Are the chamber graves from Pien really Scandinavian?

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Are the chamber graves from Pien really Scandinavian?

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SCANDINAVIAN CULTURE IN MEDIEVAL POLAND

edited by Slawomir Mozdzioch Blazej Stanislawski Przemyslaw Wiszewski

Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences Wrociaw2013

Andrzej Janowski

Are the chamber graves from Pien really Scandinavian?

Pien is a small town located on the right bank of the Vistula River around 10 km to the northwest of Bydgoszcz. Archaeological excavations, eonducted there between 2003 and 2009, indicated the presence of a medieval settlement complex that included the remains of a stronghold dated between the second half of the lOth and the end of the 12th century. In the first quarter of the 15th century, the stronghold was transformed into the seat of a Teutonic procurator (cf. Janowski, Polinski 2011 - therein further references). In addition, there were also several settlements in Pien (Drozd, Janowski 2004; Janowski, Drozd 2005) as well as a cemetery. To date, the cemetery has not been published in a single monograph, but the results of subsequent archaeological excavations have been discussed in a wide range of papers (e.g. Drozd, Janowski 2007a; 2007b; 2007e; Drozd, Janowski, Polinski 2007; 2009a; 2009b; 2010; 2011; Janowski, Drozd 2007)1. Let us briefly review the current state of research. During the excavations eonducted between 2005-2007 and 2009, an area of 5.95 ares was examined and 71 graves2 as well as 15 other non-funerary features were recorded. The grave-pits occurred in four levels. Levels I-III represent the early modern cemetery (60 graves) which was in use from the second half of the 16th to the end of the 18th century. Level IV, the lowest one, and most significant for the present study, comprised early medieval graves. Altogether level IV included 10 human graves and one animal grave (Fig. 1). Three of the early medieval graves contained skeletal remains of adult individuals: grave no. 15 belonged to a man who died at the maturus age, while graves 1

The excavations at the cemetery in Pien were eonducted by a group of scholars led by D. Polinski (Institute of Archaeology, UMK., Toruri), A. Drozd (Institute of Ecology and Environment Protection, UMK, Torun) and A. Janowski (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences, Szczecin). 2 Altogether 68 graves were excavated. Three graves, whose larger parts were below the base of the trenches, were only recorded and they will be excavated in the near future.

U

bucket r

**•(***

sem

'-F>recious beads

£ bell-shaped pendant

bronzebowl

' giass beads

M kaptorga-amutetcase

day vessel

?

O

wooden scoop axe

silvercham silver bead

c. neckiace dasp

Ple ""9

|

^i'6

l wtietstona

tem

l

ear-ring

T texhle

clay whotl

conical holder

J differeni

ÜÜ»

Fig. l. Distribution of chamber graves at the cemetery in Pieri (site 9) drawing A. Janowski.

m

ARE THE CHAMBER GRAVES FROM PIEN REALLY SCANDINAVIAN?

