memorandum for the Shintō Abhiṣeka). OJS, vol. 5, 111–13 and 119–20. Shintō kanjō Miwa-ryū shishi sōshō kechimyaku 神道灌頂三輪流師資相承血脈 (A Blood Lineage of Transmission of the Shintō Abhiṣeka by the Miwa Lineage), OJS, vol. 6, 3–4. Shintō Miwa-ryū shodaiji jūyon 神道三輪流諸大事十四 (Fourteen Items [related to] Shintō in the Miwa-ryū [Tradition]). By Shinshū 深秀 (ca. 16th c.). OJS, vol. 5, 18–23. Shōkō daitokufu 性公大徳譜 (Biography of Ninshō, 1310). By Chōmyō 澄名. In Jizen kyūsai shiryō 慈善救濟史料, edited by Tsuji Zennosuke 辻善之助, 281–84. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1976. Shoku Nihongi 續日本記 (The Chronicles of Japan, Continued). By Sugano Mamichi 菅野 眞道 (741–814) and Fujiwara Tsugutada 藤原繼繩 (727–96). KT, vol. 2. Tokyo: Kokushi taikei kankōkai, 1930. Shoryū kanjō 諸流灌頂 (Initiations of Various Lineages, 1193–1217). Attributed to Miwa Shōnin Kyōen 三輪上人慶円 (1145–1223). In Shoryū kanjō burui shūshū 諸流灌頂 部類拾集 (A Collection of Abhiṣeka Initiations by Various Lineages [Categorized by Groups], ca. 1193–1217). OJS 5, 55–66. Shosan engi 諸山縁起 (The Karmic Origins of Various Mountains). NST, vol. 20, Jisha engi 寺社縁起, 90–139. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1975. Shoson hiketsu 諸尊秘決 (Oral Instructions on Various Deities, colophons 1235, 1277). MS 025–0010. Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama.

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Bibliography 337 Shunge shūgetsu shōsō 春華秋月抄草 (Short Notes on Spring Flowers and the Autumn Moon). By Sōshō 宗性 (1202–78). Tōdaiji, Nara, Nara Prefecture. In Tōdaiji Sōshō shōnin no kenkyū narabi ni shiryō 東大寺宗性上人の研究並史料, edited by Hiraoka Jōkai 平岡定海. OJS, vol. 2, 153. Sokushin jōbutsu gi 即身成佛義 (The Meaning of Becoming a Buddha in This Very Body). By Kūkai 空海 (774–835). KZ, vol. 1. English translation by Rolf E. Giebel, in Shingon Texts, BDK English Tripitaka 98. Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2004. Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Jp. Sō kōsōden, Biographies of Eminent Monks from Song). T. 2061. Soshitsujikyō 蘇悉地經 (Sk. Susiddhi sūtra, Ch. Suxidi jing). Translated by Śubha­ karasiṃha (Ch. Shanwuwei 善無畏, Jp. Zenmui, 637–735) in 726. T. 893. Tenchi reiki furoku 天地麗氣付録 (A Supplement to the Records of Heaven, Earth, and Divine Spirits, ca. 1320). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Shingon Shintō 眞言神道, vol. 1, 121–50. Tenjin shichidai 天神七代 (Seven Generations of Heavenly Deities, n.d.). Hand-painted scrolls. Hōzanji, Mt. Ikoma. Nara Prefecture. Tenjin shichidai chijin godai keizu 天神七代地神五代系圖 (Genealogy of the Seven Heavenly and Five Earthly Deities). In Ninnaji shiryō (Shintō hen), Shintō kanjō injin 仁和寺史料 (道神篇), 神道灌頂印信, edited by Abe Yasurō 阿部泰郎 et al., 90–91. Tenshō Daijin kuketsu 天照太神口決 (Oral Transmissions about Amaterasu). ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説編 1, Shingon Shintō 眞言神道, vol. 2. Tōdaiji Enshō shōnin gyōjō 東大寺円照上人行状 (The Deeds of Enshō, the Holy Man of Tōdaiji, 1221–77, ca. 1302). By Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321). ZZGR, Shiden-bu 史伝部, vol. 3, 476–505. Tōdaiji ryō zōyaku men tentō shō chūshinjō 東大寺領雑役免顚倒荘注進状 (On the Reversal of Miscellaneous Exemptions Regarding Some of the Tōdaiji Estates, Kyūan 4 [1148.9.25]). In Tōdaiji monjo 東大寺文書, vol. 4, 415. Alt., Heian ibun 平安遺文, vol. 6, 2654. Also OJS, vol. 1, 312. Tōdaiji yōroku 東大寺要録 (Essential Records of Tōdaiji). By Kangen 観厳. Edited by Tsutsui Eishun 筒井英俊. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 1971. Tōnomine ryakki 多武峰略記 (Abbreviated Records of Tōnomine, 1197). GR, vol. 24. Toyuke no miya no gishikichō 止由気宮儀式帳 (Ritual Manual of the Toyuke Shrine). In Enryaku gishikichō 延暦儀式帳 (Ritual Codes of the Enryaku Era). ST, Jingū hen 神宮篇, vol. 1. Tuoluoni ji jing 陀羅尼集經 (Jp. Darani shūkyō, Dhārāṇī Collection Sutra, ca. 654). Translated by Atigupta 阿地瞿多. T. 901. Wei zhi 魏志 (History of the Wei Kingdom). In Gishi wajinden, Gokanjo waden, Sōsho wakokuden, Zuisho wakokuden 魏志倭人傳・後漢書倭傳・宋書倭國傳・隋書 倭國傳, edited by Ishihara Michihiro 石原道博 et al. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1985. Yakushi nyorai hongan kyō 藥師如来本願經 (Ch. Yaoshi rulai benyuan jing, Sutra of the Medicine King’s Original Vow). T. 449.

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338 Bibliography Yamatohime no mikoto seiki 大和姫命世記 (Chronicles of Yamato-hime no mikoto). NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron 中世神道論. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1977. Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki 大和葛城寳山記 (Records of the Treasure Mountain Katsu­ ragi of Yamato). NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron 中世神道論. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1977. Yogācārabhūmi śāstra (Ch. Yuqie shidi lun 瑜伽師地論, Jp. Yuga shiji ron, Treatise on the Stages of Yoga). T. 1579. Yonjūchō ketsu 四十帖決 (Decisions on the Forty Books). By Chōen 長宴 (1016–81). T. 2408. Yōtenki 耀天記 (Records of Shining Heaven). ZGR, vol. 2. Alt., ST, Jinja hen 神社篇, vol. 29, Hie 日枝. Yuga yugi kuden Kōban ryakuchū 瑜伽瑜祇口伝弘鑁略注 (Transmissions of the Yugi­ kyō, with Short Commentary by Kōban, n.d.). By Rendōbō Hōkyō 蓮道房寳筺. Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, MS 293–13. Yugi dainana Yuga Jōjūbon kuketsu [Rendō] 瑜祇第七瑜伽成就品口決 [蓮道] ([Ren­ dō’s] Oral Instructions on the Seventh Chapter of the Yugikyō, colophon of 1328). By Rendōbō Hōkyō 蓮道房寳筺. Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, MS 82–2. Yugi hiyōketsu 瑜祇秘要決 (Essential Secret Instructions on the Yugikyō, colophons of Enbun 2 [1357], Entoku 4 [1492], Meiō 3 [1494]). By Shōshin 性心 (1287–1357). 12 vols. SZ, vol. 5, 137–434. Yugikyō 瑜祇經 (Ch. Yuqi jing). Full Japanese title Kongōbu rōkaku issai yuga yugi kyō 金剛峰楼閣一切瑜伽瑜祇經 (Ch. Jingangfeng louge yiqie yuqie yuqi jing, Sutra of All Yogas and Yogins of Vajra Peak Pavilion). T. 867. Yugikyō hiketsu 瑜祇經秘決 (Secret Instructions on the Yugikyō). Attributed to Jitsuun 實運 (alt., Jichiun, 1105–60). 2 vols. SZ, vol. 5, 11–26. Yugikyō kuketsu 瑜祇經口決 (Oral Instructions on the Yugikyō, ca. 1249). By Dōhan 道範 (1178–1252). 5 vols. SZ, vol. 5, 27–136. Yuiitsu shintō myōbō yōshū 唯一神道名法要集 (The Essentials of the Excellent Principles of the One and Only Shintō, ca. 1485). By Yoshida Kanetomo 吉田兼倶 (1435– 1511). NST, vol. 19, Chūsei shintō ron 中世神道論. Edited by Ōsumi Kazuo 大隅和雄, 209–51. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1977. Zennyo ryūō nyoi hōju narabi ni jūsen kuden 善女龍王如意寳珠并従爪口伝 (Oral Transmissions about the Wish-Fulfilling Gem of Dragon King Zennyo and His Pointy Claw, n.d.). Kanazawa Bunko, Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, MS 311–70. Zō Ise nisho daijingū hōki hongi 造伊勢二所大神宮寳基本記 (True Records of the Treasure Base [on which] the Two Great Shrines of Ise Are Built). By the Watarai lineage. ST, Ronsetsu hen 論説篇, Ise Shintō 伊勢神道, vol. 1. Zuzōshō 圖像抄 (Compendium of Images, 1139). By Ejū 恵什 (ca. 1135). TZ, vol. 3.

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362 Bibliography Tanabe, George J., Jr., ed. Religions of Japan in Practice. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Tanabe, George J., Jr., and Willa Jane Tanabe, eds. The Lotus Sutra in Japanese Culture. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1989. Tanaka Hisao 田中久夫, ed. Fudō shinkō 不動信仰. Minshū shūkyōshi sōsho 民衆宗教 史叢書, vol. 25. Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 1993. Tanaka Takako 田中貴子. Keiranshūyōshū no sekai 『渓嵐拾葉集』の世界. Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppan, 2003. Teeuwen, Mark J. “The Laozi and the Emergence of Shinto at Ise.” In Daoism in Japan: Chinese Traditions and Their Influence on Japanese Religious Culture, edited by Jeffrey L. Richey, 103–25. London and New York: Routledge, 2015. ———. “The Buddhist Roots of Japanese Nativism.” In Challenging Paradigms: Buddhism and Nativism. Framing Identity Discourse in Buddhist Environments, edited by Henk Blezer and Mark Teeuwen, 51–76. Leiden: Brill, 2013. ———. “Knowing vs. Owning a Secret: Secrecy in Medieval Japan as Seen Through the Sokui Kanjō Enthronement Unction.” In The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion, edited by Bernhard Scheid and Mark Teeuwen, 172–203. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. ———. “The Creation of a Honji Suijaku Deity: Amaterasu as the Judge of the Dead.” In Buddhas and Kami in Japan, edited by Mark Teeuwen and Fabio Rambelli, 115–44. London: Routledge, 2003. ———. “From Jindō to Shinto: A Concept Takes Shape.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 29/3–4 (2002): 233–64. ———. “The Kami in Esoteric Buddhist Thought and Practice.” In Shinto in History, edited by John Breen and Mark Teeuwen. Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000. ———. “The Purification Formula of the Nakatomi.” In Religions of Japan in Practice, edited by George J. Tanabe, Jr. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. ———.Watarai Shintō: An Intellectual History of the Outer Shrine in Ise. Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1996. Teeuwen, Mark J., and Fabio Rambelli, eds. Buddhas and Kami in Japan: Honji Suijaku as a Combinatory Paradigm. London: Routledge, 2003. Teeuwen, Mark J., and Bernhard Scheid, eds. “Tracing Shintō in the History of Kami Worship: Editors’ Introduction.” Special issue, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 29/3–4 (2002): 195–207. Teeuwen, Mark J., and Henrick van der Veere. Nakatomi Harae Kunge: Purification and Enlightenment in Late-Heian Japan. Munich: Iudicium Verlag, 1998. Ten Grotenhuis, Elizabeth. Japanese Mandalas: Representations of Sacred Geography. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1999. Thal, Sarah. Rearranging the Landscape of the Gods: The Politics of a Pilgrimage Site in Japan, 1573–1912. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005. Tōji Hōmotsukan 東寺寳物館, eds. Tōji no mikkyō zuzō 東寺の密教圖像. Kyoto: Tōji, 1999. Tomabechi Seiichi 苫米地誠一. “Kakuban to jingi” 覚鑁と神祇. In Chūsei shinwa to jingi, shintō no sekai 中世神話と神祇、神道の世界, edited by Itō Satoshi, 105–32. Tokyo: Hōzōkan, 2011.

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Index

Page numbers for figures and maps are in italics; plates are cited by number and ­appear in the insert following p. 186. Abe bessho (Mt. Abe), 107, 110n11 Abe clan, 67 Abedera (Abe Monjuin), 67, 110 n11, 147–48 Abhidharmakośa bhāṣya, 144; Abhi­d­ harmic treatises, 149, 184, 221 abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō), 6–7; in early modern Japan, 299–301; esoteric, 107–8, 131–32, 145, 167–68, 212, 243–47; into kami secrets, 13, 36, 200, 239, 243–59, 265–80, 291–96; as ritual healing, 112n19; of various buddhas, 295. See also denbō kanjō; jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō); jumyō kanjō; mantra; Miwa-ryū, jingi kanjō; mudra; Nihongi kanjō; Reiki kanjō; shintō kanjō; sokui kanjō (enthronement ritual) abstinence palace (saigū): in Hase, 83; on Mt. Mimoro, 48 Age of Gods (Jindai no maki), 9; and ­A materasu, 29n58; and Jihen, 14n25; in jingi kanjō, 264–66, 280, 295; medi-

eval transmissions on, 36, 43, 247, 261, 266–67, 272, 287; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 191–92, 200–203 Aizen Myōō, ix, xv, 8, 13, 35; Aizen fire ritual (Aizen myōō no goma) at Ise, 180, 189; Aizen Hall (Aizen dō), 165, 188, 263; Aizen Kongō, 162; and Ama­ terasu, 210, 290, 308; arrow shooting (tenkyū), 163, 170; and Daigoji Kongōōn, 284, 308; in Datō hiketsu shō, 225–29, 234–38, 240, 245; and Eizon (Saidaiji), 161–69, 188n35; five-finger length (goshiryō), 163; mandala, panel from Ise mishōtai zushi (Saidaiji), 186, 188– 89, pl. 6; and Japanese rulers, 25, 163– 64, 235n31; and kami, 173, 241–45, 250–54, 306–8; and kami iconography, 281, 286–91; and medieval commentaries on the Yugikyō, 135n88, 164, 169–70, 210, 225–27; and Miwa-ryū, 241–45, 252–53, 256–57; ritual during the Mongol invasions, 169–73, 189; and Ryōga ajari, 122n47; the Saidaiji

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368

Index

Aizen Myōō (continued) statue of, 155, 172, pl. 1; in the sanson gogyō ritual, 211, 219, 237n36; as a serpent, 235–36, 238–40, pls. 7a–b; as the Sanskrit syllable hūṃ (also hhūṃ), 170–73, 235–40, 250–53, 266, 278n5, pl. 2; two-headed (ryōzu), 138, 163, 165; in the Yugikyō, 162–66, 187n29, 235, 237. See also Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; non-elite Buddhist practitioners ajari (also Shingon ajari): from Daigoji, 122–24, 144; at Ise, 31, 180–81; at Miwa, 242; at Murō, 93n64; ōajari, 181; Shintō ajari, 264, 265–66 ālayavijñāna (store-consciousness), 192–93 altar: esoteric, 115; jingi kanjō altar, 164, 251–54, 278–79, 290–92; Miwa-ryū, jingi kanjō altar, 264, 278–79, 290–92; ryōbu mitsudan (the altar of the two mandalas), 131–32; shrine, 207; yogic (Ise), 181, 189 Ama no Iwato. See Heavenly Cave Ama no nuhoko. See spear, heavenly (ama no nuhoko) Amaterasu (Tenshō Daijin), 8–10, 14n24, 17, 96, 221n7, 246; and Aizen, 188–89, 210, 218; in Ise kanjō, 246–55; and Japanese rulers, 25–27, 28–36, 45–48, 59– 60, 170, 305–6; as Kannon, 290; and ­local deities, 183n19, 199; as Mahāvairocana (Jp. Dainichi), 8–9, 181, 190–91, 229, 291, 308; the meaning of name, 191, 198; in medieval Shinto rituals, 218, 239, 246–47, 264–65, 290; in medieval transmissions on the Yugikyō, 210; as Memyō bosatsu, 291; at Miwa, 262, 309; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 191, 203; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 290–91, 293–95; as a serpent, 229–34, 246– 55, 290; and three divine regalia, 268–69 amateru kami, 17. See also kami (Japanese deities)

amatsukami, 68, 289, figs. 7.2a–g. See also kami (Japanese deities) Amida (Sk. Amitābha), 3, 120, 161, 171, 223, 304 Amino Yoshihiko, 73n2, 218 Amitābha. See Amida Amoghavajra, 5n6, 122n48, 133–34, 144, 177n4 An Shigao, 19n35 Anashi Shrine, 60, 67, 74. See also Ōmiwa Shrine ancestral deities, 16–17, 22. See also kami (Japanese deities) Annen, 139, 210, 225, 282n60 appropriation of kami: through Aizen imagery, 234–45, 253–55; by Buddhists, 24–30, 68–69, 185, 200, 210–11, 213, 217–20, 307–8; through esoteric rituals, 246–55; by the Yamato court, 18, 47–50, 52–53, 67–71 arable land: creation of, 45n17; owned by the Ōmiwa Shrine, 76 araburu kami (volatile deities), 22, 30, 35, 223, 232–33 arahitogami, 18 Arakida (Inner Shrine of Ise), 28–29, 32– 33, 176, 181, 187–88; Chikamichi, 175; Nobusue, 187–88 aramitama, 35, 59. See also nigimitama aristocratic diaries, 31, 87–88, 143n6, 263n16, 270n13, 275n45 Asabashō (Shōchō), 237, 291n75 Asama, Mt. (Ise), 33, 178–79, 194, 198; and kami, 286–87 Asamayama Shrine, 178–79. See also Asama, Mt. ashura, 85 assemblage, 5, 7, 10–15; of esoteric deities, 186; of kami iconography, 282, 306–7; as means of creating new ideas, 173–74, 194–95, 224–32, 244– 45, 303; medieval Shinto as, 276–77, 297, 306–7 Asuka capital, 39, 40, 42, 57, 59, 66, 83, 95

