Aristophanes' Comedy of Names: A Study of Speaking Names in Aristophanes 3110247062, 9783110247060

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Contents
Abbreviations
Notes
Introduction
1. Acharnians
2. Knights
3. Clouds
4. Wasps
5. Peace
6. Birds
7. Lysistrata
8. Thesmophoriazusae
9. Frogs
10. Ecclesiazusae
11. Wealth
Backmatter

Citation preview

Nikoletta Kanavou Aristophanes’ Comedy of Names

Sozomena Studies in the Recovery of Ancient Texts Edited on behalf of the Herculaneum Society by Alessandro Barchiesi, Robert Fowler, Dirk Obbink and Nigel Wilson Vol. 8

De Gruyter

Nikoletta Kanavou

Aristophanes’ Comedy of Names A Study of Speaking Names in Aristophanes

De Gruyter

ISBN 978-3-11-024706-0 e-ISBN 978-3-11-024707-7 ISSN 1869-6368 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kanavou, Nikoletta, 1977⫺ Aristophanes’ comedy of names : a study of speaking names in Aristophanes / Nikoletta Kanavou. p. cm. ⫺ (Sozomena: studies in the recovery of ancient texts) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-024706-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Aristophanes ⫺ Criticism and interpretation. 2. Greek drama (Comedy) ⫺ History and criticism. 3. Names in literature. 4. Names, Greek. I. Title. PA3879.K36 2010 8821.01⫺dc22 2010042011

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. © 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ⬁ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Preface The idea for an extant study on comic literary onomastics originated in my undergraduate years (1995 – 1999) at the University of Athens. One of my professors there, I.-Th. Papademetriou (now Emeritus), was the first to draw my attention to the potential of the subject, and I am deeply thankful for his encouragement and for his inspirational teaching. I then looked into significant Aristophanic names in the context of my Oxford DPhil thesis (2005); this had a larger scope and devoted most of its space to Homeric names, hence the present book is only partially dependent on it. I am grateful to the A.G. Leventis Foundation for granting me an award for doctoral study, to the Lilian Voudouris Foundation and to Worcester College, Oxford, for further financial help, and above all to my thesis supervisor, Dr Stephanie West, for her guidance and moral support. During my years as a graduate student and beyond, the Oxford/ British Academy research project A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names provided an ideal opportunity for employment, which increased my knowledge in onomastics and gave me access to a vast database of names, some of which are still unpublished. Thanks are due to the director, Mrs E. Matthews, and the assistant editor, Mr R.W.V. Catling, for enabling me to make the most of the Lexicon and for the useful skills they have taught me. Ewen Bowie, Simon Hornblower and Anna Morpurgo-Davies read earlier versions of my work on Aristophanes (the former two as my thesis examiners) and made valuable comments; so did the late Peter Fraser and Nan Dunbar: their influence on this book has been significant. A later stage of this work benefited substantially from a two-month stay at the Fondation Hardt (April-May 2009), which enabled me to concentrate thoroughly on the task and tie up some loose ends. By then I had left Oxford, and since the beginning of 2007 I was balancing the rigours of finishing the book with those of teaching undergraduates, first at the University of Cyprus, and later at the Open University of Cyprus and in Crete; but teaching courses on comedy provided further inspiration. Research for the book, which started in the Bodleian and Sackler libraries in Oxford, was eventually completed in the libraries

VI

Preface

of the British, American and Italian Archaelogical Schools at Athens. I am indebted to the staff of all these libraries for their help. A number of friends and colleagues read parts of the nearly finished book, improved my English and saved me from various errors. I thank especially David Konstan, Patrick Finglass, Richard Catling, Catherine Osborne, Antonis Petridis, Emily Baragwanath, Athanasios Vergados and Robert Clear. Last, but not least, I would like to thank Sabine Vogt and her colleagues at Walter de Gruyter for the smooth running of the editorial process, and Dirk Obbink, who as series editor encouraged this project. Naturally responsibility for all remaining errors and omissions is entirely my own. Nikoletta P. Kanavou

Athens, 21/09/2010

Contents Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIV Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

Terms and categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Names and comedy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Names and Aristophanes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Some methodological points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 1 Acharnians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Dikaiopolis and Lamachos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 The opening scene: names in the Assembly . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Miscellaneous jokes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Naming the chorus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Satire of war-lovers and other individuals . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 Uncertain cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

24 24 30 35 36 37 44

2 Knights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Agorakritos and Paphlagon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Demos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Other joke-names in the satire of Kleon . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Jokes with deities’ names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Other jokes with names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

49 49 55 57 63 65

3 Clouds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Strepsiades and Pheidippides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Satire of individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Jokes at the expense of sophists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

67 67 74 76

4 Wasps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Philokleon vs Bdelykleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Jurymen names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 The opening scene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

80 80 83 85

VIII 4.4

Contents

Philokleon’s escape efforts and the relationship with his son . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Personal satire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.1 Kleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.2 The braggers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.3 Theoros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.4 Others . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

86 89 89 90 92 94

5 Peace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Trygaios and his peace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Personifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Joke-names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 The chorus and the play’s final scene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

98 98 100 101 103

6 Birds 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6

............................................. Peisetairos and Euelpides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other significant names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bird-chorus and other bird-inspired joke names . . . . . . Naming the bird-city and first visitors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Divine names (non bird-related) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The chorus’ final songs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

105 105 110 116 121 123 126

7 Lysistrata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Lysistrata and Myrrhine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Chorus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Other prominent names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Jokes with names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

129 129 134 136 140

8 Thesmophoriazusae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 The significance of anonymity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 The women’s names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 An obscene naming joke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Names and Euripidean parody . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5 The play’s final scene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

146 146 147 153 154 155

9 Frogs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Opening scene and the journey to Hades . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Sexual naming jokes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 More comic names from the Underworld . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4 Public life and politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

159 159 161 163 165

4.5

Contents

9.5 9.6

IX

Names in the satire of literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Glyke and Mania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

10 Ecclesiazusae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Praxagora and Blepyros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Chorus and husbands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 Other speaking characters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4 Jokes on public figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.5 Miscellaneous jokes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.6 Names in the new regime scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

171 171 173 176 176 178 179

11 Wealth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1 The main hero . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Personifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3 Other named characters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4 Naming jokes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

183 183 184 186 187

Concluding remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 1: The fragments of Aristophanes’ lost plays . . . . . . . . Appendix 2: Slave-names in the extant comedies . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 3: Analysis of Table . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index of Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

189 194 197 203 208 220 225

Abbreviations Names of periodicals are abbreviated as in L’Anne Philologique, and of ancient authors and works as in LSJ.

BE CAF CEG CGFP CIG D-K EGM FGrH GP IDidyma IG — I3

— II2 IIasos IPr.

Bulletin pigraphique (In: Revue des tudes Grecques). T. Kock, 1880 – 8. Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta (3 vols). Leipzig. P.A. Hansen (ed.), 1983 – 9. Carmina Epigraphica Graeca (2 vols). Berlin. C. Austin (ed.), 1973. Comicorum Graecorum fragmenta in papyris reperta. Berlin. A. Boeckh, J. Franz et al. (eds), 1825 – 1877. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (4 vols). Berlin. H. Diels – W. Kranz (eds), 1974. Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (3 vols). Berlin. R.L. Fowler, 2000. Early Greek Mythography. Vol. 1: Texts and introduction. Oxford. F. Jacoby, 1926 – 58. Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Berlin/Leiden. A.S.F. Gow – D.L. Page, 1968. The Greek Anthology: the Garland of Philip (2 vols). Cambridge. A. Rehm (ed.), 1958. Didyma II: Die Inschriften. Berlin. Inscriptiones Graecae (various eds), 1877-. Berlin. Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno anteriores. (1): D. Lewis (ed.), 1981. Decreta et tabulae magistratuum. Berlin/New York. (2): D. Lewis – L. Jeffery (eds), 1994. Dedicationes. Catalogi. Termini. Tituli sepulcrales. Varia. Tituli attici extra Atticam reperti. Addenda. Berlin-New York. (3): D. Lewis, et al., 1998. Indices. Berlin-New York. Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores. J. Kirchner (ed.), 1913 – 40 (3 parts). Berlin. W. Blümel (ed.), 1985. Die Inschriften von Iasos (2 vols). Bonn. F. Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), 1906. Die Inschriften von Priene. Berlin.

XII

Abbreviations

R. Kassel – C. Austin (eds), 1983-. Poetae Comici Graeci (8 Vols). Berlin. LfgrE Lexikon des frgriechischen Epos (various eds), 1995-. Göttingen. LGPN Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. —I P.M. Fraser – E. Matthews (eds), 1987. Vol.I, The Aegean Islands; Cyprus; Cyrenaica. Oxford. — II M.J. Osborne – S.G. Byrne (eds), 1994. Vol.II, Attica. Oxford. — IIIA P.M. Fraser – E. Matthews (eds), 1997. Vol.III.A, The Peloponnese; Western Greece; Sicily and Magna Graecia. Oxford. — IIIB P.M. Fraser – E. Matthews (eds), 2000. Vol.III.B, Central Greece: from the Megarid to Thessaly. Oxford. — IV P.M. Fraser – E. Matthews (eds), 2005. Vol.IV, Macedonia,Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black Sea. Oxford. — VA T. Corsten (ed.), 2010. Vol.V.A, Coastal Asia Minor: Pontos to Ionia. Oxford. LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (various eds), 1981-. Zurich. LSJ H.G. Liddell – R. Scott – H.S. Jones (eds), 1940. A GreekEnglish Lexicon (9th ed.); Supplements 1968, 1996. Oxford. Milet Th. Wiegand, et al. (eds), 1906- (1-). Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Untersuchungen seit dem Jahre 1899. Berlin. Neue Pauly Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopdie der Antike (various eds), 1996-. Stuttgart. OCD3 S. Hornblower – A. Spawforth (eds), 1996 (3rd ed.). The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford. PEleph O. Rubensohn (ed.), 1907. Aegyptische Urkunden aus den kçniglichen Museen in Berlin: Griechische Urkunden, Sonderheft, Elephantine-Papyri. Berlin (repr. Milan 1972). PMG D.L. Page (ed.), 1962. Poetae Melici Graeci. Oxford. PMGF M. Davies (ed.), 1991. Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta I: Alcman, Stesichorus, Ibycus. Oxford. RE A.F. Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll et al. (eds), 1894 – 1980. Real-Encyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart. SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (various eds). 1923-. Leiden, Alphen aan den Rijn, Germantown, Md., and Amsterdam. SGDI H. Collitz, F. Bechtel, et al. (eds), 1884—1915. Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften (4 vols). Goettingen. K-A

Abbreviations

S-M TAM II TGrF

V W WL

XIII

B. Snell – H. Maehler (eds), 1987 – 9. Pindari carmina cum fragmentis (2 vols). Leipzig. E. Kalinka (ed.), 1920 – 1944. Tituli Lyciae linguis Graeca et Latina conscripti (3 vols). Vienna. Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. R. Kannicht (ed.), 2004.Vol.5.1: Euripides. Goettingen. S.L. Radt (ed.), 1977. Vol.3: Aeschylus. Goettingen. — (ed.), 19992. Vol.4: Sophocles. Goettingen. B. Snell (ed.), 19862. Vol.1: Didascaliae Tragicae, Catalogi Tragicorum et Tragoediarum, Testimonia et Fragmenta Tragicorum Minorum. Göttingen. E.-M. Voigt, (ed.), 1971. Sappho et Alcaeus. Amsterdam. M.L. West (ed.), 1989, 1992 (2nd ed.). Iambi et elegi graeci ante Alexandrum cantati (2 Vols). Oxford. Wçrterlisten aus den Registern von Publikationen griechischer und lateinischer dokumentarischer Papyri und Ostraka (D. Hagedorn): http://www.zaw.uni-heidelberg.de/hps/pap/WL/WL.pdf (13th edition, February 2010)

Notes All dates are BC (unless otherwise stated). Comic fragments are cited after K-A. Decisions on the transliteration of Greek names are not easy to make, and absolute consistency is hard to achieve. I have favoured direct transliteration of all proper names discussed as significant, to facilitate etymological understanding by reflecting the original Greek more accurately. However, names of ancient authors and works adhere to the familiar latinised spelling. I also retain commonly used English forms (e. g. Homer, Aristotle).

Introduction Terms and categories The use of significant proper names is one of the most entertaining aspects of Aristophanes’ art; unsurprisingly, it has received much scholarly attention. But although there are a large number of articles and scattered comments on individual names, the present book offers the first systematic study on the subject. It is, as far as possible, an exhaustive discussion of significant proper names that appear in Aristophanes’ plays: personal names (which occupy the largest part), theonyms, place-names, ethnics and demotics – all names that seem to be deliberately used for their meanings. This work is thus meant to contribute simultaneously to Aristophanic scholarship and to the field of Greek literary onomastics: ‘die literarische Onomastik als Brückenwissenschaft zwischen Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft ist heute eine fest etablierte Forschungsrichtung’.1 The use of the term ‘(proper) name’ follows the traditional definition (proper names refer to individual people/places/objects, common or proper nouns to a class), keeping in mind that boundaries are unclear at times,2 as they can be between names and adjectives or participles, in which many proper names originate and are often similar grammatical 1

2

Debus 2002: 12. Literary onomastics was established as a field in the second half of the 20th century. Modern linguistics sees literary names as a special lexical category, and linguistic science has constructed maps of the morphology and denotation/connotation of names, showing them to be highly sophisticated lexical items (Debus 2002: 11 – 3, 31 – 2). Anderson 2007: 4 ff., 17. Proper names that seem to refer to a class, like generalising plurals (e. g. Ra. 547: Phaidras refers to female characters of low moral standards; Prato [2001: 256] collected examples he termed as ‘Comune plurale generalizzante’: Th. 547, cf. Ach. 270, Av. 484, 1703, Ra. 1043, Ec. 1042), and less often singulars (e. g. Av. 1009: ‘This man is a Thales’ = he possesses Thales’ qualities), will be included for the sake of their connotative value (see also Jespersen 1924: 66 – 71). The old philosophical question whether names have a sense in addition to their referent (starting in Plato’s Cratylus in the form of a debate between linguistic ‘naturalism’ and ‘conventionalism’; see Gera [2003] on ancient ideas on language and names and Lycan [20082 : 31 ff.] for a presentation of modern approaches, cf. Anderson 2007: 116 ff.), which concerns ordinary proper names, does not affect names that are intentionally significant.

2

Introduction

constructions; uncertain but probable or potential names will be included in the discussion (see, for example, the section ‘Uncertain cases’ in Acharnians), and so will be, by exception, the (admittedly few) words that are not names but constitute jokes based on proper names (e. g. 1cjejusoiqyl]mg, a joke based on the name Koisyra, Nu. 800). Names that are exploited for their significance are usually called ‘speaking names’, a term that is widely used by scholars in various languages (‘sprechende’ or ‘redende Namen’, ‘noms parlants’, ‘nomi parlanti’, ‘oliko}mta om|lata’), and which is therefore assumed to be a familiar one;3 but a reminder of a couple of basic premises is in order: 1) ‘Speaking’ names draw their meanings from assumptions about the significance of their roots. All Greek personal names are etymologically significant,4 and though their significance would often be little noticed in every-day life,5 it could come alive in literature and, usually in the case of main heroes, establish a deeper link between a name and

3

4 5

Its meaning was well expressed by von Kamptz 1982 (1958): 25, writing on Homeric names: ‘Wenn die Benennung mythischer Figuren in irgendeiner Form auf die Vorstellung Bezug nimmt, die von ihnen besteht oder erweckt werden soll, so ensteht das, was man als ‘sprechende’ oder ‘redende’ Namen bezeichnet’. Aristophanic characters are not mythical, but they are imaginary or fictionalised, and their naming is further affected by a comic motive. For significance as a primary object of the linguistic construction of names see Fick-Bechtel (1894, listing the numerous concepts drawn on to form names), von Kamptz 1982 (1958): 16 – 7 and Morpurgo-Davies 2000: 20. Where of course different naming principles applied: a first-born son would usually be named after the paternal grandfather (rarely after his father in the classical period, and it could be a sign of aristocratic pretences, e. g. the Alkmeonid Megakles son of Megakles, Nu. 46), names appear mostly to express desirable characteristics or a parent’s wishes and interests (cf. the naming of Themistokles’ daughters as Sybaris, Italia and Asia, Plu. Them. 32), and members of the same family often received names with a common component (cf. the name of Kleon’s father, Kleainetos [LGPN IIA no. 11], mentioned at Eq. 574). This last feature may partly explain the so-called ‘irrational compounds’, which have unclear or absurd meanings (see Morpurgo-Davies [2000: 18 – 9] who sums up the history of the problem and the relevant bibliography, with examples: Kus_jqitor, Kus_lmgstor, Jkeovo?min); but some may be victims of our failure to understand them, as sometimes ancient Greek motives of naming remain a mystery to us (see Fraser 2000: 149 – 50; also Hartmann 2002: 56; cf. Dobias-Dubois in Masson 1990: ix, and OCD3 s.v. ‘names, personal, Greek’ [E.Matthews]). Clearly certain real-life names did more than identify a person, e. g. these that indicated provenance or social class.

Terms and categories

3

the essence of a person.6 Conversely, some proper names may be exploited for a single significant element they contain, which invites a pun or a momentary joke. The term ‘etymology’ here does not exclusively imply the established branch of modern linguistics, but also paretymology or folk-etymology, which relies on ‘resonance, aural pattern of words and the mental images they create’,7 and was used in antiquity to explain obscure and foreign words and names, and by Aristophanes to activate word-plays and puns (for example on Persian names such as Pseudartabas in Acharnians and Megabazos in Birds).8 2) ‘Speaking names’ have various kinds and degrees of significance; this mostly applies to personal names. A classification9 based on studies of modern literatures seems relevant and gives a taste of what is to be found in Aristophanes: a) ‘Hidden’ speaking names, with unclear etymological meaning, but which lend themselves to word-plays. Names in Greek literature (as in real life) usually have clear, straightforward meanings, but many are indeed laden with various degrees of semantic ambiguity, in other words they have connotations that can be interpreted in different ways.10 b) Names that include hints on sex, ethnic origin, 6 Some fifth century examples are found in tragedy: S. Aj. 430 – 3 on the name of Ajax (AUar – aQa? ‘alas!’, aQ\feim ‘bewail’), E. Ba. 367 on Pentheus (p]mhor ‘sorrow’); both names are felt to express the heroes’ misfortunes. It has been suggested that such uses echo a very ancient system of beliefs, widely diffused among various cultures, where names held a quasi-magical power (‘The Greeks … kept something of the primitive feeling that the connexion between a person and his name is significant, not accidental, v}sei not m|l\’ [Dodds 19602 : 116 – 7]; cf. Peradotto 1969: 4 – 5, Goldhill 1991: 27). Evidence of magical and religious usages in the Greek (and Roman) world with regard to names has been collected by Jones (1996: 3 – 28). For comparative material see Frazer 19113 : 318 ff. 7 Tsitsibakou-Vasalos 2007: 31; see also 5 – 6, 27 ff. Evidently the ancients understood and practised etymology in ways which differed from ours, as the etymologies in Plato’s Cratylus show (cf. Sedley 2003: 29). 8 But hellenised foreign names were not always significant (e. g. Jqo?sor, which occurs as a name for several Athenians from the sixth to the first centuries, LGPN IIA). 9 Debus 2002: 57 – 73. 10 Many examples of this category are found in the Homeric epics (cf. the name of Achilles, the alleged etymology from a root *!w- meaning ‘water’ and the much-discussed achos-puns: LfgrE s.v. )wik(k)e}r, Nagy 1979: 73 ff.); but the exact etymological meaning of some Aristophanic names may elude us too, as will often be observed in the discussion. Their obscurity differs from that of Homeric names in degree.

4

Introduction

family and social status and classify their bearers in specific religious, national, social or other groups.11 This function often depends on prefixes and suffixes, as for example the elements –hippos (suggestive of aristocracy and wealth) and pheid- (suggestive of a notion of thrift associated with a lower social and financial status) in the much-cited name of Pheidippides in Clouds. c) Names that may be felt to have at least an ‘aura’ or ‘shine’, to be ‘suggestive’ of a meaning, even if this is not directly identifiable. Debus12 speaks of a ‘Namenphysiognomik’, which may have to do with little more than the choice of sounds, and not with strict semantic values (the name Salabakho [Th. 805] is a good Aristophanic example). d) Finally, names which owe their meanings to a ‘real’ (pre-existing) bearer (historical or literary figure) outside the literary work – many Aristophanic names belong here. The following discussion will take into account names of all these types, from main characters’ names of striking appropriateness, to the most subtle and semantically uncertain cases. Not all names which invite attention for belonging to invented figures and for their etymology (e. g. characters in a song like Glyke and Mania in Ra. 1343 – 5) will be ‘appropriately’ significant (as in the definition in n. 3 above); Aristophanes made use of ‘standard’ comic names or stock-names, but these too had connotations which will not be left without comment.

Names and comedy Naming is a good device for jokes and comedy, a fact known both from the familiar every-day fun of assigning comic sobriquets to friends, places, pets and inanimate objects, and from the more elaborate name-jokes of literary authors in all times and languages.13 The use of names in lit11 Cf. Morpurgo-Davies 2000: 20. 12 2002: 29. 13 Cf. e. g. for English literature, such examples as can be found in Shakespeare’s comedies (Barton 1990: 107 ff.). Other memorable instances include the various onomastic plays in L. Sterne’s The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, especially chapter 19 (the hero’s first name, for example, is ‘melancholy dissyllable of sound!’; this chapter propounds a whole mock-serious philosophy of names) and G. and W. Grossmith’s The Diary of a Nobody (e. g. the joke in chapter 3 on the names of family guests Gowing, who is always coming, and Cummings, who is always going). The naming of the cats in T.S. Eliot’s famous poem is in a similar spirit. There is no space here to discuss significant names as a universal lit-

Names and comedy

5

erature is largely defined by the nature and demands of the genre, which naturally in the case of comedy focus on amusement. Two ancient insights will help elucidate some further basic features of comic onomastics. The first comes from Antiphanes (fourth century); in fr. 189 (from Poetry), he proclaims tragedy as an enviable genre for being able to employ traditional plots and heroes that were familiar to the audience. Comedy has to operate differently: Bl?m d³ taOt’ oqj 5stim, !kk± p²mta de? erqe?m, amºlata jaim±, … … j%peita t± †diyijgl´ma pqºteqom, t± mOm paqºmta, tµm jatastqov¶m, tµm eQsbok¶m.

(fr. 189. 17 – 21). But we don’t have these advantages, and we have to invent everything: new names…; and then what happened previously, the current situation, the conclusion, and the introduction. (Trans. Olson 2007: 438).14

The ‘advantages’ that the comic poets are deprived of are the traditional stories which the tragic poets had at hand. Similarly, significant naming in the Homeric epics mostly took the form of poetic interpretation of traditional names or name-roots, one that varied in degrees of explicitness.15 With Aristophanes and Old Comedy we find ourselves on completely different ground: naming here is a much more original process, which no longer relies on tradition for its heroes and their names, but on contemporary realities and on the poet’s fantasy.16 It could be added that due to their lack of traditional heroic background, comic names were also expected to have a more trivial sound, as suggested by the content of the amusing rivalry between Demetrios Poliorketes and Lysimachos,

erary phenomenon; but see, for more examples and references, Hijmans 1978: 108 and n. 8. 14 See also his commentary, ibid.: 172 – 5. 15 For an extant treatment of this point (with examples), see Tsitsibakou-Vasalos 2007. 16 Konstantakos (2004: 21 ff.) suggests that Antiphanes’ claim is undermined by the fact that comedy (even of the classical period) made great use of stock-characters and stock-names. This should not divert attention from the indisputable power of amºlata jaim² in classical comedy; even New Comedy exercised a much greater degree of inventiveness and versatility in the choice of plots and names than was allowed to tragedy.

6

Introduction

mentioned by Athenaeus (614 e-f).17 It is safe to assume that this expectation was valid for Old Comedy. The second – and rather more problematic – insight belongs to Aristotle: di¹ ja· vikosov¾teqom ja· spoudaiºteqom po¸gsir Rstoq¸ar 1st¸m7 B l³m c±q po¸gsir l÷kkom t± jahºkou, B d( Rstoq¸a t± jah( 6jastom k´cei. 5stim d³ jahºkou l´m, t` po¸\ t± po?a %tta sulba¸mei k´ceim C pq²tteim jat± t¹ eQj¹r C t¹ !macja?om, ox stow²fetai B po¸gsir amºlata 1pitihel´mg7 t¹ d³ jah( 6jastom, t¸ )kjibi²dgr 5pqanem C t¸ 5pahem. 1p· l³m owm t/r jyl\d¸ar Edg toOto d/kom c´comem7 sust¶samter c±q t¹m lOhom di± t_m eQjºtym ovty t± tuwºmta amºlata rpotih´asim% ja· oqw ¦speq oR Qalbopoio· peq· t¹m jah’ 6jastom poioOsim. 1p· d³ t/r tqac\d¸ar t_m cemol´mym amol²tym !mt´womtai. (Po. 1451 b 11 – 2).18

It is for this reason that poetry is both more philosophical and more serious than history, since poetry speaks more of universals, history of particulars. A ‘universal’ comprises the kind of speech or action which belongs by probability or necessity to a certain kind of character – something which poetry aims at despite its addition of particular names. A ‘particular’, by contrast, is (for example) what Alkibiades did or experienced. This point has become clear in the case of comedy, where it is only after constructing a plot in terms of probable events that they give the characters ordinary names, so diverging from the iambic poets’ practice of writing about individuals. In tragedy, on the other hand, the poets hold to the actual names. (Trans. Halliwell 1987: 41).

Here, the use of names is made part of the discussion on the difference between the notion of ‘universal’ (t± jahºkou, ‘the general categories and concepts used to understand and describe the world’19), represented by poetry, and ‘particular’ (t± jah’ 6jastom), represented by history. Poetry aims for universality, even though it attaches names (which are particular elements) to agents; comic names are never meant as exact expressions of specific historical people, they are t± 17 Demetrios accused Lysimachos’ theatre of jylij/r sjgm/r oqd³m diav´qeim …7

1ni´mai c±q !p( aqt/r p²mtar disukk²bour7 tºm te B?hum wkeu²fym ja· t¹m P²qim, lec¸stour emtar paq± t` Kusil²w\, ja¸ timar 2t´qour t_m v¸kym7 Demetrios himself chose much grander names: Peuj´star ja· Lemek²our, 5ti d³ inuh´lidar. 18 There seems to be some possibility of an alternative reading oq (or oupy) t± tuwºmta (on which see Lucas 1968: 121), but this has rarely been adopted.

19 Halliwell 1987: 106. Philosophy, as the road to true knowledge, requires the grasp of universals, and poetic fiction approximates to these by appealing to the cumulative experience and conceptions of its audience (ibid.: 106 – 10).

Names and comedy

7

tuwºmta, and therefore do not contradict universality. However, the exact meaning of ovty t± tuwºmta amºlata is not very clear. ovty has been connected with a previous part of the text20 (1451 b 8 – 10, 5stim d³ jahºkou l´m … 1pitihel´mg7 in particular with ox stow²fetai), leading to the meaning: ‘comic poets name their characters in a significant way which continues the generalising power of poetry’. This meaning, though appropriate, is difficult, unless tuwºmta should mean ‘suitable’, which is unexampled. It seems more natural to read ovty as a marker of an apodosis to sust¶samter, ‘then only’, with tuwºmta meaning ‘any chance names’ – this would imply that comic poets follow a procedure of first drafting a plot and then filling in the names.21

Even if neither Aristotle nor Antiphanes make explicit mention of ‘speaking’ names (not a conspicuous feature in the comedy of their time),22 still their statements reflect some of the factors which were prominent in the name-giving processes of Old Comedy. Without doubt these amºlata jaim² were, more often than not, significant names. They may have been tuwºmta in the sense that they were not traditional, but the mere fact that their choice was postponed until after the invention of the plot implies that, although the names were chosen among random possibilities, the choice itself was not random; it followed a plan. Additionally, whereas in poetry that involves traditional material we often have to deal with mysterious-sounding names and unclear suggestions of meanings, comedy has mostly easily explicable, easy-to-detect significant names, designed or chosen to serve the poet’s own purposes.23

20 Gudeman 1934, following Lessing 1768: 349 – 52. 21 Thus Lucas (1968: 121; cf. Halliwell’s translation), who noted that this usage of ovty is a common idiom in Aristotle. Cf. LSJ s.v. ovty(r) I.7: it frequently introduces the apodosis after a protasis. See Janko (1987: 92) who draws attention to 1455 b 12 – but the example there is from tragedy, so the names are not t± tuwºmta. 22 But not an absent feature either, see ‘Concluding remarks’ p. 192 on the use of names of the Old Comedy type in Middle Comedy. Stock-names, which were common in later comedy, also have significance, but it is of a generic kind (alluding to age or class) and does not depend on etymological jokes. 23 This is not to say that all Homeric names are mysterious; names of transparent appropriateness are bestowed on a number of minor characters, see Stanford 1939: 100, 1965: xxi.

8

Introduction

Aristophanes was certainly not the first comic dramatist to have enrolled proper names in his art, and older comic poets are an important element in his background. Significant naming is found already in Old Comedy’s other famous epicentre, Sicilian comedy,24 which deserves a mention also for being our oldest Greek comic literature; although the nature of its relationship with Attic comedy is debated, the possibility that the former’s techniques and practices exercised some influence on the latter cannot be excluded.25 A good example comes from the fragments of its oldest and best known representative, Epicharmus, who was active in the early fifth and possibly as early as the late sixth century. Among the fragments of his Muses or Hebas Gamos, which list mainly fish-related food dishes,26 fr. 39 introduces a group of Muses who have nothing to do with the familiar artistic deities and are all given names to suit the spirit of the comedy, most being derived from rivers and lakes that were rich in fish:27 Meik~, Tqit¾mg (Tqitym_r ?), )syp~, :ptap|qg (:pt²poqir ?), )weky_r, †Tit|pky† (Titym~?), Uod_a. These Muses are said to be the daughters of the also appropriately named P_eqor and Pilpkg_r, ‘Fatso’ and ‘Fulla’,28 which must imply the fatty nature of the dishes and the feeling of satiety they cause, and which probably are the poet’s original inventions. Another play, Agrostinos (Rustic fr. 1), featured a character – a paidotq_bgr according to Hesychius29 – of the name J|kavor ‘Cuff’, which shares the comically abusive spirit of many Aristophanic names. ‘Speaking’ names are also found in the older representatives of Aristophanes’ own kind of comedy, Attic Old Comedy, which is charac24 Aristotle (Po. 1449 b 5 – 9) says that it originated in Sicily and was based on a plot and fictional characters; Athenian comedy on the other hand started off as a comedy of x|cor, which originated in phallic rituals. See further Sidwell 2000: 253 – 4 and below, n. 25. 25 Despite Olson (2007: 10 – 11), who sees no direct influence on Attic Old Comedy poets. Opinions are divided: Willi (2008: 159 and n. 142) thinks that this influence remained limited, while Cassio (2004: 193) notes that Epicharmus may have influenced Athenian comedy more than commonly believed; see also Sidwell 2000. 26 See now further Willi 2008: 157 – 8. 27 Thus Harvey (2000: 104, 121 n. 55), citing an old view. 28 Thus translated by Harvey (ibid.). Of the parents’ names only P_eqor exists outside this comedy, and only after the first century (interestingly all six attestations are from S. Italy, see LGPN IIIA). 29 Vol.2 (Latte): 501, s.v. j|kavor.

Names and comedy

9

terised by a political and strictly topical character.30 Perhaps our evidence is as old as Magnes (first victory: 472), whom Aristotle (Po. 1448 a 34) knew as one of the two earliest Athenian comic poets, if the title of his lost comedy Putaj_dgr is a comic name.31 The oldest poet of the comic canon, Cratinus (whose first victory fell in the mid- or late 450 s), apparently made ample use of significant names. As he was Aristophanes’ older contemporary (almost a generation older than he and known to have employed strong personal abuse),32 traces of his use of names confirm that in Aristophanes’ time significant naming was an established practice. In fact some of Cratinus’ names have parallels in Aristophanes: Woiqikejvamt_dgr (fr. 502, an unattributed fragment) is allegedly a mock-name for the comic poet Ecphantides which suggests a link between him and the tragic poet Choirilos (TGrF 1 no.2 Snell);33 this is reminiscent of names of the type found in Ach. 603 – 6. )mdqojokymojk/r (Horae fr. 281) is apparently a comic name for Androkles, an Athenian demagogue (Th. 8.65.2); the name contains a pun on Kolonos, which may have implied that he, like the mercenaries who were stationed there,34 craved for payments.35 Diomu-

30 See Olson (2007: 195) for recent bibliographical references on this feature. 31 K-A 5: 626 ff. The name perhaps evokes put_a 1) = puet_a ‘first milk’ 2) sort of junket (Alciphr. 4.13.10) or put_mg ‘wine-flask’ (the title of a comedy by Cratinus); there is also an obscure put\ which Hesychius (vol.3 [Hansen]: 221 s.v.) mentions as a Laconian word for 1quhq± Rl\tia ‘red garments’, and *put_fy ‘spit out’ (1jput_fy Alex. fr. 145.12, !poput_fy Lys. 205; see Chantraine s.v. pt}y). The historically attested Put_aqwor and P}ttakor (Tegea and Elis, fourth/third centuries, LGPN IIIA) may be relevant. 32 He died shortly after 423. Aristophanes seems to have admired him, even though he did not hesitate to attack him as a rival; see further Olson 2007: 17 and Luppe 2000: 15 – 20. 33 This interpretation is encouraged by the participle eqqipidaqistovam_fym (used by Cratinus in fr. 342, another unattributed fragment). See Bakola (2010: 24 – 9 and n. 32) who argues that both these instances suggest ‘the comic strategy of self association with a tragic authority’. This is preferable to the ancient explanation that Ecphantides was dependent on a servant named Choirilos for the composition of comedies (Hesychius vol.2 [Latte]: 46, s.v. 1jjewoiqikyl]mg). 34 As evidence shows (K-A 4: 263). 35 Thus Fröhde 1898: 138 – 9. According to Lex. Bachm. (p. 87, 10), Androkles was jokingly said to come from Kolonos as a metaphor for being stupid, but this must be the result of a misreading (Ak_hior instead of an adjective like l_shior – Leineke’s conjecture; see K-A 4: 263, cf. Bakola 2010: 226 – 7 and n. 105).

10

Introduction

sojouq~mym36 (Seriphioi fr. 223) perhaps targeted a jouqe}r called Diony-

sos (if we are to believe Hesychius37). Both joke-names are similar to a type familiar to us from Aristophanes and particularly well-represented in Wasps: e. g. Dglokocojk]ym for Kleon (V. 342; the translation ‘Demagogokleon’ by Sommerstein38 explains it well), Jokaj~mulor for Kleonymos, mocking him as a flatterer (V. 592), Jolgtalum_a (V. 466, ‘Long-haired Amynias’).39 Telecleides, of Cratinus’ generation, uses the (otherwise non-existent) name D\jgr (Prytaneis fr. 26), probably for a ‘biting’, snappish person (from d\jmy ; cf. Sch. Ar. V. 836c). The canon’s third member, Eupolis, clearly continued the practice.40

Names and Aristophanes As Aristophanes is the only Old Comedy poet of whom extant plays have survived, his are the only Old Comedy names that can be granted a full treatment, including an appreciation of their dramatic value, for which contexts are required. The remaining part of the Introduction introduces Aristophanes’ names and outlines the various parameters that affect their appreciation in order to prepare for the closer examination of the plays. Personal names Of all proper names used by Aristophanes, personal names are the most numerous and the most challenging. Most emerge from contemporary Athenian life: ‘Almost every page is crowded not only with the names of gods and heroes … but with those of contemporary Athenian politicians, demagogues, and generals, together with the names of their fathers and sons, names of notorious Athenian eccentrics, scoundrels, fops, pederasts and drunks, of philosophers, rival dramatists, and poets, and also names recorded as those of ordinary, contemporary Athenians, 36 The form of the name is not certain, and other possibilities include Diomus(i)ojouqopuq~mym, Diomusiojouqeop|qmym. 37 Vol.1 (Latte): 461, s.v. Diomusojouqopuq~mym. 38 1983: 37. 39 See further under Wasps, pp. 89, 91 – 2, 95. 40 For examples see Storey 2003: 118 ff., 375 – 6.

Names and Aristophanes

11

Attic farmers and slaves.’41 Not all names are exploited by the poet for their meanings, but many of them are. In addition, existing names which happen to have suitable connotations are chosen for invented (non-historical) figures.42 Conversely, although most characters are invented, only a minority of significant names appear to be the poet’s own inventions (Philokleon and Bdelykleon of Wasps are striking examples); these follow existing patterns of name formation, producing names of mostly mundane sound, which often resemble word-plays or what Ghiron-Bistagne calls ‘jongleries verbales’.43 In other words, with a few notable exceptions, and unlike his utopian plots, Aristophanes’ choice of names is not the product of wild fantasy; but the poet’s claim for novelty (Ec. 578, Nu. 547, V. 1053) extends to the ingenious enrollment of familiar names in novel plots and jokes. This is certainly true for names of principal characters, which are by far the most interesting, as they are nearly always ‘speaking’, often having a comic sound as well as a dramatic purpose: nearly all Aristophanic heroes and heroines set out to achieve a comically phantastic target, mostly one that is relevant to current social and political concerns, and which is the basic element of the plot and is expressed in their names (cf. e. g. the name of Lysistrata, who carries out a phantastic plan that reflects the hope of ending the war between Athens and Sparta). Names of (especially main) heroes contribute to the realisation of the plays’ structural plan in two further ways. Firstly, most comedies have at least two significantly named characters, the main hero and a related figure, a companion or opponent (this is the case in Eq., Nu., V., Peace, Av. and Lys., and possibly in Ec. if Blepyros is seen as a significant name). The action of all Aristophanic plays develops on the basis of a 41 Barton 1990: 19. 42 Debus (2002: 34 – 7) has mapped out the possible relationships between names and bearers, which are more numerous in literature than in real life: 1) name and name-bearer are real, 2) name is real, name-bearer fictitious, 3) name and name-bearer are fictitious, 4) name is fictitious, name-bearer is real. All of these occur in Aristophanes. Note that in a literary (including comic) environment, historical people and names naturally behave in transformed ways (the treatment of the name and figure of Lamachos in Acharnians is a famous example); this ‘fictionalisation’ of reality is meant to reinforce the illusion in the audience that literature is the real world – or, in the words of Barthes (1989: 141 – 8), to produce ‘the reality effect’. 43 1989: 90 – 2.

12

Introduction

contrast between two ideas or tendencies;44 this contrast (ideological, political or social) is often duly expressed in the names of the characters. These need not always be ‘a well-defined pair of antagonists’45 (like Dikaiopolis and Lamachos, whose names express the conflict between the diptych peace-justice and war, and the Philokleon – Bdelykleon pair from Wasps, which evokes a conflict of political opinions), but at least some sort of opposed forces are present in every play and are nearly always named appropriately. Contrasted naming is a type of associated naming, on which the onomastics of nearly all surviving Aristophanic comedies rely. Associated naming does not only concern main heroes, nor does it always contain a sense of contrast; we shall see, for example, that women’s names in Lysistrata are relevant to each other: they connote positive characteristics that reflect the rightness of the women’s cause, and some even contain common elements. Associated naming can take the form of consequent naming, when the name of one character implicitly leads to or explains the naming of another. This practice affects both active and inactive characters; for example, in Acharnians Lamachos’ name inspires the mention of an imaginary father’s name Gorgasos (1131). The second type of structural importance of protagonists’ names lies in the fact that they are often not heard from the start, but only when the action has started to unfold; thus they signal the progress of the plot in the direction planned. This also ‘greatly increases the name’s prominence and weight’.46 The underlying idea of late naming is that the character earns a name in relation to his or her function in the play, and for this reason he or she is referred to by name only after this function has been fulfilled. This is of course a striking contrast with real name-giving practices: the comic hero’s name is not one that happens, by a nice coincidence, to prove ‘right’ in later life, and is not a wish44 Cf. Konstan 1995: 15 ff. 45 Ibid.: 17. 46 As Fowler noted (1982: 82). Late naming is not exclusive to Aristophanes; it occurs occasionally in the Odyssey: Alkinous’ wife, Arete, is first mentioned as Nausikaa’s mother at 6.51, but remains unnamed until 7.54, when Athena introduces her by name in preparation of Odysseus’ meeting with her. The first allusion to Odysseus’ swineherd is at 13.404, but he is only referred to as Eumaios at 14.55, as he is about to address Odysseus. Both names are thought to be significant (see e. g. Garvie 1994: 172 and Demont 2003), and the impression is given that they are mentioned when the characters become involved in important moments of the action.

Names and Aristophanes

13

name.47 Many Aristophanic heroes remain anonymous for a large part of the play, only to receive the ‘right’ names, the ones that best suit their individual roles, late in the course of the action (the most extreme example of this is the Sausage-Seller of Knights, who becomes Agorakritos only towards the end of the play). It is rare that a principal hero remains entirely nameless (e. g. the jgdest^r in Thesmophoriazusae); this happens more often with short-lived, insignificant characters.48 Minor figures who are not actively involved in the plot receive names which, when significant, are usually meant as momentary jokes or parts of jokes; their treatment in this book may at times inevitably appear lexicographical. This is not true for the cases where such figures, hence also their names, are related to the plot by being part of a broader scene or joke (cf. the name Amphitheos in Acharnians). Names of minor figures are often meant as jokes or abuse against real individuals, mostly of some public function, and are used for political invective. Such jokes are connected with the comedian’s habit of vilification of the audience,49 in 47 The name was normally given in the first ten days of a child’s life, during a ceremony called !lvidq|lia around the domestic altar, which symbolised that the new-born was officially received by the family; then the name was presented to the civil authorities (phratry and deme) for inscription in the civic lists (Plato Tht. 160 e). The naming of Athenian children was part of asserting their legitimacy (Lacey 1968: 111 – 2; Av. 494, 922 f., D. 39.22, 40.28, Is. 3.30 etc.). The naming of Pheidippides in Clouds is a comic reflection of real-life practice – a case of wish-naming gone wrong. But note that in some cultures names are given in the frame of ‘rites d’agrégation’ and thus appear to be earned (A.Bowie 1993: 56 – 7). 48 But not because the naming of such characters would be a waste of time as Russo (1994: 37) argued; the insertion and exploitation of names at all instances would simply create an overloaded text, and the poet uses the right amount of naming to preserve the positive effect of this device. A nameless main character is a different issue, see below under Thesmophoriazusae, pp. 146 – 7. Note that the anonymity of comic characters (temporary or not) is clearly not relevant to name tabooing (the non-mentioning of a name to protect a person’s welfare; the Atarantes who did not use proper names may be an example of this kind [Herodotus 4.184; Gera 2003: 193 ff.]), although superstitions may have influenced the way Aristophanes’ negative-sounding and abusive names were heard (see Dobias – Dubois in Masson 1990 – 2001: XIII). 49 Dover 1972: 115 – 6; this coexists with praise, see e. g. Nu. 535. It is fair to say that Aristophanes did not only write for his audience, he wrote about his audience, and that names function as snapshots of the poet’s fellow-citizens. Indeed one approach to comedy (its chief representative is Ehrenberg) sees it primarily as a source of information for every-day Athenians and their life.

14

Introduction

which many of his targets were certainly sitting, and with what is known as the comedian’s right to ‘mock others by name’ (amolast· jylyde?m), secured by the democratic state (although whether comedy was ever entirely above the law is a vexed issue),50 and by the festive, Dionysiac framework which permitted aeschrology.51 The mere mention of known Athenians’ names might constitute social comment, but to hint implicitly at their meanings produces an even stronger effect. This is done via etymological jokes both on personal names and ethnics, which exaggerate or distort the image of the real bearers for comic purposes; also by the use of comic sobriquets (nicknames) in place of proper names (cf. the bird-inspired nicknames that replace the names of some Athenians in Birds 1290 – 9).52 The names (mostly personal, but other

50 Sommerstein (2004: 208) assumes the existence of two fifth century decrees to suppress comedy’s free speech and forbid utterances about specific persons: 1) the decree of Morychides peq· toO lµ jyl\de?m (Sch. Ach. 67; annulled before Aristophanes started his career), and the decree of Syrakosios (lµ jyl\de?shai amolast· tim±% Sch. Av. 1297a, possibly shortly before 414); but note Halliwell’s reluctance to trust the relevant evidence (1991: 54 ff.), which derives only from hellenistic and subsequent sources. Note also that although Aristophanes was apparently persecuted by Kleon for personal satire in the lost comedy Babylonians (alluded to in Ach. 378), this did not prevent the poet from launching a new, full-scale attack against him in Knights. 51 See further Halliwell 2008: 206 ff. This feature, which is related to cult, suggests a link between Old Comedy and iambic poetry (cf. Carey 2009, 151), which also made use of significant naming. Some examples from Archilochus: Ke~vikor (fr.115 W) ‘people’s friend’, an appropriate name for a leader of the people, perhaps a demagogue (cf. Rankin 1977: 82); Jgquj_dgr (fr.185 W) ‘herald’s son’, with a play on !wmul´mgi sjut²kgi, suggesting a ‘grievous messenger’(cf. Gallavotti 1949: 139 and Kirkwood 1974: 46 – 7); and the more ‘difficult’ and much-discussed names Kuj\lbgr (a wolf-name to imply a treacherous nature, with a pun on Ualbor ?) and Meobo}kg (‘who changed her mind’ – about marrying Archilochus?; see further West 1974: 26 and Rankin 1978: 7 – 27). 52 Clearly a real habit of Aristophanes’ fellow Athenians. It is often difficult to tell a proper name from a sobriquet, as many names that are usually seen as proper names are quite close to the concept of sobriquet or seem to have started as sobriquets; Bechtel’s book on ‘Spitznamen’ is the locus classicus. Notable nicknames include Bat(t)alos for Demosthenes (Aeschin. 1.126) ‘stammerer’ or ‘soft arse’. Nicknames may have occasionally totally replaced original names in every-day use, although there is reason to doubt the story (D.L. 3.4) that Plato was initially given the noble name )qistojk/r after his grandfather, but later acquired the name Pk\tym as a sobriquet (to denote his robust figure or the breadth of his style or of his forehead), given that Pk\tym was an ordinary Athenian name (see LGPN IIA); so was He|vqastor, which is said to have been

Names and Aristophanes

15

types too) usually target clearly defined individuals (the politician Kleon is one of Aristophanes’ most prominent targets; the mock-name Paphlagon for him is that of a main hero in Knights), but sometimes a particular group or type of character (Phanos [Eq. 1256] is a comic name for every sycophant), and even collectively the Athenians (Jewgma_ym [Eq. 1263] applies to all of his fellow-citizens). The satire of barbarians (e. g. the Scythian archer in Thesmophoriazusae) also has a place in Aristophanic comedy53 and occasionally involves comic naming. The naming of chorus members may reflect an idea that flows through the play54 (charcoal burning for the Acharnians) or draw on an existing pool of stock-names for choreuts; named chorus members are impossible to identify with real individuals, although names may be chosen to reflect real character-types. It has been noticed that when the chorus name one another in the vocative, as a rule (both in satyr-play and comedy) four is the maximum number of names used together, and if the names are heard in a group, it is never an asyndeton (Eq. 242, V. 230, Lys. 254, 321, Ec. 293).55 Chorus members are still named in Ecclesiazusae, even though the role of the chorus there differs significantly from earlier comedies. Other proper names Non-personal proper names, too, can be significant and be involved in word-plays and in political satire, and as we have seen, they are inextricably linked with personal names in a number of comic jokes; often place and ethnic names become tools of personal abuse together with or in the place of personal names. Numerous instances will be discussed (Sebinos Anaphlystios, which occurs in two comedies [Ra. 427, Ec. 980], is a characteristic example). Place and ethnic names are either given to the author of Characters by Aristotle (in the place of an original name Tyrtamos) to express his divine eloquence (D.L. 5.38). 53 On the much explored role of the Hellene – barbarian antithesis in Greek literature, see further Long 1989 (for comedy) and Hall 1989b (for tragedy). 54 See Sutton (1985: 107 – 10) who compares traces of significant naming of chorus members in satyr-plays. 55 Webster 1970: 69, Vetta 1989: 174 – 5. In Acharnians, the name of a fifth (probable) chorus member is heard (Lakrateides, 220), but at a distance from the others (609, 612).

16

Introduction

real names exploited for their comic etymological significance (e. g. J|pqeior, Eq. 899; Pqasia_, Peace 242), or distorted real names, where a distortion can produce or improve a comic sense ()wqado}sior – )weqdo}sior, Ec. 362), or comic inventions (e. g. Jolpase}r, Av. 1126). Sometimes comic value is derived from the mere fact that a normal, non-comic ethnic name accompanies an absurd ‘personal’ name (e. g. J}ym Judahgmaie}r [for Kleon], V. 895). Significant ethnics may be felt to border on personal names.56 Finally, the discussion includes a couple of names of ships (Eq. 1309) and dogs (V. 894 ff.).57 Comic proper names also serve the ridicule of gods. Real theonyms, together with divine epithets and invocations, form Aristophanes’ source material for these names, like real personal names provide the basis for comic personal names.58 Both divine names and cult-titles tend to be etymologically significant or contain significant elements, which in real life are connected with a cult or function or artistic representation of a god, but in comedy are used to enable jokes, often suiting the dramatic situation where they belong (cf. e. g. the invocation F\m instead of FeO, the use of the name Pamd~qa and the word-play on Iris’ name: Av. 570, 971, 1222); however, titles and epithets,59 often invented or comically distorted to mock traditional gods, are not included in the present discussion as they are not assumed to be heard as proper names. Some invented divine names of absurd sound (like the group at Eq. 634 – 5) satirise gods and prayer in general, while names alluding to foreign gods, who, we can imagine, occasionally fell victim to a broader social ridicule,60 are not absent from Aristophanes’ satire (e. g. Triballos in Birds). The comic abuse of gods is a recognisable feature of Old Comedy (allowed by ‘the festive freedom of the Dionysia’), 56 On the real-life use of ethnics as personal names (cf. Opountios and Syrakosios in Av. 1294, 1297) see Fraser 2000: 149 – 57. 57 Appropriately significant dog-names were sometimes used in real life, see Kanavou 2006: 216 and n. 47 for examples. 58 Like in the case of personal names, epigraphy has increased our knowledge of divine names and epithets. For an overview of the history of research in divine names see Belayche et al. 2005: 5 ff. (P. Brulé). 59 See Willi 2003: 18 ff. for examples. Editors treat them inconsistently, sometimes printing them with capital initials, sometimes not. 60 For a survey of comedy’s treatment of foreign religions and cults practised at Athens, but never fully accepted, see Long 1989: 20 ff. Aristophanes’ negative depiction of them (cf. Long ibid.: 44 – 5) must reflect public feeling.

Names and Aristophanes

17

but has also been thought to express Aristophanes’ ‘irreverent scepticism’.61 It would be wrong of course to see the poet as a serious-minded religious sceptic; he treats gods as ‘irreverently’ as every other aspect of contemporary life that lends itself to his satire. The irreverent treatment of gods may have become an intellectual trend in the context of the contemporary sophistic movement,62 but it was also a literary habit that went back to Homer.63

Interpretative models The examination of names cannot be separated from the commentator’s overall approach to the plays. Interpretations that focus on the literary nature of the plays and see them as fanciful creations64 will examine naming as a poetic technique, explain names as word formations, explore their role in the specific literary context and point out their dramatic function.65 On the other hand, interpretations that emphasise the social, political and historical relevance of the plays66 (reflecting and deriding the impact of the Peloponnesian war, the turbulent Athenian politics of the time, social ills and ideas such as those cultivated by the sophistic movement), will naturally stress the factors relevant to the appreciation of names.67 The interpretation of names is further affected by issues of characterisation – this mostly concerns central characters. To accept 61 Dunbar 1995: 12 – 3. Not all extant comedies are ‘irreverent’ or ‘irrelegious’ to the same extent; Birds present a very undignified picture of the gods and culminate in the quasi-deification of a human hero (though not in full – notably Peisetairos does not possess Zeus’ sceptre), but Strepsiades of Clouds is punished for his impiety. 62 See further Kerferd (1981: 163 ff.), who stresses however the fluidity and diversity of Greek religious beliefs. 63 Cf. Dover 1972: 220 n. 14, who cites e. g. the story of Ares and Aphrodite in Od. 8.266 – 366. 64 E.g. the works of Newiger, Rau, Taillardat, Harriott, Moulton. 65 In an approach that appears occasionally far-fetched, Aristophanic names have been explained as elements of particular mythical and ritual contexts that are seen as basic structural parts of the plays (A.Bowie 1993: 3 ff.). 66 E.g. Murray, Couat, Croiset, De Ste. Croix. 67 Sometimes it may seem that the names themselves encourage a particular interpretation (e. g. the names Philokleon and Bdelykleon in Wasps appear to point to a political reading); but although names may indeed function as indicators of some of the interests of the plays, they should not be seen as comprehensive résumés.

18

Introduction

that Aristophanic characters are ‘stereotype characters’, well-defined from the beginning and with no development,68 could mean that a name, even if heard late in the course of action, expresses a character’s personality which is valid throughout the entire play. On the other hand, if characters are viewed as inconsistent and changeable (as should be allowed for the comic genre),69 then the names they acquire could reflect them only at particular moments (or from one particular moment onwards) in the play. This book takes as its assumption that no single way of interpreting Aristophanic names is in itself sufficient; the most rewarding approach explores as many as possible, on the premise that the presentation of each character seems rather a sui generis process (there is no uniform way of viewing all Aristophanic characters, although there are some elements that different characters have in common), and that the comedies are literary works with political and ideological content, which necessitates consideration of the poet’s and his audience’s givens70 – though, as the saying goes, a week is a long time in politics, and many topical references must simply escape us, including factors guiding Aristophanes’ choice or invention of names.71 It can be argued that the main angle, from which most names need to be viewed, is that of comedy (the poet’s main purpose was to raise laughs and win a comic competition, and his use of names was meant to serve this cause),72 but evi68 Thus McLeish 1980: 127. 69 See Silk 1990: 155 ff. Cf. 2000: 207 ff. 70 An effort for a compromise between literary and historico-political readings is already to be seen in Gomme’s scepticism (1938: 97 – 109) about how far a political interpretation of Aristophanes can go. The need for both approaches is made explicit by Dover (1972: 84, 158 – 9); a sophisticated and thorough consideration of both the literary and political factors is found in Silk (2000). 71 Already Plutarch (Quaest. Conv. 7.8.712 a = Mor. 712 a) noted that the reading of ancient comedies at the symposia required the presence of a grammatikos to identify the jyl\do}lemoi and explain the jokes. Although it is true that some information on personal targets is often provided by the gibes themselves (cf. Halliwell 1984: 83 – 4), prior knowledge of the targets certainly made the jokes clearer and funnier. 72 A parallel didactic function (Cartledge 1990: 43 ff.), emerging from the comedies’ satire of the evils of Athenian politics and society, was possibly present but not the poet’s primary purpose. Konstan (1995: 6), defending an ideological reading of the plays, suggests that their humour derived from the treatment of social themes, but that they were not necessarily meant as vehicles of advice or a message. Comic poets by no means had a specific ‘policy’ or ‘programme’, but relied on estimation of what would amuse the audience (cf. Dover 1993:

Names and Aristophanes

19

dently the comic value of names (like that of the comedies as a whole) can only be truly understood once they are both linguistically clarified and the internal and external factors that may affect their understanding are explained; only then can they indeed sound funny (when they are meant to), and their choice or invention is justified. One should add to these factors the influence of other literary genres that formed part of the poet’s literary onomastic background, most notably tragedy, which is fequently parodied, and the Homeric epics;73 an awareness of such allusions is needed too. Although mainly an established poetic tool, it is worth noting that significant naming was also present in fifth century prose (notable examples come from Herodotus, which may reflect real-life use, like Aristophanes’ names often do).74 The following discussion will thus consider names as multi-functional literary tools and will examine them as linguistic and poetic elements, as structural particles and as socio-political indicators, so as to offer, so far as is feasible, a comprehensive view of what they may have meant to their audience and how/why they made them laugh.

71 ff. on Aristophanes’ commendation on account of the parabasis of Frogs). The degree of Aristophanes’ ‘seriousness’ is an object of disagreement. 73 A variety of Homeric allusions were present in comedy, see Olson 2007: 158 for references. Echoes of Homeric onomastics may be heard in Pheidippides (through its father-name Pheidippos, a Homeric name) and Orsilochos (Lys. 725), also Homeric. The comic reinterpretation of epic names would certainly amuse those among the audience who did not fail to recognise it. 74 Herodotean examples mostly reflect the concept of nomen omen which had some force in real life (see Lexikon der Alten Welt : 2267 – 8). In 9.90 – 92 the Spartan commander Leutychides grants Samians their request to fight the Persians at sea after hearing the name of the Samian messenger Hegesistratos, which he interprets as a good omen (D´jolai t¹m oQym¹m t¹m Jcgsistq²tou, 9.91), and he invites this man to take ship with the Greeks, oQym¹m t¹ oumola poie¼lemor. In 7.180 it is said that a man called Leon, who is put to death by the b²qbaqoi, got his fate from his name (t²wa d’%m ti ja· toO oqmºlator 1pa¼qoito). Cf. the sarcastic use of the name Jqi|r by Kleomenes in 6.50; the Aeginetan Krios (‘Ram’) has to put bronze on his horns in order to protect himself from forthcoming disasters. See Hornblower (2000: 134 – 6) and further Lateiner (2005: 35 – 45), who thinks that ominous names were occasionally used as an arm of diplomacy.

20

Introduction

Some methodological points Historical onomastics It is clear from the above that the historical associations of Aristophanic characters, hence also of their names, are a fundamental part of any discussion about them. It should be stressed though that this book is not a prosopography of Aristophanes’ plays.75 Only names of imaginary comic characters and significantly used names of historical (or potentially historical) people are discussed here. Names of personifications that appear as characters in the plays are explored for relevance both to divine nomenclature and to historical onomastics, as this may have affected the way the ancient audience perceived them (for an example see Ploutos under Wealth). An additional reason for including them is that they occasionally participate in puns (e. g. Theoria, Peace 873 – 4). Names of slaves, with the exception of significant choices that are explicitly deliberate, are treated separately (on these see Appendix 2), as the motives of their assignment are distinct, and the poet seems to follow certain established principles, as known from real life; a brief survey of Aristophanes’ particular choices is not out of place in a book about the meaning of names, considering that slave-names are nearly always significant, and that some slaves have important functions in Aristophanes’ plays. Regarding the historical aspect of names, the present book has benefited greatly from the LGPN: the six published volumes, the online searches, as well as searches in the project’s internal database, which make available ancient Greek onomastic material from both literary and documentary sources.76 Information deriving from the LGPN will be provided about the place, the time and the frequency of attestations of the names discussed, when such information helps form a better idea of how names were received by Aristophanes’ audience. It is useful to keep in mind some basic features of the evidence on which this information is based: far fewer feminine names are mentioned in our sources 75 Holden’s Onomasticon Aristophaneum provides prosopographical information; an electronic database of characters in fifth and fourth century comedy (entitled Prosopographia Comica) is under preparation at the University of Freiburg. On the historical people of Aristophanes’ plays, the volumes of Traill’s Athenian prosopography may also be consulted. 76 For the benefits that the LGPN offers to the researcher in literary onomastics, as well as its limitations, see further Kanavou 2010: 606 – 8.

Some methodological points

21

than masculine (no doubt due to social circumstances),77 which means that the discussion of female characters’ names is at a disadvantage; there is little evidence for names before the classical period; and Attica (especially of the classical period) has yielded much more onomastic material than any other place. The continuous emergence of evidence has necessitated a new version of the LGPN volume for Attica, which has been consulted for this book, and which is only available online (LGPN IIA).78 Slave-names are not included in LGPN: the main sources used in Appendix 2 are Fragiadakis (1986) and Solin (1996). It needs to be noted that LGPN has been inconsistent in its handling of names from literary texts; fictitious characters are sometimes included, sometimes not.79 In this book, such attestations are not included in the numbers given for each name (which occasionally causes these numbers to ‘disagree’ with these produced by the LGPN online search, as for example in the case of Dikaiopolis, the main hero of Acharnians, who is included in LGPN IIA, but this does not count as a historical attestation in the discussion of the name here). There are some unidentified individuals, whose real existence cannot be either confirmed or denied with certainty (e. g. Phyromachos, Ec. 22); these are always included in LGPN, and this book does not exclude them from the count.80 The ancient Scholia’s historical comments have been taken into account,81 despite their often vague and unconvincing nature (they often appear to be mere inferences from the text), for offering antiquity’s view and

77 In Attica, known men outnumber known women by 10:1, see LGPN II: vi, n. 4. Hence we know less about the naming of women in real life, but it may have followed the same principles used for men, as some sources mention an Attic habit of naming girls after grandmothers (e. g. the grand-daughter of Agariste [daughter of Kleisthenes, mother of the homonymous legislator and wife of Megakles, son of Alkmaion] was also called Agariste = Perikles’ mother, Hdt. 6.131), while in later times they would often be named after their mother. 78 http://www.lgpn.ox.ac.uk/online/downloads/index.html 79 Cf. Hornblower’s relevant remark (2004: 164 and n. 129). 80 Identification difficulties are exemplified in the cases mentioned by Wilson (2007a: 17, 83 – 4, 95), where individuals are termed as fictitious in LGPN or by commentators although their names are attested and therefore it cannot be proven that they did not exist: Amphitheos (Ach. 45 ff.), Antitheos father of Kritylla (Th. 898), Strymodoros and Euergides (V. 230 – 4), Teisiades (V. 401), Ergasion (V. 1201). 81 The edition used is that of W.J.W. Koster and D. Holwerda.

22

Introduction

for being the source of some interesting ideas.82 While the historicity of each name has been explored as far as possible, it needs to be said that names absent from LGPN (and other sources) are not necessarily the poet’s inventions, as it may simply be that attestations have not survived.

Text and textual problems The present study is based on the text of the new Oxford edition by N.G. Wilson (2007). Attention will be drawn to the numerous points where proper names are affected by editors’ decisions on textual readings, and previous editions will be compared, notably Coulon’s, the previous Oxford edition (Hall-Geldart), and other recent editions accompanied by commentaries (such as Sommerstein’s and these that have appeared in the Oxford and the Lorenzo Valla series; older editions will need to be mentioned only occasionally). Proper names, which are known to have confused scribes often,83 form part of textual issues in two main ways: the form of the name is contested (in other words it is hard to decide which name the poet wrote among two or more possibilities), or it is unclear whether a proper name was intended at all.84 It will be shown that external onomastic evidence, in combination with careful consideration of the context, can both assist textual choices and help determine the true status (whether proper name or not) of doubtful words. But certainty cannot always be achieved, and it needs to be kept in mind that uncertainties concerning the status of proper names are also largely due to the flexible character of proper names.85

82 Cf. e. g. the frequent use of the terms pomgq|r and sujov\mtgr. On the interpretation of Aristophanes’ personal jokes in antiquity see further Halliwell (1984: 84 – 5), who also alleged a moralising aspect in the Scholia’s attempt to explain the vilification of individual targets. 83 Cf. West 1973: 26. 84 Another common textual problem, the identification of speakers and the division of lines among speakers (cf. West 1973: 55, 79), which is less easily dealt with in some comedies (like Birds and Thesmophoriazusae) than in others, only rarely has implications for the interpretation of names. 85 See above.

Some methodological points

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Structure of the discussion It may appear that the names discussed in the main section of this book form distinct categories and sub-categories – for example, typological categories: personal names, divine names, place-names etc.; or, names of different types of characters: main heroes, chorus members, secondary figures, gods etc. However, much would be lost from the discussion if its structure were to be based on such criteria of categorisation. A treatment play by play has seemed the most rewarding, as in reality a variety of different possible types of names are often intertwined in their use: a personal name and an ethnic or place-name can be used together as part of the same joke; different types of onomastic jokes may appear within the space of a few lines as part of the same scene, thereby keeping them together is necessary for the interpretation of that scene (e. g. the opening scene of Acharnians) and eventually of the whole play.86 The argument will follow the chronological order in which the plays are believed to have been written; this will facilitate observations on the evolution of the use of names from the earlier to the later comedies. Inevitably, when there are substantial recent commentaries, the discussion will include much that is found in their notes, but this work will offer more than a synthesis, and new observations will be made on many individual names.

