Arthur Lismer, Visionary Art Educator 9780773569812

Table of contents :
Contents
Tables
Preface
Abbreviations
Introduction
PART ONE: A LIFE IN ART
1 The Early Years: Sheffield, 1885–1911
2 "The First Step on the Ladder": Toronto, 1911–1916
3 The Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax, 1916–1919
4 Toronto, 1919–1927
5 The Art Gallery of Toronto, 1927–1938
6 Educational Touring, 1936–1940
7 Montreal, 1940–1969
Epilogue
PART TWO: ARTHUR LISMER'S IDEAS IN EDUCATION
8 Lismer's Education in Art, 1890–1905
9 The Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art, 1915–1916
10 Lismer's Early Philosophy of Education, 1916–1919
11 Lismer's Development as an Educator, 1919–1927
12 Museum Education, 1927–1938
13 Educator in Transition, 1936–1940
14 Lismer's Mature Pedagogy in the Field of Art Education, 1940–1969
Conclusion
Appendix: A Chronology of Arthur Lismer's Life
Notes
Bibliography
Credits for Drawings Used at Beginning and End of Chapters
Index
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
J
K
L
M
N
O
P
R
S
T
U
V
W

Citation preview

ARTHUR

VISIONARY ART EDUCATOR I I C M C D

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ARTHUR LISMER

VISIONARY ART EDUCATOR

ANGELA NAIRNE GRIGOR

McGill-Queen's University Press • Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca

Angela Nairne Grigor, 2002. ISBN 0-7735-2^95-6

Legal deposit second quarter 2002 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec Printed in Canada

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. McGill-Queen's University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for its publishing program. It also acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP). National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Grigor, Angela Nairne Arthur Lismer, visionary art educator Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7735-2295-6

i. Lismer, Arthur, 1885-1969. 2. Artists as teachers-Canada-Biography. 3. Art-Study and teaching-philosophy. I. Title. ND249.L5G75 2002

7°9'-5

02001-902120-8

This book was designed by David LeBlanc and typeset in 10/12 Sabon Title page: Arthur Lismer, 1934 (AGO Library)

To my husband, John, for all his patience and kindness during the preparation of this book

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Contents

Tables / ix Preface / xi Abbreviations / xvii Introduction / 3 PART O N E : A L I F E IN ART

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The Early Years: Sheffield, 1885-1911 / 7 "The First Step on the Ladder": Toronto, 1911-1916 / 20 The Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax, 1916-1919 / 33 Toronto, 1919-1927 / 45 The Art Gallery of Toronto, 1927-1938 / 82 Educational Touring, 1936-1940 / 133 Montreal, 1940-1969 / 169 Epilogue / 217 PART T W O : A R T H U R L I S M E R ' S I D E A S I N E D U C A T I O N

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Lismer's Education in Art, 1890-1905 / 221 The Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art, 1915-1916 / 234 Lismer's Early Philosophy of Education, 1916-1919 / 237 Lismer's Development as an Educator, 1919-1927 / 248 Museum Education, 1927-1938 / 279 Educator in Transition, 1936-1940 / 305 Lismer's Mature Pedagogy in the Field of Art Education, 1940-1969 / 321 Conclusion / 347 Appendix: A Chronology of Arthur Lismer's Life / 351 Notes / 357 Bibliography / 421 Credits for Drawings Used at Beginning and End of Chapters / 441 Index / 443

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Tables

1 Male evening classes at the Sheffield School of Art, 1901 / 225 2

Course work offered by Lismer at the Victoria School of Art and Design, 1916-1917 / 239

3 Arthur Wesley Dow's synthetic method / 240 4 Arthur Wesley Dow's version of the academic method / 242 5 Lismer's program at the Victoria School of Art and Design, 1917-1918 / 243 6 Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art, 1920 / 271 7 Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art, 1923 / 272

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Preface

Arthur Lismer was a pioneer in both art and education, but he is mainly identified with the Group of Seven, artists who had a nationalistic agenda to promote a style of painting representative of Canada. The main objective of this study is to examine Lismer's work as a museum educator and to demonstrate his seminal importance to the development of modern methods of art education in this country. His work has not been well served by assessments usually based on one period or another of his long career, and it became clear that a comprehensive study of his achievement was needed. This would include his own education, a survey of his output as an artist, the influences that shaped his educational work, and his philosophy and methods. My interest in Lismer's work developed in 1980, when access to his papers at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts prompted a critical analysis of his approach to teaching, a subject that became my master's thesis. A further study of the philosophical positions that influenced art educators in the twentieth century, including Lismer, was later the subject of my doctoral dissertation. Further work on the Lismer collection convinced me that I had not done justice to the many layers of interesting material available at the museum and other institutions that housed Lismer's papers. A grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada provided the funds for travel and research which enabled the writing of this book. After a decade of work on the Lismer material, I discovered to my surprise that I had a direct connection to him. As a schoolgirl in Britain, I was encouraged to pursue a career in art education by my Canadianborn art teacher, Marjorie Tozer Leefe. Although I tried to find her when I came to Canada, it was not until I was working in the Public Archives of Nova Scotia that I discovered that she had been one of Lismer's most promising students at the Victoria School of Art and Design in Halifax. On her marriage to James Leefe, she had moved to Radlett, an English village, where she taught at St Margarets, a small girl's school where I was a pupil. Lismer's valuable contribution to the education of thousands of Canadians is often overlooked in the onrush of new theories and is

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assumed to be of little relevance to present-day practice. Aspects of his work, however, deserve more attention. As in Lismer's day, beneficial art education is most often found in museums and community centres or in groups unconnected with formal education. For such endeavours, his approach remains a paradigm and compares favourably with current practice. Valuable lessons developed out of his experimental method could also be beneficial to educators in the school system. Although he trained many teachers working in schools, his influence there was limited because he remained firmly outside the frame of official education. Today, art education as a school subject is out of favour and, in general, is not considered valuable or affordable. The following examination of past ideas and practices, as seen through the prism of Lismer's work, offers possible explanations for the current indifference to this valuable activity. Historically, the purpose of art education in North America has been misunderstood, and this examination of Lismer's philosophy and practice was undertaken in part to present significant factors that are often overlooked. The background to this study attempts to recreate an important era in Canadian history and to examine the field of art education in the twentieth century. Lismer had the vision and drive to spread a love of the arts in Canada which, once he was established in museum education, became the passion of his life. The influence of this passion upon his chosen country is the subject of this book. Lismer's career as an art educator spanned fifty years, a period that provided the background and influences which determined his choice of theory. These included John Dewey's scientifically based and socially progressive ideas and the so-called bohemian, child-centred approach, which was inspired by both modern art and psychology. Both positions are important to understanding Lismer's pedagogy. As research uncovered more and more information, a portrait of the man and his development as an educator gradually emerged. Lismer's papers are housed in libraries and archives situated in Ontario, Quebec, and Nova Scotia. Much useful material was also made available by his daughter, Marjorie Lismer Bridges. The bulk of her own collection has been donated to the following institutions, which also have the major holdings of Lismer's papers: the National Archives of Canada, the National Gallery of Canada Archives, the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts Archives, the Art Gallery of Ontario Library and Archives, the Nova Scotia Archives and Records Management (previously the Public Archives of Nova Scotia), and the McMichael Canadian Collection Archives. A small amount of primary and secondary material was found at the Dalhousie University Archives in Halifax. Mainly secondary material, with a scattering of primary material dealing with Lismer's work in Toronto, is located at the Archives of Ontario, the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education Library and Archives, the City of Toronto Archives, the Arts

PREFACE / xiii

and Letters Club Archives, and the Ontario College of Art and Design Archives. Additional files of related secondary material were identified at the National Gallery Library, the Concordia University Library, the Toronto Reference Library, the Halifax Public Library, the McGill University Archives, and the University of Toronto Faculty of Education Library. The John P. Robarts Research Library and the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library at the University of Toronto both contributed background material that related to the study. Searches were also carried out by the Yorkville Branch of the Toronto Public Libraries. An additional source of information for Lismer's working life consisted of taped interviews with individuals who were closely associated with him as students, teachers, or colleagues. This material spanned a fifty-year period, and it was a matter of some urgency to capture this fragile historical resource before it disappeared. Interviews varied in quality and length according to the age of the interviewee and the closeness of his or her association with Lismer. Some individuals were too frail to undertake an interview, and others chose not to talk on tape. The latter were found to lack the authenticity and accuracy that tapes ensure, and their reminiscences were used sparingly. It must be said, however, that the oral approach to historical events can be unreliable and in this study was used with some caution. Statements made under these circumstances were compared, as far as possible, with written records and sometimes with other interviews. The value of the tapes lies mainly in their historical significance and the colour and flavour that they add to the bare bones of the printed or written word. Enough time has elapsed since Lismer's death in 1969 to allow a more objective view of his five decades of work to emerge, and at the time of writing it was still possible for some of those associated with him to give their recollections of events and to add important details. These taped interviews, in conjunction with the published and unpublished material, form the backbone of this book. Work on Lismer's long and prolific career presented some problems. The enormous volume of material and the wide range of collections available in different libraries and archives made the process of gathering information difficult at times. The various collections, sometimes left in the order in which they were received, in most cases in no order at all, made the chronological sorting of data a daunting task. But in spite of the difficulties involved, the energy inherent in Lismer's written material made his work constantly fresh and interesting. As well, his written notes were frequently decorated with small drawings, many of which have been used as chapter heads and tails in this book. The text is divided into two parts: the first focuses on the cultural climate, an account of Lismer's life, his work as an artist, and the politics and problems associated with the various positions he held; the second part is concerned with the development of his theory of art education,

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the influences that shaped his ideas, and the evolution of his teaching practice. Special thanks are due to Hilda Nantais of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for her guidance and assistance. Much gratitude must also be expressed for the unfailing help and encouragement received from Lismer's daughter, Marjorie Lismer Bridges, who corresponded with the author for many years and offered much valuable information in the form of documents, letters, and family photographs otherwise unobtainable; also to Mrs Bridges's daughter, Janet Cauffiel, for her support. To the many people who graciously agreed to be interviewed I owe a particular debt of gratitude: from Lismer's Halifax years, Vera Conrod Nichols, and from Toronto, Dorothy Medhurst, Irma Lennox Suttcliffe, Freda Papper Hewlett, Doris McCarthy, Betty Jaques, John Hall, Isabel McLaughlin, Phyllis Janes, Helen Sewell, and Kathleen Elliot. Interviewees from Lismer's Montreal period included Morrie Rohrlich, Leo Chevalier, Jean Sutherland Boggs, Gentile Tondino, Stanley Lewis, Evan Turner, Polly Hill, Ruth Jackson, and Bill Bantey. Among those interviewed for a study in 1980 were Leah Sherman, Patrick Landsley, and Grace Campbell. An additional study, undertaken for Oral History Studies at Concordia University in 1982 with Leah Sherman, included interviews with Wynona Mulcaster, William Withrow, Irma Suttcliffe, and Norah McCullough. The author has also received much help from archivists and librarians during the research phase of this study. I would particularly like to thank archivists Anne Goddard, Elaine Phillips, Gemey Kelly, Jan Schmit, Shirley Wigmore, Cathy Stamford, Danielle Blanchette, Raymond Peringer, and Scott James; also librarians Larry Pfaff, Huanita Toupin, George Grant, and Diane Cooper. As well, I would like to remember the kindness of the late Diane Myers, the Ontario College of Art and Design librarian. To these and to many others, including Maria-Claude Saia, Sally Gibson, Betty Chute, Robert Stacey, Abdul Rajpar, James Gordon, and Elaine Tolmatch Pariser, who gave their time and effort to help, I offer my grateful thanks. I also owe a debt of long standing to Professor Robert Parker, who first ignited my interest in the history of art education. I am particularly grateful to Louisa Borthwick Hood, who spent many hours helping me to master computer technology; without her assistance this book might never have reached completion. I would also like to express my gratitude to Elizabeth Hulse for her thoughtful and knowledgeable editing of this book. Wherever possible, permission to use written and pictorial material has been obtained from the copyright holder or owner. The author apologizes for any instances where it was not possible to get permission to publish, as in the case of unidentified papers intended for broadcasts or television programs.

P R E F A C E / XV

With thanks to the following individuals and institutions for granting permission to reproduce photographs, drawings, and written material in this book: Marjorie Lismer Bridges and her daughter, Janet Cauffiel, conservators of Arthur Lismer's papers, photographs, and drawings; the National Gallery for Harry Orr McCurry's professional correspondence; the Arts and Letters Club for photographs and Lismer drawings; the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts for the small drawings used as head and tail decorations for each chapter; the City of Toronto Archives for photographs of Lismer's work with children at the Art Gallery of Toronto; the National Archives of Canada for illustrated letters and written material, in addition to permission from the Lismer family; the Art Gallery of Ontario for the portrait of Lismer used on the title page; the Nova Scotia Archives and Records for the photograph of the Victoria School of Art and Design with coffins; the Ontario College of Art and Design for photographs of staff and students in the 192,05; the Sheffield Hallam University, Sheffield, for photographs of students and examples of their work; the Ontario Ministry of Education for six small drawings from Pictorial Composition, no. 6 (19^9); the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation for the use of scripts written by Lismer; Elinor Taylor for quotations from Fred Taylor's letters to Norah McCullough.