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Index 369

Atsuta Shrine, 151 Avalokiteśvara. See Kannon ban rongi (Buddhist debate), 31 bees, 58, 285n70 beggars, 89. See also hinin; icchantika Ben’ichisan hōju anchisho no koto, 92 Ben’ichisan nenbun dosha sōjō, 90, 92–93. See also Murō, Mt. bessho, 12, 33, 101, 105–6, 110, 119, 123–25, 139, 217. See also Abe bessho (Mt. Abe); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Senjuin Besson zakki, 237 Bikisho, 35n76, 183, 199, 221, 232, 248n60, 259; and kami iconography, 281n57. See also Tenshō Daijin giki; Tenshō Daijin kuketsu bikuni. See nuns biwa hōshi, 270–71 blacksmiths, 57, 263, 301. See also carpenters; metallurgy Bodai, Mt. (Ise), 32, 176–77 bodaishin. See enlightened mind Bodaishinron, 133, 144, 225 bodhisattva: Buddhist deities and kami as, 20, 25, 30, 63, 65, 85–87, 96, 148, 150, 155n43, 161, 201n66, 221, 290–91; the path of, 145–47, 149, 165 bodhisattva precepts (bosatsu kai), 66, 108, 123, 153, 156–58, 176n2, 206n74. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Saidaiji; Vinaya bonnō. See worldly passions bonnō soku bodai (worldly passions are equivalent to enlightenment), 165, 224, 236, 308 bosatsu kai. See bodhisattva precepts Brahma’s Net Sutra (Ch. Fanwang jing, Jp. Bonmokyō), 154; at Ise, 176n2, 177 branch shrines (massha), 76 branch temples (matsuji), 76, 84, 90, 97, 133, 169, 239, 272n40; Byōdōji as, 129, 300; Daigorinji as, 159, 190; of Saidaiji, 159–60, 162, 198, 258; of Saidaiji in Kantō, 171. See also temples

breath, 172, 235, 244 Buddha-eye Buddha-mother (Butsugen Butsumo), 185–87, 195, 208–10 Buddhism, 3–4; acculturation in Japan, 19, 22; debates (ban rongi), 31; Mahāyāna Buddhism, 3, 111, 191n40, 204–5, 224–26, 231–32, 234, 245n53; protection of the state, 68–69, 73, 84, 169–70, 177, 187; secret buddhas (hibutsu), 24; sutra copying, 176–77. See also esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō); non-elite Buddhist practitioners Buddhism, at Ise: 179–80, 184–90; Buddhist canon at, 177–78, 188; Buddhist imagery at, 179, 191; Buddhist taboo at, 29, 31–32, 34, 179 Buddhist beliefs: buddhahood, 13; cosmology, 85; kami rituals, 189 Buddhist clergy, appointments of (politics), 77 Buddhist cults: at Miwa, 63, 66–68, 196; at Murō, 91 Buddhist gathā verse, 251, 252, 293 Buddhist hells, 22. See also Dairokuten Maō; Enmaten (King of Hell); madō Buddhist iconography: Aizen Myōō, 162–63, 165, 237; Aizen, Daishō Kongō, and Butsugen Butsumo, 187n29; Dragon King, 113, 222–23; kami, 234, 251, 280–89, 306–7; Mt. Sumeru, 222–23; sun imagery in depictions of Aizen, 162–63, 171–72; syllable hūṃ (also hhūṃ), 171–73, 227, 235, 239–40. See also Mahāvairocana Buddhist sculptors: Hosshōji, 125; ­Saidaiji, 161n55, 165 Buddhist temples, at Ise: Dengūji, 29; ­Enmyōji, 183, 189, 230; Futaiji, 189; Kōshōji, 182–83, 189, 198; Rendaiji, 29; Sekidera, 198, 199n61; Sengūin, 33–34, 198; Tengakuji, 29, 32 Butsugen Butsumo Mandala, panel from Ise mishōtai zushi (Saidaiji), pl. 5 Butsuryūji (Murō), 90, 115 Byōdōji. See Miwa bessho (Byōdōji)

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cakravartin (tenrin jōō), 6, 26, 191, 198n57 capital of Japan: early capitals, 42. See also Asuka (capital); Heian (capital); Nara (capital) carpenters, 263, 301 Castells, Manuel, 11 cast-iron-pot merchants (nabe uri) 263, 301. See also blacksmiths; metallurgy Celestial Status, 269, 269n29 Chien (Sekidera monk), 198–99 chijin godai. See five earthly deities chikaeshi no tama (ten divine treasures), 285. See also kami iconography childbirth, 87–88, 269n30. See also reproductive metaphors chinju, 20. See also protective deities Chinkasai (alt. Hanashizume no matsuri; “Pacification of the Flowers,” Ōmiwa Shrine festival), 60–61, 65 Chōgakuji (Yamato), 145, 150, 157 Chōgen (Tōdaiji monk), 31, 179n10, 180n10 Chopstick Grave (kofun-style tomb), 41, 50 Chūin-ryū (Mt. Kōya), 121, 124; Chūin shōsōzu, 124; at Miwa, 277 Commentary on the Mahāvairocana Sūtra (Yixing), 145, 149 conceptual metaphor, 232, 239–40, 306–7 conceptual tool, 3, 232–33, 239–40, 307–8 contemplation, 172; esoteric deities, 241, 252, 287; mandalas, 208; on one’s own nature ( jishōkan), 232; of practice hall (dōjōkan), 226–27, 279; Sanskrit syllables, 172, 227, 245; serpent Amaterasu, 250, 290; three contemplations in ­Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 293 creation of land (kunizukuri): deities, 45–47, 60–61; of Japan, by Izanagi and Izanami, 203, 210, 287 crossroads (chimata), 57–58, 152–53; ­intersection of pilgrimage routes, 78–90, 158

Dai chido ron: and three poisons, 224 Daidenbōin (Mt. Kōya), 137, 139, 169n71, 252 Daigoji (Kyoto), 20, 27–29, 31, 134–36, 164; dissemination of esoteric knowledge, 168, 173; esoteric texts on Aizen, 138n100; in Hitachi, 272n40; Ise, 179, 199, 231, 271; Kiyotaki Shrine, 144; Kongōōin, 131, 139, 164, 217, 242, 277n49; Miwa bessho, 130n71; Miwa bessho (Byōdōji) in the Edo period, 298–302; mountain ascesis at Kinpusen, 100n89; non-canonical imagery, 237n36; rainmaking, 220, 283–84; Rishōin, 283n63; Sanbōin, 69n95, 92, 93, 217; Sanbōin Goryū (Kantō), 133; Suiten worship, 283–84; Tōzan Shugendō, 100n89, 111, 211n88, 298 Daigorinji (Ōmiwa jingūji), 66, 159, 167, 190, 194–96, 200–203, 217, 262–63; bettō, 277, 301; Denbu Aizen, 244; ­E leven-Headed Kannon, 63–64, 89, 202, 290, 302; jingi kanjō, 258n3, 265n19, 274–79; kami iconography, 280–89; before the Meiji Restoration, 298; during the Muromachi period, 261–64; separation of kami and buddhas, 301–2. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Miwa, Mt.; Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Miwa daimyōjin engi; Ōmiwa Shrine; Saidaiji Daihan nehangyō, 244, 245n53 Daijingū sankeiki (Shōkai), 188 Daijingū sankeiki (Tsūkai), 32, 33n73, 179 Daijō gishō (Huiyuan), 225 Daijōin (Kōfukuji). See Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera) Daijōin jisha zōjiki (Jinson et al.), 263n16, 274–75. See also Kōfukuji (aka Yama­ shinadera); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji) Daijōsai (Ōnie no matsuri), 269 Daikoku, 161, 207n77 Dainichi. See Mahāvairocana Dainichikyō. See Mahāvairocana Sūtra

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Dairokuten Maō, 221n7; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 294, 295n82 Daishō Kongō, 186–87, 290n74. See also esoteric deities Dakiniten, 35 Danzan Shrine, 95 Datō hiketsushō (Gahō), 135, 137n97, 173n81, 225–27, 251 Denbōe, 119 Denbōin-ryū, 120, 124, 137 Denbō kanjō (Buddhist initiation, abhiṣeka), 112; Rendōbō Hōkyō, 131, 243n50 Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual, 219, 234–45, 251–57, 286–87, 290, 306– 8. See also Aizen Myōō; Ise kanjō; ­Miwa-ryū, jingi kanjō denbu no sō (peasant monk), 240–41 dhārāṇī (ritual), 111 Dhārāṇī Sutra of Six Gates, 66 dharma appeasement (hōraku), 32, 33n73; ceremony, 177; Denbu Aizen ritual at Miwa, 244; facilities at Ise, 179n10, 180–81; facilities at Miwa, 262 dharma assembly (hōe), 158 dharma body (Sk. dharmakāya, Jp. hōtai, alt. hosshin), 120, 149, 166, 172, 191n40, 193, 226–27; in jingi kanjō, 252 Dharmaguptaka vinaya, 154. See also Shingon Ritsu; Vinaya dharma nature (hosshō), 235–36, 245 divination, 17, 53, 61, 67, 71, 106, 111, 113– 14, 184, 220, 267; on tortoise shell, 268 divine fields (shinden; also shinpō), 75, 77 divine marriage (shinkon), 49–50, 200– 201, 306 divine mirror (naishi dokoro), 267; in ­Miwa-ryū, jingi kanjō, 295 divine power ( jintsū), 282. See also jinzūriki divine seal (shinji), 267, 269; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295. See also three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia)

divine sword (hōken), 267; Kusanagi, 268; loss of, 270; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 294–95 divine wind, 181, 189 Dōhan (Mt. Kōya), 135n85, 137, 210, 227n20 Dōmyō (Hasedera), 83 donation of lands and shiki rights to temples and shrines, 75–77, 98n78, 155 Dōnisshō, 263n15 dōshū (low-ranking monks), 81–82, 97, 100n89, 105–6, 125. See also Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera); non-elite Buddhist practitioners Dragon Cave (Ryūketsu; also a dragon cave [ryūketsu]): at Mt. Kasagi, 208; at Mt. Murō, 90, 93, 112 dragon deities, 35, 63, 71, 86, 90–92, 111– 15, 202, 219–23; dragon kings (ryūō), 93, 111–15, 220–29; as imperial sword decoration, 269n30; at Ise, 231; straw dragons, 113, 283. See also Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; Ise shrines; Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Murō, Mt.; ­Nāga-kings; Seiryū Gongen (Daigoji); serpent deities (kami); Zennyo Ryūō (Dragon King; also as a female deity) Dragon King’s daughter, 112n19, 233n29; and Kyōen, 223n10. See also Lotus Sutra, Devadatta chapter Dragon King’s Palace, 115n27, 221–23 Dragon King’s pointy claw, 112, 114–16, 171n77 dream incubation, 31, 144, 267; Jien’s dream, 270 Eiga monogatari, 86–87 Eizan Bunko (temple archive), 3; Denbu Aizen ritual documents, 236n35, 238 Eizon (alt. Eison), 142; Aizen worship, 165–66, 172, pl. 1; family, 143–44; at Miwa, 150–51, 154, 157–58; at Miwa and Hasedera, 153; pilgrimages to Ise, 175–79; possible authorship of Miwa daimyōjin engi, 196; rainmaking at

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Eizon (alt. Eison) (continued) Shinsen’en, 284n65; Yugikyō, 165– 67, 177. See also Ninshō (Saidaiji); Saidaiji elite pilgrimage. See pilgrimage engi literature, 84–86, 89, 241, 307; Asama, Mt., 287; Saidaiji, 197–210 Engishiki, 18, 45, 58–60, 68 enlightened mind (bodaishin), 251–52 enlightenment. See esoteric enlightenment (sokushin jōbutsu, enlightenment with this very body) Enmaten (King of Hell), 226–27, 277n50. See also Dairokuten Maō Enmyōji (Ise), 183, 198, 258 Enmyōji engi, 230, 248n60 Ennin, 148, 169n71, 204n68, 225 En no Ozunu, 94, 97; in medieval Miwa, 263 Enryaku gishikichō, 28 Enryakuji (Mt. Hiei), 20, 33, 204n68, 207–8. See also Hiei, Mt.; Onjōji; Mudōji; Tendai lineages Enshō Shōnin (Tōdaiji), 107, 131, 187n31 epidemics (plague), 47, 60, 65, 85, 163 esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō), 3, 8, 24–27, 34–36, 92–95; Aizen rituals, 162–63, 172–73; at Ise, 179, 180; Kakuban, 120– 22, 124, 136; and kami, 184, 207, 224– 29, 239–45; and Kōfukuji monks, 80, 90–92, 94; as a “miraculous cure,” 144; at Miwa, 190–95, 203–13; private rituals, 149, 163–64; and mountain austerities (shugen), 95, 100–101; Saidaiji, 145–74, 183–90; Shugendō at Daigoji, 100n89; temples, 134–40, 232. See also Daigoji (Kyoto); Kakuban; Kōfukuji; Kōya, Mt.; Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Murō, Mt.; Ninnaji; non-duality ( funi); non-elite Buddhist practitioners; Ono branch of Shingon; Rishukyō; ritual; taimitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition); temple networks; threefold/tripartite pattern; Tōji (Kyoto); Yugikyō esoteric concepts, transferred to, 224,

257, 265, 307–8; medieval Shinto iconography, 284–90, 306–7; medieval Shinto rituals, 293–97; misinterpre­ tation of, 136. See also appropriation of kami; non-elite Buddhist practitioners, criticism of esoteric deities. See Aizen Myōō; Buddhaeye Buddha-mother (Butsugen Bu­ tsumo); Daishō Kongō; Ichiji Kinrin; Māhavairocana; Sonshō esoteric enlightenment (sokushin jōbutsu, enlightenment with this very body), 109, 112, 116–24, 135, 218–19, 236–37, 240, 245, 252, 306; and medieval rulership, 293, 296; in Miwa-ryū Shintō, 296–97, 299; See also Annen; esoteric Buddhism; Kakuban; Kūkai; Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); non-elite Buddhist practitioners esoteric lineages, 26–27, 217, 243, 254; in Ise, 259; at Murō, 92–94. See also ­esoteric Buddhism esoteric purification, 99, 108, 194n50 esoteric Vinaya. See Shingon Ritsu. See also Saidaiji; temple networks esoteric wisdom (gochi), 166, 172; diadem of five wisdoms, 293 exorcism, 95, 106, 108 eye-opening ceremony (kaigen): of ­Eleven-Headed Kannon at Hasedera, 126; of Mañjuśrī at the hinin lodge, 150; of the Sanskrit syllable mandala, 162 Fahua wenju (Zhiyi), 191n40 Faxiang (Hossō), 66, 67, 92; and esoteric Buddhism (mikkyō), 78, 80, 90–92, 116; Jōkei, 149; monks, 85, 91; Miwa bessho, 155–56; three bodies, 191n40; Yugikyō, interpretations of, 186; Yuishiki, 127, 156n47 Festival of the Five Dragons (aka Onmyōdō Festival of the Five Dragons). See Goryūsai fire purification (goma). See purification

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five agents (Ch. wuxing, Jp. gogyō; Chinese correlative system), 17, 120, 184 five earthly deities (chijin godai), 265n19, 280. See also seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai) five grains and five medicines (gokoku goyaku), 187–88 five viscera (Ch. wuzang, Jp. gozō), 120 Flower Garland Sutra (Ch. Huayan jing, Jp. Kegonkyō), 148, 192; Chinese commentaries on, 205n71; and three poisons, 224. See also Huayan (Kegon) four elements (Indian correlative system), 244 four heavenly kings (shiō, shitennō), 143 fragrant medicines (kōyaku), 65 fudoki (local gazetteers), 16, 42, 44, 45n17 Fudō Myōō, 35, 211, 223n12, 234, 241; shugen pilgrimage on Mt. Miwa, 262. See also Aizen Myōō; wisdom deities, wisdom kings Fujiwara family, 26, 69, 71, 73, 76, 84– 86, 98, 100; Fujiwara Kamatari, 95– 96; Fujiwara no Michinaga 76, 80, 98; Fujiwara no Senshi (Michinaga’s sister), 87; regents, 163; women and Hasedera pilgrimage, 86–87 fuko (residential units), 76n5. See also land administration fundraising (kanjin), 126, 130, 146, 196 Furu Shrine, 42, 95, 150; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295 Fusō ryakki, 70, 83n25, 143 Gaoseng zhuan (Biographies of Eminent Monks), 19, 230n25 -gata (sub-lineage), 168. See also -ryū (lineage); temple lineages (general designation) Gangōji, 91, 148 Gangōji garan engi narabi ni ruki shi­ zaichō, 58 ganmon (religious vow), 162–63 gen (miraculous results), 95, 99, 106, 111. See also exorcism; Kyōen (Miwa