nos. 32 and 69 belonged to females who died at the maturus and adultus age respectively. Six graves (nos. 37, 38, 39,40,49, 57) included skeletal remains of children who must have been between 2-5 years old at the time of death (infans I). Achild aged around 13 (infans II) was buried in one grave. Graves nos. 15, 32, 37, 69 and 71 were oriented east-west, while the others were slightly offset towards the south. The deceased individuals from graves no. 15 (a male) and no. 37 (a child - possibly a boy) were buried with their heads aligned towards the east, while in the other cases the deceased (females and young girls) were buried with their heads towards the west. One characteristic feature of all the excavated graves was their large size. The largest grave (grave no. 15) was 3.40 m long, l.90 m wide and 0.5 m deep. Graves nos. 32, 37, 40, 69 and 71 were slightly smaller and their dimensions were: 3.0 x 1.5 m, 2.6 x 1.5 m, 2.8 x 1.6 m, 3.0 x 2.0 m and 3.0 x 1.5 m and the registered depth: 1.26 m, 0.86 m, 1.6 m, 0.9 m and 0.8 m. Other graves were much smaller and their dimensions in their upper levels were 2 x l .6 m (grave no. 38), 2.2 x 1.4 m (grave no. 39), 2 x l m (grave no. 49) and 1.9 x 0.9 m (grave no. 57). These graves were between 0.4 m to 0.8 m deep. The area of the excavated grave-pits ranged between 1.71 to 6.46 m2. Apart from their large sizes, the graves from Pien were also rather special because of their internal construction that differed from what is usually observed at early medieval cemeteries in Poland. Based on the appearance of the graves' profiles3, it is possible to argue that the deceased were buried either inside a "coffin" or without it, but within a larger wooden structure. The features of these wooden structures were especially clear in graves nos. 15, 32, 39 and 40 all built in log framework construction. In grave no. 15, the chamber was probably made of oak, with corner joint structures of long stumps, ca 0.1 m thick. The construction began with the placing of beams for the longer walls (northern and southern). No traces of a floor were recorded in the chamber. The roof was attached to the walls using wooden pegs, and traces of these connections remained in the eastern part of the chamber4. The body was placed within the structure on a bier, the traces of which survived at the level of the skeleton in the form of darker bands, ca 0.04-0. l m wide. Between the chamber walls and the bier there was empty space ca 0.3 m wide. Fragments of a wooden structure were also present in grave no. 39. Along the longer sides, heavily rotten planks (?) ca 0.03-0.03 m were uncovered. Also in the profiles of graves nos. 32 and 40, dark stains were clearly visible, and these were traces of decomposed wood from 3

The grave-pits were excavated quarter by quarter. Baulks that separated each of them were left in the central part of the grave-pits (for further particulars cf. Drozd, Janowski 2009). 4 A fragment of a plank with a hole for a wooden peg and the peg itself were found nearby.

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ANDRZEJ JANOWSKI

the chamber and the coffin. Additionally, in grave no. 40, four nails and 10 iron ferrules in the form of angle bars5, which connected the wooden parts of the chamber, were discovered. No traces of mounds were identified above the graves, but grave no. 40 was surrounded by two four-sided palisades. The "internal" palisade was situated within l m of the grave chamber and the length of its side was about 5 m, while the second, "external" one was located at a distance of 2 m and constituted a square 7 x 7 m. A similar construction, but including a single row of posts, probably surrounded grave no. 15. The recorded length of the western ditch/palisade is ca 8 m, and the southern one ca 6 m. This structure was supposedly quadrilateral in plan and fenced in the whole burial, but due to the large extent of destruction of the area to the north and east of it, it is difficult to understand how it may have originally appeared. The early medieval graves excavated in Pien were very well furnished with different kinds of objects. In the grave of a man (grave no. 15), an axe decorated with silver and copper was found (type Va according to A. Nadolski), as well as an undecorated bronze bowl inside of which a wooden scoop and another unidentified vessel (a plate?) was placed. The grave also included a wooden bucket with iron bands, a knife, a whetstone and a textile made from silk. The grave of a child (grave no. 37), most likely a boy, contained a wooden bucket with silver gilded iron bands and two iron knives. Other graves (nos. 32, 38, 39, 40, 49, 57, 69 and 71) contained objects that allow for the supposition that the individuals buried within them were female. Grave no. 40 included an elaborate belt made from silk, which was threaded with gold and which had gold gilded copper fittings at its ends as well as two gold gilded copper bells. In this grave, as well as in two others, a large range of silver jewellery was found: 17 temple rings (grave no. 32-6 pieces; grave no. 39-5 pieces; grave no. 4 9 - 1 piece; grave no. 5 7 - 5 pieces), 12 beads (grave no. 32), 5 amulet cases/kaptorgas (grave no. 32-3 pieces; grave no. 57 - l piece; grave no. 69 - l piece), 3 necklace clasps (graves nos. 32,38, 57), 2 chains (grave no. 38), l basket-shaped earring (grave no. 39), l ring (grave no. 71). Among the head and neck adornments were necklaces with semi-precious beads: 21 from carnelian (grave no. 32-16 pieces; grave no. 38-4 pieces; grave no. 57-1 piece) and 22 from rock crystal (grave no. 32-15 pieces; grave no. 38-7 pieces) as well as around 400 glass beads (grave no. 32 - around 400 beads; grave no. 69 l piece). The wide array of adornments is supplemented by three bronze bells, which were found in grave no. 50. Moreover, the female graves included ceramic 5

398

A similar number of comparable ferrules were found in a chamber grave in Sowinki (Krzyszowski 1995, 10).

