Bronze art of Nepal bears its distinctive stamp on the cultural history of the country. Meager and sporadic research on
310 102 27MB
English Pages [207] Year 2011
Table of contents :
Mala1
Mala2
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY
Mala3
INTRODUCTION
V
mala4
mala5
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Series Foreword
Dedication
Foreword
Preface
Table of Contents
Historical Chronology
Maps
List of Illustrations
Present Location of Bronzes that are Referred but not Illustrated in this Book
List of Museums, where Nepalese Bronzes are Housed, Referred in this Work
List of Private Collectors Referred in this Book
Introduction
I. History of Nepal
II. Ethno-Archaeology of Nepalese Bronze Sculpting
III. The Lichhavi Bronzes
IV. The Medieval Bronzes
V. Conclusion
Appendices
Glossary
References
Figures
BAR S2208 2011 MALLA ARCHAEOLOGY, ART AND ETHNOGRAPHY OF BRONZES OF NEPAL
B A R
South Asian Archaeology Series 13 Series Editor Alok K. Kanungo
Archaeology, Art and Ethnography of Bronzes of Nepal Mala Malla
BAR International Series 2208 2011
South Asian Archaeology Series 13 Series Editor Alok K. Kanungo
Archaeology, Art and Ethnography of Bronzes of Nepal Mala Malla
BAR International Series 2208 2011
Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2208 South Asian Archaeology Series No. 13 Series Editor: Alok K. Kanungo Archaeology, Art and Ethnography of Bronzes of Nepal © M Malla and the Publisher 2011 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.
ISBN 9781407307664 paperback ISBN 9781407337593 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407307664 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2011. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.
BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK E MAIL [email protected] P HONE +44 (0)1865 310431 F AX +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com
Foreword Alok Kumar Kanungo Series Editor, South Asian Archaeology Series International Series of British Reports The International Series of British Archaeological Reports, with its 2000 titles to the present time, is undoubtedly one of the most important places of publication in the discipline of Archaeology. But it is a pity that works on the archaeology of South Asia have been less represented in the series than their interest and value deserves. The archaeological record of South Asia (comprising India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives) is extremely rich. This wealth begins in the Lower Palaeolithic period and includes, for example, the Harappan Civilization, one of the oldest in the world (covering a very large area and having many unique features ‐‐ the most ancient known town planning, its architecture and high standards of civic hygiene, its art, iconography, paleography, numismatics and international trade). South Asia also has a large number of earlier, contemporary, and later Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures. Moreover, what makes South Asia particularly significant for the study of past human behaviour is the survival of many traditional modes of life, like hunting‐gathering, pastoralism, shifting cultivation, fishing, and fowling, the study of which throws valuable light on the reconstruction of past cultures. In the region there are a large number of government and semi‐government institutions devoted to archaeological teaching and/or research in archaeology and a large and professionally trained body of researchers. Of course, a number of universities and other institutions, in the area do have their own publication programmes and there are also reputed private publishing houses. However, British Archaeological Reports, a series of 30 years standing, has an international reputation and distribution system. In order to take advantage of the latter – to bring archaeological researches in South Asia to the notice of scholars in the western academic world – the South Asian Archaeology Series has been instituted within the International Series of British Archaeological Reports. This series (which it is hoped to associate with an institution of organization in the area) aims at publishing original research works of international interest in all branches of archaeology of South Asia. Those wishing to submit books for inclusion in the South Asian Archaeology Series should contact the South Asian Archaeology Series Editor, who will mediate with BAR Publishing in Oxford. The subject has to be appropriate and of the correct academic standard (curriculum vitae are requested and books may be referred); instructions for formatting will be given, as necessary.
Dr. Alok Kumar Kanungo Fulbright Fellow, Department of Anthropology University of Wisconsin‐Madison B‐12, Deccan College Faculty Hostel Pune 411006, INDIA email: [email protected]
Dedicated to my beloved parents Prof. Aishwarya Lal Pradhanang and Smt. Rukmani Devi Pradhanang
Foreword Bronze art of Nepal bears its distinctive stamp on the cultural history of the country. Meagre and sporadic research on the subject carried out so far deals only with the description of the features and appreciation of art objects. This volume by Dr. Mala Maiya Malla, presently an Associate Professor of Ancient History and Art of Nepal at Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, is the first comprehensive study of ancient and medieval bronzes of Nepal in a historical perspective. The study also covers the techniques applied by Newar artists of the Kathmandu Valley to the manufacturing of bronze objects, and gives a brief outline of the political history of Nepal with a view to placing the country’s bronze art in a historical perspective. The earliest evidence of metallurgical work in Nepal consists of a large number of silver and gold coins excavated from the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) site of Tilaurakot in the valley and dated to 5th‐2nd BC. The history of bronze art in the valley begins with the Lichhavi period, dated to 5th‐9th centuries AD. This period is also represented by stone sculptures in the Gupta style of India. The same trend continued during the post‐Lichhavi Transitional period (9th‐12th centuries AD) and Medieval period (12th‐18th centuries AD). The Medieval period is further divided into two phases: Early (12th‐15th centuries AD) and Late (15th‐18th centuries AD). The period prior to fifth century AD is represented only by stone sculptures like Matrika images, Rajpurusha of Mrigasthali, Virupaksha, Pashupati Aryaghat, Chakrapurush (also called Rajamata), and Gajalakshmi of Patan, Chhayasalhiti, and other places in and around the Kathmandu Valley. All these sculptures were influenced by the Mathura art style of India. The Medieval period was the golden period of the development of bronze art in Nepal. The fame of Nepal bronzes spread to Tibet and
China. The Nepalese artist A‐ni‐ko (also called Arniko or Balabahu), a descendant of Nepal’s royal family, achieved great fame in the court of Mongol Emperor, Kublai Khan during mid‐ 13th century. At this time temples and monasteries contained numerous bronze images. The invasion of eastern India by Bakhtiyar Khilji in the 12th century forced many Buddhist monks, artists, painters and teachers to migrate to Nepal. As a result, bronze art flourished in that country even more vigorously. Later, with the rise of Tantrism, a large number of images of multi‐ headed and multi‐armed tantric deities, often with Mongoloid features, appeared in temples and monasteries. Bronze work received a strong stimulus from the introduction of Mahayana Buddhism in Nepal in the 5th century AD. The image of the standing bronze Buddha dated to Samvat 513, preserved in Cleveland Museum, Ohio, USA, is supposed to be the earliest cast bronze image in Nepal. Although it resembles the Gupta bronze Buddha, the pedestal inscription suggests it to be a work of Nepalese artists of Lalitpur/Patan. Despite the adoption of features from Tibet and China and consequent modification, the Indian element continued to remain dominant in Nepal bronzes. Because of the technological complexities of the bronze art, and paucity of literature, Dr. Malla faced many handicaps in carrying out her multi‐disciplinary and holistic study. Nepalese bronze art, however, is so rich and varied that her work covers only a part of it. On the basis of her personal examination of art objects, study of techniques and processes involved in their manufacture, and of relevant literature, Dr. Malla has eminently succeeded in presenting a comprehensive picture of the development of bronze art in Nepal and the stimulus it received from India. In her carefully planned and methodically executed work, she has incorporated her observations on the casting of bronzes by lost‐wax technique, chiseling, hammering, gold
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polishing, and other techniques at different bronze art workshops at Patan. The author has studied Lichhavi and Medieval bronzes available in the Kathmandu Valley and in important museums of India, Europe and USA, to elucidate the characteristic features of Nepalese bronze art. She has also attempted to place the development of bronze art in the context of the political history of Nepal from the early Gopal dynasty down to the medieval period. Dr. Malla also interviewed leading artists of the Kathmandu Valley, and made actual observation of the highly experienced artists at work in producing bronze art objects. This volume is an edited version of the doctoral dissertation of Dr. Malla. It embodies the results of her systematic survey of Nepalese bronzes in a historical perspective under my supervision at the Deccan College Post‐Graduate and Research Institute, Pune. Indus or Harappan Civilization marks the beginning of the use of copper and bronze for the manufacture of tools, weapons, ornaments and art objects. These objects constituted items of wealth, and were often kept hidden buried in metal pots underground to protect them from theft. The practice still continues in rural Nepal and India where the banking facilities are either inadequate or the people are unaware of them. One such hoard from Harappa consisted of numerous copper tools and weapons comprising axes with straight or shouldered edges, long and narrow blade axes, double axes, daggers with long tangs and curved back tips, tapered daggers, marble mace head, spear heads, chisels, thick bars, saws, arrowhead, double‐edged dagger, lance head, semi‐oval chopper and bowl.
Among the other important bronze art objects recovered from excavated Harappan sites are the famous dancing girl from Mohenjodaro, leaf‐shaped and triangular, tanged spear‐ heads from Mohenjo‐daro and Harappa, and copper‐bronze ram figurine from Mohenjo‐ daro. There is a hiatus of over a millennium between the decline of the Indus Civilization from around 1900 B.C. and re‐emergence of civilization in the middle of the first millennium B.C. In several appendices to her excellent study, Dr. Malla has provided useful information in respect of (a) museums and (b) private collections in U.S.A., Nepal, India, U.K. 1; and Belgium holding specimens of Nepalese bronzes, which Ms Malla has referred to in her study. In support of the statements made by her in the text Ms Malla has reproduced extracts from 97 published inscriptions of ancient and medieval periods. She has also provided a glossary of 64 technical terms relating to temple architecture, stone and bronze art objects, activities relating to temple ceremonies, inscriptions in Nepali and Sanskrit languages, ornaments worn by women, body posture, culinary substances, professions, hand showing the mudra of protection and assurance; weapons of the deities, gift, holding of hands, etc. The book gives a comprehensive picture of the bronze work in Nepal in all its aspects and is based on detailed field work and library research. It will be an invaluable aid for future research on bronze art in Nepal. The author deserves our congratulations for bringing out this important contribution.
V.N. Misra Former Professor of Archaeology, and Director Deccan College Post‐graduate & Research Institute (Deemed University), Pune, INDIA
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PREFACE Nepal’s formal history begins from 1880 AD only; but this was pushed to very far with the discovery of Gopal Raj Vamsavali manuscript by Cecil Bendal (British) from Nepal’s Durbar Library which refers to a long period beginning from about 1000 BC to fourteenth century AD. Unfortunately this document doesn’t refer to the rich bronze art culture of Nepal. Formal historiographic writing on Nepal’s bronze art is supposed to have begun in 1927 when A. K. Coomaraswamy (curator of Boston Museum of Fine Arts), publsihed “History of Indian and Indonesian Art” with a passing reference to Nepal. Italian writer Petech was found to coin terms like Sivaka and Damma which refer to coins of twelfth century AD. Similarly, another Italian Tucci has written “Nepal: The Discovery of the Malla” in which he refers to the Malla dynasty of Kathmandu Valley. Native authors writing on Nepalese bronze art are Satya Mohan Joshi, Dilli Raman Regmi and Lain Sing Bangdel. But, among all the bronze art historians and their work on Nepalese bronzes, work of German author Ulrich Von Schroeder’s “Indo‐Tibetan Bronzes” (1981) stands out as most elaborate. He has given in‐depth account of bronze art of India, China, Tibet and Nepal. The present work has duly consulted all the above referred sources and numerous others. Several of the art objects were examined very minutely with an objective to trace the time when they were cast, what did the inscriptions thereon mean, what ornaments on those art objects were detailed out, what were their outfits, bodily postures, gestures of those bronze art, etc. Attempts has been made to interpret the postural angles and differentiation of projected expressions of these figures of different times. Since Nepal is a buffer state between two giants, India and China’s TAR (Tibetan Autonomous Region of China), it is doubly gifted to inspire others and to be inspired by others. It is difficult to weigh the degree of
influence or the degree of originality in any instance. This work merely attempts to assume an objective view and to reach an impartial understanding. This mutual adjustment of give and take contributed to long lasting development of many cultural traits, including the making of bronze figures. The mutual process of cultural exchange is the main focus of the present work. Another sphere of focus is the traditional technology, painstakingly preserved by Nepalese artists’ workshop being kept under the roof of an individual or that of an oligarchical system. The entire cycle of traditional broze art figure making starting from the mould, the smelting, the gilding and lot of other operations till the final finishing of the bronze art objects is recorded to its fullest detail. Fortunately, it was also possible to study different materials (more indigenous than foreign) used in shaping the beautiful pieces of art. Objects belonging to diverse schools practicing different styles in terms of ornaments, outfit, postures and sizes of different periods are examined too. Whether the advent of modern technology will do good or bad is a debatable issue. But it would certainly replace traditional aesthetics and rituality by cheaper, soulless standards of art. The glorious and the ancient will vanish. Nepalese bronze art has not been subject of academic attention to the art histories of its neighbouring countries. The present work might just mark the beginning of systematic academic approach to a field which so far was left on the back seat in the scholastic world. This work Archaeology, Art and Ethnography of Nepalese Bronzes is a modified form of authors’ Ph.D. dissertation. As a mark of my profound respect, I would like to express to acknowledge
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and my grateful thanks to Indian Embassy in Nepal for availing opportunity to have in‐depth research works of the subject, The Nepalese Bronze Art; to Prof. V. N. Misra for his untiring guidance at Deccan College Post‐Graduate and Research Institute (Deemed to be a University), Pune, India; to Prof. Dr. Mukunda Aryal; to late Prof Dr. Ramniwas Pandey, and Shree Pushkar Prasad Rajbhandari, Mrs. Riddhi Baba Pradhan, ex‐Director of Department of Archaeology, HMG, Nepal for their suggestions; to Dr. Sadasiva Gorakshkar, ex‐Director of Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay and Bandhana Prajanna, the then Curator of Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay for availing me an opportunity to have photographs of the Nepalese bronzes housed there in the museum and for providing me accommodation in the Museum Guest House; I am also grateful to Ms. Rehana Banu, the then Chief and to Mrs. Mandakini Shrestha, the then Curator of the National Museum of Kathmandu, for photographing the Nepalese bronzes in the museum; to other host of organizations like Hanumandhoka Durbar (Kathmandu), Paravarta Mahavihara (Kathmandu), Hiranyavarna Mahavihara (Patan), Kva Bahal (Patan), Patan Durbar Square, Bhaktapur Brass Museum, Rastriya Dhatu Sangrahalaya, and Sankhu, etc. I am equally thankful to people who escorted me to art treasures and people related with great dexterity and skill in matters of manufacture of bronze objects. My thanks are due to my friend Praveen for encouraging me to bring out this work in the form of book and his valued help at different stages of my research works. I am equally thankful to Mr. Chiniya Man Tamrakar and Mr. Puskar Shrestha for providing photographs of Kathmandu Valley’s bronze objects, which are
illustrated in this book. My special thanks go to Mr. Tamrakar for taking photographs of bronze images from various places in and around Kathmandu Valley and providing me the photographs of Visvarupa, golden window of Kumari Ghar Kathmandu and of Ganga and Jamuna of Patan Durbar. My thanks go to the Department of Archaeology, HMG for providing me the photographs of Tukan Bahal and Dhando Chaitya, Chabahil findings. My special thanks go to Prakash Darnal for providing me some of the photographs of the bronze objects unearthed from Dhando Chaitya, Chabahil, and to Uddhav Acharya for his valued help and also to Smt. Shanta Devi Sing for providing me the photograph. My special thanks go to Alok and Shahida for their valued help for bringing my research in a book form. And there are other authorities (both native and foreign) whose inferences caused me to have additional light on the captioned subject – I pay respect to them. The memory which I will cherish for rest of in my life is the interaction and participation with the community of craftsmen so vigourously engaged in making the varied bronze arts at Patan’s different streets; they were the ones who availed rare opportunity to me to observe them, their art, their inherited craftsmanship, skill etc which led to this work. This work would have been incomplete without having them in my modest consonance. Last, but not least, I record my deep regards to my father Prof. Aishwarya Lal Pradhanang, my mother Rukmani Devi and to other members of my family, who encouraged and helped me in my research works. Finally, I would like to thank BAR International, which has put this work into a book form.
(Dr. Mala Malla) Associate Professor Central Department of Nepalese History, Culture and Archaeology Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur NEPAL 29th August 2010
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CONTENTS Forward Preface Contents Historical Chronology Map of Nepal (An Independent State in South Asia) Maps of Kathmandu District Showing the Places Referred in the Book Maps of Bhaktapur District Showing the Places Referred in the Book Maps of Lalitpur District Showing the Places Referred in the Book List of Illustrations Present Locations of Bronzes that are Referred but not Illustrated in this Book List of Museums, Nepalese Bronzes are Housed, that are Referred in this Book List of Private Collectors Referred in the Book Introduction I History of Nepal i. Political History ii. History of Bronze Art in Nepal II Ethno‐Archaeology of Nepalese Bronze Sculpturing i. History ii. Technology (a) Hammer Beating Process (i) Embossing or Repouse (ii) Engraving (iii) Cleaning and Polishing (b) Cire Perdue or Lost‐Wax Process (Madhuchhistavidhana) i. Technique of Modelling of the Image in Wax ii. Technique of preparing Die Replica or Sancha (Thasa) iii. Technique of making Solid Images from Replica iv. Technique of making Hollow Images from Replica v. Casting Moulds vi. Image Cast vii. Finishing viii. Technology of Gold Gilding in Nepal (a). Technique of making Slurry of Gold (b). Technique of Pasting Gold (c). Technique of Gilding the Face III The Lichhavi Bronzes i. Exclusively Religious ii. Pedestal iii. Prabha (NImbus) iv. Head Dress and Crown
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I‐II III‐IV V‐VI VII VIII IX X XI XII‐XVIII XIX‐XX XXI XXII 1‐9 10‐25 10‐12 12‐25 26‐51 26‐36 36‐ 40‐41 40 41 41 41‐51 42‐44 44 45 45 45‐46 46‐48 48 48‐51 49 49‐50 50‐51 52‐68 54‐56 56‐57 57‐58 58‐59
v. Plasticity and Mobility vi. Slenderness of the Waist and Moderately Exaggerated Lower Limbs vii. Diaphanous Drapery viii. Yajnopavita (Sacred Thread) ix. Round Breasts x. Adornment (a) Ear Pendant (b) Necklace (c) Armlets (d) Bracelets (e) Anklets (f) Ornamented Waistband IV The Medieval Bronzes i. Exclusively Religious ii. Pedestal iii. Prabha (Nimbus) iv. Head Dress and Crown v. Plasticity and Mobility vi. Slenderness of the Waist and Hips vii. Diaphanous Drapery viii. Round Breasts ix. Yajnopavita (Sacred Thread) x. Adornment (a) Ear Ornaments (b) Necklace (c) Armlets (d) Bracelets (e) Anklets (f) Waistband xii. Inferences V Conclusion i. Findings ii. Problems iii. Suggestions Appendices Glossary References Illustrations Comment
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59‐60 60‐61 61‐62 62‐63 63‐64 64‐68 64 65 66 66‐67 67 68 69‐104 70‐77 77‐78 78‐70 79‐80 80‐81 82 82‐84 84‐85 85‐86 86‐104 86‐88 88‐91 91‐92 92‐93 93‐95 95‐96 96‐104 105‐108 106‐107 107 108 109‐114 115‐116 117‐120 121‐178
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY Mythical Period: Historical Periods: (i). Ancient Period (Lichhivi Period): (ii). Transitional period: (iii). Medieval Period: (a). Early Medieval Period: (b). Late Medieval Period: (iii). Modern Period: Research Time Span:
1000 BC to 1st century AD 1st to 9th centuries AD 9th to 12th centuries AD 1200 AD to 1769 AD 12th to 15th centuries AD 15th century to 1769 AD 1769 AD to date. 5th to 18th centuries (AD): Even if the term 18th is mentioned, actually the present research work limits itself only to 1769 AD ‐ this was the period when the later Malla rule came to an end and the Gorhka dynasty began. It was from 1769 AD that Nepal’s modern period begins.
It is notable that study and research works were done among the the present day traditional metal artists of Kathmandu Valley.
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. 1: Fig. 2: Fig. 3: Fig. 4: Fig. 5: Fig. 6: Fig. 7: Fig. 8: Fig. 9: Fig. 10: Fig. 11: Fig. 12: Fig. 13: Fig. 14: Fig. 15: Fig. 16: Fig. 17: Fig. 18: Fig. 19: Fig. 20: Fig. 21: Fig. 22: Fig. 23: Fig. 24: Fig. 25: Fig. 26: Fig. 27: Fig. 28: Fig. 29: Fig. 30: Fig. 31: Fig. 32: Fig. 33: Fig. 34: Fig. 35: Fig. 36: Fig. 37: Fig. 38: Fig. 39: Fig. 40: Fig. 41: Fig. 42:
Buddha from Cleveland Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74E) Vishnu from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7) Devi from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 9) Boddhisattva Maitreya in the coll. Prof. S. Eilenberg (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74F) Sivalinga from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7) Uma‐Mahesvara from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7) Garudasana Vishnu from Changunarayana temple (Khanal 1983 Fig. 11) Buddha from Sankhu Vajrayogini temple, Kathmandu Sakyamuni Buddha from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74A) Sakyamuni Buddha from Pan Asian Collection (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74B) Sakyamuni Buddha from Kimbell Art Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 75F) Vishnu from Changu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 18) Tara from private collection (Schreoder 1981 Fig. 75E) Devi from Cleveland Museum (Kramrisch 1964d No. 4) Tara from private collection (Pal 1975 Fig. 37) Buddha or Bodhisattva Maitreya from private collection (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 77D) Avalokitesvara from Pan‐Asian Collection (Pal 1974 Fig. 190) Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan Indra with Vajrapurush from Los Angeles County Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 75D) Zimmarman Collection Avalokitesvara (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 76D) Buddha Maitreya of Cleveland Museum of Arts (Kramrisch 1964d no. 6) Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha in the Coll. Pan Asian (Pal 1974 Fig. 203) Buddha Sakyamuni of private collection (Pal 1974 Fig. 174) Buddha from Sankhu, Kathmandu Indra with Vajrapurush from Doris Weiner Gallery Vajrasattva from the St. Louis Art Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 79A) Vajrapurusha, the North Simon Foundation, Los Angeles (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 78A) Buddha from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Pal 1974 Fig. 26) Buddha Sakyamuni from the British Museum (Pal 1974 Fig. 173) Vasudhara in the Coll. Th. Haniel (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 77C) Surya or Candra, coll. of Prof. S. Eilenberg (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 79 C) Vishnu from National Museum (curtsy Museum) Indra from Kreitman Gallery, Los Angeles (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 82C) Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan Devi from Newark Museum (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) Vishnu from Changunarayana repository, Kathmandu (Khanal 1983 Fig. 27) Vishnu from location unknown 1052AD (Pal 1971‐72 Figs. 5&6) Maitreya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Matrika from Prince of Wales museum, Bombay Samvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Samvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig, 43: Fig. 44: Fig. 45: Fig. 46: Fig. 47: Fig. 48: Fig. 49: Fig. 50: Fig. 51: Fig. 52: Fig. 53: Fig. 54:
Samvara from National museum, Kathmandu ((curtsy Museum) Padmapani Lokesvara, National Museum, Kathmandu, (curtsy Museum) Indra from Private collection (Kramrisch 1964d no. 16) Vasudhara in the Coll. Mr. and Mrs. Douglas J. Bennet, Jr. (Pal 1975 Fig. 41) Vasudhara from Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (Gairola 1978 Fig. 2a) Vasudhara in the Coll. B.S. Cron, England (Barrett 1957 Fig. 2) Shiva from Indian Museum, Calcutta (Coomaraswami 1910 Fig. 12) Padmani from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Coomaraswamy 1927 Fig. 276) Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan Manjusri from Kva Bahal, Patan Agastya from the Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago (Bolon 1991, Fig. 4) Vishnu with Laksmi and Garuda from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 55: Bhrikuti from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 56: Surya from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 57: Surya from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 58: Amoghasiddhi from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 59: Sukhavati Lokesvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 60: Simhanada Lokesvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 61: Durga from National Museum Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 62: Bhairava from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 63: Varahi from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 64: Vasudhara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 65: Tara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 66: White Tara from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 67: Prajnaparamita from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 68: Bhadrakali from Virginia Museum of Arts (Gairola 1978, Fig. 10a) Fig. 69: Heruka with Prajna from Prince of Wales museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 70: Indra from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 71: Visvarupa of Hanumanadhoka, Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Fig. 72: Visvarupa from Kva Bahal, Patan Fig. 73: Golden Indra mounted on the elephant of Hamunadhoka, Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Fig. 74: Ananda Bhairava of Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu Fig. 75: Ananda Bhairavi of Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu Fig. 76: Tara from Svayambhunath, Kathmandu Fig. 77A: Torana without Chhepu of Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace from Bhaktapur (Krishna Dev 1984 Pl. 136A) Fig. 77B: Torana of Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace, Bhaktapur Fig. 78: Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace, Bhaktapur Fig. 79: Statue of King Bhupatindra Malla on a stone pillar in front of Golden Gate from Bhaktapur Fig. 80: Statue of King Yoganarendra Malla on a stone pillar in front of Degu Taleju temple of Patan Darbar Square Fig. 81: So‐called Malla King from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 82: Garuda installed by King Siddhinarasimha Malla on the stone pillar in front of Krishna temple of Patan Darbar Square
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Fig. 83: Fig. 84: Fig. 85: Fig. 86:
Close view of Garuda Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Devotee from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Barbed arrow‐head with a tang made of iron from Mustang (Simons 1992‐1993(130‐ 133): 1‐19 fig. 4:1) Fig. 87: A stripe of bronze and iron knife blade from Mustang (Simons 1992‐1993(130‐133): 1‐ 19 figs. 9:1) Fig. 88: Iron ritual object from Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(135): 51‐75 figs 16) Fig. 89: Embossed bronze or copper sheet recovered from lower burial cave of Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(135): 51‐75 fig. 10) Fig. 90: Cross shaped iron object and bangles recovered from the central burial cave of Mustang. (Simons, A. et al. 1994(136): 51‐75 fig. 9) Fig. 91: Iron spatula from Chokhopani, Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 fig. 2:1) Fig. 92: Metal jewellary, long tubules with soldered burls made of brass and copper with traces of gilt from Chokhopani, Muktinath (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 figs. 3: 2‐5) Fig. 93: Bell made of brass, iron belt buckle from Mebrak, Muktinath (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 figs. 21: 1, 2) Fig. 94: Anthropomorphic Figure from Jagatpur, Kailali (Darnal 2002(150): 39‐48 fig. V) Fig. 95A, B: Hoard of coins dating from 5th century BC to 2nd century BC from Kapilvastu (Rijal 1979: 37) Fig. 96: Potsherds and sealing bearing the mark of Four‐Spoked Wheel from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl. XXVII, 6&7) Fig. 97: Hoard of coins unearthed from Kapilvastu bearing the marks of Four‐Spoked Wheel (Mitra 1972 Pl. XXVI) Fig. 98: Gold objects unearthed from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 XLVII: B) Fig. 99A,B: Silver beads with hollow inside, found from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLIV: 22) Fig. 100: Copper beads found from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLV: 43) Fig. 101: Miscellaneous copper objects and bronze vessels from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLVIII: 1‐3) Fig. 102: Iron ore from Kapilvastu (Kunwar 2008: 9 Fig. 72) Fig. 103A,B: Iron nails from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 pl XLIX, p: 149 Fig. 30) Fig. 104: Various types of iron objects and weapons from Kapilvastu (Regmi 1979 Fig. 27) Fig. 105A,B: Miscellaneous iron objects from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 pl L, p: 151 Fig. 31) Fig. 106: Bronze figures of Boddhisattva and Devotee unearthed from Lumbini (Mitra 1972: 203 Pl CXXVIII) Fig. 107: Vamana from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig.16) Fig. 108: Garuda Narayana from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 24) Fig. 109: Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 28) Fig. 110: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 30) Fig. 111: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 31) Fig. 112: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 32) Fig. 113: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 33) Fig. 114: Garuda from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 26) Fig. 115: Lakshmi from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 35) Fig. 116: King Yaksha Malla from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 34)
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Fig. 117: King Pratap Malla and his queens Rupamati and Lalamati from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 36) Fig. 118: Golden image of King Bhupalendra Malla from Changunarayana courtyard (Khanal 1983 Fig. 41) Fig. 119: Golden image of Queen Bhuvanalakshmi from Changunarayana courtyard (Khanal 1983 Fig. 42) Fig. 120: Silver image of a devotee depicted in a form of Garuda from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 37) Fig. 121: Architectural fragments of metal from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 13) Fig. 122: Detail view of Fig. 121 (Khanal 1983 Fig. 14) Fig. 123: Tukan Bahal Stupa (curtsy Santa Devi Sing) Fig. 124. Hoard of coins unearthed from Tukan Bahal Stupa excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. IV) Fig. 125: Lichhavi coins, few Chinese coins and some copper ingots came to light from the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl V) FIG. 126: Chundam and Shah coins found inside the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. III) FIG. 127: Hoard of Chaityas found from the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) FIG. 128: Chaityas found from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) FIG. 128: Golden Chaitya from Tukan Bahal (Shrestha 2002 Pl. II a) FIG. 129A,B: Bronze sculptures unearth from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) FIG. 130: An image within the tree roots from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 131: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 132: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 133: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 134: Ratnasambhava Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 135: Amitabh Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 136: Amitabh Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 137: Amoghasiddhi Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 138: Vairochana Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 139: Sakyamuni Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 140: Shiva Lokeswara from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 141: Maitreya Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 142: Dhyani Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 143: Tathagata image from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 Pls.VIII) Fig. 144: Buddha image from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 145: Akshyobhya Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology) Fig. 146: Narayana from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darna) Fig. 147: Narayana from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darna, Darnal 2005(159) Fig. 82) Fig. 148: Lakshmi from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Fig. 149: Uma‐Maheswara from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Fig. 150: Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Fig. 151: Lokesvara made of copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Fig. 152: Buddha of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal).