Shōnin); mountain austerities ­(including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples) Genji monogatari, 87, 89n50 Genkō shakusho (Kokan Shiren), 106–7, 117n34 Genpei War, 96, 97, 269–70. See also ­warfare, in the Yamato region Genpin Sōzu, 80 Genpin’s Hut (Mt. Miwa), 81n18, 257, 262, 267, 302 Genpishō (Jitsuun), 69n95, 136, 157n49, 173n81. See also Jitsuun (alt. Jichiun); Ōmiwa Shrine; Yugikyō gōchō (local proprietors), 76. See also land administration Go-Daigo tennō, 199n59, 261n9; and imperial regalia, 271; and Miwa, 272–73 Go-Fukakusa tennō, 32 goganji (temple of the imperial wish), 84. See also temples gohō zenjin, 20. See also protective deities Goji monju juhō, 147. See also Mañjuśrī (Jp. Monju) gojisō (protective monks), 25–27, 91, 180 Gokurakuji (Kantō), 171, 176. See also Ninshō (Saidaiji); Saidaiji goma (fire purification). See purification gongen (local deity), 30n65. See also Sanbu Gongen (Mt. Kōya); Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei); Seiryū Gongen (Daigoji); Zaō Gongen (Kinpusen) Go-Reizei tennō, 25, 70n97 Gorin kujimyō himitsushaku (Kakuban), 120 Goryūsai (Festival of the Five Dragons, aka Onmyōdō Festival of the Five Dragons), 93, 113, 283 Go-Saga tennō, 179–80 Go-Sanjō tennō, 25–27, 70n97 goshintai (the sacred body of the deity), 23. See also Ise mishōtai zushi Go-Shirakawa tennō, 164 Go-Toba tennō, 270

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Go-Uda tennō, 180–81, 199n60 Goyuigō (attr. to Kūkai), 115–16 granary. See mikura Grapard, Allan, 4, 6, 11n16, 76–77, 96n74 Great Wisdom Sutra, 31–32, 68; on Mañjuśrī, 148; at Miwa, 69, 111, 262; offering to Ise, 176–78, 181; offering to the shrines, 170; and three poisons, 224 Great Wisdom assembly (daihannyae), 176 Gumei hosshinshū (Jōkei), 30 gumonji hō (perfect memory), 33. See also ritual Gyōki bosatsu, 111n17, 147–48 Gyokuyō (Kujō Kanezane), 31, 61n72, 270n31 Gyōnen (Kegon), 107, 131 Hachiman (deity), 20, 49n30, 170. See also Iwashimizu Hachimangū (shrine), Usa Hachimangū (shrine, northern Kyushu) hachi no hire (ten divine treasures), 285– 86. See also kami iconography Haguro Shugendō, 247. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples) haiden (prayer hall), 190, 193, 262. See also Ōmiwa Shrine Hanashizume Shrine (Miwa), 262. See also Ōmiwa Shrine, festivals Harima Province, 44, 52, 83, 151, 158 Hase (area, aka Hatsuse), 39, 40, 41, 78, 79, 82–89, 91, 105, 117, 124, 125 Hase [river], 39, 40, 42, 57. See also ­Yamato (Province), landscape Hasedera (Yamato Province), 6, 77, 79, 82–89, 113, 171n77; bettō, 84, 91; branch temple of Kōfukuji Daijōin, 84, 263; as Buzan (traditional appellation), 83; Hasedera dōban Hokke sessō zu, 83; Haseyamadera, construction of, 83; ­hinin, 153; jingi kanjō altar, 290–92; kami iconography, 280–90; Ken’yo (ca. 1820s), 301; Miwa blacksmiths,

263n16; Miwa-ryū ritual documents, 245, 257–58, 264n17, 275–80, 290–91, 300; Miwa shōnin, 277; pilgrimage, 86–89, 105, 140; revival, 208 Hasedera engi mon, 83–84, 86 Hasedera Kannon, 85–86; attendant ­deities (Sekishō Dōji and Dragon King Nanda [Nanda Ryūō]), 85–86 Hasedera Kannon genki, 89 Hasedera shitō kinkan gonjō, 84–85, 171n77 Hashihaka (Chopstick Grave), 41, 50. See also kofun (tombs) Hata clan, 20 Hatsuse road (also Hase road), 56, 90. See also roads healing, 24, 60–61, 63–66, 71, 85, 87, 92– 93, 95; ritual, 123–24 heart-mind (human mind), 227–28, 231; as a lotus, 297. See also heart-pillar heart-pillar (shin no mihashira), 223, 231. See also heart-mind; Sumeru, Mt. Heavenly Cave (Ama no Iwato), 180, 264; Shintō injin, 236n35. See also Amaterasu hebi no hire (ten divine treasures), 286. See also kami iconography Heian capital, 25–27, 82, 95. See also ­capital of Japan Heiji Rebellion, 164 Hibara Shrine (Mt. Miwa), 59, 82n23, 203, 210, 262 hibutsu (secret buddha), 24 Hiei, Mt., 4, 6, 72, 92, 95, 187n29, 195, 233, 261, 293, 307; and Kōfukuji monks, 90–91, 92; and Miwa, 197, 204–7; Miwa-ryū ritual documents, 257, 259n4, 267 Hie shrines, 72, 206–7 Himetatara Isuzu-hime, 46 Himiko, 41, 49n31. See also Wa polity (early Yamato polity); Wei zhi himorogi, 17 Himuka Shrine (Mt. Miwa), 48, 59. See also sun worship

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hinin (outcasts), 89, 146, 151–52, 237; at Hasedera, 153; shuku (lodge), 149– 50, 152, 201n66. See also beggars; Eizon (alt. Eison); icchantika; Ninshō (Saidaiji) Hirosawa branch of Shingon, 133, 235, 239. See also Ono branch of Shingon Hishō kuketsu (Kyōjun), 135 Hishō mondō (Raiyu), 283n63 Hōgen Rebellion, 164 Hōjō clan, 171, 187; Sanetoki, 171; Tokiyori (Saimyōji nyūdō), 187n30 Hokke hō. See Lotus ritual Hokke yuishiki hannya sankanshō (Sōshō), 120 Hōkyōshō (Kōban, ca. 1283), 130–31, 242n48 Hōkyōshō (Yūkai, 1375), 132–35 holy men (shōnin, hijiri), 6, 11, 13, 15, 27, 31, 35, 83, 91n56, 101, 105–17, 166; in Ise, 27, 28–36, 179; in Miwa, 277. See also Kōya, Mt., hijiri; Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Miwa shōnin; non-elite Buddhist practitioners Honchō kōsōden yōmonshō, 66n87 hongaku shisō (inherent enlightenment), 4, 193, 280n55, 306 honjibutsu (original Buddha), 25, 190 honji suijaku, 3, 9, 22–23, 30, 63, 91, 94, 189–90, 223–24, 304; inverted (han honji suijaku), 276–77, 291, 296–97; at medieval Miwa, 196–97; re-conceptualization by esoteric Buddhists, 218– 19, 231, 233–34, 246–47, 307–8; separation of kami and buddhas, 301–2 honpushō (originally unborn, unproduced), 241 honzon (principal deity), 226; Denbu ­A izen, 235, 238, 242, 290; ElevenHeaded Kannon, 64 hōraku. See dharma appeasement (hōraku) Hōryūji (Yamato Province), 221–23 hospices (hiden), 146 hosshō (dharma quality, dharma nature), 30, 245

Hōzanji, 285–90. See also Ikoma, Mt. (Yamato Province); kami iconography Huayan (Kegon), 66, 148, 205, 206n74. See also Flower Garland Sutra (Ch. Huayan jing, Jp. Kegonkyō) Huiguo, 115n27 Huizhao, 156 human body, 173; as Amaterasu, 293, 296; as a casket, 244; as Dainichi, 296; as a serpent body, 245; as a stupa, 120; as a vessel of ignorance, 245 human mind (consciousness), 172, 231; as a kami, 252. See also ālayavijñāna; heart-mind Ibuki, Mt., 219 icchantika, 121, 151. See also hinin Ichidai no mine engi, 208–9. See also engi literature; Miwa daimyōjin engi; Kinpusen himitsuden Ichiji Kinrin, 195, 208–10, 290n74. See also esoteric deities ichinomiya (first shrine of Yamato), 18, 73, 77 ignorance (mumyō), 121, 224–26, 228– 29, 236; human body, 245; and kami, 280n55 Ikoma, Mt. (Yamato Province), 39, 40, 139; Chikurinji, 147–48, 258; Hōzanji, 280, 302 iku no tama (ten divine treasures), 285. See also kami iconography Ikutamayori-hime, 50–51 immortals, 97 imperial messengers: to Miwa, 69, 262; to the twenty-two shrines, 71–73 increasing merit, 163 Inner Shrine of Ise (naikū), 21, 28, 32– 33, 176–77; Eizon’s visit to, 187–88; Kaze no miya (Shrine to the Wind), 191n39; as a lotus and a golden snake in Ise kanjō, 247–48; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295; as Taizōkai, 185–90, 231– 32. See also Ise shrines; Outer Shrine of Ise (gekū)

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insects, 220; kami, 233–34, 285. See also dragon deities; serpent deities (kami) Insei rule, 77. See also rulers of Japan (tennō) invisibility of kami, 23–24, 31n67, 49–50, 287. See also visualization of kami Ippen, 124n51 Ise Jingū Bunko (archive of the Ise shrines), 3; Denbu Aizen, 236n35, 238; Nihongi Miwa-ryū, 276n47. See also Eizan Bunko (temple archive); Kanazawa Bunko (temple archive) Ise kanjō, 36, 219, 306–8; at Tōji, 247–55, 259–60, 293n81 Ise kanjō kirikami, 231n26, 247–48 Ise mishōtai zushi, 184–89, 290n74, pls. 3–6. See also Aizen Myōō; Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; esoteric concepts, transferred to; Ise shrines; Saidaiji Ise nisho daijingū shinmei hishō (Watarai Yukitada), 182 Ise pilgrimage, 28–36; esoteric monks, 180–81; hijiri, 27–36; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 190–91; Shingon clergy, 28– 36; Tendai lineages, 28–36; Tōdaiji monks, 28–36. See also sacred sites, networks; temple networks Ise ryōgū jakei daiji, 248–49. See also Ise shrines; serpent deities (kami) Ise Shintō, 179, 199; and Chinese classics, 182, 229, 305n2 Ise shrines, 4, 11, 21, 27–36, 45, 48, 62, 69, 70, 305; Aizen fire ritual, 180; clergy and Denbu Aizen, 244; deities, 188, 191; dualistic pattern, 185–90, 206, 232; and Hase, 83, 96; hōraku (dharma appeasement) facilities, 179n10, 180–81; Kaze no miya (Shrine to the Wind), 180, 191n39; as Kongōkai and Taizōkai, 181, 183, 185–90, 231; Miwa daimyōjin engi, 197–200; Mizukaki fence, 31; networks, 199, 305; offering of sutras to the deities, 32; Reiki kanjō, 258n3; Saidaiji order, 170, 182–200, 230;

Sakadono, 180; Sekidera, 21, 35, 180n10, 198; Sengūin, 33–34, 35; serpent deities, 230–32. See also Inner Shrine of Ise (naikū); Ise mishōtai zushi; Outer Shrine of Ise (gekū) Ise shrines, Buddhism at: canon, 177– 78, 188; imagery, 179, 191; taboo, 29, 31–32, 34, 179. See also Buddhist temples, at Ise Isonokami, 76 Isuzu River (Ise), 28, 191n39, 194. See also Mimosuso River (Ise) Ittekishō, 133–34. See also jakyō (perverse teachings); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); non-elite Buddhist practitioners, criticism of; Yūkai Iware road, 95. See also roads Iwashimizu Hachimangū (shrine), 68, 117, 169, 176, 189, 235 Izakawa Shrine, 61, 74. See also Ōmiwa Shrine Izanagi, 203, 210; at Ise, 248, 287, 289, 290. See also seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai) Izanami, 203, 210; at Ise, 248, 287, 289, 290. See also seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai) Izumi Province, 51–52, 57 Izumo, 43–47, 58–59, 61, 241. See also Laudatory Prayer of the Chieftain of Izumo Izumo no kuni fudoki (alt. Izumo fudoki), 44–45 jakkōdo (land of tranquil light), 192–93, 212n91 jakyō (perverse teachings), 132n79, 133– 34. See also Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); non-elite Buddhist practitioners, criticism of; Yūkai Jātaka tales, 221–23 jewels (curved gems, magatama beads), 41, 267; in medieval Shinto iconog­ raphy, 285–86; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295–96. See also mirror; spear,

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heavenly (ama no nuhoko); sword; three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia) Jianzhen (Ganjin), 66, 145–46 Jibu Risshi, 198–99 Jichihan, 129 Jihen, 14, 199n59, 261, 271; and kami ­iconography, 284, 286 Jikken (alt. Jitsugen; of Daigoji Kon­ gōōin), 131, 135, 137; and Miwa shōnin, 137n97, 173, 242–43; and rain prayers at Shinsen’en, 284. See also Daigoji (Kyoto); Kōban; Nyojitsu (Kamo Shōnin); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin) Jindai no maki. See the Age of Gods jingi cult, 18, 28, 60n66, 61, 67–71. See also kami; Shinto Jingikan (Bureau of Kami Affairs), 18, 28. See also kami jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō), 7, 36, 200, 243, 245, 246–55; as assemblage, 310; Miwa-ryū, 256–57, 264–68, 275–80, 290–97; Shintō kōmyō kanjō, 277; threefold pattern, 260; and visualization of kami, 282. See also Ise kanjō; Nihongi kanjō; Reiki kanjō jingi kanjō altar, 254, 278–79, 290–92. See also altar Jingi kanjō Miwa-ryū nijūyon tsū, 245n54 jingūji (shrine temple), 19–20, 34, 62–63, 66, 90–91, 157–59, 176, 183n20 Jingū kōgo, 49n31 Jinmu tennō, 46, 50, 59, 267, 268n25 Jinnō shōtōki (Kitabatake Chikafusa), 14n25, 271n37, 273 Jinson (Kōfukuji Daijōin), 263n16, 274, 275n45 jinzūriki, 191n40. See also divine power ( jintsū) jitō (land steward): at Miwa, 129 Jitō tennō, 17, 29n58, 43, 47, 56, 62, 83. See also rulers of Japan (tennō); Sun line (Yamato ruling house)

Jitsuun (alt. Jichiun), 69n95, 135n85, 136, 173 Jiun Sonja, 107n4 jōgakuji, 69. See also temples Jōjūji (Kyoto), 176–77 Jōkei (Gedatsubō), 30, 117, 125–28, 148– 49; and kami, 223; and Miwa bessho, 156 Jōsan (Miwa), 66 jūhachidō kegyō, 144. See also ritual Juhō yōjinshū (Shinjō), 138–39 Jūichimen [Kannon] jinju shingyō, 85. See also Kannon (Avalokiteśvara); ­Lotus Sutra Jūjūshinron (Kūkai), 225 jumyō kanjō, 243, 247. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō) Kagerō nikki, 87, 89n50 kaigen. See eye-opening ceremony (kaigen) Kairyūōji (Nara), 155. See also Saidaiji Kajūji (Kyoto) 3, 93–94, 113n22, 115–16, 122n47, 136, 180–81 Kakuban, 117, 118–25, 135n85, 137, 194n50, 210–11; esoteric enlightenment, 218, 252n68; innovations, of, 120–21; and Kōya hijiri, 120; and Miwa shōnin, 108, 117, 122–25; sokushin jōbutsu verse, 121–22; Yugikyō transmissions, 121–22 Kakugenshō (Rendōbō Hōkyō), 136–39, 169, 173n81, 257; inherent enlightenment, 252; three poisons, 243; three syllables, 251n64. See also Kakuban; Kōya, Mt.; Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Yūgen Kakujō (Saidaiji), 197–200, 230–31, 258–60 Kakuzenshō, 237 kami (Japanese deities), 9, 90, 218–19; amatsukami, 68; appropriation by Buddhists, 185, 200, 210–11, 213, 217– 19, 307–8; and Aizen imagery, 234–45, 253–55; at Daigorinji, Hasedera, and