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Abbreviations

AAM AGO ACT ALC AMT AO APE A Arch. ASL CAC CAS CBC CGP CM A Coll. Corr. coSAD CSA CSEA CSGA CTS cu DE DU GAG Lib. MCC MG MLB MMFA MO MA NA NEF NG

Art Association of Montreal Art Gallery of Ontario Art Gallery of Toronto Arts and Letters Club, Toronto Art Museum of Toronto Archives of Ontario American Progressive Education Association Archives Art Students' League, Toronto Children's Art Centre Contemporary Arts Society Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Canadian Group of Painters Canadian Museums Association Collection Correspondence Central Ontario School of Art and Design Canadian Society of Arts Canadian Society for Education through Art Canadian Society for Graphic Arts Central Technical School, Toronto Concordia University Department of Education Dalhousie University Graphic Arts Club Library McMichael Canadian Collection Manuscript Group Marjorie Lismer Bridges Montreal Museum of Fine Arts Museum of Modern Art, New York National Archives of Canada New Education Fellowship National Gallery of Canada

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Ontario College of Art (now Ontario College of Art and Design) OISE Ontario Institute for Studies in Education Out. Acts./Orgs. Outside Activities and Organizations OSA Ontario School of Art OTSCA Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art PANS Public Archives of Nova Scotia RAIC Royal Architectural Institute of Canada RCA Royal Canadian Academy RG Record Group SAD School of Art and Design, Montreal SCP Sheffield City Polytechnic Spec. Coll. Special Collection SSA Sheffield School of Art TRL Toronto Reference Library TTS Toronto Technical School UT University of Toronto VSAD Victoria School of Art and Design, Halifax (now Nova Scotia College of Art and Design) WPA Works Progress Administration WSA Winnipeg School of Art OCA

Introduction

Any account of Arthur Lismer's life is essentially the story of his work. Even painting, his first passion, would eventually come second to his vocation as a museum educator. Most of his time and energy was concentrated on his teaching, and having found a role that exactly suited his personality, this generous and talented artist poured all his enthusiasm and vitality into educating the Canadian public. He had prodigious energy and intense interest in the present moment, focusing all his attention on whatever task was at hand. Lismer's love of art, his social concerns, his affection for children and young people, and his apparent need to have an audience are all necessary factors to understanding his complex personality. From his youth he was a consummate actor and could charm people with entertaining talk, humour and well-timed gestures. Able to tune into the needs and interests of any group he became internationally known as a knowledgeable and entertaining speaker. The many anecdotes, jokes, and puns attributed to Lismer have been largely excluded from this book in the belief that cold print could not do justice to the sparkle of the original. However, it is worth remembering that, throughout his life, Lismer never missed an opportunity to make others smile and accomplished with humour much that might otherwise have been impossible. He was raised in the Victorian context of strict morals and ethics, and strongly held principles remained part of his character. There was, however, a contradictory streak in his nature which rebelled at conformity and surfaced in his ideas about art and education and in his various clashes with authority. Lismer's extraordinary career included a meteoric rise to prominence and an equally swift fall from grace. As a pioneer in his work with the Group of Seven and in his adoption of progressive methods in teaching, he often found himself in conflict with the small but powerful art establishment of the day. It was part of his nature to enjoy such clashes, and he may sometimes have initiated them in an effort to change the status quo. He believed that, as far as art was concerned, new ideas and movements were born and survived in an atmosphere of struggle. It has been said that good museum work requires challenges and the freedom to act, conditions that Lismer fought to preserve all his working life.

4 / ARTHUR L I S M E R , V I S I O N A R Y ART EDUCATOR

Although often unsuccessful, he remained an optimist throughout his long career in spite of seemingly insuperable setbacks which included a constant lack of funds and the opposition of administrators and bureaucrats. He always looked to the future and did not allow negative people or events to cloud his vision or reduce his ability to start again with renewed vigour. In his teaching Lismer had high expectations of himself and helped others to find their own level of excellence. His approach was rooted in freedom for the individual, and with his students he tried to inspire rather than instruct. He was disinterested in personal gain; satisfaction lay in the growth and development of his students and staff, and he felt amply rewarded by their accomplishments and loyalty. His goal to bring art to the people was eventually more successful than even he could have imagined. With a career that spanned more than fifty years, he touched the lives of thousands of students who attended his museum classes. Countless thousands of others across Canada were also enriched by his influence. Lismer was devoted to his adopted country, feeling that he owed much to Canada, and he repaid that debt with selfless generosity of spirit, leaving a legacy that still reverberates today.

PART ONE

A Life in Art

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CHAPTER 1

The Early Years Sheffield, 1885-1911

A

:hur Lismer was born in Sheffield, England, in 1885 - into a modest middle-cass family. His birth coincided with a period of social, cultural and political change that inevitably shaped his complex and often contradictory personality. These forces, which had a considerable impact on his work as an artist and educator, should therefore be examined more closely. As Lismer himself said, "The past is not behind us. It is within us."1 His early life in England followed a time of rapid industrial development. Britain's continuing role as a world power was based on long years of peace and security, the result in no small part of its domination of the sea. During the nineteenth century trade, commerce, exploration, and travel had flourished as the British Empire established its power and authority. For those with the means to enjoy it, the end of the century was a time of tremendous optimism. But for the large working population on whom British prosperity depended, conditions were frequently abysmal, and for the unemployed, they were even worse. One has only to read Charles Dickens or Charles Kingsley to understand the desperate plight of the poor in Victorian England, and books such as George Orwell's Down and Out in Paris and London (1933) show that conditions were little better in the first half of the twentieth century. Lismer's birthplace was one of a cluster of industrial towns situated in the Midlands of England which also included Nottingham, Birmingham, and Derby. These towns were a major source of social unrest, and in spite of long periods of prosperity, they were plagued by depressions

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and unemployment as the markets fluctuated. Sheffield, noted for the production of metal goods since the fourteenth century, was the centre of the steel industry. But in spite of the general prosperity of the Victorian age and the importance of steel to the economy, severe depressions occurred in Sheffield prior to and after Lismer's birth. In 1877, eight years before he was born, social activist and philosopher Edward Carpenter, then living in the Midlands, wrote to American poet Walt Whitman: "I would like to describe to you the life of these great manufacturing towns like Sheffield, I think you would be surprised to see the squalor and raggedness of them. Sheffield is finely situated, magnificent hill country all round about, and on the hills for miles and miles ... elegant residences - and in the valley below one enduring cloud of smoke, and a pale-faced teeming population ... dirty alleys, and courts and houses half roofless ... There is a great deal of distress there now - so many being out of work."2 Lismer's family did not suffer as much as lower-class families, but it was impossible to ignore the poverty with which they were surrounded. Not surprisingly, social unrest, infused with the extremes of communism, found fertile ground in depressed manufacturing towns such as Sheffield. Lismer's brother Ted, deeply concerned about conditions in Sheffield, would become a member of the British Communist Party and visit Russia as a delegate to an international conference in the twentieth century. ^ The success of industrial development, which had elevated Britain to the forefront of Western nations, also had destroyed its agriculturally based social system. From the mid to late eighteenth century, craftsmen had gradually been replaced by machinery, resulting in the migration of rural populations to towns and the decline of country life. Gradually the pressures of overpopulation in built-up areas, poor living conditions, and exploitation by employers resulted in ill-concealed anger among the working poor. The ruling class, fearful of an uprising on the scale of the French Revolution, moved quickly to suppress any radical movements that might have led to reforms. Thus many social improvements were delayed until late in the nineteenth century. In this menacing climate working-class evangelical leaders were credited with damping down the fires of revolution among their own people. But by the last decades of the century, mainly through the efforts of reformers such as John Ruskin and William Morris, who worked tirelessly to effect change, there was a general awareness that drastic inequities existed in the social system. As a consequence, these years saw the beginning of a quiet revolution in industrial reform. At first, British socialism followed Marxist theory, but this was rejected early in the movement. The socialist revival of the i88os was set in motion by working-class reformers and by the radical Socialist League, created by Morris, which promoted Ruskin's theories and his own utopianism.

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One of the most influential bodies was the Fabian Society,4 composed largely of intellectuals who tried to change the status quo by using circumspect tactics. The common bond of left-wing ideology linked many whom we might not now associate as friends and fellow workers. These included Morris himself, his daughter, May, Beatrice and Sidney Webb, playwright George Bernard Shaw, philosopher Edward Carpenter,5 and Clement Attlee, a future prime minister of Britain. Annie Besant, later a spiritual leader, was also an enthusiastic socialist speaker before her conversion to theosophy. John Ruskin was certainly the most influential author and speaker to stir the conscience of society both at home and abroad at this time. His penetrating analysis of problems in both art and society influenced several generations in Britain, including Lismer and his contemporaries. Art historian Kenneth Clarke has commented: "For almost fifty years, to read Ruskin was accepted proof of the possession of a soul ... From Wordsworth to Proust there was hardly a distinguished man of letters who did not admire him."6 Lismer himself had books by Ruskin in his library and kept a copy of his essays to the end of his life. Ruskin had begun his career as a critic of art and architecture, writing influential books such as The Stones of Venice (1853) and Modern Painters (1842-60) and developing his social ideas from his theory of art. He believed that everything was interconnected, that the organic relationship between structures in nature was similar to the parts of a pictorial composition, and that both were analogous to the relationship between the individual and the social group. Ruskin called this linkage 'The Law of Help," in which all members were interdependent, a condition that resulted in his highest end - beauty of form. His theory of communal responsibility was based on the belief that all people were created equal and entitled to equal treatment, with access to good education and to works of art. He used his considerable talents to denounce industrial practices that destroyed the dignity of workers by using them as tools. In his own day Ruskin's simply stated arguments gave a voice to the hitherto silent army of the working class. With followers such as William Morris, he tried to reverse the process of industrialization by encouraging artisans to return to their cottages and resume a traditional lifestyle. Working against the inevitable, Ruskin and his supporters, who also included Edward Carpenter, are remembered more as idealists than as reformers or revolutionaries. By 1885, when Lismer was born, Ruskin's ideas had begun to bear fruit. Notions of social justice, social responsibility, and equality were impressed on Lismer at an early age. Later, Ruskin's concern for the democratization of art was to became a central theme in his mature philosophy of art education. A modern critic has described Ruskin as "first person in England to emphasize the fact that art is a public concern and that no nation can afford to neglect it without endangering its social

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existence. He was, finally, the first to proclaim the gospel that art is not the privilege of artists, connoisseurs and the educated classes, but is part of everyman's inheritance and estate."7 Ruskin's belief in the connectedness of existence also filtered down to Lismer's generation, appearing in such widely diverse areas as social theory, theology, science, and psychology. Ruskin's ideas were, indeed, so pervasive that he may be said to have influenced the course of twentieth-century thinking, particularly in the areas of art and social theory. A man of means and an intellectual, he helped to inspire the socialist movement in Britain and the development of the welfare state and articulated a theory of art that still stands today. Although of modest means, Lismer's family never lacked the necessities of life. He said of his own background: "We were a humble middle class family. My father was a draper in what they call a department store now, a very quiet, gentle, good soul. My mother, she had about seven of us, [was of a ] much harsher breed. She didn't so much use her tongue, but sometimes the closest thing to hand. No, she was a good hardworking soul and I think she instilled a lot of character. If you want to get ahead in this world, you've got to work."8 Arthur, the fourth child in the family, seemed at first to have been something of a disappointment to his parents. His father earned an adequate salary, and in the northern English tradition, his mother was undoubtedly a good manager. His childhood was secure, and he was particularly close to his sister, Connie, and fond of his parents, but other members of the family remained distant.9 Victorian attitudes saw expressions of affection on the part of men as a sign of weakness, and throughout his life Lismer maintained a certain reserve which humour and camaraderie could not dispel, even with his closest companions. Although he was outgoing and approachable as a public figure, few penetrated the barrier he placed between his family life and his work. Later he acknowledged that he liked people rather than individuals.10 In an age dominated by evangelicalism, Lismer's family deviated from the norm in its religious affiliation to Unitarianism. Lismer was a thirdgeneration Unitarian and in his youth attended the Unitarian chapel in Sheffield, where he had his first experience as a teacher in the Sunday school. Unitarians believe in one God, but unlike most theological positions, they have no creed and no official belief system. They respect reason over faith, freedom over doctrine, and tolerance of all other religious positions. The emphasis is on a scientific theology and worldwide interfaith unity. In the nineteenth century Unitarianism flourished in industrial cities in England, and many Unitarians were in the forefront of radical movements to reform poor working conditions. They were sympathetic to new ideas, particularly those aimed at social improvements, and frequently acted as communicators and interpreters of such