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Fig. 153: Fig. 154: Fig. 155: Fig. 156: Fig. 157: Fig. 158: Fig. 159: Fig. 160:
Buddha of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal). Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal). Devi or Tara from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal). Devi or Tara of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal). Vajrasattva found from inside the stupa, Chabahil (curtsy Prakash Darnal). Hoard of coins unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Hoard of Chaityas unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 161: Hoard of Chaityas unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 162: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 163: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 164: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 165: Iron rods unearthed from Ramagrama Stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl VIII c,d) Fig. 166: A silver rod, chhedani made of iron and a door hook found from Ramagrama stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl IX a,b,d) Fig. 167: Copper coin of Kushana period unearthed from Ramagrama stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl. X a,b) Fig. 168: Weapons unearthed from Vediyari, Jhapa (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 169A,B,C,D: Knifes and arrowheads unearthed from Vediyari, Jhapa (curtsy Department of Archaeology). Fig. 170: Artist Mana Sakya making Torana, applying embossing technique Fig. 171: Golden window of Kumari Ghar, Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Fig. 172: Ganga from Mu Chuka, Patan Darbar (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Fig. 173: Jamuna from Mu Chuka, Patan Darbar (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Fig. 174: The torana of Taleju temple of mu chukka, Patan Fig. 175: Stone slabs and tools used in casting: Left: Hard stones used as a tool for beating the wax sheet; Right: Tools made from female buffaloʹs horn, used for chiseling the art objects. Fig. 176: Oven (agucha) used for making wax model Fig. 177: Attaching the hand to the wax model Fig. 178: Left: Wax model; Right: Unfinished wax model Fig. 179: Attached channel (nau) or runner in the wax model Fig. 180: First layer of coating soft clay Fig. 181: Third layer of coating soft clay Fig. 182: Left: first layer of clay, mixed with husk and cow dung applied in the wax mould Fig. 183: Third layer of clay, mixed with husk and cow dung applied in the wax mould Fig. 184: Oven (sayaga:) for baking clay moulds Fig. 185: Crucible (bhoncha:) in which metal is melted Fig. 186: Equipments used for holding the crucible while pouring molten metal in the clay mould Fig. 187: Tongs (sanasa:) used while pouring molten metal in clay moulds Fig. 188: Baking clay moulds in the oven, covered with terracotta sheet
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Fig. 189: Oven (bhonchaga:) used for melting the metal Fig. 190: Crucibles containing metal, kept in furnace for melting Fig. 191: Molten metal being poured by the artist in clay moulds Fig. 192: Clay mould dipped in water in a bucket after it cool down Fig. 193: Breaking the clay mould after taking it out of water Fig. 194: Solid metal image emerging from the clay mould Fig. 195: One of the artists, who work on gilding Fig. 196: Equipments required for gilding purpose Fig. 197: Left: Golden ribbons cut into small pieces for making paste; Right: Mercury that is to be added with gold for making gold paste Fig. 198: Artist making gold paste Fig. 199: Prepared gold paste, which looks like silver Fig. 200: Artist applying gold paste on the object Fig. 201: Images looks like of silver coated one after applying gold paste Fig. 202: Artist washing an object in fresh water after applying paste Fig. 203: Object being brushed by a small brush Fig. 204: Artist washing the object after brushing is done Fig. 205: Artist heating the object after pasting gold Fig. 206: Cleaning the object with brush, after giving heat Fig. 207: White blotches indicating the presence of residual portion of the mercury Fig. 208: An object being dipped in the herbal froth Fig. 209: Majitho, the herb of sweat taste Fig. 210: Thick herbal froth of sweat taste Fig. 211: Artist applying gold paste on the face of an image Fig. 212: Vajrapani unearthed from Nalanda, now preserved in National Museum, Delhi India (curtsy Museum) Fig. 213: Garudasana Vishnu from Zimmerman collection (Pal 1974, Fig. 30) Fig. 214: Ardhanarisvara from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Pal 1974, Fig. 150) Fig. 215: Buddha Maitreya from The British Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 76A) Fig. 216: Tara or Devi from The British Museum (Coomaraswamy 1921 No. 6 Fig. 217: Buddha Sakyamuni from Private collection (Schroeder 1981 Figs. 74C) Fig. 218: Visvarupa Vishnu from Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) (Pal 1974 Fig. 114) Fig. 219: Vajrapani from Stanford University Museum (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1) Fig. 220: Avalokitesvara from The British Museum (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77A) Fig. 221: Cunda, Sold Christie’s London (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77E) Fig. 222: Devi or Tara from Christie’s London (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78C) Fig. 223: Vajrapurush from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 82H) Fig. 224: Aksobhya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 225: Aksobhya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 226: Buddha from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 227: Vasudevakamalaja from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 228: Manjusri and Prajna in the Coll. Mrs. Edgar Britton, Littleton (Pal 1974 Fig, 40) Fig. 229: Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 230: Vasudevakamalaja from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 131: White Tara in the coll R.S. Sethna, Bombay (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1) Fig. 232: Bronze statues of King Pratap Malla from Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar)
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Fig. 233: Water Conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace Fig. 234: Inscription written in the water conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace Fig. 235: Inscription near by the water conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace Fig. 236A,B: Vishnu from Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) Fig. 237: Vishnu from Virginia Museum of Fine Art (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a) Fig. 238: Sakyamuni Buddha from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum) Fig. 239: Buddha, Coll. F. Neustatter (Los Angeles) (Pal 1974, Fig. 184) Fig. 240: Indra from Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu Fig. 241: Maitreya from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 242: Uma‐Mahesvara in Coll. H.K. Swali (Pal 1974, Fig. 137) Fig. 243: Uma‐Mahesvara from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) Fig. 244: Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Fig. 245: Back view of Figure 229 (curtsy Museum) Fig. 246: Dakini or Yogini, Coll. Dr. Schinzel (Marga 1947, 1(2): 76) Fig. 247: Back view of Fig. 246 (Marga 1947, 1(2): 75)
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Present Location of Bronzes that are Referred but not Illustrated in this Book
Aksobhya, British Museum, London, 14th century AD. Aksobhya, Collection Frank W. Neustatter, Los Angeles, 11th century AD. Aksobhya, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 11th century AD. Aksobhya, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, Virginia, 16th century AD. Amitabha, British Museum, London, 1739 AD. Amitabha, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles, 9th century AD. Amoghapasa, Kunsthandel J. Polak, Amsterdam, 14th century AD. Ardhanarisvara, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles, 10th century AD. Avalokitesvara, British Museum, London 11th/12th century AD. Avalokitesvara, Collection Dr. Claus Virch, 11th/12th century AD. Avalokitesvara, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 17th/18th century AD Avalokitesvara, Pan‐Asian Collection, 8th/9th century AD. Avalokitesvara, Private Collection, 1698 AD. Avalokitesvara, Saranath, 5th century AD Bhairava and Sakti, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1784 AD. Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, Collection of S.K. Bhedvar, Bombay, 16th/17th century AD. Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, Collection of S.K. Bhedvar, Bombay, 14th/15th century AD Boddhisattva Padmapani, British Museum, London, 15th century AD. Boddhisattva Padmapani, Pan‐Asian Collection, 11th century AD. Bodhisattva Padmapani, Coll. Dr. Claus Vinch, 11th/12th century AD Boddhisattva Rakta Lokesvara, Indian Museum, Calcutta 17th/18th century AD. Buddha Dipankara Private Collection, Stuttgart, 1613 AD. Buddha Sakyamuni, Collection of A.K. Coomaraswamy, 9th century. Buddha Sakyamuni, Coll. F. Neustettor (Los Angeles), 11th century AD. Buddha Sakyamuni, Private Collection, 7th century AD. Buddha Sakyamuni, Private Collection, 11th century AD. Buddha Sakyamuni, Private Collection, New York, 7th/8th century AD. Cakrasamvara, Collection Ruth Schachian, 1710 AD. Cakrasamvara, Musees Royeaux d’ Art at d’ Histoire, Brussels, 1512 AD. Cakrasamvara, Sold Christie’s London, 1577 AD. Camunda, Crawford Antiquities, Sen Francisco, 13th century AD. Candra, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, 17th/18th century AD. Caturmukha Linga, Collection Prof. Samuel Eilenberg, 1046 AD Caturmukha Linga, Collection Prof. Samuel Eilenberg, 1060 AD Chendresvara, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 10th/11th century AD. Devi, Collection George P. Bickford, Cleveland, 9th century AD. Devi, Collection Mr. & Mrs. James W. Alsdorf, Chicago, 9th century AD. Devi, Private Collection, 7th century AD. Devi, Private Collection, New York, 7th/8th century AD. Eleven‐Headed Avalokitesvara, Seattle Art Museum, Washington, 11th century AD. Eleven‐Headed Avalokitesvara, Private Collection, 13th century AD. Eleven‐Headed Avalokitesvara, Private Collection, Basel, 1658 AD. Garuda, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles, 16th century AD. Garudasana Vishnu, Deopatan, Kathmandu, 11th century AD. Garudasana Vishnu, Zimmerman Collection, 1004 AD.
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Hevajra, Patan Museum, 17th century AD. Hevajra, Private Collection, 12th/13th century AD. Indra, Brooklyn Museum, 15th century AD. Indra, Collection of Mr. & Mrs. John D. Rockefeller 3rd, 12th century AD. Indra, Collection of William H. Wolff, New York, 16th/17th century AD. Indra, Indian Museum Calcutta, 17th/18th century AD Indra, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 15th century AD. Indra, Museum of Fine Art, Boston, 1589 AD. Indra, Seattle Art Museum, Washington, 13th century AD. Indra, University Museum, Philadelphia, 15th century AD. Laksminarayana, Private Collection, 13th century AD. Laksminarayana, Private Collection, 13th/14th century AD. Mahalakshmi, National Museum, Kathmandu, 15th/16th century AD. Maiteya, Private Collection, 11th century AD. Manjusri, Pan‐Asian Collection, 10th century AD. Manjushri Siddhaikavira, Private Collection, 9th century AD. Manjushri Siddaikavira, The Norton Simon Foundation, Los Angeles, 9th/10th century AD. Manjushri Siddaikavira, The Norton Simon Foundation, Los Angeles, 9th/10th century AD. Mushalinda Buddha, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, 11th century AD. Navatmaka Heruka, Alfonso Ossorio, East Hampton, 17th/18th century AD. Prajnaparamita, Private Collection, 14th/15th century AD. Prajnaparamita, Chrismas Humphreys, Cleveland, 15th century AD. Prajnaparamita, Private collection, Cleveland, 15th century AD. Prajnaparamita, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, Virginia, 14th/15th century AD. Samvara and Nairatma, British Museum, London, 16th century AD. Samvara and Nairatma, Collection John Ford, ca. 1500 AD. Samvara and Nairatma, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, 17th century AD. Sarasvati, Museum of Fine Art, Boston, c. 1500 AD. Siva, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 16th/17th century AD. Tara, New York, 7th century AD. Tara, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 14th century AD. Uma‐Mahesvara, Baroda Museum, India, 8th/9th century AD. Uma‐Mahesvara, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, Virginia, 17th century AD. Vajrapani, British Museum, London 12th century AD. Vajrapani, Nalanda Museum, Nalanda, 8th century AD. Vajrapani, Zimmerman Collection, 8th century AD. Vasudhara, Cleveland Museum of Art, early 16th century AD. Vasudhara, Collection D. A. Latchford, London, 10th/11th century AD. Vasudhara, Collection Mr. Mrs. John Marsing, 12th/13th century AD. Vasudhara, Pan‐Asian Collection, 13th century AD. Vasudhara, Coll. Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck, New York, 12th/13th century AD. Vasudevakamalaja, Virginia Museum of Fine Art, Virginia, 14th/15th century AD. Vishnu, Museum of Fine Art, Boston, 14th/15th century AD. Vishnu, Los Angeles County Museum, 983 AD. Vishnu, Museum of Fine Arts, 9th/10th century AD. Vishnu, Cleveland Museum of Art, 8th/9th century AD. Visvarupa, Collection Philip Goldman, London, 17th century AD.
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List of Museums, where Nepalese Bronzes are Housed, Referred in this Work Alfonso Ossorio, East Hampton. Baroda Museum, Baroda. Bhaktapur Brass Museum, Bhaktapur. British Museum, London. Brooklyn Museum, New York. Croford Antiquities, San Francisco. Denver Art Museum, Colorado. Doris Weiner Gallery, New York. Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. Indian Museum, Calcutta. Kimbell Art Museum, Texas. Kritman Gallery, Los Angeles. Los Angeles County Museum of Arts, Los Angeles. Musees Royeaux d’ Art at d’ Histoire, Brussels. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Nalanda Museum, Nalanda. National Museum, Kathmandu. National Museum of India, New Delhi. Patan Museum, Patan. Rastriya Dhatu Sangrahalaya, Bhaktapur. Seattle Art Museum, Wasington. St. Louis Art Museum The Art Institute of Chicago The Cleveland Museum of Art, Ohio. The Leland Stanford Junior Museum, California. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The Newark Museum. The Norton Simon Foundation, Los Angeles. University Museum, Philadelphia. Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Virginia.
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List of Private Collectors Referred in this Book A. K. Coomaraswamy, Sri Lanka. B. S. Cron, England. Chrismas Humphreys, Cleveland. Christie, London. D. A. Latchford, London. Dr. Claus Virch. Dr. Schinzel. Frank W. Neustatter, Los Angeles. George P. Bickford, Cleveland. H. K. Swali. John Ford. Kunsthandel J. Polak, Amsterdam. Mr. & Mrs. Douglas J. Bennet, Jr. Mr. & Mrs. James W. Alsdorf, Chicago. Mr. & Mrs. John D. Rockefeller 3rd. Mr. & Mrs. John Marsing. Pan‐Asian Collection Philip Goldman, London. Prof. Samuel Eilenberg. Ruth Schachian R. S. Sethna, Mumbai. S. K. Bhedvar, Mumbai. Th. Haniel, Switzerland. William H. Wolff, New York. Zimmerman Collection
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INTRODUCTION Geography Nepal is a small country with an area of 1,40,797 sq. km, with 75 districts and 4000 villages. Its population is 22.1 million, with 2.3% growth rate. Major percentage of the population depends on agriculture and about 56% of exports are agricultural goods. Life expectancy is 57. Nepal is situated almost on the lap of the Himalayas. It is a buffer state having Tibetan Autonomous Region of China in the north and Indian Territories in the east, west and south. It is rectangular in shape with 88°4′ to 88°12′ longitude and 88°12′ latitude. The country constitutes about 230 kms in breadth and about 850 kms in length. Its border on the east ends at the Mechi River and the Mahakali River in the west. The elevations too vary, ranging from 40 meters in the south and 8848 meters in the north (the peak of Mt. Everest, also called Sagarmatha ‐ “the summit touching the sky”). Glacier rivers and high mountains do create a kind of inaccessibility (Joshi 1986: 51‐56). The two neighbouring countries do have their own roles in influencing Nepal’s culture, religion, and language; but Nepal too had had its own role in influencing their cultures. This country is inhabited by various ethnic groups having their own traditions, custom, culture and dialects. Kathmandu Valley has a unique character, which combines traits of both, Hinduism and Buddhism. Of all the Himalayan regions, Kathmandu Valley is the most developed one in term of civilization ‐ the records of different periods in history amply indicate this. The present research is based on the old records (including Vamsavalis and inscriptions) and bronze art objects of Nepal
found in the Kathmandu Valley and beyond. Different Newar♣ communities have contributed to the enrichment of this art. Constraints Nepal, a small Himalayan kingdom, between the two countries, India and China, has a history of her own, going back at least to the first millennium BC. The early inhabitants, in other words, Newars are the indigenous people of the Nepal Valley, known for their skills in arts and crafts. The Arthasastra of Kautilya highly praises the woollen blankets of Nepal. Huen‐Tsang, a Chinese traveller, who visited India and certain parts of Nepal in 7th century of the Christian era, spoke very highly of the artistic skill of the people of Kathmandu Valley. The historical research in Nepal was started about 100 to 120 years ago only, and whatever work has been done so far by the foreigners as well as the native scholars has provided us with only a skeleton of the political history of the country. What we know now is only the dynastic history and the contribution of famous rulers of Nepal. However, the political history alone is not a complete history. One has also to study the socio‐economic, religious and art history to get a holistic perception. The socio‐ economico‐religious and art histories add flesh, blood, vein and skin to the skeleton as to make it complete. For last few decades the academic attention has been drawn to
♣
The term Newar meant for the ancient inhabitants of Kathmandu Valley. They have their own language Newari and the script Nepalbhasa, also called Deshabhasa (was used since fourteenth century) is still practised by them in the Valley.
1
these aspects of Nepalese history as evinced from various contributions. The history of Nepalese art is yet to be properly studied and evaluated. All the books, so far published, deal nearly with all aspects of the Nepalese arts. So it is the need of the time to study specific art forms in detail. Realizing this fact and being impressed by the wealth and techniques of bronze art, it has been attempted here to examine the bronze art of Nepal. The Nepalese bronzes so far have been considered only as the objects of display for their exquisite beauty, but not for discussion as such. They deprived enough and serious academic concern from art historians. The Nepalese bronze sculptures exhibited in different museums of the world have been highly praised by the art critics, but no proper and complete history has been written. U. V. Schroeder in his Indo‐Tibetan Bronzes (1981) has written about the stylistic differences of the Nepalese bronzes from historical time to the present day. His pioneering contribution remains to be highly important, though it is not complete. He being a foreigner was not allowed to visit and study the vast collections of Nepalese bronzes in temples and Viharas. This made the present scholar to select this topic and to attempt to fill up the lacuna. The study was carried out by actually working out in the field with people, artists and the priests so as to enable to present a near complete history of Nepalese bronze arts. This practical approach to the study has made it possible to provide a detailed background on the Nepalese bronzes starting from the very beginning till the middle of the 18th century of the Christian era. The knowledge derived from the practitioners in the field is the prime most important aspect of this study. So far all the scholars, who have published books and articles on Nepalese art in
various academic journals, have written the importance of Nepalese art studies, but among them none has described the technology in detail. Schroeder has provided a brief account of oriental bronze casting in general, but not with specific reference to indigenous Nepalese technology. He quotes the classical Indian literature and scriptures regarding the technique and technology of Cire‐Perdue, but has written very little about the present technology of Nepal. So, the present work has been attempted to provide a detailed account of the technology and the stylistic changes with respect to temporal changes with specific references to Nepalese bronze art. Thus, this study deals with the history of bronze casting in Nepal, and also describes in detail its origin and development of the stylistic changes through the ages. Various technological aspects like Cire‐Perdue, embossing, engraving, chisselling work and finishing by painting and applying gold on the bronze objects have been elaborated in this work. This work, based on detailed interviews with the artists and observations at various stages of the bronze work from the wax model to the final touch, provides a list of various tools (in vernacular as well as in English) and the unique but complete technology still practised by the Newar artists. Many pictures and art objects described in this research works had never been photographed and published before. The present work includes many original pieces, which are published for the first time. Further more, this work has also focused on the socio‐religious background of the Nepalese bronzes. The Nepalese bronzes were exported to Tibet on large‐scale and so
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were executed according to the need of the Tibetan market. This aspect of Nepalese bronze was just hinted by A. K. Coomaraswamy and Pratapaditya Pal, but the present work would provide an extensive insight on the subject.
published articles in Indian Antiquary under the title “Inscriptions from Nepal” in 1885. Thus the year 1885 is the milestone marking the beginning of the scientific study of the Nepalese history. Around the same time, Cecil Bendal, a British scholar, was also working on the manuscripts of Nepal. He prepared a Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the collection of British Museum, London, in 1903. All the history written prior to that was simply based on chronicles. The first one to write a comprehensive history of Nepal was Colonel Kirkpatrick, who visited Nepal in 1776, and he translated chronicles of Nepalese history and published it from London in 1811 under the title “An Account of the Kingdom of Nepaul.” This was followed by many other scholars like Ambrocia Oldfield, Buchanan Hamilton, Daniel Wright, Sylvain Levi, Rahul Sankrityayana and others. Among them, Levi’s contribution is worth mentioning. He published his famous “Le Nepal” in three volumes from Paris (1905‐1908). The book, though outdated now in view of fresh discoveries, it still stands to be a most authoritative work, which no historian of the country can dispense with. Up to 1951, under the Rana rule, the Nepalese were not allowed to conduct any research on Nepalese history. So, most of the researches on Nepalese history were carried out by foreigners including Indian scholars. But for the first time Nepalese scholars Totra Raj Pandey and Nayaraj Panta jointly wrote the book entitled “Nepalko Sanchhipta Itihas” (vernacular) in the year 1947 and another Nepalese scholar Ambika Prasad Upadhyaya wrote his book entitled “Nepalko Itihas” (vernacular) during early 20th century of Christian era. The journals of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and journals of Bihar and Orissa Research Society (afterwards changed into Journal of Bihar Research Society) published many
Bases The present research work, related with Nepalese bronze art, is specifically guided by the major objectives listed as: to trace the origin and development of the various techniques of the Nepalese bronze art, viz., the Cire‐Perdue, embossing, engraving, chisselling and so on; to determine the extent of Indian and Tibetan influence on Nepalese bronzes and to discuss the opinions of the earlier scholars in this context; to search the antiquity and the continuation of the tradition of bronze casting of Nepal; to provide a guideline for the dating of bronze figures of Nepal; to prepare a detailed index of Nepalese bronze art; to trace the stylistic changes of Nepalese bronze art of different era; to trace whether the techniques of applying gold and inlaying semi‐precious stones on the bronze figures of Nepal is of indigenous origin; to suggest probable solutions for the development of bronze art in Nepal, in order to ensure the continuation of the ancient tradition. Previous Research A brief review of the beginning of historiographic studies in Nepal may be pertinent at this juncture. The scientific history of Nepal begins only from the end of 19th century of the Christian era when Pandit Bhagavan Lal Indraji of Gujarat, India, visited Nepal and studied the scattered Lichhavi and Malla inscriptions. He collected about twenty‐three inscriptions and published them under the title, “Twenty‐Three Inscriptions from Nepal” in the year 1880 from Bombay. He further
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articles on Nepal; but they all dealt with political history. In 1956, G. Tucci published many valuable research articles and reports on Nepalese history and culture. In that year he published his report under the title of “Preliminary Report on two Scientific Expeditions in Nepal,” and in 1962, he published his book “Nepal: The Discovery of the Malla” from London. At about the same time (1956), R. Gnoli published “Nepalese Inscriptions in Gupta Characters.” He also edited many accounts of the missionaries and contributed greatly to the study of Nepalese history and culture. This was followed by Luciano Petech, who published a book, “The Medieval History of Nepal” in 1958 (from Rome). After 1951, Nepalese scholars also began to publish their research works. In this field, Dr. D. R. Regmi’s research works are worth mentioning here. He gave detailed informations on Nepalese history and culture by publishing “Medieval Nepal” in three volumes (1965‐1966), “Ancient Nepal” (1969) and several other articles. Thus, coming to 1970’s, the general outline of Nepalese political history was prepared. After 1970’s, provincial histories like “The History of Nuwakot,” “The History of Dolakha,” “The History of Gorkha,” were published in vernacular. In this field, one of the most outstanding contributions to the study of Nepal’s history through inscriptions was done by the Late Sri Dhanavajra Vajracharya, who compiled more than two hundred Lichhavi inscriptions under the title, “Lichhavi Kalaka Abhilekha” (Inscriptions of the Lichhavi Period) and got it published in 1973. The Nepalese scholars did not pay much attention to the art history of Nepal seriously and sincerely until the beginning of 1970’s. But the British and Indian
scholars, who were influenced by Nepalese art contributed greatly to the field by publishing their monumental works. All the foreign scholars, who wrote on Nepalese history, praised the art works of Nepal; but they lack details. A. K. Coomaraswamy, who was a curator of Boston Museum of Fine Arts, for the first time, started publishing on the Nepalese bronzes; he also compared the Nepalese bronze arts with various schools of Indian art, viz., Gujarat School of Art, and Pala School of Art. Coomaraswamy, thus, presented Nepal to the rest of the world about the most beautiful bronzes and paintings of Nepal in his “History of Indian and Indonesian Art” (1927). Although the credit of introducing the art of Nepalese bronzes in academic circle goes to Coomaraswamy, his study was limited only to museum collections, but his hypothesis still cannot be challenged. He also published several articles on Nepalese bronzes in Marga, Rupam and other academic journals from 1921 onwards. After Coomaraswamy, however, this aspect of Nepalese history remained ignored for many years. Coomaraswamy, while describing the bronzes of Nepal, compares them with the Pala School of Bengal. From mid‐1950’s, Karl Khandalavala started contributing to the studies of Nepalese bronzes. His articles ware published in the various academic journals including Marga and Lalit‐Kala. He published “Eastern Indian Bronzes” (1986) with other co‐ authors, N. R. Ray and S. Gorakshkar. Motichandra also published many articles on Nepalese bronzes from India and abroad. Khandalavala and Motichandra, both the scholars, expressed the same view that Nepalese bronzes showed Indian influence with regard to style, technique and presentation. Motichandra believed the Nepalese School to be similar to Indian art schools like the “Ghandhara School of Art”, “Mathura School of Art”, “Gupta School of
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Art” and “Bengal School of Art”. Thus, both scholars did not contradict the hypothesis forwarded by Coomaraswamy. In the mid‐1960’s, the Indian scholar, N. R. Banerjee, the then Director General of Archaeological Survey of India, visited Nepal as an advisor to Nepal’s Department of Archaeology and published a monograph entitled “Nepalese Art” (An Introduction to the Art of Nepal) in the year 1966. He, for the first time, delineated the characteristic features of Nepalese art as: the simplicity, slenderness of waist, moderately exaggerated hips, limited ornaments, very complicated chisselling work; he also categorically pointed out the beauty and fineness of Nepalese bronzes. It was in his time that Stella Kramrisch, as a Fulbright scholar, came to Nepal to study the art traditions of the country. She was here for a very short period, nearly for a year; she published a catalogue of Nepalese art under the title “The Art of Nepal” in 1964 from the Asia House Gallery Publications, New York. In the same year, she published many articles on Nepalese art in the Journal of Oriental Art, Artibus Asiae, under the titles ʺNote on the Boddhisattva Image in the Stanford Museum” and “The Art of Nepal” respectively. After these publications (in 1964), she exhibited hundreds of Nepalese bronzes in Asiatic Society and published an article “The Art of Nepal: Exhibited in New York” (1964) in the academic journal, Oriental Art. That exhibition drew attention of many art historians. It was during this period, Marry S. Slusser was in Nepal, accompanying her husband, one of the employees of USOM, now known as USAID. She, as a layperson, started studying various aspects of Nepalese culture; she published many articles on Nepalese art and culture in research papers from 1973 onwards. Later, she approached to Smithsonian Institute of Washington D.C. for a grant to continue her research work on
Nepalese culture. She, for the first time, contradicted the ideas of the previous scholars pointing out at the distinguishing features of Nepalese art stating that they differ from contemporary Indian Bronzes. She published her book “Nepal Mandala” in two volumes in 1982 – her publication was the result of her long‐standing research. Pratapaditya Pal, curator at Los Angeles County Museum and the Professor of Asian Art at Southern California University, started presenting his research papers on Nepalese art. He, besides contributing to many journals (like Artibus Asiae, Archives of Asian Art, British Museum Quarterly, Arts of Asia), published a book on “Vaishnava Iconology of Nepal” in 1970. Many of his research papers were published in the issues of the Bulletin of California University. He published two monumental volumes on Nepalese art under the title “The Art of Nepal” in 1974. The first volume deals with Nepal’s sculptures in stone, bronze, wood, terracotta and so on; and the second volume deals with paintings. Besides, he arranged big exhibition of Nepalese bronzes in the Los Angeles County Museum and published the catalogue, “Nepal Where the Gods are Young” in 1975 and “The Art of Nepal (A Catalogue of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art Collection)” in 1985. Pal, in his works, finds Nepalese bronzes very similar in technology, style and iconography to Indian bronzes; but, at the same time, he shows how the Nepalese bronzes are distinct with regards to appearance, fineness, and other details only to be matched with the Gupta tradition. According to him, after the Guptas, the fineness of Indian bronze art declined. However, the artists of Nalanda and East Bengal contributed to art tradition of Nepal thereby influencing the style to a great extent. This opinion finds acceptance in Nepal even today.