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kami (Japanese deities) (continued) Hōzanji, 280–90; esoteric Buddhists, 219; kunitsukami, 68; local kami, 30, 90; oracles, 31, 49n30, 51, 56n54, 267; overseas deities, 16, 17n31, 20, 43–46, 59; plague deities (ekijin), 48, 65; provincial shrines, 68; in the Reikiki, 183, 271–72, 275; as serpents, 232–45, 248– 50; shrine building, 45; tatarigami, 59; visualization as Aizen, 226–27, 236; visualization of (Ise shrines), 185–90, 230; women, 47–51; worship as affairs of state, 18, 68–70. See also Amaterasu, gongen (local deity); invisibility of kami; Kasuga deity; Miwa daimyōjin engi; Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei); Seiryū Gongen (Daigoji); seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai); Shinto; three ­d ivine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia); women; Zaō Gongen (Kinpusen) kami iconography, 35n77, 234–46, 251, 280–97. See also Aizen Myōō; Dai­ gorinji (Ōmiwa jingūji); Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; Hasedera (Yamato Province); Hōzanji; Miwaryū (Miwa lineage); Ninnaji (Kyoto) Kamiji, Mt. (Ise), 191, 194 Kamitsu michi (Upper road), 42, 153. See also roads Kamo, 46, 59, 67, 68 Kanaya (Miwa), 153; blacksmiths, 263. See also metallurgy Kanazawa Bunko (temple archive), 3, 84, 93n66, 114, 115n26, 240n43; Denbu Aizen, 236n35, 238, 241–42; Ise kanjō, 247; Jāh-Jāh shidai, 210; Miwa-ryū, 257; Miwa-ryū Yugikyō commentaries, 136–38. See also Eizan Bunko (temple archive); Ise Jingū Bunko (archive of the Ise shrines); Shinpukuji (Ōsu Bunko; Nagoya) Kanbotsu bodaishinshū, 156 kanbutsu (sprinkling of Buddha statues), 61, 70

Kanekuni hyakushu kashō (Urabe Kanekuni), 260–61 kanji (alt. kandaiji, governmentsponsored temple), 98, 143. See also temples Kanmu tennō, 81, 93. See also rulers of Japan (tennō) Kannon (Sk. Avalokiteśvara), 3, 25, 223, 304; Amaterasu as a manifestation of, 290; Eleven-Headed Kannon, 29n61, 64; Hasedera, 85–89, 126; Miwa, 63, 64, 83, 89, 202, 302; Nyoirin Kannon, 170, 211; Saidaiji, 143; Thousand-Armed Kannon, 88n46, 195, 208 Kantō ōkanki, 146, 171n75. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Ninshō (Saidaiji) Kasagidera (also Mt. Kasagi), 30, 39, 79, 80, 111, 117, 124–27; in engi literature, 208–9; and Miwa, 129, 211 Kasanui (Yamato Province), 28, 47–48, 59, 203 Kashikone (seven heavenly deities), 286– 87, 289. See also kami iconography Kasuga deity, 30, 81; worship at Hase­ dera, 84, 86; at Ise, 189n36; at Miwa, 262 Kasuga gongen genki emaki, 24, 81 Kasuga Shrine, 69, 71, 73–76, 126; shōnin at, 129, 157. See also Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera) Katsuragi, Mt., 39, 40, 56, 59, 80, 96, 99, 111, 221–22. See also Yamato Katsuragi hōzanki Kaze no miya (Shrine to the Wind). See Ise shrines, Kaze no miya (Shrine to the Wind) Kebiishi, 152 kechimyaku (blood lineage chart), 130, 139–40, 256; Miwa-ryū, 258n4 Kegon. See Huayan Kehi Shrine, 19 keibyaku (proclamation to the deities): Aizen, 165–66; Kūkai, 226 Keiranshūyōshū (Kōshū), 206–7, 228– 29, 233–34 kengyō (temple administrator), 98, 100.

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See also Kinpusen, Mt.; Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera) kenmitsu taisei (exo-esoteric system), 75n7. See also kenmon (power blocks); Kuroda Toshio kenmon (power blocks), 76–77. See also Kuroda Toshio Kenna (Shōmyōji), 172 Kiin (Shōmyōji), 136, 210 kike scribes, 233. See also Hie shrines; Hiei, Mt.; Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei) Kinpusen, Mt., 39, 40, 78, 79, 80, 82, 86, 94, 97–101, 105, 108, 117, 124, 307; Kinpusenji bettō, 98; in medieval Shinto, 260; sutra burials, 98; threefold/ tripartite pattern, 212–13. See also mountain austerities (includ­ing shugen, or Shugendō; shugen tem­ ples); sacred sites, networks; temple networks Kinpusen himitsuden, 208, 212 Kinpusen kengyō shidai, 100. See also Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera) kirikami (cut-paper initiation certificates), 36, 234, 238, 259; Shintō kirikami, 247n58; Yugi kirikami, 121–22, 124, 164. See also “seals of trust” (injin) kishin (donations of land), 76. See also land administration Kitabatake Chikafusa, 14, 199n60, 271, 273 Kitano tenjin emaki, 24 Kiyomihara Palace, 83. See also Sujin tennō; rulers of Japan (tennō) Kizuki Shrine (Izumo), 44, 59. See also Ōnamuchi; Susanoo Kōban, 130–31, 136–39, 242, 253. See also Jikken (alt. Jitsugen; of Daigoji Kon­ gōōin); Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Nyojitsu (Kamo Shōnin); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Yugikyō Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera), 30, 67, 71–77, 79, 80, 84, 97, 117; as adminis­ trator of Miwa bessho, 130n71, 263, 274–75; bettō, 73, 81; Daijōin, 77, 84, 92;

domination of Yamato Province, 73– 77, 125; esoteric Buddhism, 80, 90–92; governor of Yamato Province, 76–77; high-ranking monks, 80–81, 90–91, 92; and Kasuga shrine, 76; low-ranking monks (dōshū), 81–82, 97, 100n89, 105– 6, 125; at Mt. Miwa, 80–81, 97; mountain austerities (shugen), 78, 86, 90– 101, 111n17, 125–27, 140; sub-temples in Murō, 90–92, 105; violent protests, 157 Kōfukuji Higashi Kondō (Eastern Golden Hall, also Tōkondō), 97, 100–101, 105; and Miwa, 125–26 Kōfukuji sōjō (Jōkei), 30 Kōfukuji zōyaku menchō, 77 kofun (tombs), 41 Kogo ruiyōshū (Jihen), 284 Kōgū osan tōjitsu shidai, 269n30 Kojidan, 81n18, 113–14, 153 Kojiki, 16, 42, 43–44, 46, 50, 59, 266 Kokan Shiren, 106 Kōken (alt. Shōtoku; female ruler, not to be confused with Shōtoku Taishi), 84, 142. See also rulers of Japan (tennō) Kokinshū, 81. See also waka poems kokubunji, 69. See also temples kōmyō kanjō, 277; shintō kōmyō kanjō, 277. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō); jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō) Kongōbuji (Mt. Kōya), 20, 120. See also Kōya, Mt. Kongō busshi Eizon kanjin gakushōki ­(Eizon), 144–58, 170–71, 176–79 Kongōchōkyō, 208 Kongōkai (Diamond World), 5, 13, 34, 122n47, 123, 131–32, 162n56, 172; and Denbu Aizen, 241; and esoteric enlightenment, 236; in Ise kanjō, 247– 50; Ise shrines, 176, 181, 185, 231–32; mandala, panel from Ise mishōtai zushi (Saidaiji), pl. 3; as part of three sections, 195, 203, 260; and twelve deities, 282. See also non-duality ( funi); Taizōkai (Womb World); threefold/

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Kongōkai (Diamond World) (continued) tripartite pattern; two mandalas (ryōbu, alt. ryōkai mandara) Kongōshōji (Mt. Asama), 33 Konjaku monogatarishū, 62, 153 Korea: envoys to Asuka, 57; prehistoric migration from, 44–46, 48, 66; prince as a hostage, 58 Korō kojitsuden (Watarai Yukitada), 179 Kose Shrine family (Ōmiwa), 69n95, 96, 196, 265n19; and Southern Court, 273 kōshiki (doctrinal lectures), 155 Koshikidake, 247. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples) Kōshin (deity), 277, 281 Kōshōji (Ise), 182–83, 198 Kōya, Mt., 20–21, 111, 119–20, 122n47, 123, 164, 217, 307; Denbu Aizen, 238; Eizon, 144; hijiri, 124, 130, 135–36; Ise kanjō, 247; Miwa-ryū ritual documents, 257–59 kuden (oral transmissions), 115–16, 145, 239, 242–43, 307. See also kirikami (cut-paper initiation certificates); kuketsu; “seals of trust” (injin) Kujō Kanezane, 31, 270n31 Kūkai, 24, 26n54, 27, 81, 92–93, 94n69, 114–16, 121, 133, 139, 169n71; and Eizon, 144–45; and esoteric enlightenment, 218; the human body, 225; in medieval Miwa, 263 kuketsu (oral transmissions), 235. See also Bikisho; kuden (oral transmissions); Reikiki (alt. Tenchi reikiki); ­Tenshō Daijin kuketsu Kumano, 34, 80, 111; resident monks ­(nagatoko), 124, 137 Kuni no Satsuchi (seven heavenly deities), 280n56, 281n57, 284–86, 288. See also seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai); Toyokumunu (seven heavenly deities) Kuni no Tokotachi (seven heavenly ­deities), 258n4, 281n57, 282n59;

­imagery, 284–86, 288. See also kami iconography kunitsukami (earthly deities), 68. See also kami (Japanese deities) kuni yuzuri (transfer of land), 268; in ­medieval Shinto, 265 kunizukuri (creation of land; also deities), 45–47, 60–61. See also Izanagi; Izanami; seven heavenly deities ­(tenjin shichidai) Kuroda Toshio, 4n4, 75n7, 303–4. See also kenmitsu taisei, kenmon (power blocks) Kusunoki Masashige, 273 Kyōe (Saidaiji), 146, 158. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Ninshō (Saidaiji); Saidaiji Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin), 94n69, 106–17, 211–12; and Dragon King’s daughter, 223n10; and Ise kanjō, 254, 256; during the Edo period, 298–302; and Jōkei, 129, 132, 139–40, 156–57; in medieval Miwa, 263; and Miwa-ryū Shintō, 258n4, 260–61. See also Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); non-elite Buddhist prac­ titioners; Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); temple networks land administration, 76–78. See also fuko (residential units); gōchō (local proprietors); jitō (land steward); kishin (donations of land); Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera), governor of ­Yamato Province land of the sun (nichiiki), 26, 177 Latour, Bruno, 12 Laudatory Prayer of the Chieftain of Izumo, 45, 58–59 legitimation strategies, 8, 25–27, 36, 123; compilation of engi records, 159; divine regalia imagery, 293–97; divine regalia transfer, 271; the founding of temple lineages, 129–30, 139 living image (shōjin), 150, 162, 201 local gazetteers. See fudoki local kami, 30, 90; as Aizen Myōō, 226–

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27; and esoteric Buddhists, 219. See also kami (Japanese deities) “Lotus Part,” 195, 209, 260 Lotus Ritual (Hokke hō), 212 Lotus Sutra, 83, 85, 88, 112n19, 113–14, 220–23; Chinese Tiantai commen­ taries on, 205; Devadatta chapter, 112n19; Kannon chapter, 88; recitation at Ise, 180n10, 181; and three poisons, 224; Treasure Stupa chapter, 83, 192– 93; worship and study, 127–28 Lotus World, 192 low-ranking monks, 76, 81; Kinpusen, 98; Kōfukuji, 97. See also dōshū (lowranking monks); mandō (low-ranking monks); non-elite Buddhist practitioners; zenshū (meditation monks; aka zensō) madō (path of demons), 123. See also Buddhism; Buddhist hells Mahāvairocana (Jp. Dainichi), 8–9, 14n24, 25–27, 35, 116, 121, 149, 161; as Aizen, 165; as Amaterasu, 191, 229, 291; Dainichi [no] hongoku (radiant land of Dainichi), 26–27, 308; in Ise, 189–90; in kami imagery, 281n57; in medieval Shinto, 260, 290; as the Miwa and Sannō deities, 206–7; three bodies of, 190–91, 203–5, 212, 236 Mahāvairocana Sūtra (Ch. Darijing, Jp. Dainichikyō), 5, 13, 145, 239; Commentary on the Mahāvairocana Sūtra (Yixing), 145, 149; at Mt. Kasagi, 208 Mahāyāna. See Buddhism Maitreya. See Miroku Makimuku River, 39, 40, 41 Makura no sōshi (Sei Shōnagon), 88, 277n50 malevolent spirits, 49, 58, 68–69; Ryōgen’s ghost, 112n19, 117; Kakuban’s ghost, 123–24; northeastern direction, 296 mandō (low-ranking monks), 98, 100n89. See also dōshū (low-ranking monks);

non-elite Buddhist practitioners, zenshū (meditation monks; aka zensō) Mañjuśrī (Jp. Monju), 147–49, 161, 201n66; as Buddha-mother, 148–51; in Dragon King’s Palace, 221–23, 222; hall at Miwa, 262; hand-painted scrolls, 150; Hannyaji Mañjuśrī, 150– 51; as a hinin, 152, 237 mantra, 117, 120, 123, 238; mantra master (shingonshi), 180 Man’yōshū, 58, 82n23 mappō (last age of the Buddhist dharma), 8, 22, 145, 161, 166, 169; and kami, 224, 304 medicinal herbs, 60, 154. See also Ōmiwa Shrine, festivals medicine container (yakko), 66n86 medieval conceptualizations of kami, 174; at Ise, 178, 224, 232–45, 302, 307. See also esoteric concepts, transferred to; kami (Japanese deities); Shinto medieval Nihongi, 266–67, 276, 290–91, 296, 307–8. See also Bikisho; kuden (oral transmissions); Nihongi Miwaryū; Tenshō Daijin kuketsu meditation, 99, 111, 144, 252; in “three parts,” 212; treatises on, 127–28, 244. See also contemplation; samādhi Meijaku (or Myōjaku; aka Oki nyūdō Meijaku), 122–24. See also Kakuban Meiji Restoration, 3–4, 63, 281, 301–2 Memyō bosatsu (Aśvagoṣa), 291 Mesuriyama (kofun tomb), 41 metallurgy, 44, 57. See also blacksmiths; cast-iron-pot merchants (nabe uri) Mikasa, Mt., 30, 95 miko (female shamans), 50, 144; at Ise shrines, 188 mikura (granary), 262 Mimoro, Mt., 45, 50–51, 57, 151. See also Miwa, Mt.; Ōmiwa Shrine Mimosuso River (Ise), 32, 194 mimuro (alt. muro): as a cave or sacred space, 90; “Three Pure [Ones],” 192 Minamoto no Yorichika, 76

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Miroku (Sk. Maitreya), 3, 33, 96–98; at Mt. Kasagi, 208–9; at Miwa, 156; at Saidaiji, 143; Tuṣita Heaven (Pure Land), 126–28, 143 Miroku nyorai kannō shōsō (Sōshō), 127 Miroku nyorai kechien shibunshū, 127–28. See also Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Sōshō (Tōdaiji); Zenninbō Jōshin (Miwa Shōnin) mirror: bronze, 41; at Ise, 180, 267; in ­medieval Shinto iconography, 286; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295, 296; ­octagonal (yata no kagami), 59, 296; as substitutes for kami, 178–79, 280, 287. See also jewels (curved gems, magatama beads); kami iconography; sword; seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai); three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia) Mitsu no kashiwa denki, 183, 229 Miwa, Mt., 4–5, 7, 10–13, 15, 28, 36, 39, 40, 41–43, 47, 50, 58–59, 72, 79, 80–82, 86, 94–96, 99; Buddhist cults, 63, 66–67, 68, 196; in the Edo period, 298–302; emishi, 151; and Kinpusen, 99, 105, 275; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 191–92, 203; and Murō, 80, 91, 108–19; in the Muromachi period, 261–64; and Saidaiji ­lineage, 158–60, 257n2; separation of kami and buddhas, 301–2; the Southern Court, 273; and Tendai, 197, 204– 6; as three mandalas, 208–9, 260; as three wheels, 195, 206–7; and Tōnomine, 96–97, 123, 125 Miwa bessho (Byōdōji), 12, 105–6, 118, 123, 140, 141, 309; abhiṣeka rituals, 167–68, 200, 212, 267, 294–97; Aizen worship, 235–49; Byōdōji Daichiin, 126–28, 263, 275; Byōdōji fire, 257, 274, 298; Byōdōji Henshōin, 298; Byōdōji in the Muromachi period, 262–64; Denbu Aizen, 238, 242–44, 257; dragon kings worship, 140; esoteric practices, 165, 167, 173n81, 257, 266–67; the founding of, 125–30; as jingūji to Ōmiwa Shrine,