THE E A R L Y Y E A R S / 11

ideas to the general public. In his life's work Lismer undoubtedly reflected these qualities, particularly in his humanitarian concerns, his interest in new ideas, and his willingness to experiment. As part of this heritage, he also developed an unshakable faith in human potential and a belief in the value of the individual in the greater scheme of things.11 Important evangelical influences from the dominant spirit of the age also shaped his character and approach to life. The inward-looking concept of salvation that characterized this position fostered self-discipline and a strict moral and ethical code of conduct. Duty was to family and country, and work was part of the value system inherited from Puritanism. But although Lismer's character was in part shaped by these principles, as a boy, he had little of the seriousness demanded by the evangelical position; rather, he possessed an irrepressible sense of humour that surfaced on every possible occasion. He also lacked the pessimistic belief that life in all its aspects was essentially evil and instead had unbounded optimism in the worth and future of the human race. He later denied that he was religious in any orthodox sense,11 but he preserved a deep underlying faith in a world order determined by wisdom and compassion in which: "all things in nature and the human mind become as parts of a greater design."13 This view suggests that he subscribed to the "argument from design" which rationalized the existence of God. Life in Sheffield was not all serious; there was plenty to amuse, educate, and generally occupy the inhabitants, including brass bands, garden contests, literary societies, drama groups, and other cultural activities.14 Lismer early developed a taste for drama and for acting and went to the theatre as often as he could. With his friends he would sit in the "gods," absorbing everything he saw and probably heckling the actors. By the time he reached his early twenties, he was an accomplished actor, suggesting that his experiences in amateur acting had started in boyhood. He also began to draw early in life: "As far back as I can recall I was always drawing, filling innumerable sketch books with drawings of farms, trees, people."15 He was also fond of cartooning, and letters and cards he sent when a young man are covered with comic drawings, often poking fun at himself.16 As he grew older, it became obvious that his main interest was drawing and that he was determined to become an artist. He would leave school at thirteen, at which time he hoped to attend the local art school. Such an early termination of schooling was usual in lower-income families, where a youngster's earnings were a needed addition to the budget. Lismer's brothers and sisters all found jobs after they left school, but his choice of career necessitated a long training, and he later commented, "An artist in the family was a trial."17 In the society of the times, particularly in factory towns, the fine arts were seen as effeminate

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and of little practical use, and were frowned on as occupations for men. In the working-class ethic, physical labour was regarded as manly, and drawing and painting, at best, were seen as leisure activities. Of this period he later commented: "I as an artist was not a worker, you see. That was in the tradition of my sisters and brothers: they all got jobs in shops, factories, and so on - it was a struggle at the time to find jobs I never did find jobs. I was the renegade of the family. I was always dreaming and mooching with a sketchbook around and so on, but I could from my early days do something in drawing."18 With tongue in cheek, he told an interviewer that he had become an artist because it "bored him the least" and because he was "terrible at mathematics."19 He was in some respects a maverick, reluctant to conform to Victorian standards of respectability not only in his failure to find work and his choice of career but in his disregard for appearance and his roguish sense of humour. A cartoon of Lismer as a young man shows a tall, lanky individual with a shock of unruly hair, unkempt clothing, and bulging pockets. An irrepressible talker from his youth, he is holding forth to an unseen audience, gesticulating with his hands to emphasize a point.10 It must have been gratifying for his parents when he won an evening scholarship to the Sheffield School of Art in 1898. It was one of 140 awarded for that year and would last for seven years.11 The Sheffield School of Art was a reputable training establishment, mainly for artisans, designers, and crafts people bound for work in industry. It had first been established in 1843, but was given a new building by the government in 1856 following the Great Exhibition of 1851. Although the exhibition had been a commercial success, it exposed the "heaviness, tastelessness and banality of the entire display ... As a young man of seventeen William Morris had 'stood aghast at the appalling ugliness of the objects exhibited.'"11 The Great Exhibition proved to be a watershed for British design. As a result of the severity of the criticism, art schools were established in all the major manufacturing cities to serve local trades and industries. These schools were controlled by the Department of Science and Art, situated in South Kensington, London,1^ which was responsible for all art education in England, coordinating elementary and secondary school studies with the work of art schools. The department dictated educational policy, organized course work, and set and marked examinations. The system included scholarships for high school students and schemes for combining apprenticeships in trade with an art-school training. Lismer later observed of this process: "Children went to school early and found their tastes and their inclinations from their environment, and if art was to be their metier, then the local school offered scholarships and financial assistance over long periods ... Instructors were those who had come up through the trade system, the way of hard work and steady academic discipline."14

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The new Sheffield School of Art; from the Illustrated Times, 2,z November 1856 (MLB Coll.) At the time Lismer started at the Sheffield School of Art in 1898, the building had been enlarged with the addition of a third storey and the installation of more washrooms. It was a typical example of the Victorian "Battle of the Styles" showing both gothic and Renaissance influences.15 Ruskin, instrumental in promoting English taste in gothic architecture, was dismayed when he saw the confusion of styles in such buildings. In Lismer's day much of the elaborate detailing had disappeared under a pall of grime from the Sheffield blast furnaces, and the building had merged into a row of equally grey warehouses, shops, and offices on Arundel Street. The year he entered the school, about five hundred students were enrolled. They saw themselves as respectable artisans, rather than artists, and dressed accordingly. There was no sign of the bohemianism that later marked English art schools. Work was carried out in large, well-equipped studios and workshops and followed a program of academic and technical instruction according to the student's choice of craft or trade. It is worthy of note that women

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worked in separate studios, often at different crafts and restricted subject matter/6 Already disciplined by long hours in the school room, students submitted willingly to the rigours of an arduous training which they saw as necessary to earning a living. But serious as the atmosphere was, there is some indication that the irrepressible Lismer may have been a challenge to his instructors. Many years later he commented: "Any instructor worth his salt is living again his own student days recalling his own ill-spent moments and wishing his days again as an art student were once more to be lived and re-molded nearer his present desire."27 Two older students already attending the art school who were to play a role in Lismer's adult life were his friend Frederick Horsman Varley and Elizabeth Styring Nutt. Both were prizewinning students; Varley later went on to study in London and Nutt took an art master's diploma at the University of Sheffield.18 In March 1899 Lismer's father apprenticed him to Eaden and Place, a firm of photoengravers, where he learnt the techniques of drawing for reproduction. Willis Eaden had been Lismer's drawing teacher in elementary school and was himself a graduate of the Sheffield School of Art. He had opened a small photoengraving business and was no doubt pleased to hire one of his former students as a paid apprentice.19 As part of his apprenticeship, Lismer worked as a black and white illustrator for a local newspaper, the Sheffield Independent. He later recalled, "At fifteen years of age I was doing cartoons, courtroom scenes, 'the spot where the body was found,' and the festivals, royal visits, football matches and so on of a great manufacturing city."3° The most important royal visit he covered was the coronation tour of Edward vn. As well, he attended numerous lectures and recorded the disturbing sight of suffragettes chained to fences and the epic event of Halley's comet, as well as illustrating scenes from reports of the Boer War in South Africa.31 The experience of working for the newspaper as a visual reporter developed Lismer's ability to sketch rapidly and accurately, a skill he continued to use on every possible occasion throughout his life. Although he enjoyed his work and, to an extent, his training at the Sheffield School of Art, it was a strenuous period for him. Starting at Eaden and Place early in the morning, his day did not end until classes at the art school finished at 8:30 or 9:00 o'clock at night. Employers were notorious for keeping apprentices so late that they missed the beginning of classes, meaning that there was no time for rest or a meal between work and night school.32- Blessed with good health, Lismer, it was later noted, missed only five classes in seven years of study at the art school.33 The weekends gave him the opportunity to escape from the city, and with friends from the Heeley Art Club, he roamed the surrounding countryside. The club had been formed by a group who enjoyed working out of doors in the tradition of English landscape painters. It devel-

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oped in reaction to the somewhat stuffy Sheffield Society of Artists. Members of the club were Lismer's contemporaries at the art school, as well as working men and older artists such as Willis Eaden. Activities focused on outdoor sketching in oil and watercolour and on monthly meetings at which visiting artists discussed their work and gave a critique of members' drawings and paintings. On one occasion Varley, then living in London, was invited to give a criticism of the member's work.34 John Constable's paintings were much admired,35 and influences also came from the Continent in the form of occasional exhibitions and magazine illustrations of impressionist works available at the art school.36 Of Lismer's work, "There remains a small body of watercolour studies of this time ... English villages, the moors and some vistas of the Yorkshire coast."37 His early style was later described as "watered down impressionism."38 The pattern of his painting seems to have been set by these early experiences. Not only did he continue to paint landscapes, of which he said, "Landscapes were more or less in your blood,"39 but he went on working with others, at least for his first twenty most productive years. Never a full-time artist, he painted in the evenings, at weekends, and on vacations for the rest of his life. The first meeting of the Heeley Art Club is thought to have occurred at Lismer's house in 1899. He was assistant secretary until 1905, when he became secretary. In this position he arranged meetings and lectures and mounted a large yearly exhibition which later involved the work of nearly forty artists.40 Michael Tooby has noted that, in contrast to Varley, who was not a joiner and mainly kept to himself, Lismer was always in the centre of arts activities in Sheffield. His name appeared constantly in "lists of exhibitors, in newspaper accounts of meetings, in programs of events and performances, and on committee sheets and annual reports."41 From the first, it was clear that he enjoyed the company of others and was not content with the solitary life of an artist for long periods of time. With friends from the Heeley Art Club, Lismer also joined a theosophical society called the Eclectics.4i Theosophy, a religious position popular at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, was based on Eastern and Western esoteric philosophy. The focus was on mystical experience, spiritual evolution and the occult in an effort to understand human spirituality, nature, and divine wisdom. Like Unitarianism, it was characterized by a drive towards human service and an emphasis on unity between races and systems of belief. But unlike Unitarianism, theosophy was more concerned with a spiritual quest than with the problems of this world. Lismer's association with the Eclectics opened his mind to new social and spiritual ideas which were to have a profound effect on his later work. Among the authors studied by the Eclectics, American poet Walt Whitman (1819-92) and theosophist and reformer Edward Carpenter

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(1844-1929) are of particular interest. Carpenter, influenced by both Ruskin and Whitman, is known to have travelled from his Derbyshire farm to lecture at the Sheffield Literary Society, supported by Unitarians, where Lismer probably heard him speak. He believed that each individual was composed of a spiritual super-consciousness and was a microcosm of the "all soul," united with a self that attended to daily living. These ideas are comparable to Whitman's notions of an allembracing cosmic consciousness and the ultimate oneness of body and soul. Carpenter also rejected the notion of a mass society and identified with the free character of nature, proposing liberty for all to live in contact with the natural world.43 Lismer was later given a copy of his The Art of Creation: Essays on the Self and Its Powers (1907), which describes art as an important link with the creator and a way to communicate with others.44 Carpenter's theosophical views informed his social ideas, and he supported Morris's Arts and Crafts movement rather than political revolution, to effect social change.45 From his own experience, Lismer became convinced that more learning occurred outside school, and he tended to scorn long years of schooling.46 Schools had provided him with a basic type of education, which was drummed in with regimentation and rote learning and with little understanding of children's needs. However, in the adult world that he entered at an early age, he found a passion for self-improvement and a love of learning rarely equalled in Western society. The adult education movement which swept the country in the 18205 had gathered momentum throughout the century, and cities such as Sheffield provided a wide range of educational opportunities that included lectures and classes, study areas, and libraries for the working population.47 While Lismer was at school, he was too preoccupied to take advantage of these opportunities, but he retained a conviction that learning is a lifelong process. He was, as well, an eager observer of important events in his capacity as a news illustrator, attending lectures given by some of the leading thinkers in England, including Winston Churchill and George Bernard Shaw.48 On such occasions he was exposed, as a young man, to the cut and thrust of debate and to the colourful language used by speakers on the lecture circuit. These experiences may well have helped him to develop his own powers as a speaker and opened his mind to a wide range of subject matter. His later tendency to skim as he read may also have developed during this period, when his desire to know was greater than the time he had to himself.49 In 1905, at the age of nineteen, Lismer finished both his studies at the Sheffield School of Art and his apprenticeship with Eaden and Place. He was eager for adventure and may have spent a short time in Paris.50 There he would have seen the work of Impressionist painters and possibly the big Van Gogh exhibition of that year.51 In 1906 he continued his education at the Academic Royale des Beaux Arts in Antwerp, Bel-