ARE THE CHAMBER GRAVES FROM PIEN REALLY SCANDINAVIAN?

vessels (grave no. 32) and buckets (grave no. 32 contained a wooden bucket with iron bands; graves nos. 39 and 40 probably included buckets made from leather or textile) as well as other items of everyday use - knives (graves nos. 32, 38, 39, 40, 49, 57, 71). Grave no. 32 also contained a half of a spindle-whorl, an unidentified object made from bone (a comb?) and an unidentified iron object. Grave no. 40 included two cylindrical objects made from bone. Interestingly, the fill of grave-pit no. 39 contained a tooth of a shark and a belemnite. It is uncertain, however, whether these objects should be regarded as being associated with the deceased or whether they occurred accidentally in the grave and are a result of post-glacial soil formation processes. Based on the analysis of artefacts that accompanied the deceased and 14C analyses of the bones of the child from grave no. 40, it appears that the cemetery was in use between the second half of the lOth century and the beginning of the llthcentury. All early medieval graves from the cemetery in Pien, when compared with their parallels from other places, were classified as chamber graves. A specific feature of these graves is their wooden construction (most often consisting of vertical or horizontal posts/logs) which formed a kind of small underground building erected over the body of the deceased. S. Eisenschmidt (1994, 17-24) uses the term 'chamber grave' to denote graves which contain wooden constructions and whose dimensions are at least 2 x l .2 m. When such a wooden construction is missing - a chamber grave, according to S. Eisenschmidt, is also a grave whose width is over l .5 m. The discoveries of so-called chamber graves in Denmark are around 1.8—4.5 m6 long and they are around 0.9-2.6 m wide, but it is often the case that these dimensions are a little smaller. A similar understanding of chamber graves may also be found in the work of A.-S. Graslund (1980, 27, 30). The graves from Birka that she examined were 1.5-3.95 m long (about 2-2.9 m on average) and 0.9-2.6 m wide (about l .5-1.9 m on average). In the case of graves nos. 15, 32, 37, 38, 39, 40, 69, 71 from Pien, it is evident that they are chamber graves because of their sizes as well as the fact that in most of them (with the exception of grave no. 38) a wooden construction feature was preserved (Fig. 2). The graves that cause some interpretational problems are nos. 49 and 57. This is because of their smaller sizes and the lack of wooden remains. However, similar to the case of several small graves from Birka, it was also decided to consider them as chamber graves based on other factors - their alignment in relation to other graves and their sizes, which were much larger than the bodies of children (aged 2^4 at the time of death) buried within them. 6

A separate case is the chamber grave from Jelling (Denmark) whose length was 6.75 m.

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• Pieh • Kaldus 32

71

3 I

.

49

1

^38

Width [m] 2

3

4

Fig. 2. Diagram of the ratio between length and width of chamber graves in Pien and Katdus, drawingA. Janowski.

Grave no. 70 was truly exceptional and deserves a more detailed discussion, lts shape was octagonal and its dimensions were around 250 x 250 cm. The depth of the grave was lOOcm. The grave-pit included a skeleton of a horse (a stallion aged 2.5 at the time of death) which was laid on its left side, with the head partly below the left scapula. The head was unnaturally twisted and directed towards 400

ARE THE CHAMBER GRAVES FROM PIEN REALLY SCANDINAVIAN?