129–30, 275; and Kasagidera, 129, 156– 57; and Kōen (Saidaiji), 155–56; library, 126–27; medieval Miwa cult, 196; Miroku statue and worship, 127–28, 140, 156; Miwa daimyōjin engi, 196, 211; Pure Land worship, 140; and Saidaiji lineage, 154–57; scholar monks and meditation monks, 274–75; Zenninbō Jōshin (Miwa Shōnin) 107, 127–28, 138–39. See also Daigorinji (Ōmiwa jingūji); Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Miwa, Mt.; Miwa shōnin; Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Miwa-ryū Shintō; Ōmiwa Shrine; Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); sacred rocks (iwakura); serpent deities (kami); Zenninbō Jōshin (Miwa Shōnin); Renkakubō Kōen Miwa daimyōjin engi, 159–60, 190– 213, 259, 307; three points (santen), 241n44. See also Amaterasu; Eizon (alt. Eison); Ise shrines; Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei); Saidaiji Miwadera (Ōmiwa jingūji), 62–63, 66, 71; Eleven-Headed Kannon, 89; restored by Saidaiji, 157–59, 190; and Tōnomine, 97. See also Daigorinji (Ōmiwa jingūji) Miwa no Mimoro Shrine, 48, 50 Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage), 7, 12, 106, 130– 31, 139–40, 187n29; early modern revival, 298–302; jingi kanjō, 245, 250– 51, 254, 257–58, 265; jingi kanjō shiki mandara, 279; late medieval developments, 275–80, 290–97; in medieval Japan, 260–61; Nihongi Miwa-ryū, 276, 290–91; and Tachikawa-ryū, 242. See also Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Zenninbō Jōshin (Miwa Shōnin) Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō altar, 291–92. See also altar Miwa-ryu jingi kanjō injin hiketsu, 300 Miwa-ryū Shintō, 4, 8, 10, 106, 219, 256– 302; early modern revival, 107n4, 256– 57, 264, 265–66, 293n79, 298–302; gap in the sources, 256–57, 275–76; late

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medieval documents, 275–80, 290–97; regional spread, 265–66, 272n40, 298– 99; rituals for professionals and artisans, 263–64 Miwa-ryū Shintō genryūshū, 293n79 Miwa-ryū Shintō kuketsu, 300 Miwa shōnin, 149, 156, 160, 169, 173, 208– 11, 242–43, 253–57, 277, 309–10. See also Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); non-elite Buddhist practitioners Miwa shōnin gyōjō, 107–17, 223n10, 258; re-used in the Edo period, 300 Miwa shōnin gyōjōshō, 107, 109–17; re-used in the Edo period, 300 Miwa shuku (hinin lodge), 89, 150–51, 157; the Mañjuśrī service, 153, 201n66 Miwayama Byōdōji Kyōenkan shōnin ­betsuden, 107n4, 300 Miwayama ezu (Map of Mt. Miwa), 261– 64, pl. 8 mizukaki fence (Ise shrines), 31 Mizukaki Palace (Sujin, Yamato ruler), 47, 60 mobility: of deities, 43–44; of esoteric knowledge, 160, 167–69, 173, 217–18, 257; of esoteric knowledge on kami, 239, 243–44, 257, 305–6; historic migration between Korea and Japan, 6–7, 27, 32–34, 66–67, 89, 151, 158; of holy men, monks, and mountain ascetics, 90–91, 94, 97, 209–10; transfer of kami concepts into the Buddhist discourse, 267, 293–97, 305–6 Mohe zhiguan (Zhiyi), 191n40, 244, 245n53 Mongol invasions, 4, 33; Aizen ritual, 169–73, 176–77, 218; Buddhist services, 189. See also pacification Monju. See Mañjuśrī Monkan Gushin, 212–13, 253 Monmu tennō, 84. See also rulers of Japan (tennō) Montoku jitsuroku, 65 monzeki, 77, 130n71, 168. See also Kōfu­ kuji (aka Yamashinadera); Ninnaji (Kyoto)

mother, 149–51, 153, 201 mountain ascetics (genja, shugenja, yamabushi), 6, 11, 13, 33, 35, 90–91, 93–101, 123; at Ise, 194 mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples), 20, 33, 36, 78; shugen networks in Yamato, 79, 90–91, 94–101, 112–15, 124–26, 140, 156; on Mt. Miwa, 208, 262; in Yamato and Kantō, 240, 305. See also shugen pilgrimage routes mountain lily, 60–61. See also Ōmiwa Shrine, festivals moxa, 60. See also Ōmiwa Shrine, festivals Mudōji, 95. See also Hiei, Mt.; Kinpusen, Mt. mudra, 117, 120, 238; the eight-petal lotus (hachiyōin), 250; in Ise kanjō, 248–49, 259–60; the closed-stupa (heitōin), 250; the outer five-pronged vajra (ge gokoin), 250; the stupa (tōin), 121, 123; the three-part stupa (sanbu tōin), 212, 259–60, 265; in Reiki kanjō, 278. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō); jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō) Mujū Ichien, 107, 117 Murō, Mt., 6, 11, 39, 40, 78, 79, 82, 105, 108, 111–19, 124, 125; Mt. Ben’ichi, 90– 94; Buddhist cults, 91; Butsuryūji, 90, 115; esoteric Buddhism at, 92–94, 217; Kanazawa Bunko ritual documents, 171n77; Kōfukuji monks at, 90–92; and Kyōen, 108–16, 223n10; Mt. Nyoi, 90; Murō Shrine temple ( jingūji), 90; Murō Zenji (Shūen), 91, 93n64; Murōji bettō, 92; Purging the Serpents (hija hō), 226n19, 243; rainmaking, 220, 281n58, 283; Ryūketsu Shrine, 90, 94, 112–14, 223n10; sanson gogyō hō, 211; Shōshin (Mt. Ikoma), 139. See also dragon deities; Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); serpent deities (kami); Zennyo Ryūō (Dragon King; also as a female deity) Mutsu Province, 89

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Nagahara Keiji, 73n2, 151–52 Nāga-kings, 113; Nanda (Hasedera), 86; Nanda and Upananda (Tamamushi zushi, Hōryūji), 221–23, 222 nagatoko. See Kumano Nakatomi harae, 34 Nakatomi harae kike, 34 Nakatomi harae kunge, 34, 183, 220n4, 295n82. See also purification Nakatsu michi (Middle road), 42, 86. See also roads Nara capital, 39, 40, 95. See also capitals of Japan; Nara temples Nara National Museum (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan), 83, 176n2, 286n65 Nara temples, 40, 65, 66, 81, 90–91, 111, 142–43, 148; hijiri from Nara, 180n10 Negoro, Mt., 120, 210–11. See also Kakuban nenbutsu: himitsu nenbutsu, 120; practice, 106; practitioners, 30n65, 130. See also Ippen; non-elite Buddhist practitioners; Pure Land nigimitama, 45–46, 59. See also aramitama; Ōnamuchi Nihongi kanjō, 247, 295n83. See also jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō); Reiki kanjō Nihongi Miwa-ryū, 276, 290–91. See also Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); medieval Nihongi Nihon kiryaku, 69. See also Nihon shoki Nihon ryōiki, 87–88, 97 Nihon shoki (Nihongi), 9, 14, 16, 28–29, 36, 42–58, 62, 83; emishi in Miwa, 151; in jingi kanjō, 264–65; kami, 219–20, 287; medieval lectures on, 261; medieval reinterpretation, 266–67, 287; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 191, 202. See also the Age of Gods, medieval Nihongi Nijō, Lady, 32 Nijō, Mt. (Yamato Province), 39, 40 Ningai (Ono branch of Shingon), 240– 41, 283 Ninigi (divine grandchild), 268 Ninkan (Tachikawa-ryū), 132, 242

Ninmyō tennō, 84. See also rulers of ­Japan (tennō) Ninnaji (Kyoto), 3, 27, 29, 78; clerics ­administrating Hasedera, 84; denbōe at, 119, 134, 164, 218; Denbu Aizen, 290; kami initiations ( jingi kanjō), 239, 248–49; medieval Shinto imagery, 239, 248–49, 265n19, 295n83; Prince Shūkaku, 29, 164 Ninshō (Saidaiji), 146–50, 154–55, 201n66; Gokurakuji, 171, 176; and ­Yugikyō, 167 nirmāṇakāya, 191n40, 259–60. See also “three bodies [of Tathāgata] in one” (sanshin soku ichi; sanshin nyorai) Niu Myōjin, 20. See also gongen (local deity); kami (Japanese deities) non-duality ( funi), 34, 172, 236–37, 306; Denbu Aizen, 241n44; dual pattern ( funi jini, “not two, yet two”), 194–95, 205; dual pattern (ryōbu funi), 250; in Ise kanjō, 248, 250; of kami and ­buddhas, 304; at Mt. Miwa, 209; in ­Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 293; threefold pattern of (sanbu funi), 195, 203–5. See also Kongōkai (Diamond World); Ryōbu Shintō (also ryōbu shūgō shintō); Taizōkai (Womb World); threefold/tripartite pattern; two mandalas (ryōbu, alt. ryōkai mandara) non-elite Buddhist practitioners, 8, 96, 166; biwa hōshi, 270–71; bonbu (unenlightened beings), 228–29; common folk, 96, 166; countryside priests, 139– 40, 155–56, 228–29; criticism of, 132– 37, 228–29, 242; and divine regalia, 271–72; as inventors of medieval Shinto, 254–57; lay practitioners (artisans, merchants, women), 263–64; and mobility of esoteric knowledge, 217–18, 240–41, 244; and medieval Shinto rituals, 247; Miwa shōnin, 106– 17, 120, 133–35, 140; peasant monk, 240–41; role in assembling new forms of worship, 304–6; Shinshū (Nabari),

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297. See also jakyō (perverse teachings); Yūgen norito, 58. See also Engishiki; Izumo no kuni fudoki (alt. Izumo fudoki) nuns: bikuni, 27; in early Japan, 57; at Ise, 32, 179; flogged at Miwa, 57 Nyoi, Mt. (wish-fulfilling mountain), 90. See also Murō, Mt. nyoi hōju (wish-fulfilling gem), 92–93, 112n19, 114–16, 171n77; Denbu Aizen, 240–41; in kami iconography, 285–90; in sanson gogyō hō, 211, 213. See also jewels (curved gems, magatama beads) Nyoirin Kannon. See Kannon Nyojitsu (Kamo Shōnin), 131–32, 242, 253, 284. See also Kōban, Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin) nyūbu (mountain entry), 100, 106. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples) ōbō buppō, 27. See also rulership Oda Nobunaga, 207 offerings (ku): to the Buddhist deities, 87, 98; kami ( jinku), 283–84; Suiten, 282n60; of sutras to the deities of Ise, 32. See also Ise shrines; Buddhism; Buddhism, at Ise Ōga family, 20, 49n30; Ōga women, 51, 56. See also Ōmiwa family ōkami (Great Deity), 44. See also kuni­ zukuri (creation of land; also deities) Oki Islands, 122, 124 okina (old man), 188n35, 286. See also kami iconography Ōkuninushi, 28n56, 43–46. See also Izumo; Ōmononushi; Ōnamuchi; Ōmiwa deity Ōmine, 31, 33, 79, 80, 98–99, 105. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples); sacred sites, networks; Shugendō; shugen temple networks Ōmiwa cult, 49, 59, 196, 202

Ōmiwa deity, 45–46, 49–50; getting first rank, 70n98; as Mahāvairocana, 193, 309; Miwa Daimyōjin, 112, 188n33, 191, 193, 206, 282; as part of esoteric mandala, 203; as plague deity (ekijin), 153; as a serpent, 201–2 Ōmiwa family, 56–58, 62, 65, 67–71; Kose shrine family, 69n95, 96, 196, 265n19; in Miwa daimyōjin engi, 200– 203; Ōmiwa asomi Takachimaro, 56, 62; Ōtataneko, 52–53, 201–2; and the Southern Court, 273; Takamiya family, 196, 265n19; Toranushi (court physician), 65 Ōmiwa land estates: Iwata no shō, 77, 81, 157; owned by Kōfukuji, 77, 81; Tōdaiji Tōnan’in, 105n1 Ōmiwa no kami sansha chinza shidai, 63–65, 207n77, 265n19 Ōmiwa Shrine, 12, 15, 45–46, 59; Denbu Aizen ritual, 244; esoteric writings at, 136, 173n81; festivals, 60–61, 65, 69; haiden (prayer hall) 190, 193, 262; hinin, 153, 263; Ise kanjō, 247; kannushi lineage, 52–53, 201–2; and Kasuga shrine jitō, 129; lands overtaken by ­Kōfukuji, 73–77, 105n1; medieval shrinetemple complex, 261–64; modern collection of historic sources, 257; nunneries, 262n14; Ōtataneko, 52–53, 201– 2; permanent buildings, 191, 193, 261– 63; and the Southern Court, 272–73; temple priests (shasō), 209, 261–63; ­torii, 261–62. See also Anashi Shrine; Chinkasai (alt. Hanashizume no ma­ tsuri; “Pacification of the Flowers,” Ōmiwa Shrine festival); Hanashizume Shrine (Miwa); Himuka Shrine (Mt. Miwa); Izakawa Shrine; Mimoro, Mt.; Sai Shrine; Saigusa matsuri (Three Herbs Festival); Tsunakoshi Shrine Omodaru (seven heavenly deities), 286– 87, 289. See also kami iconography Ōmononushi, 28n56, 49, 57n57, 59, 200n64, 201, 308; as a serpent, 220.

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Ōmononushi (continued) See also Miwa, Mt.; Ōkuninushi; Ōmiwa deity; Ōnamuchi Ōnakatomi clan, 28–29, 32, 178, 181, 244 Ōnamuchi, 43–46, 51, 59–61, 220, 241, 268; as Dairokuten Maō, 295n82; in medieval Shinto, 264–65, 297, 309. See also Izumo; Miwa, Mt.; Ōkuninushi; Ōmiwa deity; Ōmononushi Ōnara, 66. See also Korea; mobility, historic migration between Korea and Japan “one body, three names.” See “three bodies [of Tathāgata] in one” (sanshin soku ichi; sanshin nyorai) Onjōji, 20, 33–34, 187n29, 271. See also Enryakuji (Mt. Hiei); Hiei, Mt.; Mudōji; taimitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition); Tendai lineages Onmyōdō, 93, 267; festivals, 93; Goryū­ sai (Onmyōdō Festival of the Five Dragons), 93, 113, 283 onmyōji (yin-yang diviners), 27, 34, 93, 113, 220 Ono branch of Shingon, 93, 113n22, 115–16, 121, 133, 233–35; Denbu Aizen, 240–41; and Miwa shōnin, 277; role in assembling medieval kami worship, 306; Suiten worship, 283–84. See also Daigoji (Kyoto); Hiei, Mt.; Hirosawa branch of Shingon; taimitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition); Tōji (Kyoto) Ono Kōbō yonjū chō no ketsu, 233–34 oracles (by kami), 31, 49n30, 51, 56n54, 267 ōshi kanjō, 293, 296. See also Miwa-ryū Shintō Ōtataneko, 52–53, 201–2. See also Nihon shoki (Nihongi); Ōmiwa Shrine; Sujin tennō Ōtomabe (seven heavenly deities), 286, 289. See also kami iconography Ōtonoji (seven heavenly deities), 286, 289. See also kami iconography Outer Shrine of Ise (gekū), 28, 21, 32, 36,

177; clergy visiting Miwa, 244n52; as Kongōkai, 185–90, 231–32; as a stupa and a white snake in Ise kanjō, 247– 48; the Watarai library, 181. See also Inner Shrine of Ise (naikū); Ise shrines; Toyuke (aka Toyouke); Watarai (Ise) Owari Province, 30, 82, 91, 151 oyashiro kanjō, 258. See also Ise kanjō, jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō), Nihongi kanjō, Reiki kanjō pacification: of disease and disaster, 47, 52, 60–61, 69–70, 73; of Izumo by Yamato, 45, 58–59, 61–62; of malevolent forces (kōbuku, chōbuku), 163, 189; of Mongols, 169–70, 177, 187–89 “Pacification of the Flowers.” See Chin­ kasai (alt. Hanashizume no matsuri; Ōmiwa Shrine festival) pagoda. See temple pagoda patronage of shrines and temples, 8, 73, 84, 93, 98, 179, 263, 271 Peacock Sutra, 115, 177 Peasant Aizen. See Aizen Myōō; Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; kami iconography; Yugikyō peasant monk. See denbu no sō pilgrimage, 6, 15, 73, 78–80, 79, 204, 396; elite pilgrimage, 86, 98, 124, 143; to Hasedera, 86–89, 105, 153; to Ikoma, 147; to Ise, 28–36, 175–83, 187–88, 190– 92; to Kinpusen, 80, 97–101; to Miwa, 244, 262; Miwa as a stopover, 88–89, 94, 95, 99, 141; to Mt. Murō, 90, 94, 109, 110–12, 114; to Ōmine-Yoshino, 97–100, 105, 117; by proxy, 87; to Tōnomine, 94–97. See also sacred sites, networks; temple networks plague deity (ekijin), 48, 65. See also epidemics (plague) pollution (kegare), 152, 233, 236–37 portable shrine (zushi): Aizen (Saidaiji), 170–71; at Ise (Futaiji), 189–90; Ise mishōtai zushi (Saidaiji), 184–89, 232,