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Little before Pal, Nepal had exhibited her sculptural art objects in different parts of the world. Waldschmidt had also published a catalogue of Nepalese art under the title “Nepal Art Treasures from the Himalayas” in 1969 from Oxford Universe Book. This book, besides describing all the exhibited objects, also provides a small informative history of the development of Nepalese bronze art. He did not adopt the comparative approach of studying the Nepalese bronzes in the light of the Gupta and the Pala Schools of India. The last of the series was a book “Nepali Dhatu Moorti Ko Vikashkrama” (Development of Nepalese Bronze Objects) in vernacular by Satya Mohan Joshi ‐ it was published in 1978. This renowned Nepali scholar draws our attention to some bronze images of Patan, dated to 5th century of the Christian era. The date is based on those to be found in chronicles, and until further research, we are not in a position to reach a conclusion. This period needs to be studied scientifically before accepting the date. Among other scholars to work on Nepalese art is Madanjeet Singh who published a volume under the title “Himalayan Art” in 1968 from London. He deals with the art of Ladakh, Kashmir, Himanchal Pradesh and Nepal. This is, though a descriptive book, is very informative. The author has compared the art of Ladakh with other northern Himalayan regions. It may also be looked upon as a good introduction of the art of Himalayan regions. He had reached a conclusion that the art of western Tibet is influenced by Ladakh and Nepal. But Pal thinks it to be the other way round. The Nepalese artists cast bronzes for the monasteries and the Lamas of Tibet. Sometimes, the Nepalese artists, as per the instruction of the donors, cast bronze arts with Tibetan face and dress. Many Tibetan bronzes do have their face and dress designed on Tibetan patterns because they
are actually cast by the Nepalese artists to suit the taste of the Tibetans. Many books now on Nepalese history do describe about Nepalese bronzes; but the descriptions are simplified because they are meant for tourist market with casual interest. For instance, the Guide Book on Nepalese art was written by Lydia Aryan, wife of the then Israeli Ambassador to Nepal. She has simply described few Nepalese bronzes without any critical academic concern. Likewise, A.W. Macdonald and A.V. Stahl had published a book “Newar Art” in 1979 ‐ this book has a chapter on Nepalese bronzes. This book is written academically with enough documents to support the views. The authors have simply followed the ideas expressed by Pal. Besides, late L. S. Bangdel, a renowned art historian of Nepal and former Vice‐Chancellor of Royal Nepal Academy, had studied the Nepalese arts, specially related with sculptures of Nepal. He published an article “Early Nepalese Bronzes” in 1970 in the Bulletin of NAFA Art Magazine, and in 1971, he published “Nepali Dhatu Ka Moorti” (Bronze Arts of Nepal) in the Journal Prajna from Kathmandu. His research gives more informations on Nepalese bronzes. In this series of review of literatures, the most comprehensive and in widest coverage, is the work of Ulrich Von Schroeder, entitled “Indo‐Tibetan Bronzes” (1981), published from Visual Dharma Publications, Hong Kong. This book deals with the bronze art of India, more particularly including the north‐western India, northern India and Nepal. It deals with the gilt school of Tibet and China with coverage mostly of 3rd to 12th centuries (AD). The publication also covers the art of Yuan dynasty (1279‐1368 AD), Ming Dynasty (1368‐1643 AD) and Qing Dynasty (1644‐ 1912 AD) of China. While describing the
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during 9th to 12th centuries) the historical development seems to have lost in mist. When we say that there is no traceable history for many centuries (from 9th to 12th centuries), this amounts to say that some holds good for bronze art development. Lack of historical sources for these centuries, therefore is a major limiting factor faced during the course of this work. The situation would look paradoxical that while the research in the present context focuses on the ancient and medieval periods – that is from Lichhavi to Malla periods (from 5th century AD to third quarter of the 18th century, i.e., up to 1769 AD). I have also studied the extent of techniques and technology used by the Nepalese artists. But this is neither paradoxical, nor machronic because Nepal’s art tradition is deeply rooted in its ancient wisdom and ritualism endowing the art with unbroken continuity. The craftsmen ‐ as they informed the present researcher ‐ can’t / does not deviate even slightly from the age‐long established practices of idol‐making. Despite this, the age‐old wisdom associated with idol‐ making was not preserved in a written form, but this gap seems to have been compensated because of its cryptic formulations manifested in ritual‐based process of making bronzes. It should also be noted that, though this work adequately covers various aspects of the bronze arts in Nepal, it was not possible to include its specimens, which exist and are on display outside the country. The other constraint for minute study of bronze idols, placed in math / mandir (monasteries / temples) are not made available to anybody, other than the priests, even for the purpose of the study. So the only way open is to rely on the priests’ accounts, which are normally confined to
Indian bronzes, he writes in detail the evolution of metallurgy, Cire‐Perdue (lost wax process), treatises dealings with the repairing or disposing of damaged images. He then describes the modelling of the image in wax, casting, gilding, inlaying and embossing the bronze objects of different kinds. Schroeder finds the ancient Nepalese bronzes, having great affinities with the classical Gupta School. He refers to the discovery of two Nepalese bronzes in the excavation at Nalanda, confirming their antiquity. He has provided several illustrations of Nepalese bronzes from various places and from different periods that add the strength of this book. After this publication, no other work like this has come to light on the subject so far. Prior to his work, Ian Alsop and J. Charlton’s “Image Casting in Oku Bahal”, published in 1973 in the Journal of CNAS (Kathmandu) is worth mentioning. In this article they had tried to throw some light on the casting technique applied by the Newar artists of Oku Bahal, Patan. The Limiting Factors In the context of the present research works on “Archaeology, Art and Ethnography of Bronzes of Nepal” the writer, under Review of Literature, had studied quite a good number of publications; but a great limiting factor arose out of the fact that most of them did not have mentioning of the bronze arts. Gopal Raj Vamsavali ‐ though with widest coverage (from nearly 1000 BC to 14th century AD) ‐ also does not have any description on the subject in reference. The few publications, which do touch the subject, are not very elaborate. They too do not describe the techniques and technology of bronze arts. The present work has tried to trace the development of bronze art history during 5th to 18th centuries ‐ this period of 1300 years is very extensive. Sometimes (especially
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their views. This is another major hurdle making it inevitable to leave out a specimen. In some instances, inscriptions on or about bronze objects are near blurred because of constant use, leaving them undecipherable. Same is the case with findings of archaeological sites ‐ some of them are not accessible. Available literary sources too are almost silent on many matters of the saved temples where these art treasures are housed. In some instances the torana (tolan) ♦ , which is generally installed just above the gateway of the temples and which may carry some inscription ‐ is found to be missing. At some places bronze idols too, are not original. Thus, the socio‐religious background of many undated bronze specimens remains unknown. Another difficulty a researcher often faces is while identifying the cult ideology associated with particular specimen (Hinduism / Buddhism). Hence the classification based on the religious affiliation or a particular age of its ideology becomes very difficult. However, it was observed that there can not be any categorical solution for such a classification. Methodology The present study is based on primary as well as secondary sources related with classical India and of Nepal. It may be looked upon as a micro‐based scrutiny of bronze objects in the museum (of India and Nepal) and of private collections. This has been carried out with the help of field observations of various procedures like casting, chisselling and gold gilding of bronze objects. Almost all the extent specimens in Nepal, especially in the
Kathmandu Valley, were subject to examination. The scholar also had an opportunity to see some exhibits in India’s Prince of Wales Museum (Bombay) and National Museum (Delhi). Thus, observing the actual operations of manufacturing, examination of several specimens and referring to previous publications are three major stages of the approach adopted in this work. The bronze art of Nepal can be divided into two main periods, viz., Ancient (Lichhavi) and Medieval (Malla). After the Lichhavi period, the technique and style of bronze art seem to have undergone a great change ‐ the former was influenced by the Gupta art, while the latter was influenced by the Pala art of eastern India. The art style and the forms of the icons also changed as numerous Buddhist deities were introduced to Nepal from the early medieval period. This age also witnessed the development of repouse art. All these aspects were studied by interviewing the artists of Kathmandu Valley, especially of Patan and by observing them on work. An approach of personal interviews and observations was adopted, though it was not free of hurdles. In some cases, some of the icons were covered with cloth and kept inside the temple where no outsiders can get any access. In most of the cases, only the priests of the temples, monasteries are allowed to enter the main shrine. However, fortunately enough, the contemporary artists themselves have been very co‐operative and they imparted useful informations. Many places of importance in Nepal and India were also visited – they were: Prince of Wales Museum and National Museum of India, Hiranyavarna Mahavihara (Patan), Kva Bahal (Patan), Bhinche Bahal (Patan), Patan Museum (Patan), Patan Darbar and its premises, Uku Bahal (Patan), Kanti Bahi (Patan), Jhva
♦
The native terms in the parentheses are of Newari language of Nepal.
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Bahal (Patan), Sankhu (Bhaktapur), Changunarayana temple (Bhaktapur), Bhaktapur Brass Museum (Bhaktapur), Bhaktapur Darbar and its premises, Rashtriya Dhatu Sangrahalaya (Bhaktapur), Navadurga temple, Paravarta Mahavihara (Kathmandu), Thambahil (Kathmandu), Indrayani temple (Kathmandu), Sobha Bhagavati temple (Kathmandu), Hanumandhoka Mudra Sangrahalaya (Kathmandu), Hanumandhoka Darbar and its premises (Kathmandu), etc. Some of the artists of Patan, who have kept the tradition of making bronzes alive and who were interviewed are: Moti Kaji Shakya of Bhinche Bahal (Patan) – he gave me the information of two types of wax available only seasonally (like summer and winter) and also about the technique of making models in wax; Badri Kaji Shakya of Uku Bahal (Patan) allowed me to observe the process of casting Bhairava image; Mana Kaji Shakya of Patan Bhinche Bahal showed how gold is cut to small pieces for making slurry to apply on the face of an image; Singha Raj Shakya of Patan showed me how facial features of an image are painted and the making of colours used in painting the eyes, face, hair, ear and eyebrows. This work has also depended largely on the work of earlier scholars like A. K. Coomaraswamy, S. Kramrisch, P. Pal, D. Barrett, N. R. Ray, A. Ray, K. Khandalavala, M. V. Krishnan, D. R. Regmi, S. M. Joshi, R. N. Pandey, L. S. Bangdel, R. Reeves for developing an academic perspective regarding the historical development and technology of making bronzes. Thus, the research is based on a multi‐ disciplinary and holistic approach of the bronze art. Organization The present work basically deals with six different aspects, related to the bronze art of
Nepal, though it includes other art‐forms in its purview whenever relevant. The introduction is devoted to the desiderata, available literatures, methodology and practical difficulties, etc. First one is related with history of the art forms of bronze sculptures. The present research work may amply demonstrate the challenge of history created by multiple dimensions emerging out of every new perspective. Second one deals with technology and techniques of making bronze art objects. Very few, except Schroeder, have detailed out the bronze casting processes. The present work is an outcare of information gathered through field visits, field studies and cumbersome interviews with the artists. Adequate understanding calls for minute details of different processes, the crafts’ material requirements, equipments, tools, furnaces of varying capacities and so on. However, the adequate information regarding actual requirements could not be obtained. This is a limitation here. Third and fourth aspects deal with the basic characteristics of images belonging to Lichhavi as well as of the medieval periods and their differences. The difference is evident in the simplicity in decoration of ornaments on bronze images of the Lichhavi period as against profuse use of ornaments on the images of medieval period. The last chapter (the fifth one) deals with the conclusion of the research. And major findings are enlisted as: the use of special technique and technology, gold gilding, differences in adorations and modelling the physiognomic and ornamentative details during the Lichhavi and medieval periods, the making of bronze images according to the canonized norms, and socio‐religious aspects reflected by the temporal changes in the art forms.
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I HISTORY OF NEPAL i. Political History Nepal is a small country, situated on the lap of the highest peak of the world, the Mt. Everest. Due to the lack of proper exploration and excavation, the early history of Nepal is still covered in mist. The Purana, like Skanda Purana, mentions that the Valley of Kathmandu was a lake surrounded by the Siwalik Hills (Yogi et al. 1956: 334). According to Hindu chronicles, Lord Krishna, one of the incarnations of Vishnu, visited Nepal to rescue his grandson from the demon Shankashura also known as Mahendradamana (Yogi et al. 1956: 334). He was accompanied by the cowherds (‘gwalas’). He cut the rock of Chovar, nearly eleven kilometers south of Kathmandu, with his disc and helped drain out the water of the Valley. The Buddhist chronicles of Nepal ascribe the same credit to Manjusri, who came from Greater China (Wright 1877, 1972 reprint: 78). Manjusri is the name of an Indian sage who went to China and meditated there. Along with him, many Brahmana and Kshatriya disciples also went to China. From there, he came to Nepal and Nepal’s ancient name Nayagrad was replaced by Manjupattana, named after him (Gautam 1966: 120‐121). According to the 14th century Chronicle, named Gopal Raj Vamsavali, once the water was drained out of the Valley, the gwalas established their settlement there, which was characterized by Neolithic traits (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: V). However, these accounts do not help as far as the date of these events is concerned. Scientific research has now proved that the Kathmandu Valley was actually a lake around two hundred thousand years ago (Hagen 1971: 69). A volcanic eruption might have split the rock of Chovar and the water
found its way to southwards. Slowly, the water drained out and the dampness produced different kinds of flora and fauna to grow here and setting the grounds for the development of civilization. Archaeologists and geologists have found large number of prehistoric fossils of aquatic plants and animals here. Some stone tools were also discovered at Dhobi Khola, which lies between Baniyapakha and Panditgaon, near Buddhanilakantha (north‐east of Kathmandu) (Sharma 1982: 250). These tools cannot be properly dated as they come from surface collection. The tools were examined by some Russian archaeologists and forwarded the hypothesis that the tools belong to about 30,000 BC (Setencko 1978‐ 1979: 1). From the above account it seems that the civilization in the Kathmandu Valley started around the beginning of the first millennium BC. Although the origin of the early inhabitants is not identified, it has been assumed that both Mongoloid and Caucasoid races composed the population of Nepal, at least from the first millennium BC (Regmi 1969: 16). The Atharvaparisistha of Satapatha Brahman of about 8th century BC refers to Nepal along with Udambara and Kamarupa (Regmi 1969: 42). It is generally believed that the Jain and Buddhist missionaries kept visiting this land along with the caravans (Regmi 1969: 59). The first authentic mention of Nepal is found in the Arthasastra of Kautilya, written around 4th BC. The writer of this treatise, in the chapter of Kosapravesa, recommends that the rain‐proof woollen blankets, made of eight pieces joined together and of black colour known as Bhingisi, as well as blankets
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known as Apasaraka made in Nepal were highly appreciated in Pataliputra, the kingdom of Magadha (Aryal 1967: 131; Shamsastry 1956: 81‐82). In modern Nepal, the blanket weavers belong to a community by name Kiratas, who constitute Mongoloid type. The Gopal Raj Vamsavali mentions that the first inhabitants of the Valley were the Gopalas (cowherds), followed by the Mahishapalas (buffalo herds). During the rule of the Mahishapalas, the Kiratas from eastern Nepal invaded this Valley and began their rule (Vajracharya and Malla 1985 Folio 17: 25). The Kirata rule did last for thirty‐two generations. If we allow twenty‐five years for one generation, it appears that the Kiratas ruled Nepal for about eight hundred years (Regmi 1969: 56). The chronicle Gopal Raj Vamsavali enlists eleven rulers before the beginning of the Kirata rule (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 25); so, using the same counting method, the rulers before Kiratas can be estimated to 275 years. Thus, the first dynastic rule, according to the chronicles, started a little before 1000 BC. The inscription installed by king Vasantadeva (506‐532 AD) of Lichhavi dynasty carries some words of so‐called Kirata dialects, which bear out the earlier rule of Kiratas (Vajracharya 1973: 122‐23, Inscription no. 25) 1 . According to the inscriptions, Sanskrit was the court language during the Lichhavi period. But a few non‐Sanskrit words are also found along with the Sanskrit words, for examples Kuthera, Lingwal, Mapchok, Solla also called Sulli, Brahmamuga, etc. (Vajracharya 1973: 122, Inscription no. 25) 2 The Hanumandhoka inscription of Amsuvarma (early 7th century AD) contains a description of a palace, built by the Kiratas; that was damaged by birds, but was renovated by king Amsuvarma 1 2
(Vajracharya 1973: 374, Inscription no. 91) 3 . From this description also, one can assume that the Kiratas ruled here before the Lichhavis. But all the early dynasties like Gopala, Mahishapala and Kirata, before the Lichhavis, are known only from the Vamsavalis like Gopal Raj Vamsavali, Kirkpatrik and Wright Vamsavali, but no other authentic documents so far are available to support their existence. The real history of Nepal begins with the Lichhavi rulers (Regmi 1969: 54). It is said that the Kiratas were succeeded by the Lichhavis who came from the south (Regmi 1969: 59). We do not know for sure that the Lichhavis of Nepal were the same as the Lichhavis of Vaisali in India. There are no authentic documents to prove the connection of between the Lichhavi dynasties of Nepal and Northern India though there are some references in the Puranas like Himavatkhanda (Yogi et al. 1956: 306). According to Nepalmahatmya of Skandapurana, Vaisaladhipati Dharmadatta attacked the Kiratas and the defeated king Shankhu fled to the forest. Some historians also claim a link between the two dynasties (Levi 1925: 53). From the available sources, scholars assume that the Lichhavi rule might have started in Nepal sometime around the beginning of the Christian era (Levi 1925: 53; Regmi 1969: 64). Few years back, a stone statue dating back to Samvat 107 has been unearthed at Maligaon, a place nearby the ancient site Hadigaon of Kathmandu. One of the historians, D. C. Regmi (1992: 1) on the ground of the Pashupati inscription of Jayadeva II, dated to 733 AD, has related this statue to the Lichhavi king Jayadeva I, who ruled before Manadeva I in and around 1st/2nd century AD. But the question of authenticity is still there.
See appendix 1 See appendix 1
3
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See appendix 3
The first authentic written records of the Kathmandu Valley are found only from a middle of the 5th century AD that is of Manadeva I of the Lichhavi dynasty who ruled from c. 460‐505 AD (Vajracharya 1973: 9‐13, Inscription no. 2) 4 . An assessment of the position with regard to his predecessors can be made on the basis of facts provided in the chronicles. The Lichhavi rulers were contemporaries of the Gupta rulers of Northern India as it is mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta (Chattopadhyaya 1958: 158). In this inscription, Samudra Gupta mentioned Nepal as Kartripura, a place that paid tribute to him. The Gupta over‐lordship continued till the rule of Skanda Gupta. After his death in 467 AD, Nepal was perhaps successful in freeing herself from this influence, as later Gupta rulers were weak (Jha 1970: 107). According to Hit Narayana Jha (1970: 108), the Changunarayan pillar inscription of Manadeva I indirectly echoed the feeling of the rebellion and he reads the date of this inscription as 467 AD which coincides with the year of the death of Skanda Gupta. The Lichhavi period is the beginning of Nepalese dynastic history. Nepalʹs independent political relation as a sovereign state with Tibet and China in the north began for the first time in this period (i.e. in the early half of the 7th century AD). The Lichhavi rule ended around 9th century AD. There are more than two hundred stone inscriptions and hundreds of Hindu and Buddhist icons belonging to Lichhavi period. The Lichhavi kings constructed huge palaces, which were praised by the Chinese travellers. They promoted the contemporary Indian script, culture and religions in Nepal. The history of Nepal from 9th to 12th centuries is not clear. It is said that the 4
Lichhavis were succeeded by a new dynasty of the Thakuris (Sharma 1968: 74). At the end of this new dynasty, new states like Tirhut, Palpa and Sinja emerged on the southern border of Nepal. Drawn by the prosperity and higher culture of the Valley, these border states were inspired to invade it again and again, rendering the Valley very weak and politically disunited. th The 12 century (Nepal’s medieval period) saw the rise of the Malla dynasty in Nepal. The Malla dynasty was founded by King Ari Malla in the year 1200 AD; he ruled till 1216 AD. The Malla rule is divided into two periods ‐ Early and Later Medieval (Malla) periods. The Early Medieval falls within the time bracket of 1200‐1482 AD till the death of King Jaya Yakshya Malla and the Later Medieval period started from the death of Jaya Yakshya Malla to 1769 AD. After the death of King Jaya Yakshya Malla, the Malla kingdom was divided among his three sons that led to the establishment of three individual petty kingdoms, at first centred in Bhaktapur (Bhadgaon), Kantipur (Kathmandu) and Bhonta (Banepa). After 16th century, Banepa was annexed by Bhaktapur while Lalitpur (Patan) was separated from Kantipur. These three independent kingdoms were ruled by three petty kings. The political domination of the Malla rulers of these three kingdoms did last almost for six centuries, from 1200 to 1769 AD, and in that year, Nepal was annexed by the Gorkha king Prithvinarayana Shah who founded the Shah dynasty that continued up to 2008 AD. ii. History of Bronze Art in Nepal The beginning of the art form of stone sculptures in Nepal can be dated to the middle of the 5th century AD. Its history prior to this period is represented by a few specimens, such as the stone sculptures of Virupakshya of Pashupati Aryaghata, Rajpurusha of Mrigasthali of Pashupatinath,
See appendix 4
12
the latter now is exhibited in the National Museum, and Chakrapurusha (also called Rajamata) of Pashupati Aryaghata. All these sculptures are influenced by the style of Mathura School of the 2nd/3rd century BC and are the products of Kirata period (Sharma 1968: 75). The art of Nepal from 5th to 9th centuries can be termed as the real Lichhavi or the classical Nepali School. It is represented by numerous stone sculptures. Vishnu Vikranta sculptures of Kathmandu’s Tilganga and Lazimpat dated 467 AD (the latter now preserved in the National Museum) are the first available images with dated inscriptions on the pedestal. Besides, Garudasana Vishnu of Changunarayana, Visvarupa Vishnu of Changu, Chaturmurti Vishnu of Sankhu, Laksmi exhibited in the National Museum, Jalasayana Vishnu of Buddhanilakantha, Varaha of Kathmandu Dhumvarahi, Ravananugraha of Mrighasthali, Pashupatinath, Uma‐ Maheshvara panel of Patan’s Kumbhesvara, Buddha of Chabahil, Bangemuda, Pashupati Aryaghata, Avalokitesvara of Dhvaka Bahal chaitya, Avalokitesvara of Ganabahal, Kathmandu, are the prime examples of the Lichhavi sculptures and they exhibit considerable influence of Gupta school in modelling and refinement (Sharma 1968: 77). The Malla rule of medieval period can be considered as the golden period of development of Nepalese art and architecture. Thousands of specimens found in Nepal, belong to this period. Some of them are Vishnu Vikranta of Changu, Surya of Patan’s Thapahity and Panauti, Indra of Panauti, Mahishasuramardini of Bhaktapur Darbar Square, Uma‐Mahesvara of Kumbhesvara (Patan), Narasimha of Hanumanadhoka, Padmapani Lokesvara of Kva Bahal (Patan), Tara of Banepa, Bhagavati images of Palanchowk,
Kathmandu’s Sobha Bhagavati and of Naxal are the prime examples of the medieval period. Along with the sculptural art in stone, making of the bronze images also made a beginning at about the same time. Bronze images occupy an important place in the art of Nepal. They are exhibited in various museums and also form part of number of private collections all over the world. Although Nepalese bronzes are well known throughout the world, their history is still obscure. Attempts have been made to throw light on various aspects by a number of foreign scholars, but a comprehensive study is not yet available. Writing on the art history of Nepal, the 17th century Tibetan historian, Taranatha, mentions the names of two famous artists, Dhiman and his son Bitopalo ♣ , who lived in Varendra region (northern Bengal) during the reign of Pala kings ‐ Dharmapala and his son Devapala ruled over Magadha, around 9th century AD. These two artists founded two distinct schools of art. Bitapola, the son appears to have been expert in bronze casting. The images cast by his followers began to be called as Eastern style. The followers of his father, Dhiman, were the creators of the School of Eastern Paintings (Chattopadhyaya 1970: 348 Folio 138A). These two artists flourished under the rich patronage of Nalanda. In this context, it may be noted that a brick structure, discovered at the temple site No. 13 at Nalanda, has been identified as smelting furnace, with metal pieces and slag in it (Sahai 1981: 6). Scholars like Lain Sing Bangdel, Stella Kramrisch, Douglas Barrett and Karl Khandalavala assign the origin of Nepalese bronzes to the Pala Bronzes of eastern India. According to Bangdel (1970: 12‐13), the ♣
The nationality of these artists is still an obscure subject.
13
Eastern School underwent many changes in Bihar and Bengal, whereas the school of bronze art in Nepal followed the tradition of Pala art till the 12th/13th centuries. According to Barrett (1957: 95), the bronze art tradition started in Nepal only during the Pala dynasty of eastern India in the early medieval period and Nepalese artists learnt the techniques of bronze casting from the Pala artists. According to Kramrisch (1964d: 39‐40), during the rule of Pala dynasty (750‐ 1150 AD) in Eastern India, bronze images were made in large numbers in Nalanda and Kurkihar in Bihar and being easily portable found their way to Nepal where their form at once became re‐cast in the Nepali tradition. But there is a strong possibility that bronze casting in Nepal existed prior to this time and it closely followed the styles of Gupta art. Taranatha mentions the presence of the influence of Western art (Chattopadhyaya 1970: 348 Folio 138A). A. K. Coomaraswamy, the first scholar, who introduced Nepalese bronze sculpture to the world, placed the history of making sculpture in bronze in Nepal in the 9th century (Sharma 1967: 10). According to him, Nepalese art is best known by the metal images, usually copper or brass, and of fine workmanship and in the Nepalese bronzes are found the influence of late Gupta art (Coomaraswamy 1927: 145). However, the Padmapani exhibited in the Boston Museum dated to 9th century AD by Coomaraswamy has been dated to as late as the thirteenth or 14th century by Khandalavala (1950a: 24). However, Pratapaditya Pal does not see Pala influence on Nepalese bronzes. He says that, it has become axiomatic with modern scholars to assert that post‐9th century Nepali art was strongly influenced by the Pala art of India. Yet it is curious that the Nepali temples and monasteries have not yielded a single Pala bronze. On the contrary, several Nepali bronzes have been
discovered in India, in and around Nalanda. A comparison between Nepali and Pala bronzes of about 10th and 11th centuries completely belies such an assumption (Pal 1975: 14). From this statement it appears that Nepalese bronzes did not indicate any Pala influence even up to 10th/11th century. In other words, it can be said that Nepalese bronze art developed independently while retaining few characteristics closer to the Gupta model. Pal (1975: 14) further says that, the bronzes that are here attributed to the Lichhavi period of Nepali history (ca. 400‐800 AD) unquestionably demonstrate the predominant influence of the aesthetic tradition of Gupta art of India (ca. 300‐600 AD). The bronze images of post‐Lichhavi and of pre‐Medieval periods show a pronounced Nepalese character though there is some foreign influence as well. As Amita Ray says that, Nepal’s dependence on Indian forms, styles and technique is equally obvious. It is equally obvious that eventually Nepal made a successful venture towards the formation of a Nepali style (Ray 1973: 38). According to R. N. Pandey (1968: 26), the influence of Pala style on Nepalese bronze art is beyond doubt, but it is seen in the art that developed only in the medieval period. There are ample evidences to show that the art developed from the Lichhavi period itself. There are several metal figures, assigned to pre‐Pala period (Pandey 1968: 25‐26). However, according to the inscriptional evidence, the authentic history of bronze art in Nepal can be traced to 5th century AD, along with the development of Mahayana Buddhism. Among the earliest bronze images is the image of a standing Buddha with a dedicatory inscription dated to
14
Samvat 513 (591 AD) that is now exhibited in the Cleveland Museum. It resembles the bronze Buddha of Northern India of Gupta period (Fig. 1) (Czuma 1970, Fig. 8; Slusser 1975‐76, Fig. 5; Pal 1978, Fig. 76; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74E; Ray et al. 1986, Fig. 26). This bronze Buddha was initially believed to be of Gupta period work of India (Ray et al. 1986: 97). But scholars like Gautamvajra Vajracharya and Marry Slusser, studied the pedestal inscription and consider it to be the work of an artist from Patan (Slusser 1975‐ 76: 81‐84). The pedestal inscription reads as:
(Vajracharya 1973: 317, Inscription no. 76) 5 (Fig. 7) and the early 7th century Buddha of Sankhu Vajrayogini (Fig. 8) (Srivastava 1967‐68: 85 pl. IX). This Buddha of Sankhu is known as the Queen of blacksmith (Sharma 1970: 1), Buddha Sakhyamuni of Museum of Fine Arts and Pan Asian Collection Buddha Sakyamuni both are dated to 7th century (Figs. 9 and 10) (Schroeder 1981 Figs. 74A and 74B), inscribed Buddha preserved in Klimbell Art Museum dated to 7th century (Fig. 11) (Pal 1975 Fig. No. 1) Chaturbahu Vishnu of Changu repositary dated to 7th century (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983 no. 18), Tara of Private collection dated to 7th century (Fig. 13) (Schroeder 1984 Fig. 75E), Devi in the collection of George P. Bickford, now preserved in Cleveland Museum of Arts dated to 7th century AD (Fig. 14) (Kramrisch 1964 No. 4), private collection Tara dated to 7th/8th century (Fig. 15) (Pal 1975, Fig. 37), Buddha Maitreya of Private Collection dated to 7th/8th century (Fig. 16) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77D), Pan Asian Collection Avalokitesvara Padmapani dated to 7th/8th century (Fig. 17) (Pal 1975, Fig. 190; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76C), Padmapani Avalokitesvara of Patan Kva Bahal, dated to 8th century AD (Fig. 18), Indra with Vajrapurush of Los Angeles County Museum of Art, dated to 8th century (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D). Kramrisch addressed this figure as ‘Nimbate figure with Attendence’ (Kramsisch 1964 no. 7), Zimmarman Collection Avalokitesvara dated to 8th century (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D), Buddha Maitreya of Cleveland Museum of Arts dated to 7th/8th century (Fig. 21) (Kramrisch 1964 no. 6), Pan Asian Collection Vajrapani with th Vajrapurusha dated to 8 century (Fig. 22) (Pal 1974, Fig. 203; Pal 1975, Fig. 33), Buddha Sakyamuni of private collection dated to 8th century (Fig. 23) (Pal 1974, Fig. 174; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76E), Sankhu
“This image is the pious gift of the Sakya nun Purisuddhamati at Yamgval monastery in Laditagrama in the year 591 AD. May the merit from this deed result in the attainment of supreme wisdom for all sentient being. From the proceeds of pindaka a feast should be provided at the locality east of Chaityakuta Jinabandhu monastery” (Schroeder 1981: 299).