86 Cf. Paschalis (1997: 2 – 3), who stresses the importance of interpreting names in the Aeneid as parts of semantic clusters whose significance is placed in broader contexts of the literary work to which they belong.

1 Acharnians 1.1 Dikaiopolis and Lamachos Aristophanes’ earliest surviving comedy is a peace-play (one of three socalled Aristophanic plays, the other two being Peace and Lysistrata) and was staged in the early years of the Peloponnesian war (425). Its plot is largely built on the antagonism between two heroes, Dikaiopolis and Lamachos, which represents conflicting preferences for peace and war. This theme is partly conveyed by the contrasted naming of the two characters: the central hero, a supporter of peace, has the name Dijai|pokir, which carries the notion of justice; in his endeavours for peace he clashes with an Athenian general called K\lawor, whose name contains the element law-, ‘battle’. The hero introduces himself at 406, well into the action, when he visits the tragic poet Euripides to ask for an appropriate tragic hero disguise in which he might appease the chorus’ wrath against him for opposing the war: Dijaiºpokir jake? se Wokk-dgr, 1c¾.

The name is unusual; Athenian attestations are scarce and later than Aristophanes,87 though the name-ending –pokir is common enough,88 and the demotic that accompanies the name is quite normal.89 Dikaiopolis is 87 One in the mid-fourth century and two in the hellenistic and imperial periods (LGPN IIA). It is more common in Boiotia and Thessaly (though not in the classical period), with eight attestations from the third century to the imperial period (LGPN IIIB); but two of these are of a feminine name, while the sex of another two is ambiguous. The Athenian Dikaiopolis of the ancient Greek course Athenaze is certainly not typical by name. 88 Dornseiff – Hansen (1957: 191 – 2) list forty-seven such names; the Reverse Index to LGPN IIA has twenty-one. 89 However, Cholleidai appears to have belonged to the city trittys of the tribe Leontis, not the country, where the hero resides. This has led to speculation that there was a special reason for its choice (cf. Olson 2002: 180 with references); but the Scholiast’s assumption of a pun on wyk|r (referring to Euripides’ fondness for crippled heroes, cf. 411) and van Leeuwen’s Wyk_dgr lack textual support. The spelling Wokk-dgr (MSS Wokk_dgr) is supported by inscriptional evidence.

1.1 Dikaiopolis and Lamachos

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evidently significant, and must mean someone ‘having to do with right behaviour in public affairs’, although its exact etymological significance is difficult to specify.90 The issue of its appropriateness is also vexed and is affected by different readings of the play. It has been argued that the name does not fit the conduct of Dikaiopolis, who, disillusioned with city politics that favour the continuation of war, decides to pursue a private peace scheme and thus appears to be selfish and indifferent to the interests of the city.91 Some difficulty has also been seen in the context in which the name is revealed (406).92 However, the impression that it is a ‘correct’ name93 may emerge from a better understanding of Dikaiopolis’ character. The notion of a selfish Dikaiopolis may be refuted94 by noting that an individualistic element is inherent in Aristophanic characters (cf. Philokleon of Wasps or Strepsiades of Clouds), and the hero of Acharnians does credit to his name by practising a reasonable sort of justice. At the beginning of the play he had wished the city to negotiate for peace, and only when this possibility was excluded does he pursue a peace of his own. An interest in justice is also reflected in his economic motives:95 he seeks peace for the sake of justice in the distribution of goods (cf. 352 – 4), which has vanished in the war-time city due to the economic corruption of its leadership (and not just because of the Spartan invasions). He is named at 406 90 Cf. MacDowell 1983: 160. The easiest meaning is ‘Just Citizen’. However, in other names ending in –pokir, as well as in adjectives, -pokir always means ‘city’ (cf. rx¸pokir and %pokir, S. Ant. 370; aqh|pokir, Pi. O. 2.8; and, significantly, dijaiºpokir, Pi. P. 8.22. See also Edmunds 1980: 1, n.2. These cannot be made to fit a single pattern; the first component is in some adjectival, in others verbal, cf. MacDowell ibid.). Dijaio- may be adjectival: ‘just’ (cf. e. g. Eupokir, Jkeºpokir, Jakk¸pokir, Meºpokir, )cahºpokir, where the first element is adjectival), so Dikaiopolis can mean ‘Just City’ (literally: ‘He of Just City’; see Edmunds 1980: 1, De Ste. Croix 1972: 365). If Dijaio- is verbal (cf. aqhºpokir, Pi. O. 2.8 ‘he who governs the state well’), the meaning implied is ‘he who is righteous towards the city’, ‘he who renders the city righteous’. Russo (1994: 34) read the meaning d¸jaior peq· tµm pºkim rather than dija¸a pºkir. But dijaiºy is hardly ever used to mean ‘make just’ (there is one example only, Pi. fr. 169a.3 S-M). 91 The view of a ‘selfish’ Dikaiopolis goes back to Whitman (1964: 59 ff.). See also Dover 1972: 87 – 8 and Foley 1988: 45 – 6. Cf. E.Bowie 1988: 183 – 5. 92 See E.Bowie (ibid.) who thought that the revelation of the hero’s name in a context relevant to Euripides and poetry should disconnect it from politics. 93 Cf. De Ste. Croix 1972: 364, MacDowell 1983: 160. 94 L. Parker 1991: 206. 95 See further Olson 1991: 200 – 2.

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1 Acharnians

after he has made his case for behaving justly; thus he appears to earn his name. Then in the agon (416 ff.) he pleads his case to the chorus, while in 496 ff. he makes a comic but seemingly objective judgement of both sides involved in the war. Of course he is not entirely consistent: his ‘just city’ is of a private character, and his treatment of the farmer Derketes, whom he excludes from his peace, seems unjust,96 but comic heroes are allowed inconsistencies. The name’s appropriateness is further established by the fact that it expresses a main idea of the play, stressed by the numerous puns on the term d¸jaia : 317, 500 (significantly this comes immediately after p|keyr at 499), 501, 561 – 2. The hero’s opening remarks (1 – 42) designate an ‘unjust’ version of the city, where citizens suffer unfairly in their lives – a situation which is then contrasted with his own ‘just’ city, the way of life he establishes by restoring peace (the similarity of this opposition to the one in Hesiod, Op. 225 – 47, where the poet uses the term Just and Unjust Cities, is probably no coincidence).97 This is of course a comic justice, but the lack of justice in Athens bestows it with a contemporary relevance, which in its turn may make the hero’s name sound comical and ironic98 – but it becomes less so in view of the ‘just’ cause espoused in the play, the salvation of the city. The appropriateness of the name endows it with dramatic effectiveness: Edmunds99 observed that ‘the broader claims implicit in [the hero’s] private truce arise from the very poetic and dramatic means by which it is attained’ – one of these means is definitely the name, a version of the Aristophanic method of using ‘a metaphor or figure of speech (that) will be taken literally and reduced to the concrete’.100 The use of the name as a metaphor advances the plot by preparing

96 On Derketes and his name see below p. 43. Various possibilities may explain the incident, e. g. that Derketes was a real person, comically attacked by Aristophanes for a misdeed (MacDowell 1983: 159, cf. L.Parker 1991: 206), or for being an outspoken war-lover (Olson 2002: 325). But it cannot be denied that the hero practises a comic, child-like sort of justice by excluding from his peace those who did not support him when he was seeking it; the bride (who, as a woman, cannot be held responsible for the war, 1062) is included in the peace but in a very ridiculous way. 97 Cf. A.Bowie 1993: 18 – 9. 98 Olson 1992: 307. 99 1980: 2. 100 Edmunds ibid.; on metaphor see further Newiger (1957).

1.1 Dikaiopolis and Lamachos

27

the audience for the sort of events that are going to follow.101 The correlation of Dikaiopolis’ name with ‘justice’ and ‘city’ seems further relevant to a political reading of Acharnians, as the insistence that the war should end is purely political. The hero’s name may be, to an extent, a ‘vehicle for the expression of serious political views’,102 but it should be kept in mind that, in the spirit of the Aristophanic comedy, these views are placed in a context full of jokes and parody, and the name is borne by a character who takes a leading part in much of the comic action.103 The view that the hero’s depiction may contain allusions to Aristophanes himself in specific scenes104 seems well-founded, and perhaps the meaning of the name could also be felt to reflect the attitude of the poet (cf. especially 655 in the parabasis: ¢r jyl\d¶sei t± d¸jaia). However, Bailey’s105 attempt to explain the name as an allusion to Aigina, which Pindar in P. 8.22 calls " dijaiºpokir, thus deducing the meaning ‘Aristophanes the Aiginetan’, seems rather desperate, as it is based on some 101 It is expressive of the hero and his action like the wine-skin that is brought back from Sparta stands for the truce. (Cf. Lesky 1966: 427). 102 De Ste. Croix 1972: 362. Cf. Edmunds 1980: 1, MacDowell 1983: 160 and Lesky 1966: 426. The play’s title is also suggestive of its theme, as the citizens of Acharnai were known as active supporters of the war (Sommerstein 1980: 33). 103 Fisher (1993: 31 – 47) suggested that the joke-elements of the play and the inconsistencies of the hero’s character rule out a serious view of his political argumentation and are responsible for the unclarity of the hero’s name; this seems to misinterpret comic ‘seriousness’ and the character of the comic message. An effort to interpret Acharnians as a product of pure literary fantasy (in which case the principal character’s name should be seen simply as a word-play in amusing connection with the action, see Russo 1959: 2) has clearly not found many supporters. 104 In 377 – 82, the hero’s lament for what he had suffered from Kleon on account of his comedy the previous year, and 497 – 503, esp. 499 tquc\d¸am poi_m, but not in the rest of the play; De Ste. Croix (1972: 363), and now Sommerstein 2004: 209 – 10 (against himself 1980: 172 and Pelling 2000: 145 – 50), who draws attention to a parallel in Men. Samia 737 (where to?r 1lo?r !e· woqo?r must refer to the author or producer). See also Rosen (2000: 23 – 39) about Cratinus’ appearance in Pytine and Storey (2003: 87). The problem is related to more general questions about the functions of the comic hero (see further Edmunds 1980: 9 ff., 25 ff.) and the poet’s voice (see Goldhill 1991: 167 – 223). The fact that the poet occasionally identifies with his hero does not imply that the poet is the hero (note also that the hero says he is from the deme Cholleidai [406], while Aristophanes was from Kydathenaion). 105 1936: 236 – 8. Bailey went further to support that the poet himself played Dikaiopolis’ role (cf. Ghiron-Bistagne 1976: 148 and Sutton 1988: 107).

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vague knowledge we have about the poet’s connection with this particular island (cf. 652 – 4), while ‘Athens was the last place where a compliment to Aigina would be remembered and repeated.’106 An allusion to Eupolis,107 which is a morphologically similar name, is less likely: -polis is (as we have seen) a second component of numerous names, and the late-naming of Dikaiopolis, which suggests that the name is earned, further weakens this possibility that the audience would think of the comic poet.108 The explanation of Lamachos’ name is less complicated. The name is first heard at 270,109 in a word-play by Dikaiopolis in his grateful prayer to Phales for having been freed from the plight of war (268 – 70): spomd±r poigs\lemor 1laut`, pqacl²tym te ja· law_m ja· Kal²wym !pakkace¸r.

This context clearly suggests a ‘speaking’ name, from l²wg ‘battle’, and the intensifying prefix ka- ‘much of’ (cf. kajatap¼cym 664): ‘very bellicose’. The poet could have chosen among many names with war connotations, and it is no coincidence that he chose this particular one, as Lamachos was the name of a real Athenian general of the Peloponnesian war (cf. Th. 4.75).110 The allusion to a historical person strengthens the connotations of the name, and offers the opportunity for a more concrete hint at the current war-situation in Greece; the audience might also be amused by the implication that the real Lamachos was suited 106 De Ste. Croix 1972: 365. Olson (2002: 179 – 80) seems to favour Bailey’s suggestion, but the supposed allusion to Aigina has been rejected with persuasive arguments; see further E.Bowie 1988: 183. 107 E.Bowie 1988: 183 ff. 108 L.Parker 1991: 206. E.Bowie (ibid.) further thought that 377 – 8 may refer to Eupolis, but the Scholia only associate Aristophanes with Kleon’s retaliation after the Dionysia of 426, and there is nothing in the text to connect Eupolis with these lines. E.Bowie’s arguments are taken further by Sidwell (1994: 71 – 115), who thinks that attacks on comic poets suggest a new reading of Old Comedy as paracomedy, but the traces of Eupolis he sees in the play are too difficult for the audience. 109 The character (with his name) appears at 567. 110 For an account of Lamachos’ life and the sources about him see Sommerstein 1980: 184, cf. Olson 2002: 149 – 50. Other Athenian attestations of the name include six from the fourth century and two from the hellenistic period (LGPN IIA).

1.1 Dikaiopolis and Lamachos

29

to his name.111 A further advantage is that the name lends itself to comic word-plays: the pun law_m/ja· Kal²wym is repeated in l²wai ja· K²lawoi (1071);112 there is also pokelokalawazjºm (1080, alliteration). In addition, Dikaiopolis addresses his opponent with the comic alternative Kalaw_ppiom (1206). This includes the element –ippor, perhaps to give a mock-aristocratic air113 (possibly with an ironic hint at Lamachos’ humble family origins),114 with the diminutive ending –iom to belittle him further. Although the Aristophanic Lamachos would inevitably evoke the real man, he evidently was not meant as an accurate portrait: the real Lamachos was not a relentless war monger, and he favoured the peace-treaty with Sparta in 421.115 Clearly the poet introduced an exaggerated version of the personality of the historical general for comic purposes and to strengthen his war-polemic. The insertion of an imaginary father’s name, C|qcasor (1131), serves the same purpose. The name was clearly chosen by the poet for the sake of the root coqc‘fierce, terrible’,116 which has greater satirical power than the name of the real Lamachos’ father, Xenophanes.117 Gorgasos is unattested at Athens, but it need not have been invented: it is the name of one of a pair of divine brothers, mentioned by Pausanias (4.30, 2.3), who had a sanctuary in Messenian Pharai and were known for their healing powers. The name is attested at various places from the fourth century onwards,118 and was probably not unheard of in Attica, where the very similar 111 Also vuk´ta (568) could allude to the real Lamachos, who was from the deme of Oe (LGPN IIA), of the tribe Oineis, to which Acharnai also belonged. Another possibility is that the term vuk´tgr is here used loosely (cf. Av. 368), to mean ‘one of the same war-party’; perhaps it is deliberately ambivalent. 112 A generalising plural which shows contempt, cf. the comic names of 603 – 6 and Av. 1701. 113 See further under Clouds on the name Pheidippides. 114 Cf. Olson 2002: 360, 149 – 50. Plu. Nic. 15, Alc. 21 show that he was believed to come from a poor family. 115 Olson (2002: 150) may be right in thinking that this did not necessarily reflect Aristophanes’ personal political sympathies. Notably the poet (who also attacks Lamachos in Peace 304 etc.) became more appreciative of him after his death in 414 (cf. Th. 839 – 41, Ra. 1039). 116 Cf. Coqc~ in 574, the emblem of Lamachos’ shield, which the poet likes to mention (cf. also 964, 1095, 1124, 1181 and Peace 474), perhaps also because of the pun on that same root. 117 LGPN IIA no. 2. 118 Single attestations in Euboia and Thessaly, three from Ionia and another three from the Peloponnese, all between the fourth and second centuries (LGPN).

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name Cºqcahor is found.119 This suggests that the poet and his audience could have been familiar with the name, which would make more striking the use of an otherwise respectable name in such a ridiculous context. Additionally, other names starting with the element coqc- were fairly common in Attica at that time,120 and the name’s comic effect would be increased by its plausibility.

1.2 The opening scene: names in the Assembly We have seen that neither of the ‘main’ names appears very early; on the other hand, minor figures with speaking names are present right from the start. At least two, probably three out of the six characters who appear in the opening scene, the meeting of the Athenian Assembly, are significantly named. The names mark the different stages of the action of the scene and create a broader comic setting, meant as a vivid satire of Athenian public life. )lv¸heor is perhaps the most important character in the play after Dikaiopolis and Lamachos, not least because of his name. Its meaning ‘god from both sides’,121 which justifies his capacity as the gods’ chosen peace-negotiator (51 – 2), provides Dikaiopolis with a way of action.122 Such a meaning certainly sounded funny (perhaps with a mock-religious undertone), and is further exploited for comic purposes in the hilarious exchange (45 – 51) between the Herald, and Amphitheos who proves the name appropriate against all expectation (cf. 51; !h²matºr eQl’).

119 In Kydathenaion, the poet’s own deme (mid-fourth century, see LGPN IIA). 120 Coqc_ar was by far the commonest (LGPN IIA). Notably Coqc~ was used as a feminine personal name at various places, including Athens. coqcok|va, used by the chorus for Lamachos (567; title of Athena at Eq. 1181) has the sound of a proper name; cf. Keuj|kovor, name of a real Athenian mentioned by Aristophanes (Ec. 644, Ra. 1513), on whom see Dover 1993: 383, Sommerstein 1998: 195. This may be an abbreviation of Leukolophides (used for the same person in other sources), but Leukolophos has three further fourth century Attic attestations (LGPN IIA). 121 Sommerstein (1980: 160) translates ‘Godschild’. Van Daele (Coulon’s edition) offered the less accurate meaning ‘demi-god’ (demi-dieu). 122 The dramatic importance of the name is emphasised by Edmunds (1980: 4): ‘The whole action of Acharnians thus ensues from Dikaiopolis’ taking literally the name Amphitheos.’

1.2 The opening scene: names in the Assembly

JG. AL. JG. AL. JG. AL.

9c¾.

31

T¸r !coqe¼eim bo¼ketai. T¸r ¥m. )lv¸heor.

!kk( !h²mator…

Oqj %mhqypor.123 Ou,

The comic function of the name may have been enhanced by historical connotations. The name of Amphitheos’ grandmother, Vaimaq´tg, is suggestive of Sokrates, and in that context also the father’s name, Kuj?mor, though common at Athens (LGPN IIA), might have sounded relevant to the philosopher as a ‘speaking’ name, reminiscent of the Lykeion, the famous gymnasium which was a favourite spot for Sokrates and is mentioned often in Plato’s dialogues. Mockery of Sokrates (who is parodied by Aristophanes in Av. 1555, Ra. 1491 and mainly in Clouds), is certainly more likely here than the difficult assumption of numerous commentators, new and old,124 that the target was one of Sokrates’ pupils, Hermogenes, one of the main speakers in Plato’s Cratylus, son of Hipponikos and brother of Kallias.125 The name Amphitheos must have alluded to a fellow-demesman, probably an acquaintance of Aristophanes. It is attested in an inscription on a cult-table of the fourth century (IG II2 2343),126 which lists sixteen 123 It has been suggested that %mhqypor could be read as a personal name (Griffith 1974: 367 – 9). -mhqypor was the name of an Olympic victor of 456 (Arist. EN 1147 b 34), probably from S.Italy, where a couple more attestations of the name are found; see LGPN IIIA. However, a personal name in this context is not likely, not just because it would be hardly relevant, but mainly because it would considerably weaken the joke, which largely depends on the Herald’s failure to realise that )lv¸heor is actually a name and on the subsequent play between ‘god’ (in the name) and ‘(not) man’ (in the Herald’s understanding of it). 124 Edmunds (1980: 3), following Müller-Strübing (1873: 697 – 9) and Van Leeuwen (1901: 15 – 6). 125 A speech by Kallias in 371 (X. HG 6.3.4 – 6) suggests that the family had close relations with Sparta and favoured peace. Kallias was often the target of comedy, but mainly for his extravagance and promiscuity: cf. Eupolis’ Kolakes (in 421), Aristophanes Av. 283 – 6 (in 414) and probably also Ra. 433 (in 405). He is also said to have accepted bribes on embassy (D. 19.273, Herman 1987: 76). There is no mention of Hermogenes in Aristophanes. 126 Cf. Olson 2002: 83 – 4, Wilson 2007: 17. More on IG II2 2343 in Dow 1969: 234 – 5. )lv_- is a common component of proper names (the commonest being )lvijk/r, )lv_kowor, )lvijq\tgr) but )lv¸heor is a highly unusual compound,

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members of a Herakles cult from Kydathenaion, the poet’s own deme, including names of men connected with Aristophanes’ career (Philonides, known to have produced some of his plays, and Simon, the priest, a name that occurs also at Eq. 242; they may all be friends of the poet who portrayed them on stage for an unknown reason). Amphitheos apparently had a brother named )mt¸heor (LGPN IIA no.1 = IG II2 2343, 3; he may be identified with the Antitheos of Th. 898), ‘equal to the gods’, ‘godlike’ (!mt¸heor is a Homeric epithet for heroes), which may suggest that the Acharnians could be mocking this family’s ‘repeated nominal claim to semi-divine status’.127 The next significantly named figure to appear on scene is a Persian ambassador called Xeudaqt²bar (91), introduced by an anonymous128 Athenian pqesbeut^r. He and the unintelligible message he delivers constitute a comic version of real visits of Persian officials, which must occasionally have occurred at Athens.129 The name is obviously coined by the poet with the intention of sounding comically Persian, as it echoed real Persian names such as Artabazos and Artaxerxes (cf. Sch. 91).130 But for the sake of an even better joke, the poet very likely also intended the word !qt²bg to be heard, the name of a Persian measure of capacity (cf. Hdt. 1.192) – in that case Pseudartabas would mean ‘giver of false measures’, ‘a cheat’131 (the first element of the name being xeud-). Such a name is very appropriate for an official who is supposed to be Persian

127 128

129 130

131

with only one further attestation from Athens (LGPN IIA), one from Tenos (LGPN I), and one from Orchomenos (LGPN IIIB), all from the third century. Thus Olson 2002: 84 (a convincing possibility, despite Sommerstein 1980: 160). There seems to be no specific reason for his anonymity; he may represent a character-type, but not every such character remains anonymous, and he is certainly not insignificant, as he is active for more than 50 lines in an important scene. The explanation offered by Russo (1994: 37) that ‘the entire Persian delegation exists on an unreal level’ does not seem relevant to the naming. Cf. Olson 2002: 101. Van Leeuwen (1901: 24) thought the name evoked a particular Persian, an Artaphernes who was apparently involved in an incident of alleged Persian intervention in the Peloponnesian war (Th. 4.50). However, it is doubtful that this Artaphernes was significant enough to be remembered by the audience at that point, especially since names from the root arta- (‘justice’, cf. arta¯van ‘righteous’, ‘blessed’) were very common in Persian (see Kent 1950: 170). Cf. Rogers 1910a: 17, Sommerstein 1980: 162 and Olson 2002: 101, who draws attention to a Baktrian commander in A. Pers. 317 named )qt\bgr.

1.2 The opening scene: names in the Assembly

33

and who deceives the Athenian people,132 and it carries a hint at the Persians’ hostile involvement in the politics of Greece. Further comic value might be extracted from the high importance which the Persians attached to truth, something known from Herodotus (1.136.2, 138) and from the Behistun inscription.133 The Persian’s appearance enables the use of a further name of comic significance, the ethnic YaomaO (104, addressing the Assembly). Although Yauna ‘Ionia(n)’134 was the normal Persian term for the Greeks (cf. A. Pers. 178), its effect was comically insulting, since it is known that for the Athenians it had negative connotations (Hdt. 1.143.3), and Aristophanes only used it for non-Athenians and in contexts suggesting cowardice and effeminacy (cf. the comic repetition Y\omar by Dikaiopolis at 107).135 The opportunity is further exploited for a joke about foreign talk: YaomaO is an abnormal variation of the vocative, where the final –aO (particularly frequent in the Laconian dialect, but only occasionally used by Aristophanes’ Attic characters136) may sound comically emphatic. The third individual with a potential speaking name is also an ambassador, called H´yqor (134 ff.). He is fiercely attacked by Dikaiopolis, which comes as no surprise, especially after the mockery of the pqesbeut^r in 62 ff. It becomes clear that the poet’s attack on the group of Athenian ambassadors is based on their self-enrichment during the war at public expense (90), and Theoros’ name may somehow have been used with a similar purpose. The name was historical, and the character was identified by Bradeen with an %qwym toO mautijoO, but the identification is not based on any compelling arguments,137 and is Cf. a similar play on another Persian name, Lec\bafor, in Av. 484. See Gera (1993: 80 – 1) with references. Kent 1953: 204. See Sommerstein 1980: 162, cf. Olson 2002: 106; 1998: 76 – 7, 247 (on Peace 46, 932 – 3) and Austin-Olson 2004: 112 (on Th. 163). 136 Willi 2003: 223 n. 83, Colvin 1999: 234; see also Scholia. Cf. the Scythian’s talk in Thesmophoriazusae (see below pp. 157 – 8). 137 Bradeen 1964: 48 ff. The identification, rejected by Olson 2002: 114, is based on the attestation of the name on a fragment of Pentelic marble which contains a list of Athenian casualties from the Dekelean war. Bradeen infers from the occurrences of the name in Aristophanes that it must have belonged to a public figure of the late fifth century and assumes that this could well be a military figure, all the more since the Theoros of the comedies is depicted as a supporter of Kleon’s party. However, this is not enough to show that the Aristophanic The132 133 134 135

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further hindered by the fact that the name was common in classical Athens (LGPN IIA). The personal name H´yqor involves a shift of the accent on heyqºr,138 and it has long been noticed that the name might be a joke on this word,139 the designation of an official representative of the city of Athens, usually to festivals and ceremonies at other cities.140 An etymology from heo-oqor suggests the meaning ‘official consulter of an oracle = somebody who respects God’s will’;141 this should include the sense of visiting and representing, which is part of the ambassador’s function, and perhaps the name was used ironically in the light of the man’s irresponsible behaviour. Alternatively, the name may evoke the root hea- =spectacle,142 which would allude to the function of an ambassador as observer of the state of affairs at the city to which he had been dispatched, and indeed heyqe?m in the sense of ‘viewing’ had already been used by Herodotus.143 The name does not seem to be significant in other comedies, where Theoros appears with many different faces: as a flatterer of Kleon in Wasps (jºkan ; 42, 418 – 9, 1236 – 42), a perjurer in Clouds (1p¸oqjor ; 400), and again as a jºkan, loiw|r and pomgq|r in lost comedies (Sch. Eq. 608a-b).144 The possibility that the

138 139 140 141 142 143

144

oros and the epigraphical one are the same person. The fact that the Theoros of the plays appears to be involved in public functions does not necessarily suggest that these were military in nature; nor does his being a supporter of Kleon mean that he took an active part in the war. On the accent see Marzullo 1953: 103, n.1 and Schwyzer (1950 – 71) vol.1: 380 f., 420; vol.2: 60. Also cf. !qwi/!qweh´yqor (And. 1.132, 4.29), a term used for the leader of the Athenian delegation to a panhellenic festival. See Keck 1876: 68 f. Starkie (1909: 40) notes that ‘Theoros went to Thrace as heyqºr.’ Koller 1958: 273. Cf. Pl. Phd. 58 b ff., Thgn. 805 – 8. For more on the function of heyqo¸ see Andrisano 1985/6: 73. Koller 1958: 285 – 6. The etymological question is not considered solved, see Chantraine 1999 s.v. heyqºr. See Powell 1938 s.v. heyqe?m ; this does not necessarily imply that this usage had become widespread and would be known, remembered or recognised by the audience. A further difficulty may emerge from the possibility that the significance ‘to watch, to view, to consider’ was limited to the terms heyq¸a, heyqe?m, heyqgtijºr and did not translate to heyqºr ; see Koller (1958: 273). Therefore Andrisano’s (1985/6: 77) view that the name Theoros was used by the poet to represent the class of Athenian ambassadors cannot stand; even less could the name have become the designation of a supposed comic type ‘ambassador’, because, apart from that single reference to an ambassador Theoros in Acharnians, there is no further occurrence of the name in this context, and

1.3 Miscellaneous jokes

35

name might have become suggestive of unworthy characters is discouraged by the great honour associated with the function of theoroi. Perhaps the jokes were directed against a real individual of that name,145 with the additional advantage that the name Theoros apparently lends itself to puns (cf. V. 45, 418).

1.3 Miscellaneous jokes Dikaiopolis marks his peace-treaty by celebrating the Rural Dionysia (202 ff.). An annoyed chorus threatens to chase him Bakk^made (234). The invented place-name is reminiscent of the real deme-name Pallene, but the replacement of the initial letter enables a pun on b\kky ‘to throw’, which expresses the chorus’ aggression towards the hero. The reading Bakk^made comes from the Scholia, and is preferable to the MS Pakk^made, in view also of the participle b\kkym (236) which confirms the pun and adds to the alliterative effect. Part of this celebration is taken up by a song in honour of V\kgr, the companion of Bacchos (263). v\kgr or vak/r146 is a synonym of vakkºr, and having just heard that the festive procession is carrying a vakkºr and that Dikaiopolis was going to sing a vakkij|m (259 – 61), it is natural to assume that the Phales of the song is the personified phallic symbol with an appropriate name. This is confirmed by the content of the song which celebrates the sexual consequences of the conclusion of peace. There are no other examples of the use of the proper name before or around the poet’s time,147 and it could thus be Aristophanes’ own inventhus no reason to assume that it referred to such a comic type. The Theoros of Eq. 608 was convincingly equated by Sommerstein (1981: 177) with the other occurrences (against an earlier view that saw him as a different person and a poet, see Holden 19022 s.vv. H]yqor and H]yqor). 145 See Perlman 2000: 13 – 6 and Ercolani 2002: 228 – 33. The Theoros of Acharnians is reminiscent of a real ambassador sent to Thrace in 431, Nymphodoros (Th. 2.29). 146 The proper name is accentuated V\kgr by Wilson and Olson. Vak/r was preferred by Hall-Geldart, Coulon and Sommerstein. The place of the accent has not been determined on either common noun or name, cf. Olson 2002: 148 and Chantraine 1999 s.v. vakk|r. Other attestations of the noun include v\key (Hippon. fr. 21 W), vak^tym (Lys. 771 and Com. Adesp. fr. 154), v\kgter (S. TGrF fr. 314.151 Radt), v\kgti (Theoc. Ep. 4.3). 147 Luc. JTr. 42 probably has the proper name, despite Sommerstein 1980: 169; the editors of the text (C.Iacobitz in Teubner [1838], A.M. Harmon in Loeb

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tion, intended to suit the occasion of a dramatic festival in honour of Dionysos.

1.4 Naming the chorus Four chorus members are named in 609 – 12, and their names all (with the exception of Dq²jukkor) appropriately reflect the distinctive Acharnian occupation of charcoal burning. But they probably also had a broader effect, as vocabulary related to charcoal is used repeatedly,148 and charcoal is central, from a dramatic point of view, in an important scene (the Telephos parody, especially 325 ff.). Thus Laqik²dgr (609), probably an invented name, is ‘son of coal dust’ (laq¸kg).149 Pqim¸dgr (612), possibly also invented, is ‘Son of holm-oak’; the Scholia tell us that pq?mor is a suitable sort of wood for charcoal, so making the name appropriate for an !mhqaje¼r. The association with hard wood further implies strength (which is also expressed in the name Lakrateides, see below); but pq?mor also signifies a type of smaller tree or bush with prickly leaves (kermes-oak), therefore Prinides may also connote a sense of prickliness or irritability (felt in the chorus’ initial hostility to Dikaiopolis).150 The context points to an analogous interpretation for the less obvious Eqvoq¸dgr (612), a name modelled upon existing names (such as Eqvoq¸ym, which has seven attestations in Athens, and was the name of a son of Aeschylus, and Euvoqor, attested three times in Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries, (LGPN IIA). Sommerstein151 was probably right to translate ‘good heaver’ (cf. 211 – 2 v´qym !mhq²jym voqt¸om, of the chorus). The charcoal-related naming pattern inspired Reiske’s

148 149 150

151

[1915], M.D. Macleod in OCT [1972], J. Bompaire in Belles Lettres [1993]) print V\kgti. Aristophanes also used it as the basis of Tqiv\kgr, the title of a lost comedy, see Appendix 1. Cf. 213, 332, 336, 348, 670. Thus Sch. Ach. 609; for the use of this word cf. Hippon. fr. 59 W, Cratin. fr. 277. Cf. 180 pq_mimoi ‘hard as holm-oak’, of the chorus and V. 383, pqim~dg hul|m for the chorus there, denoting toughness, resilience and perhaps also irritability. There is an uncertain and much later attestation of a similar name Pqim÷r ? (Cyrenaica, imperial period, LGPN I). Pqimgt\dar (LGPN IIIA = Hdt. 6.41.3, sixth century) may be from the same root. There is nothing, even remotely similar, to Laqik²dgr. 1980: 187.

1.5 Satire of war-lovers and other individuals

37

conjecture )mhq²jukkor (‘little charcoal’152) for Dq²jukkor, subsequently adopted by most of the earlier editors of the play,153 and by Coulon and Wilson (d’ )mhq²jukkor instead of the MS reading da· Dq²jukkor). There is no strong reason for the emendation, however, as Drakyllos, like its cognate Dq²jgr (used in Lys. 254, Ec. 294), is plausible as a stock-name for chorus members.154 Additionally, the naming of choruses in other comedies shows that not every member of a chorus is given a name of relevant significance.155 The name Kajqate_dgr too (220) probably refers to a chorus member.156 It is a distinctive Athenian name (all of its nine LGPN attestations are from Attica), and one Lakrateides was an eponymous archon at the time of the Persian wars (LGPN IIA no.1). Given that the chorus members are referred to as Marathonomachai (181), this may be an allusion to him.157 Alternatively, the name could be interpreted as a quasi-proverbial reference to an ‘Old Man’ (cf. pakai` Kajqate_d,), but its etymology introduces a rather different aspect. It is a significant compound of patronymic form that includes the intensifying prefix ka- (like Lamachos) and jq\tor ‘strength’, thus literally meaning ‘Son of great strength’; this suggests a comic contrast with the rest of the line, which describes the old man’s infirmity.

1.5 Satire of war-lovers and other individuals Personal abuse is a thriving element of this play, though not all jokes that relate to it are easy to interpret. The comic accumulation of seven different comic names (five of which are comic compounds), appearing in four lines (Teisalemovaim¸ppour,158 Pamouqcippaqw¸dar, W²qgti, W²osim, Ceqgtoheod¾qour, Dioleiakafºmar, Jatac]ka, 603 – 6), has attracted much attention. They all express the hero’s re152 Sommerstein 1980: 187. 153 Müller 1863; Blaydes 1887: 85. It is not clear what was meant by another conjecture proposed in the nineteenth century: t¸ d’ AQhq²jukkor (Ahrens). 154 Sommerstein 1980: 187. See also under Lysistrata, p. 134. 155 Cf., e. g., the variety in the naming of chorus members in Wasps (230 – 4). Incidentally, Anthrax appears as the name of a cook in Plautus’ Aulularia. 156 Cf. Sommerstein 1980: 167. This is Bentley’s justified emendation of the MSS Kajqat_dgr. 157 Cf. Olson 2002: 137 – 8, Sommerstein 1980: 167. 158 A correction of the MS Tis-; see also below on V. 401 (Teisi\dgr).

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sentment against the practice of entrusting young and undeserving citizens with diplomatic missions, while older ones are called up for the tough hoplite service (600). Regarding all except Katagela, the Scholia seem only to speculate, and the only possible inference is that they referred to everyday people mocked for various faults. However, the context that derides military service at Athens at that time (part of Dikaiopolis’ confrontation with Lamachos, 575 ff.) leaves no doubt that these strange compounds are relevant to the war, probably denigrating war lovers. Given the lack of more specific clues in the text, our interpretation of the names should be cautious.159 In Teisalemovaim¸ppour the joke appears to be in the mock-noble sound of the name, and its two components may contain the names of two satirised individuals.160 Pamouqcippaqw¸dar is probably a mockery of a pamoOqcor Hipparchos, a fairly common name for Athenians of that period (LGPN IIA).161 W²qgr is obscure, apart from the (not very helpful) piece of information from the Scholia, that he was satirised elsewhere 1p· !lah¸ô. Names starting with Waq- and Waiq- seem to have been popular in comedy (no fewer than seven different ones are handled in this book, including one female, see Index of Names), which could

159 Gilbert (1877: 156 – 7) assumed that they suggested the generals of 426 and the small success of the Aetolian expedition led by Demosthenes, but then proposed some rather shaky identifications, most of which have now been abandoned; see also notes below. 160 Cf. Sommerstein 1980: 186. Gilbert thought it is an allusion to Hipponikos, son of Kallias (Phainippos was the historical ancestor of the family, see Hdt. 6.121. Olson 2002: 229 may be right in thinking that the name referred to him or one of his namesakes), with the first component, Teisamenos, meaning ‘Scythian’, on the basis that this was the name of the father of the tragic poet Akestor, who was nicknamed S²jar = Scythian; but this identification is only based on a dubious text in Sch. Av. 31a, while Teisamenos was apparently a common Athenian name. However, for Gilbert the name could thus be explained as ‘the Scythian Hipponikos’= ‘the barbarian’, or, alternatively, ‘the red-faced Hipponikos’ if teisalemo- is taken to mean red-faced on the strength of Cratinus’ mockery of him (fr. 492, cf. Eup. fr. 20) as Scythian because of his red face. All this would be impossibly obscure for the audience. 161 Sommerstein 1980: 186. Gilbert’s opinion that the name is an an allusion to Hippokrates, nephew of Perikles (based on the fact that Hipparchos was the son of Peisistratos and the nickname Peisistratidai was given to the house of Perikles) is too difficult. Olson’s speculation (2002: 229) that it referred to the son of Peisistratos himself or his homonymous cousin, also involved in pro-tyrant politics, is more plausible.

1.5 Satire of war-lovers and other individuals

39

suggest a generic factor,162 but the context encourages the possibility that a real individual is targeted here for involvement in the war.163 Perhaps there is an additional weak pun on the following W²omer (604; cf. 613). This was the name of a warlike Epirote tribe (Th. 2.81.4), perhaps meant here as a generic name for the war lovers, possibly also implying the sense ‘crazy’ or ‘stupid war lovers’ if a pun on w²sjeim is present as well.164 Ceqgtoheod¾qour is a compound of two names: Heºdyqor and C´qgr, possibly a mockery of an unidentifiable Theodoros who is vakajqºr, ‘baldhead’ (based on the Scholia’s explanation of Geres), or of two politicians.165 The fact that a Geres is mentioned in Ecclesiazusae (932), a play rather distant chronologically, suggests that it may have eventually become a character name. Dioleiakafºmar may refer to the reputation of the people from the deme Diomeia, perhaps for favouring the war or for arrogance, which came to give the demotic a pejorative sense.166 Jatac]ka is an emphatic comic pun on the name of the Sicilian 162 This does not have to imply that a pun on wa¸qeim was intended (despite Starkie 1909: 126 – 7); W²qgr was a common Athenian name (LGPN IIA). Some Char-/Chair- names may have been fictitious, but most were real names (Aristophanes mentions Chairis, the Theban pipe-player [e.g. Ach. 16; cf. 866] and Sokrates’ pupil Chairephon [Nu., V., Av.]), and they cannot have been particularly significant. Sommerstein (1983: 170) noted that in later comedy such names usually belonged to young men, with the exception of Chairestratos (an old man) in Menander’s Aspis. 163 Speculations include Sommerstein’s (1980: 186), who thinks he may have been a relative of the Chares who served on an embassy to Sparta to negotiate peace in 446/5 (D.S. 12.7, LGPN IIA no. 3), while Olson (2002: 229) assumes vaguely that he was a minor king with whom the Athenians were negotiating. 164 Cf. Starkie 1909: 127. This possibility may be encouraged by the context of Eq. 78. 165 Olson (2002: 230), based on a different Scholium according to which they were descended from slaves and mocked eQr lakaj¸am. Theodoros is too common a name to justify Gilbert’s (1877) identification with the son of Theodoros, Prokles, a military companion of Demosthenes. According to Hesychius (vol.2 [Latte]: 312, s.v. He|dyqor ; Com. Adesp. fr. 351), Theodoros was used metonymically by comic poets for eqq}pqyjtor. 166 Cf. Coqc|mer Teihq\siai ‘Gorgons from the deme Teithras’ (Frogs 477). The Diomeians are accused of !kafome}eim also in the EM (s.v. Dioleiakaf|mar), but this may have originated from the Aristophanic passage. !kaf~m may mean ‘impostor’ or ‘boastful’, ‘pretentious’ (LSJ), all of which would seem appropriate for war supporters. Other interpretations include Sommerstein’s (1980: 187) that the name might refer to a Diomeian called Philoxenos (cf. Nu. 686 and V. 84) but this man was apparently accused of effeminacy (see Eup. fr. 249 and Sch.V. 82b). It would be tempting to assume that a form of the comedy club

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city Gela, which is similar in sound to cek\y ‘laugh’, and in its present comic form to jatacek\y ‘laugh at the expense of’, ‘mock’. Chaones, Gela and Katagela as the names of places where delegations are dispatched, imply that it is not only the chosen ambassadors, but also the missions themselves that are worthy of derision. After the naming of the chorus, there are numerous further targets for personal satire. One example comes from the parabasis (676 ff.): Laqx¸ar (702) is a significant name, apparently derived from l²qpty ‘to seize’, ‘to grip’, and thus meaning ‘snatcher’.167 Such a name comes nicely after the description of unworthy men who offend the old citizens represented by the chorus, in particular by depriving them of their decency and seizing their possessions. This also fits the way Marpsias is presented, as somebody expected to contradict the old men of the chorus in their just plea for respect (Pq¹r t²de t¸r !mteqe? Laqx¸ar. 701 – 2). It is difficult to tell whether the name referred to a real individual (possibly as a nickname), or represented a character-type. The Scholia imply he was someone satirised in comedy as a vikºmeijor ja· vk¼aqor ja· hoqub¾dgr N¶tyq ; the name appears again in another comic context, a fragment of Eupolis (fr. *179), where he is a flatterer of wealthy Kallias.168 However, Marpsias can be compared to the roughly synonymous Jtgs_ar (839), ‘Acquirer’, the name of an unknown individual

attested for the fourth century (Ath. 614 d-e), comprising of sixty Athenians who gathered at the temple of Herakles in Diomeia and exchanged jokes, existed as early as Aristophanes and is alluded to here; Diomeialazones might then have the general meaning ‘funny people’ – helped by the following Katagela. 167 The name was proposed by Meineke in Alciphron’s Letters of farmers (2.5.1, as an emendation for the MSS Buqt_ar, Luqt_ou), for a money-lender, ready to snatch people’s fortunes; there, too, it must be a fictitious figure, possibly inspired from the Aristophanic passage, as Alciphron is known to have drawn heavily on comedy. The only close historical parallel is one L²qxym that appears on a vase inscription from sixth century Boiotia (LGPN IIIB). Notably Marpsias is also attested as dog name (CIG 4.8185 a), cf. Ach. 1160 j¼ym "qp²sasa. See Olson (2002: 251, 351). 168 Olson (2002: 251) sees Marpsias as a nickname for a minor political figure known for accepting bribes. Rogers’ (1910: 109) view of Marpsias as somebody who attempts to snatch the old men’s prospective benefits away by ‘raising objections to some measure brought forward in the assembly for the relief of needy veterans’, is unnecessarily complicated.

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and a sujov\mtgr. Both could have become generic mocking names of ‘homines rapaces vel sycophantae’.169 The unjust treatment of old men finds an example in Thucydides, the political opponent of Perikles, who notwithstanding his age, was dragged into trials (708 – 10).170 The chorus lament the toll of old age on his strength: when Thucydides was Thucydides (1je?mor Bm¸j( Gm Houjud¸dgr ‘when Thucydides was himself’, trans. Sommerstein; the name connotes the man’s younger self, his prime), he was invincible. He would have been able to defeat ten Euathloses (Euahkor) – ten men of his accuser’s kind. The name Euathlos, of a prosecutor or demagogue also mentioned in Wasps (592),171 may be chosen here partly also for its etymological meaning ‘successful in contests’, which implies a comic contrast with his defeat and thus also contempt for his character, which does not correspond to the positive sound of his name. As Dikaiopolis sets the boundaries of his market-place, he proposes to use as his ‘officers’ (to keep order, cf. 824 and 968) three belts from Kepqo_ (724). The allusion is obscure, and the Scholia on this line suggest the possibility that Leproi is an adjective (e. g. for an absent bo_m from boe}r ‘cord of ox-leather’), but this is not encouraged by the context. It is easier to assume an invented place-name from kepq|r ‘rough’, denoting an appropriate provenance (Olson translates as ‘Roughville’)172 for rough and sturdy belts. Other possibile puns include k]py (‘peel’ and slang for ‘beat’), which may imply the harm that intruders could come to if they approached the belts/borders; and the territory of Lepreon in Elis (cf. Av. 149).173 Dikaiopolis then announces that entrance will be forbidden to sycophants and to every man who is Vasiam|r (725 – 6). This has the ap169 See Van Leeuwen (1901: 120), and Olson (2002: 281) for a generic view of the name Jtgs_ar ; note also the similarity of expression: t¸r … Laqx¸ar, tir Jtgs_ar. Müller-Strübing (1873) speculated that both names referred to the same individual, but there is no indication of that. 170 On him see further Olson 2002: 252. 171 Apparently the son of Kephisodemos and the sole prosecutor in this case. Hamaker’s emendation Jgvisod^lou (705), adopted by Wilson, gives the right sense. On Euathlos, who is also called an archer, i. e. a Scythian slave-policeman (707), see further Sommerstein 1980: 192 – 3 and Olson 2002: 255. 172 2002: 257. The Scholia alternatively suggest that it was the name of a district where tanneries where located, which must be a mere guess. 173 Olson ibid.: 257 – 8. See also Nielsen in Hansen – Nielsen 2004: 543 – 4 no. 306.

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pearance of a comic ethnic meaning ‘man from the city of Phasis’ (on the Black Sea coast, Kolchis), as the context clearly suggests that it is to be taken as a synonym of the preceding sycophant and that a pun on va_my ‘denounce’ (noun v\sir) is intended.174 The identical birdname (‘pheasant’) might alternatively suggest that the unwanted visitor is comically called a ‘sycophantic bird’ – notably pheasants originally came from the Kaukasos and were so named after Phasis.175 Lines 848 – 53 are a particularly rude mockery of the comic poet Cratinus, which is not surprising, as Cratinus was one of Aristophanes’ rivals, and they were competing for a prize on that very day (Aristophanes came first and Cratinus second with a play called Weilaf|lemoi, ‘Storm-tossed’). Having first called him Artemon, the name of a wellknown libertine and common target of abuse,176 the chorus then mock him as Tqacasa¸ou (853). The name is reminiscent of the toponym Tragasai, a city in the Troad, here distorted into a patronymic for the sake of the pun on tq²cor ‘he-goat’; this is closer in sound than the few (and very rare) real goat-related names, of which only Tqac´ar is attested in Athens (ca.500, LGPN IIA).177 The Scholia explain that the poet di± tµm t_m tq²cym dusyd¸am eWpem, that is, Cratinus is slandered as being as smelly as a he-goat (cf. tqacol²swakoi, Peace 814). Perhaps the audience would notice that Tragasai had been used a few lines earlier for a different sort of pun: the ethnic Tqacasa?a (808) is bestowed by Dikaiopolis on woiq¸(a), the daughters of the Megarian visitor to his market, who are disguised as pigs, as the hero notices their appetite for food. The pun in this case is on tqace?m ‘to eat’, which is confirmed by the Megarian’s response )kk( oqw· p²sar jat´tqacom t±r Qsw²dar (‘they didn’t eat all the figs’). It is possible that Tragasai was thought to have a funny sound, that made it appropriate for use in comic puns. 174 The same joke is present in Ar. fr. 443. Cf. the use of the personal name V÷mor (Eq. 1256) and the place-name V\mai (Av. 1694). Vasiamij|r (Av. 68, see under Birds p. 116 n. 519) is a rather different joke (about the bird vasiam|r). 175 Cf. Olson’s note (2002: 258). 176 See further Olson 2002: 284. 177 The others are Tqac^kior, Tqac_sjor, Tqacon_dar and Tq\cym, with no more than one or two attestations each, at various places, from the fourth to the first century (LGPN). The allusion to a foreign toponym may have the further offensive implication that the poet was not a real Athenian (Olson 2002: 285).

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Soon afterwards another visitor, a Boiotian, arrives on stage, followed by a group of Theban pipers. Their music annoys Dikaiopolis, who calls them Waiqid/r (866), ‘offsprings of Chairis’. This implies a mockery of the musician Chairis, notorious for his poor skills.178 He was previously mentioned at 16 in similar derogatory terms. The Deqj´tgr of 1028 is baffling both as a name and as a character. Though apparently a peasant, he is strangely excluded from Dikaiopolis’ peace, which (as we have seen)179 may suggest a real person, probably a war supporter or somebody guilty of a misdeed. There is indeed evidence for a Derketes of Phyle in 407 (LGPN IIA); the Aristophanic Derketes may have been his father or an older relative.180 The context, which alludes to eyes and vision (t¡vhakl½ 1027, 1029), implies that the poet has exploited the name’s derivation from d´qjolai ‘see’, all the more since the name is apparently delayed (for about ten lines) and then given at the most appropriate place, in between two lines of referring to the harm that crying has done to the man’s eyes.181 It is true that names from this semantic field could be categorial; cf. the very similar Deqj}kor (V. 78),182 and Bk]puqor, the name of a main figure in Ecclesiazusae. But the possibility that the name Derketes was meant here as the designation of a comic type is made less likely by the historically attested name-deme combination; and it is noteworthy that Blepyros, too, is a potential speaking name.183 As the action of the play is brought to an end, the wounded Lamachos arrives. In his pain, he exclaims: Y½ Q½ Pai±m Pai²m (1212), a name that is applied to various divinities of healing. As Dikaiopolis celebrates a feast in honour of Dionysos, he responds that the day’s festival is not the Pai~mia (1213). There is no evidence to support the Scholia’s explanation of Paionia as an Athenian festival, perhaps dedicated to Apollo.184 It is more reasonable to assume that Dikaiopolis invents a festival 178 179 180 181

Sommerstein 1980: 159, Olson 2002: 71. Above, n. 96. See MacDowell 1983: 159. Cf. L.Parker 1991: 206 and Olson 2002: 325. See Russo 1994: 35. Though the vocabulary there is derived from a different root, its sense is relevant enough to be connected with the name. 182 See further under Wasps, pp. 85 – 6. 183 Cf. Paganelli 1978/9: 231 – 5 and Sommerstein 1998: 168. 184 Cf. Parker 2005: 456.

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name, in honour of a god of healing, for a comic word-play on Pai²m that gives him the opportunity to spite his defeated opponent.185

1.6 Uncertain cases An addition should be made to the harvest of significant names from the play’s opening scene if pq¸ym (36) is meant as a proper name. It is certainly part of a versatile word-play: while the word, morphologically a noun or a participle of pq¸y ‘to saw’, would normally have the meaning ‘saw’ or ‘sawyer’,186 the two pq¸y (imperatives, ‘buy!’) of 34 – 5 indicate that the street-sellers, shouting ‘buy!’, and not the sawyers, are meant by pq¸ym.187 Lotz in 1866 initiated the proper name interpretation, but Sommerstein remains the only editor to have printed it as a name.188 Preference for a name is supported by the poet’s fondness for significant proper names,189 the fact that joke-names are bound to sound more comic than mere participles, and the ending -¸ym, which was quite common for proper names. In the end it was up to the audience to make the choice. The slave girl Thratta is said to come from vekke}r (273), which signifies poor and rocky land.190 This could be seen as a joke reference to humble

185 Sommerstein 1980: 214. 186 Cf. Rennie 1909: 95. A similar word-play (this time between a participle and a place-name) was discussed for 234 – 6 (Bakk^made – b\kkym), cf. Peace 453 – 4 (pai~m – pa_eim). 187 The difference in quantity of the i between pq¸ym and pq¸y does not affect the joke, see Van Leeuwen 1909: 14. Sommerstein (1980: 159) proposed an interpretation that combines the normal and invented use of the word, assuming a pun on the trader’s cries, meant to attract prospective buyers, and presumably as unpleasant as that of a saw (pq¸ym); this may have occurred to some among the audience. Olson (2002: 79), who does not favour a proper name, has two further interesting but highly unlikely suggestions: that pq¸ym alludes to julimopq_stgr ‘skinflint’, implying the meaning ‘there was no need to live so frugally’, or to the sawing of ships’ timbers as a metaphor for someone ‘who grinds = destroys another little by little’. 188 1980: 159. He translates ‘Mr Buysome’. A character name was also assumed by Peppler 1921: 159. 189 Cf. Starkie 1909: 18. 190 As has been shown by Dover 1968: 103, who also mentioned evidence for the possibility that the genitive Vekk]yr was used to mean (land) belonging to (an

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origins that would suit her slave status, though a pun on the preceding V\kgr (and vakk|r) is also possible. Although some editors print a noun (Wilson, Coulon, Sommerstein), a proper name (perhaps a mock name for a real Athenian district) is equally, if not more likely (cf. Scholia [an eqor], Hall-Geldart, LSJ). This is equally true for Nu. 71, where it appears as the name of the area where Strepsiades’ father was active as a shepherd (although only Hall-Geldart printed a proper name).191 In the end, it would be up to the audience to make the choice. Thratta is also given a patronymic, Stqulod~qou, which may be relevant to the vekke}r joke. This occurs as a name for Aristophanic characters also in V. 233 and Lys. 259 and is otherwise attested only in D. 36.28 – 9 (LGPN IIIA), where it apparently belongs to a banker from Aigina. It has been assumed that the name implied an Aiginetan,192 but we cannot exclude the possibility that it was also used by Athenians (the Strymodoros of Wasps is from the small Attic deme Konthyle).193 The combination with Thratta ‘Thracian’ in the present context may allude to the river Strymon, which in Aristophanes’ time was considered to be part of Thrace, where gold, silver and timber were produced;194 an attentive audience would perhaps hear a contrast with the poverty implied by vekke}r. The name of Sila_ha (524), a courtesan allegedly favoured by Alkibiades, is worth a comment, although it does not appear to be particularly significant in this context. She may well be a historical person: the name is attested for three other women in the hellenistic period, two from Athens and one from Megara (LGPN). It is also found in later literature (Theoc. 2.101, 114), probably for a courtesan, while S_lg (Herod. 1.89) is used as a prostitute’s name. Simos was used as a

191 192 193 194

unidentifiable) Phelleus. There are three attestations of the personal name in Athens in the classical period (LGPN IIA). Dover (1968: 103) saw it as suggestive of typical country life, but see Holden (19022 s.v. Vekke}r, with bibliography) for an identification with a real Attic mountain. Thus Henderson 1987: 101. See Sommerstein 1983: 170, who draws attention to two relevant fragmentary names from Athens, Stqulo- (IG I2 936.3) and Stqul- (fourth century, SEG XVI 129). Cf. Olson 2002: 151. Strymodoros is of course derived from Strymon (a perfectly good theophoric name, along the lines of Kephisodoros, Hermodoros, Kaikodoros etc., cf. Parker 2000: 58). It is perhaps connected to the foundation of Amphipolis in 437.

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slave-name at Athens, and Sima is attested for a slave already in Mycenaean.195 Perhaps such names were seen as appropriate familiar sobriquets for hetaerae, more teasing than complimentary, as sil|r meant ‘snub-nosed’. The suffix –a_ha, which is common enough in personal names (masc. –aihor, cf. S_laihor), expresses the notion of shine, brilliance (cf. p\maihor ‘all-blazing’). The name may have had the value of a sobriquet for someone whose nose was snub and shiny at the same time,196 possibly through the use of make-up. An ambiguity is felt in spoudaqw¸dgr, stqatym¸dgr, lishaqw¸dgr (595 – 7). If these are proper names, then the clash between Dikaiopolis and Lamachos is enriched with a second instance of an accumulated use of comic names, at a distance of only six lines from the group of 603 – 6. Just as with the names there, the amusing compounds of 595 – 7 all allude to the sort of citizens mocked by the hero as a defender of peace: the man who actively seeks elective office (spoudaqw¸dgr), the one who is after the big salaries of war-related posts (lishaqw¸dgr); the one obsessed with military matters (stqatym¸dgr). These are commonly printed with small initials, but their relation to proper names is too obvious to be ignored.197 A personal name Stqatym_dgr is attested at Athens (ten times, mostly from the fourth century, LGPN IIA),198 and both spoudaqw¸dgr and lishaqw¸dgr are convincing as name forms: Spoud_ar was common in Athens in the classical period, and a noun spoudaqw_ar

195 Fragiadakis 1986: 369, Masson vol. 1: 11, 21 n. 8; Solin 1996 (vol. 2): 400 (Simus, Sima, Simo; alongside other names alluding to the meaning stqab|r, e. g. Strabaena and Grypus). 196 See Bechtel 1917: 24 – 5; 1898: 26, cf. Masson vol. 1: 87 and n. 1. Gow (1950 [vol. 2]: 54, on Theoc. 2.101) thought possible that it had erotic suggestions, but interestingly lists a number of other feminine names in –aiha from Theocritus, borne by animals: Jissa_ha, Jula_ha, Jima_ha (goats and calves – perhaps for shiny hair or face/eyes?). The masculine form Kinaithon is attested as a hapax for the name of a cyclic poet (RE s.v. [Rzach]). Simaitha also occurs as the name of an Attic trireme (IG II2 1604, 1607, 1611). 197 Van Leeuwen’s (1901: 105) treatment of them reflects the dilemma quite well; although he prints them as nouns, he discusses them mostly as names. Sommerstein (1980: 93) thought them to be ‘suggestive of personal names’ and translates them accordingly: ‘Mr Placehunter, Mr Combatant, Mr Wellpaid-post’ respectively (literally: Son of…). 198 This is perhaps the reason it is used here instead of a more morphologically harmonious option, stqataqw_dgr.

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(‘placeman’, see LSJ s.v.) may be read at X. Smp. 1.4.199 lish- was used as a first element in compound names: Lish|dijor (third century?, LGPN IIA), the earlier Lish_dar (fifth century, Tanagra, LGPN IIIB), and L_shor (Cyprus, early fourth century, LGPN I); and the patronymic ending -aqw¸dgr was not uncommon (there are some seventeen examples from Attica).200 The effect of the three (probable) names is enhanced by their analogy and the comic rhyming.201 One final specimen of slander that may involve a proper name presents itself with t¹m xaj²dor (1150), ‘son of sputter’, according to the Scholia a nickname for Antimachos who sputtered when speaking. Wilson preferred a noun (thus also Hall-Geldart), presumably due to the acute accent, as personal names in –ar are usually treated as perispomena of the first declension.202 However, onomastic evidence203 and the combination of article and genitive (cf. t¹m Coqc\sou 1131, t¹m S]kkou V. 325, t¹m Sjekk¸ou Av. 126) strongly suggest a personal name, and indeed a comic formation can deviate from linguistic rules (in other words, the context may suggest a personal name, even if not of the exact form ex199 spoudaqw_air, Dindorf’s emendation of the MSS spoud\qwair. The two words, however, have the same meaning; a different reading, spomd\qwair, is supported in an article under preparation by Melina Tamiolaki. 200 See Reverse Index to LGPN IIA. Hence there is no reason for Meineke’s conjecture lishaqm¸dgr (from l_shaqmor ‘hired servant’). spoudaqw¸dgr may have occurred as a common noun but we know only of one uncertain case, Eup. fr. 248. In some cases patronymic endings may be used in common nouns ioculariter, cf. Ra. 841 – 2 stylukiosukkejt\dg and Najiosuqqapt\dg, but these do not have the sound of proper names. 201 Cf. Sommerstein 1980: 186. The alleged use of jkept_dgr by Pherecrates (fr. 252) implies that comic patronymics were popular with other comic writers too. More extravagant examples of this kind are found in Plautus, cf. Mil. 14: Bumbomachides, Clutomestoridysarchides (emended into Clutomistharnikarchides which, if correct, may suggest the Aristophanic Mistharchides as a model). 202 See the examples in Chandler 18812 : 8 – 10, but ibid.: 178 for some examples from the third declension. Such names are common in Asia Minor (though admittedly not in Attica) from the fourth century. 203 xaj²r (B) ‘rain-drop’ (e. g. Arist. Mete. 347 a 11) and the later (Ionic) form xej²r were used as personal names. The latter is attested in the imperial imperiod (six times, S.Italy, LGPN IIIA, only one of which is masculine and should be accented Xej÷r). Xaj÷r occurs in S.Italy, first century BC-first century AD (LGPN IIIA; Lat. Histius Psacas). An ikulpi|mijor jako}lemor Xaj÷r is mentioned by the Scholia (of uncertain date, if a real person, cf. LGPN IIIA). A similar name, Xajad¸ar, is attested in fourth century Thessaly (LGPN IIIB).

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pected in real life). Coulon, Sommerstein and Olson indeed print Xaj\dor. This Antimachos (perhaps primarily attacked here as a woqgc|r for his ill-treatment of the chorus) is otherwise unknown; the name appears again in Nu. 1022, but the Scholia there may imply a different person.204 A few lines later the angry chorus express hope that Antimachos will be attacked by a iq]stgr laim|lemor (1166 – 8). The name Orestes has been seen as a symbol of madness, a nickname for anyone of wicked or insane behaviour, on account of the hero Orestes who killed his mother and was driven mad by the Furies.205 The fact that in the early fourth century it was used as a nickname for a Diokles of Phlya, accused of murder and other crimes (Is. 8.3, 40 – 46), may seem to support this view. Attempts to identify a real individual called or nicknamed Orestes are inconclusive, despite the fact that the name was evidently very unusual.206 The name’s occurrence in a fragment of Eupolis (*179), together with Marpsias as names of cronies of Kallias, suggests that the two had a similar function, probably as nicknames for particular individuals in this context,207 but likely to have acquired generic significance (cf. the recurrence of the name Orestes in Av. 712, 1482 – 93).

204 On the Scholia’s inconclusive treatment of this homonymity see Halliwell 1984: 87 – 8. 205 Olson 2002: 351. 206 Only three attestations at Athens (LGPN IIA). See also Dunbar’s discussion (1995: 451 – 4) of the name’s literary occurrences. 207 Thus Sommerstein (1980: 211). Sch. Av. 1484b mentions a father’s name for Orestes, Timokrates.

2 Knights 2.1 Agorakritos and Paphlagon The most prominent feature of Knights, which was produced in the following year (424), is a large-scale satirical attack on the politician Kleon. There are two major points of onomastic interest: first, the late-naming of the central character, the latest in all Aristophanic comedies; second, the contrasted significant naming of the two main figures, Agorakritos and Paphlagon. In an allegorical setting, the principal character, a seller at the market, is asked by the slaves of a man called Demos (a personification of the Athenian people) to help oust an uncongenial fellow-slave named Paphlagon (‘a thin disguise for Kleon’208). The central character is known to the audience throughout the play as the Sausage-Seller (!kkamtop~kgr), and only at the end of the play (1257 – 8) does he give himself a personal name: )coq²jqitor. DGL. AK.

(Elo· d´ c’ f ti soi toumol’ eUp’. )coq²jqitor· 1m t!coqø c±q jqimºlemor 1bosjºlgm.

Obviously the name is etymologically significant, but although its components are easily recognisable, its sense is not. This is partly because of the double sense of !coq² (‘market-place’ or ‘assembly’), both suitable for the name in different ways, but mainly because of the difficulties that emerge from the characterisation of the figure of Agorakritos. The character’s own explanation of his name in 1258 (1m t!coqø caq jqimºlemor 1bosjºlgm) is hard to interpret. It may appropriately reflect his capacity as a seller at the market (!coq² ‘market’), from which he has always made his living (b|sjolai ‘to be fed or nurtured’).209 However, jq¸molai may also mean ‘to dispute’ (e. g. Il. 2.385, Hdt. 3.120.2, Ar. Nu. 66), and the name could be understood as ‘dispu208 Thus Dover 1972: 89. 209 Hence the interpretation offered by Pohlenz (1951 – 2: 126), ‘der auf dem Markt Grossgewordene’ (cf. Eq. 181 j!n !coq÷r eW ; 218 !c|qaior eW ; especially 293 (Em !coqø j!c½ t´hqallai).