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gium, which Varley had attended five years previously. "Varley told me about this place and I went there. Instruction is free and you can live very cheaply ... and I went for a year."52 Lismer extended his meagre savings by doing odd jobs around the docks and occasional illustrations.53 Of the school he said, "Van Gogh studied there at one time, but it wasn't noted for the outstanding nature of its aggressive forms of instruction. They were mellow, quiet people who let you go and study there ...The wharves and the docks and the ships and the river were always an amazing attraction to me and I did a lot of drawings and things like that."54 During his year in Europe Lismer travelled around Belgium and Holland studying the work of Flemish masters and enjoying the museums and art galleries and the architecture of fine old European cities. He must have felt that he had finally broken away from the provincialism of the Sheffield art world. Soon after his return to Sheffield in March 1908, Lismer became engaged to Esther Ellen Mawson, a dark, comely girl, the sister of his friend Jimmy Mawson. Quiet, affectionate, and understanding, Esther had a temperament that provided the perfect balance to Lismer's extroverted personality. The work situation, however, was far from encouraging, and he found the north of England "a cold world for artists."55 With no money and no job, he decided to open his own commercial studio with a friend, Dick Hawley. He advertised himself as a "Specialist in Pictorial Publicity, Artist, Designer and Photoengraver" and offered "High-class work at moderate prices."56 He later said of this experience: "I got some work to do, but it was rather a penurious kind of job. I was working with the illustrative trades - commercial art, to put it in a crude way - I hate the term - doing decorations, anything from newspaper advertisements to bill heads and things of that nature. Doing a lot of sketching for newspapers. Before the days of the printed half-tone in the paper they had to put in line blocks, along with the type we were almost pioneering in that form of illustration."57 In addition, Lismer advertised classes in drawing and painting with "criticism and assistance given if desired."58 The flyer indicated that classes were organized on "continental" lines using both male and female models. There is no record of Lismer's first experience teaching art, but the studio itself was not a financial success and closed in 1910. After his return to England, Lismer had resumed his weekend rambles with the Heeley Art Club, and he once again fell under the spell of the countryside: "the crags, hills, and moors the dales and streams, the distance and the magic light of the north."59 Perhaps his experiences on the Continent and the influence of paintings seen on his travels made him more conscious than ever of the subtle "light and shadow of the English climate."60 On his return to England, Lismer had also joined the Sheffield School of Art Musical and Dramatic Club with other members of the Heeley

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Knight of the Burning Pestle, Sheffield School of Art Musical and Dramatic Club, Temperance Hall, 2.8-Z9 January 1908; Arthur Lismer, ninth from left, back row (photo courtesy of John Kir by, Sheffield City Polytechnic)

Art Club. As noted, he developed a taste for drama and acting early in life, fed by many visits to the local theatre. A born actor, he took part in several local productions. Among other roles, he was Venturewell in the Elizabethan comedy The Knight of the Burning Pestle. The newspapers reported that Lismer played the part with "delightful naturalness and ease" and noted, "Nobody would suspect the actor's youth."61 He also played Sir Robert Oatley in another Elizabethan play, The Shoemaker's Holiday.61 Lismer contributed the pictorial publicity for both plays, which included drawings of the cast in costume.63 These and other experiences in amateur theater developed his natural flair for timing, gesture, and dramatic effect, which were to prove invaluable for projecting ideas and holding the attention of an audience in his later work. His daughter believed: "He might have been a fine actor if he had chosen that profession. He could rise to any occasion and adjust his approach to any group, soon finding his way to reach a new audience."64 After the failure of his commercial studio and with little prospect of more congenial work, Lismer began to look for other alternatives. It was a discouraging prospect; in 1910 an article in the Sheffield Daily Telegraph deplored the fact that trained art workers were migrating from Sheffield, and it blamed their departure on the lack of public and private support.65 As well, the market was glutted with artists, further contributing to the scarcity of work. Lismer was plagued by feelings of self-doubt and told Esther: "Disappointments have been many with me and sometimes I think I am not what I know myself to be. That my abilities are just ordinary and that I have not [got] it in me ever to achieve anything and that success is not for me ... Then my better self comes to

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the top and I look at the work I do and know that it is good and that I can do things that others, that are filling positions cannot do ... Eventually given health and strength I shall find the first step on the ladder that leads to better things."66 This sense of his own worth and optimism about the future typified Lismer's attitude to life and exemplified the Unitarian belief of "faith in one's own powers." In his search for employment, he began to look further afield: "Immigration possibilities were in the air for getting people out of crowded countries like England."67 Encouraged by his friend William Broadhead, who had emigrated to Canada the year before, Lismer began to plan his own departure, and he eventually booked a steerage passage for himself on the ss Corsican.6* With Esther's blessing, "few dollars and high hopes," he sailed for Halifax on zo January 1911. At twenty-six Lismer was tall, lean, and energetic, with red hair and piercing green eyes. He fitted his own description of a Yorkshireman as a stubborn nonconformist with a passion for learning and a stern sense of duty to his work.69 He was also uniquely himself, particularly in his ability to communicate and express himself through drawing, his rich use of language, and his spontaneous humour. With a sense of destiny and the determination to make something of himself in his new country, Lismer faced the future with tremendous optimism.

CHAPTER 2

"The First Step on the Ladder" Toronto, 1911-1916

L

ismer arrived in Halifax on 28 January 1911, after a stormy crossing, and disembarked the following day.1 Having little money in his pocket, he was anxious to reach his destination and took the first train to Toronto. The snowy Canadian landscape fascinated him after the drab winters of northern England, and the brilliance of the scene took his breath away: "The amplitude of space and light and colour ... I think that stayed with me ever since. It's hard to go back to England - you find distances close in on you."z He spent the long journey staring out of the window, "hearing about Canadian history from a little French priest and about the woods from a lumberman, wondering where the cities were in this vast country and seeing green skies, purple shadows and spruce bush."3 Mesmerized by the splendour of the scenery, Lismer had an underlying concern that he had underestimated the amount of money required for the journey. Many years later he recalled: "I had five pounds in my hip pocket. It was in the form of a note ... I felt if I changed this note I'd be sunk and I didn't realize the expense of meals on trains. When I got into Toronto, I think I had about fifteen cents left. I don't recall that with any particular pleasure because it was an anxiety at the time."4 He was confident, however, that given the opportunity, he could make a good life for Esther and himself in Canada. Fortunately he soon found work in the city with an engraving house. He was embarking on a new adventure beyond anything he had experienced before. In 1911 Canada was not so much a cohesive country as a collection

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of regionally focused provinces. The population was separated not only by vast distances but by differing historical backgrounds and social, economic, and cultural needs. In spite of the cry for unity in the national election of that year and spasmodic outbursts of nationalism, a true national spirit did not evolve until World War i. This catastrophic event would give Canada a singleness of purpose and pride in the country as a whole. In 1911 increased immigration from Britain ensured a continuing British influence, particularly in Ontario, which received a quarter of all new immigrants who entered the country. As Lismer noted, this influence had begun after the Conquest and seemed as if it would always be dominant: "English traders, merchants, surveyors, military and governing classes set up a British atmosphere of patronage and taste of the Nineteenth Century ... establishing English influences through education, church and academic tradition."' In early twentieth-century Ontario many members of the establishment had been educated in Britain through the prestigious Rhodes and later Beaverbrook scholarship systems, bringing a fresh wave of support for British culture and ideas. The years from 1910 to 1913 marked a period of unprecedented prosperity for Toronto, largely as a result of the building of the Canadian Northern Railway, which linked lumber and mining operations in northern Ontario to the city. As industry and construction expanded, the agrarian character of the province began to diminish. The year that Lismer arrived in Toronto, the last of the old carbon street lights were being replaced by electric standard lamps. As one observer noted: "The numerous poles ... make our main thoroughfare look like a Chinese harbour after a typhoon," and worse, "the water tanks, the sky signs, the horrible advertisements painted in epic scale on the flanks of buildings, the lettering falling like a veil over many a fair piece of architecture."6 The city was already struggling with overcrowding, rapid urban growth, new transportation technology, and a public reluctant to pay higher taxes. The path of least resistance resulted in modest short term projects including a generous scattering of green spaces in and around the city, but no overall centralized plan to give Toronto a focus. There was, however, a large, well-placed university, imposing law courts and public buildings, and many well maintained residential areas. Indeed, at the time Toronto was known as 'The city of beautiful homes.' But in other areas overcrowding and squalor existed, which in the worst cases equalled the slums of Sheffield. It was a city of contrasts where great wealth and poverty existed in close proximity. Among the social programs initiated by public bodies and private philanthropic societies at this time were child-welfare programs, health clinics, and several publichousing projects with educational and library facilities. Religious groups were also active, and at the time there seemed to be a church on every street corner, most of them Protestant. These gave Toronto a seriousness that echoed the moralizing tone of British evangelicalism.

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In 1911 the city had several small museums, the largest was at the University of Toronto, which would be relocated and inaugurated as the Royal Ontario Museum in 1914. There were four public libraries and seven theatres, including the Royal Alexandra, the Gayety, and the Grand Opera, which catered to all tastes. Sports enthusiasts enjoyed several athletic grounds and racetracks. However, to outsiders the main focus in Toronto appeared to be on commerce and trade. Earlier in the century Rudyard Kipling had found it "consumingly commercial."7 Another observer noted, "This utilitarianism is seen in all departments of human knowledge and social life. It is equally discernible in learning, in the arts, in literature, in politics."8 When Lismer arrived in Toronto, there was no publicly funded art museum and only two private galleries. One of his associates later observed: "Many of the amenities that we accept as our right were non-existent or being born under the auspices of a few wealthy families or small groups of likeminded people forming art associations."9 Even at the national level, financial aid for the arts was slow to materialize. The National Gallery of Canada, supported by the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, had opened in Ottawa in 1882. A large proportion of the national collection consisted of diploma pieces painted by applicants to the RCA. By 1910 the uninspiring collection was housed in a dingy building in Ottawa and needed someone to reorganize the holdings. Sir Edmund Walker, a trustee, hired Eric Brown, who later became the gallery's first curator.10 In 1913, the National Gallery Act was passed and an independent Board of Trustees constituted. Brown was then appointed to the position of director, and the finances of the gallery were much improved.11 Under Brown's wise management, which lasted for over a quarter of a century, the National Gallery of Canada gained international recognition for the quality of its collections. During the nineteenth century, however, the lack of public support for artists forced them to band together, eventually resulting in the formation of several important institutions across Canada. For example, the Montreal Society of Artists was responsible for the formation and incorporation of the Art Association of Montreal in 1860 and which nearly a century later would become the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts. Similarly, in Toronto the Ontario Society of Artists, started in 1872. by John Fraser, a Notman photographer-artist, was instrumental in establishing the Art Museum of Toronto, now the Art Gallery of Ontario. The OSA was also responsible for the eventual development of the Ontario College of Art. The tireless work of the various arts societies, particularly in central Canada, provided a climate in which art galleries and schools of art could flourish. It was largely due to their dedication that the institutions in which Lismer, a strong supporter of the OSA, later found employment in the 192,08. In 1911, however, with his meagre funds, Lismer was immediately

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concerned to find work as quickly as possible in the illustration or design arts trades. Fortunately, the principal opportunities for artists in the Toronto area at the time were in the fields of printing and publishing; other immigrants, skilled in the textile or ceramic trades, were not so fortunate, discovering that such work was largely non-existent as the result of a flood of imported goods from Britain and Europe. Finding the manager abrasive, Lismer did not stay in his first position, with the David Smith Engraving Company, for long. He soon moved to the Rapid Grip Company: "a prosperous up-to-date engraving house."12 Here he worked under Albert Robson, soon becoming part of a group of young artists who, like himself, were interested in landscape painting. Lismer was happy in Canada and satisfied with his work and friends, but life in a rooming house, even with the congenial Bill Broadhead, was only a temporary arrangement. He was earning about thirty dollars a week, but managed to live on ten, saving enough to return to England in 1912 to marry Esther Mawson. The ceremony was held in the Unitarian Chapel in Sheffield. While he was in England for his marriage, Lismer met Fred Varley again. Varley was living in reduced circumstances with his wife and child and was easily persuaded to try his luck in Canada. He arrived in Toronto soon after the Lismers returned from their honeymoon in Antwerp. Varley also found work at Grip, but in 1912 he moved to the Rous and Mann Press nearby. Like Lismer, he began to exhibit his work with various art societies, but more importantly, he was caught up in the enthusiasm of the small group of weekend painters that included senior designer J.E.H. MacDonald,13 Frank Johnston,14 Franklin Carmichael,15 who joined Grip soon after Lismer, and Tom Thomson,16 Lismer's first sketching partner. In 1912 Carmichael and Thomson moved to Rous and Mann; they were joined there by Varley the same year.17 For Lismer, it was really miraculous "that these individuals should have come together at this time."18 Often he would spend his weekends sketching with Thomson or MacDonald and other artists from Grip. Sometimes they would work in the bush near York Mills or further afield in the country around Lindsay or Lake Scugog.19 On Mondays work was brought back to the studio, where it was discussed by MacDonald, who offered criticism and "philosophic encouragement." Thomson, who became an important influence on the Grip painters, was largely self-taught, but had been an apprentice in the engraving trade. With the encouragement of the others, he emerged as a sketcher.i0 Lismer recalled: "He knew the bush even if he did not know how to paint it. He had that advantage over his fellow shop workers ... They knew about drawing and techniques, but Thomson knew about nature and he was at home in the bush."11 There is no doubt that Lismer and Thomson influenced each other. Fred Housser, who was the first to write about these artists, observed that Lismer's acute analytical faculty made