Besides, we have bronze images, which are still worshipped in the temples and monasteries of the Valley itself and some are displayed in the National Museums. Some are housed in the store‐rooms of the temples. Among them are the Vishnu image preserved in the storehouse of Changunarayana temple of Changu, dated to 4th century AD (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983 no. 7). The features of these bronzes are closely follows the norms of Kushana sculptures of India. Likewise, the devi or Tara dated to early 5th century AD (Fig. 3) (Khanal 1983 no. 9), Bodhisattva Maitreya in the collection of Prof. Samuel Eilenberg dated to 6th century AD (Fig. 4) (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 76D), Mukhalinga and Uma‐Maheswara dated to 6th and 7th centuries AD respectively (Figs. 5 and 6) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 15 and 12), the Garudasana Visnu of Changunarayana temple, of which the golden kavaca and Garuda were renovated by king Amsuvarma (605‐621 AD)
5
15
See appendix 5
Buddha, also called Ratnasambhava, of 9th century AD (Fig. 24) (Thapa 1970, Fig. 27), Doris Weiner Gallery Indra with Vajrapurush dated to 9th century (Fig. 25) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78G), St. Louis Art Museum Vajrasattva dated to 9th century (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A), Norton Simon Foundation Vajrapurusha dated to 9th century (Fig. 27) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78A), inscribed Buddha of Los Angeles County Museum of Arts dated to 9th century (Fig. 28) (Pal 1974, Fig. 26), standing Buddha of British Museum dated to 7th/8th century (Fig. 29) (Pal 1974, Fig. 173; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76G), Vasudhara in the collection of Th. Haniel dated to 9th century (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C), Surya or Candra in the collection of Prof. Samuel Eilenberg dated to 9th century (Fig. 31) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79 C), Vishnu of National Museum, dated to 9th/10th century AD (Fig. 32), Indra of Kreitman Gallery dated to 10th century (33) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 82C) and sculptures unearth from Tukan Bahal Stupa, Kathmandu (Shrestha 2002: 20‐38) and of Dhando Chaitya, Chabahil, Kathmandu (Darnal 2005: 35‐78) confirms that bronze art in Nepal existed prior to the Pala period of eastern India and they closely followed the Gupta styles (Pal 1974: 14). Of all the arts, Nepal achieved great fame for metal work from the Lichhavi period and onwards. From the 5th century onwards, we have the dated inscriptions, copper coins, dated as well as undated images in bronze, found in storehouses of temples and in private collections in Nepal and abroad. Copper coins like Mananka of Manadeva I, Vaishravana, Kamadohi types of coins, and Pasupati coins related to king Amsuvarma, Jishnuguptasya related to Jushnu Gupta stand testimony to the developed form of art that flourished in Nepal (Walsh 1973: 10‐ 13). The Chinese traveller Wang‐Huien‐ Tshe, who visited Nepal during the reign of
king Narendradeva (643‐657 AD), mentions that, Nepalese have coins of copper which bear on one side a figure of a man and on the reverse, a horse and a bull, and has no hole in the middle (Jayaswal 1936: 238). In the beginning of early 7th century AD, Nepal made significant achievements in metal sculpture. During the time of Amsuvarma, Nepal exported iron and copper utensils (along with woollen goods) to India (Vajracharya 1973: 209‐11, Inscription nos. 73 and 74) 6 . Changunarayana golden kavaca inscription of Amsuvarma dated to 607 AD, states that the Garudasana Vishnu Kavaca was renovated by king Amsuvarma (Vajracharya 1973: 317, Inscription no. 76) 7 . This shows that the bronze image was already dedicated there at the beginning of early 7th century AD. The chronicle states that king Haridatta Varma (who ruled nine generations before Manadeva I) had built four Narayana temples in four directions of the Kathmandu Valley and one of them was of Changunarayana (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 28, Folio 20). The image of Garudasana Vishnu also might have been established then. Since no one is allowed to check and touch the image, we cannot say definitely whether it is made of pure gold or is only gold‐gilded. The kailashakuta Bhavana, a palace, which was praised by the Chinese travellers, was built by king Amsuvarma in the beginning of early 7th century AD (Vajracharya 1973: 290‐91, Inscription no. 71) 8 . The history of Tʹang Dynasty includes the observations about the palace as: “In the middle of the palace, there is a tower of seven storeys roofed with copper tiles. Its balustrade, grills, columns, beams and everything 6
See appendix 6 See appendix 5 8 See appendix 8 7
16
therein are set with fine and even precious stones. At each of the four corners of the tower, there projects a water pipe of copper. At the base, there are golden dragons, which spout forth water. From the summit of the tower, water is poured through funnels which find its way down below, streaming like a fountain from the mouth of the golden makaraʺ (Jayaswal 1936: 238‐239).
as one of the best examples of developed forms of Nepalese bronze art. Along with Red Machhindranath Yatra, the Lokesvaraʹs Yatra is performed every year. Devamala Vamsavali has related this Lokeshvara with king Amsuvarma (Joshi 1978: 3). Several accounts compiled by contemporary Chinese visitors to Nepal during the Lichhavi period are available. Yuan Chwang, the famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, who travelled India during 629‐645 AD, wrote that the “Nepalese people had no learning but were skillful metal workers” (Watters 1904, 1988 reprint: 83). His comment is of interest, since it is the earliest available literary reference concerning the skills of Nepalese artists working on metal. During the reign of king Narendradeva (c. 643‐657 AD), a Chinese delegation, led by Wang‐Hiuen‐tshe, visited Nepal twice. His accounts, included in the history of the T’ang Dynasty, remark about the people of Nepal as having all their utensils are made of copper. They adore five celestial spirits and sculptured their images in stone (Jayaswal 1936: 238). The Chinese traveller further mentions about king Narendradeva as,
Another description of the same palace is found in the account of Wang‐Hiuen‐Tshe, who visited Nepal in the 7th century that has been translated by Levi (1925: 62) is as: ʺIn the capital of Nepal, there is a construction in storeys which have more than 200 cheu of height and 80 peu of circumference. Ten thousand men can find place in its upper part. It is divided in three terraces and each terrace is divided in seven storeys. In the four pavilions, there are sculptures to make you marvel. Stone and pearls decorated them.ʺ
According to the Chinese accounts, mentioned in T’ang Annals, the king of Tibet, Srong‐brtan‐Gampo, married the Nepalese princess Bhrikuti, who is said to be the daughter of Amsuvarma (Jayaswal 1936: 162). She took the images of Maitreya Boddhisattva, Aksobhya Buddha and Arya Tara with her to Tibet (Joshi 1978: 4). Temples were constructed for those images in the heart of Lhasa (Jha 1970: 159). Scholars assume that those images most probably were of bronze, as bronze images are easier to transport than stone images (Joshi 1976: 42, 1978: 4). In the joint inscription of Sivadeva I and Amsuvarma of Lele at Patan, dated to 604 AD, there is a mention of archa gosthi, one of the organizations dealing with images (Vajracharya 1973: 282‐83, Inscription no. 70) 9 . Besides these, the Minanatha Lokeshvara of Tangal Tole of Patan (Lalitpur) can be cited 9
“their king Na‐ling‐ti‐po adorns himself with true pearls, rock crystal, mother of pearl, corral and amber; he has in his ears rings of gold and pendants of jade and trinkets in his belt adorned with the golden figure of the Buddhaʺ (Levi 1925: 59).
According to the chronicles, the Red Machhindranath, whose ratha yatra (chariot festival) is still performed annually at Patan city, has been related with this king Narendradeva (Wright 1877, 1972 reprint: 142‐148). The above accounts of the chronicles and inscriptions are adequate evidences of the
See appendix 9
17
artistic achievements of the Nepalese, during the Lichhavi period. For the intervening period between the ends of the Lichhavi supremacy up to the beginning of 12th century, the history of Nepal is almost unknown. It is marked by dearth of inscriptions and coins though such materials are not totally absent. Sivadeva III, who ruled in the 12th century AD, is credited with issuing two types of coins, named sivaka and damma (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 58 Folio 48) of gold and silver, respectively (Petech 1958: 177‐78). These coins were in circulation till the end of the Malla period. Besides, the pedestal inscriptions, sculptures from Nepal and abroad, the colophons of the religious scriptures and the Gopal Raj Vamsavali of the 14th century refer to a few important events of this period. The image of Sankhu Buddha of the 9th century (Fig. 24), the 9th/10th century image of Vishnu in the National Museum (Fig. 32), Kva Bahal Padmapani images of 9th and 12th centuries (Figs. 34 and 35), Chandesvara in Indian Museum, Calcutta, dated to 10th/11th century (Bangdel 1976, Fig. 3), Muchhalinda Buddha in Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a) and Devi in Newark Museum dated to 10th/11th century (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Chaturvahu Vishnu of Changu repository dated to 10th century (Fig. 37) (Khanal 1983 no. 17) are among the best specimens of this dark period. Besides these images, pedestal inscriptions of these periods (9th to 12th centuries) are found in private collections, in the museums, viz., Cleveland Museum, British Museum, Boston Museum, Virginia Museum, Stanford Museum, Prince of Wales Museum of Bombay, National Museum of New Delhi, Indian Museum of Calcutta, National Museum of Kathmandu and in the temple courtyards in the Kathmandu Valley.
Pratapaditya Pal has published the bronze image of Vishnu, having the dedicatory inscription dated to ‘Samvat 172’ (Fig. 38) (Pal 1971‐72, Figs. 5 and 6; Pal 1974, Fig. 31). The pedestal inscription of this image states that the bronze image of Vishnu was installed by some devotees named Hetujeeva, Vastramitra, Devaswami, Dharamitra, and others to obtain the blessings (Alsop 1984: 33‐34). Pal took this date under the Nepal Samvat, which he converted to Christian era 1052 AD (Pal 1971‐72: 60‐61). However, Gautamvajra Vajracharya opines the view on the basis of the palaeography that the date of the inscription should have been referred to the Manadeva era rather than to the Nepal Samvat meaning that the date of the inscription is 748 AD (Pal 1971‐72: 66). He has also stated that, “the script is unquestionably in the Gupta character” (a personal letter from Vajracharya to P. Pal dated Feb. 23, 1982, as mentioned by Alsop 1984: 45). Another scholar Dhanavajra Vajracharya (1973: 590‐91, Inscription no. 171) 10 had published his readings on the same inscription confirming Gautamvajra Vajracharya’s version. In the medieval period, the bronze art developed in various ways. Though the Lichhavi rule came to an end in the early 9th century AD, the art movement, which started during this period, continued up to the medieval period. This period is considered as the golden period of the development of Nepalese art and architecture. Most of the art works found in Nepal are stated to be of this period (Regmi 1966a: 862). The Malla rulers of this period not only patronized sculptural art, but they actively participated in activities like building of temples, setting up of images and encouraging manuscript painters to draw on leaves and large canvases called 10
18
See appendix 10
Thanka (paubha), depicting deities and religious events. During this period the dominant religion in Nepal was Vajrayana Buddhism. Although it was practised from the time of the Lichhavis (Vajracharya 1973: 370‐371 and 523‐524, Inscription Nos. 89 and 141) 11 , it was formally adopted only after the visit of Atisa Dipankara Srijnana from India in the 11th century AD (Rajendra Ram 1978: 117) and its fullest development took place during the medieval period (Regmi 1965: 547). Between 9th and 13th centuries, Nepal maintained an intimate cultural link with India through scholars from Nepal visiting the university centres in Bihar and Bengal (Regmi 1965: 543). Nepal, being a centre of Buddhist learning, scholars from India also visited Nepal (Ray 1973: 38). In the early 13th century, Muslim Sultan Bakhtiyar Khilji conquered the whole of eastern India (Majumdar 1957: 39). In the centuries prior to the Muslim invasion, Bihar and Bengal had played a vital role in the development of Vajrayana Buddhism. But this invasion caused panic among the Buddhists since they were ruthlessly persecuted. This invasion was accompanied by the wholesale destruction of Buddhist monasteries like Vikramasila, Nalanda and Odantapuri. As a result, Buddhism collapsed in India and a large number of Buddhist monks, scholars, painters and sculptors from these Buddhist universities migrated to Nepal, Tibet and south India (Majumdar 1957: 425). The arrival of Buddhist refugees was beneficial to Nepal in many ways. Among them, there were many eminent Buddhist scholars who brought collections of the Buddhist manuscripts with them and also many artists came with them to Nepal. These artists carried their art designs and skills with them (Agrawala 1950: 203). As a 11
result of contact with these Indian Buddhist monks, scholars and artists, Nepalese Buddhists also accepted the Vajrayana philosophy and Tantrism, a cult of profound mysticism and magic in temples and monasteries. A large number of bronze images of Tantric deities were produced during the medieval period. This was the beginning of a new era in the world of metal art in Nepal. From the beginning of the early medieval period, the Nepalese artists were actively engaged in the work of decorating temples and monasteries in Nepal as well as in Tibet. The artist A‐ni‐ko (also called Arniko or Balabahu by the Nepalese) (1245‐1306 AD), a descendant of the royal family of Nepal, achieved everlasting fame in the court of Mongol emperor Kublai Khan of China (Levi 1925: 63‐64). This shows the important role of Nepalese artists in regard to the stylistic development of Tibetan as well as Chinese art during 13th‐15th centuries. Father Desideri, who visited Nepal in 1722, remarked on Newars, who were the inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley that they are “clever at engraving and melting metal” (Regmi 1966a: 1009). Because of the contact with Indian refugees and as a result of the new cultic practices making inroads into the various rituals of the country, religious and social life of Nepal changed to a great deal. Vajrayana pantheon of eastern India got established throughout the Kathmandu Valley. A large number of Tantric and ritualistic Sanskrit treatises, both of Shaivite and Buddhist origins, were copied and preserved in the monasteries of the Valley during the medieval period (Majumdar 1957: 426; Rajendra Ram 1978: 164‐65). During this period, the casteless character of
See appendix 11
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Buddhist monkhood underwent a change and gave way to the formation of rigid caste structure at the top. Under the Mahayanism, Vajrayana pantheon developed. Some of the monks turned to priests and most of them entered a householders’ life. This gave an impetus to the introduction of complex caste structure among the Buddhists also. This development in its own turn supported the development of Tantrism (Regmi 1965: 543). This added new deities and new cults to already existing tradition (Regmi 1966a: 557). The Buddhist text Sadhanamala mentions invocations to numerous female and male deities, viz., Prajnaparamita, Kurukula, Vasudhara (also known as Vasundhara in Nepal), Nairatma and male deities like Hevajra, Heruka and Samvara, deriving their origin from Vajrayana Trantrism (Regmi 1966a: 576‐98). Many deities of the Vajrayana pantheon continued to enjoy popularity till the end of the 17th century. By then, Vajrayana pantheon had become part of both the faiths of Shaivism and Buddhism (Macdonald and Stahl 1979: 54). Under the influence of this pantheon, Shiva, the principal deity of Shaivism, known as Pashupatinath, also came to be worshipped by the Buddhists. On the eighth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Kartik (October‐November), the Pashupati linga is crowned and is worshipped as Avalokitesvara (Macdonald and Stahl 1979: 54). The Buddhists believe that Guhyesvari is the root of the lotus on which the Adi‐ Buddha became manifest as a flame at Svayambhunath (north of Kathmandu), while for the Hindus, she is the vagina of Satidevi (Macdonald and Stahl 1979: 48). Likewise, Vajrayogini is one of the mother goddesses of the Vajrayana pantheon; but for the Saivites, she is worshipped as Ugratara (Regmi 1966a: 596). Such newly introduced commonalities tended to bind the Buddhist and Shaivite groups closer. As a result, they developed the same rituals, language and script.
The 15th century was propitious in Nepalese history. During the reign of king Yakshya Malla, who ruled from 1428 to 1482 AD, trade link with Tibet was established which proved to be beneficial for artistic community, especially Buddhists (Pal 1974: 134). After the 16th century, Tantric influence is more pronounced in bronze images. The rulers of the three near independent Malla kingdoms of Kathmandu Valley (Kantipur, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur) were very rich. Nepal Valley had become the centre of trans‐Himalayan trade; so they could control all the entry points to Tibet and levied duties on all trade (Regmi 1966a: 537; Dhungel 1986: 49). Being of the same families and jealous of each other, these Malla kings were constantly competing with each other. So they built temples, Darbar squares and patronized artists. They minted coins and cast images for the Tibetan market and earned gold and silver in exchange (Regmi 1966a: 533‐34; Dhungel 1986: 49). Nepalese bronzes can be seen in the monasteries of Tibet even today (Schroeder 1981: 410). Over many years in the past, following the Chinese occupation of Tibet and subsequent destruction of its monastic orders, thousands of images were removed and dispersed all over the world. Among these images were many of Nepalese origin ‐ they were either taken to Tibet in earlier times or cast there by the itinerant Nepalese Newar artists. Often the relatively unaffected or unworn appearance of such images results in the ascription of a later date. In addition, these images are frequently regarded as indigenous works of Tibet or as later copies of earlier Nepalese prototypes. N.R. Ray (quoted by Regmi 1965: 617) says that the Tibetan art owes its inspiration to Nepalese art tradition and the latter was definitely superior to the former in quality and
20
standard. Since the 11th century, Tibet received a number of skilled artists along with learned monks from Nepal (Regmi 1965: 617). Nepalese went to Lhasa and other areas in central Tibet. The legacy of art, they carried with them to these places, was the classical Nepalese style and its distinct features were indelibly printed on their art creations (Pal 1975: 21; Regmi 1965: 632‐33). During the medieval period, most of the images were cast in bronze and the influence of Tantrism is evident in their making (Figs. 35‐42). The Nepalese images in bronze are worth studying as excellent specimens of art works of the medieval period. Occasionally, they were studded with semi‐precious stones, viz., coral, amber, pearls, rubies and turquoise. As early as in the 7th century AD tradition of embellishing the images with jewelles had been testified by Chinese travellers and the continuation of the same craftsmanship and taste is borne by the specimens of medieval period too (Figs. 43‐45). Several bronze works of this period are found. They include the images of the reliefs in tympannums as reflected in the many floral and geometrical designs and illustrations of finials, double drum and similar other objects. Some of them are gilded. But the early medieval bronzes are very few in number and mostly they are exhibited in the museums of India, Europe, America, Britain and form part of private collections all over the world. As stated by Father D’Andrade, the Nepalese artists worked on metal in Tsaparang (Regmi 1966a: 1004). Most of the inscriptions of 14th/15th centuries also commemorate the installation of bronze images in temples for worship. The Tibetan monk Dharmaswamin recorded seeing a golden image of Sakyamuni also known as Lord Abhayadana, inside the Tham Vihara built by Atisa Dipankara
Srijnana (Roerich 1959: 55). Dharmaswamin also noted in his memoir how he saw in the Tham Vihara an abbot’s seat gilded and adorned with pearls for which eighty ounces of gold was used (Rajendra Ram 1978: 115; Roerich 1959: 55‐56). The image of Dipankara Buddha of Patan Guitatole, which has an inscription of 13th century, is the earliest inscriptional evidence found in Kathmandu Valley (Regmi 1965: 615). The Kathmandu Itumbahal inscription of Madansimharam Vardhana (a Bhotia feudatory) commemorates the occassion of setting up of gold image of Arya Tara at Paravarta Mahavihara by Jaitralaksmi, wife of Madansimharama in the year 1382 AD (Rajbansi 1970: 38‐39, Inscription no. 53) 12 . The copper plate inscription of I‐baha‐bahi in Patan, dated to 1427 AD, mentions gold image of Boddhisattva installed by Mahapatras Rajasimha Malla Varma and others (Regmi 1966b: 56, Inscription no. LIV) 13 . The most important image of the early medieval period in the Kathmandu Valley itself is the image of Padmapani of Patan Kva Bahal of 12th century ‐ this is still worshipped (Fig. 35). Besides, Vajrapani of 12th/13th centuries in the British Museum (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) and Maitreya of 12th century in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 39) are among other notable specimens. Another image is the gilt copper image of Indra of 12th century in a private collection that has been referred by Stella Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d no. 16). Matrika of 12th century in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 40), Vasudhara dated Samvat 1082 (Fig. 46) (Pal 1975, Fig. 41), another Vasudhara image 12 13
21
See appendix 12 See appendix 13
exhibited in Virginia Museum dated to 12th century (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a) and Chamunda of 13th century in the San Francisco (Schroeder 1981: 352, Fig. 92A) are the images of notable female deities of early medieval period. The golden image of Narayana was installed by the King Yakshya Malla in 1427 AD in memory of his late son Rajmalla. This gold image enshrined in the temple of Bhaktapur is a form of Narayana known as Hrishikesha (Regmi 1966b: 80‐82, Inscription no. LXXII) 14 . One of Yakshya Malla’s copper plate inscriptions has a description of the installation of an image of Gauri within the temple of Pashupatinath in honour of the sacred memory of the deceased queen mother, Sansaradevi Thakurani in the year 1441 AD (Regmi 1966b: 58‐61, Inscription no. LVI) 15 . Vasudhara in the collection of B.S. Cron dated 1467 AD (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) is another figure of this type, which was installed during the reign of King Yakshya Malla. The image of Vajrapani of 14th/15th century in the British Museum (Barrett 1957, Fig. 5), Samvara images of 14th century in the National Museum (Figs. 41‐43) are among the graceful specimens of this phase. The four handed Shiva in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswami 1910, Fig. 12), Padmapani of Boston Museum (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Kar 1972, Fig. 7), Kva Bahal Padmapani and Manjusri (Figs. 51‐52) also can be cited as the main pieces of art of this period. The image of Agastya of 14th/15th century preserved in the Art Institute of Chicago (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1991, Fig. 4) and Vishnu with Garuda and Lakshmi in the Prince of Wales Museum, bearing dedicatory inscription dated to 1698 AD (Fig. 54) are other important bronze pieces of this period. On the back of the
pedestal of Vishnu, there is a dedicatory inscription, which records the gift of Lakshmi Narayana and Garuda idols by one Narasimha Bhatta in 1698 AD (Gorakshkar 1971: 31). The other images like Bhrikuti in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55), National Museum’s Surya images (Figs. 56‐ 57), Amoghasiddhi (Fig. 58), Sukhavati Lokesvara (Fig. 59), Simhanada Lokesvara (Fig. 60), Durga (Fig. 61), Bhairava (Fig. 62), Varahi (Fig. 63), Vasudhara (Fig. 64), Tara (Fig. 65), Prince of Wales Museum’s Tara and Prajnaparamita (Figs. 66‐67) which has a dedicatory inscription dated to 1699 AD, Virginia Museum’s Prajnaparamita (Gairola 1978, Fig. 4a), Humphrey Prajnaparamita (Barrett 1957, Fig. 6), Virginia Museum Bhadrakali (Fig. 68) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 10a), Prince of Wales Museum’s Heruka holding his Shakti Vajravarahi (Fig. 69), having a dedicatory inscription on the back of the pedestal dated to 1544 AD and Indra (Fig. 70), are the prime examples of the late medieval period, showing the influence of Tantrism. Above all, the images of Visvarupa, one of Hanumanadhoka, Kathmandu (Fig. 71), set up by King Pratap Malla in 1657 AD (Vajracharya, G and M.R.Panta 1961 III: 19) 16 and another of Kva Bahal (Fig. 72) are the most elegant figures of this period. Golden image of Indra mounted on elephant aeiravat (Fig. 73) and bronze images of Ananda Bhairava and Ananda Bhairavi (Figs. 74‐75), having an inscription dated to 1702 AD, usually exhibited during the period of Indra yatra under the Linga that erected infront of Kalbhairava temple and in the verandah of Bhagavati temple at Kathmandu’s Hanumanadhoka respectively (Vajracharya 1976: 173, Inscription no. 50) 17 and Tara of Svayambhunath (Fig. 76) ‐ they are the prime examples of late medieval period.
14
16
15
See appendix 14 See appendix 15
17
22
See appendix 16 See appendix 17
Besides, bronze images are found in the Viharas of the Kathmandu Valley itself; they are mostly of Dipankara, Sakyamuni Buddha. The gilt images of Dipankaras, which are carried in processions during festive occasions, are often called Samhedyo – they receive samaye (offerings of delicious food consisting of beaten rice, soyabean, garlic, ginger, meat, bean, dry fish, etc.). Some of the Shaivite temples also do have bronze images. Images of Indra and Vairocana installed at Indresvara temple at Panauti (one of the ancient places of old Bhaktapur) are dated to 13th century (Thapa 1970, Figs. 28‐29). Other specimens of 17th century of gilt bronze used as embellishments on the stoned wall of the water conduit are found in the courtyards of the Bhaktapur Darbar, Patan Sundari Chowk and Kathmandu. Similarly Devi images of the same period are placed in the three royal palaces of Kathmandu Valley (Regmi 1966a: 914). The bronze art also includes some images on the tympannums, also called torana (tolan). One such an image is the four‐faced Shiva of the southern gateway of Pashupatinath temple. Similarly the image on the tympannum (Fig. 77A and B) of the famous Golden Gate (lun dhvaka) of Bhaktapur palace (Fig. 78), built by Ranajeet Malla, the last Malla ruler, in 1753 AD, can also be cited here. It consists of an embossed image of Taleju Bhavani flanked by small Devi images. Similar type of torana is also to be seen in the main courtyards (mu chuka) of Kathmandu and Patan Darbars. The toranas of Indrayani and Sobha Bhagavati temples, situated on the banks of the Vishnumati river of Kathmandu city are also beautiful examples of late medieval period. Besides these toranas, doors of Kathmandu Taleju temple built by king Pratap Malla in 1671 AD and 1692 AD respectively (Vajracharya 1976: 224‐30, Inscription nos. 32, 34 and
35)18 , Pashupatinath temple, set up by Devidas in 1676 AD (Regmi 1966a: 910), Changunarayana temple (which indicates no idea of its date) are the best examples of bronze art of this period. Another excellent example of such a doorway is the Golden Gate of Bhaktapur’s royal palace (Fig. 78), built by Ranajeet Malla in 1753 AD (Regmi 1966a: 911). Percy Brown (1912: 75) in his Picturesque Nepal has appreciated the beauty of this doorway and the skill master artist in the following words: “A doorway of brick and embossed copper gilt, the richest piece of art work in the whole kingdom, and placed like a jewel flashing innumerable facts in the handsome setting of its surroundings and further and the artificer of this wonderful doorway has proved in this great work that he was not only a past master of his craft, but a high priest of his cult. There are many other beautiful and absorbing features on the various buildings in the Darbar Square of Bhatgaon (called Bhaktapur), but this, the door of gold‐molten, graven hammered, and rolled‐forces these into comparative insignificance by its depth of meaning, richness of design, wealth of material, and the excellence of its workmanship. As a specimen of man’s handicraft, it creates a standard whereby may be measured the intellect, artistic and religious, of the old Newars.”
After the 16th century, images of devotees were also made which are found in and around Kathmandu Valley. Bronze statues of the Malla kings like Bhupatindra Malla (Fig. 79), Yoganarendra Malla (Fig. 80), Pratap Malla, Parthivendra Malla, statue of so‐called Bhupatindra Malla, exhibited in the National Museum (Fig. 81), Garuda installed infront of the famous Krishna temple at Lalitpur Darbarsquare by Malla King Siddhinasimha Malla of Lalitpur during NS 757 (1637 AD) (Figs. 82 and 83), a lay devotee’s statue exhibited in the same museum (Fig. 84) and a devotee in Prince of 18
23
See appendix 18
Wales Museum (Fig. 85) can also be cited here. Thus the art of image making in bronze began languishing in north India from the 13th century, on account of the suppression it faced at the hands of the iconoclast Muslim rulers; but the art not only survived in Nepal, but tradition was preserved without any break till the present day (Regmi 1966a: 908). The countless surviving temples and shrines along with their sculptural embellishments, which are concentrated in the Valley of Kathmandu, are almost exclusively the works of the Newar artists and artisans, whose skills were well acknowledged outside Nepal as well. It is said that in the court of Kublai Khan, a Nepali master, sculptor and builder, A‐ni‐ko was serving as the head of the Art Department (Levi 1925: 63‐65). Taranath, in his autobiography, has mentioned twenty Nepalese sculptors in Tibet working in bronze. They were honoured by paying dakshina (gift in coins) implying that they were not mere workers hired on daily wages. In their honour the articles they were offered were Chinese clothes, dust silk, turquoises. He further states that a statue of Jambhala and haloes for seven other statues were created by the Nepalese artists in his presence (Regmi 1965: 633). The fifth Dalai Lama, in his works, has named some of Nepalese artists working in Lhasa. Their names were Dsyo bhan, Siddhi, Kar sis (Mangal), Dhar ma de vo, Dsai sin (Jaysing), A ma ra dsa ti (Amarajati), and Dse la K’ran K’ra pa su tsa. Amongst other images made by them one was of the Dalai Lama (Regmi 1965: 633). Coomaraswamy (1921: 1) saw the Nepalese metal images as characterized by certain features of composition, a very full modelling of the flesh and almost florid features, the bridge of the nose is markedly round and the lips full. On the other hand,
those of the later date and up to modern times are no longer so robust and fleshy, but svelte and slender waist and more sharply contoured; the nose becomes aquiline. Sometimes even hooked, the lips clear‐cut and thin and the expression almost arch. He further states that the Nepalese bronze art of the late medieval period had tended to become a goldsmith’s art with more ornamentation and less plastic which was an inherent quality of the earlier creation (Coomaraswamy 1921: 1). His observation may be correct but only to a certain degree. It does not certainly apply to the images up to the 15th/16th century in general. Even for the later period, it can be stressed that most of the earlier features were retained. The bronze was the only field where an unbroken stream of the art tradition was maintained with its finer qualities; but it must be admitted that to a certain degree of deterioration in the composition seems to have encroached in the images of 17th/18th centuries. The dating of Nepalese images is often made difficult because of the different states of preservation over the centuries. This problem is also related to the different custom of worship practiced for different deities. For example, the image of Nepalese origin in a Tibetan monastery, viz. of Jo‐ Khong, Lhasa (Schroeder 1981: 413), has remained as fresh as original because it remained untouched throughout. It has retained its full coating of gilding and inset semi‐precious stones and in perfect condition, whereas an image of the same period in temples or monasteries or private shrines of the Kathmandu Valley used for ritualistic purpose would have lost most of its gilding and inset stones. Nepalese bronzes of 14th and 17th centuries denote a true Nepali style than the earlier pieces and they are easily recognizable.
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Tantric bronzes, belonging to this period, are inspired works displaying distinctly a Nepalese character (Pal 1975: 15). Nepalese art after 16th century follows to a great extent the prototypes of Buddhist and Brahmanical deities that developed earlier in India, but it does not naturally presuppose that Newar artists blindly duplicated such models. On the contrary, Nepalese artists had greater freedom in conceiving the metal images of their gods
and goddesses before they actually executed it. The predominant use of bronze as a major medium of artistic expression is a unique feature of Nepal, at least up to the early 18th century, among Asian cultures. Even after Nepal was taken over by the Gorkha king Prithvi Narayana Shah in the year 1769 AD, Nepalese artists continued casting images in bronze but the craft seems to have moved away from the traditional norms, unfortunately.