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tant at the market-place’ (b|sjolai can also be used metaphorically).210 But at the end of the play the initial sausage-seller role is cast aside and the hero assumes a new part, that of a political figure. In the name Agorakritos, !coq² would then come closer to its more archaic sense, ‘popular assembly’, and the element -jqitor (from jq_molai ‘to be chosen’) would reflect the fact that the hero is elected to be the people’s champion. Therefore, when Agorakritos’ explanation of his name was heard, the audience would have detected the alternative meaning ‘chosen by the popular assembly’.211 It is perhaps no coincidence that the two other occasions the name is heard in the play (1259 and 1335) it is spoken by Demos, the character who can most appreciate its significance. A changeable meaning is quite possible for Aristophanic names, which are often marked by deliberate ambiguity and are made comprehensible by the context (cf. the earlier discussed Dikaiopolis, and below, Peisetairos). The apparent flexibility of the meaning of Agorakritos’ name is further justified by the development in the character. The Sausage-Seller’s initial fear of his opponent and of the proposed task (to take Paphlagon’s place in the service of Demos) is replaced (after the chorus’ entry, 247 ff.) by courage, and he shows determination to claim a political role. The Agorakritos of the end of the play has a quite different role from the one at the beginning, and the name may well suit both.212 If the name was meant to have two meanings, it might be asked why only one is made explicit in the play. However, the second significance is brought out by the name being withheld for so long. The practice of 210 Thus Sommerstein 1981: 209, cf. Landfester 1967: 98 ‘der auf dem Markt sich streitende’. 211 See Sommerstein 1981: 209 and Pohlenz (1952: 125 f., followed by Landfester 1967: 99 f.) who offers as a second meaning: ‘der in der Volksversammlung erprobte’ (cf. A.Bowie 1993: 56 – 7 ‘he who was tested in the agora’), on which see below. Landfester (1967: 100) rightly suggests that this second meaning is a more natural one, and that the hero’s explanation constitutes a ‘ein wenig gewaltsame Deutung’ – perhaps a deliberate comic paradox? 212 Keil (1912: 266 – 8), who saw in the name only a negative significance, falsely assumed that at Aristophanes’ time !coq² only had the negative connotations associated with the ‘market’. While it is true that by the end of the fifth century the function of the Athenian agora was affected by the vicissitudes of the city’s politics, it is clear that the term continued being used with the sense of assembly, place of assembly and civic centre; see S. Tr. 638, Pi. I. 8. 26a; X. An. 5.7.3, Aeschin. 3.27, and Ar. Ec. 681. Cf. Martin 1951: 300 ff. Note also how Nttym K|cor (Worse Argument) plays on the term’s changes of meaning (Nu. 1057 with Dover 1968: 225).

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late naming213 suggests that the name becomes operative and is therefore spoken when it may express the character’s achievement, which earns him a new identity. In the case of Agorakritos, it seems that the name appears and is explained when the hero has fulfilled his purpose and as soon as he becomes fully conscious of his social function, past and present. A.Bowie214 rightly considers the announcement of the name to mark the changed status of the character as a winner: he becomes pqost²tgr (‘leading citizen’) of Demos (with the -jqitor element introducing a sense of achievement, as it implies the process of being tested by the people before winning over their favour). Until that point, Agorakritos was a nobody, very much like Odysseus in the Kyklops episode, only revealing his name after he manages to escape the Kyklops (Od. 9.364 – 7, 502 – 5). It should be stressed, however, that such a positive meaning is not wholly consistent with the moral aspect of the hero’s character. Agorakritos remains, almost to the end, a gross flatterer of Demos, just as much a caricature of unscrupulous politicians as his opponent, Paphlagon;215 after all, this kind of personality is so common in politicians that it might be considered a prerequisite for a political role, as the poet ironically remarks (178 – 94). The positive echo of the name must have thus initially included an ironic hint: the one chosen by the people – another bad choice! Only towards the end of the play, in the exodos (especially 1335 ff.) does the hero reveal a better side. He admonishes Demos and appears to have no further selfish intentions, thus eventually living up to the positive meaning of his name.216 The name’s historical use may have added to that positive meaning. It appears to have been extremely rare at

213 See Introduction pp. 12 – 3. 214 1993: 56; see above, n. 211. 215 See most characteristically 328 – 32, 634 – 5 (his prayer to the gods of theft and fraud); the Sausage-Seller, like his opponent, is guilty of theft (e. g. 828 – 9, 1145 – 7, 1203, 1252). See also 684 – 7, 777 ff. (the second epirrhematic agon). Note in particular that when he shows an ability to create disorder and unrest, similar to that of Paphlagon, it is considered a mark of success (835 – 40; cf. 889). 216 This self-contradictory picture of the hero’s character may be explained as one of the contradictions that can appear ‘when we try to push to extremes both satire on the style of democratic politics and an expression of faith in the intelligence and integrity of of ordinary people’, in Dover’s perceptive interpretation (1972: 99).

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Athens,217 but it was borne by somebody who must have been well known in Athens at that time: the Parian sculptor, a disciple of Pheidias, famous for his statue of the Nemesis at Rhamnous.218 Agorakritos is not the only name associated with the Sausage-Seller. To the chorus’ plea for an account of the hero’s performance against Paphlagon before the Council, the hero responds with the line (615): AK.

T¸ d’ %kko c’ eQ lµ Mij|boukor 1cemºlgm.

Mij|boukor initially sounds rather like a title, earned by the hero through his winning performance against Paphlagon at the Council. However, no such adjective existed, so the audience must have understood it as a comic twist to the meaning of the common proper name (too common to reveal the comic abuse of a particular real individual), with an appropriate pun on bouk^, the place of the hero’s victory.219 Nikoboulos has the sound of an analogy to Agorakritos (one compound contains boule, the other has agora) and may be felt as a foretaste of the hero’s final achievement which contributes to the justification of his definitive name.

The name Agorakritos with its serious and positive sense is a sharp contrast with Pavkac¾m (heard from very early in the play, l.2), the choice of which was purely jocular. Paphlagon can be explained in two main ways: most obviously as an ethnic, ‘man from Paphlagonia’, a known source of slaves;220 secondly, as a pun on pavk²fei, meaning ‘he who 217 There is only one example in LGPN IIA, from the imperial period. Notably names with !coq² as a first component were not common in Attica (the only other example is )c|qamdqor and he was a metic [late fifth century, see LGPN IIA]), while they were more common in the Aegean islands. On the other hand, names ending in –jqitor were common (Eqh}jqitor, Dgl|jqitor, )qist|jqitor have the most numerous attestations). 218 See LGPN I and Boardman 1985: 176, 207. 219 Cf. the Scholium, !ste¸yr d³ j´wqgtai t` sumh´t\ amºlati. All modern editors (with the exception of Van Leeuwen) print a proper name. Neil (1901: 92) was right in seeing a similarity to the function of the name Kusil\wg in Peace 991 – 2 (kOsom d³ l²war ja· joqjoquc²r, / Vma Kusil²wgm se jak_lem). 220 It is unclear whether this should also be read as mockery of the Paphlagonian people (for any reason other than that they were not Greek), as the use of the plural form (6, 199) might also suggest. A.Bowie’s survey of their place in ancient tradition shows that they were not blamed for any particular faults except for the stereotypical barbaric ‘otherness’ (1993: 59, despite A.Bowie’s

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is on the boil’ (cf. 919, *mµq pavk²fei% paOe paO’% / rpeqf´ym7; the metaphor is from the boiling pot).221 The first meaning is the one that would initially occur to the audience, until the character’s depiction (especially 919) suggested the second sense. The name was presumably chosen for its wide range of connotations. Both meanings unmistakeably point to the politician Kleon hiding – but very transparently so – behind the name. As one of the slaves remarks (230 – 3), he is easily recognisable even without a portrait-mask bearing his facial features, which no mask maker dared to make. Pavkac¾m was a likely name for a barbarian slave222 (slaves at Athens were mainly barbarians), and Kleon seems to have fallen victim to the insult that he was of foreign (barbarian) origin (cf. V. 1220 – 1, …Jk]ym / n]mor tir).223 pavk\fy has a range of usages, all of which suit Kleon: the meaning ‘seething’ expresses his forceful character, from which Aristophanes himself has suffered (Ach. 377 – 82). Thucydides indeed depicts him as a loud and violent orator (3.36.6). Loudness is a frequent manifestation of Kleon in the play224 and is associated with violence and disturbance,225 which is relevant to ‘seething’. pavk\fy is not unconnected with sound, as it is used of the wind to mean ‘to storm’,

221 222

223

224 225

own view). Lewis’ hypothesis (1977: 20 – 1) that the name was meant to evoke the Paphlagonian eunuch Artoxares, king-maker for Darius II, appears uncertain in view of the fact that no Greek source other than Ctesias of Knidos, whose Persica were published in the early fourth century (Lenfant 2004: xxiii-xxiv), seems to know of him (FGrH 688 frr. 14 – 15; Lenfant 2004: 132 – 3, 137, 139). The joke is repeated in Peace 313 – 5 (after Kleon’s death): Eqkabe?sh´ mum 1je?mom t¹m j²tyhem J´qbeqom% / lµ pavk²fym ja· jejqac½r ¦speq Bm¸j’ 1mh²d’ Gm. Cf. the slave-name Pavkacym_dgr (on an inscription from Chios of the classical period, Robert 1938: 119 A, 11 – 12) and Strabo’s testimony (7.3.12, 304) on the naming of slaves in Attica; see also Appendix 2 on Aristophanic slavenames. An accusation commonly used in politics, e. g. by Aeschines against Demosthenes (making use of a rumour that his mother was of Scythian origin, 3.171 – 2). Demosthenes claimed that Aeschines’ father was a former slave (18.129). However, Davies (1971: 318) may be right in suspecting that there was more to the extensive mockery of Kleon as a Paphlagonian – perhaps a cult, administrative or marital association (nothing is known of his ancestors). See 272 – 6, 304, 311, 487, 864, 1018. Most of the vocabulary used is relevant to jq\fy ‘croak’, and generally ‘cry’, which may further contribute to the denigration of Kleon as it is associated with an animal sound (the raven’s cry). E.g. 309 – 10, tµm pºkim ûpasam Bl_m !matetuqbaj¾r ; cf. 363; 430 – 1, 626 ff., 691 – 4, 868.

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‘bluster’. Commonly used in Homer for sea waves, it also means ‘to bubble’, ‘froth’;226 an alternative meaning like ‘bubbler’ may suitably allude to Kleon’s superficiality and untrustworthiness as a politician. The force of the joke is emphasised by the fact that Pavkac¾m occurs frequently, occasionally in word-plays (cf. buqsopavkac¾m, 47), while Kleon’s real name is heard only once (976).227 Like Agorakritos, Paphlagon too receives an alternative appellation (1042 – 4): PA. DGL.

7Evqafem b heºr soi sav_r s]feim 1l´· 1c½ c±q !mt· toO k´omtºr eQl¸ soi. Ja· p_r l’ 1kek¶heir )mtik´ym cecemgl´mor.

Antileon too functions as a comic title, evidently ironic, and naturally suggested by Paphlagon’s designation of his role as like a lion’s (which is his explanation of the oracle he reads out to Demos regarding the nature of the latter’s prospective saviour, 1037 – 9). But more than being the product of a word-play, Antileon was used as a personal name in real life, though rarely at Athens.228 The only famous Antileon was an ancient tyrant of Chalkis,229 and perhaps Demos’ ironic response hinted at the awful possibility that Paphlagon might become a tyrant.230

226 LSJ s.v. As it is relevant to both sound and water, the meaning of Paphlagon appears particularly close to the phrase Jujkob|qou vymµm 5wym (137). Kykloboros was a noisy stream in Attica; cf. Ach. 381 j!jujkobºqei (also for Kleon, in the context of the poet’s treatment by the politician after the Babylonians) with Olson 2002: 173 – 4. 227 Notably in the context of an ode where hostility to him is very explicit: Cm Jk´ym !pºkgtai. Rogers (1910b: 136) suggested that Aristophanes inserted Kleon’s name here in the hope that the ode might function independently of the play, perhaps as a popular song at symposia (like the song about the wrestler Krios, Nu. 1356). 228 Three attestations in total: one classical and two hellenistic (LGPN IIA). 229 Arist. Pol. 1216 a; RE s.v. Antileon (3) (Kirchner). 230 See Lloyd-Jones 1975: 197 and Sommerstein 1981: 199. InV. 1232 – 5 Kleon is comically compared to Pittakos. See also below, on the Byrsine-Myrsine joke, which implies a connection between the politician and the Peisistratidai. Björk’s hypothesis (1940: 31 – 5) that Antileon meant ‘opponent of Leon’, a political adversary of Kleon who went on to support Nikias’ peace, is not convincing. Leon was too common a name and the politician Leon was not prominent enough.

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It seems clear that both names and alternative appellations of the two main characters, who constitute two opposed forces, are significant and are intended to contrast the worthlessness of the one with the positive abilities of the other.231

2.2 Demos The identity of the master of the two ‘slaves’, whose favour they both attempt to win throughout the play, is given away by his name, D/lor, an obvious representation of the Athenian people and the third most important character in the play. The allegorical use of the name (felt also in the demotic Pujm¸tgr, 42 ‘citizen of the Pnyx’, the place of the people’s Assembly)232 coexists with its possible function as a real name. Demos was an unusual name at Athens; there is a total of four attestations (LGPN IIA),233 one of which seems to have a particular relevance. A Demos, son of Pyrilampes, a young contemporary of Aristophanes, apparently quite famous for his beauty, judging by the numerous references to him in literature (Ar. V. 97 – 9, Pl. Grg. 481 d; we do not know his age, but it becomes clear from Wasps that he was not yet an adult).234 Considering that Knights (424) was produced only two years earlier than Wasps, this Demos was probably already known to the audience, which might have made the connection between the figure in the comedy and the real Athenian. This connection probably occurred to the audience at 732 – 40, when both Paphlagon and Sausage-Seller claim to be 1qasta¸ of Demos (what they really are is demagogues); this idea appears again at 1162 – 3 when Demos refers to the pair of them as 1qasta¸. The real youth, although in every other respect unlike 231 A.Bowie’s (1993: 59) view of the contrast between Agorakritos and Paphlagon as a battle of the kind that features in succession myths suggests that it is structured in a way that was familiar to ancient audiences (but the view of Paphlagon as ‘a good substitute for Typhoeus’ is far-fetched). 232 Perhaps coined by the poet by analogy with Areopagites (the two hills were close), as noted by Peppler 1921: 152 – 3. The combination is certainly meant as a comic allusion to real-life name-ethnic pairs such as Pqytac|qar )bdgq_tgr. 233 Two are from the fifth and fourth centuries, and two from the hellenistic-imperial period. 234 For more on this Demos see MacDowell 1971: 143 – 4, Sommerstein 1983: 160 – 1, and RE s.v. Demos (3) (Kirchner).

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Aristophanes’ character, was probably coaxed and flattered (by a lover) in the same way as the Demos of the play.235 The flattery of the comic Demos is reflected in the hypocoristic form Dglaj_diom (823). This is a complex formation, with two suffixes: -òn (but a personal name D^lan is unattested) and the hypocoristic termination –idiom.236 The suffix -òn (like –ar, on which see below in connection with the name Konnas) is known to have been used in the formation of various sobriquets, and must have had a rather pejorative sense.237 Thus the combination of suffixes ensures that the name sounds mockingly affectionate. The name Demos inspires a compound participle, invented by the poet to criticise Paphlagon’s treatment of Demos. jqousidgl_m (859, as if from a verb jqousidgl]y), spoken at a self-conscious moment by Demos himself, must mean ‘cheat in political affairs’, by analogy with jqousiletqe?m ‘cheat in selling grain by knocking the measuring vessel and spilling part of the contents’ (cf. Pherecr. fr. 110). At 954 dgloO boe_ou (cf. V. 89) also puns on the name. dgl|r ‘fat’ (here of beef), sounding almost identical to Demos, formed part of the seal on Demos’ ring (‘a leaf of beef-fat stuffing’), which was the symbol of his power and trust. This is clearly meant to mock the people’s gluttony.238

235 See Sommerstein 1981: 181. 236 Cf. Dgl_diom (725, 1199). The discussion goes back to Van Leeuwen (1900: 151). See also Neil (1901: 120) and Sommerstein (1981: 188). 237 See Masson vol. 1: 48. Examples from real life include Stq\ban (from stqab|r ‘squint-eyed’), the name of two Athenian sculptors of the fourth and first centuries (LGPN IIA), S}qvan, an Ephesian’s name (Arr. An. 1.17.12 [fourth century], Bechtel 1917: 513; a noun s}qvan is found in Ar. V. 673 = suqvet|r ‘mob’, ‘rabble’) and St}ppan (another sculptor, from fifth century Cyprus, LGPN I; from stup(p)e?om ‘tow’; on noun st}ppan in Ar. fr. 716 = stuppeiop~kgr, see below p. 195, n. 5). These names almost certainly originated from sobriquets. Chantraine (1963: 21) however noted the difficulty in recognising all occurrences of the suffix that arises from the often unknown quantity of the a. 238 A word-play between bºeior dglºr and the noun d/lor is found in V. 40 – 1. The Scholia suggest that Demos’ appetite for beef implies stupidity, as beef was said to harm the mind.

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2.3 Other joke-names in the satire of Kleon A variety of proper names, spread across the play, are inspired by the predominant theme of Kleon’s comic abuse and contribute to it. Early in the play, an instance of gross mockery of Kleon, voiced by one of Demos’ slaves, culminates in the lines (78 – 9): b pqyjtºr 1stim aqtºwqgl’ 1m W²osim, t½ we?q’ 1m AQtyko?r, b moOr d’ 1m Jkypid_m.

The lines are reminiscent of Ach. 603 – 6, but the onomastic joke is on a smaller scale: comic accumulation is present, but there are three names instead of six. The meaning of the joke is that the politician is responsible for a broad range of indecent acts and thoughts, expressed metaphorically by the association of parts of his body with ethnic names that are etymologically suggestive of these indecencies. W²osim repeats a joke already found in Ach. 604 but without an allusion to the homonymous Epirote tribe. The similarity in sound to wa_meim/w\sjeim implies that the line was probably heard as synonymous with b pqyjtºr w\sjei, which is close to the sense of bime?shai and is therefore suggestive of passive homosexuality.239 The joke, directed against Kleon, is of stereotypical character and unlikely to be founded on real accusations.240 Another joke-ethnic that appears later in the play is etymologically relevant and equally stereotypical: Jewgma_ym (1263) from j]wgma with an ending reminiscent of )hgma_ym241 is a joke on the sense of wa_meim/w\sjeim ‘gape’, ‘yawn’, which is used to express an attitude of stupidity and lack of critical thought in political life, of which the poet often accuses his fellow citizens (see 261, 755, 1032, 1119; cf. 395 – 6).242 239 Thus the Scholiast; cf. Eq. 380 – 1 jewgmºtor /t¹m pqyjt¹m andV. 1493 pqyjt¹r w²sjei. 240 See e. g. 877 (where Paphlagon claims that he persecuted passive homosexuals) with van Leeuwen 1900: 20. 241 See Sommerstein 1981: 209 and Neil 1901: 166. 242 At another occurrence of the verb (jew^m,, 804) it is suggested that this passivity and moral flabbiness (which becomes particularly striking in Demos’ response to the bribes of Sausage-Seller and Paphlagon, 868 ff.; cf. 1107 – 9) may be caused by the misery and deprivations which the conduct of dishonest politicans has inflicted on citizens. Such citizens are no longer capable of radical action to secure an honest administration, thus creating a vicious circle (805 – 8 suggest it may be broken when the prosperity associated with peace is restored).

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AQtyko_ are of course the residents of Aitolia in central Greece, but in this comically significant context, t½ we?q’ make it clear that the poet intended the similarity of the place name with aQt_ ‘ask for’, ‘beg’ to be heard.243 This matches the claim made by the same slave only a few lines earlier (65 – 6) that Kleon constantly asked for money.244 Jkyp?dai, alluding to jk~x (Gen. jkyp|r) ‘thief’, is meant as a mockery of the politician’s alleged rapaciousness, repeatedly alluded to in the play. Paphlagon snatches away the other slaves’ offerings to their master (52 – 4); he unjustly confiscates food (103);245 he consumes more than his share (258); he steals from the city’s income (824 – 7) and from other cities (438, cf. 801 – 2); he is threatened with more than a thousand lawsuits on grounds of theft (444). Such behaviour earns him the nicknames !cjukow^kgr ‘with crooked claws’ (204) and W\qubdim "qpac/r (248). He even makes some comic confessions of guilt (296, 1226, 1252). The demotic Klopidai was perhaps inspired by a homonymous village near Aphidna.246 It must also have sounded like a comic distortion of the more familiar Attic deme-name Jqyp?dai.247

The use of the name Buqs¸mg (449) has a double purpose. First, the connection with b¼qsa ‘leather’ alludes to the tanning trade, which was Kleon’s family business (e. g. 44, doOkom, buqsod´xgm Pavkacºma ; this combined two jokes, cf. the already mentioned buqsopavkac¾m, 47).248 Kleon’s association with trade was often used by Aristophanes as the basis of jokes against him.249 This mockery however does not ap243 The ethnic is used in a similar word-play in an epigram (AP 5.63) attributed to Marcus Argentarius: )mticºmg, Sijekµ p²qor Gsh² loi· ¢r d’ 1cem¶hgr AQtyk¶, j!c½ L/dor Qdo» c´coma. The Scholia on Eup. fr. 439 interpret Cakgx|r as a joke directed at Kleon, from kabe?m, but the nickname is much more easily explained as a reference to the homonymous Thracian city captured by the politician (Th. 5.6.1). 244 … Pavkac½m d³ peqih´ym to»r oQj´tar / aQte?, taq²ttei, dyqodoje?… 245 A joke about Kleon’s involvement in the confiscation and exploitation of the property of falsely accused wealthy Athenians. Cf. the bakk\mtiom joke (707). 246 If so, this is the earliest reference to Klopidai; the earliest inscriptional evidence is believed to belong to the fourth century (Traill 1975: 90 – 1). 247 Traill 1975: 47, 90. 248 Cf. also Nu. 581: t¹m heo?sim 1whq¹m buqsod´xgm Pavkacºma (see further under Clouds, p. 76). 249 See more in MacDowell 1995: 81. Cf. the poet’s mockery of another leading politician, Hyperbolos, for being a lamp-maker (Peace 690). There are about fif-

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pear to draw on the real status of the politician’s family, who seem to have been wealthy and respectable.250 Second, the context (Buqs¸mgr t/r Zpp_ou) suggests a comic distortion of the name of the wife of the tyrant Peisistratos’ son Hippias. Her name is Luqq_mg in Thucydides (6.55.1); Hesychius has Myrsine,251 but this may be the result of the influence of the Aristophanic form. Regardless of the distortion, the original name would be guessed by the audience,252 and its mention, together with the accusation that Paphlagon’s grandfather was one of Byrsine’s bodyguards (447 – 9), constituted a comic (and historically unfounded) insult against Kleon’s family, who were made to appear connected with the tyrant.253 The comparison between Paphlagon-Kleon and the prostitutes Kynna and Salabakho (765) is equally denigrating. Both names can be significant: Salabakho may be chosen for its amusing etymological echo,254 but J}mma seems particularly relevant to the present context. Her name is mentioned also in Wasps 1032 and Peace 755, again at the expense of Kleon. It is otherwise unattested and may be a nickname for a hetaera: j}ym is another word for the penis according to Hesychius,255 one of the sex-related deities mentioned in Ar. fr. 325 has the name J}mmeior,256 and the phrase j}ma d]qeim dedaql]mgm ‘skin the skinned dog’ (Lys. 158, trans. Sommerstein257) refers to the erection of a penis. The use of j}ym as an insult for an impudent woman (from Homer on-

250

251 252 253 254 255 256 257

teen comic references to Kleon and the tanning business in Knights alone; see also 59, 104, 136, 197, 209, 314 – 21, 369, 740, 768, 852, 869, 892. See Davies 1971: 318, who notes that his father Kleainetos was victorious as a choregos for the tribe Pandionis in the men’s dithyramb at the Dionysia of 460/ 59. The family’s wealth must have come from a workshop of slave tanners, as mentioned in Sch. Eq. 44c. Vol.1 (Latte): 354, s.v. Buqs_mgr. luqq_mg is the Attic form (on the name see further under Lysistrata, pp. 132 – 3). A similar joke is found at 59, with buqs¸mg being used instead of luqs¸mg (‘myrtle-twig’ used as a fly-whisk). b¼qsa was apparently never used in real-life name formation. See Sommerstein 1981: 167 – 8. In fact, Kleon was connected by marriage with the family of the tyrannicide Harmodios (Davies 1971: 145, 320, 476 – 7). See also the above discussion of the name Antileon. On this name see under Thesmophoriazusae, pp. 152 – 3. Vol.2 (Latte): 555. See RE s.v. Kynnes (Hepding), where an association is suggested between Kynna and lat. cunnus ‘female genitals’ and, metonymically, ‘prostitute’. See also his relevant note, 1990: 163.

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wards, LSJ) may have added negative connotations, and it is not impossible that the name Kynna could be understood as ‘bitch’.258 In that sense it may introduce the mockery of Kleon as a dog; Paphlagon likens himself to a j}ma jaqwaq|domta in Eq. 1017 (see also 1023 ff.), a theme that recurs in Wasps and Peace (see below). The significant demotic !mµq Jºpqeior (899), ‘man from Shit-land’ (j|pqor ‘dung’, ‘filth’), contributes to a broader scatological joke (896 – 9) that ridicules Paphlagon’s efforts to please the people. It was meant to echo real place names, such as Kopros (a deme near Eleusis) and Kopria, the name of a Sicilian shore (Str. 6.2.3, 268).259 Kopreios appears again at Ec. 317, where it is used as a metonymy for bowelmovement. The scatological joke is immediately followed by the word-play puqqo_ – Puqq\mdqou (900 – 1). It is clear that P}qqamdqor (901) is meant to be comically significant, meaning ‘flame-coloured’, ‘red’: AK. DGL.

Oq c±q tºh’ rle?r bdeºlemoi d¶pou ’c´meshe puqqo¸. Ja· mµ D¸’ Gm ce toOto Puqq²mdqou t¹ lgw²mgla.

The name is employed in a similar word-play as Antileon; like Antileon,

it was used as a personal name in real life but was apparently not common,260 which made its effect as a nickname stronger. The joke, however, is hard to explain. If Kleon was the target, it would suit the context and heighten his mockery.261 Among other possibilities are that the

258 But see Masson vol. 2: 417 and n. 7 for possible Illyrian provenance (Kynna or Kynnana was the name of a daughter of Philip II and the Illyrian Audata [LGPN IV no. 1]). For the possibility of Greek/hellenised interpretation of a foreign name cf. Mania (under Frogs, pp. 169 – 70). 259 According to Strabo, so-named because of the fact that it receives the wreckage of ships destroyed in the deep of Charybdis. Strangely this root has produced personal names: according to the LGPN database a total of thirteen different names of which Jopq_a is the commonest (with fifteen attestations from the imperial period). A Jopqe}r is attested at Athens in the fifth century. 260 There are five attestations from Athens, all from the late fifth and fourth centuries (LGPN IIA), and no more than six in total from other regions. 261 Thus Rogers 1910b: 126 – 7, who connects P}qqamdqor with the mockery of Kleon as slave and to the slave-name Pyrrias (Puqq_ar, used by Aristophanes at Ra. 730). But the nickname does not have to refer to hair colour; the fact that there is no evidence of Kleon being red-haired (cf. Neil 1901: 129) is

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name belonged to an unknown komodoumenos (Sch. 901a), perhaps to someone who had become proverbial for his trickery.262 The Sausage-Seller distorts Paphlagon’s delusional image of himself as king into an image of a crowned charioteer persecuting a pair of homosexuals, Slij}hgm ja· j}qiom (969). This satirises Paphlagon’s previous claim that he purged the citizen lists of passive homosexuals (877). Slij}hgm clearly refers to a man,263 and its seemingly feminine form is meant to emphasise his effeminacy. Feminised forms of male names are also used elsewhere with a similar purpose (Nu. 677 – 92). Two nominative forms are possible for a masculine name: Slij}hgr and Sl_juhor. The latter, which probably was the normal form, finds seventy attestations in LGPN IIA out of a total of seventy-three in the whole LGPN database, proving that it had a strong Athenian character.264 Perhaps the name referred to a known homosexual, but because of its frequency at Athens it is difficult to identify a particular individual as the target.265 Apparently names starting with Slij(q)- (slijq|r, also lij|r = lijq|r) had a standard comic value: Sl_juhor occurs also in Ec. 293, and there is the similar Slijuh_ym (V. 401, Ec. 46) and Slijq_mgr of New Comedy (a character in Menander’s Aspis, Sikyonios and Epitrepontes). The antagonism between Sausage-Seller and Paphlagon finds further comic expression in the Bakis – Glanis pair. Ck²mir (1004) is the imagined name of an elder brother of the diviner Bakis,266 used by the Sausage-Seller as the authority for the oracles he claims to possess and as a comic counterpart to Bakis, who is the origin of Paphlagon’s oracles. Glanis has been thought to be formed by analogy with Bakis (B\jir),

262

263 264 265 266

no obstacle either, as redness is a result of bde|lemoi in the previous line (from shame – Sch. 900, or nausea – Sommerstein 1981: 192). Cf. Sommerstein 1981: 192. The phrase Puqq²mdqou lgw²mgla may have become proverbial for ‘cunning scheme’. It is worth noting the unlikely but insightful emendation Buqs\mdqou, proposed by Müller-Strübing; see Van Leeuwen 1900: 162. As noticed by the ancient Scholiast and modern commentators. The feminine form Slij}hg is only attested at Athens (eight examples, all from the classical period, LGPN IIA). Despite Sommerstein 1981: 195. Also mentioned at 123 – 4, Peace 1070 – 1, Av. 962 – 8; Hdt. 8.77, 96, 202. See OCD3 s.v. Bacis (F. Graf).

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and to have no particular significance.267 However, Glanis is not close enough to Bakis to be a mere analogical formation.268 The common noun ck²mir or ckam¸r, a fish-name (e. g. Arist. HA 568 a 25), suggests a more likely source. Sommerstein269 was probably right in thinking that the name, invented ‘on the spur of the moment’ (ck²mir/ckam¸r was never a source of real-life names), evoked the ridiculous meaning ‘catfish’. It may also include an ironic hint at Bakis’ credibility (diviners were often satirised by Aristophanes, see for example Nu. 332). The possibility of such a meaning is strengthened by the fact that one or two other Aristophanic names may also have fish-related meanings.270 A further joke directed at Kleon is found at 1082 – 3: AK.

Tµm to¼tou we?M 1po_gsem Jukk¶mgm aqh_r, bti¶ vgs(·“=lbake jukk0.”

Jukk^mg is best known as the name of an Arkadian mountain271 (and its

eponymous nymph); it was also the name of the harbour of Elis. It cannot be certain that the audience needed to make a choice among these possibilities,272 as the name is only mentioned here because of its phonetic similarity to jukk^ (adj. jukk|r ‘crooked’, ‘crippled’), found in the expression =lbake jukk0 (sub. weiq_) ‘put a little something in my twisted hand’,273 used in connection with begging274 and, ironically, for politicians and city officials who accepted bribes (cf. Th. 937,

267 Frohde 1898: 146, Neil 1901: 140. 268 Sommerstein (1981: 197) saw an assonance between the two names, and noted that Glanis begins with Gamma, which follows Beta in the alphabet. But it is doubtful that this would be noticed by the audience, when there is no overall striking similarity. 269 1981: 197. Cf. also Van Leeuwen 1900: 176. 270 Wqel}kor (Pl.) and Wq]lgr (Ec.). See further underWealth. 271 Famously regarded as the birthplace of the god Hermes, worshipped as Jukk^mior. See further RE s.v. Kyllene (1) (Latte), (2) (Pieske). 272 It has been argued that the poet had in mind the harbour of Elis; thus Rogers (1910b: 151 – 2, on the grounds that the harbour seems to have been involved in operations in the first years of the Peloponnesian war, cf. Th. 3.69.1, 76.1) followed by Sommerstein (1981: 202). 273 Thus translated by Sommerstein (1981). 274 Probably because beggars often had, or pretended to have, deformed hands. Neil (1901: 147) has ‘useless hand’, which suggests an inability to make a living by manual labour.

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where jo_kgm ‘hollow’ [we?qa] is used instead of jukk^m).275 Here it is used to mock Paphlagon’s efforts to extort money from everybody. It is possible, though not necessary, that the audience would hear a satirical meaning in the name V÷mor (1256).276 This was the name of one of Kleon’s associates, also mentioned in V. 1220. In the slave’s claim that he will play the role of a Phanos, one might hear a pun on va_meim, in the sense found in the noun sycofant (cf. 300, se va_my to?r pqut\mesim ; Ach. 937 – 8, va¸meim rpeuh¼mour kuwmoOwor).277

2.4 Jokes with deities’ names At two points in the play the Sausage-Seller prays to imaginary deities, whose names carry comic meanings and are wholly inappropriate for gods; hence they contribute to the comic function of the character and to the derision of his pursuits – and thus also, indirectly, of the Athenian people of whom it was hoped that he would be put in charge. In 221, as he is about to accept the challenge of fighting Paphlagon, the hero is called to pray to a god called Jo²kelor. The word is an epithet for the Sausage-Seller himself in 198 (voiced pejoratively by his enemy Paphlagon), where the Scholium suggests the etymology jo´y (or jo\y, jo_)278 ‘perceive, hear’ + Akeºr ‘distraught, crazed’ (cf. Od. 2.243 vq´mar Ake´), and explains it as suggestive of stupidity. Obviously this is not a linguistically acceptable etymology,279 but according to 275 Jo?kor and joik|r (Chantraine 1999 s.v.) are not cognates, despite RE s.v. Kyllene (2), though Th. 937 may indicate that they may have seemed so in antiquity. 276 Thus rightly accented by Wilson and by LGPN editors (against Vam|r of the manuscript tradition). See Chandler 18812 : 84 – 5: ‘proper names in -mor are extremely irregular; in general however they retract the accent.’ 277 See Spyropoulos 20052 : 374. vam|r as a noun means ‘torch’. Van Leeuwen (1900: 215) noted that the adjective vam|r normally means kalpq|r, keuj|r ‘bright’, which could be used metaphorically for a person’s moral character; however, this would deprive the name of much of its comic function. The name has sixteen attestations at Athens (LGPN IIA). 278 See LSJ s.v.; a conjecture at Anacr. fr. 360.2 PMG (s» d’oq joe?r : Bergk, jk}eir : Page, who notes however that joe?r is fort. praeferendum). 279 For more convincing alternatives see Chantraine 1999 (s.v. jo\kelor) who thinks possible a compound of jo- (of unclear meaning but perhaps onomatopoeic) and the ending –òkelor as in Q\kelor (‘lamentation’, from Q^ [exclama-

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Sch. on 221 the epithet is an equivalent of %moia, and other attestations of it280 also point to the meaning ‘stupid’ or ‘mad fellow’. Later in the play the Sausage-Seller reports a prayer uttered at the moment of the confrontation with Paphlagon before the Council. In that prayer he appeals to five deities (634 – 5), whom he asks for ‘a brazen boldness, a resourceful tongue and a shameless voice’,281 to match Paphlagon’s fraudulent rhetoric. The deities’ names appropriately convey varied aspects of pejorative language:282 Sj¸takoi (634) seems to be connected with sjitak¸feim ‘to be lustful’ (cf. Longus 3.13.4). The Scholia there see a mockery of a certain Skiton (Sj_tym), which, however, is uncertain.283 V´majer (634), an invented name from the noun v´man ‘a cheat’ (cf. Ach. 89, Ra. 909; the noun was not used in historical names), means ‘impostors’, ‘rascals’. Beqesweho¸ (635) is explained by the Scholia as ‘stupid’, in this case ‘gods of stupidity’, but the Scholiast may be guessing here; the poet would not have chosen to repeat a plain meaning ‘stupid’, so this must have a nuance that escapes us. The name shows no similarity to any known word, and already in antiquity it was thought to be a creation of Aristophanes.284 Jºbakoi (635) is from j|bakor ‘impudent rogue’; the name follows a number of jokes with related vocabulary (which must have been typical for comedy), cf. 332 (jobakije¼lasim), 450 (jºbakor eW), 417 (jºbaka).285

tion] or Q\ [noun]). Hesychius (vol.2 [Latte]: 495) glosses a noun j|akoi with b\qbaqoi. 280 Aeschin. Socr. 16 and Plu. Cim. 4, where it is the nickname of Kimon’s grandfather. 281 637 – 8, trans. Sommerstein (1981: 69). 282 Henderson translates: ‘Demons of Puffery, Quackery, Foolery, Chicanery and Debauchery’. 283 A derivation of Sj_takoi from Sj_tym was doubted by Bechtel (1898: 74). Sj_tym is a very rare name, with only one attestation in Athens (fourth century, LGPN IIA) and a further one from Delos of the same period (LGPN I). Pherecr. fr. 266 is the only other place where a komodoumenos of that name is mentioned, if the word is read as a proper name; Photius prefers an adjective sj_tym which he glosses (s.v.) as ‘weak’, ‘good at nothing’. 284 [b]eq´swetoi (sic) !mºgto[i]· p´p[kastai paq’ )qistov²mei (343.45 CGFP). 285 And in other comedies, e. g. Ra. 104, 1015; Pl. 279. Etymology is uncertain, cf. Chantraine (1999 s.v. j|bakor) who suspected foreign (Thracian, Phrygian?) loan. He is probably right to assume that Jºbakoi was the model for Sj¸takoi.

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Finally Lºhym (635) is from a noun l|hym, used in 697 for a kind of dance and in Pl. 279, perhaps with the meaning ‘impudent fellow’.286 The Scholia further explain l|hym as a term for the children of Helots287 and as a licentious and servile dance (this suits Eq. 697, perhaps also Eur. Ba. 1060), which reinforce the meaning doukopqep^r. But it was also a real name, not attested before the hellenistic period and rarely found,288 one of a number of real names used despite their negative etymological meanings. A line from the parabasis that exemplifies Cratinus’ art mentions a deity named Dyq~ (529). She is a creation of Cratinus, a deity hoped to function as a ‘giver of gifts’ or ‘Goddess of bribery’.289 The name’s original context (fr. 70, from Eumenides) is an ode that attacked accusers who demanded bribes, as is also suggested by the invocation sujop]dike, modelled on the epic adjective wqusop]dike ‘golden-sandaled’ (Od. 11.604) and intended to pun on the word sycophant. Therefore Doro is of a similar moral standard, and thus akin to the rest of the deities evoked in this play.

2.5 Other jokes with names Jomm÷r (534) is an ironic mutation of Konnos (J|mmor), the name of a

musician and a teacher of Sokrates mentioned by Plato (Euthd. 272 c, Mx. 235 e). The name owes its mocking tone to the termination –ar, very rare in Attic personal names of that period but commonly used

286 Thus Sommerstein 1981: 178, cf. Sch. Pl. 279 Vk¼aqor% aQswq¹r% %tilor% voqtij¹r% doukopqepµr. Note that the vocabulary at Pl. 279 – 80 ªr lºhym eW ja· v¼sei jºbakor, / fstir vemaj¸feir (the chorus’ comic abuse of Karion) corresponds to three of the deities’ names here, suggesting that this was standard comic language. 287 See Hodkinson 2000: 336; this must be a cognate of the more familiar term l|han, which referred to the son of a poor citizen, not of servile origin, whose upbringing was sponsored by the state (Hodkinson ibid.: 198, 355 – 6). 288 Two imperial attestations from Athens (LGPN IIA). The possibly earliest occurrence is in third century Sicily (LGPN IIIA). Perhaps it originated in a nickname (Bechtel 1898: 74). Its use as a slave-name (Solin 1996 [vol. 2]: 583) was perhaps not unrelated to its meaning. 289 Cf. Sommerstein 1981: 172; on the name (which evokes names of other female deities in –y, such as Hakk~, Jaqp~) see also K-A 4: 156 – 7.

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for sobriquets.290 The Scholium (on Wasps 675) explains the mockery. Konnos was derided as a failed musician; the context of Knights where the name appears suggests that he declined in old age much like the comic poet Cratinus, who was often ridiculed by younger comedians. We know of two comedies entitled Konnos (by Ameipsias and Phrynichus), and an adjective jomm|vqym was used with the meaning %vqym (Com. Adesp. fr. 371). The expression J|mmou x/vom was used as a synonym of worthless individuals (V. 675).291 The names of personified ships at 1309 (Mauv²mtgr … t/r Ma¼symor) have a ‘suitably nautical flavour’.292 Both names draw on historical models. A personal name Mauv²mtg is not attested, but the masculine form Mauv²mtgr is.293 Ma¼sym occurs in Athens in the fourth and third centuries.294 The line belongs to the second parabasis sang by the chorus of Knights (whose members do not receive individual names).

290 This termination was common in names from Asia Minor. See further Masson vol. 1: 315 – 9 and vol.2: 632 – 3. Cf. )qc÷r for Demosthenes (Aeschin. 2.99); perhaps 1lbad÷r for Anytos (Theopomp. fr. 58) ought to be printed as a proper name. 291 According to the Scholium this expression has developed from J|mmou hq?om ‘worth a fig-leaf’. A noun j|mmor, meaning ‘beard’, is believed to be the basis of the personal name (Bechtel 1917: 601 – 2, Masson vol. 2: 553); but its earliest attestation is Luc. Lex. 5. For ‘beard’, Aristophanes uses p~cym (Ec. 99; cf. Hdt. 1.175, Pl. Prt. 309 a) and rp^mg (Eq. 1286; V. 476, Lys. 1072). 292 Thus Sommerstein (1981: 213 – 4) who notes that Nau- was not a common element in names of ships in Athenian trireme lists (cf. IG II2 1609, 1622) and therefore Nauphante may be intended as a woman’s name. But there was nothing to stop Aristophanes from giving a ship an appropriate name against real-life practice. Van Leeuwen (1900: 223) thought the name added gravity to the style. 293 Three attestations on the island of Thasos between the fifth and third centuries (LGPN I). 294 But it certainly has at least one earlier attestation elsewhere, perhaps as early as the late sixth century (Thasos, LGPN I).

3 Clouds The third place of Clouds in this chronological discussion of Aristophanes’ plays reflects the play’s original production date of 423 – but the text that we have is a revised version, not to be dated earlier than 420.295 The Clouds is largely meant as a satire of the sophists: some political and other social satire is present and is served by proper names, but the play invites us to see in the use of most names a mockery of sophistic education, as well as of an idea of real sophistic interest, that of the ‘correctness of language’. The play contains clear allusions to this doctrine (see section 3 of this chapter) and also mentions Prodicus (361), who gave instructions for the correct use of words.296

3.1 Strepsiades and Pheidippides The plot of Clouds focuses on the clash between Attic farmer Strepsiades and his son Pheidippides, whose expensive horse-related hobbies have brought upon his father large debts. The practice of contrasted naming is at work here, as the comic dramatisation of a father-son contrast is marked by the use of significant names. The name Stqexi²dgr, derived from stq´vy ‘twist’, is appropriate for the hero who aspires to acquire the skills of distortive argumentation taught by sophists – who are here represented by Sokrates297 – so that he 295 Dover 1972: 103 – 5; 1968: lxxx-lxxxi; Hubbard 1991: 90. The date of the revised Clouds must fall between 420 and 417. 296 See further Kerferd 1981: 68 – 77 (69 – 71 on Prodicus). Criteria of correctness include morphology and etymology. In Plato’s Cratylus (391 b), Sokrates suggests that the investigation of the issue should rely on the wisdom of the sophists. 297 For us a surprising fact which contradicts the usual assumption of a conflict between Sokrates and the sophists. Dover however (1972: 116 – 20, 1968: lii-lvii) convincingly argued that this was not so obvious to Aristophanes’ contemporaries. Notably the term sovist^r originally meant ‘wise, prudent man’ (like sov|r) but gradually became deprecatory. On the (occasionally subtle) relationship between philosophy and sophistry see McCoy 2008.

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may weave his way out of the obligation to pay his debts. The verb stq´vy can have the meaning ‘turn’, ‘twist about’ in argument,298 which is relevant to the subject of sophistic education and to the manner in which Strepsiades hoped to confront his creditors. Significantly, he remains anonymous until 134 and reveals his name only after he has decided to attend a course at Sokrates’ Academy on how to defraud others; thus the impression is given that the name is earned. The name is announced by the hero himself when he arrives at Sokrates’ Academy, in a fashion that was familiar to Greek habit, accompanied by patronymic and demotic affiliation (Ve¸dymor uR¹r Stqexi²dgr Jijummºhem ; Kikynna is a real Attic deme’s name). This must have made more striking the fact that there is no example of its use as a real name at Athens. Still, the name was not entirely unattested: the form Stqexi\dar occurs for the honorand of a Pindaric ode (I. 7.21); given that Aristophanes was apparently aware of the poetry of Pindar,299 he may have intended the Pindaric allusion to produce a mock-grandiose effect.300 However, it is impossible to tell whether the Pindaric name would occur to the audience, who on the other hand would certainly notice the name’s etymological relevance to distortion and fraud, helped by a number of verbal puns. Strepsiades’ wish to defraud others, repeated frequently throughout the play, is occasionally expressed by cognate vocabulary: stqexodij/sai (434), stq|vir (450), ckyttostqove?m (792); cf. stq|bei (701) and stq]xar (1455), addressed to the hero by the chorus and stq]vei (36) by Pheidippides. There is finally an abnormal vocative Stqex_ader (1206, in the place of Stqexi\dg), probably intended to sound funny (cf. Scholia) as a blunder in the inflection in false analogy with a vocative such as S~jqater (cf. 222).301 The comic function of the name’s ending would probably also be noticed: –adgr, mainly a patronymic ending (which could occasionally indicate the family or place a person was from), was reminiscent of Homeric names (such as Asiades, Asklepiades, Telamoniades, Laertiades), and thus gave Strep298 LSJ; cf. Ach. 385, Pl. Phdr. 236 e etc. 299 See Hornblower 2004: 56, with references. 300 See Hornblower 2004: 164. Stqexi\dar is also attested on an inscription of the early fifth century (Thebes, LGPN IIIB). There is also a Stqexipp_dar (Lebadeia, late third century, LGPN IIIB) and one name starting with stqev-: Stqev]meyr (three attestations, fourth-third centuries, LGPN IIA). Names from the form stqov- (e. g. Stq|vior, Stqov^) are more numerous but equally uncommon. 301 See Peppler 1918: 178.

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siades’ name an air of distinction, an elevated tone, which may be regarded as an irony in view of the hero’s modest background and low intentions (43 – 5, 71 – 2).302 If the name maintains, for a while at least, a justification which would seem to suit sophistic views on linguistic ‘correctness’, it is one that backfires at the sophists: it goes far beyond the allusion to Strepsiades’ intended legal fraud, and echoes the spirit of the ‘twisting’ education offered by sophists, especially in rhetoric, which is in the centre of the action and the target of the play’s comic abuse.303 Thus the name has a broader relevance to the comedy’s plot and reflects the poet’s satire of the intellectual context of his time which nurtured this new education and which could be thought of as a stqov^, a ‘deviation’ from established religious and moral beliefs and practices; both the scrutiny of traditional gods and the cultivation of formal oratorial techniques for persuasion, which are the main poles of the play’s satirical content, belong to this context. It is not in the comic poet’s interests (perhaps not even in his abilities) to acknowledge a positive aspect in this development (e. g. the advancement of critical thought);304 the name Strepsiades, together with the misfortunes of his bearer, is meant to express what the average Athenian would have understood as the side-effects of the new age intellectuality.305 The significance of Strepsiades’ name is further evoked by a number of details of the action, such as the effort of the personified Nttym K|cor (891 ff.) to ‘twist’ every sense of justice and reason, as well as to discard 302 Cf. Marzullo 1953: 108. Sommerstein (1982) translates ‘Twistson’. 303 The question whether Aristophanes’ satire paints an accurate or a comically phantastic picture of the sophists in particular or of an entire class of modern thinkers in general, is debated; see O’Regan 1992: 4 – 5, 142 n. 13 (with references), who rightly notes that Aristophanes’ ‘sophists’ are essentially comic creations (ibid.: 151 n. 2). This is apparently true for Prodicus, also satirised in Ar. fr. 506, who seems otherwise to have been a respected intellectual (see Dover 1968: lv). 304 A point made by Dover (1972: 116 – 20). Carey (2000: 419 – 36) examined evidence in other playwrights for satire of the sophistic movement and concluded that Aristophanes was unusual in his detailed presentation of sophistic thought. For some references and bibliography on the relationship between comedy and the sophists see also Olson 2007: 234. On the importance of the sophistic movement for the history of philosophy see further Kerferd 1981. 305 Scorn for sophistic practices is further expressed by Plato (e. g. in Gorgias and Sophist) and Demosthenes (e. g. 18.276).

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old, traditional Athenian social and moral beliefs and attitudes (expressed in the person of his opponent, Jqe_ttym K|cor) for the sake of private pleasure and selfish gain. The two Logoi clearly reflect (and deride) sophistic relativism, which influences the use of language by necessitating the expression of opposed notions of reality that are often not of equal worth.306 Strepsiades’ name remains relevant when he realises that he is inadequate for the task (791 – 3), and his son is convinced to become the sophists’ pupil – and until the end of the play, when finally ways appear in which distortion itself can be ‘twisted’, as it extends in areas the hero never imagined: his own son turns against him and against the convention of filial obedience (1311 ff.). The fact that the name’s comic value is exploited in a variety of puns until the end of the play may imply the major impact of the notion of twisting on the hero; Strepsiades is, however, changed in that he comes to realise the perils of sophistic education, which he initially ignored.307 The ultimate dramatic twist is provided by the chorus of Clouds themselves, who were introduced by Sokrates (252) as the divinities worshipped by sophists in the place of the old gods:308 at the end of the play (1454 – 61) 309 they reveal that they faked their initial endorsement of Nttym K|cor, and that they in reality support the traditional religious and moral beliefs. 306 Kerferd 1981: 72 – 3. Guidorizzi, Dover and Wilson use the names Nttym – Jqe_ttym K|cor (thus Scholia) in the place of the traditional -dijor – D_jaior K|cor (Coulon, Hall-Geldart), presumably because these reflect sophistic terminology (cf. Protagoras fr. B 6 b D-K). Henderson translates ‘Worse’ and ‘Better Argument’. On the significance of the terms, which clearly reflect argumentative strength as well as moral quality, see further O’Regan 1992: 31 – 3, 90 – 1, and ibid.: 186 n. 5 (citing Newiger 1957: 141 ff.) on the possibility that the personification of Nttym K|cor was modelled on Protagoras, who was nicknamed Logos. 307 See O’Regan (1992: 198 n. 52) for references to different views of Strepsiades’ character, but note that ‘constancy of nature’ does not appear to be of much importance in Aristophanes’ portraiture of his heroes as we have already seen. 308 Note that the personification functions on both the literal and the symbolic level, which enhances its comic effect: the Clouds are mental abstractions but they also bring rain, not just because they have replaced Zeus, but also because this is what clouds in the sky normally do (370 – 1). Further personifications are introduced to complete the new theological system and contribute to its parody (264 – 5, 424, 627), the most striking being )pai|kg ‘Fraud’ (1150). 309 They give an earlier sign at 1303 – 10 by condemning the dishonesty involved in not paying off one’s debts, thus expressing the feelings of the average descent Athenian.

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The idea of correctness of names looms large in the name of Strepsiades’ son, Pheidippides. This was the result of a shuffling of arguments (and of another ‘twist’ one might think) in the debate between Strepsiades and his wife (60 – 7) over the choice of a name for their new-born, which led to a compromise, the choice of the name Veidipp_dgr. let± taOh(, fpyr m`m 1c´meh( uR¹r ortos¸, 1lo¸ te dµ ja· t0 cumaij· t!cah0, peq· toqmºlator dµ (mteOhem 1koidoqo¼leha7 B l³m c±q Vppom pqoset¸hei pq¹r toumola, N²mhippom C Wa_qippom C Jakkipp¸dgm, 1c½ d³ toO p²ppou (tih´lgm Veidym¸dgm. t´yr l³m owm 1jqimºleh(· eWta t` wqºm\ joim0 num´bglem j!h´leha Veidipp¸dgm.

Pheidippides thus appears to be a name created ad hoc, a hybrid of two original naming-plans: Veidym_dgr ‘son of thrift’ or Ve¸dym ‘thrifty’, and a –ippor name which would be suggestive of horses. The first plan follows the traditional habit of naming the (first-born) son after the paternal grand-father; Pheidon was the name of Strepsiades’ father (134). Pheidonides, which literally means ‘the son of Ve¸dym’, is unattested in Attica,310 but Pheidon is a common Attic name from the fifth century;311 perhaps Pheidonides sounded as a comic variant, in keeping with the Greek habit of using different forms of the same name for members of the same family.312 The name certainly reflects Strepsiades’ wish that his son follows the family tradition in becoming an economical and prosperous farmer; this may be seen as a traditional paternal attitude to the naming of a child. The second naming-plan reflects the mother’s ambition.313 She herself originated from an upper-class family: she is comically associated

310 The name is attested only in the doric form Veidym_dar, itself very rare and later (single hellenistic attestations from Rhodes and the Peloponnese, LGPN I and IIIA). 311 Incidentally, it was the name of a tyrant of Argos (RE [3] [Lenschau]) and of one of the Thirty Tyrants (LGPN IIA no. 2). It further appears in Antiph. fr. 189. 22 and in Alciphr. 3.34 as a generalising plural (Ve_dymer ‘the thrifty’) for the sort of people who manage to accumulate wealth. 312 Though rarely for grandfather and grandson, as Sommerstein (1982: 163) notes. One exception is an )mdqojke_dgr son of )mdqosh]mgr son of )mdqojk/r (Davies 1971: 32). 313 Her initiative in the naming and influence in her son’s upbringing reflect reallife female influence in society; see Lacey 1968: 172 – 3 and 311 n. 128 (D.

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with the aristocratic Alkmeonids as a niece of Lecajk´gr son of Lecajk´gr (46 – 7, 70), in itself a grand name (because of the significance of its components and the Alkmeonid connection314), and an amusing contrast to Ve¸dym, heard twice for comic emphasis. She accordingly hopes (68 – 70), that her son will become a horseman: –ippor is treated as a sign of aristocratic pretentions,315 while at the same time it foreshadows Pheidippides’ expensive sportive interests.316 Some alternative options are mentioned, and all include the desired –ippor element, as well as additional allusions: Xanthippos was the name of the father and a son of Perikles, who was connected with the Alkmeonids.317 Chairippos318 may further reflect the comic practice of using personal names starting with Char- or Chair- (see under Acharnians on Chares [604]). Kallippides may allude to the much criticised tragic poet who had won a Lenaia prize a few years earlier (419/8) and must have been well-known to the audience.319 All are rejected in favour of the

314

315 316 317

318

319

43.74 – 8) on a real example of naming children after the mother’s kinsmen. Kleisthenes the legislator was named after his maternal grandfather (Hdt. 6.131). On this family see further Davies 1971: 368 – 85, esp. 380. Names starting with Leca- were numerous, but on the whole relatively unusual. Lecajk´gr//r (on the contraction see Willi 2003: 235) was by far the commonest with 122 occurrences in the LGPN database, followed by Lecakojk/r/]ar with just under forty examples and Lecajke_dgr with around thirty; only three further names in the group numbered more than ten attestations each (Lec\qtar, L]car, Lecak?mor) – the rest were less common. Cf. Dubois 2000: 42 – 8. For horses as a sign of status and class see also OCD3 s.v. ‘hippeis’ ( J. F. Lazenby) and ‘horses’ ( J. K. Anderson). Olson (2002: 360) translates Kalaw_ppiom (Ach. 1206) as ‘my dear little noble Lamachos’. Cf. Guidorizzi 1996: 194 – 5. Guthrie’s speculation (1969: 385 – 6 n.3) that it referred to Sokrates’ wife, Xanthippe, whose obnoxious character may find an analogy in Strepsiades’ wife, is unlikely in the light of the strong Alkmeonid connection and of the lack of a direct Sokratic hint. It was an otherwise fairly common name at Athens (twenty-nine attestations, LGPN IIA). Thus only Wilson and Sommerstein (following V); but the latter thinks it is interchangeable with W\qippor (1980: 162), which is adopted by most editors. Dover printed Char- in his text but showed preference for Chair- in his commentary (1968: 102) for being more likely at the time of this play (it has 29 Attic examples in total, while Charippos only seven, LGPN IIA). Guidorizzi 1996: 195, following Lewis 1970: 288 – 9 (who may be right in seeing in the three names a pattern of noble – neutral – funny –hippos name). Inscriptional evidence records a total of five Lenaia wins for Kallippides (IG II2 2319.83, 2325.253). See further Braund (2000: 151 – 8) who draws attention to a lost comedy by Strattis entitled Kallippides (K-A 7: 630; another of Strattis’

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one name that denies all prospect of ‘correctness’. The two distinct naming-plans that result in the name Pheidippides emerge from the traditional habit of wish-names (‘programmatische Namen’), but the end product of their combination presents a comic internal contradiction: thrift and horses cannot be combined, and in fact Pheidippides drives his father to bankrupt by maintaining pure-bred horses (14 – 8, 74), thus challenging all expectation that his name could be either auspicious or in some sense ‘correct’ (its second part in fact turns out to be truer than the first). The name is made even more comic by the fact that it is in perfect agreement with rules of name-formation:320 names in -ippor were very common (there are more than a hundred different ones in LGPN IIA with a total of more than a thousand attestations in that volume alone), while the element ve¸d- is the first part of several attested names,321 and the suffix –_dgr was a very common patronymic ending. Pheidippides has only one definite historical attestation – not from Athens;322 its only Athenian example would have been the name of the runner, who at the time of the Persian assault at Athens ran to Sparta for help and covered a distance of two hundred kilometres in two days (Hdt. 6.105 – 6). However, the variant reading Vikipp_dgr (as in OCT), a name of more regular sound, must be right; Aristophanes would not have chosen a name associated with a hero of the Persian wars.323

320 321

322 323

surviving titles is Kinesias, from the dithyrambic poet), mentioned in Ar. fr. 490. Braund collected ancient evidence and anecdotes on him and connected his name with a Scythian ethnic (Hdt. 4.17). The name has 17 attestations at Athens (LGPN IIA). See also Ghiron-Bistagne 1989: 90 – 1. Veid_ar, name of the famous sculptor, is an obvious example and the commonest of simplicia from that root (with forty-six examples in LGPN IIA, followed by Ve_dym with twenty). Ve_dippor is the commonest compound in Attica (nineteen attestations), followed by Veid|stqator/Veid]stqator (the former has twelve examples, but the latter form is more ancient, with nine attestations in Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries). From Euboia (Eretria), fourth-third centuries (LGPN I). Thus Macan 1895: 360, cf. How-Wells 1928: 107. Nenci (1998: 266 – 7) prints Pheidippides but explains it as a contamination (‘il nomme di Fidippide fu dato impropriamente anche al cosiddetto corridore di Maratona’). Aristophanes’ plays allow glimpses of the respect that his audience must have felt for the generation of the Marathonomachai (see Nu. 986; cf. also Ach. 181, 695 – 6, Eq. 781, 1334, V. 711).

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If Pheidippides was of limited and doubtful use as a real name, its ‘father’ name Ve¸dippor was common in Attica from the late sixth century onwards (LGPN IIA). The name is already Homeric, that of an islander in the catalogue of ships (Il. 2.678). It is a regular verbal compound, easily explained as a designation of a horse-caring and horse-loving hero (cf. 9w´pykor, Il. 4.458; 23.296).324 It is not impossible that in a society such as the Athenian, where horse-keeping was highly regarded, this name still retained its echo of early Greek values and aspirations, even if it occasionally acquired the value of a sobriquet.325 In any case this name’s old-fashioned meaning, combined with Aristophanes’ new etymological scenario, must have made Pheidippides’ name sound even more comic – an absurd re-interpretation of a more plausible original etymology, intended to raise laughs. Other significant names in this comedy satirise characters of the play and real contemporaries of the poet, while a number of jokes are directed against sophists and sophistic theories.

3.2 Satire of individuals 1cjejoisuqyl]mg (48) ‘Koisyracised’= ‘like Koisyra’, used by Strepsiades

for his wife, is a hapax joke-participle326 built from the personal name Jois}qa ; this implies that the name had a recognisable significance. It seems that it had become synonymous with a grand, aristocratic style, which Aristophanes mocked for its extremeties or for its appearance in the wrong contexts. Strepsiades’ mock-praise of his son for being the son of a Koisyra later in the play (800) also implies that the name 324 Another Iliadic passage (5.192 – 216), which does not contain the name itself, but the very similar phrase Vppym veidºlemor (202), may suggest the meaning: he who spares the use of horses apparently because of lack of food (l¶ loi deuo¸ato voqb/r). However, this reason for ve¸deshai is not mentioned anywhere else. In the old epic tradition ve¸deshai Vppym could in fact rather imply the rejection of chariot-fighting in favour of the use of the arrow (perhaps concern for lack of food represented a later version, cf. Wiesner 1968: 95). 325 See Panagl 1981: 297 – 306. This means that it is not quite on a par with other –hippos compounds with a sobriquet element, such as AQsw}kippor, Va}kippor (see Masson vol. 1: 88 – 9). 326 The participle was remembered in its simple form (jejoisuqyl]mgm) by the Byzantine poet Philes (Carmina 5.15.6) when vilifying a woman’s artificial beauty.

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was used to suggest a high aspiring, snobbish woman. It was rare in history and must have originally belonged to a specific real woman with such characteristics, probably someone connected with the family from which Strepsiades’ wife is supposed to originate, the Alkmeonids.327 Sv^ttior (156), the demotic of Sphettos, a large Athenian deme, attrib-

uted to Sokrates’ pupil Chairephon, a real person,328 attracts attention as it is not used of him anywhere else, and it is not known whether he really was from Sphettos. A weak pun on sv^n ‘wasp’, helped by the reference to another insect, 1lp_der ‘mosquitos’ in the next line, has been suspected329 and may have indeed occurred to some among the audience. It has been asserted that the poet did not use Sphettios with Chairephon in mind, but for a parallel with 1lp_dar (both are placed at the end of the verse) because of the proverbial bite of the people of Sphettos, mentioned by the Scholia to this line and probably alluded to by Aristophanes himself in Pl. 720.330 However, an association of Chairephon himself with bite is encouraged by the fact that he seems to have been involved in politics331 and is elsewhere in Aristophanes called a sujov\mtgr (fr. 552) and ‘Bat’ (Birds 1296, cf. 1564). Houqiol\mteir (332) is reminiscent of the type of joke-names accumu-

lated at Ach. 603 – 6.332 The name clearly refers to the diviners involved 327 Dover (1968: 99 – 100) dismissed the Scholia’s relevant guesses as unreliable, but Olson (2002: 232 – 3), considering evidence from ostraka on which Koisyra is mentioned as the mother of Megakles son of Hippokrates, rightly gives some weight to the possibility that the name’s bearer was a woman of Alkmeonid connections; this has implications for the way b Jois}qar (Ach. 614) is understood. Shear (1963: 99 – 113) suggested that the name may have belonged to as many as three Alkmeonid women between the sixth and fifth centuries, but Davies (1971: 380 – 1) showed that it is possible to assume a single entity. Otherwise the name only has one attestation (fourth century, LGPN IIA). 328 See e. g. Pl. Ap. 20 e. On his role in the play see further Dover 1968: xcv ff. 329 Dover 1968: 114 – 5, cf. Guidorizzi 1996: 211. Dover further alleged a parody of a contemporary form of oral anecdotes about the wisdom of famous men, where the demotic helps to specify the person praising the wise man and adds credibility to the story – but this might be too subtle for the audience. 330 enei … Svgtt¸\: the allusion to vinegar from Sphettos may hint at the sour character of its inhabitants; cf. Sommerstein 2001: 183. 331 See also Dunbar 1995: 642 – 3. 332 Cf. the similar Houqiop]qsai, title of a comedy by Metagenes (a contemporary of Aristophanes, K-A 7: 6 – 8).