the rear of the animal's body. No artefacts were found in association with this animal, but the northern part of the grave-pit and the back shanks of the horse were disturbed by the early modern grave-pit of grave no. 65. On the basis of these findings, grave no. 70 was regarded as belonging to the early medieval phase of the Pien cemetery. After this brief review of the finds from Pien, and after familiarizing ourselves with the construction of the graves from the cemetery as well as their chronology, we may attempt to answer the title question - are they really Scandinavian? As mentioned above, burials in chambers are uncommon in Western Slavic funerary practices and up until recently, Polish scholars did not discuss them in their works. Even if occasionally such graves had been found, they were never interpreted as such. The first and only exception was grave no. 558 in Cedynia excavated in the 1970s (cf. Malinowska-Lazarczyk 1982a, 23-24; 1982b, 132). In the 1990s, the finds from Sowinki (Krzyszowski 1995; 1997) and a little later the discoveries from Kaldus (Chudziak 2001; 2002; 2003; 2004) drastically changed this situation. The graves excavated at these sites were interpreted as chamber graves and it was argued that they were reminiscent of the graves from the Swedish site of Birka. Moreover, a theory was proposed that the chamber graves from Poland might have belonged to people of a different, non-Slavic ethnic origin. The finds from Sowinki and Kaldus certainly heated up the academie debates. Among others, M. Kara(1991; 1992; 1993; 1998; 2001) suggested that it might be possible to identify the presence of Scandinavians in the basin of the Oder and Vistula Rivers from archaeological remains. Some years ago, I was also tempted by this simplistic and indeed very romantic vision (cf. Janowski 2003; Janowski, Kurasinski 2003), but the problem now appears to be much more complicated. It must be borne in mind that identifying the origin of a certain artefact is something completely different from identifying the ethnic identity of its owner. In reality, we do not know what it was exactly that created a basis for group identity in the early Middle Ages. Was it the place of birth, a settlement in which one lived, religion, language or material culture? The latest works devoted to the possibilities and limits of ethnic identification from archaeological remains illustrate these complexities perfectly (e.g. Curta 2007; 2011; Downham 2012; in Poland cf. Urbaficzyk 2001; 2008 - therein further references). Unfortunately, none of the participants of the conference in Wroclaw (which this volume results from) defined whom, what and on what basis they consider as being Scandinavian or Viking specifically. The discovery of a pretty object even if it has parallels in Birka does not immediately make it Scandinavian. Somewhat strikingly, it appears that Birka is gradually becoming a curse on Polish early medieval archaeology. 401

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For some scholars, it seems to be the only site they know in Scandinavia and at the same time, a synonym for what is truly Scandinavian. Although Birka was undoubtedly Scandinavian in a geographical sense, it was primarily a town unique for its time, multi-ethnic and multicultural, where the mixing of different traditions occurred on a large scale. It should also be remembered that the end of its existence is now dated to around 970 and therefore, it would be a misunderstanding to consider Birka finds analogous to younger (in a chronological sense) materials from other areas of Europe (including Poland). Apart from Birka, a wide range of Scandinavian sites exists, which were extant at the same time, and yet demonstrate completely different characteristics. The works of F. Svanberg (2003a; 2003b) have shown this diversity of Viking culture perfectly, especially regarding the aspect that is the subject of the present paper - mortuary practices. In Viking Age Scandinavia, mortuary practices were varied in both the treatment of the body of the deceased (cremation graves and inhumation graves) as well as the structure of the graves themselves. Among the cremation graves one may observe, for example, those in which the remains were buried in an urn, graves without urns, graves with burnt remains from the pyre, pit graves or graves where the bones and other objects were scattered on the surface. Among inhumation graves are, for example, pit graves with or without coffins and chamber graves. Moreover, both types of graves (cremations and inhumations) may include diverse external or internal features. For example, the external structure of the graves may be completely flat or covered with mounds or stones, while inside the graves, in some instances, the deceased were buried in boats, ships or bodies of wagons. As I have tried to demonstrate elsewhere (Janowski 201 la; 2011 b), in order to discuss the Scandinavian (Viking) origin of chamber graves outside of Scandinavia we ought to demonstrate first that this form of burial is unquestionably Scandinavian and common in that area7. It appears, however that chamber graves were not at all a Scandinavian invention, and moreover, they were not the dominant form of burial in Scandinavia - this is something many Polish scholars tend to ignore. On the contrary, if we were to exclude Birka (where 111 chamber graves were found), we are left with only 20 chamber graves in the whole of Sweden, around 30 in Norway and 103 in Denmark. In Poland, if the 49 graves from Bodzia were correctly classified as chamber graves (cf. Buko, Sobkowiak-Tabaka 2011; Buko 2012), and if we were to add the new discoveries from Ciepte (Ratajczyk 2011) we could list at least 79 chamber graves. What matters here are not the numbers, which we should rather leave to people dealing with statistics, but 7