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II ETHNO‐ARCHAEOLOGY OF NEPALESE BRONZE SCULPTING i History The earliest evidences of the manufacture of bronze images in South Asia come from the Indus or Harappan Civilization dating between c. 3000 and 1800 BC and number of sites throughout northern India mainly in the Gangetic Basin, where hoards of copper objects of certain types were deposited (Lal 1951). Excavations at Mohenjo‐daro and Harappa conducted under the supervision of Sir John Marshall (1931) and M. S. Vats (1940) respectively, brought to light a number of metal objects. Indus or Harappan Civilization marks the beginning of the use of copper and bronze for the manufacture of tools, weapons, ornaments and art objects. These objects constituted items of wealth, and were often kept hidden buried in metal pots underground to protect them from theft. The practice still continues in rural Nepal and India where the banking facilities are either inadequate or the people are unaware of them. One such hoard from Harappa consisted of numerous copper tools and weapons comprising axes with straight or shouldered edges, long and narrow blade axes, double axes, daggers with long tangs and curved back tips, tapered daggers, marble mace head, spear heads, chisels, thick bars, saws, arrowhead, double‐edged dagger, lance head, semi‐oval chopper and bowl. Among the other important bronze art objects recovered from excavated Harappan sites are the leaf‐shaped and triangular, tanged spear‐heads from Mohenjo‐daro and Harappa, and copper‐bronze ram figurine from Mohenjo‐daro. There is a hiatus of over a millennium between the decline of the Indus
Civilization from around 1900 BC and re‐emergence of civilization in the middle of the first millennium BC. Among the findings of Harappan sites, the most notable is the figures of the famous dancing girls from Mohenjo‐daro (Marshall 1931: 44‐45). One of them is preserved in the National Museum at New Delhi and the other is in the National Museum at Karachi (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 1E and 1F). These are probably the earliest bronze sculptures to have been cast by Cire‐Perdue or Lost Wax process: the process that continued till date. The history of casting in Nepal is not yet adequately known while the excavation shows the development of this art from many centuries before Christ. The recent archaeological excavations carried out by Nepal‐German Archaeological Project in 1992 at the caves of Mustang have revealed many copper hoards, viz., barbed iron arrow heads with a tang, a strip made of bronze, fragments of iron blades (Figs. 86 and 87) (Simons 1992‐1993(130‐133): 1‐19 figs. 4:1 and 2, 9:1), iron ritual objects, embossed bronze or copper sheets (Figs. 88 and 89) (Simons, A. et al. 1994(135): 51‐75 Figs. 16 and 10) also termed as anthropomorphic object by D. N. Tiwari (1984‐85(85): 1‐12), bronze objects like cross shaped, copper bangles (Fig. 90) (Simons, A. et al. 1994(136): 51‐75 Fig. 9), likewise iron spatula, metal jewellary, 1 cm long tubules made of brass and of copper, reveal traces of gilt, brass bell and iron belt buckle (Figs. 91, 92 and 93) (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐ 129, Figs. 2: 1, 3: 2‐5 and 21: 1, 2) and anthropomorphic figure of copper also have come to light from Jagatpur village of
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Kailali District (Fig. 94) (Darnal 2002(150): 39‐48, Fig. V). The findings of Mustang have been called Megalithic and Neolithic by Tiwari (1984‐85(85): 6 and 9), Schuh (1992‐ 93(130‐133): c‐m) named them as Neolithic and Megalithic. According to Angela Simons (1992‐1993(130‐133): 8), this was the Prehistoric and Iron Age Culture. T. N. Mishra (1994(136): 151) is of the opinion that the findings from Mustang are comparable to the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the Megalithic sites found in the South Asian region. Besides, the successive excavations at Tilaurakot, the ancient Kapilvastu, in the western Tarai region of Nepal during 1962, have yielded thousands of silver and copper coins, at least dating from 5th century BC to 2nd century BC (Figs. 95A, B ) (Rijal 1979: 37). Devala Mitra (1972: 85) opines that these coins were issued locally at ancient Tilaurakot when it was an sovereign state. According to her, the character symbol of the finding seems to have been a small circular cast coins of copper as well as die struck mark of four‐spoked wheel on one side only, found clearly on as many specimens unearthed from there. This symbol has been seen on a few potsherds and a sealing as well found from Kapilvastu (Fig. 96) (Mitra 1972 Pls. XXVII, 6 and 7). The same symbol occurs on other coins collected from the surface of the Kapilvastu itself. The coins unearthed from Phase A of Period I also contain chisel. The wheel, no doubt, is not an unusual symbol on coins but usually it has more than four spokes as seen on Punch‐Marked coins of Vidisa, Naga coins of Padmavati, and coins of Kuluta and of Vrishnis (Gupta 2000: 74). The four‐spoked wheel, though rare, is also not unknown, as it occurs on a few Punch‐Marked coins as a reverse mark and on the some of the coins of Kausambi. But on the hoard of coins unearthed from Kapilvastu, it is absolutely unassociated with any other symbol or legend. On this ground Mitra seems to be correct in her
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views. Those hoards may be presumed to be the coins of local issues of the ancient Kapilavastu when it was an independent state. All these coins bear on the reverse a single symbol, a four‐spoked wheel composed of enclosed by rim, the latter generally circular and exceptionally slightly ellipsoid (Fig. 97) (Mitra 1972 Pl. XXVI). The stamped wheel like the symbols on Punch‐ Marked coins, stands out in relief from an incuse and does not project above the surface. The reverse is blank, a few having a pitted surface evidently due to corrosion (Fig. 97: 1, 4) (Mitra 1972 Pl XXVI, 1 and 4). Besides, number of uninscribed cast and chiseled copper coins, on all of which are legible either fully or partly has come to light from Tilaurakot, ancient Kapilvastu. With the exception of some coins which are circular, all are either square or oblong (Fig. 97: 12‐21) (Mitra 1972 Pl XXVI, 12‐21). Besides, a smelting furnace and along with it metal pieces and slag have been excavated at Tilaurakot. These evidences suggest the possibility of having the knowledge of casting metal art objects at Kapilavastu during the said period. Likewise, many metal ornaments, mainly of gold objects also have been unearthed from Phase B of Period I which suggests that these objects might have been used as an amulets (Fig. 98) (Mitra 1972 XLVII: B). Similarly, a silver bead with hollow inside also have come to light from Kapilvastu (Fig. 99) (Mitra 1972 Pl XLIV: 22). The number of copper objects were also found, viz., copper beads (Fig. 100) (Mitra 1972 Pl XLV: 43), copper rings, that are open on one side so that it could be enlarged when slipping it on around the finger (Fig. 101: 1‐3) (Mitra 1972 Pl XLVIII: 1‐3), a small lenticular cast piece unearthed from there, is remarkable for the relief symbol resembling an elongated taurine or the Brahmi letter ‘ma’ enshrined on it (Fig. 101: 4) (Mitra 1972 Pl XLVIII: 4). Likewise a small thin piece with three prongs on two opposite sides as in a Vajra shaped or
copper object resembling a Vajra, copper antimonyrods, circular in section, with thick end, copper hooks, copper bangles, some bronze bowls, vase and bronze bangles also have been collected from Kapilavastu (Fig. 101: 5‐14) (Mitra 1972 Pl XLVIII: 5‐14). Many metal objects also have come to light during the excavation. Gold was found as tiny piece of a leaf and thin leaves probably used as a covering for some other objects. The iron objects were nails, hooks, chisel, spearhead, arrowhead, small dagger, long heavy bar with ring like ends, fragments of hollow tubular object, a few are fragments of flat wide bands, chain, iron ore, nails and many other objects unearthed from Tilaurakot, the ancient Kapilvastu (Figs. 102‐105) (Kunwar 2008: 9, Fig. 72; Mitra 1972, pls XLIX, L; Regmi 1979, Fig. 27). Debala Mitra discovered two bronze figures of Boddhisattva and of devotee dated back to late Kushana period from Lumbini (birthplace of Lord Buddha) during her exploration (Fig. 106) (Mitra 1972: 203 Pl CXXVIII). From Gotihawa, (the native land of Krakuchhanda Buddha that lies about 6 kilometres south‐west of Tilaurakot) iron nails, fragment of nails, fragment of tools, finger rings of bronze, some tabular beads of oxidized bronze, and other metal objects were unearthed during the excavation between 1994 to 2003, conducted by the joint venture of Nepal and Italy (Verardi 2007: 100, 146). From the excavation at Pipri site (nearby Gotihawa) conducted by the same team, some bracelets made of bronze were unearthed (Verardi 2007: 214). The Gotihawa findings are dated back to 800 BC according to the appearance of iron technology (Verardi 2007: 17‐18) and for Pipri findings were dated to 3rd century BC to 8th century AD by Devala Mitra (1972: 208‐210). The Nepali and Italian team also confirmed the same (Verardi 2007: 174). These evidences also suggest the possibility of having the knowledge of casting bronze art objects at Kapilvastu area during the
said period. However, no other places from the Kathmandu Valley has so far yielded similar contemporary evidence. But the art of casting is still being practiced in Nepal. It is, therefore, possible to have a direct access to the technology of image casting which has its roots in the ancient tradition. Bulk of bronze objects including sculptures, ornaments, inscriptions of various fabrics mainly of gold, silver and copper plated inscriptions and other historical documents have been found from Changu Narayana Temple store house, viz., images of Vishnu dated as well as undated ones (Figs 2, 107, 12, 108, 37 and 109‐113), (Khanal 1983, Figs. 7, 16, 18, 24, 27‐28 and 30‐33), Shiva images like Mukhalinga and Uma‐Mahesvara panel (Figs. 5 and 6) (Khanal 2040, Figs. 12 and 15) image of Garudha (Fig. 114) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 26), Devi or Tara and Lakshmi (Figs. 3 and 115) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 9 and 35), Royal portraits depicted in the posture of devotees and silver Garuda in the form of devotee (Figs. 116‐120) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 34, 36, 41, 42 and 37) can be cited here as the prime examples. Besides, many ornaments and ritual objects, brass bells, shells, water vase, lamps, artifacts, weapons, etc. were also found from the repository. Some architectural remains on metal were also found there (Figs. 121 and 122) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 13 and 14). Among the bronze sculptures discovered from there, the oldest sculpture is of the four armed Vishnu, which has been dated back to 4th century AD (Fig. 2). The character of this figure closely resembles with that of the pre‐ Lichhavi features, which are seen in the so‐ called Kirata sculptures. Thus this sculpture has been termed as the most ancient bronze object found in Nepal Valley. The Karandaka Mukuta applied in this Vishnu image is similar to that of India. The simple and unflamed Prabhamandala shown in this figure also quite resembles to that of Mathura styled sculptures of India. Khanal
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has compared this sculpture with that of Vishnu image exhibited in Lacknow Museum, dated to 4th century AD. La Plant is of the opinion that this is one of the early motifs of the halo as Indian head halos from the Kushana through the Gupta dynasty are round and also unflamed (La Plant 1963: 249). The figure is shown on Samapada posture. Another bronze figure found from the repository is of Tara or Devi, which also assigned to be one of the oldest figures found in Nepal (Fig. 3). This figure has been dated to early 5th century AD. This female figure resembles with that of the female figurine depicted in Vishnu Vikrant panel of Lazimpat dated Samvat 389 (467 AD) (now preserved in National Museum, Kathmandu). The ornaments like Kundala, big shaped Bala, armlets, necklace that can be seen in ancient sculptures, are also wore by this Devi. The style of carrying Kamala and dress patterns also closely follows with the female figure depicted in the panel of Lazimpat. But this figure is shown without pauju (a kind of anklet) while Lazimpat figure is adorn with the Pauju. Hence this sculpture of Changu Narayana repository could be placed around 5th century AD. Despite these, Changu Narayana golden image itself shows the tradition of bronze casting in Nepal (Fig. 7) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 11). The Golden Kavaca inscription of Amsuvarma dated to 607 AD states that the Garudasana Vishnu kavaca was renovated by the King Amsuvarma. This shows that the bronze image was already there before the time of Amsuvarma. The chronical states that King Haridatta Varma, who ruled nine generations before Manadeve I, had built four Narayana temples in four directions of the Kathmandu Valley and one of them was of Changu Narayena (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 28). The image of Garudasana also might have been established then. Thus from these evidences
one can assume that the bronze casting in Nepal did already exist in Nepal before the Lichhavi period itself; but coming to the Lichhavi period, it flourished and matured but with Gupta in character. The bronze Buddha exhibited at Cleveland Museum can be cited here. Apart from that, bronze sculptures found from the Changu Narayana store room can also be cited here. Among them, the sculpture of Uma‐ Maheswara dated to 6th/7th century (Fig. 6), Mukhalinga dated to 7th/8th century AD (Fig. 5), Vamana Murti of 7th century AD (Fig. 107), Garudashana Vishnu dated to 7th/8th century AD (Fig. 108) and Garuda dated to 8th century (Fig. 114) can be cited here as the lichhavi bronzes. All these sculptures follow the norms of Lichhavi stone sculptures. Stylistically this Garudashana Vishnu image closely resembles with the famous Garuda Narayana sculpture of stone that is situated in situ at Changu Narayana temple courtyard dated to 8th century. In the figure, Vishnu firmly straddles the Garuda’s shoulders as the bird appears to fly. The outstretched wings of the bird seem to form a comfortable shelter for his master, while the tail feathers spread behind Vishnu as a heraldic aureole. Vishnu’s attributions are distributed in the manner as in the stone Garudashana Vishnu. Like wise the Vamana image also resembles with the Vamana figure of H. K. Swali collection which has been dated to 7th century by Pal (1974, Fig. 96). The Garuda resemblance with the Garuda image that is shown in the Sridhara Vishnu panel of Naxal dated to 8th century AD. Similarly, some architectural fragmentary remains of metal also have come out from the repository of Changu Narayana (Figs. 121‐122). The findings of these ornamented pillars suggest us about the development of architectural pattern of said period. These pillars are of 87 cm in length and 23 cm in breadth, of which the lower portion is more ornamented than the upper part. The pillar fragment with the
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delightful gana (comical dwarf) or yaksha at the base resemble with the gana shown in the stone fragment lying at Pashupati Vatsladevi temple courtyard, for which Pal has given the date of 7th century AD according to the comparative study between the fragment and Varaha of Dhumbarahi dated to early 7th century AD (Pal 1974, Fig. 82). The chest and the belly of the gana are distinguished by a serpentine element that is typical of Gupta period ganas that is seen in Indian images and has also been employed in the magnificent stone image, Varaha of Dhumvarahi. Besides, many more bronze objects of post‐ Lichhavi, pre‐medieval and medieval periods also have been discovered from the repository and from courtyard of Changu Narayana. Mainly the Chaturbahu Vishnu images dated to 9th and 10th centuries respectively (Figs. 37 and 109), inscribed Sridhara Vishnu images dated Samvat 170 (1050 AD), another of Samvat 207 (1087 AD), Samvat 226 (1106 AD), and of Samvat 241 (1121 AD) (Figs. 110‐113), figure of Lakshmi of Samvat 665 (1545 AD) (Fig. 115), figures of Royal devotees, viz., the Malla Kings Yaksha Malla of dated Samvat 602 (1482 AD) (Fig. 116), figures of King Pratap Malla and his two queens Rupamati and Lalamati dated Sambat 773 (1653 AD) (Fig. 117), devotee shown in a Gurada form dated 823 (1706 AD) (Fig. 120) (Khanal 1983 Fig. 37), and another Royal images of gold installed in front of the main temple are the figures of King Bhupalendra Malla and queen Bhuvanlakshmi (Figs. 118 and 119) are the prime examples. Likewise, the hoard of bronze objects also has been unearthed from Punyakirti Mahavihara stupa, locally known as Tukan Bahal stupa of Kathmandu city (Fig. 123). The renovation was conducted by the Department of Archaeology from 1995 and the work did last up to 3 years. It was
during this conservational operation that certain new evidence came out of the stupa. During the dismantle period, a hoard of coins consisiting of nearly thousand coins and other small metal chaityas were unearthed from inside the stupa. From the study it came to be known that there were thousand of coins from the time of Sunga‐ Kushanas of India to the reign of Surendra Vikram Shah of Nepal (Fig. 124) (Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. IV). Nearly thousands of coins of Lichhavi period and few Malla coins were found; but they are very rare. Only chundam (small miniature coins weighting up to .02 mm) of King Shivashimha Malla were there, followed by the Surendra Bikram (Fig. 126) (Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. III b, a). Surprisingly some Chinese coins with square hole at the centre were also unearthed from there (Fig. 125) (Shrestha 2002 Pl V c). Besides coins, hoard of small metal Chaityas also came out from the dome (Fig. 127) (Shrestha 2002 Pl. II b, c; Pl. IX e). They were in white metal without any incrustation except one, which was gold gilded (Fig. 128) (Shrestha 2002, Pl. II a). These Chaityas vary from that of Bauddhanath and Swyambhunath. Instead of thirteen concentric circles, only five to nine have evolved. The majority of the Chaityas found from the dome were caste in white metal without any incrustation or without any coating but were of bright white metal. One of the Chaityas was gilded. The dome of this Chaitya rests upon double petalled base and has only nine tires of concentric circles on top of which a square height is depicted. Among the Chaityas found from the dome, one seems to be very old, showing only square cube on the dome. The dome also rests on only one plinth base. On top of square cube single chhatra is shown which shows the simplest form of the Chaityas found from dome and shows its old antiquity (Fig. 127) (Shrestha 2002 Pl. II b). The Chaitya had been
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compared with that of Sanchi Stupa in architectural form. Besides these coins and Chaityas, bulk of Lichhavi bronze sculptures were also unearthed from the dome (Figs. 129) (Shrestha 2002, Pl. X a). They were probably installed in niches of the walls inside the dome. But the roots of the pepal tree dislocated from their original places, since the wall and even the dome were broken very badly. Some of the images were coiled with the roots of the tree (Fig. 130) (Shrestha 2002 Pl. VIc). Among the images found from there were of fine workmanship. The bronzes found from there are mainly of Pancha Dhyani Buddhas, viz., Akshyobhya (Figs. 131‐133), Ratnasambhava (Fig. 134), Amitabh (Figs. 135 and 136), Amoghsiddhi (Fig. 137) and Vairochana (Fig. 138) and another are of Sakyamuni Buddha (Fig. 139), Shiva Lokeswara (Fig. 140), Maitraya (Fig. 141), Dhyani Buddha (Fig. 142), Tathagata image (Fig. 143), Buddha image (Fig. 144) and another figure of Akshyobhya (Fig. 145) and many other images too were discovered from the dome (Shrestha 2002 Pls.VI‐IX). Their sizes are identical with same measurement. The casting of their heads are also identical with the hair styles made of ball shaped with pointed usnisha on top, at last. They are seated on single petalled lotus seat except Vairochana who is shown seated on a double petalled lotus seat. Among other bronzes unearthed from the stupa, the images of Akshobhya Buddha, Sakyamuni Buddha, Shiva Lokeswora, Maitreya Buddha and Buddha image (Figs. 133, 139, 140, 141 and 144) are of superior quality. Stylistically, they could be categorized superior in comparison to other Dhyani Buddhas found there. The image Buddha, as perfected in India during the Gupta period remains seems to have inherited the norms generations of artists in many countries of Asia. Basically the figure shows like a heavily robed monk, either
standing or seated, with his head covered with tiny curls and crowned by a cranial bump usnisha. This prototype was used endlessly with salient variations not only to represent the historical Buddhas, but also to depict the past Buddhas as well. This feature is also variants in Nepali bronze figures. The prabhamandala and its asan are more simpler. The hairstyles of the Buddhas are also simply round in shape. The pointed usnisha can not be noticed in these figures. Among these figures, Sakyamuni Buddha and Maitreya are perhaps the earliest and the best among others. Stylistically the Sakyamuni Buddha (Fig. 139) wearing transparent dress, that is exclusive in nature, resembles with the Indian bronze Buddha of Asia Society dated to 500‐550 AD (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 43B). The image follows the Mathura school, whose Buddha has the transparent foldless garment with more emphasis on the contour of the body. This bronze Buddha is identical with some stone images of Kathmandu Bangemuda, Handigaon and Chabahil Buddhas dated to 6th century AD and with bronze Buddha dated Samvat 513 (591 AD) exhibited in Cleveland Museum, Ohio (Fig. 1). Another Image, Maityeya is shown seated on a Simhasana (Fig. 141). Actually there is some ambiguity in identification recognizing the figures between Buddha and Maitreya, the future Buddha for he may represent either Buddha Sakyamuni or the future Buddha Maitreya. In formal terms, there seems no difference between such a figure and the standing Buddhas. Derived very likely from such monumental imperial portraits of Kushana rulers, the posture enthroned was adopted for both the Buddha and Maitreya during the Gupta period, particularly at Sarnath and other cities, to express the spiritual majesty of Buddhahood. The same has been followed by the Nepali artists also as seen in this Maitreya Buddha. The simplicity of Simhasana, prabhamandala and dresses are noticed and carved on very
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simple manner as seen in the Buddha or coins also have been unearthed from the Maitreya of Los Angeles County Museum of dome – they are now exhibited in National art. The Buddha image has a feature of Pala Museum, Kathmandu (Fig. 159) (Darnal art of Eastern India (Fig. 144). 2005(159): 67). Besides, hoard of metal Chaityas of various sizes of the Lichhavi The hoard of bronze objects has also come period onwards also came to light during out from Chabahil Stupa, one of the the renovation period (Figs. 160‐161) so‐called Charumati Stupa built by (Darnal 2005(159): 68‐70). Likewise, many Charumati, the daughter of the Mauryan other metal objects like lamp stands, lids Emperor King Ashoka. The identity of this were also unearthed from Chabahil Stupa stupa is still obscure, but according to the (Darnal 2005(159), Figs. 67, 70 and 98). chronicles, it is said to have been built by Charumati who was married to the Prince Likewise some ironworks have been come of Deo Patan. The renovation of the stupa out from Sinja valley excavation that was took place during 2002 AD with the effort of conducted during 2000 AD. The excavation local people as well as of Department of was carried out by Cambridge Archaeology. The findings consist of hoard Archaeological Unit, University of of metal Chaityas, coins from Lichhavi up to Cambridge, UK in collaboration with HMG, Shah Periods. Besides, hundreds of bronze Department of Archaeology, Nepal. From sculptures also have been unearthed from this site some bronze objects like a square‐ the Chaitya dome. Most remarkable section object of 70mm long with tapering findings among these are of metal images. head/point above shaft probably an Though the Buddhist as well as Hindu arrowhead or awl/punch, some broken images were unearthed from the dome, fitting circular top with holes for attachment most of the images are of Buddhist deities, and some object with angularly flattened viz., Tara, Vasudhara, Vajrasattva, head of 15mm across that is attached to Prajnaparamita, Boddhisattva images, shaft are unearthed from there (Figs. 162‐ Padmasambhava, Manjusree, Lokeswara, 164) (Evans, C., Uddhab Acharya et al. Vajrasattva, images of Buddha, Vairochana 2003(153) Fig. 8). and many more other sculptures (Darnal 2005(159): 60‐66). Very few Hindu images Likewise some iron rods, silver rods, a like Lakshmi, Uma‐Maheswara and images chhedani of iron, a door hooks and some of Narayana have been unearthed from copper coins of Kushana period which has inside the dome (Figs. 146‐149) (Darnal Brahmi legends has been unearthed from 2005(159) Figs. 10, 28, 55 and 82). Among the famous Ramagrama stupa excavation, these figures Figs. 150‐158 (Darnal situated in western Terai region of Nepal 2005(159), Figs. 7, 11, 23, 27, 76, 78, 79, 80 (Figs. 165‐167) (Shrestha 2001(148), Pls VIII and 81) are perhaps the earliest ones, dated c, d, IX a, b , d and X a, b). The excavation at to Lichhavi period whereas most of the Ramagrama stupa site was conducted with images found here are of post‐Lichhavi and collaboration of Lumbini Development Medieval periods – they followed the Pala Project and Department of Archaeology styles of India. Most of the images are during 1997. gilded ones, which is one of the indigenous techniques of Newar artists of Kathmandu Some bronze objects also have come out Valley. Besides these, the hoard of coins from Jhapa districts’ Kichakbadh excavation from the time of Kushanas to Shah periods which was conducted during 2003. From were also found. Some Arabian and Russian there some arrow heads, knifes, bladed, etc.