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in the foundation of the Athenian colony of Thurii some twenty years earlier (446 – 3). There is reason to suspect that a certain one among them was particularly targeted: the seer Lampon, a friend of Perikles and one of the oikistai,333 who is repeatedly satirised in comedy334 – but Aristophanes was also directing his satire to the class of ‘prophets’ who deceived people by falsely pretending to have the gift of prophecy, and who had inspired a comic type (cf. the wqgslok|cor ‘oracle monger’ of Birds 959 ff.). The name Paphlagon (581) as a mock-name for Kleon reintroduces the joke which holds a central place in Knights. It has been assumed that the joke carried weight in the original Clouds but would have sounded pointless in the revised version, as Kleon was killed in 422, and that it therefore serves as an indication that the surviving play is not a full revision of the original.335 However, it must be kept in mind that satirical jokes against Kleon are found in Peace, also staged after his death336 – although admittedly Kleon’s death was more recent at the time of Peace. It is possible that the poet used the name again here as an echo of his comedy Knights, and in the expectation that the joke had not entirely lost its effect. The context (t¹m heo?sim 1whq¹m buqsod´xgm Pavkacºma) brings together two kinds of mockery against Kleon: his alleged barbarian provenance and his association with the tanning business (cf. buqsopavkac¾m in Eq. 47), while the sense of heo?sim 1whq¹m is repeated in Wasps in a joke directed at Theoros (He¾qou heoisewhq¸a,V. 418).

3.3 Jokes at the expense of sophists We have seen that the name of the hero itself is the main weapon in the satire of the sophists, but a similar purpose is made plain in the use of a number of other names.

333 D.S. 12.10.3 – 4, Plu. Per. 15. 334 Av. 521 (with Scholium), 988; Cra. frr. 62 and 66; Lysippus fr. 6; Callias fr. 20. Cf. Scholia on Nu. 332. See Guidorizzi 1996: 237 and Sommerstein 1982: 178. 335 Dover 1972: 104. 336 See below, pp. 102 – 3 and n. 453. Also in Frogs (569, 577) Kleon is jokingly called upon as a protector of the people despite having been dead for almost two decades.

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D?mor (380 – 1), the name of the deity who replaces Zeus in Sokrates’ system of beliefs – and in this context, the new master of clouds as bringers of rain – is not an accidental choice. ST. SY. ST.

b d( !macj²fym 1st· t¸r aqt²r–oqw b Fe¼r. –¦ste v´qeshai. Fjist(, !kk( aQh´qior D?mor. D?mor. tout¸ l( 1kek¶hei, b Fe»r oqj ¥m, !kk( !mt( aqtoO D?mor mum· basike¼ym.

Dinos alludes to d_mg ‘rotation’, a familiar concept in ancient cosmology,337 while remaining close enough to forms of the name Zeus (starting with Di-) to sound as a comic variation; a pun on D_a is indeed made later, at 1471: D?mor basike¼ei, t¹m D¸( 1nekgkaj¾r. Further amusement could be drawn from the fact that it is perhaps Strepsiades’ need for a personal deity that transforms a concept into a god, if d?mor in Sokrates’ response about the cause of storms is meant as a noun (and is not spellt with a capital initial)338 – but in all probability the context would immediately suggest to the audience a proper name (thus in both OCT editions). The deification of whirling is of course in keeping with the religious veneration of Clouds and adds to the mockery of novel abstract beliefs, with which the sophists were associated. As a common noun, d?mor can also mean ‘wine vessel’ (cf. V. 618), and this possibility inspires a further word-play at 1473 (immediately after the pun on D_a). This alternative meaning provides an additional comic dimension to the implied succession of Zeus by Dinos, if ‘Wine vessel’ is perceived as the next figure in the genealogy Ouranos – Kronos – Zeus.339 Neither d_mg nor d?mor were ever used as personal names.340 The personal names used in the grammar lesson that Strepsiades receives from Sokrates as part of his sophistic education serve a double satirical purpose. The lesson baffles Strepsiades, and he comically fails to distinguish the grammatical category of feminine names, which he identifies 337 E.g. Democr. fr. B 167 D-K, Anaxag. fr. A 57 D-K. See Dover 1968: 150 for a summary of the relevant ideas and further Willi 2003: 101 – 5. 338 Thus Coulon, Sommerstein, Dover. Thus also in Willi’s discussion of the passage 2003: 101. 339 Cf. Guidorizzi 1996: 245. 340 The root has produced a number of names, on the whole used rarely, such as D_mym and the compounds Dim|lawor (Lesbian Dimm|lawor), Dim|stqotor. See Bechtel 1917: 100 – 1 and LGPN.

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with the sexual inclinations of the name-bearers (as though the gender of names was decided by these inclinations). This leads to the joke of the ‘feminised’ masculine names of 677 – 92, which are replaced by their feminine equivalents to reflect their bearers’ effeminacy: Jkeym}lg in the place of Kleonymos (680),341 )lum_a instead of Amynias (691; the vocative which coincides with a feminine form is taken to suggest a woman).342 Amynia is unexampled and Kleonyme hardly attested as a feminine name,343 which stresses the mockery of the bearers of the male forms, whose masculinity is thus denied. But the joke on the grammar of names is equally meant as satire of sophists (Prodicus, but also Protagoras, who is said to have been the first to study the grammatical distinction of three genders,344 were perhaps especially targeted) and of a ‘sophistic’ Sokrates; Aristophanes satirises sophistic views on the ‘correct’ use of language by showing the failure of proper names to express what is comically understood as the true nature of their bearers, even though their morphology is consistent with natural gender: the mascu-

341 Most editors retained the nominative forms of the MS tradition in l. 680 (jaqd|pg, Jkeym}lg ; the second declension feminine noun j\qdopor ‘kneading trough’ is moved to the first declension to match the feminisation of Kleonymos’ name), but Sommerstein and Wilson print the name in the dative, which enables a funnier joke. Sommerstein translates ‘Kleonyme never had a kardope’. On Kleonymos, repeatedly targeted by Aristophanes, see further under Wasps (on the joke-name Jokaj¾mulor, 592) and Birds (on the placename Jaqd_a, 1474 – 5). 342 Dover’s preference for V’s )leim_ar on account of the fact that the name Amynias does not appear in Athens until the second century is weak in view of other Attic Amyn- names (Aristophanes has )l}mym, Ec. 365) and of the infrequency of Amynias overall; the use of !lum_ar for hul|r at Eq. 570 (‘his spirit … was on its guard’) offers the name additional support. The same man (cf. Dover 1968: 185 and Sommerstein 1982: 197 – 8) also appears in V. 74, 1267 where tradition offers no alternative for the name (cf. Cra. fr. 227, Eup. fr. 222 and Jolgtalum_a, V. 466). 343 One imperial attestation from Melos (LGPN I). On the contrary, the examples of feminine names used by Strepsiades at 683 (K}sikka, V_kimma, Jkeitac|qa, Dglgtq_a) are all normal and attested for Attica (LGPN IIA). Lys. 1237 implies the existence of a sympotic song entitled Kleitagora (probably after a courtesan, real or legendary; see Sommerstein 1990: 219 and Henderson 1987: 209, who note that a version of the song’s opening is quoted in V. 1245 – 7). 344 -qqema and h^kea were already established as termini technici of grammar; Protagoras called the neutral sje}g (Pl. Phdr. 266 d-f, Arist. Rh. 1407 b 6 = frr. A 26 – 7 D-K). Cf. 659, with Guidorizzi 1996: 274 – 8 and Willi 2003: 99 – 100.

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line names only reflect the anatomy of their effeminate bearers but not their behaviour.345 One final onomastic joke mocks the ‘trendiness’ of the sophistic movement, which the action of the play shows to be of no value. Nttym K|cor bestows upon his opponent the nickname Jq|mippor (1070) which must mean ‘very old’,346 especially in connection with Jq|mor ¥m (929): Jqe_ttym K|cor is said to be too old (outdated, out of fashion) to teach a young man like Pheidippides. It seems that the name of Kronos had become associated with things of great age (cf. 398 Jqom_ym efym ‘smelling of the age of Kronos’, hurled at Strepsiades by Sokrates).347

345 See Kerferd 1981: 69 and further O’Regan 1992: 81. 346 Most recent editors print a proper name, but a noun (thus Coulon) is not impossible (see Kretschmer – Locker 1944: 462 for a list of words in –ippor, where however Kronippos appears capitalised). Van Leeuwen (1898: 173) compared with jqom|kgqor ‘old twaddler’ and jqomoh^jg ‘receptacle for old follies’, both of which appear in Com. Adesp. (frr. 751, 607; the former also in Plu. Mor. 13 b) (LSJ). 347 On the association of Kronos with the notion of antiquity see further Dunbar 1995: 324 – 5 on Av. 469 – 70; cf. V. 1480, Pl. 581.

4 Wasps 4.1 Philokleon vs Bdelykleon Much as in Clouds, the plot of Wasps is based on a father-son contrast: a father’s unhealthy obsession with jury-service and his comic reaction (manifested through repeated escape attempts) to his son’s effort to restrict him. Both the father’s and the son’s names, Vikojk]ym and Bdekujk]ym respectively, are significant. They are original, comic formations which denote their bearers’ political allegiance: the father is a lover of Kleon, the son is exactly the opposite.348 The year is 422, and Wasps was staged at the Lenaia, shortly before Kleon’s death at Amphipolis (in the autumn of that same year, Th. 5.11). While compound names with viko- were very common,349 bdekuhas (unsurprisingly) produced no personal names, nor was it used much in compounds.350 The synonymous liso-, though not found in personal names either, is used in a few Aristophanic compounds, three of which occur in Wasps (lis|pokim 411, lis|dgle 473, lisok\jym 1165);351 it should therefore appear as a more regular first component for the hero’s name, but the use of the less common bdeku- produces a more striking effect and stresses the singularity of the hero.352 The names are first heard at the end of Xanthias’ comic speech (at 133 and 134) before the heroes appear on stage, which is contrary to the usual Aristophanic practice of revealing names after their bearers have undertaken some action that relates to their meanings. They must have caused amused surprise to the audience – hence the slave’s excla348 Suggested English translations of the two names are Lovekleon and Loathekleon (MacDowell 1971: 4, 149; Henderson 1998). 349 There are 263 different names in LGPN, of which Vikojq\tgr and Vik|nemor are the commonest with more than five hundred attestations each. 350 There is one example alone, bdek¼jtqopor ‘abominable’, ‘disgusting’ (a poetic adjective, cf. A. Eu. 52). 351 A similar formation (with a personal name as a second component) is lisok\lawor (Peace 304); but note that in this compound the second component functions as the subject of the first (verbal) element, thus meaning ‘which Lamachos hates’, ‘hated by Lamachos’ (Lamachos is the subject, not the object of hate). 352 Cf. MacDowell (1971: 149) who thought that bdeku- is more vivid.

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mation ma· l± D¸a (134).353 It was not unusual for members of the same family to have names that shared a common element, but the second component of the comic heroes’ names is a surprising choice. The lines preceding the first mention of the names hint at the names’ appropriateness; these are spoken by a slave (Xanthias) who introduces the two men as a father who is obsessed with jury service and a son who tries to cure him of his passion. The father’s enthusiasm for jury-service explains his support for Kleon, as the latter seemed inclined to legal lawsuits (he apparently had the habit of prosecuting officials – perhaps mostly for his own financial and political benefit) and was a benefactor of the jurors’ duty; significantly Philokleon calls to both his co-jurors and Kleon for help in escaping his jury-hating son (197), and the chorus call Kleon ‘our protector’ (242 b jgdel½m Bl?m) and send for him when they need support (409 – 14).354 The poet comically prepares his audience for the negative implications of Philo- in the name: ‘viko-’ l´m 1stim !qwµ toO jajoO, says Xanthias (77), and the two slaves mention a number of mostly derogatory adjectives with this first component (vik|jubor ‘fond of dice’, 75; vikop|tgr ‘fond of drinking’, 79; this culminates in the mockery of Philoxenos on which see below). These are failed attempts to define the old man’s illness; he is in fact a vikgkiast^r (88), a lover of trials (especially in the court of Heliaia), and that is what eventually makes him a Philokleon (133).355 On the other hand the son, who does not share his father’s passion for trials, manages to see the true face of Kleon, who far from seeking to do good, was in reality a manipulator and deceiver of jurymen (as his reported ‘instructions’ for the trial of Laches suggest, 242 – 4), whose poor financial circumstances (cf. 291 ff.) he exploited using the bait of jury-pay.356 Initially, Bdelykleon’s outlook is not appreciated by the jurymen of the chorus, who mistake him for a lover of tyranny and call 353 Cf. MacDowell 1971: 149. 354 Cf. 596 – 600. On the function of Athenian law courts see Hornblower 20023 : 139 – 40; see also MacDowell (1971: 1 – 4) who notes that there is a degree of comic exaggeration in the way the ills of jury-service and Kleon’s corruptness are presented (cf. Eq. 774 – 6, 797 – 800). 355 He is also a vik\d|r ‘lover of songs’ according to the chorus (270), another pun on his name. 356 But apparently Philokleon was not poor; he was encouraged by his son to have a good time rather than work, and his rejection of this offer (see e. g. 341, 503 – 11) reveals the force of his obsession.

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him lis|dgle (473) – seemingly a parallel to his name, as though hating Kleon equals hating the people. In the latter half of the play, however, this accusation is reversed, and the chorus admit that in fact it is Bdelykleon who fulfills the positive potential of viko-/vik]y, by loving the people more than anyone else in his generation (888 – 90); now a hater of Kleon becomes synonymous with a lover of demos. The appropriateness of the names has been underestimated on the assumption that the comedy’s centre of action is not Kleon, but the laughable side-effects of juridicial passion. The relevance of Philokleon’s name in particular has been questioned, as the character’s political views start to wobble during the agon (especially after 696).357 But the names appear very suitable in the light of the pervasive mockery of Kleon: despite the programmatic statement of 62 – 3 implying that Kleon will not come under an extended attack in this comedy (as he did in Knights), he is here too very much the target of Aristophanes’ satire. This begins early in the play (cf. already the leather joke at 31 – 8), it is central in the agon and the mock-trial scene (in the form of a dog parodying Kleon, 894 ff.) and continues to the end of the play in Bdelykleon’s description of the dinner-parties to be attended by his father, where Kleon is one of the sulp|tai (1219 ff.). It also inspires the joke-name Dglokocojk]ym (342) and the reference to the prostitute J}mma (1032).358 The satire of Kleon is clearly an important theme (the number of references to his name is larger than in any other comedy),359 and indeed the heroes’ names contribute to it. Kleon is profoundly relevant to the plot in the sense that the son’s attempt to change his father’s disposition towards trials depends, to a great extent, on his reversing the old man’s opinion of him and other politicians of this 357 MacDowell (1971: 149) thought that in the process of the play the audience would not see a connection between names and action and would therefore not identify the heroes by these names, but rather as ‘the old man’ and ‘the young man’, or ‘the father’ and ‘the son’. But the names are heard a good six times altogether (Philokleon’s name three times: 133, 163, 1466, and Bdelykleon’s another three: 134, 137, 372), and they are striking enough not to be forgotten. The fact that Philokleon’s name is mentioned once after his final ‘conversion’ (1466) confirms that the poet wished his audience to see it as the name of the hero. 358 See below, p. 89. 359 The name occurs ten times in Wasps, five times in Acharnians, once in Knights, three times in Clouds, once in Peace and twice in Frogs.

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kind (which he tries to do at 512 – 25 and mainly in the agon, 655 ff., and at the dogs’ trial). And Philokleon does justice to his name for much longer, by intending to convict the dog Labes (893 – 1002); evidence of his full conversion is not heard until the slave’s account of his master’s new behaviour (1292 ff.) Clearly Aristophanes could have chosen names of stronger relevance to the juridical theme.360 But in all probability he preferred to make use of the opportunity of a further allusion to Kleon, to express the fact that Athenian citizens were at that time (in the poet’s belief rather illogically) divided between two opposed views of the preeminent politician’s character. These onomastics were by no means a disappointment, as the names employed for the purpose are among Aristophanes’ most strikingly comic inventions.

4.2 Jurymen names The members of the chorus combine two functions which are satirised by Aristophanes in this play: support for Kleon and jury-service. Their involvement in the latter is seen as synonymous with a harsh and aggressive character as well as immorality.361 This clearly was a common Athenian view of jurymen362 and is expressed in the chorus’ comic representation as biting insects (wasps).363 As supporters of Kleon, on the other hand, they are regarded as deceived, miserable individuals, a common bunch of people of no particular worth and even with a twisted morality: they boast of theft (235 – 9, 354 – 5). This derogatory image, as we 360 Philodikos and Misodikos are the obvious possibilities (only attested as adjectives). 361 See especially 403 – 7, 578 ff.; Philokleon is the worst example, see e. g. 277 – 80, 389 – 90, 603 – 4, 1200 – 1. 362 Cf. Peace 349 (joqj´t( %m l( evqoir dijastµm dqil»m oqd³ d¼sjokom), 533 – 4. The poet also accused his fellow-citizens of vikodij_a : see V. 800 – 4. Peace 505 (oqd³m c±q %kko dq÷te pkµm dij²fete) must have reminded the audience of Philokleon’s obsession. The heroes of Birds decide to leave Athens partly in order to escape from the litigiousness of their fellow-citizens (39 – 48). 363 sv/jer anuj\qdioi ‘quick-tempered wasps’ (430, cf. 456); cf. also the terms svgji\ ‘wasps’ nest’ (229, 404) and sl/mor ‘swarm’ for a group of jurymen; they are equipped with a j]mtqom ‘sting’ (407), the sign of their aggressiveness. (Philokleon is compared to a l]kitta ‘bee’ or bolbuki|r ‘buzzing insect’ at 107, cf. 366). The chorus suggest a positive interpretation of their wasp-nature (1071 ff.), as synonymous with courage in the great wars.

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shall now see, is conveyed by their names. These are heard early in the play (230 – 4), before they change their mind about the politician (after the agon, 526 – 724). The name W²bgr (234) must be relevant to the adjective wabºr ‘crooked’.364 If so, it is depreciatory and has the sound of a sobriquet, probably suggesting a man of decrepit appearance and manners.365 Despite the accompanying real demotic (Vkue}r, from the deme of Phlya), the name is unattested. However, there are a couple of examples of the similar W\bbor from Thessaly and another couple of the name W\bym from Thebes;366 particularly because of the latter, the use of Chabes here may be suggestive of the uncultured rusticity that the Athenians associated with Boiotia.367 On the same line, Eqeqc¸dgr (234) must have included a hint of sarcasm against the function of a Kleon-loving juryman: contrary to what the name implies, a man in that capacity could not possibly do any good. The name was used in real life and may have been an old Attic name, but was uncommon.368 It is impossible to tell whether some of the names belonged to and targeted real contemporaries of the poet.369 The naming of two other chorus members seems to be generic. The name Jyl¸ar (230) would seem to be purposefully used because it contains the root for comedy. There is only one (uncertain) attestation of it in Attica,370 but other names from the same root were in use at that time 364 Only attested in lexicography: wab|m· jalp}kom (Hsch. vol.4 [Hansen-Cunningham]: 194]). See also Chantraine 1999 s.v. wabºr. 365 Perhaps bandy-legged, but this is only speculation; see Bechtel 1917: 492 – 3 and cf. Sjekk_ar in Av. 126 from sjekk|r. 366 See LGPN IIIB (the attestations are classical and hellenistic). 367 Thus Sommerstein 1983: 170 – 1. 368 There are only three examples in the LGPN database, two of which are from Attica (sixth and fifth centuries, LGPN IIA) and one from LGPN I (hellenistic period). 369 Wilson (2007: 83) suspects a private joke at relatives and friends, but named chorus members are hardly identifiable, see also Introduction p. 21 n. 80. 370 Sommerstein (1983: 170) thought SEG XIX 39 c 1 might contain an Athenian attestation (mid-fifth century) of Jyl¸ar ; but the name there is Jol_ar, which may be more relevant to j|lg ‘hair’ than to j_lor, cf. the name Jol\tar from Rhodes (c. 325, LGPN I) from the adjective jol^tgr ‘wearing long hair’ (Bechtel 1917: 483), and such Athenian names as J|lym, Jola?or, Jol_dgr, Jol~; see LGPN IIA – cf. also the Mycenaean ko-ma-ta (which can also be read as Jyl\(s)tar) and ko-ma-we, jol\ei (cf. jol^eir). Jyl¸ar certainly has one attestation in Euboia (Eretria), third century (see LGPN I).

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(e. g. J_lor, Jyl´ar, Jyli²dgr, Jyl¸ym),371 which could have inspired the poet. Similarly Waqim²dgr (232) must have been a typical comic name, as it is also found in Peace (1155). It has two significant components: notably names beginning with Waq- or Waiq- were often used in comedy,372 and its second component is appropriately suggestive of song. It otherwise has only a single attestation, which comes from Athens (fourth century, LGPN IIA). Finally, Stqul|dyqor (233) seems to have been treated as a stockname by Aristophanes: it is also a farmer’s name in Ach. 273 (where nevertheless a hint on the name’s etymological provenance may be included), and the name of a chorus member in Lys. 259. It appears that Aristophanes assigns it to old men (certainly here and in Lysistrata, and very likely also in Acharnians, where references to Marathon at 181 and 695 – 6 suggest the presence of men of advanced age), which makes plausible the hypothesis that it was generic for characters of that agegroup.373 Note also that the chorus’ intention to defend Philokleon with pqim~dg hul|m ‘with courage like holm-oak or kermes-oak = very toughly or aggressively’ (383) establishes a link with the chorus of the Acharnians, whose members are called pq_mimoi ‘tough/prickly’ (180), one of whom has the name Pqim_dgr (612).

4.3 The opening scene The prologue, which has the form of dialogue between the two slaves, contains a number of significant names. The earliest example involves the name Theoros (42 – 5). We have encountered it also in Acharnians and will return to it later,374 as it is mentioned a number of times in various parts of Wasps. Among the Athenians named by Xanthias for having noticed some of Philokleon’s faults, Deqj}kor (78) cannot be identified (despite the 371 J_lor was the commonest with thirteen attestations (LGPN IIA); on this name (from the term for revel-band) see further Halliwell (2008: 105 – 6 n. 14), who notes that it occurs as a satyr’s name on vases. Note also the compounds J~laqwor (nine attestations) and the fictitious Jylaqw_dgr (Peace 1142). 372 See further under Acharnians on Chares (604). 373 According to MacDowell (1971: 163), it may have been thought of as an oldfashioned name. 374 See below under ‘Personal satire’.

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Scholia’s guesses);375 if not of a real Athenian, the name was a generic comic choice (the same may be true for the equally unidentifiable Waiq´ou uRºr, 687).376 At 83 – 4 the personal name Philoxenos must be taken in its literal sense (vik|nemor ‘hospitable’) in the context of a joke on the man’s effeminacy: Philokleon cannot be philoxenos as the real man Philoxenos (of the deme Diomeia) is a pathic homosexual (cf. Nu. 685 – 6). At 97 – 9 the jury-obsessed Philokleon distorts the phrase D/lor jakºr (which must have been a popular motto) to jgl¹r jakºr ‘beautiful jury-vote’. It seems that Demos (already discussed under Knights) was chosen for mention here both because of his good looks and his name’s similarity in sound to jgl|r in the following line.

4.4 Philokleon’s escape efforts and the relationship with his son The clash between the two heroes, which is expressed in the names, is reminiscent of real-life clashes between sons and ageing fathers, who were sometimes prone to shameful behaviour as a result of senility.377 Philokleon’s efforts to escape his son’s supervision and return to juryservice, which occupy much of the early part of the play, satirise this reality. One escape attempt produces a comic scene of Odyssean inspiration (183 – 9): BD. VI. BD. VI. BD.

tout· t¸ Gm. t¸r eW pot(, §mhqyp(, 1teºm. Owtir, mµ D¸a. Owtir s¼. podapºr. ]hajor )podqasipp¸dou. Owtir l± t¹m D¸( outi waiq¶sym ce s¼. vvekje h÷ttom aqtºm. § liaq¾tator, Vm( rpod´dujem7 ¦st( 5loic( Qmd²kketai bloiºtator jkgt/qor eWmai pyk¸\.

375 Cf. MacDowell 1971: 140 (who however does not exclude the possibility that he is a real man who is sitting in the audience, possibly next to the also mentioned Sosias) and Sommerstein 1985: 159. 376 On both names see under Acharnians (on Chares, 604 and Derketes, 1028). 377 See Lacey 1968: 117 – 8, 127 – 8. One such pair, Euktemon and Philoktemon, documented by Isaeus, is strongly reminiscent of our heroes: Euktemon’s passion for a hetaera and the trouble it caused to his son (Isaeus 6.18 – 24) parallels Philokleon’s passion for trials and its consequences.

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By introducing himself as Owtir ‘Nobody’, Philokleon adopts Odysseus’ famous false identity by which the epic hero tricks the Kyklops and manages to escape from him (Od. 9.364 ff.). The comic hero likewise hopes to deceive his patronising son.378 But unlike Odysseus, the unheroic Philokleon is unsuccessful: the ensuing word-play with outi (here as an adverb, ‘not at all’) shows that Bdelykleon has guessed the ruse – and is reminiscent of a similar word-play at Od. 9.460: oqtidam¹r … Owtir. ]hajor increases the comic effect of the joke’s Homeric background, as does Bdelykleon’s effort to conceal himself beneath a donkey, reminding us of Odysseus’ men hiding beneath the Kyklops’ sheep (cf. iduss´a at 181).379 But the strange-sounding name )podqasipp¸dgr is Aristophanes’ own coinage and is comically suited to the notion of escape. It is modelled on existing names in –ipp_dgr (such as Jakkipp_dgr, Vikipp_dgr), and it may also draw on real names from didq\sjy : an example is the rather surprising name Dqap]tgr (from dqap]tgr, adjective and noun, ‘runaway’, ‘fugitive’) of which a single attestation is found at Athens around the time of the play.380 Philokleon’s confinement is expressed in the name of Diktynna (368), goddess of the mountains, which puns on d_jtuom ‘net’: VI.

diatqace?m to¸mum jq²tistºm 1st¸ loi t¹ d¸jtuom. B d´ loi D¸jtumma succm¾lgm 5woi toO dijt¼ou.

It seems that the name occurred to the poet after the first mention of d¸jtuom, and Diktynna, who was often identified with Artemis,381 is appropriately represented here as goddess of nets and hunting; the hero asks for her forgiveness for intending to disrespect her symbol by break378 Interestingly, there is one attestation of Outis as a personal name, probably Homerically inspired (Thespiai, Boiotia, second century AD, LGPN IIIB). 379 Cf. also the Inlaw’s equally unsuccessful attempt to assume a vague false identity (as the wife of t¹m de?ma … t¹m 1j Johyjid_m) in order to escape the women atTh. 620. Note that another escape plan inspired by Odysseus’ (this time non-Homeric) adventures is suggested to Bdelykleon by the chorus at 350 – 1. 380 LGPN IIA, a possible slave-name. Other names from this root include Dq\styq, Dq\ippor and the compounds Eqdq\ym, Eudqastor and -dqastor – there is none with !po- and all (with the exception of Adrastos) are rare (LGPN). See also Bechtel 1917: 141 – 2 and Chantraine 1999 s.v. didq\sjy. 381 A case of ‘internal syncretism’, cf. D.S. 5.76.3, D_jtumma -qtelir (Paus. 3.24.9), Dijtumma_a -qtelir (Paus. 10.36.5); see Parker 2005: 223. See also LIMC s.v. Diktynna (Ch. Boulotis).

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ing free from his net. The connection between the goddess’ name and d_jtuom must be folk-etymological (the name probably derives from Dikte the Kretan mountain), but Aristophanes would have chosen the etymology that best suited his purpose.382 The clash between father and son finds expression in Jqom_dg (652), which is the regular Homeric way of addressing Zeus, and here becomes a sarcastic address to Philokleon by his son. This would be a fitting response to Philokleon’s arrogant claim, thirty lines earlier, that the power he has as a juror is not inferior to that of Zeus (620). His superficial defence of his erring political views, which he has just completed, provides further justification for Bdelykleon’s sarcasm, as Philokleon proves himself to be very far from having divine wisdom, let alone that of Zeus. He then comically mistakes the sarcasm for flattery intended to win his favour.383 Two instances of metonymy also relate to the father/son relationship: the chorus urges Philokleon at the crucial moment of his escape to fill his heart with Diope_hgr (380). This personal name, that of an often satirised oracle-monger,384 is used as an alternative term for ‘religious piety’, owing to the man’s occupation but probably also to the name’s coincidental etymological relevance (‘faithful to Zeus’). Euboia (715) may stand in the place of ‘large amount of grain’, which the island was known for producing;385 the metonymy is used by Bdelykleon in his attempt to influence his father’s views on politics and juries, as an example of extravagant false offers made by unworthy politicians to the gullible people.

382 Even if he thought of d_jtuom as a true etymology, there is no reason to suppose an unintentional pun, despite MacDowell (1971: 187 – 8); our poet is very conscious of word-plays. 383 Cf. Sommerstein 1983: 196. For different (and weaker) interpretations (mainly of Jqom_dg as a literal address to Zeus) see MacDowell 1971: 219 – 20. 384 On him see further MacDowell 1971: 183. 385 Thus MacDowell 1971: 230, drawing attention to a fragment of the fourth century comic poet Euphanes (fr. 2), where t¹m P²qmgh( fkom must mean ‘large quantity of timber’; he also offers an alternative and equally convincing interpretation of Euboia as the land where allotments were held by Athenian klerouchoi.

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4.5 Personal satire 4.5.1 Kleon Kleon is very much a target of Aristophanes’ satire in this play, as we noted above, and a couple more name jests involve him. At one point Bdelykleon’s name is distorted into Dglokocojk]ym (342), which combines the politician’s name with dglokocij|r ‘relevant to public speaking’, a pejorative term that implies a populist manner and superficiality.386 The chorus, who bestow the mock-name on Bdelykleon, apparently did not mean it as an insult to Kleon, as they do not appear to think negatively of him before the agon. The implication probably was rather that Bdelykleon in his effort to influence his father was inferior to Kleon, a failed imitation of him – but the audience would be able to sense Aristophanes’ underlying mockery of the politician. In the parabasis the chorus praise the poet for not hesitating to attack powerful people, and although Kleon is not named, the mention of the name of J}mma the prostitute (1032) with phrasing that alludes to the Dog-Star (J}ym, also known as Seirios) and to previous jokes about Kleon (e. g. jaqwaq|domti, 1031), is clearly meant to contribute to the dog-themed mockery of the politician.387 The image of the politician’s eyes shining like the Dog-Star would probably remind the audience of his harmful deeds (the star’s rays were believed to cause fevers).388 The added connection with J}mma, the famous courtesan whom Paphlagon comically considers to be of superior worth than himself in Eq. 765,389 must have added to the weight of the insult. The joke is repeated almost word-by-word in Peace (754 – 9). The mock-trial of the dogs judged by Bdelykleon (894 ff.) is a device meant to deride not only the hero’s passion for trials but also Kleon. This purpose is further served by the name of one of the canine litigants, J}ym,390 an obvious comic disguise of Kleon. The unlikely personal 386 E.g. Pl. Sph. 268 b; cf. MacDowell 1971: 180. A relevant term is the hapax dgl_fomter ‘pretending to be the people’s friends’, used in this comedy (699). 387 Cf. Eq. 1017, 1023 ff., and Peace 313. 388 See Sommerstein 1985: 169 with references. 389 More on the name Kynna was said under Knights, see pp. 59 – 60. 390 Spellt by all recent editors with a capital initial at its first mention at 895, and with a small initial after that (902, 916), as if to make plain the identification between Kleon and dog (the animal).

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name391 is made funnier by the accompanying, perfectly plausible demotic Judahgmaie}r (Kleon was a member of Kydathenaion). This is a continuation of a well-established dog-themed mockery of the politician which started in Knights, where he is compared to Kerberos (Eq. 1030, cf. 1017 – 24; his self-presentation as a ‘watchdog’ of the Athenian people was certainly meant to be ironic), and is repeated at Peace 313 and 754.392 The other dog has the real personal name K\bgr,393 which here however is meant as a comic distortion of K\wgr, the name of an Athenian general prosecuted by Kleon (cf. 240 – 4); the real demotic AQnym]a (from the deme Aixone), which follows the name, was also that of Laches. Apparently the purpose of the name Labes was a pun on kabe?m : Laches was accused of embezzlement during his command in Sicily half a decade earlier (the dog Labes is comically accused of stealing Sicilian cheese). Thus the names help make out of the dogs’ trial a parody of the real lawsuit led by Kleon against Laches.394 4.5.2 The braggers Two men, Aischines (1243) and Amynias (1267; in reality the son of Pronapes, 74) are called ‘the son of S´kkor’.395 Personal names from sekk|r are scarce and none is attested in Attica.396 Sellos is commonly interpreted as a mockery of boast (‘son of brag’),397 and both men are indeed 391 It is not attested in real life (other than as a nickname, e. g. for Diogenes of Sinope, the founder of cynic philosophy; see Halliwell 2008: 375 and n. 101); there is only one occurrence of Vikoj}ym (a Spartan’s name, Hdt. 9.71.2; 85) and several, but uncommon names starting with Jum- (Jum_sjor is by far the commonest with thirty-four examples, LGPN). 392 See further under Peace, pp. 102 – 3. 393 It has a single attestation from Athens (fourth century, LGPN IIA). Names from kab- were extremely rare; the commonest (but later) Kab]ym has a total of six attestations (imperial period, LGPN VA). 394 On this man (after whom Plato’s homonymous dialogue was named) see further MacDowell (1971: 163 – 5), cf. Sommerstein 1983: 208. 395 For the form b S]kkou cf. t_m Jqyb}kou (V. 1267), t|m Coqc\sou (Ach. 1131). 396 There are rare attestations of S]kkior and Sekk_ym (LGPN VA, imperial period); cf. Sekkgýdey (Archil. fr. 183 W), dialectal form of a genitive Sekk]yr which suggests a personal name Sekke}r. 397 MacDowell 1971: 178, Sommerstein 1983: 176. sekk|r stems from xekk|r ‘faltering in speech’ (Chantraine 1999 s.v. sekk_folai). Hesychius (vol.3 [Hansen]: 278) assigned two meanings: sekk¸feshai7 xekk¸feshai. tim³r d³ sekk¸fei7 !kafo-

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presented as braggers more than once in the play. It is known that Aischines398 boasted of wealth he did not possess (cf. Av. 823), and at 459 he receives the patronymic Sekkaqt¸ou which must be a comic combination of sekk|r with a real name’s ending -aqtior.399 The name appears in the context of Bdelykleon’s effort to drive away the jurymen of the chorus by throwing smoke at them, to which the son of Sellartios would make an appropriate addition (457 – 9). ‘Smoke’ had apparently become synonymous of a shallow, bragging character, a fact which is further suggested at 324 – 5 (where smoke is associated with the boaster Proxenides400 and someone with the patronymic S]kkou). Japm_ar was used as a nickname relevant to empty boasting,401 perhaps initially by Cratinus for the old comic poet Ecphantides (for his having produced no works of distinction, fr. 462). However, Bdelykleon’s fear that he might be called the son of Kapnias (151) is owed rather to the fact that one of his escape attempts involves passing through the chimney as the context clearly shows (143 ff.). Amynias was a prominent figure at that time (he may have served as general in 423/2) and is satirised in comedy for effeminacy and ostentation. The earlier occurrence of S]kkou (325) with no named target may well refer to him.402 The man is mocked with two further names that express his pretentious character: Jolgtalum_ar (466) is a comic distortion of his name into a compound with jol^tgr ‘long-haired’ as a first me¼ei. The second meaning may originate in the comic poet Phrynichus (fr. 10: %calai% Diom¼sou stºlator% ¢r ses´kkisai : referring to Aischines, perhaps inspired from the patronymic S]kkou). The above may hold a paretymological, at least, explanation of Sekko_ (original inhabitants of Dodona, location of the

398 399 400 401

402

famous oracle of Zeus; Il. 16.234), whose name is thought to be of obscure origin (Chantraine 1999 s.v. Sekko_). He must have been a person of some public profile, though he cannot be identified with any certainty; see MacDowell 1971: 195 and Sommerstein 1983: 185. MacDowell (1971: 195 – 6) assumed this was the ending of the real name of Aischines’ father. In Av. 1126 he receives the mock-demotic Jolpase}r. See Sommerstein 1983: 165 and MacDowell 1971: 177. It was also used for old wine (Pherecr. fr. 137.6). Japm|r ‘smoke’ is absent from name formation, with the exception of the later name Japm÷r (two imperial attestations, Ionia and Lydia, LGPN VA). Thus MacDowell (1971: 178) because he was prominently placed in the audience (74 – 6) and 326 suited him (‘climber-vine’ sounds appropriate for a social climber and a parasite). On Amynias see further ibid.: 139 – 40 (on both name and man) and Davies 1971: 471; cf. Nu. 691.

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component; it is used as a nickname for Bdelykleon who is also accused of sporting a long beard and moustache (473 – 7), but this does not prevent Amynias from being a simultaneous target. Later in the play he receives the nickname Jqyb¼kor (1267), one of a small group of real personal names denoting hairstyles.403 The name, the humorous effect of which was no doubt increased by its historical rarity,404 mocks Amynias’ choice of a hairstyle which was marked by long hair fastened in a bun and which had long gone out of fashion. Long hair was associated with wealth and the class of cavalry men, but also with ostentation (we are reminded that Amynias was a bragger) and the Spartans. To the abuse directed at Amynias must, then, have been added the accusation that he was friendly with the enemy and their political regime.405 A further onomastic joke at the expense of Amynias follows immediately after (1272 – 4): eWt( 1je? lºmor lºmoir to?r Pem´staisi num/m to?r Hettak_m, aqt¹r pem´stgr £m 1k²ttym oqdemºr.

Amynias is known to have served in Thessaly as an ambassador, which is why he is said to have had contacts with the Pem]stai, here to be read as a proper name for the poorest Thessalian social class (the serfs or community slaves, tied to land not owned by them).406 The name is then followed by the noun pem]stgr ‘poor man’ for Amynias, to establish an insulting connection between him and the Thessalian serfs.

4.5.3 Theoros Each time he is mentioned in Wasps, Theoros is satirised as a flatterer (42 – 5, 418 and 1236, where he appears to sit at the feet of his protector, Kleon). In a couple of cases the mention of the name seems to give rise to a pun of some sort: in 45, the distorted version H´ykor is at first glance the result of Alkibiades’ stammer, but noticeably it is also in harmony with j|kajor, as the q in Theoros makes it harmonious with 403 Cf. the synonymous J|qulbor ; also Pk|jalor ‘lock of hair’ and the rare Sj|kkor from sj|kkur ‘fringe of hair’ (LGPN; Bechtel 1917: 601 – 2). 404 Only five attestations in total, two of which are from Attica (LGPN): one Krobylos was a fourth century comic poet (K-A 4: 350 ff.). 405 See MacDowell 1971: 197, 296 with references. 406 See further MacDowell 1971: 297, cf. Fisher 1995: 4.

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j|qajor. ‘Flatterer’ and ‘raven’ are both mockeries of Theoros, who is

said to have a raven’s head (43), perhaps as a joke directed at his rapacious character. Theolos may also be understood as a pun on heºr and ekkuli, suggesting the meaning ‘reprobate’, because of its similarity to compounds with -ak- as a second component (e. g. 1n~kgr ‘cursed’) and to the adjective ako|r/akoi|r/ak~ior ‘destructive’, ‘lethal’.407 A second word-play involving this name is made by the chorus (418 – 9), apparently to express their irritation with Bdelykleon, but in reality to voice another satirical comment of Aristophanes’: § pºkir ja· He¾qou heoisewhq¸a, jeU tir %kkor pqo´stgjem Bl_m jºkan.

The second half of 418 seems to come as a comic surprise in the place of the expected invocation of heo_.408 In fact both words of the alliterative phrase He¾qou heoisewhq¸a may have been heard to pun on the same root, heo-. If Koller’s etymology of heyqºr (from *heo-yqor),409 discussed earlier, reflects ancient understanding, and the etymological meaning of the name Theoros evoked some benevolent function in the eyes of gods, then the phrase must have sounded like a comic oxymoron, with a paradoxical contradiction between the name and heoisewhq¸a ‘divine hate’. Perhaps the word-plays themselves imply that for the ancient audience the name was related to heºr rather than hea-.410

407 The root has a dubious presence in onomastics: Oketar (Halikarnassos, classical period) must be Karian (Masson vol. 1: 23 – 4); see also Chantraine 1999 s.v. ekkuli. 408 Cf. MacDowell 1971: 191, Sommerstein 1983: 182 – 3. 409 1958: 273 ff. 410 On the basis of Theoros’ role in Wasps, Andrisano (1985/6: 80 – 2) speculated that the name belonged to a real Theoros (which is possible, as we have seen), who was a supporter of Kleon; this contradicts her theory about Theoros being the standard name for the comic type ‘ambassador’. There is nothing in the context to support her second assumption, that the use of this name (assuming the root hea–) implies the poet’s deprecation of the ‘spectator’ in a general sense (?) and of the incompetent politician who is passively, vulgarly interested in his personal benefit.

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4.5.4 Others Dqajomt_dgr (157), who is said to be awaiting trial, may be identified

with one of several known individuals.411 The name was not very common, and it must have had a distinctive Athenian character,412 but it is possible that it was chosen also for the stereotyped comic relevance of the element Dqaj- (cf. the names Dq\jgr in Lys. 254 and Ec. 293 and Dq\jukkor in Ach. 612). Notably it is repeated by Philokleon at 438 as a joke-epithet for Kekrops, who was often represented as a serpent (dq\jym) below the waist.413 The context implies that the four names of 401 belong to Athenian prosecutors; Philokleon asks for their help in confronting his son. While Slijuh_ym and Teisi\dgr are good Attic names,414 Smikythion recurs at Ec. 46 and has a possible comic value (see above, under Knights, on Sl_juhor, and under Ecclesiazusae). Wq¶lym and Veq´deipmor are unattested and have the sound of jokes, presumably directed against the corrupted and voracious character of prosecutors. Wq¶lym was probably meant to allude to either wq^lg (Ion.)/wqglos}mg = wqe_a ‘need’, ‘want’ or wq/la ‘goods’, ‘money’, which suggest two opposed meanings: ‘poor’, ‘needy’ and ‘rich’.415 Similar attested names416 make both seem possible, but preference for the latter meaning is encouraged by the adjective !wq^lym, which means poor, and mainly by consideration 411 412 413 414

MacDowell 1971: 153. Nineteen of its twenty-one attestations are in LGPN IIA. See LIMC s.v. Kekrops (B. Knittlmayer). Smikythion was typically Attic, with all but one of its seventeen attestations coming from Attica (LGPN IIA). For Teisiades, the emendation Teis- of the MSS reading Tis- is corroborated by the spelling of other attestations of the name and of the much more common Teis_ar (LGPN; cf. Wilson 2007: 84 and Ach. 603). 415 Cf. MacDowell 1971: 187 – 8 and Chantraine 1999 s.v. ‘wq/la n. et wq/sir f.’. Wilson’s suggestion (2007: 84) that the name was conceived as a comic distortion of the existing Wq]lym cannot be excluded but is unnecessary. 416 There are single hellenistic or imperial attestations of WqgRl_dar (Bechtel 1917: 512), Wqgi~i, Wqglat_mg, Wqglat?mor (LGPN); cf. Wq/la (Masson vol. 2: 576, vol. 3: 213, 99). Wq^silor, Wq^stg, Wq/stor are more common; none is attested earlier than the fourth century. Note that Wq^lym is not related to Wq]lym (eight attestations, in various regions, from the fifth century, LGPN), derived from the fish wq]lgr, a source of a number of comic names (see also under Wealth on the hero’s name Chremylos).

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of the name’s bearer (a prosecutor is unlikely to be called ‘poor’). Pheredeipnos ‘dinner getter’ draws additional comic value from the fact that it is similar to attested names starting with Veqe-, but has an unexpected second component.417 At 500 – 2 the hippologic meaning of the tyrant Hippias’ name inspires a joke. Xanthias’ request for sex using equestrian vocabulary (jekgt_sai) is comically misunderstood by the prostitute to denote desire for the return of the tyrant with the horsy name. Jokaj¾mulor (592) is used satirically for the minor politician Kleonymos who frequently became the target of Aristophanes’ satire.418 This name has the function of a sobriquet, combining the real name’s second component –ymulor with an unlikely first part: until then the adjective j|kan ‘flatterer’ had not been used in name formation.419

The name of the farmer from whom Philokleon stole in his youth, 9qcas¸ym ‘labourer’ (1201), was historical, but apparently very uncom-

mon.420 It is likely therefore that it was not an accidental choice, but was used for its appropriateness to a small farmer, perhaps as a name coincidentally appropriate to its real bearer or a mock-name for a real individual known for being hard-working. Some lines later Bdelykleon invites his father to the dinner of a man called Vikojt¶lym (1250), ‘lover of possessions’, another significant and at the same time existing name. It sounds appropriate for a rich man and may be a joke at the expense of a known rich person.421

417 Pheredeipnos is a comic counterpart to real names of serious sound such as Veq]mijor, Veq]tilor, Veq]dyqor. The commonest in this group in Attica is Veqejk/r, LGPN IIA. MacDowell (1971: 188) may be right in thinking that both names are distortions of real men’s names. 418 Most famously for throwing away his shield in battle, cf. 15 – 27, 822 – 3 and see Peace 445 – 6 with Sommerstein 1985: 153. See also above p. 78. 419 A personal name J|kan is first attested in the imperial period (twice, LGPN IIIA). 420 Hence not a fictional name as MacDowell (1971: 286) thought. There are nine attestations in Attica, seven of which are from the fifth century (LGPN IIA). 421 Sommerstein (1983: 230) attempted to identify him, but the name has fourteen attestations in Attica in the fifth century alone (LGPN IIA).

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In her complaint against Bdelykleon, who stole from her and beat her, Myrtia the bread-seller names both her parents (1396 – 7), presumably to stress that she is of citizen status and therefore deserving respect. Both Myrtia and her mother, Sostrate, have normal Attic names.422 The father’s name, )cjuk_ym, is hardly attested,423 and has the sound of a nickname, probably referring to crooked legs or spine.424 Perhaps significantly, its only Attic attestations are in comedy, as the title of two fourth century plays by Eubulus and Alexis (K-A 5: 188 ff.; 2: 23 f.; the relationship between them is not known, but perhaps one was modeled on the other). The name is mentioned in Sch. V. 1178a, together with Kardopion, as that of someone guilty of mistreating his mother,425 perhaps a mythical or proverbial figure.426 The relevance of this to the Agkylion of comedy is not clear (the fragments of the homoymous comedies provide no clues); the name seems to allow for a versatile comic figure – a scheming or deceitful character. The play ends with an extended onomastic joke, which spans about thirty lines. Philokleon’s desire for a dancing competition is fulfilled with the appearance of the sons of Karkinos (1500 – 32), known as a dancer and tragic dramatist.427 The etymological meaning of his name 422 Myrtia: four attestations in classical Athens. On Sostrate, a common name, see under Thesmophoriazusae (pp. 149 – 50). 423 There are two examples only, archaic and hellenistic (LGPN I). The only other name from this root, )cj}kor, has two attestations from hellenistic Athens (LGPN IIA). 424 Bechtel (1898: 34) relates it to adjectives such as !cjukow^kgr, !cjuk|jykor and, in sense, to the names of the group of W\bgr (V. 234). Cf. Arnott 1996: 47. 425 If this is the meaning of diatih]mai, but see Arnott (ibid.) on the obscurity of the comment. This is what the context of Wasps suggests for Kardopion. 426 See Sommerstein 1983: 240 and further Hunter 1983: 85 – 6 and Arnott ibid.: 46 – 7. If this mistreatment may be suspected, like Kardopion’s, to be of sexual nature, then the name may have hinted also at twisted morals; cf. Holden 19022 s.v. )cjuk_ym. The adjective !cj}kor (LSJ s.v.) was used metaphorically of style (‘intricate’; Luc. Hist.Conscr. 43, Alciphr. 3.64) and of character (‘wily’, ‘crafty’, Lyc. 344). 427 On Karkinos and his sons, also dancers, see MacDowell 1971: 326 – 7. Cf. Peace 782 – 95 where they are compared to quails, and where they also appear to compete, this time with the chorus, a fact which has led to the assumption that they were conceived of as rivals of the chorus of Peace (and the poet himself); see Olson 2000: 65 – 74. Rothwell (1994: 241 – 5) made a case for Karkinos as a poet of comedies, but Olson (ibid.) was right to defend the traditional

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‘crab’ then leads to two food-related puns: the first son jatapoh^setai ‘will be swallowed down’ (1502), and when a second son (comically referred to as Jaqjim_tgr instead of Jaqjim_dgr, 1505) appears, Philokleon cries: mµ D¸( ¡x¾mgj( %qa ‘what a meal I bought’ (note that exom ‘cooked food’ and axym]y are mainly used for fish, LSJ), to which Xanthias responds that he has only had jaqj_mour – this time as a noun, ‘crabs’ (1506 – 7). The chorus then pick up on the joke and start their final song (in a mockingly elevated epic tone) with a comic invocation of the children of the ‘Lord of the Sea’ (1518 – 9); notably Karkinos was involved in expeditions of the Athenian fleet in the first years of the Peloponnesian war, and this, together with his name, may have inspired the joke epithet hak\ssior.428 As a further instalment to the joke, the sons of Crab are called the brothers of shrimps (1522).

view, diagnosing a rivalry of genres (paralleled in the mockery of Sophocles at Peace 695 – 9 and of Morsimos and Melanthios in the same song that mentions Karkinos), which is perhaps also felt in the context of Philokleon’s competition with the family. 428 Thus MacDowell 1971: 326.

5 Peace 5.1 Trygaios and his peace The principal character of Peace is an Attic farmer; he undertakes to travel to the gods on the back of a dung-beetle with the purpose of persuading them to restore Peace (personified as a goddess) to the Greeks, who are fighting the Peloponnesian war. The year is 421, and the Peace of Nikias is about to be signed. The hero bears the significant name Tquca?or : derived from tq¼c(tq¼cg ‘vintage’, tq}n ‘must’, tquc\y ‘harvest fruit’), the name must mean ‘vintager’.429 It is not historically attested and must be the poet’s own creation, possibly inspired by similar names attested in neighbouring regions; these were rare, which would have made the etymological significance more noticeable.430 The fact that the poet wished to pun on the name’s etymological meaning is confirmed by the character’s self-introduction (190 – 1): TQ.

Tquca?or )hlome¼r, !lpekouqc¹r deniºr, oq sujov²mtgr oqd( 1qastµr pqacl²tym.

The name, which is followed by the hero’s demotic affiliation, is clearly explained by his capacity as !lpekouqc|r ‘vinedresser’. The rest of the introduction suggests that the hero, and we might assume all farmers, are decent folk, with the implication perhaps that sycophants and busy-bodies thrived in the city, not in the country.431 Trygaios’ name is heard several times (919, 1197, 1198, 1203, 1210), and he (and only he, with one exception) notably uses vocabulary from the root

429 Cf. also Sch. on 190: t¹ l³m emola Tquca?or paq± t¹ tquc÷m pepo¸gtai "qlºfom ceyqc`. 430 There are single attestations of Tquc¸ar (Boiotia, fifth century, LGPN IIIB), Tquc/r (Argos, fourth century, LGPN IIIA) and the feminine name Tquc^tiom (Thasos, imperial period, LGPN I). Two attestations of Tquc^tg (Sicily, LGPN IIIA) are perhaps early byzantine. 431 The fact that farmers were the victims of city politics which favoured war is emphasised in the play (1179 – 90).

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tq¼c-.432 At the end of the play (1339 – 40), the name acquires addition-

al comic relevance from a word-play about the hero’s preparation to engage in sexual activity with his new bride Opora (Tquc¶solem aqt¶m).433 Nevertheless, in a play which centres on the farmers’ desire to be freed from the plights of war, the main function of the hero’s name must have been to signpost his joint role as representative of agriculture and defender of peace, which is a prerequisite for agricultural activities (cf. his speech at 151 – 5). At 190, Trygaios’ name is heard late enough for the audience to see in it an explanation of his hatred of war (which can be inferred from 62 – 3, 119 – 21),434 but at the same time early enough to be seen as the expression of motive and justification for the following, main part of the action. The association of Trygaios’ name with the plot is further implied by the specific connection made between the personified Peace and vines: she is called ‘lover of vines’ (vikalpekyt²tgm, 308) and is said to bring the gift of vintage (botquºdyqe, 520). The several further references to vines and grapes in the play435 would also sound relevant to the hero’s name and the farmer’s need for peace: it seems also relevant that vines take some years to bear fruit, so that the damage from raids cannot quickly be made good. Despite the dominant association with peace and vines, it would be hard not to notice the closeness of Trygaios to tquc\d¸a, which was another word for comedy (used by Aristophanes occasionally, cf. Ach. 499 – 500, fr. 156.9), and makes the personal name sound fitting for a comic hero from a generic point of view.436 The hero may be associated with a further onomastic joke: just before the announcement of his real name, Trygaios responds to Hermes’ insult 432 tquco_pou (535), tquc|r (576), tquc÷t’ (912), tquc^solem (1339 – 40; twice, by both hero and chorus). 433 This is reminiscent of the sexual jokes found in traditional wedding songs (cf. the repeated invocation of Hymenaios from 1332 onwards). The use of tquc^solem is made more appropriate by the fact that the bride is the personification of fruit-time. See also Sommerstein 1985: 195. 434 Olson (1998: 105) may be right in thinking that the poet might have withheld his hero’s name for longer had it not been for the need to announce him to Zeus. 435 557, 597, 612, 1162; b|tqur (708) in the place of ‘children’ is a foretaste of the sexual joke at the end of the play (1339 – 40). 436 Cf. Sommerstein 1985: 138 and Olson 1998: 105.

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liaq~tator ‘most abominable’ by pretending this was indeed his name

(185 – 7); a capital letter seems preferable here, although most editors did not opt for it.437 Comically, the god seems to accept this answer and is only annoyed when the same incredible ‘name’ is repeated by the joking hero as a patronymic and demotic. Although, as has been noted, names of unflattering etymological meanings were used in real life, no personal names from liaq|r existed.438

5.2 Personifications Other prominent characters in Peace are personifications who appear in human form. Peace, War439 and their attendants Kydoimos, Opora and Theoria are all super-human figures: Peace is given divine status;440 War occupies divine residence and has absolute power over the Greeks (204 – 6); Kydoimos (‘Uproar’) has power as War’s slave; Theoria (‘Festival-going’ or ‘Holiday’) and Opora (‘Harvest’) 441 are symbolic representations of the significance of panhellenic festivals and of nature’s harvest respectively, both of Dionysian relevance and to be enjoyed only at a time of peace. The personifications’ names are not alien to real-life onomastics,442 but they mostly occur later than Aristophanes’ time. In Trygaios’ words, Peace will acquire an additional name, Kusil\wg (992), if she manages to dissolve all war and fighting. Peace is of course the natural opposite of war, but a name such as Lysimache emphasises her active function as a war-stopper: 437 Coulon and Platnauer did. 438 There is only )l_amtor ‘undefiled’, ‘pure’, from lia_my (several attestations, especially LGPN IIIA). 439 Also personified at Ach. 979. 440 For a discussion of the religious and mythical dimension of Peace see Olson (1998: xxxv-xxxviii) and Parker (1996: 227 ff.) who notes that in real life she only started to receive cult in the first half of the fourth century. 441 Names as translated by Olson (1998: 184, 255). See further LIMC s.vv. Eirene (E. Simon), Opora (C. Weiss), Polemos (P. Zanovello), Kydoimos (P. Müller). 442 The exception is Judoil|r (but note a Judoilojk/r in third century Sparta). EQq^mg was common enough (149 attestations in total). P|kelor and Heyq_a have single hellenistic attestations from Mytilene and Athens (?) respectively (LGPN I and IIA). ip~qa has seven attestations (one at Athens), all hellenistic or imperial, and is the title of a comedy by Alexis featuring a hetaera (see Arnott 1996: 496 – 503). It is not difficult to see why Opora (the name was rendered in English as ‘Fullfruit’ by Sommerstein) might be used as a hetaera-name.

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101

kOsom d³ l²war ja· joqjoquc²r, Vma Kusil²wgm se jak_lem·

All editors print a personal name: as a historical name, Lysimache is predominantly Attic443 and prominent because of the homonymous priestess of Athena Polias who served at the time of the play.444 But the word also has the sound of a title relying on the adjective kus_lawor, and it is not clear whether the audience would have heard a proper name (referring to the homonymous priestess), or an epithet (perhaps suggesting a deity).445 The meaning of Theoria’s name is evoked at 342, where Trygaios tells the chorus they will be able to attend festivals (eQr pamgc¼qeir heyqe?m) when peace comes. It is also worth remembering that city representatives to panhellenic festivals (such as the City Dionysia) were called heyqo_. The name becomes involved in a gross sexual joke at 873 – 4: Theoria is named as the object of the farmers’ sexual appetite on their way to Brauron, presumably only because they went there for heyq_a, to watch the celebration of a festival.446

5.3 Joke-names Various onomastic jokes are scattered throughout the play: Pgc\siom (76) ‘little Pegasos’447 is a mockingly inappropriate address for the dung-beetle, which has been described as liaq¹m … ja· j²joslom ja· boqºm (38). The use of Pegasos’ name belongs of course to the par443 Twenty-four out of its thirty-eight attestations are from Athens (from around 400, LGPN). 444 See Sommerstein 1985: 180, Olson 1998: 259; Lysistrata’s women will also be called Kusil\wai if they achieve their purpose (554). The masculine form Lysimachos is used with a play on its meaning (‘deliverer from battle’) in AP 5.71 (Rufinus), 11.210 (Lucillius). 445 See Dunbar 1970: 270 – 2. Olson (1998: 259) implies that an allusion to the priestess should require that she shared in anti-war politics (which is not known); but the priestess may well be evoked just for the sake of her name and the ensuing word-play. For a similar structure see Eq. 615: T¸ d’ %kko c’ eQ lµ Nijºboukor 1cemºlgm. 446 See Sommerstein 1985: 174. Festival-going was associated with eating, drinking and sexual enjoyment, cf. Olson 1998: 238. 447 Hall-Geldart and Coulon have the adjective Pgc\seiom ‘sprung from Pegasos’, but the proper name was rightly preferred by Wilson, Olson, Sommerstein and Platnauer. See further Olson 1998: 82, cf. Platnauer 1964: 74.

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ody of Euripides’ Bellerophon, which permeates the whole scene.448 Trygaios’ ‘horse’ is nothing like Bellerophon’s, though the use of the name Pegasos as pet-name for the hero’s flying beetle may suggest some justified affection for the creature which helps him fulfill his difficult plan. Jamh²qou kil¶m (145) is only mentioned here as a possible landingplace for the beetle because of the homonymity with j\mhaqor ‘beetle’. This was indeed the name of the largest harbour of Peiraeus owing to a local hero Kantharos, at least according to the Scholia to this line. There was also a comic poet of that name,449 a contemporary of Aristophanes, which might suggest a further comic target. Similarly Pqasia_ (242), a Laconian town,450 is chosen as one of the victims of the personified War because of the similarity of the place-name to pq\som ‘leek’, an ingredient of his mash (luttyt|r). )ttij¸ym (214 [ªttij_ym in the text, the correct Laconian contracted form for b )ttij¸ym]),451 allegedly used by the Spartans to refer to their enemy, may be a diminutive of the ethnic Attikos or a personal name exemplifying the residents of Attica;452 in either case it is meant to have a belittling effect. )ttijymijo¸ ‘people of Attica’ (215; cf. fr. 437) was coined by Aristophanes in analogy with the preceding Kajymijo_ (212). This unexpected term was probably meant to suggest a comic comparison between the two main war opponents, implying that they were and behaved more alike than they might realise. This fits the context of Hermes’ accusation against both sides that they show equal distrust and reluctance to agree on peace (211 – 9). J}mma (755) repeats a joke already found in Wasps (1031 – 6), at the expense of Kleon who had died the previous year, but could not be im-

448 449 450 451

See further Olson 1998: xxxii – xxxiv. See K-A 4 for surviving fragments. See Shipley in Hansen – Nielsen 2004: 586 no. 342. Thus Wilson, following Hirschig, and Coulon; spelled with small initial in Hall-Geldart. Platnauer printed )ttij¸ym (thus MSS), but see Olson 1998: 110 – 11. Sommerstein’s "ttij_ym (following Dobree) presupposes the use of an Attic contraction in a Laconian context. 452 See Sommerstein 1985: 143. )ttij¸ym was a rare personal name, first attested in the imperial period; five out of seven known examples come from Attica (LGPN).

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mediately forgotten.453 The lines are almost identical with Wasps,454 but the context here includes the stereotypical b}qsa joke (753).

5.4 The chorus and the play’s final scene The chorus455 only has one named member, its leader: he has the significant name Jylaqw¸dgr (1142). Derived from j_lor ‘band of revellers’ and !qwºr ‘leader’, the name is suitable for the leader of a comic chorus, not least because of its closeness to jyl\d¸a.456 Though unattested, it is clearly based on the existing name J¾laqwor457 with the addition of the patronymic ending, which is often added to real and invented names alike to strengthen their comic connotations.458 The end of the play is marked by a celebration in which an individual named Waqim\dgr is invited to take part (1155). This is perhaps used as a generically comic name (found also in V. 232 for a chorus member, see further under Wasps). In the previous line, recent editors until Wilson printed the name AQswim\dgr, which is the traditional reading,459 but noted that it does not quite fit the metre.460 This explains Wilson’s decision to adopt van Leeuwen’s emendation 4n paq’AQsw_mou (six [myrtle branches] from Aischines), although the difficulty remains that Aischi453 Cf. further instances of mockery at 269 – 70, 313 – 5. Note a hint of self-satire at 47 – 8, which must be understood to mean that the poet never missed an opportunity to abuse this particular enemy, and the irony of 647 – 56 where the poet’s ‘reluctance’ to mock a dead person results in five different insults. 454 See above, p. 89. 455 On its various identities, a puzzling feature of this play, see Sommerstein 1985: xviii-xix. 456 Sommerstein 1985: 188. Olson (1998: 286) rightly notes that an alternative derivation from j~lg producing the meaning ‘leader of the village’, though suitable for a rural setting, would be less appropriate for a chorus leader. Cf. also the already discussed name Jyl_ar, of a chorus member inV. 230. 457 There are nine attestations of it from Attica, from the late sixth century up to the imperial period (LGPN IIA). See further Olson 1998: 286. 458 See Marzullo (1953) for a discussion of the use of comic patronymic endings. 459 1n AQswim\dou : Coulon, Hall-Geldart, Sommerstein (with hesitation, see his note; 1985: 188), Olson. 460 Sommerstein (ibid.) further thought that the repetition of sound (-adgr) is unlikely; however, it would not be unparallelled in Aristophanes (see Jackson 1955: 220 – 2).

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nades is a highly unusual name461 and could not have easily replaced the common name Aischines.

461 It only has one, doubtful attestation at Athens and two hellenistic examples from Euboia (LGPN). Aischines has 120 examples from Attica only.

6 Birds 6.1 Peisetairos and Euelpides 9lo· l³m emola Peis´taiqor, t\ded· Eqekp¸dgr Jqi_hem.

This is how the play’s pair of heroes introduce themselves to the birds (643 – 4),462 whose world they wish to join, having become tired of the ills of Athenian society. Peisetairos is not the name handed down by tradition, but the result of long textual discussion, which can be summarised as follows. The MS tradition is unanimous in offering Peish´taiqor in both text463 and Hypotheses, while an alternative form Pish´taiqor only appears once (Sch. 1271); both are suggestive of a ‘speaking’ name. Peish´taiqor, however, is grammatically unlikely (a corrupted form perhaps) as there is no parallel for a name being formed from the passive stem of a verb.464 On the other hand, the etymological meaning of Pish´taiqor (which has a single attestation at Athens in the fourth century, LGPN IIA), ‘loyal friend’,465 is unsuitable to the character.466 Of the two heroes, he is the most prominent: he initiates most of the action and re462 The line attribution is disputed; according to Wilson, Peisetairos is the sole speaker but other editors assign t\ded_ as a question to the Hoopoe. 463 Peisha¸teqor, offered by two MSS on 644, is a scribal error (ai/e is a common phonetic confusion). 464 This form was adopted by Kakridis (1982), but see Dunbar (1995: 128 – 9) for a summary of the problem and Marzullo (1970). The first part Peish- of a fragmentary name (restored as Peish[´taiqor]?, LGPN IIA) must be an error. 465 Cf. pist¹r 2ta?qor (Il. 15.331 etc.). Meister (1921: 215, 2) preferred the meaning ‘he who has true friends’. 466 Meineke, followed by Schroeder, Coulon and Hall-Geldart, adopted it on the assumption that it offers a dramatically appropriate meaning in the context in which it is revealed (see esp. 629 – 36, where the hero is presented as the birds’ new ally), but even so it would be left with a colourless and neutral function for the rest of the play. This provides an additional argument against Peish´taiqor, which would have a passive meaning (the Scholia [A6] explain it with paq± t` pe¸heshai = for being persuaded). The only time the hero pe_hetai is at the beginning of the play (7 – 8), when he tries to find his way to the bird-world by following a jackdaw.