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him an invaluable critic while Thomson's feeling for the Canadian wilderness was of great use to Lismer.22 Later reminiscing about Thomson, Lismer commented: "He was shy, but friendly ... In the bush Tom Thomson came to life. One's own experience of coming to terms with the northern environment led out from Thomson's habit of making one see and experience for oneself. He saw a thousand things in the bush animals and birds, a strand of fine pine, a stretch of muskeg with possibilities for the kind of thing you wanted to paint."23 In a later interview he recalled that Thomson "very rarely spoke, but he'd always call your attention to something ... He made you see things."14 At the time, Lismer used watercolour for outdoor sketching: "The style harks back to England, somber in tone as though seen under grey skies. The same could be said of Clearing, York Mills, the first canvas he sold in 1913 to the Toronto Normal School."25 In effect, Lismer painted as he had always painted, later recognizing that he was dealing with what he knew, rather than what he saw. In discussions with Fred Housser, he admitted that, at the time, "We felt locality, but not mood. We felt topography but not colour. The fact was we could neither draw nor paint. We were adventurous but it never got into our pictures."26 Lismer had to come to terms with the harsher Canadian landscape: "I used to wonder why there was no twilight in this country. Twilight was when all the creative things were done in England. It was the half hour between sunset and daylight ... it gave people half-tones. My feeling was that in Canada people had no half-tones ... The quality of the country which came through first was the outstanding contrast between storm and calm, warm colour and cool, fall and spring and so on. All these contrasts."27 The notion that Canadian landscape painting should reflect Canadian experience was part of a broad discussion, several decades old. As early as 1911, a newspaper reviewer observed: "Complaint is not uncommon that Canadian artists are not national, or that there is no national school of painting or that their paintings are not pretentious enough."28 This idea of a distinctively Canadian art form was introduced to Lismer's group by MacDonald'19 who had taken part in many discussions on this topic while a member of the Toronto Art Students' League earlier in the century. Indeed, for over thirty years Canadian art and its national role had been part of an on-going discussion. The nationalistic ideal as a motivation for landscape painting had already taken place in the mid-nineteenth century with artists who worked for William Notman's photographic studio in Montreal. Notman made his name with albums of photographs titled Notman's Photographic Selections, which were published between 1863 and 1865. These albums fed the growing nationalism of the day and showed in stirring detail the magnificence of the Canadian landscape. The superior aesthetic and technical quality of Notman's photographs inspired

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other artists, who began to work directly from photographic images or to use photographic effects and conventions in their paintings. As the centre of influence shifted from Montreal to Toronto, artists looking for new opportunities moved to Ontario, among them John Fraser and Alan Edson. Fraser, who had opened a branch of Notman's in Toronto, with others founded the Ontario Society of Artists in 1872,. He was joined at Notman's by Lucius O'Brien, reputedly the best of the Toronto painters. Exploration and development in Canada encouraged these artists to look for a wider geographic range of subjects. William Van Home, the railway magnate, encouraged artists to help open up the west by offering free rail passes. The Notman artists took advantage of such opportunities to paint panoramic views of Canada from British Columbia to the Maritimes. The scale and magnificence of the country depicted in many of these paintings was designed to inspire awe and, importantly, further national development. In accordance with the spirit of the times, the Notman painters followed the Ruskin notion of "truth to nature," rendering natural objects, particularly in the foreground, in meticulous detail. The casual placement of subject matter, clear outlines, directional lighting, and the three-dimensional quality given to objects in space give the illusion of a stereoscope. The style of lighting owed much to American luminist painting, and there were also influences from the French Barbizon artists, who were interested in the effects of light and atmosphere. Much of the work by Notman painters was exquisitely rendered and achieved the objective of inspiring interest and pride in the magnificence of the country. But the detailed, photographic style did not reveal the feeling or character of the country and remained derivative of photography and European pastoral landscape painting. Photographic realism remained popular until the late i88os, when a taste for collecting figure painting of the Paris schools and later the work of French Barbizon and Dutch artists of the Hague school superseded interest in the Notman painters.30 Local artists were also influenced by this trend and, when they could, spent time studying in Europe, particularly in Paris. This factor effectively stunted the growth of a national art form, for even though these artists worked from the Canadian landscape, their ideal was European in style and approach. C.W. Jefferys, Toronto artist and member of the Arts and Letters Club, pointed out: "Canadian themes do not make Canadian art ... neither do Canadian themes expressed through European formulas or through European temperaments."?1 It was clear to a few enlightened souls that an identifiably Canadian art form was long overdue. In 1911 MacDonald had an exhibition at the Arts and Letters Club, which was well received. He showed sketches of the country in and around the Toronto area that captured the characteristic drama and roughness of rural Canada. Jefferys immediately recognized the

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significance of this exhibition: "MacDonald's work is native, as native as the rocks or the snow or the pine trees or the lumber drives that are so largely his themes ... So deep and compelling has been the native inspiration that it has to a very great extent found through Mr MacDonald a method of expression in paint as native and original as itself."31 The show also impressed and influenced MacDonald's young colleagues at Grip. Lismer himself had already abandoned his tentative English watercolour style in favour of a more robust expression of his new country. This change was recognized a few years later by a journalist who reported: "Arthur Lismer has shown that he can cut away from the idyllic glamour of the hackneyed English landscapes and with a fresh eye tackle the rugged outline of the Canadian bush ... This picture of Bush Road looks to a Canadian woodsman very much like the real thing."33 Other Toronto artists pioneering in bush country at that time included J.W. Beatty, who was among the first to paint in the wilds of Algonquin Park. A.Y. Jackson said of Beatty that he "loved the north country but could never free himself from traditional ways of painting."34 Wyly Grier, an Australian educated in London and Paris, also spent long summers with his wife and children painting in the Adirondacks. Both men were members of the Arts and Letters Club and applauded the new direction that MacDonald's work had taken. At the time, Grier, also felt that Canada needed a national art form: "Stirred by big emotions born of our landscape; braced to big courageous effort by our landscape ... the thing needs courage."35 It was a new, if tentative, beginning for Canadian painting, given enthusiastic approval by some members of the Arts and Letters Club. The club itself played an important role in furthering the progress of this new movement by providing both an exhibition space for the work and a gathering place for discussion and entertainment. Founded in 1908, it was a loosely knit organization of men from many professions and backgrounds with a common interest in promoting the arts. It was also a meeting place for some of the best minds in the city, and the members included university professors, administrators, musicians, artists, and writers. "There were plays and art exhibitions and much good music. In a city of half a million people it was most likely that nearly all the movers and shakers in the arts would gather, and the Arts and Letters Club came to be the place where they met. In addition many notable visitors enjoyed the Club's hospitality."36 Lismer made several important contacts at the club, including Lawren Harris, a painter and scion of the Massey-Harris agricultural implements firm, and Harris's friend the opthamologist Dr James MacCallum, who gave encouragement and support to MacDonald and the emerging group of artists at Grip. On any day Lismer could have met Sir Edmund Walker, a trustee of the National Gallery of Canada and president of the Art

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Gallery of Toronto, Vincent Massey, a future diplomat and governor general, musician Ernest (later Sir Ernest) MacMillan, or Professor Barker Fairley, an Englishman and German scholar who became a particular friend. Entertainment at the club was provided by members and sometimes by guests, and there were many dramatic presentations and musical evenings. Roy Mitchell, another talented member of the club, was soon part of Lismer's group. From 1909 the Arts and Letters Players were directed by Mitchell, who was interested in experimental material new to Canada. This included W.B. Yeats's Shadowy Waters, J.M.Synge's Shadow of the Glen, and Maurice Maeterlinck's Interior. Lismer and Harris were involved with Mitchell's productions whenever possible. The list of guests who were entertained and who sometimes performed informally is also impressive. It included musicians Pablo Casals and Fritz Kreisler, poets W.B.Yeats and Rupert Brooke, actors Phyllis Neilson Terry and Lawrence Irving, explorer Roald Amundsen, former prime minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and many others.37 Gregarious by nature, Lismer had already gained a reputation as a wit and an amusing speaker at the club, where he was often the centre of attention. His friends called him "the bronc," a Canadian nickname for an Englishman, and MacDonald recalled that "there was a lot of fun in general, and a healthy humility about art, even in 'the bronc' himself, the darndest bronc you ever saw."38 He was also popular and much in demand as an organizer with a flair for generating publicity,39 and characteristically continued to spend much of his time on activities that kept him away from painting. In 1911 he became a member of the Graphic Arts Club,40 and the following year a committee member and program organizer. In 1913 he served as secretary of the GAC section a the Canadian National Exhibition, and in his letters and notes to members he demonstrated an ability to coordinate complex projects.41 From the beginning, the friends were grateful for the constant support and patronage of Dr MacCallum. In 1912, he invited MacDonald and his family to his property at Go Home Bay in the Georgian Bay, area where MacDonald was exposed to the northern landscape for the first time. Arthur and Esther Lismer, then living in the west end of Toronto, were similarly delighted to receive an invitation from MacCallum, and like the MacDonalds, they moved into a houseboat moored off MacCallum's island. The following year they again spent time with MacCallum at Go Home Bay, where Lismer painted Georgian Bay (1913), a work that records his early impressions of the openness and immensity of the north country. In January 1913 MacDonald and Harris, intrigued by talk about Scandinavian vis-a-vis Canadian art, visited an exhibition of Scandinavian painting at the Albright Art Gallery in Buffalo.41 The earthiness of these northern paintings echoed the feelings that MacDonald had been

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trying to express: "It seemed an art of the soil and woods, waters and rocks and sky. The painters began with nature not with art."** Both he and Harris were struck by the similarity with Canada: "Except in minor points the pictures might all have been Canadian and we felt that: 'this is what we want to do with Canada."44 These new insights helped to give clearer shape to their ideas and reinforced the solidarity of the emerging group of painters. As the economic situation worsened in 1913, Harris and MacCallum saw an urgent need for affordable studio space. To accommodate their artist friends, they built the Studio Building on Severn Street in Toronto.45 Harris hoped that favourable conditions would promote good painting and provide a centre for serious discussion.46 The following year MacCallum persuaded A.Y. Jackson to move to Toronto from Montreal, promising him a studio and living expenses for a year. There Jackson met Thomson and for a time shared a studio with him in the new building. The other occupants were Arthur Heming, J.W. Beatty, Curtis Williamson, MacDonald, and Harris himself. But Thomson was uncomfortable working in the building, perhaps finding it too confining, and Harris recalled: "There was a dilapidated old shack at the back of the property ... We fixed it up, put down a new floor, made the roof watertight, built in a studio window, put in a stove and electric light. Tom made himself a bunk, shelves, a table, and an easel, and lived in that place as he would a cabin in the north. It became Tom's shack and was his home until he died in i^iy."47 Jackson was keenly interested in ideas being explored by MacDonald and Harris and was soon involved with the group. He recalled that the Studio Building "was a lively centre for new ideas, experiments, discussions, plans for the future and visions of an art inspired by the Canadian countryside. It was, of course, to be a northern movement." 48 Jackson's painting The Edge of Maplewood (1910) was already known and admired by Lismer, Thomson, and MacDonald, who had seen it at the OSA exhibition in 1911.49 Harris bought the painting in 1913.5° It was difficult, if not impossible, to sell experimental work in the conservative atmosphere of pre-war Toronto, and Jackson was amused when MacCallum wrote on Harris's behalf to ask if he still had the painting: "If I still possessed it! I still possessed everything I ever painted."51 In the belief that the National Gallery was failing to support Canadian artists Harris and Jackson wrote letters of complaint to the newspapers.52 To their surprise, the response from the National Gallery was immediate. Sir Edmund Walker, now chairman of the Board of Trustees, was enthusiastic about the new life stirring in Canadian art and promised to do what he could.53 Eric Brown was also sympathetic to the fresh perspective of the Toronto artists. The focus of the group on wilderness country was of personal significance to him since he and his wife were