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290n4; at Kasagidera, 30; Tamamushi zushi (Hōryūji), 221–23, 222 precepts: Eizon and the emperor, 178; at Ise, 176n2; samaya, 91, 166; Vinaya, 142–43, 145, 153, 166 primeval chaos (konton), 229 principle (ri), 172, 194, 226, 293. See also wisdom (chi) prolonging life (enmei), 163 protection of the state, 68–69, 73, 84, 169–70, 177, 187 protective deities, 48, 67–69; Aizen and Daishō Kongō, 187; dragon kings, 221– 22; at Miwa, 263. See also chinju; gohō zenjin protective monks. See gojisō (protective monks) provincial shrines, 68; temples, 85 public paddies (ōyake no tehata), 77. See also land administration Pure Land, 22; imagery, 106; at Mt. Kōya, 119–20; Kegon interpretation of, 192; monks, 9n12, 36, 233; origin in pollution, 236; scholar-monks at Ise, 272 purging disasters (sokusai hō), 163 Purging the Serpents (hija hō), 93, 115n29, 226–27; in Kakugenshō, 243. See also Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; serpent deities (kami) purification, 23, 32, 82, 83, 99, 108, 194n50, 220, 267, 278; esoteric purification, 99, 108, 120, 194n50; fire purification (homa, goma), 111, 119, 120, 189n36; ­gomadokoro (Ōmiwa Shrine), 262; ­“ internal” (uchi goma), 232, 251–52, 280; in Miwa-ryū rituals, 280 rai disease (leprosy), 151 rainmaking, 24, 62–63, 71, 86, 90, 108; control of rain, 219–20; esoteric ­r ituals (shōuhō), 93, 105, 113–16, 282; in Ono branch of Shingon, 283–84 Raiyu, 283–84 Reiki kanjō, 36, 239, 247, 258, 274; in Miwaryū Shintō, 275–80, 296

Reikiki (alt. Tenchi reikiki), 9–10, 35, 183; divine regalia, 271–72; and kami imagery, 281, 284–86, 291n75, 294–97; lectures on, 261; in Miwa-ryū ritual documents, 276–80 relics, 70, 73, 161; as Aizen and kami, 226–27 Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin), 107, 131–40, 160, 169, 200; and acquisition of esoteric knowledge, 169n71, 173, 186n25, 208, 212, 242–44, 252; commentaries on Yugikyō, 133–39, 169, 173n81, 173n83, 187n29, 210, 251n64, 253; and Jikken (Daigoji Kongōōin), 137n97, 173, 242, 284; medieval Miwa cult, 196; Mañjuśrī worship, 149; me­ dieval kami worship, 196, 257; and Tachikawa-ryū, criticism of, 132–34, 242; in Urabe writings, 260–61. See also Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage) Renkakubō Kōen (Kairyūōji, Saidaiji), 155; and Miwa bessho, 156; in Miwaryū ritual documents, 245, 257n2; and Yugikyō, 167. See also Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage) reproductive metaphors: “five stages of the embryo in the womb” (tainai goi), 121, 134, 138; Mañjuśrī as a mother (hannya Monju tainai), 149; “merging of two roots” (nikon kyōe), 134; “red and white” (shakubyaku wagō), 251n64, 290; placenta, 252–53. See also childbirth; Rishukyō; Yugikyō Rikanbō Keijitsu (Chōgakuji), 150. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Mañjuśrī (Jp. Monju); Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Ninshō (Saidaiji); Saidaiji Rishukyō, 5, 13, 122n47, 133–34, 137, 170; copies at Ise, 177; in medieval Japan, 253 Rishushaku (Amoghavajra), 122n48, 134 Ritsuen sōhōden, 198

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ritual: gumonji hō (perfect memory), 33; jūhachidō kegyō, 144. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō); esoteric deities; jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō); sanson gogyō hō ritual knowledge, cross-fertilization of, 164, 217–18, 234–37, 239 ritual maps (sashizu), 254, 264–65, 279n54 roads. See Hatsuse road; Iware road; ­K amitsu michi (Upper road); Nakatsu michi (Middle road); Shimotsu michi (Lower road); Yamanobe no michi (Mountain Road); Yoko ōji (Great ­Horizontal Road) roadside offerings (michiae), 58n63. See also crossroads (chimata) rokudō. See six realms of transmigration (rokudō) Ruijū jingi hongen (Watarai Yukitada), 182, 271n37, 285n68 Ruijū sandaikyaku, 67 rulership, 13, 25–27, 46–48; new concepts of, 59, 273–74; symbols of in medieval Japan, 264–65, 267, 271–72, 290, 294–97 rulers of Japan (tennō), 6, 17n32, 18, 25–29, 42, 70, 77, 81, 83–84, 92–93; decrees to send esoteric monks to Ise, 179–81; and divine regalia, 267–70; early Yamato court (8th century), 17, 20, 41–43, 46–49, 56–59, 62, 68, 74, 83, 268; Insei rule, 77, 163; receiving precepts from Eizon, 177; Southern Court, 14n25, 207n77, 212, 270–74; split branches, 253–54, 271; See also Go-Daigo tennō; GoShirakawa tennō; Go-Toba tennō; Jinmu tennō; Shirakawa tennō; Shōmu tennō; Suiko tennō (also Kashikiyahime); Suinin tennō; Sujin tennō ryōbu mitsudan (altar of two mandalas), 131–32. See also altar; two mandalas (ryōbu, alt. ryōkai mandara) Ryōbu Shintō (also ryōbu shūgō shintō), 4–5, 9–10, 22, 35, 183n20, 184; at Ise, 198–99; at Miwa, 203–4, 309; theories, 220n4

Ryōchi Tokugyō (Yamashinadera/­ Kōfukuji), 97 Ryōga ajari, 122–24. See also ajari (also Shingon ajari) Ryōgen (Tendai prelate), 112n19 Ryōhen (Tendai monk), 261; and kami imagery, 281n57 Ryōyo Shōgei (Pure Land monk), 272; and kami imagery, 281n57, 284n66 -ryū (lineage), 130, 168. See also -gata (sub-lineage); temple lineages (general designation) Ryūketsu (Dragon Cave) Shrine, 90, 94, 112–14, 223n10. See also Dragon Cave (Ryūketsu); dragon deities; serpent deities (kami) sacred landscape, 159, 193, 203–13, 239; human body, 120, 232, 237; Katsuragi, 221; Mt. Miwa, 261–64; transformation of, 217 sacred rocks (iwakura), 16, 23, 63–64; three rocks at Miwa, 200–201, 261–64 sacred sites: contact between Ise and Miwa, 197–98; contact between Miwa and Mt. Ikoma, 280–81; in situ, 11– 13; networks, 11–13, 33–34, 90–91, 95, 108, 111, 114–15, 124–26, 158, 183n19, 307; Ōmiwa shrine-temple complex, 261–64 Saichō, 24, 91, 92, 204, 207n77 Saidaiji: Aizen Hall, 188–89; Denbu ­A izen, 238; esoteric cults, 161–62; Ise mishōtai zushi, 184–90, 232; at Miwa, 141–42, 257–58; network and expansion, 154, 159–60, 190; network in Ise and Kantō, 169–70, 171, 175, 182–90, 231, 305; order, 128–29; summer retreats, 155; temple, 141–74; Vinaya scriptures, 154, 258. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Kakujō (Saidaiji); Ninshō (Saidaiji); Sen’yū (Saidaiji) Saidaiji chōro daidai myō, 197–98 Saidaiji den’en mokuroku, 155 Saidaiji shizai rukichō, 142–43

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saigū. See abstinence palace Saigusa matsuri (Three Herbs Festival), 61. See also Ōmiwa Shrine, festivals; Sai Shrine Saikyōji (Mt. Hiei), 257, 258n4, 267 Saionji family, 177–78 Sai Shrine, 59, 65–66, 76, 262. See also Ōmiwa Shrine Sakadono (Ise shrines), 180 Sakurai Chausuyama (kofun-style tomb), 41 Śākyamuni, 148, 223; in Dragon King’s Palace, 221n7; painting at Ise, 176; at Saidaiji, 155 salvatory techniques, 8, 116, 173–74, 218– 19, 236, 304, 307–8 samādhi, 201, 226, 253n68 samaya precepts, 91, 166. See also Vinaya precepts saṃbhogakāya, 191n40. See also “three bodies [of Tathāgata] in one” (sanshin soku ichi; sanshin nyorai) saṃsāra, 19. See also six realms of transmigration (rokudō) Sanbu bugyōki, 204n68 Sanbu gogyō himitsu kanjō injin, 212. See also non-duality ( funi); threefold/ tripartite pattern Sanbu Gongen (Mt. Kōya), 210–11; Sanbu, whale bones as ritual offerings, 283n64; Suiten, 283. See also Daigoji (Kyoto); esoteric Buddhism; Kongōbuji (Mt. Kōya); Kūkai; Ninnaji (Kyoto); Ono branch of Shingon; tai­mitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition); temple networks; Tōji (Kyoto) ; threefold/tripartite pattern Sandai jitsuroku, 70n98 Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei), 206n74, 210–11, 228–29. See also Hiei, Mt.; threefold/ tripartite pattern; “three sages” (Mt. Hiei) Sanskrit syllables (Siddham), 120; Aizen as the Sanskrit syllable hhūṃ, pl. 2; hūṃ (also hhūṃ), 171–73, 227, 235,

238–40, 243; as a human body, 245; ­Inner Shrine of Ise, 248, 250; at Ise, 176, 185–87, 243; in Ise kanjō, 248, 250; mandala (ryōkai shuji mandara), 162, 194–95; in Miwa-ryū rituals, 277–78; Outer Shrine of Ise, 248, 250; rāṃ, 194, 226; texts with, 144; three syllables (ā, vāṃ, hūṃ, also hhūṃ), 238, 248, 250, 278; vāṃ, 121, 194, 221n7, 243 sanson gogyō hō, 211, 237n36. See also ­r itual; threefold/tripartite pattern Sarashina nikki, 87 scholar-monks (gakusō, gakuryo), 6, 9n12, 31, 98, 134; at Mt. Kōya, 173; at Miwa, 274–75. See also Sōshō (Tōdaiji) “seals of trust” (injin), 234, 237, 247, 299, pl. 7a Sei Shōnagon, 88–89, 277n50 Seiryō Genshin (Daigoji Sanbōin), 107n4, 112, 275n46, 298–302. See also Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage) Seiryū Gongen (Daigoji), 20, 223n10; and Suiten, 283. See also kami (Japanese deities) Seizon, 25–27, 34 Sekidera, 21, 33, 35, 180n10, 198–99. See also Inner Shrine of Ise (naiku); Ise shrines, Outer Shrine of Ise (gekū); temple networks Sekizan Myōjin, 20. See also kami (Japanese deities) self-ordination ( jisei jukai), 145. See also Eizon (alt. Eison); Saidaiji; Vinaya Sendai kuji hongi, 50, 266; and divine ­regalia, 272n39, 284 sendatsu, 99–101, 110; thirty-six temples, 100. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples); Tōzan branch (Tōzanha) of Shugendō Sengūin, 33–34, 35. See also Ise shrines; Sekidera; temple networks Sengūin himon, 183 Senjuin (Mt. Kōya), 124. See also bessho

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Senjūshō, 81 Sen’yū (Saidaiji), 197–98, 200 serpent: Aizen, 235–45; blue, 231, 238; body (of a deity; jakei, jashin), 226–29; white, 231; white snake ritual (byakuja hō), 93, 115n29, 171n77. See also Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; dragon deities; serpent deities (kami); Zennyo Ryūō (Dragon King; also as a female deity) serpent deities (kami), 35, 43, 49–50, 71, 93–94, 112, 201–2, 219–29; Aizen, 235–45; Amaterasu, 229–34, 247–49, 290; Denbu Aizen, 245, 290; Hōzanji images, 281–90; of Ise, 249; serpent symbolism, meaning of, 306–7; Suiten, 281–83 setsuwa (Buddhist tales), 29, 81n18, 87– 88, 97 107, 113–14, 153, 188n35. See also Konjaku monogatarishū; Nihon ryōiki; Shasekishū (Mujū Ichien) seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai), 265n19, 285–90, 288–89; male and ­female pairs, 286–87. See also five earthly deities (chijin godai); kami (Japanese deities) Seyadatara-hime, 50. See also women, divine marriage (shinkon) Shasekishū (Mujū Ichien), 107, 117 Shichidaiji junrei shiki, 143 Shiki, Mt. (Yamato), 39, 40, 111 Shikinokami District (Yamato), 77. See also Yamato (Province), landscape Shiki Shrine (Miwa), 60. See also Ōmiwa Shrine Shimotsu michi (Lower road), 42. See also roads shinamono no hire (ten divine treasures), 286. See also kami iconography shinbutsu shūgō, 3, 22; and medieval ­notions of rulership, 274, 296 Shingon ajari, 31; at Ise, 180; ōajari, 181; shintō ajari, 264, 265–66 Shingon clergy, 26–27, 31, 92–93, 78. 98; at Ise, 28–36, 180–81; lineages, 132;

mantra master (shingonshi), 180; and Miwa-ryū, 242; Tachikawa-ryū, 132– 34, 138n102 Shingon fuhō san’yōshō (Seizon), 25–27 Shingon Ritsu, 111, 145, 165–66; at Ise, 180, 182–83; in Kantō, 171–72, 235. See also Saidaiji; temple networks shinkoku (divine land), 4, 308. See also Mahāvairocana, Dainichi [no] hongoku (radiant land of Dainichi) Shinpukuji (Ōsu Bunko; Nagoya), 30, 130; Ise kanjō, 247; Nihongi Miwa-ryū, 276 Shinra Myōjin, 20. See also kami (Japanese deities) Shinsen’en, 93, 114, 220, 283–84. See also rainmaking Shinshū (Nabari), 275–80, 290–97 Shinto: early kami worship (also jindō), 2–9, 15, 16–24, 28–29, 42–43, 47–49, 67, 90; in the Edo period, 298–99; esoteric kami worship, 224–29, 246–47, 239–45; Goryū Shintō, 94n69; Ise Shintō (Watarai), 4, 179, 182, 199; jindō, 22, 90–92, 303–4; jingi cult, 302; kami worship as affairs of state, 18, 68–70; medieval Shinto, 10, 12–13, 246, 260– 61, 306–7, 310; Sannō Shintō, 4, 206–7, 210–11, 228; the term, 1–4, 14–15, 260– 62, 291n76, 303–10. See also Miwa-ryū Shintō Shintō Ama no Iwato no daiji, 236n35. See also Heavenly Cave (Ama no Iwato) Shinto clergy (negi, kannushi), 6, 8, 13, 34, 62, 67; and Denbu Aizen, 244; at Ise, 179, 231–33, 305–6; Miwa shrine clergy and Southern Court, 273 Shintō gobusho (Watarai), 36, 182. See also Arakida (Inner Shrine of Ise); Ise Shintō; Watarai (Ise) Shinto icons/imagery. See kami iconography shintō kanjō, 13, 200, 246–47, 254, 257–58; institutionalization of, 264; Miwa-ryū, 274, 294–97. See also jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō)

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shintō kirikami, 36, 247n58; during the Edo period, 299. See also kirikami (cut-paper initiation certificates); “seals of trust” (injin) Shirakawa tennō, 77. See also rulers of ­Japan (tennō) Shōbō (Kinpusen), 97, 100n89. See also Kinpusen, Mt.; mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples) shōen (land estates), 73–75, 77, 81; Ategawa no shō, 159n54; disintegration of, 168; in the engi literature, 159; hinin (outcasts), employed at, 152. See also Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera); Ōmiwa Shrine Shōko daitokufu, 147–48. See also Ninshō (Saidaiji); Saidaiji Shoku Nihongi, 62n76, 84, 85n32 Shōmu tennō, 83, 85. See also rulers of ­Japan (tennō) Shōmyōji (Kanazawa Bunko), 171–73, 210, 235n32, 240 shōnin/hijiri networks, 108, 111, 124, 218, 240 Shōrinji (Miwa), 63, 64, 89, 202, 302 Shoryū kanjō (Hasedera), 132n78, 211– 12, 258n4 Shosan engi, 99, 111n17. See also engi ­literature; Miwa daimyōjin engi Shosha daiji, 247, 264 Shōshin (Mt. Ikoma), 132, 139; and Miwa bessho, 258 Shōtoku Taishi, 161, 201–2. See also Soga family shrine lineages, 9n12, 12, 34, 62; and ­esoteric kami worship, 229, 231–33, 260–61; at Ise, 179–80. See also Arakida (Inner Shrine of Ise); Ōmiwa; Urabe (also Urabe-Yoshida); Watarai (Ise) shrine temple monks (shasō, kyūsō), 6, 9n12, 181, 196; at Miwa, 262–63, 275; shasō rongisho (shrine temple monks assembly), 262, 275 Shrine to the Wind (Kaze no miya). See