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mains active to the end of the play, while Euelpides leaves the stage around the middle (845), never to return. He emerges rather as the leader, with a strong active presence in the play: he conceives the central idea of a bird-city, convinces the birds of its potential and then the gods of its power, lays the foundations for it and safeguards it, eventually reaching semi-divine status as the city’s governor. His function as persuasive leader is reflected in the use of relevant vocabulary, most strikingly at 162 – 4, where he predicts a great future for the birds if they listen to his advice, and pe_hy is used three times in the space of only three lines: PE. eQ p¸hoish´ loi / EP. t¸ soi pih¾lesh’; / PE. n ti p¸hgshe. Relevant to the hero’s peih~ are also !mape_sym (460), pihoO (661), j!lo· pihºlemor (1011), pe¸sola¸ soi (1371) and indirectly Km d³ lµ pe¸hgshe (1086).467 The name’s original form hid in the ungrammatical Peish´taiqor, which seems to be a conflation (perhaps produced under the influence of the existing name Pish´taiqor) of two variants, Peih´taiqor and Peis´taiqor. Both are grammatically acceptable; the fact that neither is an attested name creates no difficulty as Aristophanes often used non-existent but normal sounding names (e. g. Stikbym_dgr below, Ceusistq\tg [Ec. 49], Bkex_dglor [Pl. 332]), and there are many attested compound names with Peih- and Peis-. The form Peih´taiqor468 had to be rejected as the present stem peih- has an intransitive value and would indicate obedience (cf. pe¸haqwor, peih¶lym, peih²myq).469 The eventual choice was Peis´taiqor. The aorist stem is suggestive of an active sense (‘to persuade’, rather than ‘to be loyal to’),470 which makes this name more suitable for a hero who persuades (pe¸hei) and is not persuaded (pe¸hetai). Peisetairos has been adopted by all recent editors of Birds. 471 LGPN evi-

467 Cf. the word-plays Eqpe¸hei pe¸homto (Od. 24.265 – 6) and the (possibly coincidental) b Peih¸ar … pe¸hei (Th. 3.70.5 – 6); see Hornblower (1991: 470) who does not believe in the presence of deliberate puns in Thucydides (Herodotus, on the other hand, was clearly fond of them; see Introduction p. 12 and n. 74). 468 Thought by Kock (1876: 48) to stand closer to the MS tradition (but this is debatable) and adopted by Dindorf. 469 Schwyzer (1950 – 71) vol.1: 444 4. 470 Cf. Marzullo 1970. Dobree in 1831 – 2 was the first one to suggest this reading, while Bergk suspected that the poet wrote either Peih´taiqor or Peis´taiqor, and then adopted the latter in his edition of 1852. Van Leeuwen (1902), too, preferred Peis´taiqor. 471 Sommerstein (1987), Zanetto (1987), Dunbar (1995) and Wilson (2007).

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dence now shows that this is the most normal form: Peis- is a significantly more common name component than Peih-.472 Since the image of the hero as a persuasive leader is well-established before he is first named in 644, the audience would have connected the name with his personality traits.473 The delay in naming, common in Aristophanes as we have seen,474 gives the impression that the character has earned his name after giving proof of the qualities expressed in it.475 The name is then mentioned four more times, in all cases by visitors who wish to meet the sovereign of the new bird city (1046, 1123, 1271, 1495). The active function of the principal character is contrasted with the rather passive role of his comrade, but he too has a ‘speaking’ name: Eqekp_dgr, ‘son of good hope’, ‘optimist’. It is heard only once (645), at the crucial moment of the heroes’ self-introduction to the birds, and its meaning is probably meant to create an atmosphere of hope and confidence that the plans of the two heroes will meet with success. The name is not attested until after Aristophanes’ time and is very rare.476 It was probably chosen for a strong effect, which was perhaps increased by the normal demotic Jqi_hem (from the deme Krioa).477

472 There are fourty-nine different names starting with Peih-, against seventy-nine with Peis-. 473 Cf. Dunbar 1995: 415. 474 See also Introduction pp. 12 – 3. 475 Ghiron-Bistagne (1989: 91) suggested that the name could have more than one simultaneous meanings: ‘he who persuades his comrades’ and ‘loyal comrade’. But it would certainly not be right to assume an intended ambiguity; each grammatical form only allows one kind of meaning. 476 The earliest example is an Eqekp_dar from Kalymnos (third century, LGPN I), There is one imperial attestation of Eqekp_dgr from Thessalonike (LGPN IV) and two more from hellenistic Karia (IIasos 270, 18; 282, 24). On the whole names beginning with Eqekp- are very few – only nine in total; the commonest is Eq]kpistor, but all of its attestations (a total of 104, LGPN) are AD. The only other name in Athens is Eqekp_r ([Eqe ?]kp_r, second century, LGPN IIA; an earlier attestation is found in Amorgos ([Eq]ekp_r, fourth century, LGPN I). There are rare occurrences of Eqekp_ar (Argos), Eq]kpior (Ephesos), Euekpir, Eqekp_stg (Lydia), Eqekp_stior (Laconia). Plain 9kp- is a more common, and older, first component (found in thirty-nine different names; the commonest is 9kp_r, and of the masculine names 9kp_mijor). 477 Zanetto (1987: 235), followed by Dunbar (1995: 416 – 7), assumed – but without support from the text – a pun on jqi|r ‘ram’ that suggests a sexual joke.

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The story of Birds, which concentrates on the fantastic existence and actions of the main hero in the world of the birds, is the only Aristophanic plot to be so far removed from Athenian affairs. However, some interpetations have focused on possible contemporary allusions which may affect the names. Although specific political allusions are absent, the plot and names could remind the audience of general aspects of Athenian political life. The name of Peisetairos may allude to the public speakers who seek to manipulate people using peih¾. Euelpides, on the other hand, may express the good faith and hope, and the somewhat naïve trust placed in politicians by the average Athenian. The absence of largescale political satire from Birds (which was staged in 414) makes more specific political interpetations of the names hard to accommodate.478 Perhaps the likeliest political allusion is to the Sicilian expedition that had begun the previous year (415); the name of Peisetairos could then appear to reflect the politicians’ effectiveness in persuading people about the rightness of the expedition (perhaps implying the role of the immensely persuasive Alkibiades) and of Euelpides the ‘typical confident Athenian’ and excessive optimism about the expedition’s outcome; Thucydides uses eq]kpider as an adjective in a context that is relevant to the expedition and expresses such positive expectation (6.24, eq´kpider emter syh¶seshai). However, the vagueness and scantiness of relevant references in Aristophanes’ play make these associations difficult for the audience.479 A contemporary relevance was perhaps more apparent in an alternative name which seems to be suggested for Euelpides early in the play, before the name Euelpides is heard.480 Picturing his ideal city, the hero imagines an encounter with a friend who addresses him with § StikbyThere is a variant reading, Hqi/hem, which would make the hero a citizen of the deme Thria, with a possible pun on hq?om ‘fig leaf’. 478 See Dunbar (1995: 2 ff.) for some examples. Recent discussions see the second element of Peisetairos’ name as an allusion to oligarchic clans, the first element as an echo of the tyrant’s name Peisistratos, and the whole play as a warning for the oligarchic coup of 411 (see A.Bowie 1993: 171, Hubbard 1991: 160). Dunbar adequately showed the impossibility of such an interpretation (1996: 64). In the absence of more specific clues in the text, Peis- was too common in personal names to allude to anyone in particular. 479 Cf. Dunbar 1995: 2, 416. 480 As we have seen, alternative appellations for heroes are also present in Eq.: Nikoboulos for Agorakritos (615) and Antileon for Paphlagon (1044).

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m¸dg (139). The context is the man’s unrealistic complaint to Euelpides for not showing interest in his attractive son who had just bathed and was on his way back from the gymnasium. Although Stilbonides certainly has the sound of a proper name,481 it is unattested as such, and names starting with Stikb- (from st_kbg ‘sparkle’) are rare.482 However, it is strikingly reminiscent of the name of the diviner Stikb_dgr, who is the unique known bearer of this name, and is mentioned by Aristophanes in Peace 1032; he was a prominent figure and is known to have joined the Sicilian expedition in the year when the play was produced. Stilbonides may have the double function of a pun on him and of a nickname to suit the context’s atmosphere either by combining ‘the ideas of elegant sheen, the result of being well bathed and oiled, and of good family, such as have names in –_dgr’.483

The etymological meaning of Peisetairos may further suggest satire of the sophists. The persuasiveness it expresses, which the hero often exercises, is certainly a sophistic trait; the way he persuades the birds to build a city (163 ff.), and then the gods that they must fulfill his requests (1606 ff.), is further reminiscent of sophistic practice and may deride principles of sophistic argumentation.484 The Hoopoe’s reaction (429 – 30) to his persuasive exposition reinforces that impression: EP.

Pujmºtatom j¸mador, sºvisla, j¼qla, tq?lla, paip²kgl( fkom.

481 Most recent editors print a proper name here, but not all, as in Ach. 595 – 7. Both OCT editions, Zanetto, Kakridis and Dunbar prefer a proper name. Sommerstein (1987: 207 – 8), following Coulon, chose to have a noun, as he did in the Acharnians passage. 482 Only five in total: Stikb_dgr, St_kbor, St_kboum, Stikb~mdar, with one or two attestations each. Stilbonides’ ‘father’ name St_kbym is the commonest with sixteen attestations, though none at Athens (LGPN). 483 Thus Dunbar 1995: 178 – 9 (see also Sch. 139); cf. j\kkez ja· w\qisi st_kbym (Od. 6.237), for Odysseus, after he bathed in the river and anointed himself with oil on his arrival at the land of the Phaiacians. Another possibility allowed by the Scholia is that the name has a paiderastic connotation (cf. Kakridis 1982: 48), but this is mere speculation. An old view that the passage should be assigned to Peisetairos and Stilbonides is an earlier name for the hero before he emerges as a persuader, is unconvincing; cf. Zanetto 1987: 195. 484 See Hubbard 1991: 158 ff. for a detailed discussion. Peisetairos’ faith in the influential power of his words at his meeting with the informer is also relevant to his name (1437 – 50).

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However, Peisetairos’ name may not be regarded as part of a systematic portraiture of a sophist: although mocking allusions to sophists are possible at several other moments in the play,485 it is clear that they should not be seen, any more than the political allusions, as the plot’s central focus. Still, individual jokes of political and social relevance involving names are present in the play and are discussed in the following sections.

6.2 Other significant names Early in the play, Peisetairos comically contrasts his and Euelpides’ intention to leave Athens for a better place with Sakas’ effort to gain Athenian citizenship (31). The Scholia inform us that S\jar is a comic name for the dramatist Akestor (TGrF 1 no.25 Snell) to imply barbarian origin: he was often mocked in comedy for foreign birth (cf. V. 1221).486 The nickname is derived from the ethnic Sakai, a Persian name used for the Scythians of central Asia,487 but there is evidence that it was also used as a personal name.488 Lines 125 – 6 contain a pun of an unusual type. The Hoopoe misreads in Peisetairos’ decision to abandon Athens a preference for an aristocratic regime, which the hero denies, claiming to hate the son of Skellias:489 EP. PE.

)qistojqate?shai d/kor eW fgt_m.

9c¾. Fjista7 ja· t¹m Sjekk¸ou bdek¼ttolai.

485 Note especially the reversal of moral order associated with the hero’s ideal city (128 ff.; cf. 756 – 7), presented as the product of sophistic education in Clouds; the right to beat one’s father, instilled by Pheidippides’ sophistic training, is established by law in Cloudcuckooland (1347 – 8). However, Peisetairos eventually restores normal order (1353 – 69). 486 Sch. Av. 31a-b. Further instances collected by Sommerstein 1987: 203. 487 See further Dunbar 1995: 146 – 7, who mentions Old Persian epigraphical evidence. 488 One attestation from the Kimmerian Bosporos (fourth century, LGPN IV). Sakas is the name of Astyages’ (Kyros’ Median grandfather) cupbearer and servant in X. Cyr. 1.3 – 4. 489 On the form of this name (which probably originated in a sobriquet meaning ‘Long-leg’, Bechtel 1898: 35) see Dunbar 1995: 173 – 4.

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j Sjekk¸ou is not named, but seems to have been prominent enough for the audience to know his name. This was )qistojq\tgr, a man known to have held various public offices and to have co-signed Nikias’ peace.490 The name is very common (123 attestations in Athens alone) and frequent use can obscure etymological significance, but the preceding !qistojqate?shai draws attention to the meaning of the implied name and explains Peisetairos’ hatred of its bearer.

Tereus’ effort to suggest places where the heroes could settle inspires two onomastic jokes. K]pqeor (149), which Euelpides says he hates because of Melanthios, is in the neutral form the name of a real town in Elis in the Peloponnese; it is only mentioned here because of its similarity to k]pqa, a skin disease (clearly not the equivalent of modern ‘leprosy’, but a much less serious affliction) from which the tragic poet Melanthios suffered. The joke is evidently directed against the poet and not the town itself, as is further suggested by the use of a masculine form for the place-name to agree with Melanthios and imply the adjective kepq|r.491 Tereus’ alternative suggestion, Opous (Kojq_dor ipo}mtioi, 152), is put forward only to enable a pun between the ethnic and the name of a real man called Opountios, known for being one-eyed (cf. 1294); this explains why Euelpides dreads becoming an Opountios, even 1p· tak\mt\ wqus_ou. The name only has two known bearers, both from fifth century Athens (LGPN IIA), and it is likely to reflect some sort of personal connection between an Athenian and an Opountian, of the xenos-guest friend type.492 The initial clash between chorus and heroes makes the latter fear for their lives. To Euelpides’ question about a possible burial place for the two of them, should they be killed in a ‘battle’ against the birds, Jeqaleij|r (395) appears to be the obvious answer: not only is it the dis490 On him see further Sommerstein (1987: 207) and Dunbar (1995: 173), who rightly think that no inference should be drawn about his politics from the implied word-play, despite the Scholia (cf. Halliwell 1984: 86). 491 See Dunbar (1995: 182), citing a suggestion made by Fraenkel. 492 See Herman 1987: 19 – 22. This is a far more likely naming-motive than Athenian conquest of Opuntian Lokris around 457 (assumed by Sommerstein 1987: 209), even if the xenia perhaps occurred in the context of closer relations between Athens and Opous. The name Jaqust|mijor, which occurs in an Athenian casualty list of 447 (LGPN IIA), and which must refer to the Athenian capture of Karystos ca.472, is more than a simple ethnic.

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trict of the main Athenian cemetery, where war casualties were normally buried (Th. 2.34), but also evokes j]qalor ‘clay’,493 and is thus associated with the nature of the battle described in the previous lines, one fought entirely with potter-pots (357 – 65).494 iqmea_ (399), as the imagined place in the world of the birds where the battle happens, puns on eqmea ‘birds’; but it was also the real name of an Argolid town which, a year before the production of Birds, was captured by Athens without a fight (Th. 6.7) and thus became associated with the anticipation of a battle that never happened. The memory of this event, still quite fresh, would add an ironic hint to Peisetairos’ expectation of death at a location where no fighting ever took place.495 In a story comically used by Peisetairos to provide an argument for the birds’ alleged primeval antiquity,496 the ‘first bird’ (a joqud|r ‘crested lark’) had to provide a burial place for her father in her own body, as the Earth was not yet in existence, and eventually buried him in her own head. Euelpides then amusingly identifies the location of this ‘cemetery’ as the deme Kephale (476) because of the name’s etymological connection with jevak^ ‘head’, while the joke is made more effective by the fact that this deme was the location of a large cemetery.497 Part of Peisetairos’ argumentation for the birds’ supremacy is the claim that a bird was the first king of Persia, before Daqe¸ou ja· Lecab²fou (484).498 Both Persian names were familiar to Greek ears: the name Dareios was famously associated with the Persian wars and the expedition that culminated in the battle of Marathon. There was no real Per493 This must be the real etymology of Kerameikos, perhaps reflecting the fact that the district was popular with potters (jeqale?r). Cf. Chantraine (1999 s.v. j]qalor), who distinguishes it from the allegedly Karian toponym J]qalor. 494 Both suggestions are found in the Scholia, though Kakridis (1982: 89) may be right that a pun on j]qalor was not necessarily intended by the poet, especially given the lack of a specific word-play. 495 See further Dunbar 1995: 289, citing Schroeder’s suggestion. 496 The story, unattested in what we have of the Aesopian corpus (despite Peisetairos’ claim), must be of near Eastern origin (Ael. NA 16.5). 497 See further Dunbar’s note (1995: 327). 498 Thus MSS, followed by Wilson, Hall-Geldart, Zanetto and Dunbar; Sommerstein (1987), like Coulon (followed also by Kakridis), print Haupt’s conjecture, Daqe¸ym ja· Lecab²fym (to agree with the preceding p\mtym). Dunbar (1995: 331), however, rightly thought that two singular names in apposition to p\mtym are possible, and plurals after p\mtym would hardly be changed to singulars.

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sian king called Lec²bafor – or Lec²bufor, which is an alternative reading – but both names belonged to Persian officials, and it seems that the Athenians could refer to these as kings. Megabazos, which was perhaps the equivalent of Bagabadush,499 was certainly familiar to Greek ears: two were mentioned by Herodotus, a commander of Dareios in Thrace (Hdt. 4.143 – 4, 5.1 – 26), and an admiral with Xerxes’ fleet (Hdt. 7.97; perhaps also Th. 1.109.2 – 3). So was Megabyzos, which must be a corrupted form of Lec²bunor (perhaps under the influence of Megabazos), the hellenised version of Bagabukhsa.500 It is the name of various Persians (two in Hdt. 3.70 – 87, 7.82, one in Th. 1.109.3, one in Plu. Mor. 58 d), while the form Megabyxos is a frequent varia lectio in Herodotean MSS and also appears in two fourth century inscriptions from Priene;501 it was finally the title of the high priest of Artemis at Ephesos (X. An. 5.3.6; Str. 14.1.23, 641).502 Both are therefore possible, and both bear witness to the influence of folk-etymological principles on the hellenisation of foreign names;503 in fact the comic poet Crates (of Cratinus’ generation) may have used Lecab}fou (fr. 37) as a comic name to express delusions of grandeur.504 However, here the reading Lec²bafor is preferable on the basis of its comic significance: its closeness in sound to l´ca b²feim made it suggestive of someone who ‘talks big, boasts’, which can be meant as a mockery of the Persian king.505 499 Meca- was the common hellenisation of Persian Baga- names, cf. Lecab\tgr (Old Persian *Baga-pa¯ta-), after the many Greek Meca- names. The seemingly difficult transition from *Baga- to Meca- is better explained by assuming an intermediary link *Maga-, based on the characteristic Lycian m/b alternation; see Schmitt 1971: 8 – 11. 500 A significant name (baga- ‘god’), thought to mean ‘freed by the god’ or (actively) ‘giving joy to the god’. See Burkert 2004: 106. 501 IPr. 3 and 231; cf. BE 6 (1968 – 70): 437 – 8 (N is used to represent the phoneme which Attic-Ionic represents as F). 502 According to Burkert (2004: 105 – 7) the name Lec²bunor bears testimony to the cultural interaction between Greeks and Persians before the great war; as the title of a priest of Artemis it was probably meant to demonstrate sacred status, and to suggest to the Persians that they had to respect the divine (= the sanctuary of the goddess). But see also Bremmer (2004: 9 – 10) for a different view. 503 Cf. Tsitsibakou-Vasalos 2007: 28 – 9 and Introduction p. 3. 504 As suggested by Luc. Tim. 22 and Hsch. (vol.2 [Latte]: 635) Lecab}feioi k|coi = lec\koi ; see K-A 4: 104. 505 Cf. Dunbar 1995: 332. See also Sommerstein 1987: 228. The Scholium on 484b seems to favour Lec²bufor (because of the quotation referring to the

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Once the hero’s proposal to form a bird-city has met with the birds’ approval, he urges them to act fast and not lekkomiji÷m (639). The infinitive is a comic compound with l]kkeim and the name of the general Nikias, that suggests the meaning ‘hesitate like Nikias’ (1syjq\tym ‘behaved like Sokrates’ at 1282 is a similar formation, though not a compound); the ending –i\y is typical of verbs denoting illness,506 which might add the nuance of ‘have the illness of hesitation’. Lekko- is used in an original fashion (in the few other compounds with l]kky it has a different sense),507 to carry a joke at Nikias’ expense for delaying decisions and action, perhaps implying a comment on the way he handled aspects of the Sicilian expedition.508 The name Orestes, used by the chorus in the parabasis for a mugger (712), was discussed earlier under Ach. 1166 – 8 (where it appeared to be a symbol of madness); its meaning here is equally obscure, although it seems to have a rather different function. Perhaps the name is used here for generically negative connotations emerging from its heroic background and the Greeks’ known fear of meeting a dead hero at night (cf. 1490 – 1).509 If the name is meant to evoke the hero Orestes,510 it could alternatively be associated with illegal acts or aggressive behaviour because of some of his life events (he caused the death of Neoptolemos by leading him into a trap, Eur. Andr. 1085 – 1160) or because of his name’s etymological hint at eqor, suggesting someone who led a rough life on the mountains.511 In the possibility of a real contemporary

506 507 508 509 510

511

Megabyzos in Th. 1.109.2), but this may be an ancient variant. Hornblower (1991: 175) has Lec\bafor but suspects Lec\bunor to be the correct form. Cf. avhakli\y, podacq\y and the Aristophanic wefgti\y (790), belbiji\y (1465) etc.; see Kakridis’ note (1982: 231). It denotes what is about to happen, cf. lekk|calor/lekk|mulvor and the Aristophanic lekkodeipmij|m (l]kor, Ec. 1153), a song played in advance of an upcoming dinner. See Dunbar 1995: 3, 414. Dunbar 1995: 453. A possibility that cannot be excluded, despite Hofmann (1976: 200 – 3) who thought it evoked the homonymous Thessalian throne usurper (Th. 1.111) – but at the same time suggested that the coincidence with the heroic name was used by the poet to create a comic mythos. Cf. the poetic adjective aq]steqor = aqeim|r and M}lvai aqesti\der ‘mountain nymphs’. See also Kakridis 1982: 258.

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(who stole clothes, but perhaps this was an exaggerated or even false reputation),512 the satire may be directed against him. Peisetairos’ encounter with annoying visitors to his new city includes a distinct type of onomastic joke, which involves names of historical people used as by-names for qualities associated with their bearers: the first one, the name of the famous sixth century philosopher Thales (Hak/r 1009), is bestowed in irony on Meton (a well-known fifth century geometer and astronomer), for scientific cleverness,513 which in Peisetairos’ view he does not display. Sardanapallos (1021), the name of an Assyrian king which for the Greeks carried associations of effeminacy, is used in a similar ironic reaction to the self-important tone of another visitor, an Athenian inspector, and presents him as a degenerate character.514 Prometheus calls himself a Timon (1549)515 for hating all gods. This name, which may or may not have originated in a real person, was symbolic of man-hating behaviour:516 Prometheus becomes the equivalent of Timon in the divine sphere. Poseidon calls the Triballian a born Kaispod_ar (1569); the name, which belonged to a known politician, here connotes his habit to wear his cloak long in order to conceal his badly-shaped calves.517 The Triballian presumably wore his clumsily, and the effect it produced resembled that of Laispodias’ (at least for the lower part of the body).

512 Sommerstein 1980: 211. 513 Cf. Strepsiades’ expression of his admiration for Sokrates’ ‘genius’ (Nu. 180). See Dunbar 1995: 559 for references to a similar use of the name in New Comedy. 514 On the identity of Sardanapallos, a conflation of various Assyrian rulers, see Dunbar 1995: 563 – 4. 515 This part of 1549 is attributed to Peisetairos by Dunbar (followed by Zanetto); this gains support from the fact that other such ironic names for visitors were spoken by him. 516 On the misanthropic type, popular in comedy, see Dunbar’s note (1995: 708 – 9). Aristophanes refers to Timon also in Lys. 805 – 28. 517 See further Sommerstein (1987: 302) who enumerates other charges brought against him by comedians. Apparently letting their cloak hang to the ground was a stylistic choice for Alkibiades and Aeschines, for which they were both criticised, see Dunbar 1995: 716 with references.

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6.3 Bird-chorus and other bird-inspired joke names As may be expected, the play includes many word-plays inspired from the world of the birds – an entertaining by-product of the ‘assimilation of bird life to human life’.518 A significant number of jokes contain proper names.519 Among the birds who arrive to form part of the chorus, one is introduced as L/dor (275 – 8): EP. EU.

mmola to¼t\ L/dºr 1sti.

L/dor. ¯man Jq²jkeir. EWta p_r %meu jal¶kou L/dor £m eQs´ptato.

There are rare examples of Medos as a personal name, and they clearly originate in the ethnic;520 Euelpides indeed comically mistakes the bird’s name for an ethnic. In later sources ‘Median’ is used as an epithet of the peacock, but this bird would be easily recognisable in Athens.521 An alternative (allowed by Sch. 277) is that the Median allusion is meant to suggest an exotic bird – the context indeed implies a bird of outlandish appearance. Medos as a bird-name also enables a pun on the ethnic, which leads to a joke on the Persian habit of riding camels (presumably familiar to the Greeks from the Persian wars: cf. Hdt. 7.83 – 7). 518 Dover’s words (1972: 146). 519 Though printed with a capital initial in both OCT editions and by Coulon and Kakridis, the heroes’ initial self-introductions to the birds as rpodedi~r (65) from rpode_dy ‘fear’ and 1pijewod~r (68) ‘shitterling’ from 1piw]fy are probably not meant as personal names, but as comic names of imaginary bird-species, as the context suggests: they are the answer to the question asked by Tereus’ servant, ‘What are you then (if not humans?)’. Neither Dunbar nor Sommerstein print them as proper names. The latter name is accompanied by Vasiamij|r, which Dunbar rightly sees as probably irrelevant to the sykophant jokes (1995: 157 – 8; cf. Kakridis 1982: 38 – 9), since the purpose of the two ‘birds’ is to explain away their unusual appearance by pretending to be of exotic provenance (from Phasis in Kolchis and Libya in Africa). ‘Speaking’ bird-species names that introduce individual birds (see e. g. tqow_kor 79, jatyvac÷r 288) must be meant as representations of species (editors never treat them as proper names) and therefore will not be included in the present discussion. 520 The unique Athenian example (end of fifth century, LGPN IIA) was a metic’s name. 521 Cf. the Peqsij¹r eqmir (485, 707); see Kakridis 1982: 70 and Sommerstein 1987: 215.

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Another arrival inspires the comic use of the name Spoqc_kor (299 – 300): EP. PE. EP.

jeiq¼kor c²q 1stim eqmir.

nstir 1st¸. jeiq¼kor. Oq c²q 1sti Spoqc¸kor.

This has the equivocal sense of a bird-species522 and the name of a real Athenian, known for his barber-shop (cf. Pl. Com. fr. 144). The joke on the Athenian barber is confirmed by the preceding jeiq}kor,523 which seems to suggest the use of Sporgilos for comic rhyming and because of the element jeiq- (je_qy, used for hair with the meaning ‘cut short’). According to LGPN evidence, the barber is the name’s only known bearer; perhaps Sporgilos was a nickname inspired by the man’s appearance, and possibly also his character (men of bird-like nature are ‘volatile’ and unreliable, cf. 169).524 The joke is complicated; the Hoopoe’s answer to Peisetairos’ question probably implies that ‘snipping’ is not incompatible with keirylos being a bird, if Sporgilos (whose job is to snip) is also a bird (by name!). Like Athens, the bird-city will have a Pekaqcij|m (832 – 5), which for Athens signified a sacred area below the Akropolis, as well as the walls around it;525 the fact that it will be guarded by a warlike bird suggests that the latter possibility should be preferred.526 The proper name, however, is only used here because of its etymological connection with 522 See the rich linguistic evidence collected by Dunbar (1995: 248); cf. Chantraine 1999 s.v. spoqc_kor. 523 The spelling of the word is disputed, but Dunbar (1995: 246 – 7) rightly saw the potential pun on jeiq- as one of a number of good reasons for preferring jeiq}kor (one MS reading, lectio difficilior; unattested, probably Aristophanes’ own formation) over jgq}kor (the normal spelling of the name of the sea-bird known from Alcman, fr. 26 PMGF; cf. Archil. fr. 41 W, Arist. HA 593 b 12). Coulon, Dunbar and both OCT editions print jeiq}kor both in the Hoopoe’s identification of the bird species and his incredulous question (but note that editors disagree on the division of this passage among speakers). Sommerstein’s and Zanetto’s choice to print jgq}kor and jeiq^kor respectively preserves the pun. 524 Cf. Kakridis 1982: 74. 525 See further Dunbar (1995: 497 – 8), who notes that the etymology of Pekaqcij|m is not certain, although the derivation from pekaqc|r is a sensible assumption (not necessarily folk-etymological, despite Zanetto 1987: 249). 526 Cf. Zanetto 1987: 249.

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the bird-species pekaqc|r ‘stork’, which makes the Pelargikon an appropriate part of the structure of the bird-city. The priest’s arrival sparks a lengthy invocation of divine forces, comically called ‘Olympian birds’, as protectors of the bird-city. The relevance of both priest and gods to the birds is comically expressed in the formation of their names and titles. Peisetairos comically greets the priest with Soumi]qaje and %man Pekaqcij] (868). Soumi]qaje, a combination of Sounion and R]qan ‘hawk’, must be a distortion of an existing cult title of Poseidon who was worshipped at Sounion, perhaps as Soumi\qate.527 The second vocative is a similar joke to the previous Pelargikon, perhaps with a hint at p]kacor ‘sea’, the god’s field of power; storks are associated with the sea.528 Philokrates, a seller of birds mentioned by the chorus in the second parabasis as needing punishment for torturing birds (1077; also 14, but otherwise unknown), is given the comic ethnic Stqo}hior, derived from the common bird-name stqoOhor ‘sparrow’ and in comic analogy with the preceding L^kior (1073).529 Strouthios has a single attestation as a personal name530 – one of a number of names from stqoOhor (cf. Stqouh_ym, StqoOhor, Stqouh_ar and the funny compound Stqo}hippor – all rare), which perhaps were originally conceived as sobriquets (cf. Sporgilos, discussed above). At 1249 – 52, during his meeting with Iris, Peisetairos threatens to attack Zeus with poqvuq_ymar (birds of the species ‘purple gallinule’), thus evoking his old war with the giants, one of whom was Poqvuq_ym (their king according to Pindar, P. 8. 17). The word-play between bird and giant name equates them as forces in the comic logic of Peisetairos, who pictures his 600 porphyrion-birds as 600 porphyrion-giants. The bird-related associations of Porphyrion’s name may also partly account for the chorus’ exclamation at 553 (¯ Jebqiºmg ja· Poqvuq¸ym), 527 Cf. Eq. 560 (the only attestation of Souniaratos), with Sommerstein 1981: 174. 528 But Chantraine (1999 s.vv. p]kacor and pekaqc|r) does not identify a common root. Sommerstein prints Pek\qcie (his own emendation) as this is close to Poseidon’s attested title Pek\cie, but both Dunbar (though sympathetic to Sommerstein’s view, see 1995: 511) and Wilson retain Pekaqcij] . 529 Diac|qam t¹m L^kiom – Vikojq\tg t¹m Stqo}hiom. 530 Lydia, imperial period (LGPN VA).

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as they hear Peisetairos’ plan to build a bird-city of gigantic proportions. The mention of the giant’s name strongly suggests the gigantomachia as a mythological source that influenced the plot of Birds. 531 Eventually Athens is won over by the new bird-city, and its citizens develop a passion for birds which is expressed in their adoption of new names, as the Herald reports (1290 – 9): ©qmihol²moum d( ovty peqivam_r ¦ste ja· pokko?sim aqm¸hym amºlat( Gm je¸lema. P´qdin l³m eXr j²pgkor ¡mol²feto wykºr, Lem¸pp\ d( Gm Wekid½m toumola, ipoumt¸\ d( avhakl¹m oqj 5wym Jºqan, Joqud¹r Vikojk´ei, Wgmak¾pgn Heoc´mei, _bir Kujo¼qc\, Waiqev_mti Mujteq¸r, Suqajos¸\ d³ J¸tta7 Leid¸ar d´ ce mqtun 1jake?to7 ja· c±q Õjeim eqtuci rp¹ stuvojºpou tµm jevakµm pepkgcl´m\.

In the above passage, bird-inspired nicknames have been chosen to replace the men’s names for being more suitable to them than their original names. The relevance of the bird-nicknames (some of which may have been in use, others initiated by Aristophanes) to their bearers has been analysed by Dunbar,532 but their closeness to existing personal names533 deserves further comment. Of the nine nicknames used in the passage, four do not occur as personal names. These are Wgmak¾pgn ‘Fox-goose’ or ‘Sheldrake’, an Egyptian species of goose, for Theogenes (perhaps the same one who is ridiculed at 822 for boasting of imaginary wealth); _bir ‘Ibis’, the Egyptian bird, used as a nickname for Lykourgos 531 See further Hofmann 1976: 79 ff. and Dunbar 1995: 7 – 9, 375 – 7. Efforts to emend Jebqi|mg (-a in the paradosis) into another name evoking a bird and/ or a giant have not yielded satisfactory results. A giant named Kebriones (Sch. 553c, RE [1] [Scherling]) may be a deduction from this passage. The name is best known from Homer as that of a bastard son of Priam and a charioteer of Hektor (see LIMC s.v. Kebriones, RE [2] [Scherling]). 532 1995: 639 – 44. 533 Which justifies the use of capital initials by Wilson, Dunbar and Coulon; small initials preferred by Hall-Geldart, Kakridis and Sommerstein, who also use quotation marks. For other depreciatory comparisons between Athenians and birds see V. 1509 – 34 (where the emendation §tor ‘owl’, adopted by some editors, would provide an additional bird-name; Wilson prints an_r ‘vinegar-cruet’), Peace 789 – 90 (in both comedies the targets are the sons of Karkinos), Ra. 931 – 8, 1437 – 8 (cf. Kakridis 1982: 232).

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(of the noble Eteoboutadai genos); Mujteq¸r ‘Bat’ for Chairephon, a pupil of Sokrates mentioned also in Clouds; finally, J¸tta ‘Jay’ for the politician Syrakosios. Five nicknames are attested personal names as such. P´qdin ‘Partridge’ (perhaps for the Peisias of 766 – 8, who is compared to a partridge) has one attestation at Thespiai, possibly of the fifth century.534 Wekid~m ‘Swallow’, for an unidentifiable Menippos, was used as a personal name in S. Italy and Asia Minor in the imperial period.535 Jºqan ‘Raven’, for the one-eyed Opountios (mentioned above), is rare but well-known as the name of the famous rhetor from Syracuse.536 Joqud|r ‘Lark’, for the tragic poet Philokles who had composed a tetralogy on the Tereus myth, is documented once in the fifth century.537 mqtun ‘Quail’ (for Meidias, a man of some public function) is also attested.538 Such personal names were originally conceived as nicknames, and their significance was conspicuous, which probably accounts for their use for fictitious literary characters and slaves.539 Peisetairos jokingly invites the dithyrambic poet Kinesias to train as chorus a group of birds he calls the Jqejop_da vuk^m (1407), a mild and therefore obvious distortion of the Athenian tribe name Kekropis (from Kekrops, mythical king of Athens), to allude to the bird-name 534 LGPN IIIB; but see also K-A 3.2: 59 for the attestation of a name PEQDIJ in the Roman period. Peqd_jjar, name of Macedonian kings, is derived from the same bird-name (Masson vol. 2: 554, vol. 3: 152, 293 – 4; Chantraine 1999 s.v. p]qdin). 535 LGPN IIIA, VA (eleven attestations in total, most but not all feminine). Cf. Wekid|mim (LGPN IV). 536 RE s.v. Korax (3) (Aulitzky), Rankin 1983: 24 ff. A further attestation comes from sixth century Athens (LGPN IIA). Cf. also the archaic J|qajor and the hellenistic Joqaj?mor (LGPN I). 537 LGPN I (where the accentuation of the name on the third syllable reflects the rule that nouns and proper names in –dor retract the accent; but there are exceptions, see Chandler 18812 : 64 – 5, 114). The bird-name may be oxyton or paroxyton; cf. Chantraine 1999 s.v. j|qudor. There is also a Joqudakk|r from Antikyra (Hdt. 7.214). 538 Five examples, of which the oldest is from fourth century Megara. 539 Lucian has Wekid|mior (Merc.Cond. 33) and Wekid|miom (DMeretr. 10); cf. also the Roman form Chelido (Cic. Verr. 2.1.40.104, 106). Corax is foud in Plautus (Capt. 657). Joq}dym is known only from literature (GP 2200; Theoc. 4 passim; Alciphr. 2.23 tit.; 3.34.1). Bird-names used as slave-names include Chelido (several attestations) and Coracina; cf. also Ceryl(l)us, Epops, Hierax (Solin 1996 [vol. 2]: 504 – 10).

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jq]n ‘corncrake’ (among the play’s bird-species, 1138) and perhaps also to jq]jy, used with the sense ‘play on an instrument’ and of any sharp

noise (LSJ);540 the verb is found twice in the play for musical sounds made by birds (682, 772). Jqejop_da is in fact Blaydes’ emendation (adopted by Wilson, Sommerstein, Dunbar and Zanetto) of the MSS form Jejqop_da, which would offer no joke.541

6.4 Naming the bird-city and first visitors The birds are eventually persuaded to build a city and need to choose a name for it. Unsurprisingly, Euelpides’ comic suggestion that they name it after Sp\qtg (812 – 4) is met with strong disagreement, which includes a joke on the name’s etymology542 (815 – 6): EU. PE. EU.

Bo¼keshe t¹ l´ca toOto toqj Kajeda¸lomor Sp²qtgm emola jak_lem aqt¶m. Jq²jkeir7 sp²qtgm c±q #m he¸lgm 1c½ tAl0 pºkei. oqd( #m wale¼m,. p²mu ce, jeiq¸am c( 5wym.

sp\qtg is a synonym of jeiq_a ‘bedstead-girth’ (LSJ), and the joke must

be that nothing even remotely related to Sparta (even if only to the meaning of her name) can be good enough – and if esparto cord is 540 Jq]jy can also mean ‘weave’, and this is the sense of the name (in participle form) Crecusa (lanipenda; a slave-name, first century AD, Solin 1996 [vol. 2]: 498); see Masson vol. 2: 590. The names Jqej_kar (Boiotia, hellenistic period) and Jq]jym (S.Italy, imperial period) must derive from jq]n or jq]jy. 541 Unless the audience could think of jejqop_r as a bird-name (‘swallow’), which seems unlikely, though it might be possible for later Greek poetry (cf. Sommerstein 1987: 291 – 2). LGPN evidence shows relevant personal names to be scattered in time (fourth century – imperial period) and place, but must all allude to the Athenian tribe (cf. Chantraine 1999 s.v. J]jqox): Jejqop_a and Jejqop_dym are only attested at Athens; a J]jqox is found in Thrace. Jeqjop_da would also be possible as a bird-related joke, although bird-names with jeqj- are not as well documented (see LSJ s.v. jeqj_ym, Indian talking bird [Ael. NA 16.3]; j]qjor, jeqj_r, j]qjan and jeqj\r are glossed by Hesychius [vol.2 (Latte): 464 – 5] as types of birds). 542 The name’s provenance is obscure, but according to Chantraine (1999 s.v. Sp\qtg) a connection with spe_qy, sp\qtg or more preferably the plantname sp\qtor ‘Spanish broom’ is possible. Note that the division of lines among speakers varies among editors.

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not satisfactory for the hero’s bed, how can the name be adopted for the city? Obviously finding the right name for the city is an important matter, and the chorus’ very Aristophanic suggestion points towards a name to express the nature of the bird-city (817 – 9): WO. PE.

9mteuhem· 1j t_m mevek_m ja· t_m lete¾qym wyq¸ym waOmºm ti p²mu. Bo¼kei Mevekojojjuc¸am.

The natural place of a bird-city is in the air, among the clouds; this does not only reflect the fact that birds are flying creatures, but also the unrealistic, utopic character of such a city. Mev]kai ‘clouds’ duly make the first part of the name Mevekojojjuc_a,543 and as their personifications in Clouds, imply loftiness and lack of substance; this effect is increased by waOmom ‘airy’. The second part is bird-related, from j|jjun ‘cuckoo’ (cf. Sch. 819c Paq± t±r mev´kar ja· t¹m jºjjuca), a bird associated with foolishness.544 The name might appear to be a new invention, but Euelpides’ reaction to it (821 – 3) suggests that even though it is otherwise unattested, it must have been an existing term, apparently used for an alternative world, a place where lies and impossible things (such as the imaginary wealth of the braggers Theogenes and Aischines) can come true.545 The plural form (917, 1023) must be a comic allusion to )h/mai (with which the bird-city seems to have a number of things in common, cf. e. g. 826 – 32 and the description of the power to be exercised by Peisetairos, 1539 – 41).

543 The usual translation of the name in English is ‘Cloudcuckooland’, Sommerstein’s ‘Cloudcuckooville’ is meant to reflect the fact that this is meant as a polis, not a state (1987: 1). Dunbar’s ‘Cloudcuckootown’ (1995: 19) is in the same spirit. 544 Pl. Com. (fr. 65.3) has another comic compound with the same bird-name, j|jjun. Cf. Ach. 598 with Olson 2002: 228. 545 Thus Sommerstein (1987: 251), following Kakridis (1982: 160). Kakridis offers the modern Greek parallel of Jykopeteim_tsa, which denotes ‘a small and insignificant place at the world’s edge’, and is not a term to be found in reference books. Note also that efforts to emend the beginning of 821 (Dunbar 1995: 492) to allow for an invented name do not yield satisfactory results. Dunbar’s (ibid.) explanation of the passage without assuming that the term was already known to the audience seems less likely, though not impossible.

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Immediately after the founding of the new city, the first visitors arrive, among whom is a decree-seller seeking to impose Athenian patronage. He mentions the Olophyxians (located near Mount Athos in northern Greece) as another town under such patronage; this is meant to parody the Athenian coinage decree, as Olophyxos (mentioned in Th. 4.109.3) was economically and politically insignificant.546 It is also mentioned here for the sake of a pun between ikov}nioi and the following ¢tot}nioi (1042 – 3), made by Peisetairos in his irritated answer: the decree seller will have the same experience as the Ototyxians, an invented ethnic meaning ‘people in distress’, from the exclamation atoto? which denotes pain and agony. The ethnic Olophyxians itself echoes akov}qolai ‘to lament’, ‘to moan’.547 Jolpase}r (1126) has the form of a demotic or ethnic name from jolp\fy ‘brag’,548 invented to suit the boaster Proxenides. The man was

mocked for the same fault in Wasps (324 – 5), in a context also involving joke-names.

6.5 Divine names (non bird-related) Comic value may be derived from the invocation of Zeus with the form F\m (570). This may be dialectal (Cretan?), but is strongly reminiscent of the form F\r used by Pherecydes, a philosophical author who tried to improve on traditional names of gods aiming for ‘correctness’.549 Apparently the name had an inherent funny sound, meant to contribute to the abasement of the king of the gods, whose cult is now declared to take second place after that of the king-bird. The name of the goddess Pamd~qa (971) suits the idea that the oracle-monger, who is about to sacrifice to her, is hoping to receive gifts; these are enumerated in 972 – 9. The play between the name Pandora and d_qa goes back to Hesiod (Op. 80 – 2 amºlgme d³ t¶mde cuma?ja / 546 See Hornblower 1996: 347; Flensted-Jensen in Hansen – Nielsen 2004: 833 – 4 no. 587. 547 Cf. Dunbar (1995: 571) who alleged that the poet may have also thought of the epic adjecive akovudm|r ‘lamenting’ (e. g. Il. 5.683). 548 A verb used mainly in tragedy (LSJ). Aristophanes has jolp\slata ‘boasts’ (Ra. 940). 549 See Willi 2003: 102 – 3 (with references) and Dunbar’s note (1995: 384).

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Pamd¾qgm% fti p²mter ik¼lpia d¾lat’ 5womter / d_qom 1d¾qgsam).550

Hesiod’s Pandora is the first woman, while the one in Birds seems more relevant to the known chthonic goddess (cf. Hippon. fr. 104.48 W);551 but the fact that a Pandora cult is not otherwise attested for Athens implies that Aristophanes chiefly uses the name for its appropriate meaning.552 The name was not in use as a common personal name, at least until much later.553 Peisetairos’ hostility to Iris finds expression in a pun on the plural form Yq_dym (1222). The plural of the name would have the meaning ‘of persons like Iris’, which probably denotes the hero’s contempt for the goddess (cf. 1701 Coqc¸ai te ja· V¸kippoi and the three plurals of 558 – 9 [)kjl¶mar, )kºpar, Sel´kar] which refer generally to mortal women seduced by gods).554 If the word is taken as a noun ‘rainbows’,555 the pun would have the rather perplexing implication that the punishment of Iris in Peisetairos’ threat would be more deserved than the punishment of other rainbows. Prometheus’ allusion to the foreign gods Tqibakko_ (also the name of a Thraco-Illyrian people)556 inspires a word-play (1529 – 30), as Peisetairos thinks that in this name he has found the origin of the swearword 1pitqibe_gr ‘may you be crushed’ (cf. Th. 557). The similarity between the two is meagre, even for a time when the rigid principles of ‘scientific’ etymology were not applied, and since the gods’ name is of foreign origin, the suggested etymological connection must be

550 The meaning is not clear: the gods ‘gave her a gift’ or ‘gave her as gift’ – the latter is perhaps preferable since d_qom is used of her in the following lines (85, 86); thus West 1978: 166 – 7. 551 The Hesiodic Pandora, who plays a part in the ancestry of mankind, may be derived from the chthonic goddess; see West 1978: 164 – 6. 552 Thus Dunbar 1995: 546. 553 The only two known attestations of it come from Rome of the imperial period, see Solin 20032 : 604; one of the two was a slave. There is a likely single attestation of the masculine form of the name (P\mdy[qor], Athens, ca. AD 200, LGPN IIA). 554 Cf. Dunbar 1995: 620. 555 Thus only Sommerstein among recent editors. This is one of two possibilities allowed by the Scholia: pa¸fei d³ C ¢r toO !´qor poij¸kar ]qidar poioOmtor, C !mt· toO eQpe?m heaim_m. 556 An early allusion to them is found in Herodotus (4.49; cf. Th. 2.96.4, 4.101.5 with Hornblower 1991: 372; see further Papazoglu 1978: 9 ff.). For Triballos as their eponymous god see RE s.v. Triballos (2) (Karl Keyssner).

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meant to amuse the audience.557 Triballians were associated with all sorts of uncivilised behaviour,558 and the appearance (at 1565) of a god named Triballos (1627) suggests a savage nature; this adds further ridicule to the sequence of events in which he is threatened and eventually submits to the wishes of the gluttonous Herakles. Basileia (Bas_keia, 1536) is a personification of the power of Zeus, built out of the concept of basike_a ‘kingdom’, ‘reign’. Peisetairos’ marriage to her is a symbol of the transfer of Zeus’ kingship to the birds, as Trygaios’ to Opora symbolised return of prosperity in Peace. This bride, too, like Opora, has a name used for real-life women: its oldest attestation is at Athens (fourth century).559 There is a small amount of evidence for an independent cult-figure called Basileia, but Peisetairos’ question about her identity (1537) suggests that she was not too familiar to the audience as such. She may have been reminiscent of the better attested Bas_kg, a minor deity worshipped at Athens as a symbol of sovereignty and of autochthonous Athenian origins.560 Perhaps the name also alluded to the title Basileia, used for invoking Hera (as the wife of Zeus basike}r) and other goddesses; Aristophanes uses it for the Clouds (palbas_keiai, Nu. 357) and the goddess Peace (Peace 974).561

557 For a similar comic etymology see Nu. 394 with Dover (1968: 151) who notes the sophistic interest in etymological practice; comic etymologising may hide an allusion to them. The standard ‘Greek’ etymology of Triballoi is visible in another Aristophanic name, Tqiv\kgr, name and hero of a lost comedy, on which see Appendix 1. 558 Cf. Alexis fr. 243 with Arnott 1996: 683 – 4; Isoc. 8.50. This explains the pejorative sense the term acquired at Athens: Triballoi was a slang term for misbehaving young men (D. 54.39; see also Kakridis 1982: 264); a mischievous dwarf in a comedy by Cratinus (fr. 13) is called Triballos, and Eubulus (fr. 75.3) coined the word tqibakkopam|hqepta for young men trained by Pan in promiscuity. Tribal(l)os was probably used as a slave-name at Athens (Fragiadakis 1986: 152). 559 The rest of the attestations (thirteen in total) are scattered (LGPN). 560 Outside Aristophanes Basileia appears on an inscribed votive relief of the fourth century and together with Basile on a fifth century Attic red-figure pyxis. See RE s.v. Basileia (5) (Kern), Shapiro 1986: 134 – 6 and Dunbar’s note (1995: 703 – 4). Basileia is the name of a prominent daughter of Ouranos and mother of Helios and Selene by Hyperion in D.S. 3.57.1 – 4. 561 For a summary of older, mostly unconvincing views (some quite fanciful) of the figure of Basileia see Kakridis 1982: 264 – 5.

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6.6 The chorus’ final songs The chorus’ final songs make use of significant names for satire of comically exotic content, with remote and fantastic allusions. One song revives the mockery of the N_xaspir Kleonymos (cf. Nu. 353 – 4), who now becomes a tree that grows far away from the place called Jaqd_a (1474 – 5). This was a real place-name, for a Greek colony in the Thracian Chersonese with partly Athenian population, which served as a base for the Athenian fleet in the Peloponnesian war (X. HG 1.1.11, around 410).562 It is remembered here because of the noun meaning ‘heart’, here in particular as ‘the seat of fear and courage’ (LSJ), which implies a joke on Kleonymos’ cowardice: he is far removed from any notion of courage. In their next song, Sji\poder (1553) is perhaps related to the theme of Sokrates’ mockery. This is the name of a mythical people, mentioned several times in literature, which literally means ‘Shadowfeet’.563 The ‘shadow’ element is perhaps meant here as a joke on the implications of xuwacyce? (a verb of dubious sense: ‘winning over’, ‘alluring’, or ‘leading away’, ‘deluding’). Aristophanes satirises the education offered by Sokrates as of unclear meaning and value: shadows are in this context not very different from the Clouds of the homonymous comedy, the comic personifications of the philosopher’s obscure beliefs. Shadows, the verb xuwacyce? (which can also mean ‘lead the souls of the dead’) and the mention of a k_lmg may further imply a metaphysical joke at the expense of Sokrates’ teaching on the soul.564 The use of ‘speaking’ names is even stronger in the chorus’ next song (1694 – 1705, near the end of the play), a satire of informers: WO.

=sti d( 1m V\maisi pq¹r t0 Jkex¼dqô pamoOqcom 9cckyttocastºqym c´mor…

562 See Loukopoulou in Hansen – Nielsen 2004: 907 no. 665. 563 See Dunbar (1995: 710 – 11) for references. According to Harpocration (s.v. Sji\poder [Keaney]), their feet were so wide that they used them for sun protection. This could offer an additional reason for identifying them with the stecam|poder of Alcman (148 [ii] PMGF), from stecam|r ‘covered’, ‘roofed over’ (by their feet). 564 Cf. Dunbar 1995: 710 – 2. Sommerstein (1987: 300) and Zanetto (1987: 305) suggest that Skiapodes might here allude to ‘feet darkened (by sun and dirt)’, perhaps as a mockery of Sokrates’ habit to walk barefoot and not to wash (cf. %koutor, 1554); but sji\ is unlikely to evoke such a meaning.

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b²qbaqoi d( eQs·m c´mor, Coqc¸ai te ja· V¸kippoi. J!p¹ t_m 9cckyttocastºqym 1je¸mym t_m vik¸ppym…

Phanai (V\mai) was a real place-name, of a harbour of Chios mentioned by Thucydides (8.24.3);565 Aristophanes uses it apparently for a pun on va_meim – sujov\mtgr (cf. Phanos in Knights). The sykophantai are appropriately also mocked with 9cckytoc\stoqer,566 an invented ethnic which suggests using one’s tongue to make a living, as the informers do.567 The name is similar to and was probably inspired by existing forms such as weiqoc\stoqer (Hecataeus, FGrH 1 fr. 367; EGM 367),568 which denotes living on manual work. In this context, Klepsydra must allude to the instrument (water-clock) used for timing speeches in courts, and thus to the lawsuits brought by informers against their victims (although as a proper name it often belonged to springs in various parts of Greece, including Athens).569 Gorgias is the famous rhetorician from Sicily (the central figure of Plato’s homonymous dialogue) who had spent time in Athens;570 Philippos (linked with Gorgias also at V. 421, but not necessarily his son) may have been a disciple of his, or otherwise an Athenian known as an orator or an informer, as the name is too common to allow an identification. Certainly the plural Gorgiai and Philippoi denotes further contempt (cf. Yq_dym 1222) for informers by connecting them with people known for practising, or teaching others how to practise, untruthful persuasion. The genitive vik¸ppym is printed with a small initial in Wilson, thus suggesting an adjective (‘horse-loving’), perhaps to imply the informers’ love of gain, as horse-keeping is associated with wealth.571 However, the closeness to 565 Dative V\maisi (Wilson and Dunbar, following Dindorf), not Vama?si (HallGeldart, Sommerstein, Coulon, Kakridis, Zanetto). Cf. Thucydides’ V\mair. 566 Printed with small initial by Hall-Geldart, Coulon, Kakridis (as ‘a type of humans’, 1982: 286) and Zanetto, but the context favours a capital initial for a tribe. 567 Zanetto (1987: 315) draws attention to Hesiod’s parallel: Op. 321 – 2. 568 This is the earliest example. A play by the Old Comedy poet Nicophon was entitled 9cweiqoc\stoqer (K-A 7: 65; the title in CAF is Weiqoc\stoqer); cf. also casteq|weiqer for the Kyklopes (Str. 8.6.11, 373). 569 See further Dunbar 1995: 740 – 1. 570 See e. g. Kerferd 1981: 44 – 5. 571 See Sommerstein 1987: 308 (who also preferred a noun) and Kakridis (1982: 286) who notes that love of horses was typical of some barbarians (such as Tro-

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the personal name Philippoi would make inevitable the pun on it, and it seems preferable to take vik¸ppym too as a name.572

jans and Thracians); but despite the preceding b\qbaqoi (1700), this does not appear too relevant here. 572 Thus Dunbar, Hall-Geldart, Coulon and Zanetto.

7 Lysistrata 7.1 Lysistrata and Myrrhine Kusistq\tg is a ‘speaking’ name with an easily discernible etymological

meaning: she who dissolves armies. It is also a real, historical name with an Athenian flavour.573 More strikingly, it is the name of comedy’s first female protagonist574 and the only personal name that functions as title of an extant Aristophanic comedy: whereas tragedies are often named after principal characters, Aristophanes’ plays are nearly always named after their choruses (Peace and Wealth are the only exceptions among the extant plays).575 The name is a compound of a verbal element (k}y) and its object (stqat|r), which designates a clear and specific action; as a title therefore it expresses the comedy’s central focus (the effort to stop war) much more than any other Aristophanic title (all other titles are simplicia). It encapsulates the wishful but unrealistic solution offered by comedy to a time of military crisis (the year is 411, a couple of years after the failure of the Sicilian expedition in 413) and great political unrest.576 The clich of late naming is not applied here, and the heroine’s name is heard from the beginning, when Kalonike greets her at the women’s assembly (6, ja· s¼ cf § Kusistq²tg [wa?qe]). Justification for the name is earned shortly afterwards, when Lysistrata expresses her resolution to dissuade the men from fighting. While in most plays the name (and action) of the principal character is contrasted with that of another character, Lysistrata’s name reflects the principle of a common action and 573 Thirty-two out of its thirty-three attestations are from Attica (LGPN IIA; the remaining one is from fourth century Pella in Macedonia, LGPN IV). The earliest example dates from 450. The masculine form, Kus_stqator, has 200 attestations, around half of which are from Athens. 574 Cf. Henderson 1987: xxviii. 575 This may explain the existence of alternative titles in antiquity: Adoniazousae (for the women’s chorus, from the reference to the Adonis rites at 389, which were popular with women) and Diallagae from the personified Reconciliation; see Henderson 1987: xv, n. 1). 576 On the political situation at the time of this play, which also relates to Thesmophoriazusae (probably staged in the same year), see Austin-Olson 2004: xli-xliv.

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eventually corresponds to the attitude of the other women too, who, after some initial hesitation, support the heroine’s plans and collaborate. Thus the name seems to link the women together as a group (but they are guaranteed some individuality by means of the carefully chosen names of chorus members). Lysistrata sees her own role as intertwined with that of her companions and asserts that if her plans are successful, then glory will come to all of them (554).577 The much-discussed allusion to a prominent real contemporary, the priestess of Athena Polias called Kusil\wg, is central to the name’s function.578 The similarity in both form and meaning between Lysistrata’s name and the priestess’ would probably occur to the audience on hearing the name Kusistq\tg, but the analogy between the two becomes particularly striking at 554, when Lysistrata says that if the women succeed in their plan, they will deservingly be called Kusil²war. This passage is closely similar to Peace 992 (where it is the goddess Peace who will be called Lysimache). Lysimache could be understood either as an adjective that emphasises the meaning of the heroine’s name, or as a proper name coinciding with that of the well-known priestess, but the prominence of the personal name is a good reason for preferring it to the adjective (and indeed all editors do, which is also true for Peace as we have seen). Clearly the use of Kusil²war was not accidental,579 and even if taken as an epithet with a honorary function, it ‘could allude to the most prominent citizen of that name’.580 If so, Kusil²war could imply that the women would not only be thought of as

577 Cf. Funaioli 1985 – 6: 113 – 4. This is clearly a different sort of action from the undertakings of Dikaiopolis and Peisetairos which may seem rather individualistic. 578 See Lewis 1955: 3 – 7. The evidence for this Lysimache rests a) on Pliny (HN 34.76) who mentions that a portrait of a so-named priestess of Athena was made by Demetrios (probably the sculptor Demetrios of Alopeke, whose work falls in the first half of the fourth century) and b) on a base (IG II2 3453) believed to have carried Demetrios’ bronze of the priestess. Names like Kusistq\tg were in frequent use by the members of the tribal branch which supplied the priestess of Athena Polias: in the late fourth century the priestess was a Kusil\wg (her father was called Kus_stqator), and was succeeded by a niece called Kusistq\tg. Lysimache is also attested as the name of a priestess of Demeter. Note that this name too, like Kusistq\tg, was a predominantly Athenian name (see above under Peace, p. 101). 579 Cf. Dover 1972: 152, n. 3. 580 Henderson 1987: xxxix.

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‘dissolvers of battles’, but further that they would be honoured like priestesses and earn public respect. It has been suggested that Lysistrata, more than being a mere allusion to Lysimache, was modelled on the priestess and even functioned as a representation of her. Lewis, who proposed the identification,581 seems to have interpreted Lysistrata as a blend of comic heroine and an alternative priestess; Henderson initially followed Lewis, but apparently mitigated his opinion later.582 Indeed line 554 – which, noticeably, applies Kusil²war to all the women and not just the heroine – and the mere resemblance of names are not enough to suggest that the audience saw Lysistrata as a priestess-figure throughout the play. Some religious associations may have been possible at particular moments (e. g. at the libation led by the heroine early in the play, 199 ff.), but a dominant formal religious role, or a cult-function that would add solemnity to her exhortations for peace,583 are entirely out of place: she is a comic heroine and her function is primarily comic. Even if her speeches do seem at places to suit ‘a spokesman of religion’ (641 ff.), ‘a representative of the austerity of the old cult’,584 the serious tone is undermined by her jokes and her humorous remarks which are sometimes quite gross (cf. e. g. 108 – 10).585 Likewise there is no reason to assume that a connection between the heroine and the priestess was used to make up for whatever respectability she might have lost as a result of being inappropriately named by men (1086, 1103 and 1147; the rules of convention normally prevented a man from addressing or referring to a respectable woman by name in public).586 This unusual naming may well suggest that she is no ordinary 581 Ibid. (see above, n. 578). 582 He suggested (1980: 187) that the identification was assisted by costume and that the real Lysimache must have had similar views to those attributed to Lysistrata; but we have no evidence about the staging of the play, and inferences about the personality of the real Lysimache are speculative. Although he continued to overstate her seriousness (1987: xxxvii – xxxvix), he concluded in doubting ‘that Lysistrata was modelled on Lysimache, that actual portraiture was involved’. 583 As Gelzer thought (RE Suppl. XII s.v. ‘Aristophanes’, esp. 1392 ff.). See also Henderson (1987: xxxviii – xxxvix) and Sommerstein (1990: 5). 584 The quotations are from Lewis 1955: 3. 585 Wilson 1982: 157 ff. 586 See Sommerstein 1990: 5 (citing Schapps 1977: 323 – 30), Henderson 1987: xxxix.

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woman:587 indeed she rises above common female concerns (e. g. 20 – 1), she shows masculine-like initiative, and earns (rather than loses) respect (see e. g. 706, 1108 – 9); but this too is turned into comedy (see especially 1157 – 8, where the heroine’s political speech is met with praise, which is immediately transformed into an obscene sexual joke). Clearly ‘respectable’ naming and respect for social conventionalities were not what the audience expected in a comic play; comedy created caricatures. There is equally little point in seeking in Lysistrata’s name an expression of the poet’s social attitude.588 The name of Myrrhine (70) too, Lysistrata’s most prominent companion, may have associations of a religious kind. It too belonged to a priestess, the priestess of Athena Nike, perhaps the first one elected (perhaps around 448) to serve in the newly-built temple of the goddess,589 and the Aristophanic Myrrhine may allude to her.590 Perhaps the audience would think of the goddess and her priestess at some moments: the women were positioned on the Akropolis Propylaia and the Temple of Athena Nike (420 ff.); they appeal to d´spoima M¸jg for help (317).591 However, this connection becomes less relevant later in the play, when Myrrhine’s name acquires associations of a different kind: the scene where she seduces Kinesias has led scholars to notice the sensual connotations of the name’s etymology, which is related to l¼qtor, a plant that was sacred to Aphrodite and traditionally associated with the sexual sphere, and is perhaps for that reason found in some he587 Sommerstein ibid.: 210 and 1980a: 393 – 418. 588 Cf. Henderson (1987: xxx): the poet ‘speaks as poet not as citizen’, never taking position on the issues he raises. This leaves little room for his earlier view (1980: 188) that Aristophanes liked to use high-class names (such as Lysistrata, because of its correlation with Lysimache) as an expression of his ‘essentially paternalist attitude’ towards lower classes. 589 This is suggested in her epitaph, IG I3 1330 = CEG 93; but see also Parker 1996: 126 n. 20 who notes that ‘primacy was a ground of pride’. 590 Thus Papademetriou 1948 – 9: 150 – 3; Rahn 1986: 201 – 3. 591 Lewis 1955: 1. This point could be made stronger if Myrrhine was the speaker at 207 (asking to be the first woman to take the oath, which might have alluded to the fact that she was the goddess’ first priestess at the temple), but the division of lines 69 – 253 among speakers is often uncertain (cf. Sommerstein 1990: 158), and Wilson assigns 207 to Kalonike (unlike most earlier editions which preferred Myrrhine). The request is in any case refused; likewise a suggestion by Myrrhine (thus Wilson; by Kalonike in previous editions) about the sort of oath to be taken is rejected by Lysistrata (189 – 94).