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both ardent campers and familiar with the remoter areas of Algonquin Park. The first painting purchased for the National Gallery was Thomson's Northern River (1914); other purchases included work by MacDonald, Harris, and Jackson. Lismer's The Road through the Bush (1914) and Tom Thomson's Moonlight, Early Evening (1914) were also acquired by the gallery at this time.54 Dennis Reid notes: "From then on the National Gallery was the new group's staunchest supporter."55 After this triumph Lismer called on Thomson, whom he found playing solitaire with the bills of his $2.50 windfall. Before long, the two men were dancing a fandango, with the bills flying about the room. Lismer recalled that for himself the money provided enough to pay for a baby carriage for his daughter, Marjorie, and other necessary items.56 Two years earlier Lismer and his friends had left Grip to follow their art director, Albert Robson, to Rous and Mann, where they joined Varley. MacDonald left Grip at the same time and tried to make a living freelancing. Sometime in 1913 Lismer followed his example in the hope that freelancing would give him more freedom to paint. However, the economy, which was stable at that time, soon gave way to a recession that would last until the outbreak of World War i. It became a precarious way to earn a living, and Lismer found commercial hack work soul-destroying. He wrote that he: "did very badly earning a meager living doing advertising chores. I disliked it intensely."57 In terms of his painting, however, there was much to stimulate and excite him. He continued to work with the group at weekends and exhibited his paintings at the OSA exhibitions. From 1914 he was also a regular contributor to the Royal Canadian Academy exhibitions, where he first showed The Guide's Home, Algonquin (i9i4). 58 With his friends, he was gradually moving towards a decisive point in his work. Although Lismer's Georgian Bay (1913) records his first impressions of the north, it was his painting trip to Algonquin Park with Tom Thomson in March 1914 that really changed his outlook. There he was captivated by wild nature and the unspoiled atmosphere of the park and found it a moving and transformative experience: We were there when the first spring flower came up and bravely faced the frosty nights and chilly mornings and we stayed to see the woods carpeted with their infinite variety of colour - the little white Canadian violet, the sweetest scented of them all. Trilliums, Hepaticas, Jack in the Pulpit, Auriculas, Anemonies, to name only a few ... They were revelations to me of what nature in its wildest state can do to brighten the somber depths of shade. The North has an atmosphere and glamour all its own. I have never experienced anything like it anywhere else, indeed it is peculiar of the north country and I cant describe it. The first night when I arrived the whole feeling burst upon me at once ... I was met by Thomson who had brought down the wagon and we drove through the bush to where he was staying. Imagine a glorious full

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moon coming over the tops of the spruce, big and yellow, shedding a mysterious light on everything - the air had a tang of freshness and cold that was wonderfully invigorating and refreshing after the stuffy train and the city I had left. One smelt the trees and the fragrance of the ground beneath and the moonlight had colour, you could see to paint and be able to appreciate the colour of things. This was the background setting, as it were, to a wonderful chorus of sounds, the night chorus of nature's orchestra ... I felt I longed to be in tune with it all. I wanted to find something in myself, some forgotten latent chord was touched - I felt happy, exalted and indescribably out of tune - satiated with city life and all the petty accumulations of busy days which meant nothing. That first impression was wonderfully helpful. It was greater than imaginations [sic] - charged with meaning and growth to an impressionable soul, a quickening of feeling, the birth of new impulses and outlooks and an intense desire to express it.59

This experience with Thomson intensified Lismer's feelings for unspoilt nature and the strong spiritual connection he felt with the natural world. In his first-known lecture in Canada, undoubtedly speaking of himself, he said that the artist "discerns the infinite through the finite."60 In endless discussions held at the Studio Building, spiritual connection with nature was an ongoing topic. In the fall of 1914 Lismer, Thomson, Varley, and Jackson camped at Canoe Lake in Algonquin Park. With the encouragement of Jackson and the others, Lismer became interested in oils. The new medium invigorated his painting style, and he began to use brighter colour and work on a larger scale.61 The group started with small sketches on 9^2 by iz!/2 inch panels fitted into the lids of painting boxes. It was here that Lismer's The Guide's Home, Algonquin (1914) was painted and, as with many of the small sketches done on such trips, later enlarged at home. The pleasure of working with oils, the beauty of the unspoiled surroundings, and the stimulation of being with like-minded friends produced an impressionistic work full of light and colour which the National Gallery purchased the following year. Lismer and the others were to remember these halcyon days with nostalgia. But in August 1914 World War I was declared, bringing events that were to separate the painters for years and delay the formation of a more cohesive group. Up to the outbreak of the war, they were a group of friends who had similar ideas on painting. Lismer said of this time: "We owed little to our former training ... although I suppose it counted a little, but we owed a great deal to each other and to the warm contacts of friendship and to a common theme."62 In 1914 MacCallum commissioned Lismer, MacDonald and Thomson to paint a series of murals for his cottage at Go Home Bay. Lismer contributed seven panels, which were completed at different times over a period of two years. The Georgian Bay area provided the subject mat-

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ter and reflected Lismer's sense of the grandeur and rugged nature of the Canadian Shield. As landscapes with figures, these panels are almost unique in his oeuvre and were painted in a more art nouveau style than his other work. His panel above the front door of the cottage, The Skinny Dip (1915-16), showed two or three small nudes dwarfed by trees and water. In The Picnic (1915-16) the figures are placed against an expanse of unbroken sky, lending an atmosphere of light and air undoubtedly expressing the freedom that Lismer felt in these unspoiled surroundings.63 It is obvious that he enjoyed the assignment, and he told MacCallum: "If you have any photographs I'd like to have prints as a memory of a very interesting piece of labour - I know I got lots of fun out of it - and experience."64 Lismer would not accept any remuneration from MacCallum, no doubt wishing to repay him for the many acts of kindness to himself and his family.65 In the summer of 1915 Arthur and Esther Lismer moved in with the MacDonalds, then living in Thornhill, a scattered community north of Toronto. The two men were good friends, and with their shared English background, they had much in common. Both were keenly interested in nature and gardening; their work as artists also gave them much to discuss. Lismer had a deep admiration for his quiet friend and later described him as a poet, a dreamer, and a fine craftsman.66 But although there was harmony between the two families, the house was small and often crowded with MacDonald's relatives. It still stands today, well off the road, and surrounded by urban sprawl where once there were fields. In the fall of that year Lismer's fortunes improved when he was offered a teaching position at the Ontario Department of Education Teachers Summer Courses in Art. He was inexperienced and had probably been recommended by George Reid, Principal of the Ontario College of Art, who knew Lismer through the Arts and Letters Club. Surprised and delighted, he accepted the position: "I had been instructing in a minor kind of way even as a lad ... I was always interested in helping to organize little groups. I suppose that was in my particular nature - getting people together and so on - more or less a social kind of being. I learnt on the job, you see."67 There is no doubt that Lismer saw teaching as bringing him closer to his goal of being a full-time painter. He idealized art and artists, seeing them as sensitive to physical as well as spiritual experience, and had a strong desire to pass on something of his vision to others. With the improvement in their finances, the Lismers were able to rent another house in Thornhill close to the MacDonalds. Lismer was happy to have steady work, which relieved him of the hard grind of the commercial field: "I disliked the advertising profession completely, although I remember it was at the time on a higher level than was general in England. I wanted to paint."68 As Lismer began his life as an art instructor, he must have realized

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how well he was suited to the task. He later said of himself: "I had the gift of the gab and was interested too."69 Teaching presented new difficulties, but with a positive attitude, he tackled the various problems as they arose. Remembering that period many years later, he observed: "Here you are up against another problem, a raw teacher, a new kind of population and doing your best with them ... What was bad about it gave me the influence to try and change it."70 He had a natural empathy for young people, and with his desire to share his knowledge and his flair for drama, he already had some of the important attributes needed for teaching. His efforts did not go unnoticed, and in 1916, with the support of George Reid, Lismer was offered the position of principal of the Victoria School of Art and Design in Halifax, Nova Scotia.

CHAPTER 3

The Victoria School of Art and Design Halifax, 1916-1919

G

iven that Arthur Lismer had only a few months of teaching experience and almost no knowledge of administration, it is interesting to speculate why he was chosen to head the Victoria School of Art and Design in 1916. No doubt his skills as an organizer and promoter of the Graphic Arts Club and his work at the teachers' summer course had been noticed by influential members at the Arts and Letters Club, including George Reid. But the selection of a littleknown artist by the conservative directors of the school was an uncharacteristically daring choice, even though they could not have found a more dedicated candidate. The move to Halifax marked the end of a difficult period of financial uncertainty, and Lismer was relieved to obtain a secure position with a guaranteed salary.1 In addition he had found work that he enjoyed and felt was worthwhile, and he undoubtedly looked forward to running the whole enterprise himself. The Lismers arrived in Halifax in September 1916. World War i was in progress, and Halifax, a normally staid, conservative city, was at the height of its wartime activities. The press of many thousands of military and naval personnel and civilians engaged in war work made it difficult, if not impossible, to find accommodation in the city. At the suggestion of James Roy,z the Lismers settled in Bedford, a small community about ten miles northwest of Halifax. It was connected to the city by a somewhat unreliable rail service, which Lismer planned to use.s Halifax is rich in history, having originated as a British military and naval base during the conflict with the French at Louisburg in 1749. The

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Arthur Lismer, Clock Tower, Halifax, c. 1916-19; etching (gift of Betty Chute to author) Citadel, a massive fortress that dominates the city and harbour, was built in 1794. Halifax was not only ideally situated in its proximity to the ocean, but in winter the harbour remained free of ice. During World War i it was the centre for the Canadian military, with the Citadel as the heart of operations. Several other forts on the outskirts of the city which housed thousands of additional troops. The forts and harbour were well guarded by gun implacements and in the air by planes from the newly built American naval air base situated near the port. As well, anti-submarine nets protected the harbour entrance. Halifax played a particularly important role in wartime because it was the major port of embarkation for troops and supplies en route to the European war zone. The city had always prospered in times of conflict, not only as Canada's first line of defence but also as its closest link with Europe. When Lismer arrived in Halifax, the city was entirely focused on the events of the war and the problems of sustaining its swollen population. His work at the art school must therefore be seen against the back-

ground of constant activity, emotionalism, and tension which typifies

areas involved in a war.

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In contrast to the crush of the city, Bedford was a haven of peace, and Lismer's daughter, Marjorie, remembers: "Life in Nova Scotia was pleasant, in spite of wartime restrictions. We rented a small house in Bedford,4 right at the head of Bedford Basin, at the mouth of the Sackville River. There was about an acre of ground, all of it on a hillside. In summer there were picnics, boating and swimming. In winter the snow was deep and my father bought a sled, big enough to hold us both. We went skimming down our hillside road to the edge of the water. In Spring the logs came down the river, to be caught in the booms. The men worked frantically to keep the logs moving with the river, and to untangle the log jams that developed at a moment's notice. There are a number of Lismer's sketches and drawings of this activity. "5 Family life in Bedford was pastoral in its simplicity, and in many respects this was a happy period. Lismer enjoyed gardening and cultivated the plot around the house. Esther Lismer was a skilled homemaker, seamstress, and cook. She came from a family of lacemakers and used her facility with a needle to embroider decorative items, using designs that Lismer created for her.6 She was also a good plain cook and was always busy baking and making preserves. The Lismer garden supplied the vegetables, and there were wild berries and fresh fish from the river. Marjorie remembers that at Christmas her mother was very active in the kitchen, "making plum puddings, fruit cake, mince meat and Christmas cookies. Her traditional British Christmas Cake was covered with white boiled icing with a thick layer of almond paste beneath it. When the icing was in place my father took over the decoration and made wonderful designs with silver balls and multicoloured hundreds and thousands."7 Because both Esther and Lismer were accustomed to living frugally, they continued to be careful with money. Marjorie said of her mother, "She kept accounts, made out income tax returns, planned our travels and ran the household on a careful budget. My father turned over his paycheck and all other income to her and she gave an allowance to me and to him."8 With Arthur working outside the home and Esther as the head of the household, it was a partnership that satisfied both. The Lismer family was soon absorbed into the social life of Bedford and took part in outings and picnics organized by the Bedford Boat Club. Lismer's friends included James Roy, his son Stewart, and architect Andrew R. Cobb.9 A genial man who, like Lismer, loved children, Cobb was good company and would put on a show of conjuring tricks or play the musical saw at parties. Lismer often joined him in entertaining the children with humourous sketches or shadowgraph pictures on a screen.10 Lismer's time in Bedford is well recorded in sketches, paintings, and photographs. Photography had become a popular activity, and Lismer had two cameras to accommodate different-sized negatives.