Ise shrines, Kaze no miya (Shrine to the Wind) shugen (also Shugendō). See mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples); Tōzan branch (Tōzanha) of Shugendō shugen pilgrimage routes, 78, 79, 81–82, 86, 90–91, 94–101, 105, 112–15, 140 Shūkaku (Hōshinnō, Ninnaji), 29, 164 Shunge shūgetsu sōshō (Sōshō), 127 Silla, 44, 55, 67, 154, 269n28. See also Korea six realms of transmigration (rokudō), 85, 95 Soga family, 53–57, 62. See also Shōtoku Taishi sokui kanjō (enthronement ritual), 25, 199n61, 291–92, 293n79; in medieval Shinto rituals, 295. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō); jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō) sokushin jōbutsu (esoteric enlightenment, buddhahood with this very body), 112, 116–17, 123–24, 135, 218–19, 236, 240, 245, 252, 306; and medieval rulership, 293, 296; in Miwa-ryū Shintō, 296–97, 299; verse (Kakuban’s formula), 109, 118–19, 121; and the Yugikyō, 236 Sokushin jōbutsu gi (Kukai), 116 sōmoku jōbutsu (grasses and trees becoming buddhas), 193 sōmoku kokudo (all grasses and trees), 193 Song China, scriptures and printed works arriving from: 36, 154, 176, 182; tales of monks, 230 Sōnokami District (Yamato Province), 61, 144; donated to Kōfukuji, 76–77 Sonshō, 170, 189n36. See also esoteric deities Soshitsuji, 122n47, 208, 212, 250, 260. See also Kongōkai (Diamond World); “Lotus Part”; non-duality ( funi); Taizōkai (Womb World); threefold/tripartite pattern

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Index

Sōshō (Tōdaiji), 66n87, 126–28, 131n72 soul (Ch. hun and po; Jp. konpaku), 227 spear, heavenly (ama no nuhoko), 267–68, 287, 296–97. See also jewels (curved gems, magatama beads); mirror; sword; three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia) star cults, 72, 184, 207, 267 sudden enlightenment (certificate, injin of), 123, 144. See also esoteric ­enlightenment (sokushin jōbutsu, ­enlightenment with this very body) Sue clay ware, 65n85, 66n86 suffering, 19, 66, 152, 224. See also saṃsāra; six realms of transmigration (rokudō) Suijini (seven heavenly deities), 286, 289. See also kami iconography Suiko tennō (also Kashikiya-hime), 17n32, 54–55, 57, 269n29. See also ­r ulers of Japan (tennō) Suinin tennō, 28, 48, 191, 193, 200, 268, 269n28, 269n29. See also rulers of ­Japan (tennō) Suiten (esoteric deity), 281–83; and kami, 283. See also esoteric deities; Ono branch of Shingon; rainmaking Sujin tennō, 17, 28, 47, 49, 60. See also ­r ulers of Japan (tennō) Sukunabiko, 45, 60–61, 65. See also Izumo; Ōnamuchi Sumeru, Mt., 221–23, 222, 231–32 Sumiyoshi Shrine, 68, 170, 176–77 sun imagery in Buddhist icons: Aizen, 162–63, 171–72. See also Mahāvairocana Sun line (Yamato ruling house), 17–18, 43, 56, 268. See also Jitō tennō; rulers of Japan (tennō); Tenmu tennō sun worship, 47n24, 48 Susanoo, 43–44, 241; and Kusanagi sword, 268; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 295 sutra: burial (Kinpusen), 98; copying, 176–77; offering to Ise, 31, 32, 177, 188; reading of sutras in front of the

deities, 68–69; speed reading (tendoku), 31. See also Buddhism, at Ise; Great Wisdom Sutra Sutra for Benevolent Kings (Ch. Renwang jing, Jp. Ninnōkyō), 68, 69, 170, 176n2; at Ise, 177; Tiantai commentaries on, 205 Sutra of the Guiding Principle. See Rishukyō sword, 267–68; in medieval Shinto iconography, 285–89; presented to newborn royal heir, 269n30; treasure sword of a ruler, 290. See also jewels (curved gems, magatama beads); mirror; spear, heavenly (ama no nuhoko); three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also ­imperial regalia) Tado jingūji garan engi narabi ni shi­ zaichō, 90 Tado Shrine, 19n36, 91 taimitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition), 164, 186n28, 195, 204–5, 210, 211n91, 225, 250n62, 282n60 tainai goi (five stages of embryo in the womb), 121, 253. See also reproductive metaphors Taishi kanjō, 291–92. See also abhiṣeka (Buddhist initiation, Jp. kanjō); jingi kanjō (also shintō kanjō); Miwa-ryū Shintō Taizōkai (Womb World), 5, 13, 34, 122n47, 123, 131–32, 162n56, 172; and Denbu ­A izen, 241; and esoteric enlightenment, 236; at Ise, 176, 181, 185, 231–32; in Ise kanjō, 247–50; mandala, panel from Ise mishōtai zushi (Saidaiji), pl. 4; as part of three sections, 195, 203, 260; and twelve deities, 282. See also Kongōkai (Diamond World); non-­ duality ( funi); Soshitsuji; threefold/ tripartite pattern Takakura, Mt. (Ise), 33. See also Ise shrines Takamiya Shrine family (Ōmiwa Shrine), 196, 265n19; and Southern Court, 273.

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See also Kose Shrine family (Ōmiwa); Ōmiwa Shrine; shrine lineages Tamamushi zushi (Hōryūji), 221–23, 222, 231 taru no tama (ten divine treasures), 285. See also kami iconography tatarigami, 59. See also kami (Japanese deities) tax exemption, 77. See also land administration; shōen (land estates) temple administration, 80, 84, 91, 98 temple archives, 2–3, 30, 32, 130, 240n43, 254. See also Eizan Bunko (temple archive); Ise Jingū Bunko (archive of the Ise shrines); Kanazawa Bunko (temple archive); Kōya, Mt.; Ninnaji (Kyoto); Ōmiwa Shrine collection; Shinpukuji (Ōsu Bunko; Nagoya) temple construction: Kōshōji in Ise, 182– 83; of Miwa bessho, 125; Saidaiji, 142– 43, 146; in Yamato and other provinces, 83, 90–92, 98 temple lineages (general designation), 5, 8, 9n12, 11, 121, 164, 204, 217, 239, 274, 287; esoteric at Ise, 36, 179–80; at Miwa, 12, 267, 274; at Murō, 93–94. See also Daigoji (Kyoto); Enryakuji (Mt. Hiei); Kōfukuji (aka Yamashinadera); Kōya, Mt.; Shingon clergy; Tendai lineages; Zen lineages temple networks, 78, 79, 81–82, 108, 217– 18, 240, 307; Ise and Miwa, 197–98, 231, 244, 305; Miwa bessho and Kasagidera, 139, 141; Mt. Kōya and Kumano, 137; Saidaiji, 154, 158–59, 169–70; Saidaiji in Kantō, 171–72, 235n32. See also sacred sites, networks temple pagoda, 91, 143; Ōmiwa jingūji, 158–59; Saidaiji, 149 temple restoration, 158–60, 196 temples (general designation): branch of Saidaiji, 159–60, 162; branch temples (matsuji), 76, 84, 90, 97; Daigorinji as branch of Saidaiji, 190; kenmon, 76–77; of Saidaiji in Kantō, 171. See also jōga-

kuji; kanji (alt. kandaiji, governmentsponsored temple); kokubunji Tenchi reiki furoku, 285. See also Reikiki (alt. Tenchi reikiki) Tenchi reikiki. See Reikiki (alt. Tenchi reikiki) Tendai lineages, 24; and Butsugen ­Butsumo, 187n29, 195n51, 209n81; at Ise, 28–36; and kami, 72, 204; Sanbu Gongen, 210–11; and Suiten, 282n60; Tiantai, 27n55, 36, 98, 187n29 ten divine treasures, 272n39, 284–86. See also three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia) tenjin shichidai. See seven heavenly ­deities (tenjin shichidai) Tenji tennō, 42. See also rulers of Japan (tennō) Tenmu tennō, 17, 43, 56, 62. See also Jitō tennō; rulers of Japan (tennō) Tenshō Daijin giki, 35n76. See also Bikisho Tenshō Daijin kuketsu, 183, 199, 232, 259; and kami imagery, 281n57. See also Bikisho tendoku. See sutra, speed reading (tendoku) Thousand-Armed Kannon (Senju Kannon). See Kannon “three bodies [of Tathāgata] in one” ­(sanshin soku ichi; sanshin nyorai), 191, 204, 206, 236 “three contemplations” (sankan), 293 three divine regalia (sanshu no jinki; also imperial regalia), 13, 254, 261n9, 264– 65, 267, 294–96; as false replica (sword), 271; Jihen, 271n37, 284, 286; in Miwaryū ritual documents, 274, 294–97; in Nihon shoki, 268–69; and Pure Land scholar monks, 271–72; Reikiki, 35n77, 271–72, 281, 284, 295n83; Sendai kuji hongi, 284; and Tendai lineages, 270– 71. See also jewels (curved gems, maga­ tama beads); kami iconography; mirror; spear, heavenly (ama no nuhoko); sword; ten divine treasures

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threefold/tripartite pattern, 195–96, 203– 13, 308; and Denbu Aizen, 241n44; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 293, 296 Three Herbs Festival. See Saigusa matsuri “three luminaries” (sankō), 293 three mandalas (also three parts, three sections of a mandala): Denbu Aizen, 241n44; in the engi literature, 208; merging the three parts (sanbu wagō), 194–95, 204–5; “Three Part Dainichi,” 206; secret ritual (sanbu hihō), 208, 212–13. See also non-duality ( funi); threefold/tripartite pattern “three names, one body,” 227 “three points” (santen; three truths, ­santei), 191, 204, 212; Denbu Aizen, 241n44 “three poisons” (sandoku), 224–25, 228– 29, 231, 236; in Kakugenshō, 243 “three sages” (Mt. Hiei), 206. See also Sannō Gongen (Mt. Hiei) three torii (Ōmiwa Shrine), 261–62; in Miwa-ryū jingi kanjō, 257n2, 278– 79, 293; in Tendai thought, 207 three worms (sanshi), 277n50 Tiantai, 72, 184, 205, 206n74; theories, 191n40. See also Tendai lineages; Zhanran; Zhiyi Tōdaiji (Nara), 30, 31, 56, 66, 81, 84, 119, 141, 145, 300n86; Chōgen, 31, 179n10, 180n10; in the 8th century, 142; Enshō Shōnin, 107, 131, 187n31; patronage of Hasedera, 84; restoration of the Great Buddha, 30–31; self-ordination at, 145; Sōshō, 126–28, 156, 263; Tōnan’in, 105, 126–28 Tōdaiji Enshō shōnin gyōjō, 107n5, 131 Tōdaiji yōroku, 84 Tōgi (Kinpusen/Yoshino), 108–9, 116, 300 Tōji (Kyoto), 27, 78, 115–16, 119n41, 122n47, 134; bettō, 25; chōja, 115, 180; Denbu ­A izen (Peasant Aizen) ritual, 238; ­dissemination of esoteric knowledge, 109, 134, 168, 211n89, 217; Hōbodaiin,

247–48, 256, 259–60; at Ise, 180–81, 199; Ise kanjō, 218, 247–55; Purging the Serpents ritual (hija hō), 226n19, 243; transmissions, 171n77, 180, 238; twelve deities ( jūniten), 281n58 Tokoyo, 45. See also Sukunabiko Tokudo Shōnin (Hasedera), 83–84 tombs. See kofun (tombs) Tōnomine, 6, 39, 40, 79, 94–97, 117, 123, 307; and Kōfukuji, 95–96; and Miwa, 196, 207–9, 211 Tōnomine ryakki, 96 Tōshōdaiji (Nara), 111 Toyoashira jinpū waki (Jihen), 14n25 Toyokumunu (seven heavenly deities), 280n56, 281n57, 284–86, 288. See also kami (Japanese deities); seven heavenly deities (tenjin shichidai) Toyuke (aka Toyouke), 28, 36; in Ise kanjō, 247–48. See also Ise shrines; Outer Shrine of Ise (geku); Watarai (Ise) Toyuke no miya gishikichō, 28 Tōzan branch (Tōzanha) of Shugendō, 99n85, 100, 208, 298. See also mountain austerities (including shugen, or Shugendō; shugen temples); sendatsu; shugen pilgrimage routes; temple networks transfer. See esoteric concepts, transferred to trees: camphor, 83; enlightenment of (sōmoku jōbutsu), 193; grasses and trees (sōmoku kokudo), 193; on Mt. Miwa, 151; sakaki, 267; as substitute objects (yorishiro), 17, 23 Tsubaichi (alt. Tsubakiichi Market, in Miwa), 42, 57–58, 82, 87–90, 153, 263 Tsubaki Market. See Tsubaichi (alt. ­Tsubakiichi Market, in Miwa) Tsubosakadera, 89, 139 Tsuji Zennosuke, 22n43 Tsūkai (Ise), 32–33, 178–81, 189 Tsunakoshi Shrine, 59. See Ōmiwa Shrine

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Tsushima, 176 Tuoluoni jing (Darani shukyō), 282n60 twelve deities ( jūniten), 281n58, 282. See also Suiten (esoteric deity) twenty-two shrines (nijūnisha), 18, 22, 68, 70, 73. See also kami, worship as affairs of state two mandalas (ryōbu, alt. ryōkai mandara), 5, 99, 243n50; and Arakida ­Nobusue, 187n31; and Denbu Aizen, 241; in Ise kanjō, 248; in Ise mishōtai zushi, 184–90; rainmaking, 283. See also Ise shrines; Kongōkai (Diamond World); non-duality ( funi); Ryōbu Shintō (also ryōbu shūgō shintō); Tai­ zōkai (Womb World) Uijini (seven heavenly deities), 286, 289. See also kami iconography ujidera, 29 Urabe (also Urabe-Yoshida), 9n12, 14– 15, 22, 209n82, 260–61, 310; Kanekuni, 260–61; Kanetomo, 14–15, 22n43, 261, 277, 297, 310; and medieval Nihongi, 266, 271; and ryōbu shūgō shintō, 22n43 Usa Hachimangū (shrine, northern ­Kyushu), 20, 21, 49n30, 51, 68 utagaki, 58. See also crossroads (chimata); Man’yōshū; Tsubaichi (alt. Tsubakiichi Market, in Miwa) Vajrabodhi, 133 vajrasattva (also kongōsatta, sattva), 26, 116, 151, 162, 166, 172, 226 Vinaya, 66, 93n64; Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, 155–57; restoration (kairitsu fukkō), 141–46, 183; scriptures from China, 154, 155n43; writings at Miwa, 128–29, 139. See also Shingon Ritsu; Saidaiji Vinaya precepts, 142–43, 145, 153, 166; ­Eizon to the emperor, 178; at Ise, 176n2 visualization of kami: Aizen, 236; at

­ asedera, Daigorinji, and Hōzanji, H 280–90; Ise shrines, 185–90, 230; as serpents, 232–45, 248–50; in Reikiki, 271n38. See also invisibility of kami; kami iconography volatile deities (araburu kami), 22, 30, 35 Wakamiya (Ōmiwa Shrine), 262; bettō, 263 Wakan rōeishu, 81 waka poems: in medieval Shinto, 248n61, 251, 252, 293; in Miwayama ezu, 262n12 wakō dōjin, 226, 229. See also honji suijaku; shinbutsu shūgō Wa polity (early Yamato polity), 41 warfare: in the Yamato region, 95–96, 98. See also Genpei War; Heiji Rebellion; Hōgen Rebellion Watarai (Ise), 28–29, 33, 36, 179, 181, 199, 229; Ieyuki, 199, 253, 271, 285n68; and Kakujō (Saidaiji), 259; Tsuneyoshi, 199, 231, 261n9; Yukitada, 179, 181–82 weaving, 44, 50–51, 56–57; Aya weavers, 57; Kure weavers, 57; myths at Miwa, 200–201 Wei zhi, 41. See also Himiko; rulers of Japan (tennō); Wa polity (early Yamato polity) White snake ritual (byakuja hō), 93, 115n29, 171n77. See also dragon deities; Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Murō, Mt.; ­serpent deities (kami); Tōji (Kyoto); Zennyo Ryūō (Dragon King; also as a female deity) wisdom (chi), 172, 194, 226, 293. See also esoteric wisdom (gochi); mandalas (ryōbu, alt. ryōkai mandara); principle (ri); Ryōbu Shintō (also ryōbu shūgō shintō) wisdom deities: and kami imagery, 281; Mañjuśrī, 148–49; wisdom kings, 161– 62, 221–22 Wisdom Heart Sutra, 31, 68. See also sutra

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Women: at Hasedera, 86–89; at Ise, 32; and kami, 47–51; and Miwa, 63, 86–89, 301; salvation of, 112–13, 146. See also divine marriage (shinkon); Himetatara Isuzu-hime; Himiko; nuns; Yamatohime; Yamato Totobi­momoso-hime worldly passions (bonnō), 224–26, 308. See also bonnō soku bodai (worldly passions are equivalent to enlightenment) Xuanzang, 66, 148n21, 156n47 Yakushi (Sk. Bhaiṣajyaguru), 3, 54, 63, 304; at Miwa, 63–65; at Saidaiji, 143 Yakushiji (Nara), 65, 304 Yakushi nyorai hongankyō, 65 Yamanobe no michi (Mountain Road), 41–42, 56, 82n22, 95. See also roads Yamato (Province): governor, 76; Kōfu­ kuji, 77; landscape, 39–40, 41–42, 90– 91, 239; mountain temples, 80, 82, 86, 90–91, 94–101; warfare, 95–96, 98, 269– 70. See also Genpei War; rulers of ­Japan (tennō) Yamato-hime, 28, 193–94, 203. See also women Yamatohime no mikoto seiki, 271 Yamato katsuragi hōzanki, 221–22, 223n12, 231. See also Katsuragi, Mt. Yamato no Ōkunidama, 28, 47. See also Amaterasu; kami (Japanese deities) Yamato Takeru, 295 Yamato Totobimomoso-hime, 49, 51, 200n64. See also women Yijing (Book of Changes), 184 yin-yang, 17; the five elements as a body, 120, 184, 229. See also five agents (Ch. wuxing, Jp. gogyō; Chinese correlative system); Onmyōdō yin-yang diviners (onmyōji), 27, 34, 93, 113, 220. See also Onmyōdō