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taera-names.592 However, Myrrhine leaves Kinesias unsatisfied and is not really shown as more prone to pleasure than the average comic woman, whose portrayal often relies on the stereotype of female lustfulness. Furthermore, the name as such invites a more skeptical approach. It was quite common in Athens,593 and was apparently given to respectable Athenian women (one Myrrhine was the wife of Hippias, son of the tyrant Peisistratos, Th. 6.55.1). Additionally, not all uses of the myrtle lay in the sexual sphere,594 and not every Luqt- name belonged to a hetaera. 595 It is also possible that respect for the priestess had laden the use of her name at Athens with positive connotations. As we have seen for Lysistrata, the use of Myrrhine’s name by Aristophanes becomes clearer if its background is weighed against the fact that its bearer is first and foremost a comic character. It may be true that the poet intended to create a comic contrast between the young and lustful Myrrhine of the play and the priestess, who may have been an old and certainly respected woman at the time;596 the diminutives Luqqim¸diom (872) and Luqq¸om (906) would contribute to the comic spirit. The names Lysistrata and Myrrhine could make the audience think of the two priestesses (and the connection between Lysistrata and Myrrhine in the play – one is the heroine, the other a prominent friend – only makes these associations stronger), but both would primarily be seen as comic figures, designed to amuse,597 and the fact that they are 592 See Chantraine 1999 s.v. l}qtor ; Henderson 1975: 134 ff., Steiger 1888: 8; Bechtel (1902: 103) mentions a name-sake of the priestess who was a hetaera of Leogoras, Andocides’ father (Sch. Ar. Nu. 109b,d); also a L}qtiom, hetaera of Ptolemy Philadelphos (Plb. 14.11). However, Elderkin’s suggestion (1940: 394 – 5) that in the name and role of Myrrhine lay hid a parody of Aphrodite is far-fetched. 593 Another distinctively Attic name, like Lysistrata and Lysimache: 51 out of its 63 attestations are from Attica (LGPN). 594 See Neue Pauly s.v. Myrte (C. Hünemörder). Myrtle wreaths were often worn in the context of offerings to gods, cf. Th. 38 with Sommerstein’s note (1994: 160). 595 The name Luqt_a is used by Aristophanes at V. 1396 – 7 for a bread-seller of citizen status. Myrrhine was a common name for married citizen women in New Comedy (in Menander’s Perikeiromene, Dyskolos, Heros, Georgos, and further in Plaut. Casina, Ter. Hecyra). See Gomme-Sandbach 1973: 386, 466. 596 Papademetriou 1948 – 9: 152. Some uncertainty surrounds the chronology of her priesthood (see Henderson 1987: xl), but the funerary inscription is dated to the last decade of the fifth century (Rahn 1986: 201). 597 Dunbar 1970: 271 (the poet does not aim ‘at anything remotely like a portraiture of the priestess’). There is no particular reason to assume any difference in

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so nicely matched and allude to two real, respectable people only increases that effect.

7.2 Chorus Several members of Lysistrata’s chorus, which comprises two semi-choruses, one of women, the other of men,598 are named in the parodos (254 – 386). The men enter first, and their song contains names marked by a generic significance and a predominantly Athenian character. Dq\jgr (254) probably was a typical name for a chorus member: it appears also in Ec. 293, and the similar name Dq\jukkor is found in Ach. 612, if the MS reading is sound.599 For Stqul|dyqor (259) see under Wasps. VikoOqcor (266) ‘lover of work’ is reminiscent of Eqeqc_dgr (V. 234) and 9qcas_ym (V. 1201), suggesting that the notion of work was common in comic masculine names. The name has a small number of historical attestations, mostly from Athens.600 K\wgr (304), another name of Athenian flavour,601 was used in later comedy as a generic name for an old man, and this may well also be the case here.602 Vaidq_ar (356), as a name that expresses joy (from vaidq|r ‘cheerful’), may be relevant to the Waiq- and Waq- names (discussed earlier under Acharnians). It too as a historical name is mostly attested at Athens.603

598 599

600 601 602 603

the ‘seriousness’ of the two, despite Sommerstein (1990: 5), who saw Lysistrata as more dignified than Myrrhine; but it is simply that their roles are different. An unusual arrangement in comedy, see Henderson 1987: 98. Webster (1970: 69) points to the choruses of comasts and nymphs on Attic padded vases as an ancestor of Lysistrata’s double chorus. See Sommerstein 1990: 167. Dq\jgr is not epigraphically attested, but Dq\jym and Dqajomt_dgr were relatively common, especially at Athens (LGPN), and Dq\jir is found in a fragment of a satyr-play by Sophocles (TGrF fr. 314.183 Radt). Dq\jgr resurfaces as the recipient’s name in one of the letters of Aelian (Ep. 4). Eight attestations from Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries and another three from Boiotia and Thrace (LGPN). 30 of its 38 examples are from Attica (LGPN). See Sommerstein’s note (1990: 169). An allusion to the general who is satirised in Wasps is unlikely in this context; this man had been dead for some years (killed at the battle of Mantineia in 418, Th. 5.74.3). 30 of its 38 attestastations are from Attica (LGPN). There is some indication that it became a stock-name for a young man in New Comedy, see Sommerstein 1990: 171.

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The women’s far greater prominence in the play entitles them to more interesting names than these of their male counterparts. Their strophe contains three names (321 – 3), all of which are significant. Mijod¸jg (321) ‘Victory for Justice’ is a name of few historical attestations,604 but constitutes a normal formation with Mijo-, a common element in both masculine and feminine names.605 As a compound with m_jg it is reminiscent of Jakom_jg and reaffirms that name’s auspicious meaning (on which see below). It is also an appropriate name for a member of a chorus that fights for victory, both in the comedy’s plot and the dramatic contest; perhaps the most attentive among the audience would also hear the notion of a just victory, which should belong to the women and not the men, in opposition to the men’s prayer to d´spoima M¸jg a few lines above (317).606 Jak¼jg (322), from j\kun ‘Flower Cup’,607 was perhaps chosen for its familiar mythical and literary associations: though unusual as a historical name, it often occurred in myths (e. g. as the name of a Nereid)608 and seems to have been used in literature, in a poem by Stesichorus (fr. 277 PMGF), at least according to Athenaeus.609 The name Jq¸tukka (323) is otherwise unattested at Athens,610 but also occurs in Th. 898 and may be a typical comic name (this may also be suggested by its ending -ukka);611 again an attentive audi-

604 Two from Athens (fourth century) and one from Chalkis (hellenistic period, LGPN; but there are also seven Mijod_ja). The masculine form Mij|dijor was also unusual: nine attestations, three of which are from Athens (from ca. 400 to the imperial period, LGPN IIA). 605 The commonest feminine name is Mijostq\tg/a (65 attestations, LGPN). 606 Cf. Henderson 1987: 109 and Sommerstein 1990: 170. 607 An allusion to j¼kin (supported by Funaioli 1985/6: 116 ff.), the cup from which the four women drink in the oath, is doubtful despite its repeated mention (195, 197, 199, 203, 209, 235 – 6), as there is not enough phonetic similarity. 608 See RE s.v. Kalyke (Scherling) and Bechtel 1917: 595. The name has five historical attestations, two of which are from Athens (late sixth and fourth centuries; LGPN). 609 It appears again in the letters of Aristaenetus (Ep. 2). 610 It only has two attestations: Melos (late fourth century, LGPN I), and Argos (imperial period, LGPN IIIA). 611 Cf. also N]mukka (Ec. 633), with Austin-Olson 2004: 231 – 2. Henderson (1987: 109) alleged an allusion to a real person, perhaps a priestess, but apart from the lack of evidence, this sort of naming motive is unprovable for any member of an Aristophanic chorus.

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ence could notice its etymology from jq_my (cf. jqit^r ‘judge’) and connect it with the good judgement and rightness of the women’s action.612 In the dialogue between the leaders of the two semi-choruses two more women are named. Stqatukk_r (365) is the name of the speaker herself: it has a single attestation at Athens (Kydathenaion, fourth century, LGPN IIA)613 and was possibly chosen for an appropriate allusion to the women as a stqat|r, and perhaps also for the comic value of its ending (cf. Kritylla).614 It may not be coincidental that the name of the semi-chorus leader shares a common element with the name of the play’s heroine. Uod_ppg (370) too has a single attestation at Athens (fourth century, LGPN IIA).615 It is otherwise only found in an epigram as the name of a hetaera (Rufinus, AP 5.36). It is worth noting that the element Uod- is particularly common among feminine names – more than half of the fourty-four Uod- names contained in the LGPN database are female.

7.3 Other prominent names The first woman to be greeted by Lysistrata is called Jakom¸jg (6). The form of the name has been questioned: Wilamowitz616 considered it Boiotian,617 an equivalent of Jakkim_jg ;618 he suspected textual corrup-

612 Funaioli’s assumption (1985/6: 116 ff.) that it also reflects Lampito’s good judgement in the prologue (140 ff.) is unconvincing. 613 It further occurs as the name of a heq\paima in Thessaly (around 200, SGDI 2073, 2, 3). There is also Stq\tukka and Stq\tukkor, with three and six attestations respectively from 400 to the imperial period, though none from Attica (LGPN). 614 Cf. also stqat}kkan, probably a comic alternative of stqatgc|r (Cic. Att. 16.15.3; LSJ). Verbs in –ukky are also known to be popular in comedy, e. g. 1napat}kky (Ach. 657, Eq. 1144), bd}kky (Eq. 224, Lys. 354); see Peppler 1921: 152 – 3. 615 But the masculine form U|dippor is well-attested: 46 examples, 12 of which are from Attica (LGPN). 616 1927: 123. 617 There is one Jakom¸ja from Thebes (late fifth century), and six Boiotian attestations of the masculine form Jak|mijor (none earlier than the third century), see LGPN IIIB. 618 This name is attested in various regions, including Athens, but not before the third century.

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137

tion and suggested Jkeom_jg619 as an emendation (to fit the metre). He was followed by Coulon, but all other editors retain the paradosis, and the strong likelihood of an Athenian attestation (on an early fifth century vase)620 reinforces this choice. The name is clearly significant: it alludes to the ‘beautiful victory’ that the women’s plan is hoped to have, and as it is the first name to be heard in the play, it may be interpreted as an intentional good omen; its message is repeated in the (similarly formed) name Mijod¸jg (see above under ‘Chorus’). It is heard again at 9, where it contributes to an alliteration of j ()kk(, § Jakom¸jg, j²olai tµm jaqd¸am). The name Kalpit¾, first heard at 77, may be chosen for its strong Spartan flavour, as it belonged to the mother of king Agis II (Hdt. 6.71).621 It would further seem appropriate that the leader of Aristophanes’ Spartan women was named after a well-known, high-ranking real Spartan woman.622 The name’s etymological significance (derived from k²lpy ‘shine’), may allude to a woman’s shining beauty, and indeed Lysistrata, after greeting Lampito by name, praises her appearance in terms that may appear relevant to k²lpy : shine is connected with j\kkor ‘beauty’ elsewhere,623 and eqwqo]y, which literally means ‘have a well-coloured (=healthy) complexion’ (LSJ), may suggest beauty; cf. the translations of ªr d( eqwqoe?r (80) by Van Daele and Marzullo:624 ‘comme ta beauté … est resplendissante!’ – ‘come siamo splendide!’ But in the absence of a specific pun, the audience could equally 619 This name is mostly attested in Macedonia. There is one classical example from Athens and three more from the hellenistic and imperial periods (LGPN IIA). 620 Jakom¸[jg] SEG XVI 39 e, cf. Beazley (1953 – 4: 204) who refuted Wilamowitz’s emendation; his conclusion was accepted by Fraenkel (1964: 442, n.1). 621 This unusual name is also attested in Thrace (fourth century, LGPN IV), in Asia Minor (Miletos, Milet I [3] 84, 5), and as the name of a hetaera from Samos (fourth century, LGPN I). There is a doubtful early Athenian attestation in a funeral inscription: IG I3 1380, K[alpi]t|, ca. 500; IG editors speculate that the name belonged to a Samian woman, given the Ionic dialect of the text and the special friendship between Samos and the Lakedaimonians in the seventh and sixth centuries; but the argument that the name only occurs in Sparta has now been proved invalid. 622 But we should certainly not read into this choice an expression of philo-aristocratic views; thus Henderson (1980: 188), cf. n. 588 above (on the name Lysistrata). 623 Cf. Peace 859, Pl. 144, Pl. Phdr. 250 d and Th. 6.54 with Hornblower (2008: 442) who notes the possibility that kalpq|r had connotations of class. 624 See Coulon’s edition of the play and Marzullo 1989.

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connect the verb with the rest of Lysistrata’s reaction to Lampito’s appearance, which places more weight on good health and physical condition – a typical Laconian concern – than on her beauty as such (80 – 1, ªr d( eqwqoe?r, ¢r d³ svqicø t¹ s_l² sou / J#m taOqom %cwoir ; cf. the neutral translation by Sommerstein ‘What a fine colour’ and Henderson’s: ‘What rosy cheeks’).625 The name may also reflect the fact that Lampito stands out as Lysistrata’s most courageous friend (cf. e. g. 145). Like the name Lampito, which is suggestive of its bearer’s Spartan origins, another woman’s name too is meant to denote provenance: the Boiotian who appears at 85 and whose ethnic inspires a joke (see below), later receives the personal name Zslgm_a (697; she is mentioned by the women’s chorus as F te Hgba¸a v¸kg pa?r eqcemµr). The name was clearly chosen for its typically Theban sound, from the name of the Theban river Hismenos. The masculine form Zslgm_ar is also characteristically Boiotian (with about twenty Boiotian attestations out of a total of twenty-six, LGPN).626 With the exception of Hismenia, which seems to have only a topical relevance, all female names used have meanings that are reflected in the summary of female virtues (543 – 7), which sustain the faith of the women’s chorus in their ultimate success: 9h´ky d( 1p· p÷m Q´mai let± t_md( !qet/r 6mew(, aXr 5mi v¼sir, 5mi w²qir, 5mi hq²sor, 5mi d³ sovºm, 5mi vikºpokir !qetµ vqºmilor.

Names such as Myrrhine, Kalyke, Lampito and Rhodippe imply w²qir ‘grace’. hq²sor ‘courage’ is a necessary ingredient of the plan to dissolve armies and is expressed in Lysistrata’s name and the name of the leader of the women’s chorus, Stratyllis. Lysistrata argues that the women’s victory will benefit the city, therefore names related to the concept of victory (Kalonike, Nikodike) are also related to vikºpokir !qetµ ‘patriotism’. Finally, t¹ sovºm ‘wisdom’ may find its expression in the name Kritylla. 625 Sommerstein 1990: 23 and Henderson in the new Loeb. 626 For its use as a slave-name (Ach. 861) see Appendix 2. The feminine form is otherwise only attested once (Lydia, imperial period, LGPN VA). The name is printed with a smooth breathing by previous editors, but Wilson rightly chose a rough breathing propter titulos. See also Mastronarde 1994: 182 – 3 and Olson 2002: 287, 307; cf. Bechtel 1917: 227. Coulon chose Blaydes’ spelling Ysleim-, but see Colvin’s objection (1999: 143 n. 30).

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139

The fact that female names mostly reflect positive characteristics corroborates the main assumption of the play that the women’s cause is just. But the names should not be seen as a means of sanctification of the women. As we have seen, comic naming habits still apply, and the depiction of female character in this play contains all elements of the stereotypical ridicule (e. g. proneness to sexual pleasure, love of wine) that women fell victim to.627 Among the men’s names, Jimgs¸ar (838), the name of Myrrhine’s husband, is the most prominent: it is mentioned four times (also at 852, 856, 860), while no other masculine name receives more than a single mention. This was a rare but old name at Athens (the only place where it is attested), with one example possibly dating back to the mid-sixth century (LGPN IIA). It occurs again in Aristophanes for a poet of dithyrambs (Av. 1372 ff.), often satirised in comedy for his poetry.628 Although the poet Kinesias is not mocked in connection with sexuality, the rarity of the name makes it inevitable that Lysistrata’s audience would think of him.629 This would probably not prevent them from hearing in the name the sexual connotations of jime?m, which can mean ‘copulate’ (cf. Ach. 1052, Eq. 364, Nu. 1103, Peace 341, Eup. fr. 247.3).630 A sexual joke is further guaranteed by Paiom_dgr, a real demotic name (from the deme Paionidai), arguably chosen for Kinesias for the sake of its similarity in sound to pa_eim ‘strike’, but also ‘copulate’.631 Perhaps some among the audience would also recall and be amused by the contrast with the Homeric Paiom¸dgm Fqya (Il. 11.339, 368), which has exactly the same sound, but is a heroic patronymic.632 Clearly the 627 Cf. Dover 1972: 159 – 60. 628 Cf. Ra. 153, Ec. 330, Ar. fr. 156.11 – 3, Pl. Com. frr. 184, 200. There is one more attestation of the name, from the hellenistic period (LGPN IIA). 629 Papademetriou (1948 – 9: 152) was perhaps right that he could be thought of as an amusing counterpart for Myrrhine because of his ugly and sickly appearance: apparently he was very tall, thin and suffered from various diseases (see also Sommerstein 1987: 289 – 90). 630 See Sommerstein 1996: 170, 1990: 200 (who, however, preferred to see no connection between the Kinesias of Lysistrata and the poet). It is possible that another literary attestation of the name, in an epigram by Theodoridas about a man who died old but hale (12 Gow-Page), has a similar sense. 631 Cf. Henderson 1987: 175 – 6. An association with p]or is therefore unnecessary, and it would require a phonetic equation of ai and e which is difficult to prove, as Willi (2003: 240 n. 46) notes. 632 The son of Paion, a Trojan killed by Diomedes.

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combination Kinesias Paionides is marked by a good touch of irony, as copulation is exactly what men in this comedy are deprived of. Perhaps the juxtaposition of Kinesias with Myrrhine in a context suggestive of copulation (852) made the audience aware of a possible sexual allusion in Myrrhine’s name at that point.633 The appearance of the figure of Diakkac^ towards the end of the play (1114) is of great importance (more than in Ach. 989, where she also appears), as it embodies the success of the women’s plan and peace-making. Unlike names of other personifications discussed so far, hers seems never to have been used as a personal name.

7.4 Jokes with names At 58 – 9 Lysistrata complains about the delay in the arrival of the women, particularly these from the Paraloi (the coastal districts) and Salamis. These place-names are clearly not random choices, but have the purpose of alluding to the two sacred Athenian triremes which were famous for their speed: the amusing implication is that women from areas carrying the names of fast ships should be faster to arrive than other women.634 A few lines later the first women arrive. Kalonike’s query about their provenance leads to a comic word-play (66 – 8): Yo» Qo¼,

JA. pºhem eQs¸m. KU.

)macuqoumtºhem.

633 Henderson 1987: 174. In his words: ‘the significant names underscore the archetypal nature and representative function of the comic encounter’. But note that Kinesias is seen as the likeliest solution to the problem of identification of the Herald’s interlocutor (cf. Wilson’s edition and Henderson 1987: 184 – 5), and the relevant scene (980 ff.) should add a more ‘serious’ aspect to his character. 634 Thus Sommerstein 1990: 157. The joint mention of the two leaves little room for alternative suggestions, such as Henderson’s (1987: 74) that Salamis alluded to sexual intercourse (though in other contexts it clearly did, cf. 411 and Ec. 33 – 8). For a similar pun on Paralos the trireme see Ach. 1158, where a dish of squid is given the epithet p\qakor, which at the same time alludes to the sea and salt that are relevant to seafood (cf. Olson 2002: 350).

7.4 Jokes with names

JA.

141

Mµ t¹m D¸a7 b coOm )m²cuqºr loi jejim/shai doje?.

The deme Anagyrous was named after the stinking plant (bean-trefoil) !m\cuqor ; the inhabitants of the deme were said to be as smelly as their eponymous plant, which explains Kalonike’s Yo» Qo¼ at the appearance of the Anagyrountian women (the exclamation is used in a similar manner at Ra. 653 – 4). A second joke is produced by the pun in the next line: most editors print a noun (Hall-Geldart, Henderson, Sommerstein), assuming the proverbial expression ‘shake the anagyros’ which means ‘stir up trouble’.635 Wilson, like Coulon, prefers a pun on the personal name Anagyros, the deme’s eponymous hero,636 who was said to cause trouble to those who violated his grove. Either way, the joke seems to be about the smelly and therefore troublesome presence of the women from Anagyrous. The arrival of the representative of Boiotian women leads to a comic exchange centered on the ethnic Boiotia (86 – 8): KA. LU.

Pq´sbeiq² toi ma· t½ si½ Boiyt¸a Vjei poh( rl´. Mµ D¸( ¢r Boiyt¸a jakºm c( 5wousa t¹ ped¸om.

Mµ D¸( ¢r is Bothe’s emendation (adopted by Coulon, Henderson and Wilson) of the MSS m^ D_’§. The essence of the joke, which is not af-

fected by different solutions to the textual problem,637 is Myrrhine’s638 reinterpretation of the first Boiotia, an ethnic (feminine of Boi~tior), as the place-name. The comparison with a fertile plain has sexual overtones.639 Lysistrata nicknames Myrrhine x/tta (131) ‘flounder’ for her willingness to slice herself in two, like a flounder (¢speqe· x/ttam, 115 – 6; a flat fish that has the appearance of half a fish, or a slice of a whole fish), if this were to help bring an end to the war. The repetition, by Lysistrata, of ‘flounder’ and the idea of being sliced in two may imply 635 636 637 638

See Henderson 1987: 76, with sources for the proverb. Farnell 1921: 413, Hansen 2002: 339 – 40. The name is otherwise unattested. Hall-Geldart have Mµ l± D¸a, and Sommerstein prints the similar Ma· l± D¸a. In the editions of Coulon and Hall-Geldart the second speaker is Lysistrata. See above n. 591. 639 Henderson 1975: 136.

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a sexual joke, especially since it is followed by Myrrhine’s affirmation that she would do anything but give up sex. Although all editors print a noun, it seems preferable to read a proper name at 131. x/tta itself is unattested as a personal name, but other fish-names were known to have been used as sobriquets (cf. Ck\mir, Eq. 1004; Wq]lgr, Ec. 477 and Wqel}kor, Pl. 336, 1171), and a personal name would suit the joke better; this is reflected in translations: ‘Madam/Ms. Flounder’.640 Wokof}cgr (397) is intended as a mock-name for Demostratos, from wok^ ‘bile’ and Bouf}cgr, the name of the clan to which Demostratos belonged. Wok^ was associated with madness (cf. Clouds 833, Hp.

Morb. Sacr. 18) or an angry temper (e. g. Lys. 465, Wasps 403). Eup. fr. 113 (t¸ j´jqacar ¦speq Bouf¼cgr !dijo¼lemor.) may indeed imply that Demostratos had a hot temper. He is also depicted in Plu. Nic. 12 – 13 as a war-loving demagogue and may be attacked here as a madman for having been an advocate of the Sicilian expedition in 415.641 Personal names with wok^ are not attested until considerably later and have wok^ as a second component,642 but Wokof}cgr was perhaps inspired by the (admittedly rare) adjectives with woko-, such as wokob\vimor ‘yellow-coloured’ (Arist. SE 164 b 24). iqs¸kowor (725) would probably strike the audience as an old, heroic

name, which in its Homeric usage must have meant ‘call (the men) forth’ – from eqmuli (eqsai) and k|wor.643 The epic resonance made 640 Sommerstein, Henderson. Sommerstein (1990: 161) notes that the idea reappears in Pl. Smp. 191 d, in Aristophanes’ speech, where ‘flounder’ is used as a metaphor for the divided hermaphrodite (androgynous) being. 641 The exact details of Demostratos’ role are unclear, cf. Henderson 1987: 120 and Sommerstein 1990: 173 – 4. Davies (1971: 105 – 6) thought that he could be associated with a well-known family of Paiania; an alternative suggestion, that the name puns on the demotic Wokaqce}r (Davies ibid., with implications for Perikles’ relationship with the family), is unlikely as there is too little phonetic similarity. 642 Cf. the late antique names inuw|kior, from an}wokor ‘quick to anger’ and )w|kior, from %wokor ‘allaying anger’ (two attestations each; also )w|kir and )wok_r, both with single attestations). A simplex Wokk÷r (probably from wok(k)\r – wok(k)\der ‘bowels’, ‘guts’; LSJ) is attested in the imperial period (Ionia, LGPN VA). 643 See von Kamptz 1982 (1958): 66, 213. The name is used for four different heroes in the epics; a Thessalian hero, Il. 5.542 (whose grandfather was called

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the name’s appearance in a comic environment funnier, especially since Aristophanes probably chose it for its phallic associations, which derive from an etymological play with aqh|r. Similar puns are present in 995, iqs± Kajeda¸lym p÷" ja· to· sull\woi/ûpamter 1st¼jamti ; and in the name iqhac|qar in Ec. 916 which personifies a phallus.644 This suits the context, in which the name’s bearer is about to receive a visit from a woman who can no longer cope with the sexual abstinence imposed by Lysistrata’s anti-war plan. It is apparently on the basis of this context that the Scholia identify Orsilochos as a brothel-keeper and an adulterer.645 The name is otherwise very rare: it only has one attestation at Athens (mid-fourth century, LGPN IIA) and one in Boiotia (fifth century, LGPN IIIB).646 Jumak~pgn (957) ‘Fox Dog’ is a nickname for Philostratos (see Eq. 1069, where the presence of the personal name suggests that the nickname would not be taken as a proper name). The fact that he is remembered by Kinesias after he was tricked by Myrrhine, at a time when he is desperate to find a woman to serve his sexual needs, may imply that this Philostratos was a pimp. The nickname, which ‘portrays him as having the cunning of a fox and the shamelessness of a dog’,647 is closer to existing personal names than it may initially seem. Both of its elements were used in onomastics: Jum- is found as a first element in several personal names, and !k~pgn is the origin of the name of the Attic deme Alopeke and of the rare names )k~pejor and )k~pgn ;648 the similar Wgmak~pgn ‘Fox-goose’, a type of goose, is used as a nickname in Birds 1295 as we have seen. Compounds of two animal names were

iqt¸kowor, Il. 5.546), a Trojan (Il. 8.274) and a son of Idomeneus

(Od. 13.260); cf. Orsilochus in V. Aen. 11.636, 690, 694. 644 See also Henderson 1987: 165. 645 Cf. Henderson 1987: 165. According to the Scholia he was also accused of effeminacy; see further Sommerstein 1990: 195. 646 iqs¸- occurs as a first component in a number of old Athenian names, none of which has more than three examples (cf. iqsil]mgr, mqsippor). 647 Thus Sommerstein 1990: 204. 648 )k~pejor is the older name: it figures in a cult legend about the recovery of the Artemis idol of the Orestes – Iphigeneia myth (Paus. 3.16.9, Ogden 1997: 112 – 3) and is also the name of a fourth century Pythagorean from S. Italy (D-K vol. 1, p. 446; LGPN IIIB). )k~pgn has a single attestation in Cyrene (imperial period, LGPN I).

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also used as personal names: Jumak~pgn is reminiscent of J}mippor, which has two attestations at Athens in the fifth century (LGPN IIA).649 The Lakedaimonian herald informs Kinesias650 of the sexual deprivation suffered by the Spartans using an onomastic joke (995 – 6): JG.

iqs± Kajeda¸lym p÷" ja· to· sull\woi ûpamter 1st¼jamti7 Pakk\mar d³ de?.

The text at 996 is uncertain, but a strong case has been made for the emendation Pakk\mar, proposed by Taillardat and adopted by Wilson. This can be interpreted as a double entendre referring to Pallana, the doric form of Pallene – not the Attic deme but the western peninsula of Chalkidike, mentioned often in the context of the Peloponnesian war because of Poteidaia which occupies its isthmus;651 and to the name of a prostitute, with the implication that the latter is needed by the sex-hungry Spartans much more than the former (sexual gratification is a greater impulse than war ambition). This could have been originally a prisoner of war, named after her city of provenance; the personal name is made more plausible by an attestation in Thessaly (third century, LGPN IIIB).652 During the negotiations between the Athenian and the Spartan representative, the former suggests summoning Lysistrata, to which the latter seems to respond that he may also summon KuVstqatom (= Kus_stqatom, 1104 – 5).653 This is probably a comic distortion of Lysistrata’s name, similar to other changes to the gender of names, of the kind that we have seen in Clouds 677 – 92; while the transformation of masculine 649 The audience may also have been familiar with the term jum\mhqypor m|sor (Gal. 19.719), the patient of which imagines himself to be a dog. 650 In Hall-Geldart and Coulon the speaker is identified as an Athenian pq}tamir. 651 E.g. Th. 1.56, 4.116. See RE s.v. Pallene (3) (E. Oberhummer). 652 See Taillardat 1972: 255 – 61. His suggestion is more likely than the MSS reading Pekk\mar, which could equally be a prostitute’s name (though unattested), but as a city-name (of two cities, in Laconia and in Achaia, an ally of the Spartans) it has no particular relevance to the context. Pekk\mar was preferred by Hall-Geldart and Sommerstein. Henderson printed a noun, assuming, unconvincingly, that it referred to an otherwise unattested (Laconian?) word for vagina. Coulon’s pekk÷m (p]kka ‘milk pail’ as a metonymy for women) is even less likely. 653 On the Laconian form of the name see Colvin 1999: 171 – 2.

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into feminine names there reflected the men’s effeminacy, KuVstqator may be heard to emphasise the manly power enjoyed by Lysistrata – although the Spartans must already be aware of this reversal of normal order, as the Herald announced in the previous scene (998) that it was Lampito who started their affliction. Normally the mention of a feminine name in such a context would be incredulous, but the Spartan is so frustrated that he seems in fact to respond: summon whoever/ whatever, as long as the matter is resolved quickly. A parallel allusion to a real Lysistratos is not impossible (perhaps someone who was satirised as a passive homosexual),654 though it should be kept in mind that the name was very common. Finally, two of the geographical names of 1169 – 70 (9wimoOmta, Lgki÷), supposedly of places claimed by the Athenian representative from the Spartans, were all chosen for potential sexual hints:655 Echinous, the name of a real place in Phthiotis controlled by the Spartans, was chosen for it meaning ‘hedgehog’ or ‘sea-urchin’ to connote the sense ‘pubic hair’ (cf. Ar. fr. 425). The Malian gulf apparently suggests the vagina, which is located between two l/ka ‘apples’ (or apple-shaped buttocks). As befits the spirit of this comedy, a territorial claim belonging to the context of war is transformed through the names in an allusion to the pleasures allowed by peace.

654 Henderson suspected a joke at the expense of Spartan homosexuality (1987: 195), a habit possibly also satirised with kajym_feim (Ar. fr. 358). A Lysistratos is mocked also in Ach., V. and Eq. See Olson (2002: 285 – 6), who offers a number of possible identifications. 655 See Henderson 1987: 205 and Sommerstein 1990: 216.

8 Thesmophoriazusae 8.1 The significance of anonymity The action of this comedy, which must belong to the same year as Lysistrata,656 is placed in the framework of the women’s festival of Thesmophoria. Euripides is the main satirical target and is presented as fearing the anger of women, who feel that they have been wronged by the negative depiction of female characters in his plays. The poet resorts to the help of a relative in order to find out the women’s plans for him. This relative is the play’s principal character who, surprisingly, is not named at all: he is only referred to as Euripides’ jgdest¶r ‘inlaw’ or ‘kinsman’ (cf. 584, 1165; also 74 and 210, where however the term is applied to Euripides by the relative). Ancient commentators, who had the tendency to provide names for unnamed characters, have added in the margin of the only manuscript that preserves the play (R) the name Lmgs_kowor, which apparently emerged from the identification of this jgdest¶r with Euripides’ real father-in-law who had that name.657 This identification, however, is based on mere speculation, and in fact jgdest¶r appears to be a rather generic term for relatives by marriage, which can also mean ‘son-in-law’ or ‘brother-in-law’.658 This anonymity is perplexing, especially since it involves a main hero. It may mask a real individual, but speculation is pointless as there is no indication in the text of who it might have been. In any case it must be intentional, but its reasons are unclear: it has been 656 It is generally accepted that it was staged at the City Dionysia, later in the year than Lysistrata, which was probably performed at the Lenaia; see Sommerstein 1980: 3 and 1990: 1, Henderson 1987: xv-xvi and Austin-Olson 2004: xli (for a summary of the different views on the issue see Hall 1989: 53 – 4). 657 Vit. Eur. TGrF 5.1 T1 III.2, Suid. s.v. Eqqip_dgr. See also Austin-Olson 2004: 77 and Prato 2001: 161. Cf. the anonymous slave of Euripides at Ach. 395 ff., who was identified by the Scholia with the poet’s collaborator Kephisophon. Euripides’ father-in-law also appears as his collaborator (Vit. Eur. ibid. IA.3). 658 This was a generic term in Attic for male inlaws of all sorts; see further AustinOlson 2004: 74. Good relations with inlaws were considered important, and one could turn to them for support (ibid.: 76 – 77, with examples), which is what the hero of the play does.

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thought to reflect the hero’s passivity which does not entitle him to a personal name,659 since the naming of principal characters in Aristophanes is normally associated with achievement. But Inlaw is arguably not a passive character: he is the one to suggest to Euripides an alternative plan by offering to undertake the task of spying on the women, when Agathon refuses (210 ff.). He may then be manipulated by Euripides to a certain degree, but he shows enterprise in parodying Euripides’ plays in an effort to save himself when he is unmasked. It is perhaps preferable to see this anonymity as an allegory660 for a character for whom jgdest¶r is an adequate designation, as his action was meant to revolve around a parody of his relative, the tragic poet. By leaving this jgdest¶r without a name, the poet increases the emphasis on Euripides, and suggests that Inlaw could be anybody who was supportive of Euripides’ art – and who perhaps was also keen on the ridicule of women.661 The anonymity further helps to emphasise the jgdest¶r relationship between the anonymous character and Euripides, which is crucial to the plot, a fact that becomes particularly obvious all four times that the term is mentioned: at 74 where Inlaw urges the poet to share his troubles with him on account of their kinship, at 210 when he offers himself to the poet’s assistance, at 584 in a context explaining his decision to help Euripides, and finally at 1165 where Euripides promises to stop slandering women if he can have his jgdest¶r back.662

8.2 The women’s names This play, like Lysistrata, is dominated by women, but there is no central female character as prominent as Lysistrata, and with the exception of the chorus and its leader, only two women have speaking parts; they both enter with the chorus at 294 but their names (Kritylla and Mika) are heard much later and only shortly before they leave the stage;663 659 Thus Barton 1990: 29. 660 Thus Russo (1994: 37) – but he elaborates on this no further. 661 As was indeed Aristophanes himself, who is known to have admired Euripides (despite the satire against him), and who repeatedly satirised women for their (stereotypical) love of drink and lustfulness. 662 See also Austin-Olson 2004: 77. 663 The identification of speakers varies considerably among editions; Wilson, followed here, is in agreement with Austin-Olson. Sommerstein and Henderson

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this may be seen as an expression of the late-naming practice that often apllies to important characters.664 Mika, who is named at 760, is the first to speak at the women’s assembly (383 ff.) 665 and is the central figure in the scene of the snatching of her ‘baby’ (in reality a wine-flask) by Inlaw, who thus attempts to save himself when he is uncovered by the women. L_ja can mean ‘Tiny’, from the adjective lij|r, a synonym of lijq|r, and may be thought to refer either to small stature or to originate in a pet-name for a child;666 in Ach. 909 a Theban uses the dialectal form lijj|r667 for an individual of small size. But the name is common, with no fewer than twenty-three attestations at Athens in the classical and hellenistic periods (LGPN IIA),668 and in the absence of a pun it is uncertain that the audience would think of its etymology.669 Kritylla first speaks at 443, but she introduces herself at 898, and this is the only time we hear her name. Her self-introduction follows the traditional ‘bureaucratic’ manner, here perhaps meant as a comic emphasis, of including both the name of her father Antitheos and demotic affiliation (from Gargettos).670 This full introduction may be also meant

664 665 666 667

668 669 670

assigned the part of the chorus leader to Kritylla; Hall-Geldart and Prato allocated this part to a female Herald (following the MS), and do not identify the two other female speaking characters by name (Prato identifies them as Mika and Kritylla in the list of characters, but not in the text). In Coulon all three parts are unnamed. Cf. Prato 2001: 280. First identified by Sommerstein as the speaker at 380 ff. and in the scene of 533 – 70; but see Austin-Olson 2004: 173 – 4. Cf. Prato 2001: 280 citing an old commentator (F.V. Fritzsche). Presumably Boiotian, but see Colvin 1999: 244. There is also L_jja, with few attestations (a total of eight, five of which are in LGPN IIIB – Boiotia, Phokis, Thessaly); but the old attempt to emend Mijja (MS) to Mijja (see Prato 2001: 280 for references) was unjustified, as implied also by masculine forms that include L_jor and L_jjor (Lij_ym is the commonest; Aristophanes mentions L_jym the painter, Lys. 679). Its oldest attestation is in a poem by Sappho (fr. 71 V), presumably for a girl of her circle. As it is well attested and not explicitly comic, it is unnecessary to consider the possibility that it was a nickname for another woman (Sostrate, see below; thus Sommerstein 1994: 181). Cf. Willi (2003: 170) who notes that a woman used either her father’s or her husband’s name to identify herself (Th. 605: Jkeym}lou cum^ for Mika; cf. 619; Ec. 46: Lekist_wg B Slijuh_ymor ; cf. also Lys. 270, Ec. 49, 51). Blepyros’ selfintroduction as the husband of Praxagora (Ec. 727, 1126) is a comic inversion of the above pattern to reflect the women’s rise to power.

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as a response to the false identification of her as Theonoe the daughter of Proteus (the mythical Pqyte}r), offered by Inlaw in the previous line (897), making her part of the contextual parody of Euripides’ Helen (850 ff., where Proteus and his children are mentioned).671 Jq_tukka is also used in Lys. 323 for a chorus member, and what was said there largely applies here: though it can be seen as a generic comic name (cf. N]mukka 633),672 it is unusual enough to have been noticed for its etymology that implies good judgement.673 Antitheos, the name of her father, was mentioned earlier for its presence in the list of members of a religious association, where the name Amphitheos (Ach. 45) also belongs (IG II2 2343; the names are of two brothers).674 This by no means provides sufficient encouragement to the view that she is meant as a priestess, which is very unlikely.675 The names of two out of three leading members of the women’s Council (374 – 5), )qw_jkeia676 and Systq\tg, clearly express the notions of leadership, kleos and war, which may be seen as comically relevant to the function of the Council, who take initiative for the women’s anti-Euripidean strategy. The third name, K}sikka, may be vaguely reminiscent of Lysistrata. However, this name and Sostrate were appa671 Pqyte}r is further comically misunderstood by Kritylla to refer to the general Pqyt]ar (a different name-form; the man is mentioned by Thucydides, 1.45, 2.23), thus signaling the fact that she (amusingly) fails to grasp the point of the interchange between Euripides and Inlaw (876, cf. 883). 672 Austin-Olson 2004: 287, 231 – 2; but as was said earlier (see above pp. 135 – 6), there is no need to assume an invented name. N]mukka too has some attestations (four, the earliest of which – fourth century – is Attic, LGPN). 673 Cf. Prato 2001: 301. But Funaioli (1985/6: 116 ff.) went too far in seeing the name as a calembour, the half-counterpart of Heom|g (Th. 897, for the –m|g element that signifies discernment), the other half being )mtih]ou ; a pun between the two names is not impossible, but the frequency of the -heo- element in onomastics risks making it unnoticeable. Diano (1952: 86) placed the name in the anti-Euripidean polemic (he translated Th. 898: ‘Critichina figlia di Pari-aDio’). 674 See also Sommerstein 1994: 215, and above, p. 32. 675 Dover (1972: 168) and Sommerstein (1994: 176 – 7) postulated a priestess, but see Austin-Olson 2004: 257. Line 759, where she receives the wine-flask as a real priestess would receive portions of the sacrificial animal (including the skin), is better interpreted as a comic pretence. 676 This reading, preserved only on papyrus, is rightly preferred by Wilson and Austin-Olson to the MS Til|jkeia (of similar meaning), printed by other recent editors, as it is the lectio difficilior (see further Austin-Olson 2004: 172 – 3) – a much rarer name (with only two attestations against Timokleia’s twenty-one).

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rently also typically comic, as they occur elsewhere in Aristophanes (both of them in Clouds, 684 and 678 respectively, as examples of female names in Sokrates’ mock-tutorial on the grammatical distinction of genders; Sostrate also in V. 1397 as the name of the mother of Myrtia the bread-seller, and Ec. 41 for a chorus member) and in the comedy of Terence.677 Both were also used as names for real Athenian women, and Sostrate was particularly common.678 Later at the women’s meeting, as he exposes the various immoral habits of women, the disguised Inlaw infuriates Mika, who preparing to fight him, asks another woman, Vik_stg (568), to hold her mantle. Philiste is seen as a member of the chorus by recent commentators,679 who rightly deny the alternative possibility that she is a slave of Mika, as this is the position of Mania.680 If so, she is the only named chorus member in this comedy. The name was probably chosen for its auspicious sound; it is attested both as a name of slaves in inscriptions (though nowhere else in literature), and of citizen women, and it was relatively common in Athens.681 More feminine names are heard in the parabasis of the play, which intends on a first level to throw some positive light on the women and attack the stereotype of female inferiority. A congestion of significant naming (801 – 10), used as a tool in the perennial battle between the sexes, contributes to this cause by serving the comparative evaluation of men and women and showing the latter’s superiority. The selection of names, however, has the parallel function of commenting on the current political situation at Athens and its position in the war. These issues may lie away from the play’s central theme and may be less of a concern here than in Lysistrata (probably because by that time the oligarchic

677 See Sommerstein 1994: 181 for references. 678 Lysilla: six examples from the sixth to fourth centuries; Sostrate: fifty-two, from the classical period onwards (LGPN IIA). A view of these, reported by Prato (2001: 230), as feminised names of effeminate men (in the model of Nu. 677 – 92) or of prostitutes is entirely unnecessary. 679 Sommerstein (1994: 192) and Austin – Olson (2004: 219). 680 On this name see below, under Frogs. 681 There are twelve examples of Vik_sta/g from the fifth century onwards (LGPN IIA). There is one example of it as a slave-name in Fragiadakis (1986: 377); note that positive connotations were often intended in the naming of slaves (see Appendix 2, p. 202).

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coup of 412/1 had imposed restrictions on comic freedom), but relevant allusions are not entirely absent.682 B²samom d_lem pºteqoi we¸qour. Jle?r l³m c²q valem rl÷r, rle?r d( Bl÷r. Sjex¾leha dµ j!mtitih_lem pq¹r 6jastom, paqab²kkousai t/r te cumaij¹r ja· t!mdq¹r toumol( 2j²stou. Mausil²wgr l´m Fttym 1st·m Waql?mor7 d/ka d³ t%qca. Ja· l³m dµ ja· Jkeov_m we¸qym p²mtyr d¶pou SakabajwoOr. Pq¹r )qistol²wgm d³ wqºmou pokkoO, pq¹r 1je¸mgm tµm Laqah_mi, ja· Stqatom¸jgm rl_m oqde·r oqd( 1cweiqe? pokel¸feim. )kk( Eqbo¼kgr t_m p´qus¸m tir boukeut¶r 1stim !le¸mym paqado»r 2t´q\ tµm bouke¸am. Oqd( -mutor toOtº ce v¶sei. Ovtyr Ble?r pok» bekt¸our t_m !mdq_m eqwºleh( eWmai.

Four different feminine names are chosen for mention, which suggest kinds of valour that the men fail to attain. The names apparently do not refer to real Athenian women, but are generic choices to suggest fields of action which are traditionally male but in which the women surpass the men, at least via their names:683 in each example the positive etymological significance of a feminine name is proved ‘superior’ to the achievement of real men, named or not named; this has the absurd implication that the men are inferior to the women. The first one, Mausil\wg ‘fighting at sea’, is appropriately superior to Charminos, the Athenian general defeated by Sparta at a naval battle earlier that year (Th. 8.41.3 – 43.1). The name is not attested, and may have been built out of the masculine form Maus_lawor,684 in analogy with existing female names such as Mausistq\tg and Mausim_jg, both of which are only attested at Athens and were apparently used in comedy.685 682 See Austin-Olson 2004: xliii – xliv. 683 Cf. Austin-Olson 2004: 267. 684 Itself not very common, with a total of seventeen attestations, eleven of which are from Attica, mostly from the fifth and fourth centuries (LGPN). 685 They have fifteen and four examples respectively (LGPN IIA; a Mausim_ja is found in fifth century Korinth, LGPN IIIA = Plu. Mor. 871 a). They both appear in Philem. fr. 69, apparently as generalising plurals originating in names of high-class Athenian wives (who are reminiscent of Strepsiades’ wife, Clouds 46 – 8): mum· d( ftam k²b, tir eQr tµm oQj¸am t±r Zppom¸jar t²sde ja· Mausistq²tar ja· Mausim¸jar, t±r )hgma¸ar k´cy

Nausistrata is the name of a married woman in Ter. Phorm. The analogy between Mausil\wg – Mausistq\tg is reminiscent of Kusil\wg – Kusistq\tg.

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The meanings of )qistol²wg (‘best fighter’) and Stqatom¸jg (‘victory for the army’) are related and imply female success in the battle field, where men have appeared (in the context of the current war) to be highly inadequate. Both are real names: )qistol²wg was predominantly Athenian (47 out of its 55 attestations are Attic, and most are from the fourth century, LGPN IIA), and her association with Marathon is of course meant to allude to the famous battle of the Persian wars; this implies further criticism of contemporary men, who do not compare to the previous generations in merit. Stqatom¸jg is one of the commonest female names, with a number of Athenian attestations, mostly from the hellenistic and imperial periods.686 Eqbo¼kg, ‘of right judgement’, alludes to the ability of good thinking, also a traditionally male characteristic. There is a word-play between the name and boukeut^r ‘Councilor’ on the same line, and bouke_am ‘Councilor’s office’ on the next line, in a context that must refer to the ten elderly probouloi who were appointed as general supervisors after the Sicilian disaster in late 413 (Th. 8.1.3).687 The name is attested at Athens in the classical period.688 The name Sakabajw¾ is used for a different sort of joke. It belonged to a well-known hetaera, mentioned also in Eq. 764 – 5 (together with Kynna, also a courtesan),689 and it is clearly not chosen for a positive etymological meaning, but for the allusion to the courtesan and for its position at the end of the line:690 while the other women’s names, all placed near the beginning of the line, introduce statements about female superiority to men, in the case of Salabakho’s name the joke is that the demagogue Kleophon, a man, is worse than her, a prostitute (a similar comic comparison is made in Eq. 765 with a promiment demagogue, Lysikles); the name’s position at the end of the line shows surprise. 686 The LGPN database counts 232 attestations, more than half of which are from Asia Minor. 687 Cf. Austin-Olson (2004: 269), Prato (2001: 289) and for another possibility Sommerstein (1994: 207). Rogers (1904: 85) assumed that the name puns on bouk^ ‘Council’, referring to the surrender of the Council of 500 to the usurping 400; but see Austin-Olson (2004: xxxiv). 688 Five of its fifteen attestations are from Attica (LGPN IIA). –bo}kg is a common second component of feminine names, the commonest being )qistobo}kg (24 attestations, LGPN). 689 See Sommerstein 1981: 184. Cf. Sch. Th. 805b and Sch. Eq. 765b, d. This is probably the reason behind the Scholia’s guess that some of the other names of the Thesmophoriazusae passage also belong to prostitutes. 690 Cf. Austin-Olson 2004: 268.

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The joke is enhanced by the name’s etymology: its second component has a bacchic relevance (-bajw- is not uncommon in onomastics),691 while the first part must be related to either s\kor ‘tossing motion’, especially of sea and ships (cf. S. Ph. 271) or sakaýfy ‘cry out (in distress)’ (cf. Anacr. fr. 139 PMG and the Hesychian sak\cg ‘noise, outcry’).692 This could suggest a woman known for going into bacchic frenzy, perhaps in sympotic contexts.693 The fact that the name is otherwise entirely unattested suggests that it may have been a nickname and confirms that its etymology would be noticed.694

8.3 An obscene naming joke In his first appearance as a woman (279 – 94), Inlaw prays to the two goddesses for the welfare of two imaginary children with obscene names (289 – 91), a daughter called Woiq_om ‘Little Pussy’ (wo?qor can mean ‘vulva’) and a son Poshak_sjor ‘Little Dick’, which function as comic denotations of their sex.695 Both are unattested, as one might expect; it indeed causes some surprise that there are attested names of the same etymology, notably Woiq_diom ‘piglet’ (two examples, one of which is from fourth century Athens, LGPN IIA),696 from the homonymous 691 B\jwior, with 296 attestations, is by far the commonest ‘bacchic’ name. There are twenty-two different names starting with Bajw-, but only two (rare) names with this element as a second component: (I|bajwor (three attestations from Syracuse, Mysia and Pontos) and Vik|bajwor (single example from Ionia), none earlier than the hellenistic period (LGPN). 692 Vol.3 (Hansen): 260 (or sakac^). These are of unknown etymology (see Chantraine 1999 s.v. s\kor) but they seem to be related, as it is natural to associate movement with noise. Personal names from this root are rare, but it may be significant that a S\kan is attested at Athens in the classical period (LGPN IIA). There is also a S\kacor and a Sak\fym (imperial period, LGPN IV). 693 Hubbard’s (1991: 198) suggestion of the meaning ‘trumpeter’ (presumably in connection with sakpicjt^r) does not seem to be allowed by the name’s etymology. 694 Despite Sommerstein (1994: 206). 695 Woiq_om in Sch. 289, adopted by Fritzsche (wo?qom in MS). Poshak_sjom is Meineke’s emendation of the MS pqòr h\kgjom (meaningless). The etymology and meaning of the two names are explained fully by Austin-Olson 2004: 147 – 8, cf. Prato 2001: 215 – 6. 696 The other one is from Triphylia, second century (LGPN IIIA). wo?qor has produced a number of personal names (see Chantraine 1999 s.v. wo?qor). The commonest is Woiq}kor with 19 attestations, but Woiq_kor is best known as a name of

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noun which is a synonym of woiq_om and is used in a similar obscene way elsewhere in Aristophanes (Ach. 806). The fact that a name Woiq_kg is attested for Euripides’ wife in ancient sources (Vit. Eur. TGrF 5.1 T1 III.2; Woiq_mg in IA.8) is an amusing coincidence. From p|shg ‘penis’ there is no less than four different names.697

8.4 Names and Euripidean parody In addition to the false introduction of Kritylla by Inlaw, which as we have seen is inspired by the context of the parody of Helen, Euripidean parody provides the opportunity for further connotative names: Mika accuses Euripides of having created Lekam_ppar and Va_dqar, used generically to refer to female characters of low moral standards, and no Pgmek|pgm, no female heroine that meets the requirements for virtue (547). Inlaw then justifies this choice by the comic claim that it reflects real-life women, who are all Va?dqai (as immoral as Phaidra), with no Penelope, no virtuous woman, among them (550). The plurals in particular are reminiscent of the tone of Ach. 603 – 6 and Nu. 332. In the context of the Helen parody, the disguised Inlaw’s incredible claim that (s)he is the daughter of Tyndareos annoys Kritylla, who sarcastically calls Inlaw the daughter of Vqum~mdar (861): obviously the name is suggestive of a villainous character, and its use is possibly proverbial, perhaps originating in a real person (not a contemporary) or a figure of folktale; the name further implies non-Athenian provenance.698 two poets: RE (2) (Bethe) (epic poet), (3) (Dieterich) (tragedian); but note that not all Woiq- names are necessarily pork-related: Woiq_mg (twelve attestations, ten of which are Attic) may allude to woiq_mg the sea-mussel, used in Athenian lawcourts as voting-token (cf. Eq. 1332, V. 333, 349). 697 Poshak_ym, Posh_ym, Posh}kor, P|shym. The last one has the most attestations (four) and is the only one to be attested at Athens (ca. 500; LGPN). 698 See Sommerstein (1994: 213) and Austin-Olson (2004: 281) who list other references to him in literature and mention an Agora ostrakon (LGPN IIA no. 1) where it is seemingly used as an opprobrious nickname (but see Masson vol. 3: 133 – 4 for different interpretations). Cf. RE s.v. Eurybatos (2) (Hoefer). It is otherwise only attested once in fourth century Thessaly (LGPN IIIB). There are numerous Attic names starting with Vqum-, probably originating in vqOmor ‘toad’ (Bechtel 1898: 14. Vq}miwor is the commonest; Aristophanes mentions the Mytilenaean citharode Phrynis [Nu. 970], and, possibly, the courtesan nickname Vq}mg [Ec. 1101, if a proper name is read there; see further under Ec., p. 182]). On the other hand, -ymdar is a rare name-ending at Athens; 194 of

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Its function must be similar to that of the name Eurybatos, mentioned in a couple of Aristophanic fragments (e. g. Eqq}batom D_a, fr. 198, as a comic cult-tile of Zeus for cunning, ‘a cheat’). After the proboulos’ decision for his imprisonment for fraud and his placement under the Scythian’s guard, Inlaw speaks in the character of Andromeda and expresses fear of the sea-monster, which he unexpectedly names Ckauj]tgr (1033). This must be a joke at the expense of a real person, mentioned also in Peace 1008, who was satirised for gluttony (cf. Sch. 1033). The equation with the monster comically implies that this man had a ‘monstrous’ appetite as well as size; perhaps the Scholia’s axov\cor ‘who eats delicacies (which include fish)’ suggests an additional joke element, if this Glauketes was appropriately a lover of sea-food.699 Iw~ (a nymph, depicted as living in Andromeda’s cave by Euripides) appears at 1056 and is named at 1059. This is another personification700 whose name is attested as a personal name, albeit scarcely: its occurrence for a slave in fourth century Athens (IG II2 1554 etc. = SEG XVIII 36 b 214) could imply a nickname in origin; but there is also an early to mid-sixth century Faw~i (Korinth, LGPN IIIA).701 A final example, a joke on Gorgo’s name which is inspired by the Andromeda parody, is discussed in the next section.

8.5 The play’s final scene In the closing scene of the play, Euripides frees Inlaw (1172 ff.) by tricking the Scythian guard with the help of two assistants (mute characters, probably slaves),702 both of whom are significantly named: 9k\viom (1172, §k²viom) ‘Fawn’, the name of the girl who attracts the Scythian’s

699 700 701 702

247 LGPN occurrences of -ymdar names are in IIIB, while some of the names (e. g. 9tul~mdar, the commonest of this group with 22 examples) are limited to the areas covered by that volume only. It seems unlikely that the name’s etymology (from ckauj|r, which can mean ‘blue’, the colour of the sea, cf. ckauj^ … h\kassa Il. 16.34) would be noticed (despite Sommerstein 1994: 225), as the focus of the joke is elsewhere. First appears in Pi. O. 14.20 – 1 ()w~). See further LIMC s.v. Echo (J. Bazˇant/ E. Simon). A masculine form Owor has four examples from Athens, the earliest in the fourth century (LGPN IIA). Cf. Austin-Olson 2004: 340.

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attention with her dance, may be chosen to express the lightness of the dance; this is suggested by the context of Lys. 1316 – 9, where the chorus’ dancing is compared to the leaping of a 5kavor ‘deer’. Significantly, the Scythian compares Fawn to a deer (1180, ¢r 1kapq|r = barbaric form of 5kavor). Fawn is a hetaera according to the Scholia (1172b), a reasonable inference for a dancer; the name is indeed suggestive of a hetaera, as hetaerae were sometimes named after animals known for beauty and grace.703 The name has a small number of attestations in the hellenistic and imperial periods: of the six examples held in the LGPN database, two are for former slaves and one for a hetaera. 704 Euripides’ other assistant is a pipe-player called Teqgd¾m (1175), ‘wood-worm’. The noun teqgd~m (used by Aristophanes in Eq. 1308) is normally female (LSJ), but paid\qiom (1203) suggests a male character. It is not attested as a personal name,705 but it was perhaps used as an appropriate appellation for the player of music so elaborate as the pattern of holes that worms create on timber. This explanation is encouraged by 99 – 100, where the act of lek\de?m is compared to l¼qlgjor !tqapo¼r ‘ant tracks’.706 703 More examples in Bechtel 1902: 87 – 8, 93. Cf. D|qjiom (Com. Adesp. fr. 1089; the name of a servant in Ter. Phorm. 152 and of a hetaera in Asclepiad. 20 GowPage) and Doqj_r, the title of a comedy by Alexis. See also Austin-Olson 2004: 339. Note that hetaerae, who include flute girls and exotic dancers, can also be former slaves or foreign metics (cf. Fisher 1995: 55, 103 – 6). 704 Freed slaves: LGPN IIIA (Ravia Elapio), SGDI 2230. 4, 6; hetaera: PEleph 3 – 4 passim. The remaining three are from Chios, Epiros and Phrygia; two further attestations for Egypt are found in WL. This root has produced several other names, the earliest of which is 9kav_tg (S. Italy, sixth century). There is also 9kav_a (Cyprus and Egypt [see WL]), 9kave}r (Sicily), 9kav_r (Ithaca) from the hellenistic and imperial periods. Cf. also the peculiar 9kav|stijtor (Lys. 3.19). 705 But another name of the same meaning is: Hqiv~mdar (fifth century Thebes, LGPN IIIB) from hq_x ‘wood-worm’; cf. Masson vol. 2: 491. The root of te_qy does not seem to have produced personal names, other than the rare T]qgr (single attestations at Thasos and Thessaly) and Teqgm_ar (one example on Delos) of the hellenistic and imperial periods (LGPN). 706 Thus Sommerstein 1994: 234 and Austin-Olson 2004: 339 – 40, cf. Bechtel 1917: 591. Prato (2001: 333) assumes a feminine name, hence his interpretation of it as appropriate for a prostitute who eats in her clients’ purses is rather out of place. The possibility that it was the name of a theatrical auletes (thus Sch. 1175a; cf. Av. 684, Ec. 890 with Ussher, V. 1368 ff.) is discouraged not just because of Euripides’ tone in addressing the character but also by the lack of evidence for the name.

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The play’s final scene contains two further names made funny by their involvement in the Scythian’s foreign talk:707 Aqtaloun_a is a comic version of the name Artemisia, adopted by the disguised Euripides (1200 – 1), who as he accompanies a dancing girl, later to function as a prostitute, appears as a slave-owner and a procuress. The Scythian’s inability to get the name right sounds funnier after his promise to remember it and the repetition of the mistake (1213, 1216, 1222, 1225). In his version of Artemisia, the elements Aqta-, and probably also –n-, are intended to produce a barbarian sound; the former is Persian (cf. Ach. 100), and the latter, while present in many Persian names, is also found in numerous Scythian ones.708 The Persian element contributes to the possibility of an allusion to the famous Halikarnassian queen (Hdt. books 7 – 8), who fought with Xerxes against the Greeks in 480 and earned a reputation for bravery. She is mentioned by Aristophanes also in Lysistrata (674 – 5).709 The other instance is –Coqcor/Coqco (1102 – 4), which constitute the Scythian’s misinterpretation of Coqc|mor (used by the disguised Euripides speaking in the character of Perseus in the context of the Andromeda parody). The Scythian apparently hears a personal name Gorgos and connects it with a real person, a ‘secretary’ (presumably of the Council or some other state body); he may be identifiable with a contemporary Athenian who perished in a naval battle possibly later that year (LGPN IIA no. 2).710 It seems that both words are meant as a genitive (C|qcou), showing the Scythian’s confusion about the declension 707 For other examples of linguistic mockery of foreigners in comedy see Hall 1989: 38 – 9. Hall (ibid.: 51) rightly notes that the Scythian remains nameless ‘for his behaviour is determined … by his race alone.’ 708 Hall 1989: 40 (with examples from Herodotus such as Kolaxais), cf. AustinOlson 2004: 346. 709 See Austin-Olson 2004: 346, who note that the request that Teredon plays a Persian tune (1175) may be meant to continue this association); but it should be kept in mind that the name was fairly common from the fourth century onwards (although only 22 of its 121 attestations come from Athens, LGPN), and that it could clearly also have belonged to hetaerae (there is evidence for it as a slave-name [Robert 1969 – 90 vol. 2: 1231]). 710 Cf. Austin – Olson 2004: 327 and Sommerstein 1994: 230. This is the only Attic attestation (among a total of ten) that belongs to the late fifth century (the name was most common in the Aegean islands, with 46 attestations, LGPN). The context suggests the playwright’s dislike either of the man or of the Scythian’s savagery.

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of the name after he has heard Coqc|mor.711 A similar word-play is found in Plato Smp. 198 b, between Gorgo and the famous rhetorician Gorgias (although he is mentioned in V. 421 and Av. 1071, he cannot be the target here because cqallate}r cannot mean author).

711 Willi 2003: 209 n. 42. The possibility that the second word is not a genitive and refers to the monster Gorgo (Hall 1989: 49) is not encouraged by the Scythian’s tone, which implies that he insists on his initial interpretation.

9 Frogs The god Dionysos, accompanied by a slave named Xanthias, descends to the Underworld in order to bring back to earth the recently deceased Euripides (in 406; the year of the play is 405), whose death had deprived Athens of the last great tragic poet; but after a competition between Euripides and Aeschylus, it is the latter who is chosen for relocation to the world of the living.712 As in Thesmophoriazusae, principal characters in Frogs do not carry significant names; no member of the chorus is named.713 There are, however, numerous jokes that depend on proper names, and these are concentrated in the first part of the play, before the poets’ contest.

9.1 Opening scene and the journey to Hades Shortly after the action opens, Dionysos, on his way to see Herakles on whom he counts for help with his Hades trip, complains that the hardship he is experiencing (walking on foot beside the donkey that carries his slave and his luggage) is not worthy of a uR¹r Stalm¸ou (21 – 4). The joke-name, ‘son of Wine-jar’, comes as a comic surprise (a paq± pqosdoj_am joke)714 for a title signaling the god’s divine status, such as ‘son of Zeus’.715 The presence of uRºr makes it necessary to read a proper name (Stalm_ar) instead of the common noun stalm¸om ‘winejar’ (diminutive of st\lmor), although no such name is attested; but unlikely patronym712 On the structure of the play and its unexpected turn of action see further Sommerstein 1996: 12 – 8, Dover 1993: 6 ff. 713 That is, of the main chorus that consists of initiates of Eleusinian mysteries in the afterlife. Frogs are unique in having two independent choruses, the other being an animal (frog) chorus; see further Dover 1993: 55 ff. Signs of a second production of the play (Sommerstein 1996: 20 – 3; Dover 1993: 75 – 6) do not affect this discussion. 714 On the typology of this joke see Stanford 1963: xxxv. 715 It seems that sometimes the name of one’s father would be mentioned when proclaiming one’s position or worth (Dover 1993: 193); the angry !qtop_kir in V. 1397 names both her parents.

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ics are often used by Aristophanes (cf. V. 151, patq¹r … Japm¸ou, of Japm_ar, a similar form), and nicknames of similar meaning are attested. Stalm¸ou has a particular relevance to the god: Dionysos is a metonym for wine, and wine comes out of jars.716 The comic value of Dionysos’ and Xanthias’ trip to the Underworld is enhanced by the use of amusing significant names. On the way to Hades, Charon enumerates the stopping places of the trip (186 ff.), a parody of a ferryman’s announcement of his stopping places. One of these places is mjmou pkoj\r, ‘Plaiting of Oknos’; this reading was adopted by Wilson and Sommerstein. Although the traditional imoup|jar ‘Donkey shearing’ (adopted by Dover and Coulon; mmou p|jar Hall-Geldart) is not impossible,717 and mjmou pkoj\r is absent from MS sources, the latter is preferable on the basis of evidence that Aristarchos interpreted the line in connection with another comic passage (Cratinus fr. 367) that referred to a man plaiting a rope which was immediately eaten by a donkey. It is further encouraged by information (Paus. 10.29.1 – 2) about a Delphi painting by Polygnotos depicting such a scene as taking place in the Underworld; the man is labelled as Oknos.718 mjmou pkoj\r would thus signify a place where existence is pointless and futile, which would agree with common perceptions of life in Hades, and also of myths about repetitive and futile acts in the Underworld (Sisyphos). Perhaps there is an additional comic hint in the structural overlap with the preceding K^hgr ped_om. Jeqb]qioi (187) is a comic name for a population living near the Underworld entrance, which was believed to be guarded by Kerberos. The 716 Sommerstein 1999: 158 – 9; cf. Sch. 22 and Del Corno (1985: 157) who sees the jar comically assuming the role of a mother rather than a father. This type of jar had a special connection with the Lenaia (Stanford 1963: 73). Parallels for this function of Dionysos are found in Euripides (Cyc. 519 – 20, 525, IT 953 – 4, Ba. 284); cf. Prod. fr. 5 D-K. For the name cf. Jot}kym (jot}kg ‘cup’) nickname of the drunkard Varius (Plu. Ant. 18) and Kacum_ym (k\cumor, dimin. kac}miom ‘flask’) for a parasite (Ath. 584). 717 Dover’s support for it (1993: 214 – 5), consists mainly in a) similar place-names such as Onougnathos in Laconia b) the evidence for it as a proverbial expression (but see also next note). 718 Cf. Sommerstein’s arguments (1996: 173) in support of this reading, but note in connection with (iv) that the provervial Onoupokas cited by later paroemiographers as an expression of an impossible task may have emerged from the misreading of the Aristophanic passage.