Apart from the relative rarity of chamber graves in Scandinavian archaeological evidence, there are also only a few mentions of such structures in the Old Norse sagas (cf. Janowski 2011b; Gardela in this volume).

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ARE THE CHAMBER GRAVES FROM PIEN REALLY SCANDINAVIAN?

the differences in the graves' construction and the grave goods. The similarities between chamber graves from the basin of the Vistula and the Oder Rivers and those from Scandinavia are only the very general form of the chamber. All other features, such as the external construction of the grave (in Scandinavia chamber graves are often covered with mounds or cairns), the position of the cadaver (in Scandinavia the position in which the deceased was buried was mainly seated) and the grave's furnishings (rich and, naturally, characteristic for Scandinavia)8 are different. Is this single parallel (the general form of the chamber) enough to consider the Polish chamber graves as the final resting places of the representatives of a different ethnic group? We may assume that differences in the treatment of the deceased were one of the important factors determining group identity. Therefore, the role of the evidence acquired from the excavations of cemeteries is very significant. In cemeteries, apart from the sources that may offer valuable information about the material culture and beliefs, we also find different kinds of "biological" remains (the skeletal remains and soft tissues), which are unavailable at other sites. It is the specialist analyses of the skeletal remains that allow for the broadening of our discussions and considerations. Isotope analyses of over a dozen skeletons from Birka revealed that its population was heterogeneous and that different individuals may have come from different geographical areas (Linderholm, Hedenstierna-Jonson, Svensk, Lidén 2008). Even more striking are the recent results of DNA studies of the boat graves from Tuna (Sweden) and Oseberg (Norway). They have shown that although these graves were so "typical" for Scandinavia, they contained the remains of people who came from somewhere else (Holck 2006, 205, 208; Price 2002, 237; 2008, 265). A similar situation may also be observed with the many warriors of Harald Bluetooth's army that were buried in the Danish fortress of Trelleborg (Price, Frei, Dobat, Lynnerup, Bennike 2011). It is worth mentioning that a new analysis of the Birka graves (also chamber graves) has also shown that a wide range of objects from their assemblages have Russian or Khazar analogies. Perhaps, in the light of these recent discoveries, we should think about the non-Scandinavian origin of the people buried with these objects in a more nuanced way (cf. Hedenstierna-Jonson, Holmqvist Olausson 2006). 8 In fact, none of the chamber graves known from the territory of Poland contained even a single find of unquestionably Scandinavian origin. Many objects from their assemblages may be regarded as exclusive goods. The military equipment (swords, spearheads, axes), bronze bowls, silk textiles - although they were all expensive and imported — belong to objects that have a very broad distribution and it seems that they did not originate in Scandinavia. The female jewellery (temple rings, earrings and amulet cases/kaptorgas) are definitely characteristic for the Slavs (for further discussion cf. Janowski2001b, 392).

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In the light of the newly acquired data, it seems that the formal similarity of Polish and Scandinavian chamber graves cannot be used as a factor that would allow for determining the identity of the deceased as people coming from Scandinavia. Scandinavian scholars themselves believe that the idea of a chamber grave was "imported" from Northwestern Europe (Frisia, Lower Saxony, Westphalia) and that the "r/c/z chamber graves from trade centres in Hedeby andBirka imply international connections and may possibly represent families ofinfluential foreigners and local merchants" (Graslund, Muller-Wille 1992, 187). It is difficult to understand why Polish scholars consider every single chamber grave as belonging to an individual from Scandinavia. Where then are the representatives of our local, Slavic elites? Translated by Leszek Gardela

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