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He developed his own prints in a darkened bathroom using primitive but effective techniques to produce his images.11 His photographic subjects included wartime activities and local outings, as well as sketching parties for his students. A few months after his arrival in Nova Scotia, Lismer wrote to MacCallum that he liked his new life, was feeling settled, and was living in splendid painting country.12 The serene quality of his home life provided a soothing contrast to the challenges and frustrations of his new position at the Victoria College of Art and Design. It soon became evident that, once the directors had hired Lismer, they were content to leave everything to him. This approach would have suited him if the school had been sufficiently funded, with adequate furnishings and supplies, but unfortunately, it lacked these necessities. Lismer's first sight of the Victoria School of Art and Design must have been a disappointment, since Beatty had led him to believe that conditions at the school were very promising.13 Founded in 1887, it was one of the oldest art schools in Canada, but it had a history of underfunding. The first principal of the School, George Harvey, had been an English landscape painter who started with a large enrolment of students. But numbers fluctuated over the years, depending on the financial resources and the quality of teaching and administration. In 1901 the fifth principal, Henry Rosenburg, urged the directors to search for a new location for the school, blaming declining numbers of students on the poor condition of the Thomas building. Subsequently, in 1903, a four-storey clapboard building at the corner of Argyle and George Streets was purchased.14 By 1916 it was in a very dilapidated condition, and Lismer told the directors, "The school needs redecorating badly. It is dull, dirty and sordid in its present state." And he pointed out, "A school should reflect the spirit of the principle being taught."15 His salary, which had seemed generous at first, particularly as he was to receive 85 per cent of student fees, looked less so in light of the fact that only twelve students were enrolled. It is clear from a letter written to Roy before he moved to Halifax that Lismer was not aware of the low numbers or that, as a consequence, the school was on the verge of financial collapse.16 A year later the directors increased his salary by $200, painted a classroom, and repaired the roof and windows.17 But it is doubtful whether more improvements were undertaken during Lismer's tenure.18 Some of the problems at the school were exacerbated by the war: of the thirty students enrolled the previous year, many had left to do war work.19 But in Lismer's opinion the low enrolment and other problems at the school were only superficially the result of the pressures of wartime. Primarily, he believed that conditions had much to do with the directors, who, in his view, saw art as a non-essential activity and a cultural pursuit for the privileged few.i0 He commented later: "Hostilities

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Bedford sketching party with students Bedford sketching party with students from the Victoria School of Art and from the Victoria School of Art and Design, c. 1916-17; Arthur Lismer, Design, c. 1916-18; Esther Lismer, Esther Lismer, and Marjorie Tozer Marjorie Lismer, Marjorie Tozer, and (photo Vera Conrod Nichols) Vera Conrod Nichols (photo Vera Conrod Nichols)

against art as a subversive snare die hard in some towns."21 In Nova Scotia, largely settled by Scots, the inhabitants seemed to have retained a brand of Presbyterianism that fostered conservatism and parsimony. Like the working population of Sheffield, Halifax also had a jaundiced view of the arts as being frivolous. In spite of Roy's support, Lismer's appeals for financial and moral backing fell on deaf ears and may well have been regarded as unimportant in a city geared for war. Lismer complained that even in peacetime art had a weak voice. "But now in the midst of war's alarms we can scarcely detect even a whisper ... and are in grave danger of loosing touch with the ... finest of human activities."" Although he realized it was not a propitious time to press for change, he was in a hurry to build a sound financial and philosophical basis for the school. In particular, he was anxious to challenge the prevailing view of art as a non-professional, dilettante pursuit and to change the exclusive atmosphere previously fostered at the school.^ Lismer was prepared to fight for what he thought was right and often lacked tact or discretion when it came to recalcitrant authorities. But the directors of the school were set in their ways and proved to be difficult to move.

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Lismer's first task as principal was to find more students, and although uncomfortable with the task of actively searching himself, he focused on increasing the numbers. In December 1916, though still short of students, he wrote to MacCallum: "The school is shaping a little into some recognized appearance of an art school, although considerably 'shy' of students it is getting some advertising although I hate to do it I'm making it my business to talk to anybody and any society who will listen. "24 As noted earlier, Lismer knew the value of good publicity and was skilled at using advertising, public speaking, and networking to further a cause. Indeed, it may have been these qualities, rather than his reputation as an artist, which had secured his position as principal. By the end of his first year he had gathered seventy students, who were all receiving instruction at the art school.25 For the remainder of his tenure the number of students stabilized at between sixty and seventy. This was more than enough for Lismer to handle, and even with the help of the assistant he hired the following year, he was kept busy. Of all his students, Marjorie Hughson Tozer was probably his most promising pupil at the VSAD. A gifted painter and later a respected teacher,26 she became a friend of the family and subsequently worked with Lismer in Toronto. In addition to his duties as principal, Lismer undertook the task of reviving the Nova Scotia Museum of Fine Arts. This institution, founded in 1908, had become inactive soon afterwards. Lismer resurrected the old charter, and with the promise of a National Gallery exhibition of contemporary Canadian painting from Brown, he had two rooms above the school cleared for the reopening of the museum.27 He hoped that, by establishing the gallery, he would not only expose his students to the best examples of art he could obtain, but also kindle some appreciation in the general population. He told MacCallum that he was in the process of forming the nucleus of a picture gallery, "which I hope will be the commencing of some artistic atmosphere. The town is provincial and wholly inartistic."28 The first exhibition held in the resurrected Museum of Fine Arts opened on 2,6 February 1917 and included paintings by MacDonald, Beatty, and Jefferys. He also showed the work of two past principal of the art school, George Harvey and Henry Rosenburg, as well as his own A Westerly Gale, Georgian Bay (1916) and four recent paintings of the Bedford area.29 Lismer promoted memberships to the museum, which were available for an annual fee of two dollars, entitling those who joined to attend all functions, exhibitions, and lectures. During the exhibition he gave talks on Canadian art and stressed the value of supporting the museum. In this way he extended his mandate to include the general public. The first exhibition was a success: seventy members joined, and the exhibition was seen by a thousand viewers.30 In 1917 the Halifax Herald reported: "Mr Lismer's personality is already telling, although he

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has spent but a few months with us, in an increased number of students at the school and increased interest on the part of the province in its work."31 In November that year an exhibition of lithographs by contemporary European masters was also well received by the press and public. Lismer was encouraged and cautiously optimistic about the future of the school and museum, writing to curator E.R. Greig in Toronto: "The School progresses a little: these are not good times to organize anything but if the seeds come up that I have planted since I came - someday - Halifax will have a real art school and a picture gallery."32 He was pleased that, in spite of the tenor of the times and the general apathy towards the arts then characteristic of the Maritimes, he had made a good start.33 In July 1917 Lismer was shocked to receive a letter from Frank Carmichael telling him that Thomson had met with a fatal accident: We got word in Toronto a week ago yesterday that Tom had not been seen since Sunday the i8th but that his canoe had been found upside down with both paddles strapped in. In their places as if for a portage and a loaf of bread and a pot of jam in the bow of the overturned canoe. His little short fishing rod and dunnage bag missing ... On Tuesday last the 17 word was received that they had found Tom drowned. The body having come to the surface, and as far as I know no marks of violence or foul play, which it was feared might have been the case as some bad blood existed between he and some of the park rangers who were poaching beaver ... The only solution which is speculative as any, seems to be that he must have had a dizzy or sick spell and either leaned over the canoe to bathe his head and in doing so lost his balance and became unconscious with the fatal result.34

Lismer was crushed at this news, not only because of his friendship with Thomson but because he believed that, of all his artist friends, Thomson had had the most promise. He always felt that he owed much to Thomson, who had hastened his own progress towards a fresh view of nature. At the time, he thought that Thomson's work was difficult to place, meaning stylistically and in relation to other artists, but he surmised: "Time and our own work will give Tom his niche."35 He never forgot what Thomson's friendship had meant to him, and indeed, he was somewhat haunted by the memory of their time together. Many years later, lunching at the Arts and Letters Club in Toronto, he caught sight of Grey Owl, who was a guest there. "Lismer said he got a terrific shock when he saw him - he was convinced here was Thomson, some thirty years older! ... Lismer said he remembered how Indian-like they both seemed to him - lean, agile, good with the fire and at ease in the canoe." Then Lismer noticed that Grey Owl was taller than Thomson, and he recalled that he had met Grey Owl in 1914 when he was painting with Thomson and may have identified one with the other.36 Also

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in 1917 another friend, J.E.H. MacDonald, never strong, suffered a stroke,^ which further weakened his delicate constitution. The school had started to prosper under Lismer, but December 1917 brought a near-fatal end to his plans when an explosion in Halifax Harbour destroyed large areas of the city and took many lives. It was the result of a collision between a French ship carrying explosives and a Belgian freighter, in which drums of benzol stacked on deck were punctured. In spite of attempts to contain the blaze, one of the worst disasters in modern history occurred. Lismer was at home when the explosion took place, and he told a friend: I missed my usual train and stayed at home for a later one. The first time in many weeks - so escaped - some who took the train didn't. The art school and gallery are badly shattered, every window broken and generally a "messup"! That puts [it] out of commission for a little while - and then the awful weather [a snowstorm] that followed immediately added to the trouble. In the art museum the dividing wall collapsed and pictures were flung everywhere by a miracle few sustaining serious damage (and we had a National Gallery print show on the walls) and I have not many losses to report except broken glass, the frames of two or three of these O.S.A. pictures pierced - But I'm afraid it will be a bad set-back for our Art Museum and I don't see that we can hold any more exhibitions this winter - but I've no doubt that we shall recover in time ... This season has seen a decided increase in interest ... My school is full of coffins now and all boarded up - and I don't know yet how many of my students have suffered. Not many I think, they mostly lived in another part of the city The word is that no schools will open for six months, but I'm going to try and have mine open after Christmas.'8

On the day of the explosion Lismer's first attempt to reach Halifax that morning was stopped by a military cordon. A second attempt was more successful, and he managed get down to the city, where, true to his training as a news illustrator, he recorded the devastation in a series of sombre black and white sketches which were published in the Canadian Courier.*9 To make the situation worse, a severe snowstorm began to blanket the city, and rescue efforts became even more difficult. Lismer was shocked to see wagons carrying the injured and the hospital train from Halifax, which was "simply packed." His first point of interest was the school, which he was relieved to find was still standing. Next door Snow, an undertaker, was trying to deal with a large number of bodies and had begun stacking the coffins inside the school and on the pavement outside.40 Lismer also told the interviewer that the front-door glass of his house in Bedford, ten miles away, had been blown out and found in a heap on the kitchen floor. Lismer wrote to Greig: "Halifax has been shaken a little from its accustomed lethargy - whether it will result in progress, I don't know -

The Victoria School of Art and Design with coffins, December 1917 (PANS, N4273; photo MacLaughlin)

there's a danger of the old town going to sleep ... and await [sic] another upheaval to waken it again."41 Unfortunately, this prediction proved to be true, and from Lismer's viewpoint, any interest in art that he had generated during his first year in Halifax seems to have dwindled. Although he worked long hours at the art school and gallery, he still found time to paint a considerable body of work in and around Bedford. This included In the Garden (n.d.), a painting of James Roy's property, Bedford Basin, N.S. (1918), and several of Esther sitting by the water, including Holiday Weather (1918). Oil was now his favoured medium, though he continued to draw using a variety of materials whenever there was a lull in his day. The naturalistic approach to landscape painting that characterized his early watercolours can also be seen in his oils, some of which are as casually composed as a snapshot. In this, he continued to follow Ruskin's view of landscape painting, in which art follows nature. George Landau quotes Ruskin as saying that "without paying attention to any rules he saw that forms in nature composed themselves 'by finer laws than any known of men.'"41 However, sometime during Lismer's stay in Nova Scotia a more powerful quality entered his work. Several factors may have been responsible for this change, including the possible influence of Roger Fry's formalist

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theories4' or the delayed result of seeing Post-Impressionist work at the Graf ton Galleries in London in 19 io.44 But although these undoubtedly contributed to his development, as did his contact with the Toronto group of painters, a more immediate influence was at work while he was resident in Nova Scotia. As a novice in the field of art education, Lismer was attracted to new developments in that sphere, and according to the books in his library, he consulted both English and American sources. Among these he found the work of American artist Arthur Wesley Dow of most immediate use. Dow believed that the principles of design provide the groundwork for all forms of art: "The first step is to create with them be it only a harmony of two or three lines or spots."45 There are several examples in Lismer's work in Nova Scotia which show more interest in line and form than in achieving a naturalistic effect. Paintings such as The River Drivers (n.d.), later repainted as Logging (1920), and Hills (n.d.) display strong design features that reflect his dynamic personality more accurately than the soft, more impressionistic style that preceded them. In 1918 Lismer was commissioned by Eric Brown to record events in Halifax Harbour for the Canadian War Records. This assignment resulted in a series of seventeen lithographs depicting ocean convoys, minesweepers, troop transports, submarine hunters, patrol boats, and other craft. All were finished within the year. Several large paintings show views of Halifax Harbour and the ocean recording the movements of warships and at least one aircraft. Lismer got to know many of the servicemen: "He went to sea with them on minesweepers and submarine chasers. He recorded their activities ashore, as they worked with guns and planes. He saw the return of the wounded and their transfer to hospital trains."46 There is a gritty realism to his work, which his friend Barker Fairley recognized in an exhibition given by Canadian War Records. He found that such paintings as The Olympic with Returned Soldiers (n.d.) were "full of the mottled oily grime of the harbour," a "distinct compliment" in Fairley's view. "The brassy colour of Mine Sweepers and Seaplanes off Halifax is not at first sight attractive, but one ends by feeling that it is true and even expressive: and there is undoubtedly a nautical roll in the line of the ships." Fairley concluded: "The variety of Lismer's work can be seen by comparing Naval Air Service Camp with its beautiful detail with the strong lines of cannon and cloud in The Sentinels."*7 There was an etching press at the school, and Lismer also completed at least one small etching and possibly others during his time there.48 Although he had official permission to work in restricted zones, he was frequently treated with suspicion and asked for his credentials. Apocryphal accounts recall that on more than one occasion Lismer's students had to go down to the local police station to arrange for his