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name was perhaps conceived in analogy with Jill]qioi, a name of mythical people in Od. 11.14 who also lived near the land of the dead.719 Once in Hades, Dionysos will cross lake Acherousia in Charon’s boat, while Xanthias, being a slave, will have to go around it on foot. Charon’s instruction to Xanthias to wait 1p· ta?r !mapa¼kair.

Paq± t¹m Ara¸mou k¸hom,

‘near the stone of Hauainos / at the resting-place’ (194 – 5) makes an etymological joke. There is evidence for stones named after heroes (e. g. Lekalp}cou k_hor Hdt. 7.216, p]tqa Hgs]yr Paus. 2.32.7) but Hauainos is unattested as a hero’s name and indeed as a personal name – though the ending –aimor is reminiscent of real personal names, the commonest of which is Pok}aimor.720 The name was probably coined to pun on the adjective axor ‘dry’ and verb ara¸molai ‘wither’ (the stone of withering),721 which are relevant to the notion of decay and death and therefore to the Underworld context;722 they may also suggest the dehydration and exhaustion to be suffered by Xanthias for running around the lake,723 after which rest is needed, suitably expressed in the following 1p· ta?r !mapa¼kair.

9.2 Sexual naming jokes The chorus’ song (416 – 30) contains three names that function as sexual jokes. The first two appear at 427, and express the homosexual Kleisthenes’ object of longing: Seb?mom fstir 1st·m *mavk¼stior

719 Cf. Holden (19022 s.v. Jeqb]qior), Peppler (1918: 173) and Sommerstein (1996: 173). 720 Sixty attestations, LGPN. The closest name to Hauainos is Euaimor (ten attestations, three in LGPN IIA). 721 The Attic form is aspirated (cf. 1pavgu\mhgm 1089), hence the correction Arby nearly all editors (not Radermacher and Del Corno) of the MS smooth breathing. 722 See further Dover 1993: 216 – 7 and Sommerstein 1996: 174 – 5. 723 It is thus not impossible to imagine, with Del Corno (1985: 168; cf. Stanford 1963: 90), that Hauainos could imply a ‘mummified cadaver’ or a ‘demon of thirst’ (following Radermacher’s suggestion, 1954: 166, with references), perhaps alluding to popular beliefs about the state of the dead.

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The personal name Seb?mor is an inversion of bime?m se. The verb bime?m is used of intercourse (at 740 Xanthias accuses his master that he knows nothing except p_meim … ja· bime?m). Anaphlystios is a real demotic (‘of the deme Anaphlystos’)724 which evokes !mavk÷m ‘masturbate’ (LSJ; cf. fr. 37 and !lpevkasl]myr Lys. 1099). The context, and in particular fstir 1st·m ‘whoever it is’, suggests that no specific real individual was meant – any lover of the pathic Kleisthenes would deserve these names (cf. Sch. 427c). Significantly, the same combination of name and demotic reappears at Ec. 979 – 80, where it seems to function as a generic designation of a woman’s lover. Evidently the essence of the joke is the personification of sexual activity.725 The third name, Zppoj¸mou (429), is a comic distortion of the real name of Kallias’ father, Zppºmijor, whose promiscuity was notorious.726 The name is an emendation by Sternbach727 of the MS reading Zppob¸mou, the reason for it being that the poet would not have written another compound of bime?m so soon after Seb?mor, and Zppob¸mou would be an easy scribal error under the influence of the nearby Seb?mom. The emendation would solve the problem of repetition while keeping the sense of the original reading (with the joke based on jime?m which can mean the same as bime?m). Although the repetition of bime?m is not a compelling reason to emend the name (it may be explained as comic emphasis or indifference to repetition728), it can be argued that if the name was meant as a joke at the expense of Kallias/Hipponikos, as the context implies and Sch. Ra. 429a confirms (suggesting that Zppob¸mou was meant as a distortion paq± t¹ Zppom¸jou) then Zppoj¸mou sounds more appropri724 The capital * (= b )…) is preferable to mark the proper name (thus Wilson). Aristophanes could indeed have written *mavk\stior (Herwerden, cf. Del Corno 1985: 180) but the pun is perfectly noticeable in the original demotic. 725 Cf. Sommerstein 1999: 195. Dover’s speculation (1993: 249) that Sebinos is a nickname of non-Greek origin (like, probably, Eupolis’ Maqij÷r, on which see further Cassio 1985: 38 – 42), and that it belonged to a contemporary who had perhaps already become a proverbial figure (cf. Radermacher 1954: 204 – 5, who assumed a real personal name, comically etymologised), is unnecessarily complicated. 726 The joke here may in fact be directed partly against the son, who used his patronymic as part of his full official name, as Hipponikos was dead by 422 (cf. Ath. 218 b). The promiscuity of Kallias is also satirised elsewhere, see above p. 31 n. 125. Cf. Sommerstein 1999: 195. 727 Adopted by Wilson; also by Coulon and Sommerstein (1996). Hall-Geldart kept the traditional reading and so did Radermacher, Del Corno and Dover. 728 Or even as an unconscious repetition; see Jackson 1955: 220 – 2.

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ate as it is closer to the real name and would thus be more comic. Unsurprisingly, neither Zppºjimor nor Zpp|bimor are existing names, but the first component Zppo- (common in real personal names)729 gives them a realistic sound. Its association with aristocratic pedigree might create a ridiculous contrast with a second component denoting sexual frivolity.730

9.3 More comic names from the Underworld Dionysos in the disguise of Herakles (presumably for an intimidating effect) is initially not well received in Hades; the hostility towards him is expressed in a number of comic names. Aiakos threatens DionysosHerakles in paratragic style (470 – 8), which is aided by the use of proper names in a manner that mixes myth, terror and every-day life. The Taqtgss_a l}qaima ‘Tartessian murry-eel’ (475) that threatens to ravage Dionysos’ lungs is a comic echo of a monster of Tartaros (the expected adjective would be Taqt\qeior-a-om ; cf. Eur. HF 907), to which Tartessia (from Tartessos, a city on the Iberian peninsula) is phonetically similar; the murry was known to be an aggressive creature.731 Perhaps a pun on Titaq^sior, a river probably associated with the Underworld (mentioned as part of the Styx at Il. 2.751 – 5), was heard as well.732 The equally menacing Coqc|mer Teihq\siai ‘Gorgons from Teithras’ (477; Teih- is an obvious emendation of the MS reading Tih-) are a joke on the Attic deme Teithras, where the mythical monsters known as Gorgons are comically said to belong (instead of Libyan, as Euripides calls them [Ba. 990]), perhaps because its women had a reputation for being ugly and/or aggressive (according to the Scholia, because of the

729 There are 85 different names in the LGPN database; Hipponikos is the second commonest (100 attestations) after Hippokrates (185 attestations). 730 Rppo- is used in compounds with a magnifying effect: see Sch. 932b on Rppakejtquºma ‘horse-cock’ (cf. Av. 800) and 929 (N^lah’ Rppºjqglma ‘huge craggy utterances’, as translated by Henderson); cf. Rppºpoqmor ‘excessive prostitute’ (e. g. Men. Theoph. 19). However, in its common use in personal names it could hardly have the sense ‘monstrous’ (despite Dover 1993: 249). 731 But also a delicacy; see Dover 1993: 254, with references. 732 Cf. Radermacher 1954: 215.

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meanness of its citizens, just like Diomeialazones in Ach. 605 can be a joke on the arrogance of the inhabitants of the deme Diomeia).733 Jqajkeionamh¸am (499) is a comic name for Xanthias who acts as Herakles. Compound names of this kind were used in comedy to denote situations where one person played the role of another.734 One of the two female innkeepers who violently accuse Dionysos (in his Heraklean disguise) of having consumed large amounts of unpaid food, is called by the name Pkah\mg (549).735 The name, which has several attestations almost exclusively from Athens,736 is derived from pk\hamom ‘dish (in which bread, cakes etc. were baked)’ (LSJ); it is therefore generically appropriate for a woman, whose life was meant to revolve around household and cooking duties, and in real life it probably expressed a common parental expectation for the future of a daughter. (It is no coincidence that names from the root pkah- are usually female.)737 In its Frogs context it is perhaps meant to accentuate its bearer’s daily function as innkeeper, whose duties would have included the preparation of guest meals. The men who are called by Aiakos to fight Xanthias on the assumption that he is Herakles have unusual names: Dit¼kar, Sjebk¼ar and Paqd|jar (608). The fact that the men respond to the command l²weshe (609) points to the Scythian archers who were familiar to Athenian life,738 and who were state-owned slaves (the Scholia too identify them as slaves or barbarian archers), and the implication that these were also active in Hades is particularly comic. The names are intended 733 Cf. Stanford (1963: 115) and Sommerstein (1996: 200), who is perhaps right to assume also a phonetic echo between Taqtgss_a and Teihq\siai. Teithras was otherwise known for its figs (Ath. 652 f.). 734 See further Sommerstein 1996: 201 and K-A 3.2: 34. Cf. e. g. Diomusak]namdqor, the title of a comedy by Cratinus (Dionysos in the role of AlexandrosParis, i. e. performing the judgement of Paris). 735 On the identification of Plathane as a second innkeeper rather than as a slave see Sommerstein (1996: 205) and Dover (1993: 263 – 4), who also discusses the problematic division of lines between the two women. Plathane is unattested as a slave-name. 736 Seventeen of its nineteen attestations are in LGPN IIA (fifth and fourth centuries); the remaining two are from Ephesos (LGPN VA). 737 See also Sommerstein 1996: 205. Of four other (scarcely attested) names from the same root, three are female (Pkaha_mg, Pkahaim_r, Pkah~), the male exception being Pk\hym. 738 For a summary of their presence in Aristophanes see Sommerstein 1996: 209.

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to have a barbaric touch,739 mixed with comic Greek sound. Paqd|jar may be a joke on p]qdeshai ‘fart’ (aor. paqde?m, only in compounds, cf. e. g. 10 !popaqd^solai and Peace 547 jat]paqdem), which could suit the usual depiction of Scythians as sluggish;740 alternatively, it may evoke paqdaj|r ‘damp’, ‘moist’ (used in Peace 1148 for a field, in Semonides 21 W for clothes with poqdaj|r as a varia lectio, and perhaps most significantly in Archilochus fr. 40 W for the pubis).741 Dit¼kar evokes d_tukor ‘with two humps’ (of a camel, D.S. 2.54.6); it is unattested, but a very similar name Dit}kor is found in Crete (third century, LGPN I). Sjebk¼ar is obscure; words of some phonetic similarity include jebk^ (the Macedonian word for head, e. g. Callimachus fr. 657 Pfeiffer) and the Hesychian j]bkor ‘dog-headed baboon’;742 also the personal names Sjeb÷r/Sjeu÷r (but this is first attested in the first century, LGPN) and Sjekk_ar (see at Av. 126).

9.4 Public life and politics Frogs has a political interest alongside its literary theme (a return to the ‘old ways’ is suggested as desirable in both areas),743 although few instances of significant naming relate to it. In the parabasis, which condemns contemporary politicians, the chorus complains about the fact that citizens who had lost their rights through participation in the oligarchic

739 Perhaps as parodies of Scythian names? (see Radermacher 1954: 230 – 1); but our information on the Scythian language comes mostly from names found in Greek authors (for a recent survey see Mayrhofer 2006). For the structure of three slave-names together cf. V. 433. Long (1989: 13) rightly notes that they are harmonious, with a similar barbaric sound, and compares the comment on the homogeneity of Egyptian names in Cratinus the Younger (fr. 2) and of Persian names in Hdt. 1.139. 740 See Hall 1989: 48 (although admittedly this type of scatological joke is common in Aristophanes, cf. Ach. 30 for Dikaiopolis). 741 The alternative MS reading Spaqd|jar is probably explained by the vague similarity in sound between Paqd|jar and Sp\qtojor, which appears in the royal house of Bosporos (LGPN IV). Cf. Dover 1993: 270. 742 Vol.2 (Latte): 451. See Dover 1993: 270, Chantraine 1999 s.v. jebk^. Cf. jebk^puqir, the name of a bird-species in Av. 303 (‘red-head’), used as a nickname for Themistokles (Hermipp. fr. 6 W). 743 See further Dover 1993: 69 ff.

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coup of 411, are refused re-enfranchisement,744 while those who have only fought one battle become ‘Plataians’ (694) and free men instead of slaves. The ethnic name connotes the privilege of Athenian citizenship (which was granted to surviving Plataians after the Peloponnesian attack at their city in 427).745 The following jokes come from the poets’ contest: Lam/r (965) is a nickname used at the expense of Megainetos, about whom nothing is known apart from unreliable guesses in the Scholia, although the two funny long epithets that follow the name suggest he may have had some military involvement.746 Its abusive sound is owed to its association with slaves and barbarians, and is thus comparable to Sakas (Av. 31). The possibility that it referred to a noun l\mgr either as the lowest throw at dice or as a game-related figurine (LSJ) would suggest an appropriate nickname for a (unlucky) gambler.747 The onomastic joke disappears if the alternative reading L\cmgr ‘Magnesian’ (codex A) is preferred. The demotic names at 970 (oq W?or, !kk± Je?or) form a joke at the expense of Theramenes, an important and highly controversial politician of the final years of the fifth century, but its meaning is hard to determine. There is a number of possible allusions. W?or (Chian) was the name of the one-spot face of a dice, and Je?or (Kean) could pun on J_ior (Koan), which is how the six-spot face was called, implying a comparison between the politican’s resourcefulness and the highest throw at dice: despite involvement in all major events of the last years of the Peloponnesian war (the Four Hundred, the democratic spell, the battle of Arginousai), he managed to keep safe (although his dealings with the Thirty Tyrants regime did eventually lead to his death).748 Perhaps Keios came as a comic surprise, but had its own pos744 This was eventually effected with the decree of Patrokleides, see Dover 1993: 73 – 4. 745 See Sommerstein (1996: 217) for a summary of the historical background. 746 Cf. Sommerstein 1996: 242. The name of the politician Phormisios, who is mentioned in the same line, becomes the object of a joke at Ec. 97 (see below, p. 177). 747 Thus Dover 1993: 313. On the accent see Appendix 2, p. 200. 748 See further Sommerstein’s note (1996: 204). Theramenes was nicknamed j|hoqmor because this boot fits both feet, and ‘he looks both ways’ (X. HG 2.3.31); perhaps it ought to be capitalised, especially since it is attested as a proper name (in a defixio from fourth century Scythia Minor, LGPN IV). Theramenes’ name further appears in a comedy by Philonides entitled J|hoqmoi (fr. 6).

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sible allusions, to Theramenes’ past (he had studied with the Kean sophist Prodicus) or to foreign birth, a common allegation against politicians.749 lall\juhoi (990) and Lekgt_dai (991) must refer to the passivity of the audience of Aeschylus’ plays (an ironic response by Dionysos to Euripides’ claim that his plays incited the audience’s critical thinking). Lekgt_dai was adopted by Wilson in the place of the traditional Lekit_dai,750 but its provenance and exact meaning are obscure. Preference for the traditional Melitidai should rely on the name Lekit_dgr that seems to have belonged to a proverbial fool (cf. Men. Aspis 269). The name is otherwise entirely unattested (although other similar names exist, such as Melito [Vit. Eur. TGrF 5.1 T1 IA.8] and Melitine, LGPN IIA) and an irregular formation: it has the form of a patronymic, but the only possible ‘father-name’ is Lek_tgr, which is non-existent and would demand the form Lekit\dgr.751 The alternative spelling Lekgt_dgr (from the fairly common personal name L]kgtor), recorded in one MS, solves this problem, but it would imply that the name of the attested fool is wrongly spelt in all our evidence.752 lall\juhoi evokes the sounds made by infants (cf. lall÷m Nu. 1383, lall_a Lys. 879) and is clearly similar in sense to bkitol\llar (‘imbecile’ Nu. 1001).753 An old preference for a proper name754 must be partly due to the Lekgt_dai that follows, but from an audience’s perspective this would only make a difference if it was heard first.

749 See Sommerstein 1996: 243 with references. It is likely that it referred to honesty (Keans may have had a reputation for it – but see Dover 1993: 314), here meant ironically, as the context does not encourage a positive allusion. 750 Hall-Geldart, Sommerstein, Dover. Coulon and Stanford have lekit_dai. 751 Lek_tgr could be derived from l]ki or the deme-name Lek_tg, but this would necessitate a short i instead of the required long; see Beroutsos 2005: 91. 752 See Sommerstein 1996: 243, with references; cf. Dover 1993: 316; Beroutsos ibid., who notes a similar metrical problem for Aspis but sees no case for emending to Meletides. 753 Sommerstein 1996: 243. 754 Hall-Geldart, Holden 19022 s.v. Lall\juhoi.

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9.5 Names in the satire of literature Dionysos warns Euripides that a blow by Aeschylus’ heavy poetic diction might make his T^kevor spill out (851 – 5).755 This is a comic surprise, as the context invites us to expect ‘brain’, since Dionysos fears that Euripides will be struck at the head. Telephos may be heard as a weak pun on the Greek word for ‘brain’, 1cj]vakor,756 but perhaps the phonetic similarity is too slight. The poets go on to employ proper names as some of the ‘weapons’ in their competition. A number of names of mythical and tragic heroes appear in the plural form as generic designations of traditional roles, the depiction of which honours or shames the playwright (according to the preferred point of view). Before the beginning of the formal contest, Euripides accuses his opponent to Dionysos for using characters of the type of Achilles and Niobe (912). These are known to have featured in Aeschylus’ Phrygians, Myrmidons (Achilles) and Niobe (Niobe) as silent figures, with covered head and face, grieving or angry, although of course the implied generalisation is unfair.757 He also accuses Aeschylus of his Skamandroi (928), plural of the name of the famous river of Troy, which together with its context implies exaggerated epic style. Aeschylus boasts (1040 – 4) that he has created many characters of the courage of heroes like Patq|jkym and Te}jqym, inspired by the Iliad, but no Va_dqar or Shemebo_ar (women in love, but not with legitimate husbands, hence p|qmar – 1043, cf. 1049 and Th. 547, where Euripides is criticised for having created Phaidrai and Melanippai). Aeschylus also accuses Euripides of his Bekkeqov|mtar (1051), characters whose stories (that involved immoral acts by women) unjustly shamed and destroyed the lives of decent women.758 Euripides on the other hand accuses Aeschylus of having portrayed J}jmour and L]lmomar (963), ridiculously fabulous heroes with archaic equipment, and of his Kujabgtto}r (1056), poetic diction the size of mount Lykabettos, i. e. 755 756 757 758

See Dover (1993: 300) for a brief discussion of the typology of the joke. Thus Sommerstein 1996: 231. Cf. Sommerstein 1996: 236. In Euripides’ Stheneboia Bellerophon caused the death of the love-stricken heroine. Del Corno’s view (1985: 220) that Bellerophontes alluded to the illegitimate love-affairs that dishonoured many women in real life may only stand if one presupposes that women were misled or corrupted by such stories; the Bellerophons are clearly meant as tragic characters, not real people.

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ridiculously pompous (cf. Paqmass_m … lec]hg, 1057;759 also 929, 940). Dionysos addresses Euripides with Pak\lgder (1451), also a connotative name. Palamedes, a hero of the Trojan saga (but unknown to Homer), was a man of proverbial cleverness (cf. § sovyt\tg v}sir on the same line),760 and the mention of his name is an obvious irony at the expense of the poet’s ‘ingenuity’. Perhaps it is also meant to suggest a comic identification between the poet and one of his heroes, as Palamedes was the title and object of an Euripidean play staged about a decade earlier than Frogs and parodied by Aristophanes recently (Th. 768 – 84), with the implication of a bad omen for the poet, as Palamedes did not survive beyond the early stages of the Trojan expedition.761

9.6 Glyke and Mania Two feminine names, Ck}jg and Lam_a (1343 – 5), are included in Euripides’ monody, the former for someone who steals a cockerel, the latter for a prospective helper in finding the thief. They (both of unclear status, but not necessarily slaves, especially Glyke)762 invite attention for being the names of figures in a song and etymologically significant. Glyke’s etymological ‘sweetness’ may be felt as a contrast with her unacceptable act.763 This etymology seems to have made it appealing to comic and other literary authors, as it appears also in Pherecrates (fr. 76, for a slave) and Herodas (9.2).764 The name Mania is a more 759 Bentley’s emendation (adopted only by Van Leeuwen) Paqm^hym was envisaged as more suitable to be combined with Lykabettos (the two are mentioned together in Ar. fr. 394) than Parnassos, which is much higher and further away (in Phokis). But Parnes, a mountain range, is not so easily comparable with Lykabettos, nor is it necessary that the poet intended a harmonious pair. Cf. Dover 1993: 324. Del Corno (1985: 220) rightly sees the possibility that Aeschylus may have referred to the two mountains in his poetry as a secondary aspect of the joke. 760 On him see also Sommerstein 1996: 288 – 9 and Del Corno 1985: 244. 761 Cf. Stanford 1963: 196. 762 Cf. Sommerstein 1996: 278 – 9: perhaps Mania is the singer’s slave (Dover 1993: 358, 364) or a freedwoman neighbour. 763 Cf. Del Corno 1985: Another possibility which he suggests, that Mania alluded to the unhappiness induced by Euripidean heroes to their enemies, is too difficult. 764 Cf. Ckuj]qa, which appears in Menander’s Perikeiromene, fr. 240.

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complex case. Though it evokes lam_a ‘madness’ and is used as a proper name for relevant divine personifications,765 it may as a personal name766 originate in a foreign language (probably Phrygian, cf. the male form Lam/r, found in several comedies). Aristophanes indeed used Mania as a slave-name, that of Mika’s slave at Th. 728.767 However, it is perhaps thanks to its Greek etymological interpretation that, like Glyke, it was popular in literature: it is also found in Pherecrates (fr. 130) and further in Ameipsias (fr. 2), Menander (fr. 642) and in a letter of Aelian (Ep. 1.2). Both names are attested at Athens for real citizen women.768

765 See LIMC s.v. Mania ( J. Boardman). Lam_ai, equated with Erinyes, are mentioned by Euripides (Or. 37 – 8, 400). 766 With long instead of the noun’s short a; thus in Aristophanes, cf. Dover 1993: 364. See also Appendix 2, p. 200. 767 It was also the name of a famous Athenian hetaera, a concubine of Demetrios Poliorketes, who was believed to have been originally called Melitta or Demo; see RE s.v. Mania (7) (Stähelin), where a Phrygian name is assumed. Thus also Stanford 1963: 188, who however thought possible a hint at Euripides’ assiduousness in depicting madness (cf. [Longin.] 15). Del Corno (1985: 237) thought the name could be a joke on the invocations of misfortune that Euripidean heroes cast on their enemies. 768 Ck}jg : from as early as the sixth century; fourteen out of its eighteen attestations are from Attica. Lam_a : from the fourth century; twenty-five examples, twelve from Attica. Two Eretrian examples may be names of slaves (LGPN I); cf. two attestations of it as a slave-name at Athens, hellenistic period (Fragiadakis 1986: 359, who collected other occurrences of it as a servant’s name in comedy down to Menander), SEG XXIX 531, 20 (Thessaly, imperial period).

10 Ecclesiazusae 10.1 Praxagora and Blepyros A little more than a decade after the end of the Peloponnesian war, in the wake of new Athenian disappointment in the political and military front,769 Aristophanes advocates again a miraculous solution in the form of a gynaecocracy, this time focusing on social organisation rather than on politics, and propounding a novel, startling scheme based on the community of goods and women. The plot of Ecclesiazusae follows Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae in bringing women to the centre of action. Of the two, it is closest to Lysistrata, for having a female leading character who takes control of the affairs of the city, gives advice about how these affairs should be conducted, and like Lysistrata is significantly named. The name Pqanac|qa, which is attested at Athens from the fourth century,770 was evidently not a random choice, though as with many names of Aristophanic heroes, its exact significance is not entirely straightforward. It has two significant components, but its meaning mostly depends on the interpretation of the second. The name is strongly reminiscent of )coq\jqitor in Knights, where it was shown that !coq\ is not an impossible synonym of 1jjkgs_a, thus allowing the meaning ‘active in the assembly’ for Praxagora.771 It is probably no coincidence that the name is heard just before the assembly rehearsal begins (124; it is then repeated at 241, 520), and after she has made her 769 Aristophanes’ two last plays were staged at the time of the Korinthian war (395 – 387/6). Athens as a member of the League was defeated by Sparta at Korinth and Koroneia (394); see Sommerstein 1998: 1 ff. and further Hornblower 20023 : 210 ff. The exact date of Ec. is uncertain, with 392 – 1 being the most popular possibility. 770 Eight attestations (LGPN IIA); the oldest example is from fifth century Dodona (LGPN IIIA). –ac|qa is a common second component of feminine names (the commonest Attic examples are )qistac|qa and Vamac|qa with twenty-three and twenty-one attestations respectively). Aristophanes has also Jkeitac|qa (Nu. 683, mentioned by Strepsiades as a typical feminine name). 771 Sommerstein (1998: 26) suggested the meaning ‘woman of effective speech’, but it is hard to believe that the audience would disengage the name from the noun !coq\.

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programmatic statement about the importance of female action (pq÷nai) for saving the city (106 – 8): tºklgla tokl_lem tosoOtom ovmeja, Em pyr paqakabe?m t/r pºkeyr t± pq²clata dum¾leh( ¦st( !cahºm ti pq÷nai tµm pºkim.

This timing also means that Praxagora too, like many other Aristophanic main heroes’ names, has the sound of an ‘earned’ name. The suitability of the name must have also occurred to the audience at each verbal confirmation that Praxagora is seen as a doer, e. g. by Blepyros who knows that his wife has gone out to do something (dq²sous’ 326, and again dqø 338 – but he is afraid it is nothing good). It is somewhat curious that she is twice addressed with ckujut\tg Pqanac|qa (124 and 241 – both times by a woman), although it may be relevant that the same adjective is used by Epigenes at 1046 for the young girl who acted temporarily as his saviour from the old woman’s sexual appetite, and that Praxagora too is a saviour of her city. She is also unique as a heroine in abandoning the stage a little after the middle of the play (729), only to be evoked again (but without appearing in person) in the final scene;772 still, the scenes that fill the latter half of the play demonstrate the results of the action she has taken in accordance with her name. The name of Praxagora’s husband Bk]puqor is heard for the first and last time at 327, shortly after he appears (at 311). It too may be chosen for its etymological significance: derived from bk´py, it has been thought to contrast this character, who is characterised by flabbiness and passivity (cf. 311 ff., 357 ff.) and only looks on events without taking action, with Praxagora as the doer.773 As a counter argument, there is good indication that it was one of a number of stock-names for old men in comedy: Ecclesiazusae contains two old men called Bk]puqor and Wq]lgr, while two old men in Wealth are called Wqel}kor (the principal

772 Cf. Sommerstein 1998: 26 – 7. 773 So Paganelli 1978/9: 231 – 5, but his assumption (ibid.: 234 – 5) that the poet passed an ideological message in favour of inaction is very unlikely. Sommerstein’s suggestion (1998: 168) of the meaning ‘he who peers’, which should allude to an old man with poor eyesight, does not find support in the text, and it is doubtful that bk´py would allow such a meaning.

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character) and Bkex_dglor ;774 Menander has a Bk´pgr (Sic. 188). It is worth reminding that roots for ‘seeing’ may have been in stock use in comic names: there is the synonymous Deqj¼kor (V. 78)775 and Deqj]tgr (Ach. 1028). Still, the plot may have intended an occasional hint at the name’s meaning, as at 725 – 7 (spoken by Blepyros himself): BK.

v´qe mum 1c¾ soi paqajokouh_ pkgs¸om, Vm( !pobk´pylai ja· tad· k´cys_ le’ “t¹m t/r stqatgcoO toOtom oq haul²fete.”

Here Blepyros desires to be watched rather than watch (with !pobk´pylai punning on his name), though his position as his wife’s follower suggests that he watches the action. The name is attested at Athens from the fifth century, but is unusual, and so are other names from the same root,776 which must have made its etymological meaning more striking.

10.2 Chorus and husbands As is often the case in Aristophanes, some chorus members are named, although the function of this comedy’s chorus is different, and indeed more limited, than that of previous ones. This difference is reflected in the naming, which does not occur in the context of a song (as in Acharnians, Wasps and Lysistrata) but in the normal course of the action: at the beginning of the play, Praxagora and other women with speaking parts (one is the chorus leader) refer to and name the new arrivals at the women’s assembly (41 – 53), before it becomes clear that these arrivals are to form the play’s chorus. Most of the names heard are not particularly significant, except perhaps for the fact that they have a deliberately positive sound. Systq\tg (41) and Ck}jg (43) have been encountered and discussed before (Th., 774 An unattested name; there are no compound names with bkex-. This would seem an even better counterpart for the name Praxagora, as d/lor ‘people’ and !coq\ ‘assembly’ (meeting of the people), are related in sense. 775 Both Bk]puqor and Deqj¼kor are dissimilated forms, of *Bk]pukor and *Dekj¼kor respectively. On the r/l dissimilation see Schwyzer (1950 – 71) vol.1: 258 – 9; cf. Sommerstein 1998: 168. 776 Blepyros has ten attestations in Attica (sixteen in total, LGPN), and it is in fact the commonest of names from bk´py. Names from the present stem include Bk´pym, Bk´pgr, Bk´pior, Bkepa?or, and from the aorist stem Bkex_dgr, Bkex_ym and Bkex_ar – the commonest after Blepyros with six attestations.

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Ra.).777 Jkeimaq]tg ‘Glorious virtue’ and Vikaim]tg ‘Lover of praise’ (41, 42) are hardly attested as real names,778 but they are normal formations (all four components are found in well-attested feminine names), perhaps intended to convey generic praise on their bearers; they may be intentionally chosen to rhyme, though their position in the lines is different. Lekist_wg (46) is equally rare779 and of unclear etymology: it is perhaps semantically close to Glyke, if a compound of lekist- (from l]ki ‘honey’) and the Boiotian ending –iwg.780 But Leki- in personal names is often thought to derive from l]kei,781 and –stiwor and –stiwg are established name components; perhaps the name could be understood as: ‘she who takes care of a st_wor = k|wor’. Ceusistq\tg (49) is entirely unattested. There are no attested names with Ceus-, and hardly any with the present stem Ceu-, male or female,782 which must have made the significance of this name particularly striking. If invented by Aristophanes, the meaning he intended could be ‘she who has a taste of armies/fighting’, alluding to the women’s intention to assume political power and thus have a taste of the men’s world. This is the spirit also of Sostrate (this name and Geusistrate echo Lysi777 Vetta (1989: 149) identifies her with the Glyke of Ra. 1344, 1362 – but that Glyke is a thief, and even if she is a real person, the context of Ec., which only includes names of positive associations, does not make this identification likely. 778 Both have single attestations: Jkeimaq]tg in Eretria (third century, LGPN I) and Vikaim]tg in Lycia (imperial period, TAM II 924, 1). 779 Single attestation in Miletos (first century, IDidyma 535. 1, 4), and one example of the dialectal form Lekist_ja (Crete, third century, LGPN I). 780 See Bechtel (1917: 519) who postulates an unattested verbal adjective *lekist|r. This etymology gains support from the feminine names )qisst_wg, Vikist_wg, both from Boiotia, and the Macedonian Bikist_wg (all with single hellenistic attestations), which are likely constructions with !qist- (cf. )q_sta/ g), vikist- (cf. Vik_sta/g); see also Masson vol. 2: 467 – 70. 781 Thus Bechtel 1917: 304 – 5, cf. Chantraine 1999 s.v. l]ki. Cf. the similar compound Lek_boia ‘she who looks after cattle’, reflecting the function of a shepherdess (four attestations, one in fourth century Athens). But other compounds have a different sense: Lek_kytor, from the noun ‘sweet clover’, Lek_vhoccor, Lek_wqyr/our. [Among the seven male examples known to LGPN (which include one Lek_stiwor from hellenistic Boiotia), the commonest is )q_stiwor (fifteen attestations)]. But leki- in adjectives clearly refers to honey, and st_wor can also mean ‘line of poetry’, ‘verse’ (cf. Ra. 1239); an adjective *lek_stiwor could mean ‘sweet verse’. 782 LGPN only knows one example, the feminine name CeOla (S. Italy, imperial period, LGPN IIIA), borne by a former slave.

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strate), Kleinarete and Filainete (and Melistiche if the etymology postulated above is correct), which reflect male values. Praxagora herself is called stqatgc|r or stqatgc_r a number of times (246, 491, 500, 727, 835, 870). However, the fact that Geusistrate is said to be the wife of a tavern-owner (j\pgkor) indeed suggests another possible meaning, ‘she who gives a taste to a multitude’, alluding to the practice of offering free wine-tasting to customers, perhaps with the implication that they also tasted the woman’s body.783 If so, the name, which is the last one to be heard in the group, would produce a comic anticlimax. Three husbands of chorus members receive names, which seem to be generic choices: the name Slijuh_ym (46), found also in V. 401, has been shown to be characteristically Athenian, but also to belong to a type which is popular in comedy. It cannot be excluded that it alluded to a real person (which could make his wife’s name, Melistiche, that of a real Athenian),784 but there is no certainty, and surrounding names can hardly be shown to refer to real contemporaries. The names of the other two husbands (whose wives are not named), Waiqgt\dgr and Vikod~qgtor (51), are both indeed hardly attested.785 Chairetades was perhaps used by Aristophanes for a pun on Waiq-/ Waq-, which seems popular in comic names.786 As the women will attend the Assembly in male disguise, they adopt masculine names to reflect the temporary change of gender (293). All three names mentioned are generic, and noticeably they each represent an identifiable name-group: Waqitil_dgr is reminiscent of Waqim\dgr (V. 232, Peace 1155). The name, which like Charinades is otherwise only attested once (for a fifth century Athenian),787 was probably chosen for its first component (see also above on Chairetades, 51). Sl_juhor, 783 Thus Sommerstein 1998: 142 – 3 and Ussher 1973: 81. Support for this meaning of ce}y is found in a fragment of Aeschylus, about a young woman Ftir !mdq¹r × ceceul´mg (TGrF fr. 243 Radt). 784 Thus Sommerstein 1998: 142 and, more hesitantly, Ussher 1973: 80. See also above, p. 61 and below on Sl_juhor. 785 Single attestations in Miletos (Milet I [3] 127, 36) and Thessaly (LGPN IIIB) respectively, both first century AD. 786 See above, under Acharnians (pp. 38 – 9), on the name Chares (604). 787 A ma}aqwor mentioned by Ctesias of Knidos (FGrH 688 fr. 14, LGPN IIA) as the leader of the fleet sent by Athens in assistance of the Egyptian revolt against the Persians, ca. 460; Waq_tilor is a well-attested name.

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perhaps inspired from Smikythion, the name of a husband, was found in Knights 969 and was discussed there. Finally, Dq\jgr occurs as the name of a chorus member at Lys. 254.

10.3 Other speaking characters Several characters with speaking parts remain unnamed: while some of Lysistrata’s companions who take part in the action are named, participants at the women’s meeting called by Praxagora are not (as we have seen, named arrivals at that meeting are to form the play’s chorus). Neither are two important male characters, one marked as ce_tym (Blepyros’ neighbour, who is present for most of the play, longer than the heroine herself) and !m^q (the Neighbour’s interlocutor in the long scene that exemplifies Praxagora’s ‘communism’).788 Another character, who appears at 372 and has the important function of providing an account of the Assembly meeting that granted power to women, is only named at the end of the scene in which he is active. Blepyros addresses him (to say goodbye) with the name Wq]lgr (477), which is probably of generic character. In real-life onomastics it may have had an Athenian flavour,789 but it seems to have become a typical comic name; it is found also in Antiphanes fr. 189. 22, in Plautus (Asin. 866) and in several comedies by Terence (Andr.; Phorm.; Heaut.; Eun.). In all but the last-mentioned play, where he is a youth, the name belongs to an old man. It is further similar to Chremylos, the name of the main character of Wealth (see further under Wealth).

10.4 Jokes on public figures Vuq|lawor (22), who is quoted by Praxagora for having made a public speaking blunder, is a possible ‘speaking’ name, if it is a distortion of Kleomachos as the Scholiast suspects.790 The point of the distortion 788 ‘Dissident’ is the term used for him by Sommerstein, ‘Selfish Man’ by Henderson. On possible explanations of anonymity see above, p. 13. 789 Nine of its twelve attestations are from Attica (from the late sixth to the early third century, LGPN IIA). 790 Vuq|lawor is the reading of R, while other MSS offer the less likely Svuq|lawor – entirely unattasted (Svuqo- never occurs in personal names) and an easy palaiographical error, cf. Ussher 1973: 76.

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would then probably be a pun on v}qy, ‘confound’, ‘confuse’ (used metaphorically, LSJ).791 However, Kleomachos, said by the Scholia to be a tragic actor (who presumably confused his words on stage) is not mentioned elsewhere, and the name is fairly common.792 Phyromachos too is a well-attested name, predominantly Athenian, with fifteen (of its sixteen) attestations coming from Athens from the fifth century onwards (LGPN IIA). Although a public figure of that name cannot be identified,793 it is possible that the name referred to a real individual (perhaps an otherwise unknown orator), and therefore its exact use will have to remain undecided. At the women’s meeting Praxagora stresses the importance of keeping their sex secret when the women attend the Assembly, and hiding t¹m Voql_siom (97). Phormisios was a prominent politician of the time (also mentioned in Ra. 965),794 but his name is here obviously used metonymically for pubic hair and hence for the female genitals, probably in mockery of a bushy beard or general hairiness,795 but possibly also implying an accusation that he had been a male prostitute (like Agyrrhios, who is thus mocked at 102 – 3).796 Praxagora then rehearses a complaint about the lack of honest politicians, which includes a joke at the expense of Agyrrhios (184 – 6), a prominent politician of the early fourth century, attacked by Aristophanes in his later comedies (see also 102 and Pl. 176): ………………..7 !kk± tºm c( )c¼qqiom pomgq¹m Bco¼lesha. mOm d³ wqyl´mym

b l³m kab½m !qc¼qiom rpeqep-mesem

!qc¼qiom ‘small coin’ or generally ‘money’ puns on )c¼qqiom. The joke must be about the politician’s irresponsible handling of public money to 791 Cf. Vetta 1989: 146 – 7. 792 Though mostly outside Attica, where only thirteen of its 92 attestations are found (LGPN). 793 Cf. Sommerstein 1998: 140. The Phyromachos mentioned in Alexis fr. 223 (where a Phanos is also found; cf. Eq. 1256) and Euphanes fr. 1 is a later one. He recurs in Ath. 245 e, where the context suggests he was known for gluttony; cf. Posidipp. 16 Gow-Page (Vuq|lawom, t¹m p\mta vace?m boq|m). 794 On him see further Sommerstein 1996: 241 – 2. 795 Cf. Sch. Ec. 97, Ussher 1973: 89 and Dover 1996: 313. 796 See Sommerstein 1998: 147. Cf. the Theodoros pqyjt|r joke, p. 39 n. 165.

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please the people (by increasing salaries for Assembly attendance), which perhaps led people to associate his name with money.797

10.5 Miscellaneous jokes The demotic Sakal_mior (38) is used for the husband of Praxagora’s neighbour as a sexual joke, based on the use of rowing as a metaphor for sexual activity (cf. Ekaume in the next line). As an islander, the Salaminian is expected to have nautical skills (cf. the use of !sakal_mior at Ra. 204), which are transferred to the sexual sphere (cf. the use of Salamis at Lys. 411).798 After the women’s plan has been set in motion, Praxagora’s husband makes his first appearance in a scene characterised by toilet humour. Blepyros rose at dawn after persistent knocking on his door by a man from Kopros, as he relates to his neighbour, obviously using the demotic J|pqeior (317) as a metonymy for bowel-movement. It is the second time that Kopros, the name of a real deme, is used by Aristophanes for a joke on its scatological etymology (cf. Eq. 899). Soon afterwards Blepyros uses a similar metonymy to complain about constipation, claiming that "wqado}sior (362), a man from Pear-deme (cf. !wq\r tir ‘some wild pear’, 355),799 is preventing his relief (pears were thought to cause constipation – raw pears according to Hippocrates, Vict. 2.55). This is not a real demotic as such, but apparently the product of a small distortion of )weqdo}sior (from )weqdoOr, a small Attic deme), which notably evokes %weqdor, another word for ‘wild pear’ (LSJ);800 but Ach797 For a summary of his career see Sommerstein (2001: 147), who speculates that he was nicknamed Argyrios ‘Money-man’ for his great wealth; but though alluded to at Pl. 176, it does not appear relevant to the pun here. 798 See Ussher 1973: 78. Pl. Com. fr. 3.4, Henderson 1975: 162. 799 "wqado}sior = b )wqado}sior. 800 Cf. !jqowokyt\tg %weqdor (Pherecr. fr. 174) for a spinous pear. The demotic may derive a different comic value from the metaphorical use of the adjective !weqdo}sior to mean ‘crabby’, a fault that was perhaps associated with the inhabitants of the homonymous deme; cf. lowhgq¹r £m ja· tµm cm¾lgm !weqdo¼sior (EM s.v. %weqdor ; cited by LSJ with a capital ) for !weqdo¼sior, s.v.). Aeschines (1.110) offers an example of an irritable Acherdusian. Cf. also the association between Diomeians and arrogance (Ach. 605), Teithrians and bad character (Ra. 477).

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radousios has the advantage of punning on the previously mentioned !wq\r. Chremes’ account of the Assembly meeting to the absent Blepyros includes a reference to a Eqa_ym (408), apparently someone known for his poverty. He is not identifiable, but his name is an attested one; although rather unusual,801 it is known to belong to a son of Aeschylus. Perhaps in a context describing destitution, its meaning ‘happy in life’ (from the adjective eqa_ym) would be noticed and sound ironic,802 especially if the individual is Aristophanes’ invention and not a familiar figure.

10.6 Names in the new regime scenes The Heraldess announces the delights of the new state of affairs (834 ff.) and mentions two men as examples of the enjoyment it brings. One of the two, a man called C]qym (848), shows signs of rejuvenation, wearing a young man’s clothes and socialising with a young man. Although an attested name,803 Geron cannot be identified as a reference to a real Athenian,804 and perhaps it was used as a comic expression of the man’s age which he tries to deny; the contrast with meam_ou at the end of the next line may be intentional. In the scene depicting the new sexual regime, none of the women involved (three old women and a j|qg) is named. Their object of desire is, but 9pic]mgr (931 – not to be identified with a real person despite the Scholia’s efforts) is a very common name with no particular comic relevance.805 801 Seventeen attestations, half of which are from Attica (LGPN). 802 Cf. Ussher (1973: 132): ‘his appearance belies his name’, and Vetta 1989: 186. 803 With 29 examples (mainly from Macedonia and Thrace, LGPN IV), it is the commonest of the few Ceq- names (that are related to c/qar). Sommerstein, partly encouraged by the name’s rarity at Athens, thought it might be an error for Z]qym (mentioned at 757), but Geron and its etymology are more suitable to the comic context. Notably in addition to the one imperial attestation mentioned in LGPN II there is now a second example from the late fourth century (on an ephebic list, LGPN IIA). 804 Vetta’s claim (1989: 239) that he must be a real person (based on the historicity of the other man, Smoios) is mere speculation. 805 Vetta’s (1989: 242) suggestion of a pun on 1pic]mmgla ‘that which is produced after’ to express the girl’s predicted second-hand enjoyment of the young man is

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The young girl, frustrated by the old woman’s competition, urges her to call iqhacºqam ‘in order to give herself pleasure’ (916 – 7). This suggests that Orthagoras may be a nickname for a sexual device.806 Evidently aqhºr had sexual associations, found also in the name of the phallic god iqh\m(m)gr who was honoured at Athens and featured in comedy.807 But Orthagoras had other associations too, as it was after all a historical name with attestations at Athens from the late sixth century.808 The Athenian audience was perhaps aware that this was also the name of the first tyrant at Sikyon (Arist. Pol. 1315 b 12 – 8), whose descendants, the Orthagoridai, governed the city for one hundred years;809 it is not impossible that Aristophanes, by using this particular name, was partly directing his comic abuse at tyranny. In her attack on the old woman, the girl employs a further ‘speaking’ name: the only possible boyfriend for her old ‘rival’, she claims, is C]qgr (932). The name, which is barely attested in real life,810 may be chosen to allude to c]qym (like the personal name C]qym discussed above), and thus typify an old man.811 As said for Geron, the comic context ensures that the audience would notice the name’s suitable etymology. In the same scene the old woman discourages the young man from giving preference to the girl, by reminding him that times have changed

806 807 808 809 810 811

unconvincing. Sommerstein (1998: 218) proposed the meaning ‘born after’, hence ‘young’, but 1picim|lemoi/1picem|lemoi suggests these ‘who come after’, ‘posterity’ (LSJ). The name does not recur in comedy, and we should probably refrain from seeing a pattern in the use of the similar name Epigonos (167); this must refer to an effeminate real contemporary (see Sommerstein ibid.: 152). Cf. Sch. 916, t¹ aQdo?om (the personification of a phallus); cf. Lys. 834, ]h’ aqhµm Fmpeq 5qwei tµm bdºm. See also Sommerstein 1998: 217 and Ussher 1973: 202, 197 with further references. Pl. Com. fr. 188.12, Ar. fr. 325; a play by Eubulus, frr. 75 – 9 (with Hunter 1983: 165 ff.), was named after him. See also Parker 1996: 162. There are seven Attic examples, out of a total of fourty-five (LGPN). Prominent bearers were the piper mentioned in Pl. Prt. 318 c and a fourth-century sea-traveller and author of Ymdijo· k|coi (FGrH 713). See RE s.v. Orthagoriden (F. Schachermeyr). There are only two Cypriot attestations in syllabic script, one possibly as early as the sixth century (LGPN I). Cf. Vetta 1989: 242. As usual, the Scholia believe that the poet refers to a real man of that name, and Sommerstein (1998: 218 – 9) speculated that this might be the Geres of Ceqgtoheod~qour (Ach. 605); but the evidence for him is too meagre (cf. Olson 2002: 230). Ussher (1973: 205) denied the possibility of a real individual.

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and t!p· Waqin´mgr (943) are no longer. This has been recognised as a proverbial reference to old times (which contrasts the old habits with Praxagora’s new state),812 but Waqin´mg herself is worth investigating further. The name’s etymological meaning is reminiscent of one of the two possibilities mentioned above for Geusistrate: ‘she who gives pleasure to strangers’. There is hardly any historical evidence for the name,813 though its male version, Waq¸nemor, was in use at Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries.814 The contexts of Ecclesiazusae, which is relevant to the creation of sexual regulations, and Theopompus, which mentions a female piper playing old tunes, in particular may suggest that she was a hetaera, perhaps of the late sixth century, who had become ‘a semi-legendary and proverbial figure’.815 Her name has the resonance of a typical hetaera name,816 and its meagre historical presence suggests it may originally have been a nickname. At 1021, the young man’s fear that he will become a Prokroustes alludes of course to the story of the legendary outlaw who killed his victims by stretching out their limbs and was then killed by Theseus in the same way. This weak type of significant name gains in force by the accompanying word-play (1017 – 8) with pqojqo}eim, used here with a sexual sense.817 At 1042, the girl expresses comic fear that the new sexual regime will fill the place with Oidipouses (OQdip|dym), used metonymically for men who engage sexually with their mothers (though of course what is 812 Ussher 1973: 207 and Sommerstein 1998: 220, based on the recurrence of this phrase in Cratinus (fr. 153) and Theopompus (fr. 51). 813 Only one imperial attestation from Thessaly, see Arvanitopoulos 1924: 174 no. 407, 34 (the name of a slave or a freed woman). Two Waqin]ma are attested, from fifth century Boiotia (LGPN IIIB) and from imperial Rhodes (LGPN I). 814 Only nine of the name’s 162 attestations are Attic. The largest proportion (69) is included in LGPN IIIB, preponderantly Delphi. 815 See Sommerstein 1998: 220. Theopompus’ fragment must indeed have given rise to the later speculation (EM and Hsch. s.v. 1p· Waqin´mgr) that see was an erotic poet, see Vetta 1989: 246. 816 Similar in form to Waqin´mg are the names Pasiv¸kg (Archil. 331 W), Pasiw²qeia (Alcm. 107 PMGF), Pasipºqmg (Hermipp. fr. 9, but this may not have been a proper name), Pasicompsa (Plautus Merc. 516); Alexis wrote a play named Palv¸kg. However, these names did not always belong to promiscuous women; the virtuous wife in Menander’s Epitrepontes is called Palv¸kg. 817 See also Sommerstein 1998: 225; cf. Vetta 1989: 256.

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meant here is with women old enough to be their mothers). A few lines later the youth laments being chased by no fewer than three old women, which means that when he fulfills his duty towards one, he will soon have to face another vq}mg (1101); Wilson prefers a noun here which means ‘toad’, a metaphor for an abominable creature.818 Other editors, however, print a proper name (as in Sch. 1101a), which would be suggestive of an aged hetaera, perhaps from her complexion.819 Both interpretations are possible;820 the proper name gains support from two occurrences for hetaerae in Ath. 591 c (one is famous), which imply that Phryne, clearly a nickname in origin, might have become generic for prostitutes (cf. Anaxilas fr. 22.18). Although it clearly wasn’t a common feminine name, an attestation of it in classical Athens for a citizen woman (LGPN IIA)821 suggests that the audience may have been familiar with it and may have thought of a proper name in the Aristophanic context.

818 Cf. Sommerstein 1998: 231; thus also Hall-Geldart. On the name’s derivation see above under Th. (on the name Vqum~mdar). 819 Coulon, Ussher; cf. LSJ s.v. 820 Cf. Taillardat 1965: 64 – 5. 821 But the Phryne of an epigram by Asclepiades (25 Gow-Page) is presumably a slave.

11 Wealth The last surviving comedy of Aristophanes, Wealth 822 differs in spirit from the others. Ecclesiazusae, with the virtual disappearance of choral parts and the emphasis on social rather than political satire, may bear the signs of change, but in Wealth this change is far more advanced: politics are of little importance,823 and the poet’s comment on current affairs, especially the difficult financial situation at Athens in the early fourth century,824 takes the form of an extended social allegory about the presence and absence of wealth in people’s lives. Wealth contains fewer instances of significant naming than any other of the eleven extant comedies, and these are often of the generic kind that is familiar from Middle and New Comedy.

11.1 The main hero The name of the principal character, Wqel}kor, the Athenian citizen who meets the god Wealth and manages to restore him to the good and righteous citizens, is probably of the generic type. A real, but rare name (attested for the classical period, though not at Athens),825 it is similar to the Athenian name Wq´lgr, borne by a character in Ecclesiazusae and a typical name in later comedy. Both names must be relevant to the root wqel- of wqelet¸fy (used for the sound made by horses, ‘neigh’), which seems to be of onomatopoeic origin; the Homeric name Wqol_or (Il. 5.677) is a cognate, a probable ‘speaking’ name that reflects the noise of battle.826 But this root has also produced a number of fish names, 822 The later of two Aristophanic plays of that name (produced in 388); on the first Wealth and the relationship between the two see Sommerstein 2001: 28 – 33. 823 Although relevant hints are not entirely absent, e. g. ll. 170 – 80. 824 On Athenian finances at the time see Hornblower 20023 : 203 – 4 (‘the 390 s in particular were a lean time financially’). 825 Its only two attestations are both from Euboia (fifth century and hellenistic period, LGPN I). 826 Cf. wq|lador cem}ym (Il. 23.688), for the crashing sound of jaws in battle.

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probably on the basis of the noise produced by fish:827 wq´lgr (Opp. H. 1. 112, Ael. NA 15. 11), wq|lir (Arist. HA 534 a 9, 601 b 30, Ael. NA 9. 7), wq]lur (Arist. fr. 294,828 Hsch.).829 This could explain the origin of these names’ generic comic value. There is indeed nothing in the play (no context, deed or word-play) that would imply a more specifically appropriate significance for Chremylos; this, together with the fact that it was only heard twice in the play (336, 1171), may imply that it would not attract too much notice. This not very striking name complements a character who is far less exuberant than other Aristophanic heroes.830 Noticeably Chremylos is an old man’s name, just as Chremes in Ecclesiazusae, which may suggest that names from this root had become common for comic old men.

11.2 Personifications Wealth is present on stage from the start, but his name is first heard at his self-introduction (9c½ c²q eQli PkoOtor, 78); it is then often repeated in the play. The name is that of a minor divinity (a son of Demeter by a mortal man, Hes. Th. 969 – 74); the plural of the name is found as a title of a play by Cratinus (Ploutoi), but this seems to refer to the dai-

827 Chantraine (1999 s.v. wqelet_fy) notes that in other languages this root can be associated with expression of feelings (anger and dissatisfaction). Such a significance, however, is not attested for the Greek language (where the root had an independent semantic development, as Chantraine notes), and therefore it is hardly possible to allege (with Barton 1990: 27) a meaning ‘to growl’, ‘to grumble’ for wqelet_fy and ‘grumbler’ for Chremylos, alluding to the complaining nature of those living in poverty. A later use of the verb is metaphorical for sexual desire (LSJ). 828 An emendation (relying on wq|lir) of the MSS jq]lur. 829 Vol.4 [Hansen-Cunningham]: 229, s.v. wqel}r. Relevant personal names include a total of nine with Wqel- (Wq]lgr, found in Ec. 477, is the commonest, followed by Wq]lym) and five with Wqol- (the commonest is Wq|lior with six attestations). Aristotle mentions a north African river called Wqel]tgr (Mete. 350 b 12), presumably thus named for the noise it produced. Fish names are an established source of personal names (probably originating in sobriquets), cf. H¼mmor ‘Tunny-fish’, S²kpg ‘Saupe’ (folk-etymologically related to s\kpicn ‘trumpet’, Chantraine 1999 s.v. s\kpg), Xaq¸ym ‘Starling’ (from x\q). 830 Cf. Macdowell 1995: 327.

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mones mentioned by Hesiod at Op. 122 – 6.831 Ploutos is also known to real-life onomastics and is perhaps attested as early as the mid-fourth century.832 The dual function of Ploutos as a divine and personal name affects the interpretation of the pun at 391 – 2: WQ. BK. WQ.

Oq d/t(, 1peidµ PkoOtom, § lºwhgqe s¼, 5wy. S» PkoOtom. po?om. Aqt¹m t¹m heºm.

The pun may indeed involve two proper names, one divine and one personal, on the assumption that Blepsidemos mistakenly thinks that Chremylos refers to a human person, not to the god. However, there is also a case for printing the second PkoOtom as a noun, which is much more common than the proper name and would suit the context.833 Although Wealth is called he|r, there is hardly any evidence that he received formal worship or sacrifices.834 For Aristophanes he is a figure both divine and allegorical, certainly the only personification to have a major part in the surviving plays. His weak divine status is upgraded by the poet to stress a moral point about justice (the purpose of Wealth is to make sure that people receive their fair share of his gifts).835 Pem_a, on the other hand, is a mere personification outside this play;836 nor is

831 See West (1978: 183), who notes that these divinites apparently were responsible for good crops, and further Bakola 2010: 135 – 6, 208 – 9 and Parker 2005: 337 n. 50. 832 P[koO]tor ? (Sparta, LGPN IIIA). The name has eleven further attestations, all imperial, including one from Attica. 833 Thus Sommerstein; but Wilson, like Coulon and Hall-Geldart, preferred a capital initial for both. 834 See LIMC s.v. Ploutos (K. Clinton). A prayer to Pko}t\ (Th. 299) has been seen as suspicious and an emendation Pko}tyi has been proposed, but has not been adopted by editors. There is evidence that Ploutos and Plouton, who were both associated with the Eleusinian festivals, were occasionally confused: cf. Pl. 727 (Pko}tymi for Pko}t\; the possibility that it was used for a ‘touch of comic grandeur’ – thus LIMC – is unlikely), cf. Ar. fr. 504, Plato’s etymology of Plouton’s name (Cra. 403 a) and Ploutos’ inclusion (by conjecture) in a catalogue of deities receiving sacrifice within the Eleusis cult (IG I3 5.5); see Austin-Olson 2004: 151 – 2. 835 Cf. Long 1989: 44. 836 She only appears as a goddess in poetic and allegorical contexts, e. g. Alc. fr. 364 V, Pl. Smp. 203 a-d (Sommerstein 2001: 169).

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her name (which she gives at 437, after her appearance at 415) attested as a personal name.837

11.3 Other named characters It is a noticeable feature of this play (shared, to an extent, with Ecclesiazusae as we have seen) that many characters remain unnamed. A chorus appears (257), and we learn of its composition: they are Chremylos’ nucc]yqcoi (223) and dgl|tai (323), men of advanced age (258); in this sense they are reminiscent of the chorus of Acharnians. But we do not hear them sing – and noone is named. A significant part in the plot is assigned to Chremylos’ slave, Karion, who bears a regular slave-name.838 The only other named character of the play is Bkex_dglor (332), a friend of Chremylos who appears after hearing of the return of the latter’s wealth. The name was mentioned in connection with Blepyros of Ecclesiazusae as a probable generic comic name of a group that evokes the meaning ‘see’; it is entirely unattested, and we have seen that the few names with Bkex- are rare. Perhaps one would notice the coincidence between the name’s etymology and the spectator’s function that the character assumes at 452 ff. The contrast between the name’s etymology and the blindness of the god Ploutos might also be noticed.839

837 Related personal names are the uncertain Pem_wym (hellenistic Messene, LGPN IIIA) and a possible Pemgt}kor (implied from pemgtuk_dar in fr. 4.4 of the iambographer Cercidas); cf. Chantraine 1999 s.v. p]mgr. Unsurprisingly, the name of Penia’s sister Ptywe_a (549) is from a root that is totally absent from personal names. 838 See Appendix 2, p. 199. 839 Segal 2001: 159. The Scholia at 332(c-d) see the name as significant, but the two suggested interpretations (poor man looking to the public for help or man of public function seeing to the good handling of public matters) find no support in the context. Perhaps he could be seen as a man who watches his friend, ready to detect and criticise immorality; notably he suspects that Chremylos has acquired wealth in a dishonest way (335 – 6).

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11.4 Naming jokes The generalising plural L_dair (287), from the name of the Phrygian king who possessed proverbial wealth,840 is used for comic exaggeration of Karion’s expectation that the capture of the god Wealth will bring them riches. The name and role of Den¸mijor (800 – 1) arouse curiosity. The name belongs to an uknown individual who is hoping to collect the jataw¼slata (small cakes and dry figs), commonly thrown by a comic poet to his audience. Dexinikos only had one attestation at Athens (fourth/ third centuries, LGPN IIA), and it is rare overall.841 The presence among the audience of a real person of that name is not to be excluded, though attempts to identify him have failed.842 A real Dexinikos would probably have been someone known for greed (cf. a similar joke in V. 74 – 84). The name’s etymological meaning ‘he who receives victory’843 has given rise to attractive speculation about its function: an allusion to victory in the name of somebody who is going to receive just figs (the Qsw²dia and tqyc²kia), a worthless prize, may have been felt to be ironic, perhaps a parody of the auspicious sense of the name, which is good enough to suit a victorious athlete or combatant.844 Notably Aristophanes will not allow such throwing (797 – 9), and Dexinikos receives nothing. This outcome, along with the possible irony of the name, is a 840 On the myth of Midas and the underlying history see Sommerstein’s note (2001: 155). 841 Single hellenistic/imperial attestations in Sikyon, Sparta and Lokris (LGPN). Other compound names with deni- were common (the commonest is Denijq\tgr, with 82 attestations, followed by D]nippor and Den_heor). 842 The Scholia inform us (unconvincingly) that ‘oxtor p´mgr Gm, ja· jylyde?tai, ¢r t± exa "qp²fym ja· k¸wmor. Tim³r d³ ja· stqatgc¹m vasim aqtºm’. 843 Steiger (1888: 13) thought that the name meant ‘Siegwart’ (= he who waits for victory); thus also Pape – Benseler (19113 : 282). While d´weshai may occasionally mean ‘to wait for’, other compounds with deni- strongly point towards the meaning ‘to receive’. Cf. den¸stqator (B. 15.43), den¸lgkor (Eur. Andr. 129, 1138), den¸puqor (Eur. Supp. 65), den¸dyqor (Suid. s.v. den_dyqoi) – and above all B. 8.23 – 4: pa?r 1½m !m¶q te p[keO-/mar 1d´nato m¸jar, which is an ideal paraphrasis of den¸mijor. Cf. also B. 5.184, the name Veq´mijor, given by Hieron to his horse as an augur of victory, was created in a similar spirit. See Di Marco 1981: 159 – 62. 844 Thus Di Marco 1981: 163.

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joke on the comedians’ habit of throwing foodstuff to the audience, which Aristophanes sees as a poorly inspired way of provoking laughter and winning the favour of the audience. If the name Dexinikos is indeed part of this joke, then the possibility should also be allowed that it was chosen or made up by the poet as a comic sobriquet for an individual, whose real identity would have been guessed by the audience, or that it simply typified the average greedy Athenian. One final instance of significant naming from this play involves the name of Poseidon. Pomtoposeid~m (1050) is an inventive and unique way of addressing the god, evoking the more regular pºmtie … Pºseidom (Th. 322). The compound is reminiscent of adjectives such as pomtol]dym ‘lord of the sea’ (used for Poseidon in Pi. O. 6.103).845 It may express an exceptional degree of amazement,846 but in the lips of a young man expressing surprise at the amount of wrinkles covering the old woman’s (his former lover’s) face it clearly also has a comic effect.

845 And in V. 1532, ironically for Karkinos who is comically associated with the sea because of the etymological meaning of his name; cf. Av. 1500 – 32. 846 Cf. Sommerstein (2001: 205); Poseidon was commonly invoked at such moments (cf. e. g. Av. 294).

Concluding remarks In more or less straightforward ways, all names and potential names discussed in this book have appeared to be richly evocative. In the eleven surviving comedies of Aristophanes, almost every main character’s name is significant and carries dramatic weight. There are three exceptions only: in Frogs the central character is a god (Dionysos); in Thesmophoriazusae the central character has no name at all; and in Wealth the homonymous character is a personification. In addition, the historical and linguistic significance of many names of minor characters is exploited in a variety of ways and for a wide range of purposes: to create jokes and attack individuals, types of characters and groups of people, to encapsulate moments of action and help move the action forward, to carry a political comment, and to create a whole onomastic ambiance. Placenames, ethnics and other proper names share in these functions, while names of chorus members have their own distinctive flavour. The function of names is clearly relevant to genre,847 and many of the names discussed seem to belong to a comic repertoire. This study affirms that significant naming is present in all of Aristophanes’ comedies, but demonstrates that not all make equal use of it or use it in the same way. Although the practice of joking with names held strong up until Aristophanes’ penultimate extant play, numbers of evocative names discussed in this book vary considerably among comedies, as the following table shows:

847 Cf. Fowler 1982: 75.

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Totals848 Ach. Eq. Nu. V. Pax Av. Lys. Th. Ra. Ec. Pl.