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are found (Figs. 168‐169A, B, C and D) (unpublished report from HMG/Dept. of Archaeology). The site has been dated back to Sunga Kushana periods. Likewise, from Periods II and III of Dumakhal excavation that was conducted during 1984‐85 and 1988‐89, unearthed some metal and iron objects like arrowheads, bronze bowls, long iron object, called mani in nepali, used as an axle or support in the griding of spices and iron fragments (Khanal and Riccardi 2007 Figs. 278, 287 and 297). Besides, hoard of Punch Marked coins also has come to light from there during 1998 (Khanal and Riccardi 2007 Fig. 283) All these evidences show that the bronzes were already cast before the Lichhavi period. It is notable that it flourished and matured during Lichhavi period as evidenced by many stone sculptures as well as bronzes housed in Nepal and abroad. It is believed that by the end of 2nd and beginning of 3rd centuries AD, the Lichhavis migrated to Nepal from India and during that time only Nepalese started casting in bronze. R. J. Mehta (1971: 22) thought that the art of image casting was introduced in Nepal only during the regime of the Imperial Gupta in India (320‐600 AD). There is no doubt that the artistic vision of the Gupta indeed had a strong influence on Nepal’s Lichhavi artists. Though the influence is apparent in the bronze Buddha dated to 591 AD preserved in the Cleveland Museum of Art (Fig. 1) (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74E; Ray, N. R. et al. 1986, Fig. 26; Slusser 1982 (Reprint 1998), Pl 448) for which Czuma (1970: 55) describes as Gupta style Bronze Buddha. But the ornaments and mukutas (coronets), used in the so‐called Kirata images, such as Virupakshya, Chakrapurusha, and Rajapurusha suggest that the technique of image casting in
bronze had already been developed in Nepal before the arrival of the Lichhavis (Marie Laure de’ Labriffe 1973: 185). And it is manifestly clear from the study of Buddhist sculptures that even as early as 6th century and despite the profound influence of the Gupta norms, the Nepali sculptors were not mechanical imitators. They were no doubt familiar with the styles prevalent in a number of artistic centres in India, such as Sarnath, Mathura, Nalanda and the rich monastic areas of Ajanta and even Kanheri, but no single style seems to have been specially assertive. Rather, in creating their own Boddhisattva types, the Nepalese artists appear to have distilled all the predominant Indian styles and evolved a distinctive local idiom. At a later date, Pala and Sena schools (8th to 12th centuries AD) influenced Nepalese sculpture. Because of this influence, it helped Nepalese image casting to assume the status of a major art form in the Kathmandu Valley. However, when the art was waning in India under the swords of Muslim invaders, it found refuge in Nepal. It further got matured and flowered in Nepal. Nepalese art began to take its own shape and direction, and, ultimately, it evolved as an unmistakably independent Nepalese style (Alsop and Charlton 1973: 23). Nepal proved itself to be more than a mere transit point for the exchange of art ideology and style between India, Tibet and China, but in its own right it became a cradle of sculptural art. Newar artists became renowned and were highly acknowledged in Tibet and China for their artistic skills and they were in demand in these countries. They were honoured as masters of their craft and they also imparted their knowledge to local people. The Tibetans and Chinese in their turn learnt from their Newar teachers and gradually evolved them into distinctly local styles. The circle was complete when the Tibetan and
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Chinese styles exerted great influence on the art of Nepal (Alsop and Charlton 1973: 23). At this juncture, we may recall the words of Ananda K. Coomaraswamy (1921: 1) quoted earlier in the text: “In the older Nepalese figures, the Indian character is altogether predominant, and there is no suggestion whatsoever of anything Mongolian: they recall the work of the Gupta period. They are characterized by very full modelling of the flesh and almost florid features; the bridge of the nose is markedly rounded and the lips full. On the other hand, those of later date, and up to modern times, are no longer robust and fleshy, but svelte and slender‐waisted and more sharply contoured; the nose became aquiline, sometimes even hooked, the lips clear‐cut and thin, and the expression, almost arch. To sum up these distinctions, the art of the earlier figures is plastic and sculpturesque, while that of the latter has more the character of chasing and suggests the hand of the goldsmith rather than a modeller.ʺ As this summation suggests, indeed the history of Nepalese art is one of flux and it changes by way of adoption and transmutation of neighbouring styles. In the scheme of Asian art history, Nepal remained at the centre exchange of techniques and styles of her neighbouring countries, which surrounded her. While the tradition of Indian image casting was given mortal blow in eastern India, because of the waves of Muslim invaders who swept the sub‐continent periodically and signaled the end of the Pala and Sena traditions (French 1928: 20), the art and craft of metal sculpture and casting reached the perfection of excellence in south India under the Cholas (Sivaramamurti 1956: 41). As Khandalavala has said, “the best south Indian bronzes are amongst the finest achievement of
metal sculpture in the world” (quoted by Mehta 1971: 29). But with the end of the Pala and Sena styles in eastern India and the decay of the great Chola dynastic tradition in the south, the Indian art of image casting was lost into oblivion and thereafter it never recovered. With the modern period of Indian history beginning with the takeover by the British, it distanced India from her heritage of philosophy and art and concentrated her energies on the forging of a modern state. The result has been thinning of interest in the great heritage of arts. Mehta (1971: 32) writes, “With the post‐Vijayanagar age came definite decadence of the art and utter poverty of the creative urge. The images are now devoid of all life and vigour, the body stiff and artificial with exaggerated bends, the faces with a grimacing smile. Even the craftsmanship has now deteriorated. We have reached the stage of artistic barrenness, a stilted formalism, and crude workmanship. The style that has come down to us today for the eighteenth century saw the slow decline and death of a once truly great art. Nothing of any consequences has been produced from this century onwards. The former vitality and vigour have died out. Made in large numbers the images of the eighteenth century till this day are poor specimens of a decadent style, a hollow mockery of the great traditions of the past, the one‐time skill and aesthetic vigour of the image‐makers of old. It seems as if today they are no longer inspired but are just the uninterested producers of what is demanded of them. The Sthapatis are now no more creative artists but mere artisans. The once great art of metal sculpture and casting in India is dead.” Casting metal images is still being done in India, but they are largely copies of pieces which can hardly considered works of art, for they are not sculptured, but copied through the use of molds. So great has been
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the decline of Indian artistry that most of these pieces are no longer made through the process of madhuchhistavidhana or Lost‐Wax but produced in halves and then welded together. But the tradition, which Indian artists had begun, was still being continued in Nepal, China and Tibet. But just as medieval history saw the undoing of the great Indian tradition, similarly trends of modern times put an end to the indigenous tradition of the religious art in China and Tibet also. Religion and religious arts have no place within communism. The advent of communism in China sounded the death knell for her religious art forms and as it expanded from its base within China and eventually swallowed Tibet by 1959, another tradition of art faced distruction. Although many of the Chinese occupations over Tibet were artists of the first rank, it seems that image casters were not among them. That leaves Nepal. Nepal alone among her neighbours has managed to preserve the art of image casting. The reasons for this survival are multiple. One reason is geographical: Nepalʹs isolation from the plains of India spared her the sword of the Muslim invaders who devastated India in medieval times. As Mehta (1971: 4) opines, ʺfortunately for the culture of India, the iconoclastic invaders did not penetrate every nook and corner of this vast sub‐ continent and in isolated regions like Nepal and Tibet, the ancient art of metal sculpture and casting continued to exist.” Had the civilization of the Valley of Kathmandu been situated in the Tarai, the art of Nepal would no doubt have died with that of India. Just as Nepalʹs geographical isolation from India protected her from Muslim invasion many centuries ago, the Himalayas separating the Valley of Kathmandu from Tibet in the north, protected her from invasions from the north. Chinaʹs takeover of Tibet in 1959 AD was based on the claim
that Tibet was essentially under the political sovereignty of China although it is a customary to call it as Tibetan Autonomous Republic of China. No such a claim could be made on Nepal whose status as sovereign state was more firmly established than that of Tibet and also Nepal’s cultural and his‐ torical ties with India were more ancient than those with China and Tibet. Although the casting of bronze images continued without hindrance in Nepal, it was not without changes over the centuries. In religious art, the style, quality and quantity of production depend not only upon the artists but to a great extent upon the patrons as well. Asian countries whenever witnessed periods of great artistic creativity, it was under the patronage of a pious ruler who maintained peace and provided security in his kingdom. Various periods of Nepalese art history are classified by the names after the rulers who oversaw and patronized the rise of a particular style. Until the rise of the Gorkhas, there were five such periods between the Lichhavis and the Mallas: Transitional period, also named as dark period, marked most probably by the rule of Thakuries (9th to 12th centuries) followed by early medieval period, also called early Malla period (12th to 15th centuries) and late medieval, also called late Malla period (15th century to 1769 AD). During the medieval period, Newar artists received state patronage and also achieved great fame in the court of China (Kramrisch 1964: 11). The temples, shrines, images, both in metal and stone as well as in wood, that are strewn in and around the Kathmandu Valley, even at present, are the handiworks of the Newar artists of the medieval periods. When the three kingdoms of the Newar Malla kings were captured and united under the Gorkha king, Prithvi Narayana Shah, in 1768 AD, the Newar artists of the Kathmandu Valley found
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themselves in a precarious position. For, as Gopal Sing Nepali (1965: 77) writes: ʺWith the overthrow of the royal Mallas, the patrons of fine arts, the Newar artisans ceased to receive encouragement from the Gorkhas who idealized a different branch of human excellence.ʺ Thus the Gorkha period had been a difficult one for the artists of the Valley. State patronages had all but disappeared; and image casters as well as other artists, had to fall back upon private patronage (Nepali 1965: 77). This sudden drop in royal patronage caused the fall of several of the art forms for which Newars were most famous, but even under these conditions the art of casting images in metal, however, survived, for there has always been a demand among religious Newars for icons for the purpose of worship and for household uses. Thus throughout the reign of the Gorkhas, until the modern time, the tradition of image casting has managed to survive though in a small measure through private patronage. So the art could maintain itself during this period, and this is largely due to the cultural solidarity and religious spirit of the Newar people. Recently, the tradition has received a renewed impetus due to the influx of pious Tibetans from their homeland and also due to the development of tourism in the Kathmandu Valley. After the Chinese occupation of Tibet, Tibetan refugees entered into and settled in India and Nepal. They brought with them their characteristic religious devotion, but not their temples nor the images of their gods. Soon after settling in their new homeland, they began to rebuild their religious establishments. In this they sought the help of the Newar artists of Patan. Almost all the images in modern Tibetan monasteries and temples in Nepal have
been sculpted and created by the image casters of Patan. The large image of Padmasambhava in the Kargyutpa Gompa at Kathmandu’s Svayambhunath and the large and gilt image of Boddhisattva Maitreya of Tashilumpo Monastery at Shigatse (Tibet) (Schroeder 1981: 412) are the typical examples of their art. Over the past fifteen to twenty years another source of patronage, namely, tourism, has opened up as the Valley of Kathmandu has been transformed from its traditional isolation to a metropolitan city. As more and more western visitors come to Kathmandu Valley, a lucrative business in curio objects has bloomed. The demand for bulk supply has had but a bad effect on the overall quality on most of the items produced, and images are no exception. Most of the items available today in the curio shops seem to have been cast poorly and finished hurriedly. Even some of the best artists turn out poor pieces for the average tourists. This helps them to earn some profit and devote more time on finely made statues. ii Technology The art of casting images is still being practised in Nepal by the Buddhist Newars. It is, therefore, possible to have a direct access to the technology of image casting, which has its roots in the ancient tradition. The works of objects discussed in this research are the creation of mainly of Buddhist Newars of the Nepal Valley. These artists specially live in Patan city. They claim themselves as predecessors of the Shakya family of Lord Buddha. But their origin is still obscure. Various ethnic groups live in the Valley. Broadly speaking, they can be divided into two distinct groups according to their facial physique and linguistic affinities – The Gurkhas or Parbatiyas who speak an Indo‐Aryan language, Nepali and the other ones are the
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Newars, who speak Newari (language) that belongs to Tibeto‐Burman group of dialect. These Newars have typical mongoloid physical characteristics and comparatively stand out quite distinctly with a high level of cultural achievement. The Kathmandu Valley is the centre of their (Newars’) cultural activities since the medieval period. Newari (also known as Desha Bhasa or Nepal Bhasa), the indigenous language of the place, was adopted in the epigraphical records for the first time in the medieval period. Today Newar society is divided into Hindu and Buddhist sections, and they refer to themselves either as followers of Shiva (Shaiva margi) or as Buddha (Bauddha margi). The distinction does not appear to be of too great and is not very clearly defined. Certainly, it is not valid among the substratum of the society. What is significant is the fact that the image castor communities belong exclusively to the Buddhist section. This has no doubt party ensured the application of uniform concept of aesthetics to both Hindu and Buddhist art, for the same styles are employed to carve a figure of Shiva and another of Avalokitesvara. The difference primarily is in the iconography only. As a general rule, the artists in Nepal belonged to the lower level of the society as in India. The Newar caste organization is based on the same Hindu society. Since the time of King Jaya Sthiti Malla (1380–1395 AC), the epigraphic documents in Newari are numerous. We have some literary works of the time written in Newari of which the Gopal Raj Vamsavali (chronicle) is prominent. This chronicle was composed in the reign of Jaya Sthiti Malla in the 14th century of the Christian era. Though the Newars became popular since 13th/14th centuries onwards only; they were the indigenous inhabitants of the Nepal Valley. Medieval records so preserved provide a clue to the identity of the people who lived
in Nepal in those days. No documents are available to establish the existence of the language spoken in the medieval period and also in ancient days of Nepal. The Lichhavi inscriptions are of Sanskrit language, but the vernacular, linguafranca, might have been different. But the Newars of the 14th century would not have been here if they had not been earlier for long in the field. We do not have any knowledge of the immigration from outside in this period. It is also inconceivable that there was at this stage a population from outside, which could impose its language and custom on the local inhabitants. So we have to accept that the same people who had lived in the ancient period had also survived in the medieval period. In all certainty the Newars were the people who had lived in Nepal since long as the inhabitants of the country. From the time of Vedic period onwards, Hindu society has been based on Varna system. There are several passages in the oldest Vedic literature dealing with the origin of the Varna system. In the Purusha Sukta of the Rigveda, there is a mention of the origin of the Varna system. According to the same, from the mouth of the Purusha (the word may be translated as the Universal man), the Brahmana emerged, the Kshetriya from arms, the Vaisya from thigh and lastly the Sudra from the feet. The Purusha Sukta has been interpreted as having significance behind it from another point of view also. Thus, the mouth of the Purusha from which the Brahmanas are created is the seat of speech; therefore, they are created to be teachers of mankind. The arms are the symbols of strength. So the Kshatriya’s mission in this world is to carry weapons and protect people. Vaisyas represent thighs – these people are used to cultivate and grow the food, grains, etc. So the Vaisya is said to be created to provide food to the people. Sudra represents his feet, which symbolize the fact that Sudra is to be
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the ‘footman’ or the servant of other Varnas. In this way the whole social organization of Vedic age was conceived symbolically as one human being – the ‘Body Social’ (Prabhu 1998 (reprint): 285‐286). In Kathmandu Valley also the very orthodox caste ridden society was seen in the medieval period and Newar community was one of them. Caste is the principal basis of social hierarchy among the Newars. Irrespective of whether an individual is the follower of Buddhism or Hinduism, there is cast system. Caste cuts across religion and brings both the religious sections of the Newars under one single scheme of hierarchy. As stated above the Newar caste organization is based on the same Hindu society, which specifically is headed by the Brahmans and to be followed in order by the Kshetriya, the Vaisya, the Sudra and the untouchable. Though we hear of Varna and Jati from the very early times, it is only in the 14th century that caste was re‐organized on a uniform basis in the Kathmandu Valley. The latter chronicles attributed to King Jaya Sthiti Malla for making of several laws of social and religious importance. It is said that with the help of five Brahmans from the Indian plain, viz., Kirtinath Upadhyaya Kanyakubja, Raghunath Jha Maithali, Srinath Bhatta, Mahinath Bhatta and Ramanath Jha, King Sthiti Malla organized the society of the Valley into four Varnas and sixty‐four castes on the basis of hereditary occupations and genealogies (Chattopadhyaya 1923: 553‐60; Wright 1972: 184‐87). On behalf of Jaya Sthiti Malla, these Pandits from India compiled from Sastras such laws as were formally in existence, but had fallen into disuse through laps of time (Levi 1901‐5 (1): 232‐36). According to Wright (1972: 185), in dividing the people into castes, the councillors had to consider that the Bandyas had been
converted in the Treta Yuga by Krakuchhanda Buddha from the Brahmana and Kshetriya castes and had been made grihasthas by Sankaracharya, without passing through the four different kinds of lives, viz., Brahmachari, Grihasthi, Vanaprasthi and a state of Nirbriti (i.e. free from worldly cares). Thus being father of families, they were obliged to attend to worldly affairs, but they were respected by the four castes. Hence, it was determined to class them as Brahmans or Kshetriyas, their custom and ceremonies being the same. Bandyas, therefore, are like Sannyasis, who are all of one class without any distinctions of caste. The rest of people were divided into 64 castes (Wright 1972: 185‐86). ∗ They are: 1) Charmakara, 2) Matangi (leather workers), 3) Niyogi, 4) Rajaka, 5) Dhobi (washer man), 6) Kshatrikara, 7) Lohakara, 8) Kundakara, 9) Nadichhedi, 10) Tandukara, 11) Dhanyamari, 12) Badi, 13) Kirata, 14) Mamsabikri (butcher), 15) Mali (gardener), 16) Byanjankara (cook), 17) Mandhura, 18) Natijiva, 19) Surabija, 20) Chitrakara (painter), 21) Gayana (musicians and singer), 22) Bathahom, 23) Natibaruda, 24) Surppakara (cook?), 25) Bimari, 26) Tankadhari, 27) Tayoruta, 28) Kanjikara, 29) Bhayalachanchu, 30) Gopala (cowherd), 31) Tamrakara (coppersmith), 32) Suvarnakara (goldsmith), 33) Kansyakara (bell maker), 34) Karnika, 35) Tuladhara (weigher), 36) Kumbhakara (potter), 37) Kshetrakara (land measurer), 38) Srinkhari, 39) Takshaka, 40) Darukara, 41) Lepika, 42) Napika, 43) Bharika, 44) Silpakara, 45) Marikara, 46) Chichhaka, 47) Supika, 48) Sajakara, 49) Srichante, 50) Alama, 51) Daivagya, 52) Ganika, 53) Jyotisha, 54) Grahachintaka (different kinds of astrologers), 55) Acharya, 56) Deva‐Chinta, 57) Pujita, 58) Amatya, 59) Sachiva, 60) Mantri (state officials in older times), 61) Kayastha, 62) Lekhaka (writers),
∗
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the first mentioned being the lowest
63) Bhupa, Raja, Narendra or Chhetri and 64) Dwija, Bipra or Brahmana. According to the latter chronicles, this division was done within the traditional framework of four Varnas and 36 Jatas (castes). But there were as many as sub‐ divisions within each Jata and the lowest caste was untouchable. So a host of castes came into being, which can not be counted. But the main castes were of 10 sub‐divisions of the Brahamans, 32 of the Jyapus, 8 of Kumhala, 72 of those castes whose nails were cut by the butcher caste, 4 of Podes and 4 of Charmakara (Kullu) (Regmi 1965: 642). The chronicle in the possession of D.R. Regmi states that King Jaya Sthiti Malla defines professions for all the castes and he also specified the type of priests for them, whether a Brahmana or Guva. It also states that the Brahamanas were of three castes belonging to Panchagauda, Panchadravida and Jaisi. It says that Jaisi Brahmanas were not sacred. Among Newars, there were four divisions, viz., Acharya, Vaidya, Shrestha and Daivajya. Acharyas were divided into three classes; Baidyas into four and Shresthas into many classes, of which ten were allowed to wear the Brahmanical threads, as were also the three classes of Acharyas and the four classes of Daivagyas. Of Sudras, there were thirty‐six classes, among which the Jyapus have thirty‐two divisions and the Kumhala with four divisions. The Podya caste had four divisions (Regmi 1966: 642). Below the Jyapus came in order several castes of unclean order to be followed by the untouchable groups, viz., Pore (Kullu), Chyame, etc. (Nepali 1965 (1988 reprint): 173). As far as the internal caste organization of the Newars is concerned, Newar itself is divided into two groups according to the religion – Hindus and Buddhists and there are numerous castes and sub‐castes
according to that. In the priestly castes of Hindu Newars’ social hierarchy, Brahmans, viz., Rajopadhyaya, Deo‐Brahmu, and Guru Baje played an important role as being Guru and Purohita who officiate in the Newars’ social and religious ceremonies. In Buddhist Newar society, the same rank is flanked by Gubhaju (Vajracharya) who is an orthodox Buddhist. Next to Gubhaju ranks the Baré (Vanda – a gold‐smith and bronze workers). Though it is also regarded as the sacred order, a Baré cannot be a priest. Another term used for this caste is Shakya who claims themselves as the derivation from the Shakya Simha. Below the priestly castes come three caste groups in order of their social statuses, viz., Chhatharia, Panchtharia and Udas. The Chhatharias call themselves as the higher Sheshyas (Shrestha) to distinguish themselves from the Panchtharia who assume the surname of Shrestha. How the term Chhatharia came to be applied to those people is difficult to ascertain. It is said that this was derived from the occupation, which they followed in the past. ‘Chha’ means six in Nepali and ‘thari’ means counselor. Therefore, it refers to the six counselors in the court of Malla kings and to them is attributed the ancestry of the Chatharia Newars (Nepali 1965 (reprint 1988): 155). It is also said that it derived from the term ‘Kshatri’ as applied to the second order of Hindu caste. The Chhathari Newars were split into a number of sub‐ groups, viz., Thakur, Thakuri, Joshi, Baré, Shrestha, Amatya, Kayastha, Patra Vansha, Thakut, Gubhajucharya, Karmacharya, Shivacharya and Pithacharya (Nepali 1988(reprint): 159‐60). According to this hierarchy of sub castes categorized during the reign of King Sthiti Malla, Silpakara (craftsman) were placed below the tailors, cooks and confectioners, while Darukara (wood carver/carpenter),
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Tamrakara (coppersmith), Suvarnakara (goldsmith), and Citrakara (painter) are classified lower still. In actual practice today, among the Buddhist Newars the metal work is often done by the community of Bare or Banre, who are second only to the Gubhaju (Vajracharya, a priest to Buddhist communities) and form the highest vocational group on a par with the Brahmins. A class of Newars, the product of intermarriage between a Tibetan woman and a Buddhist male Newar is called as Urhay literally known as Udas in current time – they, not only had a monopoly of trade with Tibet, but formed and still form the main metal casting and artisan community in the country. Thus, this may be considered to have been primarily responsible for the spread of Nepali artistic ideas to Tibet and China. Presently, Nepalese artists apply the technique of casting in bronze in various ways. The images are either made of known subjects or according to the new ones chosen by the artist to his own choice. Two types of techniques are applied: (a) Hammer beating process (manjya thyojya) (b) Lost wax or Cire‐Perdue casting (than jya) (a) Hammer Beating Process This process is applied to a sheet of metal by beating it with a hammer. It has two variants: (i) Embossing or Repouse (thakaya) (ii) Engraving (kohmuya) (i) Embossing or Repouse In this process a bronze sheet is attached by a wooden instrument (khalu sin) to a wooden anvil (sin khala) and the artist beats with an iron hammer (na muga). The object created in this manner is either custom‐
made or artist’s independent creations. First the desired form is outlined on the bronze sheet. If a large sized image is to be made, the sheet is then cut into several parts according to the desired size and the image is outlined on it. Then it is placed over the anvil and beaten with a flat hammer (fechyaga muga). In this process, iron rods of various sizes (tva khalu) and round hammer (go muga) are used for beating the sheet. Usually embossed objects are hammered and subsequently gilded. Items such as plaques, prabha and masks are normally made from a single metal sheet. Objects having complicated composition are made in parts using several metal sheets, and, afterwards they are assembled together. Certain parts of an image, such as feet, arms, attributes and other details, which are too complicated to be embossed, are appended after having been carved from wood or cast in metal using lost wax process. After employing matrices of wood, metal sheets are systematically hammered and partially enlarged until they take a proper required shape. Doors of Kathmandu Taleju temple set up by King Pratap Malla in 1671 AD and 1672 AD respectively (G. Vajracharya 1976: 224‐230, Inscription nos. 32, 34 and 35) 19 . Pashupatinath temple set up by Devidas in 1676 AD (Regmi 1966: 910), Golden Gate (lun dhvaka) (Fig. 78) of Bhaktapur royal palace built by king Ranajeet Malla in 1753 AD (Regmi 1966: 913) are the best examples of this type. The major centre of embossing tradition is in and around Patan area, one of the ancient townships of the Kathmandu Valley – there the sounds of hammer and chisel can still be heard in the monastery areas and the toles (narrow lanes) and streets. 19
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See appendix 18
(ii) Engraving In this process, the artist takes a thick metal sheet according to a model or to the required size. Occasionally, this process is carried out by the hammer beating. He cuts the sheet according to his need. After cutting the sheet, he outlines the figure (which is to be engraved) is tentatively drawn. Then, the sheet is placed upon a wooden anvil (sin twaka), that matches the outline. Then the outlined figure is engraved by using an iron hammer. The portion of the sheet that was askew while engraving is again put on the anvil and beaten by the wooden hammer (sin muga) to put it in shape. For making the beating easier, the sheet is heated in fire. After removing it from the fire the sheet is again engraved by hammering. In this way, the artist will make a rough figure. The metal sheet is then fixed on the wooden anvil layered with Lac (jhau). With the help of a small fine flat iron cutting tool (chhino) and iron hammer, the main figure is separated which is finally extracted by heating the sheet. When the Lac melts, the figure is freed. Frames and tympannums (tolan) are made by using this technique (Fig. 170). The square type tympannum and the large figure of Kama Raj Gumba at Svayambhunath are the best‐known examples made under this technique. (iii) Cleaning and Polishing After embossing and engraving, objects are cleaned and polished. They are first finished by chisselling and then for about two hours put in liquid with acidic nature made out of sour substance (ka: paun or chu paun). But such indigenously made liquid substance is not available these days; so the artist uses acid. After soaking sufficiently in the sourly substance, the objects are scrubbed either by a metal brush or polished with a brick powder and hay (rice straw) to produce a shining effect. These days, however, the objects are polished on electric machines.
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If the figure is to be coated with gold, it is first painted with a sourly element (chu paun) and then dipped in mercury. Then gold slurry is applied on the figure and heated mildly so that the mercury evaporates and only yellowish, whitish glaze of gold will be seen. For shining and polishing, the figure is rubbed by using agate and ultimately it is washed in a herbal (hathan) solution. This process of furnishing is known as lasan thayagu (brightening the object) in the local dialect. After that, the object is immersed in boiled herbal froth of sweet taste (majitho). This process is called jha: kayagu in local dialect. The door, Lokesvara attached windows and the three artistically engraved windows attached in one form (sanjhya) of Patan Darbar, the statue of the Malla king Yoga Narendra Malla (Fig. 80), golden window of Kathmandu Kumari Ghar (Fig. 171), the life size images of Ganga and Jamuna known as Shree Lakshmi of the main courtyard (mu chuka) of Patan Darbar (Figs. 172 and 173), torana and the Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Darbar, constructed during the reign of king Ranajeet Malla (Figs. 77 and 78), the door of Navadurga temple, statue of king Bhupatindra Malla (Fig. 79), the torana of Patan Taleju temple situated inside mu chuka (Fig. 174) and the images of Shree Lakshmi in the main courtyard of Bhaktapur Darbar and images in the Hanumandhoka Darbar (old palace of Malla kings) at Kathmandu, are all made of using these techniques. The images of Samyak Devata or Dipankar Buddhas known as kwapa:dyo among the Buddhist Newars are also examples of this technique. These are taken out only occasionally from the storehouses by the Buddhist Acharyas in various monasteries. (b) Cire‐Perdue Casting or Lost Wax Process (Madhuchistavidhana) Most of the images made in the Patan area are manufactured by the Cire‐Perdue or lost
wax process. It is generally believed that this technique in Nepal is probably an extension of the process followed by the Pala artists of Bengal and Bihar (Krishnan 1976: 29). However, in the following pages I will examine the extent of the reality in this belief. At present, it is mainly carried out by the Newar artists of Patan city known as bare (one of the castes of Buddhist Newars). The artists of this caste claim that they use an ancient iconographic text known as dya dekegu saphu which literally means as Text of Making an Image of Deity as a manual that is similar to the Silpa Sastras used by the Sthapatis of South India. However, in practice, they carry out their work on the basis of their experiential expertise. But what they follow is a multitude of rules setup by traditional norms. Unlike the south Indian Sthapatis, who invariably make solid casts, the Newar artists mainly practice hollow casting. Only in the case of images smaller than 15 cm in height, they make solid castings. The image casting is a complex process, which is carried out by specialized artists belonging to specific sub‐castes. As the manufacturing proceeds in several stages, there are artists who are specialized only in particular skills according to what suits the particular individual. There is, however, always a chief artist who supervises and co‐ordinates the complete process. His job also includes the responsibility of securing adequate patronage as well as managing the inventory. The process of image casting by lost wax technique is divided into following stages: 1. Wax modelling : modelling of the envisaged image in wax; 2. Casting mould : covering the wax model with layers of clay; 3. Casting : melting out of the wax model, filling the empty cavity with molten
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metal and finally breaking of the mould to reveal the cast image; 4. Finishing : polishing and engraving of the raw cast image; 5. Gilding : fire gilding with mercury, gold leaf or painting with cold gold; 6. Inlaying : inlaying with gold, and setting of semi‐precious, imitation stones. i. Technique of Modelling of the Image in Wax The first step in the process of casting an image is the modelling of the envisaged image in wax. The Vishnu‐Samhita mentions that “If an image is to be made of metals, it must be first made of wax” (Reeves 1962: 32). The shape and form of the finished image depend upon the wax model, and is, therefore, from the artistic and stylistic viewpoint; this is the most important and vital part of the process. The traditional wax model is prepared in two different types: (i) Solid and (ii) Hollow. For this work, following materials are required: 1. Wax (shee) 2. Rosin (Shila) 3. Mustard oil (ne chikan) 4. Big vessel (Kharakana) that contain nearly about five litre of wax 5. Oven: (agucha, milacha) 6. Leather sheet (chhyangu ya pata) 7. Iron cutting tool (chhino) 8. Iron rod (na tya) 9. Iron hammer 10. Wooden hammer 11. Traditional spoons of 3ft. in size used for cooking purpose called dhaga and panyue in local dialect 12. Wooden flakes of 3” x 5” x 1” in size 13. Rough cloth 14. Stone slab (gha) 15. Towel 16. Coal or wood fuel 17. Small pointed knife (chasacha) 18. Bucket made of clay (atha) 19. Bowl made of wood (sin khola)
20. Flat iron rod of about 30 cm 21. Flat and smooth brick of 14” x 20” x 4” in size 22. Wax mould or replica (thasa) 23. Tools made of buffalo’s horn (silayaka) 24. Clean water, and 25. Tray After removing honey, beeswax is put on a clean plastic sheet and with the help of iron cutting tool and hammer (muga), it is broken into many small pieces and is put in a brass or aluminum pot. Before splitting the beeswax, it is weighed so that rosin can be mixed in the correct ratio. For example, in 2.2 kg beeswax, nearly 600 grams of powdered rosin is added. This is done so that the beeswax would not melt while heating. This admixture depends upon the season of the year as to have the necessary consistency to work with. The Newar artists distinguish between the winter and the summer wax. In the dark wax produced during winter months, rosin of about 400 grams is mixed in 2.2 kg beeswax, while rosin of 400 to 500 grams is mixed with same amount of light beeswax that is produced during summer months. The light or summer wax is stiffer and does not melt easily in the summer heat. The light wax generally replaces the winter wax in March, and it is used until October. As confirmed by the Newar artist Moti Kaji Shakya of Patan, the wax of either type is called ʹsheeʹ in Newari parlance. The wax is boiled in a metal pot and charcoal or wood is used as fuel in the oven. When the wax starts melting, it must be stirred continuously by a long handled spoon. During boiling, the pot is removed several times from the oven to avoid spill‐ over of the wax. If stirring is not done, the bubbles of wax may catch fire. Half an hour after heating the wax gives out a good aroma. Then a bit of wax is tasted for thickening after cooling in order to check
whether it is ready for moulding. After about forty‐five minutes of heating, the colour and smell of the wax will change. Then the rosin, made into powder on a stone slab and filtered through muslin cloth, is added to it, according to the prescribed ratio to wax. While rosin is being added, the wax pot is removed from the oven and the mixture is continuously stirred for nearly fifteen minutes by a big spoon. After adding the rosin, the pot is again put on the oven for heating the mixture. Whether the rosin melts or not is observed by stirring the wax. The flame is also to be watched carefully. As the froth comes out from the wax, it comes out from rosin also. At such moments, the pot is removed from the oven and kept away, so that the danger of the spill‐over catching fire should not rise. It is also necessary to watch that even a drop of water should not fall into the boiling wax pot, otherwise there would be a rapid rise in the level of the mixture and hence a spill‐ over. When the mixture seems to have been cooked to a proper consistency, then a bit of wax is taken out to check whether it is ready for working. Then, with the help of two persons, the wax is filtered through a muslin cloth in a clay bucket. There must be some water at the bottom of the bucket, so that the wax will not stick to it. While pouring the wax, for the purpose of filtering it, a square, flat metal rod or strong stick is used to stir the wax continuously. If the wax does not filter properly, or if it becomes thick, it will again be put on the oven for heating. The wax should not be thicker; and while filtering it through the cloth in the bucket, it is not supposed to be poured from height, so that the water should be remixed in the wax and it will not be sticky. The wax is aired with winnowing fan (hasha, made of bamboo chips) or a leather sheet so that the wax will spread to
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take the shape of the bucket and its edge will be plain and smooth. At this stage wax becomes a prepared wax, as it is mentioned in the Manasara (Reeves 1962: 30). Artists use different types of tools and equipments for making a wax model. These consist of a long wooden roller, a smooth marble slab, a wooden mallet, a compass, a pair of calipers, modelling tools of various shapes made out of horns and ivory, steel knives, pincers (Fig. 175) and a small charcoal brazier (Fig. 176). For the actual modelling of the wax image, the artist exposes the wax either to the sun or heated it on fire. Then it is spread on a smooth stone slab, beaten either by a wooden beater or an iron hammer or by hard flat stone (Fig. 175) to discard the water out from the wax that was mixed while filtering the wax in the bucket. Once devoid of water, the wax becomes sticky enough for moulding. The wax is spread on a stone slab and beaten further with a millet to make it a homogenous lump. After beating the wax, mustard oil is added so that it can be handled freely while working. The flat sheet is sliced into small pieces, which are used for making the model, and rolled into hollow tubes. In order to prevent the tools from sticking to the wax, they are moistened at regular intervals. To retain the malleability of the wax, a constant temperature is maintained with the help of a small handy lamp or oven (Fig. 176). After bringing out the envisaged image in full form, by conforming to the laksana, gestures/postures (mudras) by modelling the head, hands, legs, and rest of the parts are also prepared (Fig. 177). The facial features like mouth, nose, eyes, etc., are the last to be shaped with the help of a tool made of horn of a female buffalo. Different parts of the image like limbs are modelled separately and subsequently added in the sockets in
the torso (Fig. 178). These socket joints are located at such points where they can be concealed by the ornaments like necklace and bracelets over them. Likewise parts like kirita mukuta on the forehead, prabhamandala, kamarbandha, and clothes are fixed at a later stage. After finishing the model, the pedestal (twaka) for the image is to be prepared either in the shape of square, rectangular, cylindrical or of floral shape and socketed to the main figure. Next, in order to ascertain the quantity of metal required for casting, the modelled parts are weighed and the amount is calculated in proportion to the wax used. In the case of brass, it is ten times the weight of wax. The modern artists have no clear idea regarding the proportion of silver and gold, as now a days these metals are not used for casting. However, they claim that they retain the knowledge of making cast in alloy known as panchaloha (alloy of five metals) and astadhatu (alloy of eight metals). ii. Techniques of Preparing Die Replica or Sancha (Thasa:) For making a replica, the artist prepares the wax sheet using the same process as in modelling. This wax sheet is placed on the original figure of wax. Before placing the wax sheet, compound of oil, water and saliva is put all over the main figure so that the wax sheet will not stick to it. After wrapping the wax sheet around the figure, and then slowly pressed with fingers carefully maintaing uniformity of thickness of the wax sheet, the surplus wax is removed by a knife. After firmly pressing the sheet over the whole figure and ensuring that it has assumed the proper shape it is carefully removed by cutting out. The replica then is put in the cold water for cooling, so that the shape should be retained.
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iii. Technique of making Solid Images from Replica In making solid images, the artist puts a compound of oil, water and saliva all over the replica from inside. After that, the wax sheet is wrapped to the replica. While the wax is warm, it is applied to the replica from the inside by pressing gently with fingers to give shape of the figure. The wax is repeatedly heated on a low flame to keep it warm and malleable. The extra portion that jults out of the replica is removed by a knife. The model thus prepared is kept for cooling for sometime and with the help of a spindle (lattu) made of wax itself, the wax image within wax replica is slowly and gently removed from all sides, parts by parts. These parts will be rejoined by using molten wax. After that the joints are smoothened out by using horn tools. iv. Technique of making Hollow Images from Replica The prepared wax sheet is heated again in such a way that it will not melt by the heat of fire or sun. After heating the wax sheet, it is placed inside the replica, which is then quickly spread and pressed all over the replica by fingers. The uniformity of thickness all over is carefully maintained while taking the shape of the interior mould. While pressing, the artist has to be careful not to change the shape of the replica itself. If the wax cools in the process, the whole object will have to be heated again. After completing the pressing, the prepared model is kept in water for sometime for cooling if the model is still warm. After cooling it is pulled out with the help of a spindle. The pulling process is continued till the whole wax model comes out. Then the shape will be rectified and finished either by hand or by horn tools. The surplus wax sheet will be removed by a knife.
All the parts of the wax models prepared thus are joined together by using molten wax to give the original form. Then the models are observed carefully against sunlight or artificial light to ensure the uniformity of the thickness. If at some points it is translucent, it is possible that the joints are weak and shape may change because of it. To resolve the problem, molten wax is put all over the figure and joints with the help of pointed stick that is wrapped with fine muslin cloth. This process is called ti payegu meaning putting the liquid. This process will be repeated several times till it is absolutely certain that the edges of the replica are completely smoothened to the required extent. In this way, the chances of leaving the flaws while actually making the bronze cast are reduced to minimum possible degree. For metal casting, a wax pipe or nau (channel) is needed. This is prepared according to the shape of the objects to be made. It is meant for the funneling the molten metal and for circulating the displaced air inside the mould. In the case of very complicated wax models, especially multi‐armed images, additional channels are attached to the outer parts of the extremities to ensure that the molten metal reaches every nook and corner of the clay mould (Fig. 179). The channel also increases the stability of the wax model, which must support its own weight whenever it is laid down. v. Casting Moulds Once the wax model is completed, clay mould, which will receive the molten metal, is prepared. The clay is put in three to five layers, depending on the size and nature of the image to be produced. This particular process is crucial, because the mould and wax will ultimately determine the quality of the casting.