Yogācāra, 145, 149, 151–52, 156n47; treatises, 145, 192 Yogācārabhumi śāstra, 149, 244; and three poisons, 224 Yogin Sūtra. See Yugikyō Yoko ōji (Great Horizontal Road), 42, 56, 153. See also roads yorishiro (substitute object), 16–17. See also goshintai (the sacred body of the deity); kami (Japanese deities); mirror Yoshida Kanetomo, 14, 22n43, 261, 277, 297, 310. See also Urabe (also UrabeYoshida) Yoshino, 6, 39, 51, 56, 78, 82, 91, 95, 97– 99, 108, 117, 125, 208, 307; and Ōmiwa Shrine families, 273, 275; Southern Court, 272–73. See also sacred sites, networks; shugen pilgrimage routes; temple networks Yuga shiji ron, 245n53. See also Yogācāra; Yogācārabhumi śāstra Yuga yugi kuden (Rendōbō Hōkyō [Miwa], with comments by Kōban), 136–37. See also Kakugenshō (Ren­dōbō Hōkyō); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Yugikyō Yūgen, 136, 252. See also Kakuban; ­Kakugenshō (Rendōbō Hōkyō); Kōya, Mt.; Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Shingon clergy Yugi hiyōketsu (Shōshin, Mt. Ikoma), 139n104. See also Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin); Yugikyō Yugi kirimon, 121–22, 124. See also Kaku­ ban; Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Yugikyō Yugikyō, 5, 13, 122, 132–35, 139, 265, 290n74, 308; Aizen imagery, 136, 155, 165, 172, 235–37; copies at Ise, 177; Hossō interpretations of, 186; inserted into the Saidaiji Aizen statue, 155, 165–67, 172; Ise mishōtai zushi, 186– 87; and kami, 235–49, 253, 265, 308;

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0



Index 397

kuden on Aizen and Amaterasu, 210; medieval commentaries on, 122, 135n89, 139, 169, 173, 187n29, 210, 251n64; medieval transmissions on the (kuden), 164, 168–69, 237; and Miwa practitioners, 132–33, 136–38, 169, 173n81, 173n83, 243; Yogic altar at Ise, 181, 189. See also Denbu Aizen (Peasant Aizen) ritual; non-duality ( funi); non-elite Buddhist practitioners; Rishukyō; Shingon clergy; taimitsu (Tendai esoteric tradition) Yugikyō, text of (numerically by chapter): chapter 2, 136, 251n64; chapter 5, 162, 165, 166n65, 172, 187n29, 210, 236; chapter 7, 173; chapter 8 and Daishō Kongō, 186n28, 187n29; chapter 9 and Butsugen Butsumo, 187n29 Yugikyō hiketsu (Jitsuun), 135n85, 173n81, 251n64. See also Genpishō (Jitsuun); Ōmiwa Shrine; Yugikyō Yugikyō kuketsu (Dōhan), 135n85, 173n81, 210. See also Yugikyō Yuiitsu Shintō myōbō yōshū (Urabe [Yo­ shida] Kanetomo), 14n25, 22n43, 277, 297. See also Shinto Yūkai, 132–36. See also Hōkyōshō (Yūkai, 1375); Kōban; Kōya, Mt.; Miwa-ryū (Miwa lineage); non-elite Buddhist practitioners, criticism of; Rendōbō Hōkyō (Miwa Shōnin) Yūryaku, 28, 57. See also rulers of Japan (tennō)

Zaō Gongen (Kinpusen), 20, 96–97, 212. See also kami (Japanese deities); Kinpusen, Mt.; Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji) Zen lineages, 9n12, 106–7, 182; at Ise, 181; monks, 164; scholarship, 36, 91n56 Zenninbō Jōshin (Miwa Shōnin), 107, 127–28, 138–39; and Kōen, 155–56; ­medieval Miwa cult, 196. See also Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Miwa bessho (Byōdōji); Saidaiji Zennyo Ryūō (Dragon King; also as a ­female deity), 111–15, 123n50, 202; ­Goryūsai (Onmyōdō Festival of the Five Dragons), 93, 281n58; in Kane­ kuni hyakushu kashō, 260–61; palace, 115n27, 221–23; pointy claw, 112, 114– 16, 171n77; Suiten, 283–84. See also dragon deities; Kanazawa Bunko (temple archive); Kyōen (Miwa Shōnin); Murō, Mt; nyoi hōju (wish-fulfilling gem); serpent deities (kami) zenshū (meditation monks; aka zensō), 97; at Byōdōji, 274–75, 277. See also non-elite Buddhist practitioners Zentsūji (Shikoku), 235 Zhanran, 205. See also Tiantai; Zhiyi Zhiyi, 191n40, 205, 244. See also Mohe zhiguan (Zhiyi); Fahua wenju (Zhiyi); Tiantai Zō Ise nisho daijingū hōki hongi, 229. See also Ise shrines; Ise Shintō Zuzōshō, 237

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Harvard East Asian Monographs (most recent titles)

303. Sem Vermeersch, Te Power of the Buddhas: Te Politics of Buddhism During the Koryŏ Dynasty (918–1392) 304. Tina Lu, Accidental Incest, Filial Cannibalism, and Other Peculiar Encounters in Late Imperial Chinese Literature 305. Chang Woei Ong, Men of Letters Within the Passes: Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History, 907–1911 306. Wendy Swartz, Reading Tao Yuanming: Shifting Paradigms of Historical Reception (427–1900) 307. Peter K. Bol, Neo- Confucianism in History 308. Carlos Rojas, Te Naked Gaze: Refections on Chinese Modernity 309. Kelly H. Chong, Deliverance and Submission: Evangelical Women and the Negotiation of Patriarchy in South Korea 310. Rachel DiNitto, Uchida Hyakken: A Critique of Modernity and Militarism in Prewar Japan 311. Jef rey Snyder-Reinke, Dry Spells: State Rainmaking and Local Governance in Late Imperial China 312. Jay Dautcher, Down a Narrow Road: Identity and Masculinity in a Uyghur Community in Xinjiang China 313. Xun Liu, Daoist Modern: Innovation, Lay Practice, and the Community of Inner Alchemy in Republican Shanghai 314. Jacob Eyferth, Eating Rice from Bamboo Roots: Te Social History of a Community of Handicraft Papermakers in Rural Sichuan, 1920–2000 315. David Johnson, Spectacle and Sacrifce: Te Ritual Foundations of Village Life in North China 316. James Robson, Power of Place: Te Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue ‫ނ‬༆) in Medieval China 317. Lori Watt, When Empire Comes Home: Repatriation and Reintegration in Postwar Japan 318. James Dorsey, Critical Aesthetics: Kobayashi Hideo, Modernity, and Wartime Japan 319. Christopher Bolton, Sublime Voices: Te Fictional Science and Scientifc Fiction of Abe Kōbō 320. Si-yen Fei, Negotiating Urban Space: Urbanization and Late Ming Nanjing 321. Christopher Gerteis, Gender Strug gles: Wage-Earning Women and Male-Dominated Unions in Postwar Japan 322. Rebecca Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity 323. Lucien Bianco, Wretched Rebels: Rural Disturbances on the Eve of the Chinese Revolution

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

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Harvard East Asian Monographs 324. Cathryn H. Clayton, Sovereignty at the Edge: Macau and the Question of Chineseness 325. Micah S. Muscolino, Fishing Wars and Environmental Change in Late Imperial and Modern China 326. Robert I. Hellyer, Defning Engagement: Japan and Global Contexts, 1750–1868 327. Robert Ashmore, Te Transport of Reading: Text and Understanding in the World of Tao Qian (365–427) 328. Mark A. Jones, Children as Treasures: Childhood and the Middle Class in Early Twentieth Century Japan 329. Miryam Sas, Experimental Arts in Postwar Japan: Moments of Encounter, Engagement, and Imagined Return 330. H. Mack Horton, Traversing the Frontier: Te Man’yōshū Account of a Japanese Mission to Silla in 736–737 331. Dennis J. Frost, Seeing Stars: Sports Celebrity, Identity, and Body Culture in Modern Japan 332. Marnie S. Anderson, A Place in Public: Women’s Rights in Meiji Japan 333. Peter Mauch, Sailor Diplomat: Nomura Kichisaburō and the Japanese-American War 334. Ethan Isaac Segal, Coins, Trade, and the State: Economic Growth in Early Medieval Japan 335. David B. Lurie, Realms of Literacy: Early Japan and the History of Writing 336. Lillian Lan-ying Tseng, Picturing Heaven in Early China 337. Jun Uchida, Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876–1945 338. Patricia L. Maclachlan, Te People’s Post Ofce: Te History and Politics of the Japanese Postal System, 1871–2010 339. Michael Schiltz, Te Money Doctors from Japan: Finance, Imperialism, and the Building of the Yen Bloc, 1895–1937 340. Daqing Yang, Jie Liu, Hiroshi Mitani, and Andrew Gordon, eds., Toward a History beyond Borders: Contentious Issues in Sino-Japanese Relations 341. Sonia Ryang, Reading North Korea: An Ethnological Inquiry 342. Shih-shan Susan Huang, Picturing the True Form: Daoist Visual Culture in Traditional China 343. Barbara Mittler, A Continuous Revolution: Making Sense of Cultural Revolution Culture 344. Hwansoo Ilmee Kim, Empire of the Dharma: Korean and Japanese Buddhism, 1877–1912 345. Satoru Saito, Detective Fiction and the Rise of the Japanese Novel, 1880–1930 346. Jung-Sun N. Han, An Imperial Path to Modernity: Yoshino Sakuzō and a New Liberal Order in East Asia, 1905–1937 347. Atsuko Hirai, Government by Mourning: Death and Political Integration in Japan, 1603–1912 348. Darryl E. Flaherty, Public Law, Private Practice: Politics, Proft, and the Legal Profession in Nineteenth- Century Japan 349. Jef rey Paul Bayliss, On the Margins of Empire: Buraku and Korean Identity in Prewar and Wartime Japan 350. Barry Eichengreen, Dwight H. Perkins, and Kwanho Shin, From Miracle to Maturity: Te Growth of the Korean Economy 351. Michel Mohr, Buddhism, Unitarianism, and the Meiji Competition for Universality

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

Harvard East Asian Monographs 352. J. Keith Vincent, Two-Timing Modernity: Homosocial Narrative in Modern Japanese Fiction 354. Chong-Bum An and Barry Bosworth, Income Inequality in Korea: An Analysis of Trends, Causes, and Answers 355. Jamie L. Newhard, Knowing the Amorous Man: A History of Scholarship on Tales of Ise 356. Sho Konishi, Anarchist Modernity: Cooperatism and Japanese-Russian Intellectual Relations in Modern Japan 357. Christopher P. Hanscom, Te Real Modern: Literary Modernism and the Crisis of Representation in Colonial Korea 358. Michael Wert, Meiji Restoration Losers: Memory and Tokugawa Supporters in Modern Japan 359. Garret P. S. Olberding, ed., Facing the Monarch: Modes of Advice in the Early Chinese Court 360. Xiaojue Wang, Modernity with a Cold War Face: Reimagining the Nation in Chinese Literature Across the 1949 Divide 361. David Spaford, A Sense of Place: Te Political Landscape in Late Medieval Japan 362. Jongryn Mo and Barry Weingast, Korean Political and Economic Development: Crisis, Security, and Economic Rebalancing 363. Melek Ortabasi, Te Undiscovered Country: Text, Translation, and Modernity in the Work of Yanagita Kunio 364. Hiraku Shimoda, Lost and Found: Recovering Regional Identity in Imperial Japan 365. Trent E. Maxey, Te “Greatest Problem”: Religion and State Formation in Meiji Japan 366. Gina Cogan, Te Princess Nun: Bunchi, Buddhist Reform, and Gender in Early Edo Japan 367. Eric C. Han, Rise of a Japanese Chinatown: Yokohama, 1894–1972 368. Natasha Heller, Illusory Abiding: Te Cultural Construction of the Chan Monk Zhongfeng Mingben 369. Paize Keulemans, Sound Rising from the Paper: Nineteenth- Century Martial Arts Fiction and the Chinese Acoustic Imagination 370. Simon James Bytheway, Investing Japan: Foreign Capital, Monetary Standards, and Economic Development, 1859–2011 371. Sukhee Lee, Negotiated Power: Te State, Elites, and Local Governance in TwelfthFourteenth China 372. Foong Ping, Te Efcacious Landscape: On the Authorities of Painting at the Northern Song Court 373. Catherine L. Phipps, Empires on the Waterfront: Japan’s Ports and Power, 1858–1899 374. Sunyoung Park, Te Proletarian Wave: Literature and Leftist Culture in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945 375. Barry Eichengreen, Wonhyuk Lim, Yung Chul Park, and Dwight H. Perkins, Te Korean Economy: From a Miraculous Past to a Sustainable Future 376. Heather Blair, Real and Imagined: Te Peak of Gold in Heian Japan 377. Emer O’Dwyer, Signifcant Soil: Settler Colonialism and Japan’s Urban Empire in Manchuria 378. Martina Deuchler, Under the Ancestors’ Eyes: Kinship, Status, and Locality in Premodern Korea 379. Joseph R. Dennis, Writing, Publishing, and Reading Local Gazetteers in Imperial China, 1100–1700

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0

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Harvard East Asian Monographs 380. 381. 382. 383. 384. 385. 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. 391. 392. 393. 394. 395. 396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401. 402. 403. 404. 405. 406. 407.

Catherine Vance Yeh, Te Chinese Political Novel: Migration of a World Genre Noell Wilson, Defensive Positions: Te Politics of Maritime Security in Tokugawa Japan Miri Nakamura, Monstrous Bodies: Te Rise of the Uncanny in Modern Japan Nara Dillon, Radical Inequalities: China’s Revolutionary Welfare State in Comparative Perspective Ma Zhao, Runaway Wives, Urban Crimes, and Survival Tactics in Wartime Beijing, 1937–1949 Mingwei Song, Young China: National Rejuvenation and the Bildungsroman, 1900–1959 Christopher Bondy, Voice, Silence, and Self: Negotiations of Buraku Identity in Contemporary Japan Seth Jacobowitz, Writing Technology in Meiji Japan: A Media History of Modern Japanese Literature and Visual Culture Hilde De Weerdt, Information, Territory, and Networks: Te Crisis and Maintenance of Empire in Song China Elizabeth Kindall, Geo-Narratives of a Filial Son: Te Paintings and Travel Diaries of Huang Xiangjian (1609–1673) Matthew Fraleigh, Plucking Chrysanthemums: Narushima Ryūhoku and Sinitic Literary Traditions in Modern Japan Hu Ying, Burying Autumn: Poetry, Friendship, and Loss Mark E. Byington, Te Ancient State of Puyŏ in Northeast Asia: Archaeology and Historical Memory Timothy J. Van Compernolle, Struggling Upward: Worldly Success and the Japanese Novel Heekyoung Cho, Translation’s Forgotten History: Russian Literature, Japanese Mediation, and the Formation of Modern Korean Literature Terry Kawashima, Itineraries of Power: Texts and Traversals in Heian and Medieval Japan Anna Andreeva, Assembling Shinto: Buddhist Approaches to Kami Worship in Medieval Japan Felix Boecking, No Great Wall: Trade, Tarif s, and Nationalism in Republican China, 1927–1945 Chien-Hsin Tsai, A Passage to China: Literature, Loyalism, and Colonial Taiwan W. Puck Brecher, Honored and Dishonored Guests: Westerners in Wartime Japan Miya Elise Mizuta Lippit, Aesthetic Life: Beauty and Art in Modern Japan Brian R. Steininger, Chinese Literary Form in Heian Japan: Poetics and Practice Lisa Yoshikawa, Making History Matter: Kuroita Katsumi and the Construction of Imperial Japan Michael P. Cronin, Osaka Modern: Te City in the Japanese Imaginary Soyoung Suh, Naming the Local: Medicine, Language, and Identity in Korea since the 15th Century Yoon Sun Yang, From Domestic Women to Sensitive Young Men: Translating the Individual in Early Colonial Korea Michal Daliot-Bul and Nissim Otmazgin, Te Anime Boom in the United States: Lessons for Global Creative Industries Nathan Hopson, Ennobling the Savage Northeast: Tōhoku as Japanese Postwar Tought, 1945–2011

Anna Andreeva - 978-1-68417-571-0