47 32 17 39 12 54 32 22 34 28 6

Names alluding to real persons849 24 (9) 16 (9) 8 (1) 26 (12) 1 (1) 26 (4) 8 (1) 5 (0) 4 (3) 5 (3) 1 (0)

The second column of the table is imposed by the importance of personal invective and political satire in Old Comedy. The figures for names used for these purposes should allow us to reflect on the development of the use of the onomastic tool in this genre. The majority of names serving political satire are found in three early comedies, Acharnians (425), Knights (424) and Wasps (422). In the latter two, names of main characters (Paphlagon, Philokleon, Bdelykleon) evoke the prominent politician Kleon. All three plays were performed at the Lenaia, a feast of more regional character that permitted more liberty of speech (cf. Ach. 495 – 511).850 The fact that Peace (421), despite its political relevance, makes little use of significant joke-naming, is explained by its special nature, which is celebratory, not polemic, as it was staged at the City Dionysia of 421 – a time

848 These include examples for which proper name status is uncertain but possible, as well as joke-words of non-proper name status that are based on or pun on proper names (e. g. !qistojqate?shai [Av. 125], a joke on the absent name )qistojq\tgr ; jqousidgl_m [Eq. 859], a pun on the name of Demos). Only names of personifications that are involved in word-plays are included. Slave-names (on which see Appendix 2) are not included. 849 All names that contribute to the comic abuse of specific individuals are taken into account (cf. e. g. the names used in the satire of Kleon in Eq. 78 – 9), not just nicknames. Numbers in round brackets are of jokes that target men involved in politics and war. For an analysis of the data see Appendix 3. 850 Halliwell (1991: 54) noted that Athenians were nervously sensitive to the presence of allies at the Great Dionysia; see also McLeish 1980: 28.

Concluding remarks

191

when the wrong it addresses, war, was about to be set right.851 Political satire in Lysistrata, the last of the three so-called peace-plays, relies less on onomastic mockery of politicians and more on the comically symbolic representation, on the level of plot, of the dispute between the two sides of the Peloponnesian war. Clearly the political relevance of naming jokes was reduced with time. Significant naming as a tool of personal invective with political insinuations apparently flourished within the context of a vigorous democratic life,852 and declined, together with the more general practice of amolast· jylyde?m, in the later period of (and after) the Peloponnesian war, when circumstances changed. As political affairs deteriorated, public life lost much of its former appeal; this development probably made comic abuse less interesting and less comic. The decline of personal abuse may also be seen as part of a broader shift of attitude towards jokes and humour in the fourth century, which promoted a more refined comic taste and allowed less space for coarse personal jokes. It is further indicative that Aristophanes’ later plays, after Lysistrata, demonstrate a shift of interest to more general social themes.853 Additionally, Wealth and Ecclesiazusae rely more than earlier comedies on names that are suggestive of character-types (e. g. C]qgr, C]qym, Wq]lgr, Wqel}kor). Such names evoke the spirit of naming known from New Comedy, which will be alluded to at the end of this section. The predominant type of naming jokes used in each comedy reflects a central theme or interest: the numerous ornithological joke-names in Birds are relevant to that play’s preoccupation with birds and the fantastic bird-world; the jokes on the grammar of names in Clouds belong to the satire of sophistic thought; the numerous generalising names in Frogs, which connote poetic merits and vices, are an inseparable part of the comic depiction of the contest between Aeschylus and Euripides. Similarly, the emphasis on the feminine element in Lysistrata, Thesmophoriazusae and Ecclesiazusae is expressed in the large numbers of significant female names. Recurrent comic themes, such as the mockery of foreigners and the satire of gods, are also served by onomastic jokes: 851 Sommerstein 1985: xv. 852 See Introduction pp. 13 – 4. 853 Cf. X. Cyr. 5.2.18 for the evolution of comic humour; statements to this effect are further found in Plato and Aristotle. See Bremmer 1997: 18 – 21. Cf. Flashar (1996: 314) and Dover (1972: 195) on the development of comedy towards a less topical interest.

192

Concluding remarks

names that are comic imitations of foreign language and speech (e. g. Artamouxia in Thesmophoriazusae, the Scythian’s version of the name Artemisia) and comic divine names (e. g. for the group of divinities invoked in the Sausage-Seller’s prayer in Knights). The bird-theme in particular has emerged as an exceptionally rich source of inspiration and accounts for the numerous significant joke-names of Birds: some serve political satire, but most satisfy the mere pleasure of punning (we have seen that Birds does not engage openly with current political issues) and make a matching contribution to the exuberant bird-world. Although it is beyond doubt that comedy’s attitude to names gradually changed, and the ‘cratylism’ that marked the work of Aristophanes, his contemporaries and predecessors, eventually faded, it needs to be kept in mind that the transition was not too abrupt. Judging from the surviving fragments, Middle854 and New Comedy have less of the fantastic inspiration that is visible in many old comic names, but political content, though rarer, is not entirely absent.855 On the way to New Comedy, the fragments of the poet Alexis, representing the ‘Middle’ phase, show signs of the new trends while also preserving some typical old comic elements. Alexis’ plays appear to have included many references to real persons and events, and some onomastic jokes that are strongly reminiscent of the spirit of Old Comedy, such as the references to the philo-Macedonian politician Kallimedon,856 who (in all but two fragments: 57 and 249) is nicknamed J\qabor, ‘Crayfish’,857 a pure sobriquet which however is relevant to real names.858 Personal names in New Comedy’s most famous representative, Menander, can often be trusted to indicate a generic characteristic of the bearer, such as age or social status, usually without being etymo854 This is more clearly understood as a chronological term than as a collective description of a type of comedy, see Olson 2007: 24 – 5 and Arnott 1996: 18. 855 E.g. Henioch. fr. 5, Pl. Com. fr. 201 with Olson 2007: 126 – 7, 220. 856 In several fragments: 57, 102, 118, 149, 173, 218 and 249. Kallimedon was a member of the comedy club of the sixty, see above under Acharnians in relation to Diomeialazones (605). 857 See Arnott 1996: 702. More examples of significant names in Alexis are found in frr. 19 (Woq|mijor for a musician), 48 (J|qudor for Philokles, used also by Aristophanes, see above under Birds) and 121 (Maus_mijor for a seaman); see Arnott ibid.: 107 – 8, 166 – 7. 858 A name Karavos is attested for Egypt (seeWL). It is not clear whether there is a semantic relation between Karavos and the later name Jaqab\mtior from Illyria (second century, lat. Caravantius, LGPN IIIA).

Concluding remarks

193

logically relevant to the meaning they express – but the rule is not without exceptions.859 The use of comically significant names is inherited by Roman comedy, which sometimes echoes Aristophanic practices.860 Greek Old Comedy set a precedent that would be hard to resist.

859 Jke|stqator (Aspis) is an appropriate name for a comic soldier. Other character-type names include Losw_ym (Perikeiromene), for a young man (its meaning, ‘little bull-calf’, may or may not be relevant); Pkacc~m (Dyskolos, Heros, Samia), always a free-born girl. It should not be assumed that a name always alludes to the same character-type: Waiq]ar is a ‘parasite’ in Dyskolos, but a young man of good character in Aspis. See further Gomme-Sandbach 1973: 131, 203, 386 – 7, 466. 860 As seen in the examples mentioned from Plautus at various points in this study, especially from Miles Gloriosus (p. 47 n. 201). The main character in the play, a boastful soldier, carries the appropriate name Pyrgopolynices.

Appendix 1 The fragments of Aristophanes’ lost plays1 Significant naming was present in the lost earlier comedies of Aristophanes. His first play, Daitaleis (‘Banqueters’, produced in 427), satirises, like Clouds, the sophistic movement. Its fragments have yielded a couple of onomastic jokes, one of which is relevant to the satire of the sophists: Hqas}lawor (fr. 205) is a nickname bestowed by the hero on one of his sons, a victim of sophistic education, to allude to the known sophist (mentioned in Pl. R.).2 Vak(k)^mior or Vak(k)gm_ar (fr. 244) is a nickname for an archon (cf. the use of V\kgr at Ach. 263). The comic claim that Alkibiades (who is also mocked for being affected by sophism, see fr. 205) was born in his archonship suggests an accusation that the famous politician was dedicated to sexual pleasure. There are no surviving traces of significant names in the few fragments of the Babylonians (produced in 426), although it is fair to assume that they were present in a play that included political satire (directed against Kleon and other Athenian officials).3 In addition to the above, scattered examples from the fragments of other lost comedies, which include many instances of amolast· jylyde?m,4 indicate that should these have survived in full, the field of this book would have been significantly larger. It is remarkable that all types of ‘speaking’ names encountered in the discussion of the extant comedies 1 2 3 4

The standard edition is that of Kassel-Austin (vol. 3.2, 1984). The newer edition by Henderson in the Loeb series (2007) is based on K-A in terms of text and numbering of the fragments. On him see further Kerferd 1981: 51 – 2, 120 – 3. Fr. 88 mentions the admiral Phormio. Cf. also the poet’s complaint about what he suffered from Kleon di± tµm p´qusi jyl\d¸am (Ach. 378), and see Henderson’s introduction to the fragments (2007: 141 – 2). Some examples: pqyjt|r (called Aristodemos, fr. 242), Pama_tiom p_hgjom (for a knife-maker, fr. 409), Straton (an effeminate, fr. 422), Neokleides (fr. 454, also satirised in Ec., Pl.), Aristyllos (diminutive for Aristokles fr. 551, cf. Ec. 647, Pl. 314), Sjekk_ou (fr. 591.71, cf. Av. 126).

The fragments of Aristophanes’ lost plays

195

(some particular examples too) seem also to occur in the fragments, although in some cases the lack of contexts makes it hard to decide about the status of certain words.5 The following survey is by no means exhaustive. Nicknames: p]qdin (fr. 57, from Anagyrus) must refer to the tavernkeeper mocked with the same bird-name in Av. 1292.6 )budoj|lar (fr. 755, an unattributed fragment) is used for a sycophant, presumably because the inhabitants of Abydos had a reputation for sycophantic acts (cf. the possible stereotypes for the inhabitants of Diomeia [Ach.] and Teithras [Ra.]). Generic nicknames: Vqum~mdar (frr. 26, from Amphiaraus, and 484, from Proagon; also Th. 861) was used for evil characters (probably originating in a real individual of that name). Comic divine names: Tqiv\kgr is the title of a lost comedy7 and presumably the name of its hero. This is a compound of the type of tqic]qym ‘triply old’, i. e. ‘very old’ and tq_doukor ‘thrice a slave’ (by descent or degree of enslavement, ‘slave of a slave’s slave’, LSJ). The identity of the name bearer is uncertain, but the similarity to V\kgr (Ach. 263) and the Thracian divine name Tqibakko_ (Av. 1529) suggest that the target of the joke, which places comic emphasis on masculine sexuality, was a divinity.8 Mock-ethnics: Vasiam|r (fr. 443, from Olkades ‘Merchant Ships’, a peace-play) implies a sycophant; cf. Ach. 725 – 6. Puns and word-plays: the pun between c]kytor and C]kam (fr. 629, an unattributed fragment), the Sicilian place-name, is a familiar example; cf. Ach. 606. Some jokes of this kind have intertextual value: -lvodor (fr. 342, from Thesmophoriazusae II) satirises Euripides’ etymology of the 5

6 7 8

For example, st}ppan (fr. 716, an unattributed fragment) from stuppeiop~kgr ‘rope-seller’ (Bechtel 1898: 71 – 2) for Eukrates may function either as a noun or as a nickname; Henderson (2007: 451) translates ‘hempy’. Eukrates is also mocked in fr. 149 (from Geras ‘Old Age’; see under ‘Metonymies’). Kassel-Austin print it with a small initial taking into account the possibility that it might literally refer to the bird itself; but Henderson (2007: 136) is probably right to think a proper name more likely and to print a capital initial. K-A 3.2: 285. Henderson (2007: 367) suggests the rendition ‘Three-Phallused’. Note that the name Triballoi was also used in the place of Ithyphalloi (Usener 1896: 359), which suggests that a god-name Tq_vakkor was assumed and folketymologically associated with the Thracian name; this is one of several etymologies suggested for Triballoi (see Papazoglu 1978: 71 – 3), probably the one most akin to Greek ears. An identification between Triphales and Alkibiades in Aristophanes’ play has been proposed but is very doubtful.

196

Appendix 1

name Amphion (TGrF fr. 182 Kannicht): if Amphion’s name was indeed from !lv’ bd|m, as Euripides claimed, his name would surely be Amphodos. H|ar (fr. 373, from Lemniae), father of Hypsipyle in the myth of the Lemnian women, is said to be bqad}tator dqale?m – a comic contrast to the explanation of the name provided by Euripides (IT 32 – 3). The name Pko}tym (fr. 504, esp. l.14, from Tagenistae ‘Fry-Cooks’) is seen as suggestive of the fact that this god received the most affluent kingdom (cf. Pl. Cra. 403 a and Pl. 727 where Pko}tymi is used for Pko}t\). Other parts of speech that hide proper names (like lekkomiji÷m Av. 639, 1cjejoisuqyl]mg Nu. 48): doq_akkor (fr. 382, from Lemniae; also called d|qikkor according to the Et. Gen. = EM s.v. doq_akkor), a word for the female genitals, is used in mockery of the tragic poet D|qikkor (or Doq_kaor), on whom almost nothing is known.9 Dama~tator (fr. 270, from Danaides) is a superlative designed for comic effect.10 Metonymies: Lekit]a j\pqom (fr. 149, from Geras ‘Old Age’) is used !mt· toO Eqjq\tgr, the bran-dealer (cf. fr. 716, Eq. 254) who presumably was a citizen of Melite, for his hairiness. He was also called %qjtor ‘bear’ according to Photius and Hesychius,11 who allege that the j\pqor nickname may have originated in the fact that he raised pigs. Kaýou uR|r (fr. 453, from Pelargoi ‘Storks’, cf. fr. 117) is used for the tragedian Meletos, mentioned also in Ra. 1302, for having produced an Oidipodeia. The compound Hqaijovo?tai (fr. 156.7, from Gerytades) is applied to Alkibiades, who after losing the battle of Notion (ca. 406), refused to return to Athens and withdrew to Chersonesos in Thrace. Zppojke_dgr (fr. 721, an unattributed fragment) was used for a sexual hint, for the female genitals according to Hesychius12 (like the name Phormisios in Ec. 97), perhaps partly because of the equine element in its etymology (cf. Hippokinos, Ra. 429). Lakedaimon is called Seriphos (fr. 884, another unattributed fragment), after the small, barren island which was associated with hardship and insignificance.13 9 See TGrF 1 no.41 (Snell). If the correct form is Dorilaos, Henderson (2007: 291) suggests an additional pun on peq_akkor ‘loins’, but this (equally rare) word does not seem to be close enough in sound. 10 See Willi 2003: 243 for other examples of irregular comparatives and superlatives from adjectives and even pronouns. 11 Hesychius: vol.2 (Latte): 645, s.v. Lekite»r j\pqor. Photius: Vol. 2 (Theodoridis), s.v. Lekit]a j\pqom. 12 Vol.2 (Latte): 371, s.v. Zppojke_dgr. 13 See Olson 2002: 214 (on Ach. 542).

Appendix 2 Slave-names in the extant comedies Slaves in comedy were a traditionally popular type. Some of the slaves of Aristophanes’ plays1 participate actively in the plot (cf. the prologue couples in Knights, Wasps and Peace, and the role of Xanthias in Frogs and Karion in Wealth; strikingly, both appear as near equals in the relationship with their masters, which increases the comic effect of their dramatic function). Others are mute, insignificant characters. Many are unnamed, but others receive names, of which only a small minority appear to be other than generic and to be exploited for comic significance; these were discussed in the main body of this work.2 This Appendix offers a systematic view of the rest,3 which reflect common real-life practices in the naming of slaves;4 this means that although slave characters are sometimes not easily identifiable, named slaves often are. In what follows, categories

1 2 3

4

For an overview of Aristophanes’ slaves see Ehrenberg 19512 : 165 ff. These are the comic names of the Scythian policemen of Frogs (608), and the ‘speaking’ names of Euripides’ helpers in the final scene of Thesmophoriazusae, Elaphion and Teredon. Members of the category termed by Stephanis (1980: 129 – 30) as pseudodouloi, who do not serve humans or are not human themselves (Aiakos, Kydoimos, Hermes; cf. the unnamed servant of Hoopoe in Birds), and who are presented as slaves for the sake of comic value, are excluded. So are Dglosh]mgr and Mij_ar, the two slaves of Demos in Knights, who remain anonymous in the text, but whom tradition has identified with the two Athenian generals (cf. Stephanis 1980: 42 – 3 and n. 19; Sommerstein 1981: 3). Paphlagon was discussed earlier as an allegory for Kleon. Glyke and Mania of Frogs (1343 – 5; see p. 169 – 70) are possible but not definite slaves, and Philiste (Th. 568) is probably a citizen woman. Finally, Kephisophon, mentioned in Frogs as Euripides’ poetic collaborator (cf. Ar. fr. 596, see also under Thesmophoriazusae) and seen in ancient sources as a slave of Euripides, was probably a free man; cf. Dover 1993: 53 – 4 and Olson 2002: 177. As outlined by Masson (vol. 1: 151 – 4), largely following Lambertz (1907) who established categories; a more detailed categorisation of their diverse etymological meanings is found in Solin (1996).

198

Appendix 2

of significance are identified with relevance to real-life use,5 with the purpose of recognising the trends followed by Aristophanes in naming his slaves. a) Names from ethnics, regularly used for slaves in real life.6 As in real life, slave-names may suggest foreigners or Greeks (who could be enslaved through war). Aristophanic examples are mainly (but not only) from foreign ethnics: Hqøtta ‘Thracian’ (Ach. 273, V. 828, Peace 1138, Th. 279 – 94; Eup. fr. 2627). This is the commonest feminine slave-name in Aristophanes. Hqøn, the male form, is also found in the plays (Ach., Lys. 563). Both are epigraphically attested as names of slaves at Athens. Historically, Thrace was a major slave-provider.8 Vq}n ‘Phrygian’ (V. 433, Av. 762, 1244; frr. 578, 696). It is attested as a slave-name at Athens in the fifth century (IG I3 426, 11; Phrygia, like Thrace, was a frequent origin of slaves at Athens), while it is doubtful that another attestation (fourth century, LGPN IIA – in the form Pq}n) is for an Athenian.9 Daqdam_r ‘Girl from Dardania (Troad)’ (V. 1371). This is the name’s only attestation for a slave at Athens, although other names from this root are attested for slaves.10 S}qa ‘Syrian’ (Peace 1146). This occurs as as a slave-name both in inscriptions and literature (an example from later comedy is found in Philemon, fr. 117).11 The masculine form Syros (not found in Aristophanes) is a common slave-name. 5 For those Aristophanic slave-names which are mentioned in the following as attested for slaves at Athens in inscriptions and /or literature, details of the evidence can be found in Fragiadakis (1986: 337 – 79) (alphabetical list). 6 Evidence for such slave-names is found already in Mycenaean and Homer, see Masson vol. 1: 149. 7 In the Eupolis fragment Thratta may well be used for the mother of the politician Kleophon, implying an allegation that he was of foreign birth (cf. Pl. Com. fr. 61 and Ra. 678 – 81; Hq,j_a wekid~m may refer to her, see also Sommerstein 1996: 214). 8 Cf. Olson 2002: 150 – 1, with references. 9 It is also found at Korinth as an old, possibly heroic name: two attestations, both on vases, one from around 600 and the other in the first half of the sixth century. There is a further attestation from imperial Pompeii (in the Roman form Pryx), LGPN IIIA. 10 Solin (1996 [vol. 2]: 372) mentions a Dardana and four examples of Dardanus. 11 Olson 1998: 287.

Slave-names in the extant comedies

199

Jaq_ym ‘Karian’ (Wealth passim) is a pseudo-ethnic (the normal ethnic is J\q) indicating Karian origin.12 The slave Karion, who plays a central part in Wealth, is only named at 624; his late-naming may reflect his prominence in the plot. Notably he is not a natural slave, but was born and raised a free man (cf. 147 – 8). The name is found as a slave-name in both inscriptions and literature, and along with Thrax, it is the most frequent ethnic designation for male slaves.13 S_jym (Ec. 867) was seen already in antiquity as an abbreviated form of Sikelos.14 It is a regular name for slaves in later comedy, and the name of a cook in Menander’s Dyskolos. 15 There is some uncertain epigraphical evidence.16

Slave-names from Greek place-names are the following:17 Zslgm_ar (Ach. 861),18 derived from the Theban river name (H)ismenos, is certainly not typical for slaves (there is no attestation of it as slave-name at Athens). But as it is known to be a regular Boiotian name,19 it appears suitable for a slave of a Boiotian owner. Zsl^miwor (Ach. 954) is a dialectal diminutive form: –iwor is associated with Boiotian names.20

12 Masson vol. 1: 151. 13 See Sommerstein (2001: 135, with further references), who notes that in later comedy the name was borne by cooks as well (e. g. Men. Epitr.), who were not necessarily slaves. Cf. the title of a fourth century play by Eubulus, Sviccojaq_ym (from the figure of a servant who spoke aenigmatically; he is commonly seen as a cook but without reason from the text. See Hunter 1983: 199). 14 Masson vol. 1: 151. Cf. Sijam|r from Syracuse (Th. 6.73.1); Bechtel (1917: 543) also cites a S_jym (from Tegea, fourth century) under ‘personal names from places’. Cf. the Roman slave-names Sicula and Siculus (Solin 1996 [vol. 1]: 35). 15 Sommerstein 1998: 213 with references. Aristophanes’ AQokos_jym is of unclear status (perhaps a cook, see K-A 3.2: 34). 16 Fragiadakis 1986: 150. 17 For more real-life examples of this category (which includes ethnics, names of mountains and rivers) see Fragiadakis 1986: 20 – 1. 18 Olson prints a rough breathing. Wilson’s preference for a smooth breathing contradicts the feminine Zslgm_a, the name of the Boiotian woman in Lysistrata’s group (Lys. 697), which is bestowed with a rough breathing (see p. 138). Solin mentions an Ismenus (1996 [vol. 2]: 384) and an Ismene (but the form of the name is doubtful, ibid.: 355). 19 Olson (2002: 287) lists a couple of notable bearers: a fictitious Theban leader and a fourth-century pipe player. 20 Cf. Olson 2002: 307, Colvin 1999: 255.

200

Appendix 2

b) Names that are foreign in origin, probably indigenous names that were kept by their bearers after becoming slaves on Greek soil. Lam/r (thus Wilson; al. L\mgr)21 (Peace 1146, Birds 1311 [and 523 in the accusative plural], Lys. 908, 1211, Ra. 965) is a common Phrygian name, frequent for slaves both in literature (especially comedy) and inscriptions, from the name of the Anatolian god Manes.22 Lòm_a (Th. 728) must be the feminine form of Manes;23 it has a number of literary and epigraphical attestations. Lam|dyqor (Av. 657) is probably to be identified with the Manes of 1311, as both are used for Peisetairos’ slave; perhaps Manes is meant as a hypocoristic form. A compound name with a theonymic element as a first component is a known type of slave-name. The divine element probably reflects a god who was worshipped by a large number of slaves originating in Asia Minor.24 There is only one possible epigraphical attestation of a slave-name.25 L_dar (V. 433) is a common Phrygian name, like Manes, frequent in inscriptions and literature, and possibly an original name of many Phrygian born slaves. In some cases it may have been meant to allude to the famous king.26 c) A heroic name: ~kar (Eq. 67), a servant of Demos, attested as a slavename in inscriptions. It is probably inspired by the name of the beautiful youth who was loved by Herakles and accompanied him on the Argo but disappeared at the Propontis; it must thus be suggestive of a handsome young slave from the Propontic region.27 21 On the accent see Dover 1993: 313. Note that Fragiadakis’ list assumes (unnecessarily) two separate names. 22 Dunbar 1995: 418 – 9, 360; Olson 1998: 287 with references for its use for Phrygians. 23 Thus Olson 1998: 287, Austin-Olson 2004: 251. The name was discussed under Frogs. 24 Thus Masson (vol. 1: 152) who assumed that this was the god Men (L^m), used as a first element in a number of personal names (e. g. Lgm|vikor, Lgm|dyqor, Lgmoc]mgr); it is not clear, however, whether Lgm(o)- and Lam(o)- names (both of Phrygian origin) were related, see Catling – Kanavou 2007: 110 – 1, n. 52. 25 Fragiadakis 1986: 162 (the status of the name-bearer is uncertain). 26 Hence Masson (vol. 1: 152) thought it could also belong to the category of names given after heroic figures (like Hylas in (c)). The plural L_dair (Pl. 287) certainly alluded to the king. 27 See Sommerstein 1981: 148; Fragiadakis 1986: 33.

Slave-names in the extant comedies

201

d) Names denoting physical characteristics, capacities or habits: Namh_ar (Ach. 243, 259, Nu. 1485, V. 1, 136, 456, Av. 656, Ra. passim; hypocoristic Namh_diom ; joke-name Herakleioxanthias, see under Frogs) is the most frequent slave-name in Aristophanic comedy, notably the name of a slave who plays a main part in the action of Frogs. The name’s etymological meaning implies blond colour for hair and skin, but it is hard to tell whether the name was only given to slaves with such features or it had become generic for slaves.28 As a slave-name it is found in literature, and it has two possible epigraphical attestations;29 Xanthos and Xanthippos are certainly attested for slaves. WqOsor (V. 1251; thus accented by Wilson, following a suggestion by Gelzer).30 There are no further examples of it as a slave-name at Athens, and an emendation to Kroisos, a name known to have been given to slaves,31 was proposed by Wilamowitz and adopted by Coulon. This seems unnecessary, as Chrysos could well have been a regular slave-name to denote blond hair,32 and the feminine forms Wq}siom and Wqus_r are attested for slaves.33 Lasumt_ar (V. 433) probably originates in a nickname meaning ‘chewer’, ‘greedy feeder’ (from las\olai), expressing the slave’s habits.34 The element Mas-, found in non-Greek names (e. g. Masakos, Masartos) must have produced a comically foreign sound. This is the only known occurrence of the name.

28 Cf. Stephanis 1980: 122. If a hellenised form, its original could be Thracian or Scythian, cf. Hall 1989: 43 n. 35. 29 Fragiadakis 1986: 163. Attestations of Xanthias (as well as Xanthus and Xanthe) are recorded by Solin (1996 [vol. 2]: 401). 30 Wqus|r : Hall-Geldart, Sommerstein, Macdowell. Cf. Chandler (18812 : 91) who notes that ‘proper names in sor are hardly reducible to rule’, but ‘masculines with a long dichronous vowel in the penultimate are barytone’. 31 Fragiadakis 1986: 356, Solin 1996 [vol. 2]: 253. 32 See Macdowell 1971: 294, Sommerstein 1983: 230 who compares it with Xanthos and cf. Stephanis 1980: 51, n. 45. Masson (vol. 1: 153) mentioned it as an example of slave-name from metals. 33 Solin (1996 [vol. 3]: 690 – 1) lists a number of simple and compound names with Chrys-, but no Chrysos. 34 Thus Sommerstein 1983: 184, MacDowell 1971: 193; Zgusta 1964: 301 – 2, n. 143 (who denied an association with the Anatolian name Lasym), Chantraine 1999 s.v. las\olai.

202

Appendix 2

e) Names that reflect a positive expectation; wish-names or auspicious names are a recognised category of slave-names.35 Paql]mym (Ec. 868) ‘who stands by someone’, ‘loyal’. There is inscriptional evidence for it as a slave-name at Athens, and it is a regular name for slaves in later comedy,36 but also a widely diffused Greek name.37 Sys_ar (V. 136; the name at 78 is not for a slave, but perhaps for a synonymous hellenotamias 38). This name (normal Greek/Attic for citizens), as well as others from the same family (with Sy- and Sysi-, from saºy / s¾fy ‘save’), are widely diffused for slaves. It is found elsewhere in comedy, Old and New, for slaves.39 Its use in Xen.Vect. 4.14 for a Thracian suggests that it may be a hellenised form of a native Thracian name. To conclude, most of the above names are attested as real slave-names in Attica also in other sources. It is worth noting that most are not exclusive to slaves, hence this overview suggests itself as another manifestation of the fact that hardly any names are used specially for slaves (as is true also for hetaera names), not even names that constituted derogatory sobriquets. At the same time it is clear that both in Aristophanes and in real life, slave and hetaera names often expressed popular notions of the character and appearance of these two types of persons. However, names of foreign provenance or denoting foreign origin are strongly indicative of slaves,40 and it is noteworthy that these are the most populated categories in Aristophanes, who probably thus intended to make the slave type more easily identifiable; comically pejorative names would not have been as strong an indicator of a character’s slave status.

35 Masson vol. 1: 153, 157, cf. Fragiadakis 1986: 52 – 55. 36 Sommerstein 1998: 213 with references. 37 Masson (vol. 3: 166) must be right that the name presupposes a form Paqal]mym ; this is attested already in the early sixth century (in Ionia, see now LGPN VA) and thus predates Parmenon (whose earliest attestation seems to be from S. Italy ca. 520 – 510, LGPN IIIA). 38 See MacDowell 1971: 140 and Sommerstein 1983: 159. 39 References in Sommerstein 1983: 152. 40 See Masson vol. 1: 147, 159, citing Robert; cf. Stra. 7.3.12: C to?r 5hmesim 1je¸moir blym¼lour 1j²koum to»r oQj´tar% ¢r Kud¹m ja· S¼qom% C to?r 1pipok²fousim 1je? amºlasi pqosgcºqeuom% ¢r L²mgm C L¸dam t¹m Vq¼ca% T¸biom d³ t¹m Pavkacºma.

See also Kanavou 2010 passim on names of slaves in the romance of Xenophon Ephesios.

Appendix 3 Analysis of Table Note: this Appendix provides an analysis of the data given in the Table in the concluding section of the book. Names and puns containing allusions to real individuals are underlined; those targeting political and war-related figures are also marked with an asterisk. Question marks indicate uncertainty about exact meanings and /or targets. Acharnians )lv¸heor )qt]lym Bakk^made Ceqgtohe|dyqoi* C|qcasor* Deqj´tgr Dijai|pokir Dioleiakafºmer Dq²jukkor ()mhq²jukkor) Euahkor Eqvoq¸dgr H]yqor ? Houjud_dgr YaomaO Jatac]ka Jtgs_ar ? Kajqate_dgr Kalaw_ppiom* K\lawoi* K\lawor* Kepqo_ Kuj?mor lishaqw¸dgr Laqik²dgr )coq²jqitor AQtyko_* )mtik´ym* Beqesweho¸

Laqx_ar ? iq]stgr ? Pai~mia Pamouqcippaqw¸dai* pokelokalawazjºr* (K\lawor) Pqim¸dgr pq¸ym Sila_ha ? spoudaqw¸dgr stqatym¸dgr Stqul|dyqor Teisalemova_mippoi* Tqacasa?a (woiq¸a) Tqacasa?or Vaimaq´tg V\kgr Vasiam|r Vekke}r Waiqid/r W²omer W\qgr ?* xaj\r Xeudaqt²bar

Knights Jomm÷r Jºpqeior jqousidgl_m Jukk^mg*

204

Appendix 3

Buqs¸mg* buqsopavkac¾m* Ck\mir ? Dglaj_diom dgl|r D/lor (personification) D/lor (the young Athenian) Dyq~ Jewgma?oi Jkyp?dai* Jo²kelor Jºbakoi

J}mma* Lºhym Ma¼sym Mauv²mtg Mij|boukor Pavkac~m* P}qqamdqor ?* Sakabajw~ Sj¸takoi Slij}hgr ? V÷mor ? V´majer

Clouds )lum_a* D?mor d?mor 1cjejoisuqyl]mg (Jois}qa) Houqiol\mteir Jakkipp¸dgr Jkeym}lg Jq|mippor Lecajk´gr

N²mhippor ? Pavkac~m* Stqexi²dgr Sv^ttior Veidipp_dgr Ve_dym Veidym¸dgr Wa_qippor

)cjuk_ym )podqasipp¸dgr Bdekujk]ym* Deqj}kor ? Dglokocojk]ym* D/lor D¸jtumma Diope_hgr Dqajomt_dgr ? 9qcas¸ym ? Euboia Eqeqc¸dgr heoisewhq¸a (H]yqor) H´ykor Japm_ar Jaqjim_tgr jaqj_moi (Jaqj_mor) jekgt_sai* (Hippias) Jokaj¾mulor* Jolgtalum_ar*

Wasps Jqom_dgr Jqyb¼kor* J}mma* J}ym* Jyl¸ar K\bgr* Owtir Pem]stai* Sekk\qtior S´kkor* Slijuh_ym ? Veq´deipmor Vikojk]ym* Vikojt¶lym ? Vik|nemor W²bgr Waiq]ar ? Waqim²dgr Wq¶lym

205

Analysis of Table

)ttij¸ym )ttijymijo¸ Heyq_a J\mhaqor J}mma* Jylaqw¸dgr

Peace Kusil\wg liaq~tator Pgc\siom Pqasia_ Tquca?or Waqim\dgr

Birds )kjl/mai )kºpai !qistojqate?shai* ()qistojq\tgr) Coqc¸ai 9cckytoc\stoqer Eqekp¸dgr F\m Hak/r _bir ]qider Jaqd_a Jeqaleij|r Jevak^ J¸tta* Jkex¼dqô Jolpase}r Jºqan Joqud|r Jqejop_r (tribe name) Kaispod_ar* K]pqeor lekkomiji÷m* (Mij_ar) Lec²bafor L/dor Mevekojojjuc_a Mujteq¸r ikov}nioi )m²cuqor Boiyt¸a Dq\jgr 9wimoOr Zslgm_a Jakom¸jg Jak¼jg Jimgs¸ar Jq¸tukka

ipo}mtioi iq]stgr ? iqmea_ mqtun ? Pamd~qa Peis´taiqor Pekaqcij|m Pekaqcij|r P´qdin Poqvuq¸ym poqvuq_ymer S\jar Saqdam\pakkor Sel´kai Sji\poder Soumi]qan Sp\qtg Spoqc_kor Stikbym¸dgr Stqo}hior T_lym Tqibakko_ Tqibakk|r V\mai V¸kippoi ? Wekid~m Wgmak¾pgn

Lysistrata Luqq_mg Luqqim¸diom Luqq¸om Mijod¸jg iqs¸kowor ? Paiom_dgr Pakk\ma P\qakoi Uod_ppg

206

Appendix 3

Jumak~pgn Kalpit¾ K\wgr KuVstqator ? Kusil\wai Kusistq\tg Lgki÷

Sakal_r Stqatukk_r Stqul|dyqor Vaidq_ar VikoOqcor Wokof}cgr* x/tta

Thesmophoriazusae )mt_heor )qistol²wg Aqtaloun_a (Artemisia) )qw_jkeia Ckauj]tgr Coqcor 9k\viom Eqbo¼kg Jq_tukka K}sikka Lekam_ppai

L_ja Mausil\wg Poshak_sjor Sakabajw¾ Stqatom¸jg Systq\tg Teqgd¾m Va?dqai Vik_stg Vqum~mdar Woiq_om

)mavk¼stior Ara¸mou k¸hor (Avaimor) )wikke}r Bekkeqov|mter Ck}jg Dit¼kar Jqajkeionamh¸ar Zpp|jimor Je?or* Jeqb]qioi J}jmoi Kujabgtto_ Lam/r ?* Lam_a Lekgt_dai L]lmomer Mi|bg )c¼qqior* )wqado}sior Bk]puqor C]qgr C]qym Ceusistq\tg

Frogs

mjmou pkoja_ (mjmor) Pakal^dgr Paqd|jar P\tqojkoi Pkah\mg Pkataie?r Seb?mor Shem]boiai Sj\lamdqoi Sjebk¼ar Stalm_ar Taqtgss_a (l}qaima) Teihq\siai (Coqc|mer) TeOjqoi T^kevor Va?dqai W?or*

Ecclesiazusae Pqanac|qa Pqojqo}stgr Sakal_mior Slijuh_ym Sl_juhor Systq\tg

207

Analysis of Table

Ck}jg Dq\jgr Eqa_ym ? Jkeimaq]tg J|pqeior Lekist_wg OQd_poder iqhacºqar ?*

Vikaim]tg Vikod~qgtor Voql_sior* Vuq|lawor Waiqgt\dgr Waqin´mg Waqitil_dgr Wq]lgr

Wealth Bkex_dglor Den¸mijor ? L_dai

PkoOtor Pomtoposeid~m Wqel}kor

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Index of Names Alphabetical list of all Aristophanic names and puns on names discussed )budoj|lar (fr. 755): 195 )cjuk_ym (V.): 96 )coq²jqitor (Eq.): 13; 49-55; 108,

n. 480; 171

)c¼qqior (Ec.): 177 AQsw_mgr (AQswim\dgr ?) (Pax): 103-4 AQtyko_ (Eq.): 57-8 )kjl/mai (Av.): 124 )kºpai (Av.): 124 )lum_a (Nu.): 78 )lv¸heor (Ach.): 13; 21 n. 80; 30-2;

149

-lvodor (fr. 342): 195-6 )m²cuqor (Lys.): 141 )mavk¼stior (Ra.): 15; 161-2 )mt¸heor (Th.): 21 n. 80; 32; 148-9 )mtik´ym (Eq.): 54; 60; 108 n. 480 )podqasipp¸dgr (V.): 86-7 !qistojqate?shai (Av.): 110-11; 190

n. 848

)qistol²wg (Th.): 151-2 Aqtaloun_a (Th.): 157, 192 )qt]lym (Ach.): 42 )qw_jkeia (Th.): 149 )ttij¸ym (Pax): 102 )ttijymijo¸ (Pax): 102 Ara¸mou k¸hor (Avaimor) (Ra.): 161 )wikke}r (Ra.): 168 )wqado}sior (Ec.): 178-9 Bakk^made (Ach.): 35; 44 n. 186 Bas_keia (Av.): 125 Bdekujk]ym (V.): 11-2; 17 n. 67; 80-3;

89; 190 Bekkeqov|mter (Ra.): 168 Beqesweho¸ (Eq.): 64 Bk]puqor (Ec.): 11; 43; 172-3; 186

Bkex_dglor (Pl.): 106; 186 Boiyt¸a (Lys.): 141 Buqs¸mg (Eq.): 54, n. 230; 58-9 buqsopavkac¾m (Eq.): 54; 58 C]ka (fr. 629): 195 C]qgr (Ec.): 180 Ceqgtohe|dyqoi (Ach.): 37-40 C]qym (Ec.): 180 Ceusistq\tg (Ec.): 174-5; 181 Ck²mir (Eq.): 61-2 Ckauj]tgr (Th.): 155 Ck}jg (Ra., Ec.): 169-70; 174; 197

n. 3 C|qcasor (Ach.): 12; 29-30 Coqc¸ai (Av.): 127 Coqcor (Th.): 157-8 Dama~tator (fr. 270): 196 Daqdam_r (slave): 198 Deqj´tgr (Ach.): 26; 43; 86 n. 376 Deqj}kor (V.): 43; 85-6 Dglaj_diom (Eq.): 56 Dglokocojk]ym (V.): 89 dgl|r (Eq.): 56 D/lor (personification) (Eq.): 55-6 D/lor (the young Athenian) (Eq., V.):

55-6; 86 Diakkac^ (Lys.): 140 Dijai|pokir (Ach.): 12; 21; 24-8; 50 D¸jtumma (V.): 87-8 D?mor (Nu.): 77 d?mor (Nu.): 77 Dioleiakafºmer (Ach.): 37-40 Diope_hgr (V.): 88 Dit¼kar (Ra.): 164-5 doq_akkor (fr. 382): 196

Index of Names

Dq\jgr (Lys., Ec.): 37; 134; 176 Dqajomt_dgr (V.): 94 Dq²jukkor ()mhq²jukkor) (Ach.): 37;

134 Dyq~ (Eq.): 65 9cckytoc\stoqer (Av.): 127 1cjejoisuqyl]mg (Jois}qa) (Nu.): 2;

74; 196 EQq^mg (Pax): 100 9k\viom (Th.): 155-6 9pic]mgr (Ec.): 179 9qcas¸ym (V.): 21 n. 80; 95; 134 Euahkor (Ach.): 41 Eqa_ym (Ec.): 179 Euboia (V.): 88 Eqbo¼kg (Th.): 151-2 Eqekp¸dgr (Av.): 107-8 Eqeqc¸dgr (V.): 134 Eqvoq¸dgr (Ach.): 36 9wimoOr (Lys.): 145 F\m (Av.): 16; 123 Jqajkeionamh¸ar (Ra.): 164; 201 Nttym K|cor (Nu.): 50 n. 212; 69-70 Iw~ (Th.): 155 Hak/r (Av.): 1 n. 2; 115 heoisewhq¸a (H]yqor) (V.): 93 H´ykor (V.): 92 Heyq_a (Pax): 20; 100-1 H]yqor (Ach., Nu., V.): 33-5; 76; 85;

92-3 H|ar (fr. 373): 196 Houjud_dgr (Ach.): 41 Houqiol\mteir (Nu.): 75 Hqaijovo?tai (fr. 156.7): 196 Hqas}lawor (fr. 205): 194 Hqøtta (slave): 44-5; 198 YaomaO (Ach.): 33 _bir (Av.): 119 Zpp|jimor (Ra.): 162-3 Zppojke_dgr (fr. 721): 196 ]qider (Av.): 124 Zslgm_a (Lys.): 138; 199 n. 18

221

Zslgm_ar (slave): 138; 199 Zsl^miwor (slave): 199 Jakkipp¸dgr (Nu.): 72 Jakom¸jg (Lys.): 135-7 Jak¼jg (Lys.): 135; 138 J\mhaqor (Pax): 102 Japm_ar (V.): 91; 160 Jaqd_a (Av.): 126 Jaq_ym (slave): 186; 197; 199 Jaqjim_tgr (V.): 97 jaqj_moi (Jaqj_mor) (V.): 97 Jatac]ka (Ach.): 37-40 Je?or (Ra.): 166 jekgt_sai (V.): 95 Jeqaleij|r (Av.): 111 Jeqb]qioi (Ra.): 160 Jevak^ (Av.): 112 Jewgma?oi (Eq.): 57 Jimgs¸ar (Lys.): 139-40 J¸tta (Av.): 119-20 Jkeimaq]tg (Ec.): 174-5 Jkex}dqa (Av.): 127 Jkeym}lg (Nu.): 78 Jkyp?dai (Eq.): 58 Jo²kelor (Eq.): 63 Jºbakoi (Eq.): 64 Jokaj¾mulor (V.): 95 Jolgtalum_ar (V.): 91 Jolpase}r (Av.): 91 n. 400; 123 Jomm÷r (Eq.): 56; 65-6 Jºpqeior (Eq., Ec.): 60; 178 Jºqan (Av.): 119-20 Joqud|r (Av.): 119-20 Jqe_ttym K|cor (Nu.): 70 Jqejop_r (tribe name) (Av.): 120 Jq¸tukka (Lys., Th.): 135-6; 138;

147-9 Jqom_dgr (V.): 88 Jq|mippor (Nu.): 79 jqousidgl_m (Eq.): 56; 190 n. 848 Jqyb¼kor (V.): 92 Jtgs_ar (Ach.): 40 Judoil|r (Pax): 100; 197 n. 3 J}jmoi (Ra.): 168 Jukk^mg (Eq.): 62 Jumak~pgn (Lys.): 143-4 J}mma (Eq., Pax): 59-60; 102

222

Index of Names

J}ym (V.): 89 Jylaqw¸dgr (Pax): 103 Jyl¸ar (V.): 84 K\bgr (V.): 90 Kaýou uR|r (fr. 453): 196 Kaispod_ar (Av.): 115 Kajqate_dgr (Ach.): 37 Kalaw_ppiom (Ach.): 29 K\lawoi (Ach.): 28-9 K\lawor (Ach.): 11 n. 42; 12; 28-9; 37 Kalpit¾ (Lys.): 136 n. 612; 137-8;

145 K\wgr (Lys.): 134 K]pqeor (Av.): 111 Kepqo_ (Ach.): 41 KuVstqator (Lys.): 144-5 Kujabgtto_ (Ra.): 168 Kuj?mor (Ach.): 31 K}sikka (Th.): 149-50 Kusil\wai (Lys.): 130-1 Kusil\wg (Pax): 100-1; 130 Kusistq\tg (Lys.): 129-32 lall\juhoi (Ra.): 167 Lam/r (Ra.): 166 Lam/r (slave): 200 Lam_a (Ra.): 169-70; 197 n. 3 Lòm_a (slave): 200 Lam|dyqor (slave): 200 Laqik²dgr (Ach.): 36 Laqx_ar (Ach.): 40; 48 Lasumt_ar (slave): 201 Lec²bafor (Av.): 112-3 Lecajk´gr (Nu.): 2 n. 5; 72; 75 Lekam_ppai (Th.): 154; 168 Lekgt_dai (Ra.): 167 Lekist_wg (Ec.): 174-5 Lekite}r j\pqor (fr. 149): 196 lekkomiji÷m (Av.): 114; 196 L]lmomer (Ra.): 168 L/dor (Av.): 116 Lgki÷ (Lys.): 145 liaq~tator (Pax): 100 L_dai (Pl.): 187 L_dar (slave): 200 L_ja (Th.): 147-8 lishaqw_dgr (Ach.): 46

Lºhym (Eq.): 65 Luqq_mg (Lys.): 132-3; 138-43 Luqqim¸diom (Lys.): 133 Luqq¸om (Lys.): 133 Mausil\wg (Th.): 151 Ma¼sym (Eq.): 66 Mauv²mtg (Eq.): 66 Mevekojojjuc_a (Av.): 122 Mij|boukor (Eq.): 52; 108 n. 480 Mijod¸jg (Lys.): 137-8 Mi|bg (Ra.): 168 Mujteq¸r (Av.): 119-20 Namh_ar (slave): 201 Namh_diom (slave): 201 N²mhippor (Nu.): 72 OQd_poder (Ec.): 181 mjmou pkoja_ (mjmor) (Ra.): 160 ikov}nioi (Av.): 123 ipo}mtioi (Av.): 111 ip~qa (Pax): 125 iq]stgr (Ach., Av.): 48; 114 iqhacºqar (Ec.): 180 iqmea_ (Av.): 112 iqs¸kowor (Lys.): 142-3 mqtun (Av.): 119-20 Owtir (V.): 86-7 Paiom_dgr (Lys.): 139-40 Pai~mia (Ach.): 43 Pakal^dgr (Ra.): 169 Pakk\ma (Lys.): 144 Pamd~qa (Av.): 16; 123 Pamouqcippaqw¸dai (Ach.): 37-40 P\qakoi (Lys.): 140 Paqd|jar (Ra.): 164-5 Paql]mym (slave): 202 P\tqojkoi (Ra.): 168 Pavkac~m (Eq., Nu.): 15; 76; 190;

197 n. 3 Peis´taiqor (Av.): 105-7, 109-10 Pekaqcij|m (Av.): 117 Pekaqcij|r (Av.): 118 Pem]stai (V.): 92 Pem_a (Pl.): 185; 186 n. 837 P´qdin (Av.): 119-20

Index of Names

Pgc\siom (Pax): 101 Pkah\mg (Ra.): 164 Pkataie?r (Ra.): 166 PkoOtor (Pl.): 184-5 Pko}tym (fr. 504): 185 n. 834; 196 pokelokalawazjºr (Ach.): 29 P|kelor (Pax): 100 Pomtoposeid~m (Pl.): 188 Poqvuq¸ym (Av.): 118 poqvuq_ymer (Av.): 118 Poshak_sjor (Th.): 153 Pqanac|qa (Ec.): 171-2; 173 n. 774 Pqasia_ (Pax): 102 Pqim¸dgr (Ach.): 36 pq¸ym (Ach.): 44 Pqojqo}stgr (Ec.): 181 P}qqamdqor (Eq.): 60 Uod_ppg (Lys.): 136; 138 S\jar (Av.): 110; 38 n. 160; 166 Sakabajw~ (Eq., Th.): 151-3 Sakal_mior (Ec.): 178 Sakal_r (Lys.): 140 Saqdam\pakkor (Av.): 115 Seb?mor (Ra.): 15; 161-2 Sekk\qtior (V.): 91 S´kkor (V.): 90-1 Sel´kai (Av.): 124 S]qivor (fr. 884): 196 Shem]boiai (Ra.): 168 S_jym (slave): 199 Sila_ha (Ach.): 45 Sj\lamdqoi (Ra.): 168 Sjebk¼ar (Ra.): 164-5 Sji\poder (Av.): 126 Sj¸takoi (Eq.): 64 Slij}hgr (Eq.): 61 Slijuh_ym (V., Ec.): 61; 94; 176 Sl_juhor (Ec.): 61; 175 Soumi]qan (Av.): 118 Sp\qtg (Av.): 121 Spoqc_kor (Av.): 117 spoudaqw¸dgr (Ach.): 46 Stalm_ar (Ra.): 159 Stikbym¸dgr (Av.): 108-9 Stqatom¸jg (Th.): 151-2 Stqatukk_r (Lys.): 136; 138

223

stqatym¸dgr (Ach.): 46 Stqexi²dgr (Nu.): 67-70 Stqo}hior (Av.): 118 Stqul|dyqor (Ach., V., Lys.): 21

n. 80; 45; 85; 134 st}ppan (fr. 716): 195 n. 5; 196 S}qa (slave): 198 Sv^ttior (Nu.): 75 Sys_ar (slave): 202 Systq\tg (Nu., V., Th., Ec.): 96; 148

n. 669; 149-50; 174 Taqtgss_a (l}qaima) (Ra.): 163 Teihq\siai (Coqc|mer) (Ra.): 163 Teisalemova_mippoi (Ach.): 37-8 Teqgd¾m (Th.): 156 TeOjqoi (Ra.): 168 T^kevor (Ra.): 168 T_lym (Av.): 115 Tqacasa?a (woiq¸a) (Ach.): 42 Tqacasa?or (Ach.): 42 Tqibakko_ (Av.): 124 Tqibakk|r (Av.) 125 Tqiv\kgr (K-A 3.2: 285): 195 Tquca?or (Pax): 98-9 ~kar (slave): 200 Va?dqai (Th., Ra.): 154; 168 Vaidq_ar (Lys.): 134 Vaimaq´tg (Ach.): 31 V\kgr (Ach.): 35; 45; 194 Vakk^mior / Vakkgm_ar (fr. 244): 194 V\mai (Av.): 126-7 V÷mor (Eq.): 63 Vasiam|r (Ach.; fr. 443): 41-2; 195 Veidipp_dgr (Nu.): 4; 13 n. 47; 19

n. 73; 71-4 Ve_dym (Nu.): 71-2 Veidym¸dgr (Nu.): 71 Vekke}r (Ach.): 44 V´majer (Eq.): 64 Veq´deipmor (V.): 94 Vikaim]tg (Ec.): 174-5 V¸kippoi (Av.): 127-8 Vik_stg (Th.): 150 Vikod~qgtor (Ec.): 175 Vikojk]ym (V.) 80-3

224

Index of Names

Vikojt¶lym (V.) 95 Vik|nemor (V.): 86 VikoOqcor (Lys.): 134 Voql_sior (Ec.): 196 vq}mg (Ec.): 182 Vqum~mdar (Th.; frr. 26, 484): 154;

195 Vq}n (slave): 198 Vuq|lawor (Ec.): 176-7 W²bgr (V.): 84 Waiq]ar (V.): 86 Waiqgt\dgr (Ec.): 175 Waiqid/r (Ach.): 43 Wa_qippor (Nu.): 72 W²omer (Ach., Eq.): 39-40; 57 W\qgr (Ach.): 38

Waqim\dgr (Pax, V.): 85; 103 Waqin´mg (Ec.): 181 Waqitil_dgr (Ec.): 175 Wekid½m (Av.): 119-20 Wgmak¾pgn (Av.): 119 W?or (Ra.): 166 Woiq_om (Th.): 153 Wokof}cgr (Lys.): 142 Wq]lgr (Ec.): 176 Wqel}kor (Pl.): 176; 183-4 Wq¶lym (V.): 94 WqOsor (slave): 201 xaj\r (Ach.): 47 Xeudaqt²bar (Ach.): 32 x/tta (Lys.): 141

Subject Index accumulation, comic: 37; 57 Achilles, name of: 3 n. 10 Aeschines: 53 n. 223; 115 n. 517 Aeschylus: 36; 159; 167-9; 179; 191 Aesopian corpus: 112 n. 496 agon: 26; 51 n. 215; 82-4; 89 agora: 50; 173 n. 774 Aigina: 27-8; 45 Ajax, name of: 3 n. 6 Alexis: 192 Alkibiades: 45; 92; 108; 115 n. 517; 194; 195 n. 8; 196 Alkmeonids: 2 n. 5; 72; 75 allegory: 49; 55; 147; 183; 197 n. 3 alliteration: 29; 137 Amynias: 10; 78; 90-2 anonymity: 13; 32; 68; 146-7; 197 n. 3 Antiphanes (on comedy): 5; 7 Aphrodite: 17 n. 63; 132; 133 n. 592 Aristophanes – and Aigina: 27-8 – as Dikaiopolis: 27 – and politics: see comedy and seriousness Aristotle (on comedy): 6-7 Artemis: 87; 143 n. 648 – Ephesia: 113 Artemisia: 157; 192 Athena Nike: 132 – Polias: 101; 130 Bakis: 61-2 Behistun inscription: 33 Bellerophon: 102; 168 n. 758 Boiotia: 84 Char-/Chair- names: 38-9; 72; 85; 134 Chairephon: 39 n. 162; 75; 120

Chairis: 39 n. 162; 43 Cloudcuckooland: 110 n. 485; 122 n. 543 comedy – and democracy: 14; 51 n. 216; 191 – and Dionysiac aeschrology: 14 – Middle: 7 n. 22; 183; 192 – New: 5 n. 16; 61; 115 n. 513; 133 n. 595; 134 n. 603; 183; 191; 192 – and religion: 16-7; 131 – Roman: 193 – and seriousness: 17-9; 27; 131-4; 140 n. 633; 172 n. 773 – Sicilian: 8 Cratinus: 9-10; 27 n. 104; 42; 65-6; 91; 113 Demosthenes (orator): 53 n. 223; 66 n. 290; 69 n. 305 – nickname of: 14 n. 52 dialectal forms – Boiotian: 136-8; 148 n. 667; 174; 199 – Cretan: 123 – Laconian: 9 n. 31; 33; 102; 144 nn. 652-3 – Lesbian: 77 n. 340 Diogenes of Sinope: 90 n. 391 Dionysia: 16; 28 n. 108; 35; 59 n. 250; 101; 146 n. 656; 190 Dionysos: 36; 43; 159 ff.; 189 dissimilation: 173 n. 775 diviners, satire of: 61-2; 75-6; 109 Eleusinian mysteries: 159 n. 713; 185 n. 834 Eliot, T.S.: 4 n. 13 Epicharmus: 8 etymology, types of: 3 Eupolis: 10; 28

226

Subject Index

Euripides: 24; 25 n. 92; 102; 146 ff.; 159 ff.; 191; 195-6; 197 n. 2 family relationships – between father and son: 67 ff.; 86 ff. festivals: 34; 100-1; 146; 185 n. 834 foreign talk: 33; 157 gigantomachia : 119 gods, satire of: 16-7; 191 – see also names of gods, comic Gorgias: 127; 158 Gorgo, Gorgons: 29; 39 n. 166; 155; 157-8; 163 Grossmith, G. and W.: 4 n. 13 Hades: 159 ff. Hera: 125 Herakles: 32; 40 n. 166; 125; 159 ff.; 200 Hermes: 62 n. 271; 99; 102; 197 n. 3 Herodotus, use of names in: 19; 106 n. 467 Hesiod: 26; 123-4; 127 n. 567; 185 hippeis (class): 72 Hippias: 59; 95; 133 Hipponikos: 31; 38 n. 160; 162 -hippos names: 4; 29; 71-4 Hismenos (river): 138 horses: 71; 72 n. 315; 73; 74 n. 324; 127 n. 571; 184 Hyperbolos: 58 n. 249 iambic poetry: 6; 14 n. 51 Iris: 16; 118; 124 Kallias: 31; 38 n. 160; 40; 48; 162 Kardopion: 96 Karkinos: 96-7; 119 n. 533; 188 n. 845 Kebriones: 119 n. 531 Kerberos: 90; 160 Kinesias (poet): 73 n. 319; 120; 139 Kleisthenes (homosexual): 161-2 – (legislator): 21 n. 77; 72 n. 313 Kleon: 2 n. 5; 10; 15-6; 33 n. 137; 44; 49 ff.; 76; 92; 93 n. 410; 102; 190; 194

– and accusation of foreign birth: 53 – and Aristophanes: 14 n. 50; 27 n. 104; 28 n. 108; 194 – character of: 53-4; 57-63; 89-90 – and jury service: 80-3 Kleonymos: 78; 95; 126 Kleophon: 152; 198 n. 7 Koisyra: 2; 74-5 Korinthian war: 171 n. 769 Kroisos, name of: 201 Kronos: 77; 79 Kydathenaion: 27 n. 104; 30 n. 119; 32; 90; 136 Kyklopes: 51; 87; 127 n. 568 Kynna: 59-60; 89; 152 Laches: 81; 90 Lamachos: 11 n. 42; 12; 24; 28-30; 37-8; 43; 46; 72 n. 315; 80 n. 351 Lenaia: 72; 80; 146 n. 656; 160 n. 716; 190 LGPN: 20-2 Lysimache (priestess of Athena): 101; 130-2 Midas: 187 n. 840; 200 Magnes: 9 Marathon: 85; 112; 152 – Marathonomachai: 37; 73 n. 323 Megabyzos: 113 Megakles: 2 n. 5; 21 n. 77; 72; 75 n. 327 Melanthios (poet): 97 n. 427; 111 Menander: 192 Meton: 115 metonymy: 39 n. 165; 59 n. 256; 60; 88; 144 n. 652; 160; 177-8; 181; 196 metre: 103; 137 Morsimos (poet): 97 n. 427 motho¯n: 65 Myrrhine, priestess of Athena: 132 – wife of Hippias: 133 myrtle: 133 mythical elements: 17 n. 65; 96; 100 n. 440; 126; 135; 149; 161; 163; 168

Subject Index

names – of animals: 16; 40 n. 167; 46 n. 196 – from bird-names: 41-2; 116-22; 165 n. 742; 191-2; 195 – and degrees of significance: 3; 5 – of gods, comic: 16; 35; 63-5; 77; 123; 195 – philosophy of: 1 n. 2 – proper, definition of: 1-2 – of ships: 16 – speaking, definition of: 2-4 – of uncertain status: 1-2; 22; 44-8; 182; 167; 99-100 names, personal – from animal names: 60; 89-90; 1434; 155-6 – and characterisation: 17-8; 25-7; 49-52; 70; 82 – of chorus members: 15; 36-7; 83-5; 103; 116-7; 130; 134-6; 138; 147-50; 159; 173-6; 186; 189 – and dramatic effect: 10-13; 16-7; 26; 30 n. 122; 36; 69-70; 105 n. 466; 189; 197 – from fish names: 62; 94 n. 416; 967; 141-2; 183-4; 192 – generic (or stock-names): 4; 5 n. 16; 7 n. 22; 15; 37; 39; 41; 48; 84-6; 99; 103; 114; 134; 149; 151; 154; 162; 164; 168; 172-6; 182-4; 186; 192; 195; 197; 201 – hellenised: 3 n. 8; 60 n. 258; 113; 201 n. 28; 202 – of hetaerae: 46; 59; 100 n. 442; 133; 136; 137 n. 621; 152; 156; 157 n. 709; 170 n. 767; 181-2; 202 – Homeric: 2 n. 3; 3 n. 10; 5; 7 n. 23; 19; 32; 68; 74; 87-8; 139; 142; 183 – irrational compounds: 2 n. 5 – magical power of: 3 n. 6 – of main heroes: 4; 11 – Persian: 3; 32-3; 110; 112-3; 157; 165 n. 739 – Phrygian: 64 n. 285; 170; 187; 200 – plurals of: 1 n. 2; 29 n. 112; 52 n. 220; 71 n. 311; 112 n. 498; 122;

227

124; 127; 154; 151 n. 685; 168; 184; 187; 200 n. 26 – Scythian: 157; 164-5 – and social status: 2 n. 5; 4; 91 n. 402; 92; 7 n. 22; 34 n. 144; 712; 76; 132 n. 588; 137; 151 n. 685 – in tragedy: 3 n. 6; 5-7 – wish-names: 2 n. 5; 12-3; 73; 202 naming – contrasted: 12; 24; 49; 67; 129 – inappropriate: 131 – late: 12; 28; 49-51; 129; 148; 199 – in the Odyssey: 12 n. 46 – in real life: 2-3; 11 n. 42; 13 n. 47; 16; 19-21 nicknames: 14; 38 nn. 160-1; 40; 478; 58-60; 64 n. 280; 65 n. 288; 70 n. 306; 79; 90 n. 391; 91-2; 96; 109-10; 117; 119-20; 141; 143; 148 n. 669; 153-5; 160; 162 n. 725; 165 n. 742; 166; 178 n. 797; 180-2; 190 n. 849; 192; 194-6; 201 Nikias: 54 n. 230; 98; 111; 114 Odysseus: 12 n. 46; 51; 87; 109 n. 483; onomastics, field of : 1 onomasti ko¯mo¯dein: 14; 194 onomatopoeia: 63 n. 279; 183 Orestes (hero): 48; 114; 143 n. 648 Orthagoras (tyrant): 180 Pallene: 35; 144 parabasis: 150; 165; 19 n. 72; 27 Peace (goddess): 100 Pegasos: 101-2 Peisistratos: 38 n. 161; 59; 108 n. 478; 133 Peloponnesian war: 17; 24; 28; 32 n. 130; 62 n. 272; 97-8; 126; 144; 166; 171; 191 Perikles: 21 n. 77; 38 n. 161; 41; 72; 76; 142 n. 641 Persian wars: 37; 73; 112; 116; 152 personifications: 20; 35; 49; 66; 69; 70 nn. 306, 308; 98; 99 n. 433; 100; 102; 122; 125-6; 129 n. 575;

228

Subject Index

140; 143; 155; 162; 170; 180 n. 806; 184-5; 189; 190 n. 848 Pherecydes: 123 Philokles (poet): 120; 192 n. 857 Phormisios: 166 n. 746; 177; 196 Phryne: 182 Plato – Cratylus : 1 n. 2; 3 n. 7 – name of: 14 n. 52 Plautus: 176; 193 n. 860 Ploutos (god): 185-6 polis names: 25 n. 90; 28 politicians, mockery of : 9; 39; 41; 51; 62; 82; 88; 95; 115; 120; 142; 152; 165-7; 177; 191-2; 194; 198 n. 7 – see also individual names Poseidon: 115; 118; 188 probouloi: 152; 155 Prodicus: 67; 69 n. 303; 78; 167 Prometheus: 115; 124 Protagoras: 70 n. 306; 78 Proxenides: 91; 123 sexual jokes: 99; 101; 107 n. 477; 132; 139; 140 n. 634; 141-2; 145; 1613; 178; 180-1; 196 Sicilian expedition: 108-9; 114; 129; 142; 152 Sokrates: 31; 39 n. 162; 65; 67-8; 70; 72 n. 317; 75; 77-9; 114; 115 n. 513; 120; 126; 150 sophists – satire of: 17; 67 ff.; 109-10; 125 n. 557; 191; 194 Sophocles: 97 n. 427 Spartan traits, mockery of: 92; 145 n. 654 Sterne, L.: 4 n. 13 sycophants, satire of: 15; 41-2; 65; 98; 116 n. 519; 127; 195

symposia: 18 n. 71; 54 n. 227 Syrakosios: 14 n. 50; 120 Telecleides: 10 Telephos: 36; 168 Terence: 150; 176 Thales: 1 n. 2; 115 Themistokles, names of daughters: 2 n. 5 Theogenes: 119; 122 Theophrastus, name of: 14 n. 52 theoria: 34 n. 143; 101 theoroi: 34-5 Theramenes: 166-7 Thirty Tyrants: 71 n. 311; 166 Thucydides (historian), use of names in: 106 n. 467 Thucydides (politician): 53; 106 n. 467 Timon: 115 titles, of comedies: 27 n. 102; 129 tragedy – parody of: 36; 147; 149; 154-5; 157 – use of names in (see names) women – and comic stereotypes: 133; 139; 147 n. 661 – power of: 71 n. 313 xenia – as naming motive: 111 n. 492 Xerxes: 113; 157 -ylla names: 136; 149-50 Zeus: 17 n. 61; 70 n. 308; 77; 88; 91 n. 397; 99 n. 434; 118; 123; 125; 155; 159