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After making the wax model and putting the channel, it is covered with clay. This process is known as mesin payegu meaning “covering by soft clay”. In this process, the moulding materials consist of soft clay, which is mined out from a depth of fifteen feet from the field, yellow clay from a depth of five feet (gicha), cow dung (sappa), rice husk (hema) and water. For the first coat, soft clay and cow dung are soaked in two different vessels overnight. After mixing soft clay and cow dung together, thin slurry is prepared for the first coating. Similarly, soaked yellow clay and rice husk are mixed. This mixture is kept away to be used for the second coat. After that the thin slurry that is prepared for the first coat, is filtered through a muslin cloth and the wax model is dipped in it. Then the mould is kept in shade for drying. The first coat is applied many times and each layer is allowed to dry completely in the shade before the next coat is applied. The first two layers are a light application of very fine‐grained gray clay. Care is taken so that the first application of clay reaches every corner of the wax figure so that a tight fit is assured around the wax (Figs. 180 and 181). The model is then covered with several layers of the second coat of clay to which charred husk, tiny bit of cotton and salt, all finely grinded on a stone, are added. When the model is ready for casting, under successive coatings of clay, its shape can only be dimly discerned in the outlines of the bulky mould (Figs. 182 and 183). This clay mould is known as saya. The mouth of the channel is left free in the shape of a cup throughout during the process of applying various coats. The process of applying various layers of clay is the most time‐consuming process in the entire casting procedure, taking as long as two months. The artist is at the mercy of the weather during this time, since the clay must dry evenly in the sun to ensure that the wax model is not distorted nor the clay
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cracked by uneven drying. Obviously, for this reason, certain seasons are considered more suitable than others for the manufacture of images. The best season is from March to May, when the sun is moderately strong and the monsoon has yet to arrive. vi. Image Cast The foundry establishment of dewaxing, baking and casting consists of: 1. dewaxing and baking oven (sayaga) (Fig. 184) 2. melting furnace 3. dry earth 4. sand 5. a shallow pan or bowl 6. clay or iron crucibles (Fig. 185) 7. clip tongs, lifting tongs (sanasa) (Figs. 186 and 187) 8. pointed chisel 9. hammer, and 10. charcoal. Once the mould becomes completely dry, smaller clay mould is dewaxed by heating in the charcoal brazier or oven (agucha). The larger mould is heated inside a specially made oven named sayega (Fig. 184), used for dewaxing and baking the mould. It is built on the floor and is similar to wood fired muffle furnace used for baking pottery. It consists of a hearth at the bottom and a chamber with a grilled floor over it. This chamber has an opening on one side for loading the mould inside. After baking the clay mould from every side, the artist makes a hole with a knife in that portion where the channel is kept. While making the hole, care must be taken that either the artist or any other person would not be facing it, because it would emit with force molten wax in the form of gas or liquid. In that case the person standing close by is at risk of injury. The melted wax is poured from the mould in a bucket or pan, containing cold water. This
wax is reused. The mouth of the channel is made bigger for the sake of pouring the molten metal. Then the mould is left undisturbed for several days before casting, although the period between the melting of the wax and casting should not exceed one week, as the interior of the mould is then subject to deterioration. For casting, two ovens are prepared and fired. The baking of the mould and melting of the metal go on simultaneously to get the mould prepared in time when the metal is ready for pouring. After dewaxing, the mould is given a fresh coat of fine clay mixture in order to seal off any crack that might have developed while dewaxing. Then the empty mould is once again shelved inside the oven, which is fed with wood fuel and covered with charcoal. The opening is closed by two terracotta slabs (kopu) (Fig. 188) and the baking is done. During the firing, lids are opened to turn the mould for heating properly. The ovens used for melting the metal and for baking are different in shape. The oven used for melting the metal (bhonchaga also called kwa jhya) (Fig. 189) is constructed of bricks and clay, and it is fed by charcoal rather than wood and is constantly attained to by mechanical bellows. The raw metal is pre‐heated and broken into small pieces and loaded into open crucibles (bhoncha). These crucibles are constructed of special fireproof clay, which is of sufficient thickness to hold the molten metal and not to break when removed from the furnace with tongs (sanasa) and turned over for pouring during the moment of casting. According to the artist, Badri Kaji Shakya of Patan, in earlier days, these crucibles were made in Nepal itself. These were made of a combination of clay and rice husk. But now they are imported from India and are made of clay and cement mixture. According to the same artist, while melting the metal, some part of
zinc is added for melting quickly and also for cleaning the metal: in 2.2 kg metal, 100 grams of zinc is to be added. The alloy is proportioned according to the weight of the figure. After keeping the raw metal in the crucibles, its mouth is covered by a clay plate. For melting metal, the crucibles are kept inside the furnace (kwajhya) and covered with charcoal. A layer of charcoal is spread over the grilled floor of the furnace chamber and the crucibles are shelved over it (Fig. 190). The space between the crucibles is packed with charcoal and fire is ignited. According to the artist Moti Kaji Shakya, blasting is done either fanning by leather sheet or by winnowing fan (hasa). But in Badri Kaji Shakya’s house, mechanical bellows are used. Using thumb rules based on long‐standing experience, the artist ascertains the exact time when mould and metal will be ready for casting. Otherwise, the metal is actually tested by lifting the crucible out from the furnace and stirring the molten liquid with the help of lifting tong. According to the artists, it can also be made out by carefully watching the flame of the fire. In other words, the flame, heat, colour, odour and smoke are also used as indicators of readiness of the metal. As for casting, only the observation of the temperature of the molten metal is not sufficient; the temperature of the receiving mould is also to be checked before pouring the metal in it. For this, a long stick that is tied with wax or cloth (alancha) is kept on the opening of the mould. When the metal is completely ready, the artist removes the terracotta lid with the help of tongs, and breaks the temporary wall. Then for pouring metal, artist removes the clay mould from the oven and arranges with the channel upward to receive the molten metal. The moulds are laid against some supporting materials like sand and earth. When every thing is set for pouring, the
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artist opens the furnace chamber and the crucibles are carefully lifted with tongs and the metal is poured into the mould. If the metal in one crucible is found insufficient, another crucible is quickly lifted out from the furnace chamber and the contents are poured into the mould (Fig. 191). After filling the molten metal, the clay mould is left to cool and harden completely for about fifteen to twenty minutes. The cooling is speeded by pouring cold water over the mould, which emits huge volumes of steam. Finally, the entire mould is placed in a large bucket (athaor bata) containing water to complete the cooling process (Fig. 192). The melting of the metal inside the sealed crucibles prevents oxidation. The size of the crucible is such that the operations could be carried out by two persons without difficulty. The casting is done in parts as a solution against short supply of metal. So some moulds can be safely stored for later use. vii. Finishing When the mould becomes sufficiently cool to touch, the clay is removed carefully with chisel and hammer (Fig. 193) and the cast is released slowly, so that it may not be damaged (Fig. 194). After the image is cast, it is handed over to other artist who would proceed to the job of retouching for smoothing and engraving. The cast image, when it emerges from the clay moulds, its surface would be rough, due to the impression of the clay particles stuck on the metal. Thus the first step of retouching in engraving is called ‘sanding’. If the image is to be ultimately painted with gold, then only sandpaper is used for the purpose. If the image is poorly cast or has some minor flaws, which are not so serious as to justify melting down the metal, then it is repaired by welding other pieces of the same material to the affected areas. Otherwise in case of serious flaws the cast may be
discarded completely for remitting the material. When the sanding is finished, the actual process of engraving begins. Using a small chisel and a hammer, the engraver redefines and sharpens the details built into the original work, and, in some cases, he does innovative engraving work, chisselling scroll‐like designs into clothing. Similarly, the ornaments, mukuta, kundala, vaju, paujeb (pauju) are engraved on the image. In some cases, artist may do some inlay work by using other metals into the surface of the object. Lastly, features like eyes, nose, mouth and ears, will be chisselled in balanced ways to create a perfect face. Polishing, as per the customer’s demand, is also done. After this process only, the process of gold or silver plating is started. For this, the art object will be taken to other artist, the one who does this work (Fig. 195) viii. Technology of Gold Gilding in Nepal Gold gilding is one of the old professions in Nepal. This skill is coming down from generation to generation among the Skakyas of the Kathmandu Valley. So far the origin of gilding is concerned, we do not know exactly when this art came into existence in Nepal. Some gold ornament excavated from Lumbini and Kapilvastu shows that the custom of wearing gold ornaments was already there before the Christian era (Rijal 1979 Pl. 33). In the Kathmandu Valley the golden images were already there during early 7th century AD as evidenced by the Changunarayana inscription of King Amsuvarma dated 607AD. The inscription states that the Garudasana Vishnu kavacha was renovated by the king since the old one was broken (Vajracharya 2030: 317). This shows that the asana was already dedicated there at the beginning of early 7th century of the Christian era. The chronicles of Nepal states that the king Haridatta Varma (who ruled nine generations before the Lichhavi
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king Manadeva I) had built four Narayana temples at the four directions of the Kathmandu Valley and one of them was Changunarayana (Malla and Vajracharya 1985: 28). The image of Garudasana Vishnu also might have been established then. Since no one is allowed to check and touch the image, we cannot say definitely whether it is made of pure gold or is only a gold gilded one. During the invasion of Samsuddin Illias in the first half of the medieval period, many temples were plundered and destroyed. So we do not have the examples of golden images prior to that though we have inscriptions referring to golden temples, golden images and many others. a. Technique of making Slurry of Gold There are several stages of making a paste of gold. For this, iron and wooden brushes, hakib stones, magitho a herb of sweat taste, mercury, salt, nitric and citric acids are required (Fig. 196). As the gold is a malleable metal, thicker gold sheet is beaten into very thin sheet almost like a paper and cut into small pieces. In olden days, it was done by manually beating the gold with hammer; but, now, the old method is replaced by the electric pressure machine. According to the artist, in traditional method, the gold was first heated in fire. The heated gold is placed on the anvil (khala), and is beaten with the hammer several times. This process is repeated until the gold sheet becomes as thin as paper. At present, there are iron rolls fitted with electric motor through which the gold is passed several times. Each time after passing through the gold sheet gets thinner and thinner and ultimately to the thinness of a gold ribbon. Then the golden ribbon is cut into small pieces with the help of scissors (Fig. 197).
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Another method, as described by the artist of Patan Uku Bahal, is to cut the gold sheet into small pieces, then mix with mercury in the ratio of 1: 4. Then these two combinations of metals are put in on the iron or stone anvil and by adding sand and water, slowly grinding is done with the help of a pestle (Fig. 198). The grinding is done very slowly to prevent the unstable drops of mercury and fine pieces of gold escaping from the mortar. The necessary amount of salt and citric acid (chu paun) is added periodically to help the gold and mercury completely amalgamate into a paste. This process of grinding is continued till both the materials change into the paste (Fig. 199). After that, sand is removed. The grinding process is a very slow and tedious job. A trained person can grind maximum of twenty to twenty five grams of gold in a day’s work. b. Technique of Pasting Gold Gold slurry or paste is used specially in the making of silver and copper objects. Since the gold is the noblest metal, it could be gilded only on these two metals. In traditional method, no other base metal shall be considered capable of taking gold plating. To start with, the object on which the gold is to be gilded must be in proper shape, should also be cleaned thoroughly and then rubbed with sandpaper. In olden days, the ko appa (over burnt brick) was used for rubbing the surface, but now sandpaper is used. The object should be rubbed in such a way that it should obtain maximum shines and should be absolutely smooth. Then the object should be either dipped in the mercury or paste mercury with the help of brush without any delay (Fig. 200), otherwise, due to the atmospheric reaction, it turns dark within a couple of hours. If it turns dark, it has to be cleaned and rubbed again and the process should be repeated
for gilding the gold until it shines and becomes smooth as described above before it is taken up for the gilding process. Once the object is thus ready for gilding, it is again dipped in mercury, mixed with salt, citric acid, woodash and water and then rubbed vigorously either with cloth or iron brush so that it shines brightly. Once the mercury is fully coated, the object looks as if made of steel (Fig. 201). Then once again it is carefully cleaned in fresh water to wash out the salt and citric acid (Fig. 202). If this is not done properly, it will leave unwanted patches after gold gilding. This is because the residual portion of salt and citric acid reacts with mercury, gold and copper resulting in unwanted patches. Then the gold paste is applied to the required portion only. Before applying the paste, objects will be rubbed properly. In olden days, it was rubbed either with a finger or with an iron rod covered with muslin cloth or cotton on its top. At present, it is done by a small brush with the help of nitric acid (Fig. 203) and washed by water (Fig. 204) so that the dirt will be washed away and it will be easy for pasting. After rubbing, the pasting is done with a small stick or flat spoon (panyu). Then the gold pasted object is heated for about ten seconds on charcoal fire and then brushed with a brush topped with a cotton swab; but now a days artists use gas for heating an object (Fig. 205) The action is repeated eight to ten times depending upon the intensity of the fire. Once the gold paste has been coated on the intended places of the image, the real gold gilding starts. The image is cleaned with cotton, while being slowly heated. By doing this, the paste gets balanced in every part where it has been applied. While giving heat to the image, the mercury will evaporate, which is very harmful to health. It especially affects the jaws. As a measure against the harmful fumes spiced but
uncooked raw piece of meat of buffalo known as kachila in the local dialect, is held in the mouth and only after completing the application of the gold paste, the meat is thrown out and the mouth is washed with local alcohol. After firing, the act of heating and brushing is done very carefully (Fig. 206); otherwise the image gets overheated and gets unevenly spotted and darkened. If the mercury is not evaporated properly, the gold image may get patinated with green and white blotches indicating the presence of residual portion of the mercury (Fig. 207). To proceed with care and without haste is, therefore, absolutely necessary. Once the mercury evaporates, the gold comes out bright and then the image is washed or dipped in herbal froth (Fig. 208). This froth is prepared by boiling a herb of sweet taste magitho (Fig. 209) till it becomes thick (Fig. 210). This type of herb grows around the hills of Sankhu of Kathmandu township in the east. After washing in the herbal froth, the colour of gold, though not shiny, is seen. To give a shiny look the image is rubbed with agate or hakib stone known as hathan in local dialect. This process is called lasan thayegu or lasan tayegu meaning “brightening the image”. c. Technique of Gilding the Face This is done only after finishing the process of modelling, casting, chisselling and pasting the amalgamated powder of gold and mercury. For preparing the gold paste to paint the face, at first the gold is made as thin as paper and is cut into small tiny pieces. These pieces are soaked in hot water in small bowl for nearly ten minutes. When the gold melts and remains on the surface of the bowl, water is discarded. The remaining gold, that is wet, is mixed with saresh (leather glue). The consistency of the mixture of these two components is observed whether it is thick or thin either by dipping the end of a brush that will be used
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for painting or by a small stick of wood in the mixture. After this, gold paste is applied to the required face of the image and other parts with the help of a small brush (Fig. 211). This process is repeated several times. But, at present, before applying the gold, a primer, mixed with white stone coloured leather glue, is applied as a lining (aster) on the face and other parts. A mixture of ochre coloured powder (ramatilak), leather glue and ready‐made wet powdered gold, that are readily available in the market, are also applied. After applying the primer or aster, the single coat of gold will be enough. According to the artist of Patan, after completing the gold coat on required parts, individual features are painted. Thus, for eyes, the mixture of white stone coloured leather glue is used; for cheeks, the mixture of leather glue with white and red colour giving a reddish tinge is used for painting; for hair, blue stone colour is applied, whereas eyes, nose, ear, the eyebrow, are outlined in the blue stone colour. Thus finishing is done by adopting the various processes like chisselling, engraving, sanding, cleaning, fitting the different parts together, over all polishing, gilding and encrusting with precious and semi‐precious stones. The inlay pieces are in the gaps left for it are inserted and then
skillfully riveted. These joints are concealed with jewellery, attached with precious and semi‐precious stones. Gilding is done with gold leaf by applying it to an adhesive lacquer. It must be said that the art of engraving has not maintained the same high standard over the years as that of sculpting. This is largely due to the change of the mass market for cast images, all of which must be finished. Though most of the processes are similar to those of Indian artists; however, there is a fundamental difference with regards to the technique applied in India and Nepal is concerned. In India, every object, except the very big one, is modelled, moulded and cast as a whole (Krishnan 1976: 32). In Nepal, except for very small objects, each part of the image is done separately (modelling, moulding and casting) and after casting, the parts are assembled together. The particular technique applied to pasting gold in the object described so far is very indigenous in character, developed by Newar artists of Kathmandu Valley. But since the scientific method of gold gilding is introduced, it is highly feared that this traditional method would die sooner or later. Though it is long lasting in nature, this is a tedious job and the scientific method is easy and cheap taking lesser period in time.
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III THE LICHHAVI BRONZES Nepalese achieved great fame during Lichhavi period for casting artists and metal workers. Bronze figures or images were produced by Cire‐perdue or lost‐wax process as mentioned earlier. There is no evidence of bronze casting before 5th century AD, though stone and wood sculpting was introduced during the Kirata period. The study of early Nepalese cast images is rendered difficult for several reasons. Firstly, there is almost no archaeological material available until the present day, because the excavation of sacred places in the Kathmandu Valley was always held as anathema. Secondly, the frequent handling of icons for daily worship causes great wear and tear and also because of the softness of copper, must have led to periodic replacement of worn‐out images. Thirdly, the Nepalese do not worship worn‐out images. According to the Nepalese tradition, the worn‐out images are discarded first after taking out life from them to be replaced by new ones. New images of the same deity are cast by using the molten metal of the old image. The ceremony of installing a new image in shrines is accompanied by some (ritual) performances that actually symbolize installing of prana (life or breath) in the new image. This tradition is still intact in Nepal. The oldest surviving cast icons with inscription appear only after late 5th century AD and are mostly representations of Buddhist deities although some undated bronze images of Hindu deities are ascribed to 4th century AD (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 7). Among the earliest bronzes is the image of a standing Buddha Sakyamuni with a pedestal bearing a dedicatory inscription dated Samvat 513 (591 AD), displayed in
Cleveland Museum (Fig. 1) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74E). The inscription records that this image was donated by the Shakya nun Parisuddhamati at Yamgval monastery in Loditagrama which is identical with Lalitkrama, one of the Sanskrit names for the modern town of Patan (Lalitpur) situated in the south‐east of Kathmandu (Schroeder 1981: 299). Some scholars, like Pratapaditya Pal, Karl Khandalavala and Sadasiva Gorakshkar think that this Buddha image could either be of Indian or Nepalese origin (Pal 1975: 118; Ray et al. 1986: 97‐98). However, scholars like Gautamvajra Vajracharya and Marry Slusser opine that it is of Nepalese origin and their opinion is more widely accepted now (Slusser 1975‐76: 81‐95). This Nepalese Buddha is almost identical with prototype of Gupta bronze images of Buddha Sakyamuni developed in northern India (Schroeder 1981: 299‐300). Most of the surviving Nepalese cast images dated from 7th century onwards can be found in various museums and private collections of the world. The earliest known cast images from Nepal (Kathmandu Valley) are the image of Changu repository Vishnu dated to 4th century AD (Fig. 2), Devi dated to early 5th century AD (Fig. 3), Uma Maheswara dated to 7th century AD (Fig. 6), Garudasana Vishnu image of Changu Narayana temple that is still worshipped which has been renovated by King Amsuvarma (Fig. 7), another Garudasana Vishnu of Changu repository dated to 7th/8th century AD (Fig. 108) and the life size standing Buddha of Sankhu of 7th century AD (Fig. 8), which is still worshipped in a temple of Sankhu in Kathmandu Valley (Srivastava 1967‐68: 85). The other images found outside Nepal are Sakyamuni Buddha of Museum of Fine Arts
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dated to 7th century AD and the gilt copper Buddha of 7th century AD preserved in Kimbell Museum, with the dedicatory inscription of monk Jynanadeva (Figs. 9 and 11) (Pal 1975, Fig. 1; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75F),. The inscription states that the image was consecrated by the devout monk Jynanadeva for the removal of sorrow of his mother, father and other sentient beings (Schroeder 1981: 300). Among hundreds of cast images excavated at Nalanda, there were unearthed two copper images of Nepalese origin representing Vajrapani, one in a standing posture, dated to 8th century AD (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76B) and the other in a seated position, dated to 9th century AD (Fig. 212) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79D; Ray, N. R. et al. 1986, Fig. 180; Pal 1974, Fig. 205). Both the images are housed at Nalanda Museum and National Museum of New Delhi, respectively. It is not certain whether these images were cast at Nalanda by the Nepalese artists, who had been commissioned to work there or were imported from Nepal. Several small images have recently been unearthed from Kathmandu Tukan Bahal Chaitya, one of the ancient sites of the Lichhavi period (Shrestha 2002: 23). Among those icons, more than thirteen images are of bronze casted. The images could be periodised from their style of carving as of superior quality and casting in the form of its antiquity. They are Sakyamuni Buddha, Shiva Lokeswora, Maitreya Buddha and the images Pancha Dhyani Buddhas, all dated to 7th/8th centuries AD (Figs. 139‐141) (Shrestha 2002, Pls. VIII–X). Another example is the golden kavaca of Garudasana Vishnu of Changunarayana (Fig. 7) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 11). According to the inscription, it was renovated by king Amsuvarma (Vajracharya 1973: 317,
Inscription no. 76) 20 . The other Nepalese bronze images are of Patan Kva Bahal Padmapani of 8th century (Fig. 18) and gilt copper Sankhu Buddha of 9th century (Fig. 24) – the later is still worshipped in the temple of Sankhu (Thapa 1969, Fig. 27). Another bronze image is of Vishnu, which Pal has published, whose location is unknown (Fig. 38) (Pal 1974, Fig. 31). The pedestal inscription of that image dated to Samvat 172 which means 748 AD, states that the image of Vishnu was installed by some Hetujeeva, Vastramitra, Devaswami, Dharamitra and others to obtain blessing (Vajracharya 1973: 590, Inscription no. 171) 21 . Many of the bronzes are relatively smaller in size, but their elegance and life like quality are maintained. Majority of them are in samabhanga posture and usually their back is not as well finished as the front. The bronzes are either solid or hollow cast and are even made in repousse (emboss); gilding is applied to most of the images to enhance the richness of appearance. Moreover, gilt images are inlaid with semi‐precious stones. All these bronze images bear their own character representing Nepalese type. Considering that the craft of casting images dated from a period stretching over seven hundred years, many stylistic changes had occurred as a matter of natural course of events. While at the same time, in comparison with the Indian artistic traditions, the changes in Nepal are gradual, so less dramatic. An attempt is made here to classify the images based on certain stylistic elements such as the religious nature, different type of pedestal, prabhas, ornaments, garments, etc. 20 21
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See appendix 5 See appendix 10
i. Exclusively Religious The term ‘art’ denotes recreating tangible realities in the symbolised forms which are either drawn, carved or painted, or, in other modes in the shape of human beings, animals, birds, flowers and mythical figures of any material. According to N. R. Banerjee (1966: 13), “art is the quintessence of a nationʹs being, for it is a reflection of human soul in its varying moods. In its delicate and tender sensitivity it mirrors the vicissitudes of fortune and flow of political events, repercussion of social changes, reactions or religions upheavals and reverberations of varying economy.” In many societies the principal platform for the development of an independent art among people was provided by their religion. Hence there is a close connection between art and religion (Banerjea 1956: 2‐3). Nepal is not an exception to this. The art of Nepal has sub‐served religion from the very beginning. It is visible not only in stone but also in bronze, paintings and wood works. The Lichhavis patronized all religious faiths practiced by contemporary people. Though Buddhism and Hinduism comprised the major sections of the population, few other popular cults also flourished. Not only were all the deities of the Hindu‐Buddhist pantheon worshipped, but also mother goddess and a multitude of other godlings and demigods were worshipped. The frequent inscriptional references and the number of extant symbols and images of Shiva attest to the high popularity of Shiva cult among the Lichhavis. Kshemasundari and Gunavati, the two queens of Manadeva I erected the Shivalinga at Lazimpat (Kathmandu) in the year 468 and 497 AD respectively (Vajracharya 1973: 39 and 65, Inscription nos. 6 and 15) 22 . Vijayavati, a daughter of Manadeva I did the same at Pashupati Suryaghata in the year 505 AD (Vajracharya 22
1973: 82, Inscription no. 20) 23 and Manadeva himself erected the Shivalinga near Vishnupadukaphedi of Buddhanilakantha (nearly four kilometers north of Kathmandu) in 474 AD (Vajracharya 1973: 41‐42, Inscription no. 7) 24 Lichhavi inscriptions reveal many names of Shivalingas, viz., Ratnesvara installed by Ratna Sangh at Pashupati Deopatan in the year 477 AD (Vajracharya 1973: 50‐51, Inscription no. 10) 25 , Prabhukesvara installed by Ratna Sangh in 480 AD at Pashupati Deopatan (Vajracharya 1973: 55‐ 56, Inscription no. 11) 26 , Jayasvara installed by Jayalambha in 491 AD at Pashupati (Vajracharya 1973: 62‐63, Inscription Bhadresvara Nathesvara, no.14) 27 , Subhesvara, Sthitesvara and Ravisvara installed by Dhrubasangh in 543 AD at Pashupati (Vvajracharya 1973: 155, Inscription no. 34) 28 . King Amsuvarma of the Lichhavi period adopted the title of bhagavata pashupati bhattaraka padanu grihito for the first time in the history of Nepal (Vajracharya 1973: 290, Inscription no. 71) 29 , and after this, most of the Lichhavi kings adopted this title. Amsuvarma had also donated some money to some Shaivite deities, viz., Pashupati, Ramesvara, Manesvara, Dharamanesvara and Kailashesvara (Vajracharya 1973: 320‐ 21, Inscription no. 77) 30 . King Narendradeva entitled himself parama mahesvara (Vajracharya 1973: 496, Inscription no. 133) 31 and Jayadeva II discloses his reverence to Pashupatinath (Vajracharya 1973: 548‐52, Inscription no. 148) 32 . The same inscription 23
See appendix 23 See appendix 24 25 See appendix 25 26 See appendix 26 27 See appendix 27 28 See appendix 28 29 See appendix 8 30 See appendix 30 31 See appendix 31 32 See appendix 32 24
See appendix22
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details the dedication of a beautiful silver lotus flower to Pashupatinath by Jayadeva II and his mother Vatsadevi, hoping to gain blessing for her deceased husband Sivadeva II. Likewise, different sub‐divisions of Pashupat sect, viz., Mundashrinkhalika, Danapashupata, Vamsapasupata and Shrinkhalika, are mentioned in different Lichhavi inscriptions. Many images of Uma‐Mahesvara dated from 3rd century AD onwards can also be seen in the Kathmandu Valley. Vishnu was another deity highly reverred much before Lichhavi king Manadevaʹs time, which is attested by the Gopal Raj Vamsavali which mentioned about the construction of lord Vishnu’s temples in all the four Shikharapradesa by king Haridattavarma who ruled nine generations before Manadeva I (Malla and Vajracharya 1985: 28, Folio 20). According to the Changunarayan pillar inscription of 464 AD, erected by Manadeva I, the deity was already installed there. This inscription starts with the invocation of Vishnu (Vajracharya 1973: 9, Inscription no. 2) 33 . Vishnu Vikranta aspect of god was installed on the order of Manadeva I, with dedicatory inscription on the pedestal and was placed in a temple in Kathmandu’s Lazimpat and Tilganga. The inscriptions dated 467 AD reveal that Manadeva built these images for the attainment of religions merits in favour of his mother Rajyavati (Vajracharya 1973: 34‐38, Inscription nos. 4 and 5) 34 . Amsuvarma donated a new sheath and Garuda image to Changunarayana, identical to the dilapidated ones (Vajracharya 1973: 317, Inscription no. 76) 35 . He also gave donations to Dolashikharaswami, Narasimhadeva and
Bhukbhukikajalasayana Narayana (Vajracharya 1973: 320‐21, Inscription no. 77) 36 . The inscriptions refer to a beautiful Jalasayana Vishnu image built during the time of Vishnu Gupta and the local people helped transport the enormous stone to carve the image (Vajracharya 1973: 442‐443 and 448‐449, Inscription nos. 117 and 118) 37 . Religious tolerance and pluralism are also seen during the reign of Narendradeva. Though he entitled himself as paramamahesvara, his veneration to Buddha is seen in Wang‐Hiuen‐tsheʹs account which says that he wore a belt, ornamented with the golden figure of Buddha (Levi 1925: 59). For this reason, images belonging to the Hindu as well as Buddhist pantheons are of totally ritualistic character. The devotees installed the images of the deities of both these religions. The same nature holds true for the bronze sculptures also. A Shakya nun Parisudhamati had installed a bronze Buddha image in Laditagama in samvat 513 (591 AD) (Schroeder 1981: 299). During 7th century AD, monk Jnanadeva consecrated a Buddha image for the removal of sorrow of his parents and other sentient beings (Schroeder 1981: 300). Having the religious belief, Amsuvarma renovated the Kavaca and Garuda of Changunarayana (Vajracharya 1973: 317, Inscription no. 76) 38 . This tradition continued in Thakuri period, also known as transitional period (post‐ Lichhavi and pre‐medieval period in Nepal). The installed images of these periods confirm the religious motive in nature. The image of Vishnu of 9th/10th century of National Museum, Kathmandu (Fig. 32), standing Vishnu dated to 983 AD
33
36
34
37
See appendix 4 See appendix 34 35 See appendix 5
See appendix 30 See appendix 37 38 See appendix 5
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in the collection of Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Alsop 1984, Fig. 1), Garudasana Vishnu dated to 1003 AD in Zimmermanʹs collection (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30; Slusser 1975‐76, Fig. 6), syncretic image of Ardhanarisvara (Fig. 214) (Pal 1974, Fig. 150) show their religious nature and king Vaskaradeva also installed the Chaturmukha linga in 1060 AD (Pal 1974, Fig. 32). Images of Indra, Chamunda, Bhadrakali, Devi and Matrika images, statues of kings portrayed as Garuda in anjuli mudra, Buddha, Vasudhara, Avalokitesvara, and many others of post‐ Lichhavi and pre‐medieval periods are found. These images were made according to the principles of iconometry. They are influenced by Gupta or Pala style, with purely religious in character. There is not a single metal image which can even remotely qualify as a piece of secular art. Up to medieval period also, this tradition was not seen. Most probably, secular art was developed only in architecture during Lichhavi period. Image of Gauri, dated to 1106 AD, installed at Deopatan near Pashupatinath, is the first instance of making any donor’s idol. According to the inscription on its pedestal, an artist by name Nandapala made an image of Gauri in memory of a daughter of Vijayapala, while there was no such tradition in making donor’s idol (Tiwari et al. 1961 II: 14) 39 . The Chinese traveller Wang‐Hiuen‐tshe had described Kailashakuta palace as at each of the four corners of the tower, there projects a water pipe of copper. At the base, there were golden dragons that spouted forth water. From the summit of the tower, water is poured through the mouth of the golden Makara. In the middle of the palace, there is a tower of seven storeys roofed with copper 39
tiles (Jayaswal 1936: 238‐239). This is one secular specimen of the Lichhavi period, reflected in bronze, which was developed only in the architectural components as the Chinese traveller too was impressed in the profusion of the water and beauty of the bronze work developed in the then Nepalese architecture. ii. Pedestal A pedestal serves as the base, essential to protect the image in upright position wherever it is erected or placed. An image is either cast with the pedestal in one piece or the image and pedestal are cast separately. In the latter case, the image is fixed on the pedestal by means of one or two tenons. Some of the images have either only one or a pair of attached tenons. Examples are Buddha Sakyamuni (Figs. 9 and 10) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74A and 74B), Vajrapani of National Museum, Delhi (Fig. 212), British Museum Maitreya (Fig. 215) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76A) and Tara (Fig. 15) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76F), British Museum Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921 No. 6; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81F). This method of attaching the image to pedestal is known only in the Gupta style casting in the Indian context; whereas it continued in Nepal as a great practice until the 15th century and occasionally even later. The first step towards an attachment which could better stabilize the position and fixation in the addition of a rectangular or round plate, a few millimeter thick, was modified by casting the image and the pedestal in one piece. Examples: Buddha (Fig. 217) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74C), Sankhu Buddha of 7th c. (Fig. 8), Los Angeles Indra with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D), Patan Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18) and Bickford Devi (Fig. 14) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75G).