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release before classes could begin.49 He had a good relationship with his students, and they were very fond of him and found him a "great character."'0 He often took them on sketching trips to the country, sometimes as far as Bedford, where they spent the day drawing in the area around his house. On these occasions the students were invited for supper and would sit round the table talking and laughing. But in the classroom Lismer was remembered as very businesslike and was treated with respect by the student body.51 The explosion marked a turning point in Lismer's work in Halifax, but he was correct in thinking that there would be little difference in general attitudes towards the arts. Not surprisingly, after the disaster the people of Halifax were apprehensive and fearful of further explosions and acts of sabotage. Although Lismer tried to return the school and museum to normal as quickly as possible, in general he found that there was even less interest in art than there had been before. Early in 1918 his optimism began to fade, and he thought about leaving Halifax. He was, however, reluctant to desert his students, and he told MacDonald: "It means dropping my work here, and all my students whose education in art matters rests entirely with myself [,] (for I have gathered them from the byways and hedges) would be neglected - for if I go the school goes also ... I've about 60 students of all sorts now and they claim all my attention. "5i It was a period of uncertainty in which Lismer was torn between his sense of duty, his frustration with the directors, and, perhaps more importantly, his feeling of being totally disconnected from the art scene. More than ever he missed the companionship of other painters. Although there were visits from British artist Harold Gilman and from Wyly Grier and Varley, Lismer told MacDonald, "The situation does not get any easier and the visit of Alex only aggravates the fact of my isolation."53 The sense of loneliness was particularly strong after Jackson's extended visit as a war artist, and Lismer began to think that he could not stay in Halifax much longer. "Putting on shows [is] much unappreciated work and lost effort and selling the rarest chance imaginable ... I have profited greatly but the situation here is really too apathetic, and I just have to clear out one day. The sense of duty pulls strong with me - without wishing to appear sanctimonious - I feel that the work is worthy of effort but it is an unsympathetic stubborn field to hoe in and I am conscious of much flagging on my part." He added characteristically, "I'm not as discontented as I sound - its a great country and Spring is coming."54 In February he told Greig, "It is the last exhibition I shall put down here I'm afraid. There is absolutely no interest."55 Although his plans for the future were vague, he knew that they would somehow include teaching: "I am very interested in teaching and I think that one can do a great deal in helping to raise a better standard of work and appreciation in a city like Toronto. I'd make Design, colour,

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crafts, Interior Decoration, Landscape painting [and] Commercial Design strong features."56 In a letter to MacDonald, written in March, he observed: "I really want to get back to Toronto and among the crowd again and I want to be of course absolutely independent and other schools of art are not attractive to me to seek a job in."57 But when a letter from George Reid arrived in May offering Lismer the position of vice-principal at the Ontario College of Art, he felt he had no choice but to accept.58 Reid's offer also included a position at the Ontario Teachers Summer Courses in Art. Any misgivings Lismer may have had about accepting the appointment were outweighed by the increase in salary and the prospect of joining his friends again. Lismer had thought for a long time about a suitable successor in Halifax. His choice of Elizabeth Styring Nutt, who, as noted in chapter i, had also trained at the Sheffield School of Art, ensured that his place would be taken by a dedicated leader strong enough to do battle with the directors. She proved to be worthy of the position and, in Lismer's words, "devoted her life to sound academic principles and vigorous onslaught against lethargic tendencies of the Nova Scotia authorities ... [She was] something of a thorn in the side of those who would deny that art is important to a well rounded life."59 Although considered stubborn and authoritarian by those who opposed her, Nutt had a devoted following of students and would leave a commendable legacy of solid training practice and competency.60 Much later a visitor from London, England, was reported as saying: "I have never seen more earnest or diligent students in any school anywhere."61 In 192,5, under Nutt's leadership, the Victoria School of Art and Design became the Nova Scotia College (later the NSCAD). 62 She remained as principal until 1943, when she retired and returned to England; she died there in 1946. Now that he was sure that his students were in capable hands, Lismer was ready to take up his new position at the Ontario College of Art. No doubt with some regret, he left his house and pleasant life in Bedford, but he was never one to dwell on the past and knew that it was time to move on to new challenges.

CHAPTER 4

Toronto 1919-1927

T

he euphoria over winning the war soon dissipated, and the aftereffects were still noticeable in 1919 when the Lismers returned to Toronto. But this mood failed to dampen Lismer's pleasure at being among old friends again. He was soon involved with the remnants of his old painting group, although mourning the loss of Thomson and missing Varley and Jackson, both still in the army, as demobilization progressed slowly. The knowledge that many others would never return added a sombre note to the generally depressed atmosphere. The change from a wartime to a peacetime economy was a painful process, and the country experienced a serious recession. The relative tranquillity of early twentieth-century Canada had been shattered by the war, and in its place were mass unemployment, protest marches, and much social unrest. But as the country returned to a semblance of normality, there were signs that trade and finances were slowly improving, and old feelings of optimism crushed by the recession began to stir in anticipation of better times ahead. As a result of the war, the way that Canadians felt about their country had changed drastically. Prior to 1914 most had been content to remain under the aegis of the British Empire, but after the war a strong desire for more independence developed. A wave of renewed nationalism swept the country, encouraged by many factors, not the least of which was the outstanding performance of Canadian soldiers in countless offensives, particularly at the Battle of Vimy Ridge in 1917. Lismer later said of this mood: "There was a pride in Canada ... a desire to

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achieve a collective image of a nation emerging from a period of war wherein things of the spirit had been pushed out of the picture. It was an age of national reconstruction, re-evaluation - there was adventure, exploration, and discovery - industrially, scientifically, socially."1 The Liberal government of the day, led from 192,1 by Mackenzie King, promoted a nationalistic spirit and attempted to loosen ties with Britain. But although King was wary of becoming too close to the United States, he was unable to stem the growing American involvement in Canadian affairs or the increasing number of Canadian industries being absorbed by American interests. One of the most visible manifestations of Americanization was a rise in the number of books, magazines, and newspapers that flooded into Canada from the United States.1 Canadian schools were also influenced by American textbooks, as ideas in pedagogy and curricula slowly changed.3 In part this phenomenon was due to the lack of doctoral programs in Canadian universities. Canadians who graduated with doctorates from American universities brought American ideas back to Canada, introducing new books and standards at the university level. This cultural exchange, although undoubtedly enriching to Canadian

Arthur Lismer, J.E.H. MacDonald, Fred Varley, and J.E. Saunders with car, n.d (ALC)

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society, inevitably weakened British influence, which, however, was still strong enough to prevent the complete Americanization of the Canadian educational system. At the same time, American inroads were being made through the media of film and radio, altering language patterns, tastes, and attitudes. On the whole, the American influence was felt to be beneficial, and new ties of friendship were forged between the two countries. Many politicians also believed that the country's interests would be better served on this continent than in Europe. During the 19x05 an unparalleled financial boom also took hold and lasted until the end of the decade. Toronto was now the financial centre for the growing mining and lumber industries of Ontario and for energy development, which brought prosperity to the city. Like other North American cities, it was swept into the faster pace of the "roaring twenties," characterized by F. Scott Fitzgerald as the Jazz Age. The rise in social conscience that had occurred prior to the war resulted in increased social services and improvements to the welfare of children. Credit became easier to obtain, and many Torontonians could aspire to owning essential household appliances and in some cases even a car. During this decade many of the social structures and mores of pre-war years were superseded by an increasingly American lifestyle, which included materialism, consumerism, a freer way of life for women, and a faster pace of life in the city of Toronto. As a family, the Lismers remained unaffected by the new materialism and never used a credit card, borrowed money, or bought a car. They were, however, determined to own their own home, and shortly after returning to Toronto from Nova Scotia, they purchased a house on Bedford Park Avenue with the proceeds from Lismer's work for the Canadian War Records.4 The house was situated in a quiet area on the fringe of the city just above Lawrence Avenue and a long streetcar ride from downtown.5 It no doubt appealed to the Lismers because it looked somewhat like an English Tudor cottage and was next to a large empty lot, which they later purchased. Lismer shared painting quarters with Jackson in the Studio Building when the latter returned to civilian life, but in 1921 he built a studio for himself on the vacant lot. Always a keen gardener, he created a large perennial border and a vegetable garden;6 a later resident noted that there were also many fruit trees and lilac bushes.7 In the summer the Lismers used the garden for entertaining, giving small parties for students and the summer school staff. Cultivating and tending his garden helped Lismer to relax after work. His other leisure activities included walking, playing chess with Esther, and reading crime fiction.8 Despite dismissing films as "the lowest form of art expression,"9 he enjoyed them immensely and went regularly with his family to the Saturday afternoon or evening show. His daughter recalls that, if they did not go to the local movie on Saturday afternoons, they often went in the evening: "My father found great relaxation in watching a movie

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and it was a source of entertainment throughout his life. My parents preferred comedies, mysteries, adventures, but not what we called in our family 'blood and thunder' movies."10 Easily bored, Lismer disliked waiting for anything and spent any spare time drawing, as much to amuse himself as to entertain his young daughter and others. Eric Brown's wife, E Maud Brown, recalls that when he visited their house in Ottawa, "Arthur's pencil simply would not stay in his pocket, he would begin to sketch, perhaps Eric with the cats or Peggy [Nichol] ... then more pencils would appear and we would all sit round sketching each other."11 On walks he constantly scanned the scene for interesting shapes or colours and would call attention to anything that caught his eye, gathering unusual stones, leaves, or other objects for his collection. His daughter recalled that Lismer was not a tidy man and that his pockets were always bulging, so that pulling out a handkerchief would generally scatter a multitude of things on the floor.12 His studio was also in a constant state of organized chaos, occasionally relieved by a bonfire in the back garden.13 Objects collected on holidays were brought home to be examined and, perhaps painted, and as his daughter said, "the piles grew."14 Esther was kept busy tidying up after him and seeing that he was respectably dressed. He had an unfortunate habit of wiping his paintbrushes on his handkerchiefs15 and was careless in the extreme with his appearance. As one acquaintance remarked, "I don't think he cared a hoot how he looked."16

THE G R O U P OF

SEVEN

Before the war the cultural climate of Toronto had been somewhat narrow and provincial, but the upheaval of the war years had made inroads into the entrenched conservatism. The city was furthered transformed by a new wave of immigrants from Europe, who brought diverse talents, ideas, and skills. But as far as the arts were concerned, Jackson observed: "If there was any spiritual awakening as a result of the war it was not in evidence in Toronto, nor did it extend to the arts. There never was less interest in painting."17 Indeed, he wrote, "The arts in Canada were reduced to the importance of tiddly winks."18 As the 19208 advanced, however, an intense wave of creativity emerged in Europe and the United States which touched Toronto largely through the work of Lismer and his artist friends, as well as through Roy Mitchell, the theatrical producer. In spite of Jackson's assessment of the Toronto arts scene, efforts were already underway to bring the arts into a more prominent position in the city. In 1918 a Faculty of Music had been established at the University of Toronto. Orchestral and choral music, which had flourished prior to the war, were revitalized in the following decade with the work of Ernest MacMillan and several talented musicians from Europe,

Arthur Lismer, Ernest MacMillan as Wagnerial Conductor, n.d.; black crayon (ALC)

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The Great Hall, Arts and Letters Club, Elm Street, Toronto, c. 19x3 (ALC; photo Arthur Goss) including English-born composer Healey Willan. A little-theatre movement also developed at that time19 largely inspired by Mitchell and his experimental productions at the Arts and Letters Club. Dance theatre remained in a nascent stage until the late 19205, when Boris Volkoff moved to Toronto from the United States. Prior to Jackson's departure to the front, there had been some interest in the work of artists Harris, Thomson, MacDonald and Jackson, who had been christened the "Algonquin Park school" by the Toronto press.10 But a larger, more cohesive group did not form until 1920. Lismer was again painting with MacDonald and Harris, who had, as noted, been joined by Frank Johnston and the gentle, introspective Franklin Carmichael. In late 1919 Varley and Jackson were demobbed and reunited with the old group. Discussions involving painting and philosophy resumed again, energizing the group and making them newly determined to develop something distinctly Canadian in art. At the time there was, as we have seen, no government support for the arts, and artists had to rely on private patronage. Mainly through associations formed through the Arts and Letters Club and the friendship of Harris, Lismer and his friends were accepted into an elite social circle. This included the Vincent Massey family, the Charles Band family, and the Warrens, who were related to the Bands by marriage. Lismer and his friends were frequent guests at the Masseys' city house on Queen's Park Drive and at their country home at Port Hope. Lismer would continue to maintain a warm relationship with the Masseys through the years, donating his skills on many occasions to help various

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projects they supported/1 The artists were also frequent guests at Mrs Warren's Sunday salon, where they took tea and participated in lively conversation. Here intellectuals, artists, poets, writers, and other members of the arts community gathered to discuss topics of interest,11 confident that they were witnessing the birth of Canadian culture. Less formal, but probably more lively gatherings were held at the Daly family home later in the twenties;13 speakers were invited and heated discussions followed.14 In later years Lismer would be able to call on a large number of speakers for his activities through these social contacts and his connections with the Arts and Letters Club. Among educated Torontonians generally in the 19208, a hunger for culture fed an active lecture circuit. A constant stream of speakers in the arts and sciences gave well-attended lectures and, as noted in chapter 2., spent time at the club at the president's invitation. It was club policy to offer temporary membership to distinguished visitors to the city, and a member was assigned to keep the club informed of such arrivals.15 In i