See appendix 39
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The rectangular‐shaped pedestal appears on Nepalese casting dating specially from the 10th/11th centuries. This kind of pedestal was common in India from the Kushana period onwards. In Nepal, this pedestal is frequently associated with Vishnu images: Visvarupa Vishnu of Boston Museum (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114), Vishnu of National Museum (Fig. 32), Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83D; Slusser 1975‐76, Fig. 6)), Cleveland Vishnu (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83A) and present location unknown Vishnu image dated to Samvat 172 (Fig. 38) (Pal 1974, Fig. 31). This type of pedestal also occurs in conjunction with Buddhist images like Cleveland Buddha and Kimbell Buddha (Figs. 1 and 11) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74E and 75F). The rectangular pedestal also appears in variations ‐ it is combined with a round lotus pedestal as in Pan‐Asian Padmapani (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83G) or with the segment along with the lower edge of the rectangular pedestal and surmounted by a circular lotus as shown in the figure of Aksobhya in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85A). This type of pedestal is seen in successive figures also. For example, figure like Muchhalinda Buddha of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1) has this character. In the later period, the rectangular pedestal tended to become increasingly more complex as seen in Indian Museum’s Boddhisattva Rakta Lokesvara (Mehta 1971 pl. 34) and British Museum Amitabha (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1). Some of the images like British Museum Buddha (Fig. 29) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76G), Pan‐Asian Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 22) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75C), Zimmerman Avalokitesvara (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D) and Vajrapani unearthed from Nalanda (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76B) have upward directed lotus pedestals attached to the feet. The round shape of the lotus makes it necessary to fix
the image to a rectangular pedestal, perhaps like those which occur among post‐Gupta Indian images. The most popular type of pedestals among Lichhavi images of 8th and 12th centuries are those with double lotus ones, both upward and downward directed petals, as can be seen in the British Museum Sakyamuni Buddha (Fig. 23) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76E), Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1; Kramrisch 1964a, Fig 5; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81E) and British Museum Devi or Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921 No. 6; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81F). Among earlier images, the double set constitutes the entire pedestal; whereas in later ones, the lotus is often set on a rectangular base, as in Pan‐Asian Padmamani (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83G) and Bennet Vasudhara (Fig. 46) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85 F). iii. Prabha (Nimbus) Bronze images dated up to 11th century are the frequent appearances of the prabha. Some prabhas are plain in design, such as Los Angeles Indra with Vajrapususha (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D) and Vajrapani images which were excavated at Nalanda and housed at different museums of India, but they are without doubt of Nepalese origin (Fig. 212) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 76B and 79D). The majority of Nepalese images which have retained their prabhas show the intricacy of the work. The rare appearance of the prabhas among Indian images, whether closed or open, clearly indicates that in these instances the Nepalese artists relied on their own inspiration. The prabhas framing the main image were either cast in one piece together with the pedestal or cast separately. Prabhas cast sepatetely are likely to have lost time and in many instances it did happen so. There is a great variety of shapes and ornamentations applied in the making of prabhas, obviously reflecting stylistic freedom in regard to their
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design. For example, British Museum Avalokitesvara (Fig. 220) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77A) can be quoted. Another archaic type is represented by the solid cast prabhas dating from 6th to 8th centuries as seen on Bodhisattva Maitreya in the collection of Samuel Eilenberg (Fig. 4) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74F) and Zimmerman Vajrapani (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75A). Yet another type is the circular device edged by flames springing outward and upward from its outer edges ‐ examples are British Museum Buddha (Fig. 29) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76G), Pan‐Asian Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76C), Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5) and British Museum Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6; Barrett 1966, pl. VIII). It is clear that only in few instances, the Nepalese artists followed north and eastern Indian prototypes. In these cases: Christieʹs Chunda having circular prabha (Fig. 221) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77E) can be compared with Indian bronze Chunda (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 52B). These types of prabhas appeared more often in connection with Nepalese images, but because these prabhas were not so fixed to the images and were just inserted by the use of tenons. In many cases, the empty apertures indicate that the prabhas have been lost, as seen in the Padmapani at the Kva Bahal, Patan (Fig. 18). iv. Head Dress and Crown The head dress is an essential attribute demarcating the divine or royal status of the subject of the image. It plays an important role in making the images beautiful especially in reflecting the charm and personality of the face. The head carries either crown or matted (knotted) lock of hair. Usually the Buddha images are fashioned with tiny curls and the lump (usnisha) as the crown of Buddha images of Cleveland, Boston, private collections, Kimbell (Figs. 1, 9, 11 and 23) (Schroeder
1981, Figs. 74E, 74A, 74G, 75F and 76E) and Sankhu Buddha (Fig. 8). The three‐pointed crowns are made to adorn the Bodhisattvas, such as Padmapani images of Pan‐Asian (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190) and Zimmerman Collection (Fig 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D), Vajrapani excavated at Nalanda (Fig. 212), Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5) and planetary deities like Chandra of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 8a) are elaborately made. The style of three‐pointed crown, decorating the Nepalese bronze image, is essentially an indigenous local character. The most elegant and distinctive coiffure belongs to the image of Pan‐Asian Vajrapani (Fig. 22) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75C). The hair arranged in cascading locks and plumage has heightened the elegance of the figure which is a stylistic trait borrowed from the Gupta tradition. The broad pointed mitre‐like crown seems to have been limited only to few particular deities like Indra (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D), Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114) wearing crown of kirita style, whereas the image of Vishnu of Changunarayana wears karandaka (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 7). The crown of National Museum Vishnu is executed with circles and incisions and is embedded with semi‐ precious stones on each facade of the crown (Fig. 32), while the crown of the Changunarayana Vishnu is incised with kirtimukha (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 18). The head dress of Shiva is always shown wearing jatamukuta, i.e., in the shape of matted locks. The Uma‐Mahesvara image of Changunarayana shows Mahesvaraʹs hair piled high in the characteristic style of an ascetic, wrapped in coils and then tied up with a band decorated with flower pattern (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15), whereas the
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Baroda Museum Mahesvara wears a decorated crown inlaid with the chased ornaments (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). The representation of coiffure in female images during Lichhavi period and onwards is executed with utmost care. The Tara or Devi images have ornate head dresses. The Tara image of private collection wears a broad, almost mitre‐like crown (Fig. 15) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76F). Some incised lines are delineated sensitively in the periphery of the forehead to give the impression of combed hair. Two other images of Tara, one exhibited in New York (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 3) and the other in the British Museum (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81F) are adorned with three‐ pointed crowns, each side of which is embellished with floral design and the matted lock of hair hanging below the crown. The Tara image in the collection of George P. Bickford wears a broad almost mitre‐like crown and is shown with hairlocks hanging on the forehead (Fig. 14) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75G). The Haniel Vasudhara is adorned with a mitre‐like crown (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C). A round groove, now empty, on her hair dress is the tell‐tale sign of precious or semi‐precious stones inset in it. The crown of Bennet Vasudhara differs from all other known images because of the four Tathagata carved on it (Fig. 46) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85F). In front of the crown is Vairocana, while Amitabha is at the back, on the sides are Ratnasambhava and Amoghasiddhi. The vajra emerging from the crown represents the Tathagata Aksobhya. The hair design of Uma of Changunarayana Uma‐Mahesvara panel is shown in the flat waves. It is thrown on the back and falling on the right shoulder is bound in place by a flat diadem (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, Fig 15).
The image of another Uma in the Baroda Museum wears a tiara below it some lines are shown to give impression of combed hair (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9). v. Plasticity and Mobility Lichhavi bronzes give out a sense of mobility and they are plastic in character. The Cleveland Buddha’s body reveals a touch of mannered elegance as one would expect in bronzes created after the Gupta models (Fig. 1) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74E). The diaphanous robes reveal a graceful and proportionate body. Although in a monk’s robe, the image displays regal character. Another Buddha image of Kimbell Museum (Fig. 11) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75F) also reveals a touch of mannered elegance. Stylistic differences between another Buddha image in a private collection referred by Schroeder (Fig. 23) (1981, Fig. 76E) and the Kimbell Buddha are noticeable, mainly in the edges of the robe. The hands of the Buddha image in the private collection are less sensitively delineated and the webbing has almost disappeared. Nevertheless, the modelling of the body displays a subtle elegance and plasticity that have a sensuous charm. A sense of movement is expressed by both the relaxed posture and the edges of the garment. The meditative calmness of the face and a softness of the modelling make the Sankhu Buddha the most outstanding Buddha image of Nepal (Fig. 8). The most elegant bronze example of Avalokitesvara stands in a corner of the courtyard of the Patan Kva Bahal (Fig. 18). Despite the damage to the face, its exquisite features and the benign expression are still discernible. The elegant simplicity of the sculpture and the ideally proportioned figure stand as a representative of physical grace and the smooth modelling of his body significant of the Saranath Boddhisattva (Pal 1974, Fig. 22). Other elegant examples are
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the Pan‐Asian Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 22) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75C) and the Los Angeles Indra (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D) having a slim and an athletic body. The Changunarayana Vishnu images (Figs. 2 and 12) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 7 and 18) and National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32) can be regarded as the magnificient pieces of all the bronzes available in Nepal. With their finely delineated body and elaborate crown and ornaments, the Vishnu images portray his omnipotent presence. Though less elaborated, the grandeur of the Boston Visvarupa Vishnu is obvious (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114). The figure is characterized by a sense of proportion and balance. Devi and Tara images, viz., private collection Tara, private collection Tara or Devi, Mr. and Mrs. James collection Devi, British Museum Tara and Devi, Bickford Devi and Changu Devi are epitomes of mobility and plasticity (Figs. 13, 15, 222, 216, 14 and 3) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75E, 76F, 78C and 81F; Kramrisch 1964d, no. 3; Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Khanal 1983, no. 9). With their firm proportionate bodies, they share a sense of amplitude and sensuous delight. The Bickford Devi with her right hip thrust outward and left knee slightly bent, seems to step forward from her base showing the curve of the right hip and swelling abdomen (Fig. 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75G). Despite its rather modest scale, the frontal posture of the other Tara in the private collection that has been referred by Schroeder, enhances her dignity and her ample form is assimilated with quiet grace (Fig. 15) (1981, Fig. 76F). The Devi image of Changunarayana (Fig. 3) (Khanal 1983, no. 9) emanates a sense of balance and calmness and her figure embodies physical grace.
vi. Slenderness of Waist and Moderately Exaggerated Lower Limbs There is a general insistence upon the fact that the images of goddesses, whether Hindu or Buddhist, must possess a beautiful body and a lofty mind. Therefore, she should be depicted as young as of sixteen years in full youthful blossom. And quite poetically Sankaracharya (quoted by Pal 1974: 128), the ascetic theologist, praised Parvati’s physical charms, “Slender by nature, ever to your waist, which no more than a tree on the trembling rim of a torrent has any stability, may there be safety, o daughter of the mountain.”
There is no room for vulgarity in Indian attitude and, therefore, Indian artist never tried to transform the vulgarity into the art. But from the rapturous serenity of passion and from abundance of nature both Indian and Nepalese artists created perfect parameters of ideal beauty. Just as in literature, so also in art, the Lichhavi artists glorified the slender waist and exaggerated lower limbs (hips) to a female figure. The Tara and Devi images, including Changunarayana Devi (Figs. 3, 13, 14, 15 and 216) (Khanal 1983, no. 9; Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Figs. 76F, 75E, 76F and 81F; Kramrisch 1964d, no. 3) are the prime examples. Their prominent hips and slender waist infusing their form with grace, attract the viewer’s attention to the images. The Vasudhara images are also executed with slender waist and though the images are seated, the temperately pronounced hips are visible for all to see (Figs. 30 and 46) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 77C and 85F). The Bennet Vasudhara has slenderest waist of all the Vasudhara images (Fig. 46) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85F). It makes the image thin in appearance but somewhat lacking in grace.
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However, images of male deities like Buddha, Avalokitesvara, Vajrapani, Vajrapurusha, Vajrasattva, Maiteya, Manjusree, Indra, Mahesvara and Vishnu are featured with not so slenderness. Though most of the above mentioned male images have proportionate hips, while the two Vajrapurusha images (Figs. 27 and 223) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 78A and 82H) have moderately exaggerated hips. These characteristics have infused the images with grace and splendour. vii. Diaphanous Drapery The Lichhavi artists were skilled in depicting transparent and transluscent diaphanous drapery not only in stone but also in bronze art. In the case of male figures, specially in Buddha or Boddhisattva images, foldless or folded garments are shown covering both the shoulder or with the bare right arm. Another characteristic of the male figures is the upper half of the body is shown bare. Some images of Buddha are drapped with foldless garments covering both shoulders as shown in the figures 1, 9 and 10) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74E, 74A and 74B); some with bare right shoulders (Fig. 217) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74C) and some with folded garment in most instances covering both shoulders (Figs. 21, 11, 29, 215 and 28) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75B, 75F, 76G and 76A; Pal 1974, Fig. 26) as in Sankhu Buddha (Fig. 8). Most of the figures as of Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 18), Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5), Changu Vishnu (2 and 12) (Khanal 1983, Figs. 7 and 18), National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32), Boston Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114), Indra with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D), and many others are having bare torso. But a common characteristic among all of them is their diaphanous quality which makes it possible to see and admire the minute portrayal of body contours. Their prominent hips and thighs,
seen under the dress, infuse their forms with grace and attract the attention of the viewers. The transparent dhoti (men’s loose dress covering parts below waist) of the Avalokitesvara of Patan Kva Bahal (Fig. 18) and of Pan‐Asian collection (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190), clings to the thigh and its volume is indicated by rippling folds between the legs. The dhoti worn by the Stanford Vajrapani is engraved to form a stripped pattern that is held at the waist by a plain belt fastened with a circular jewel clasp. The end of the dhoti falls from the clasp downward between the legs, folding back and forth to form the narrow pleats which terminate in a point between the legs (Fig. 219) (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5). The Wiener Gallery Indra’s dhoti is of a patterned variety and the elegant rippling folds of the dhoti hung between the legs and the paryastika (sash) tied around the hips and hanging on the right thigh (Fig. 25) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78G), whereas that in the Los Angels Indra’s dhoti is tightly wrapped over the thighs and there are no pleats between the legs and incised with horizontal lines (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D). As in the Wiener Gallery Indra, the sash is dangling to the right leg. The Vishnu images, recovered from the repository of Changunarayana shrine (Figs. 12 and 37) (Khanal 1983, nos. 18, 27), have traces of dhoti up to the knee and its folded ripples fall between the legs. The upper garment is tied around the waist and its flowing ends are cascading down the sides of the thighs. The dhoti of another Changu Vishnu is tightly wrapped around the thigh and is indicated by the horizontal lines (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, no. 7). In the case of National Museum Vishnu, it is incised with horizontal lines and the pleats fall in‐ between the legs (Fig. 32). The Mahesvara images show faint traces of dhoti holding by
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waistband (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, nos. 15 and 23). The dhoti of Changu Mahesvara is executed with horizontal lines (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, no. 15), but no lines or folds can be seen on the other Mahesvara image of Changu itself (Khanal 1983, no. 23). In the Baroda Museum Mahesvara, the dhoti is worn up to the knee; it is folded on the thigh (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9). The curls of drapery are seen near the feet. The drapery of the female figures like Tara, Devi and Uma, emphasizes the firm, round shapes rather than concealing them. The clinging drapery is used cleverly, not only to accentuate the swelling planes and rounded curves, but also to add a sense of movement and magically combined with the vital and spontaneous rhythm of nature. These figures are drapped in sari well below their navel, held by katibandha with or without flowery decoration. It can be visible only by the diaphanous drapery and the upper part of the sari that covers the breasts, generally falls on the left part of the figure. The torso is covered by a plain scarf whose presence is hardly perceptible as it caresses the body. Body‐hugging blouses and rhythmic sway of the long, flowing end of the sari convey a sense of movement and the mellifluous contours of the female figures infuse their ample form with a quiet grace. This tradition wearing diaphanous drapery is followed in the post‐Lichhavi or successive periods also as shown by Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30), Indra (Fig. 45) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 87E and Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 34), Boston Indra dated 1589 AD (Pal 1974, Fig. 42), Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu with Lakshmi and Garuda dated 1698 AD (Fig. 54), British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7), British Museum Padmapani (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 99A), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195).
viii. Round Breasts As stated above, the female figure should be shown of the age of sixteen years in full youthful blossom so that it attracts viewer’s eyes. The poet Vallana (quoted by Pal 1974: 127) has composed a poem in charming version which reads as: “The curve of your breast, sweet lass, would carry off even another heart. The dark lily which serves as arrow in the hand of love is a derivative of your eyes.” Sankaracharya (quoted by Pal 1974: 128) in his famous Saundarya‐lahari praised Parvati, saying, “Wearied from the burden of overhanging breasts, with bent form that seems to be cracking slightly at the navel and the abdominal creases when your breasts, which had suddenly burst your bodice as it met their (your breasts’) sweating curves.”
Nepalese artists have brought alive these descriptions in bronze sculptures also. The execution is subtle which does not exclude minute details like the gentle shape of nipple. Bickford Devi (Fig. 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218), British Museum Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6), and Tara or Gauri (Kramrisch 1964d, Fig. 3) are the magnificent examples of this type. This shape not only provided an ideal form but it seems as if nature’s very essence was distilled and injected into that form. The representation of a goddess remains as desirably sensuous and alluring as portrayals of lesser mortals. Nepalese artists are also tend in showing the shape of the chaste of some male figure of Lichhavi period in a rounded manner with a prominent nipples: Cleveland Buddha (Fig. 1) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74E), Sankhu Buddha (Fig. 8), Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 18), Pan‐Asian Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, 190; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76C), Vajrapani with
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Vajrapurusha (Fig. 22) (Pal 1974, Fig. 203), Indra with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D), DorisWeiner Gallery Indra with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 25) (Pal 1974, Fig. 247), National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32), Boston Visvarupa (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114) are magnificent examples of this type. In the post‐Lichhavi period, though the artists followed the same iconometry, in comparison to the weighty and ponderous Devi images of the Lichhavi period, they lack smoothness and perfectness and the ample breasts are not as smoothly modelled as those of the Lichhavi figures. In case of male figures also, they followed the same iconometry as seen in the figures like Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1), Patan Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 35), Zimmerman collection Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30), private collection Indra (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16). But, they somewhat lack the grace. ix. Yajnopavita (Sacred Thread) In ancient times the yajnopavita (sacred thread) was worn by both males and females. In the case of a male it runs from the left shoulder up to the right thigh and it is known as yajnopavita, while in female figures, it emerges from the right shoulder and hangs up to the left thigh and is called upavita. During the late Lichhavi period, because of the Hindu influence, Buddhist images are also depicted with the sacred thread. Avalokitesvara of Kva Bahal (Fig. 18), Pan‐Asian collection Boddhisattva Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190) show a long and simple yajnopavita running from the left shoulder tucked under the tied sash and reaching up to the right thigh. But the Zimmerman Avalokitesvara is devoid of the yajnopavita (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig.
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76D). The Pan‐Asian Vajrapaniʹs yajnopavita is almost straight between the left shoulder and the sash is tied around the hips (Fig. 22) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75C). The yajnopavita tucked under the sash and hanging under the left thigh twists on to the right knee and terminates there. The Stanford Vajrapaniʹs yajnopavita is fashioned in the form of a beaded strand and falls from the left shoulder and is tied across the hips (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5). Maitreya in a private collection that is referred by Schroeder is shown with a yajnopavita running from the left shoulder over the waistband and then it twists on the right thigh through pelvic arch and vanishes at the place where the right arm is placed on his right hip (Fig. 16) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77D). The yajnopavita of another Manjushree in a private collection referred by Schroeder (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77G), emerges from the rear side of his ear ornament and then vanishes below the waistband. The St. Louis Vajrasattva’s yajnopavita vanishes after reaching the pelvic arch (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A). The Los Angeles Vajrapurusha image is without the yajnopavita (Fig. 223) (Pal 1975, Fig. 24). The Los Angeles Indra (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D) is also devoid of the yajnopavita, whereas the Wiener Gallery Indraʹs yajnopavita is almost straight between the left shoulder and the waistband from where it falls over the sash and left thigh before winding towards the right thigh (Fig. 25) (Pal 1974, Fig. 247). Boston Visvarupa Vishnuʹs yajnopavita, though conventional, is rather short, since it ends at his right hip (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114). The Garudasana Vishnuʹs yajnopavita reaches up to the waistband and then disappears (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30). One of the Changu Vishnuʹs yajnopavita vanishes after reaching the waistband (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, no. 7), while another Changu Vishnuʹs yajnopavita twists upon the right
thigh through the pelvic arch (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983, no. 18). The yajnopavita of Baroda Museum Mahesvara is almost straight between the left shoulder and the waistband (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9), from where it falls over the waistband in a round way up to the hip. x. Adornment Most of the Lichhavi images are shown with limited ornaments. Both Hindu and Buddhist images, except those of the Buddha images, are adorned with a few but vividly and exuberantly portrayed ornaments, like ear pendants, armlets, necklaces, bracelets and anklets. These ornaments more or less correspond to the types encountered among north and eastern Indian Gupta and Pala style castings. a) Ear Ornament The antiquity of the tradition of portraying earrings on the images is attested by the terracotta figurines unearthed at Tilaurakot and Banjarahi of Nepal’s western Tarai region (Rijal 1979, pl. no. 9 and 10; Deo 1968, pl. IV B) and stone images belonging to the pre‐Christian era (Bangdel 1982, Fig. 1). Continuing the same tradition, Lichhavi images are beautified by ear pendants, the only exception being the images of Buddha. The Pan‐Asian Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190), the Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18), Vajrapani excavated at Nalanda, now exhibited in National Museum of Delhi (Fig. 212)) (Pal 1974, Fig. 205; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79D), the Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5) wear ear ornaments that resemble blooming flowers with petals around and the blossom represented by a circle, chased in the centre. In the Pan‐Asian Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha, the ear ornament looks like a cluster of beads threaded together, hanging from the ear lobes (Fig. 22) (Pal 1974, Fig. 203). The Stanford Vajrapani wears two
different types of ear ornaments, the other type is the open circular rim (Fig. 219). The earrings of the Los Angeles Indra are somewhat oval and heavy ‐ they are rather unusual (Fig. 19) (Pal 1974, Fig. 202). Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu’s ears are adorned with rhombus shaped ornaments, but their design is different (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30). Blooming flowers are chased on the ear ornament of the Los Angeles Indra, while the Zimmerman Vishnu imageʹs ornament is executed with the beaded design on the edges and the rhombus shaped is chased in the centre. The Visvarupa Vishnu wears a flower‐shaped earring (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114). In the figure of Uma‐Mahesvara panel of Changu, Mahesvara’s ears are adorned with strings of beads threaded together (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15), whereas discoidal rings adorn the ears of another Changu Mahesvara (Khanal 1983, no. 23). In the figure of Uma‐Mahesvara of Baroda Museum, Mahesvara (Kramisch 1964a, Fig. 9) wears sarpa kundala in the right ear while in the left ear, he wears the blooming flower attached with petals that resembles with Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 35). The images of Uma of Changu (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15) and Baroda Museum (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9), wear disk shaped rings while another Changu Uma’s earring can not be discerned properly (Khanal 1983, Fig. 23). The images of Devi and Tara of Brickford and private collections are decorated with eight‐petalled lotus‐shaped ear ornaments (Figs. 14‐15) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75E and 76F). The British Museum Tara wears large oval jewel with pearled border (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6) ‐ this type of ear decoration was quite common in the latter period also.
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b) Necklaces Both male and female images are cast with chased necklaces. The image of Pan‐Asian Avalokitesvara is shown wearing two rows of beaded necklaces with floral design in the centre (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190). Another Avalokitesvara of Kva Bahal wears a single strand of beaded necklace (Fig. 18). The Stanford Vajrapaniʹs necklace is adorned by a single bead with an oval jewel in the middle, from which three pendants are hung (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5). The image of Maitreya shows a simple wide strap‐like necklace which is chased in the middle with a disc‐shaped pattern (Fig. 16) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77D). The Vajrasattva image shows wearing a single beaded necklace (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A). The Los Angels Manjushree is embellished with a double row beaded necklaces (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81G), whereas the Pan‐Asian Manjusree’s necklace consists of gems and tiger claws (Pal 1975, no. 35). Generally, this type of necklace is worn by Manjushree of the Buddhist pantheon or Kumara of the Brahmanical pantheon (Pal 1975: 80). The British Museum Vajrapani wears a double necklace with numerous pendants hanging on it (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7). The Wiener Gallery Indra wears two rows of beaded necklace with a floral design in place of the pendant (Fig. 25) (Pal 1974, Fig. 247), while the Los Angeles Indra wears a simple beaded necklace of a single strand (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D). Another image of Indra in a private collection is adorned with a triangle shaped necklace in which numerous pendants embedded with gems are inserted (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16). The Boston Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114) and Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30) are ornamented with a single strand of beaded necklace while Changu Vishnu is decorated
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with a double but simple beaded necklace (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 18), while the other Vishnu of same repository is adorned with double strands of beaded necklace from which hang numerous pendants embedded with gems (Fig. 37) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 27), whereas National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32) is devoid of necklace. Mahesvara of Changu wears a single strand of rosary (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15), whereas the Baroda Museum Mahesvara is shown with double necklaces, one of single strand rosary and the other with the pendant in the centre (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). The other Mahesvara of Changu has a snake as his necklace (Khanal 1983, no. 23). The Uma of Changu’s Uma‐Mahesvara panel is embellished with a double row of beaded necklace with a rosette shaped pendant in the centre (Fig. 12) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15), whereas the Baroda Museum Uma is shown with double necklaces, one of single strand beads hanging around the breasts and the other a beaded one with a floral design pendant in the centre (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 6). The Bickford Devi (Fig. 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218) and private collection Tara (Fig. 15) (Pal 1975, no. 37; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76F) are adorned with necklaces of single strand beads with a hanging pendant at the centre, while other Tara images from private collections (Fig. 13) (Kramrisch 1964d, Fig. 3; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75E) wear double rows of beaded necklace with a circular pendant at the centre. The British Museum Tara also wears a single beaded necklace, but in a more ornate design (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6). Bennet Vasudhara is ornamented with a double row necklace inset with semi‐precious stones in the centre (Fig. 46) (Pal 1975, no. 41). The Haniel Vasudhara is adorned with a simple beaded necklace (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C).
c) Armlets The Lichhavi specimens, except those of Buddha images, are ornamented with armlets. But the armlets are conspicuously absent in the images of Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18), Pan‐Asian Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190), Zimmerman Avalokitesvara (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D). The absence of such an adornment emphasizes the simplicity of the torso. The Vajrapani unearthed from Nalanda has a thick band running around the arms (Fig. 212) (Pal 1974, Fig. 205). The Stanford Vajrapani has beaded spiral armlets with a large oval jewel at the upper terminal (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5). The Pan‐Asian Manjushree is ornamented with armlets of two strands of beads from the centre of which a floral design reaches up to the shoulder (Pal 1975, no. 35). Maitreya in private collection wears simple, thick armlets without any design (Fig. 16) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77D). The St. Louis Vajrasattva has armlets of beads (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A). The Norton Simon Foundation Vajrapurushaʹs armlets are fashioned by snakes (Fig. 27) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78A), while the Los Angeles Vajrapurusha image lacks armlets (Fig. 223) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 82H). The Los Angeles Indra with Vajrapaniʹs arms are unadorned (Fig. 19) (Pal 1974, Fig. 202), while the Wiener Gallery Indra has three layered, simple band armlets (Fig. 25) (Pal 1974, Fig. 247). The Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114), Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30), Changu Vishnu and Garudasana Vishnu images (Figs. 2, 12 and 108) (Khanal 1983, nos. 7, 18 and 24) have armlets in the shape of bhujaband. The other Changu Vishnuʹs armlet has chased circular designs at start (Fig. 37) (Khanal 1983, no. 27).
The Changu Mahesvara’s armlets are not perceptible (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, nos. 15, 23), but the Baroda Museum Mahesvaraʹs armlets are in the shape of bhujabanda having floral pendant at the centre (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). Tara or Devi images viz., Bickford Tara, private collection Tara have double but simple bands clasp armlets with a central jewel in a triangular shaped flame, setting with small pendant reaching up to the shoulder – that is executed from the upper layer of each of the armlets (Figs. 14, 13, 15 and 216) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75E, 76F and 81F), while the other Tara has bhujabanda shaped armlets having a floral design at the end that reaches up to the shoulder (Kramrisch 1964d, Fig. 3). The Haniel Vasudhara is ornamented with armlets consisting of squarish beads (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C). The upper position of the armlets are conjoined with a disc‐shaped pattern at the centre. The Bennet Vasudhara image has armlets of rhombus pattern (Fig. 46) (Pal 1975, no. 41). The Changu Uma is shown without armlets (Khanal 1983, no. 23), whereas the other Uma image of Changu has armlets depicting floral design (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, no. 15). The Uma of the Baroda Museum is ornamented with floral design armlets with simple band (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). d) Bracelets Images of Buddha are without any embellishment and bracelet. The images of Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18), Pan‐ Asian Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190) and Zimmerman Avalokitesvara (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D) have simple solid bands as bracelets. The Vajrapani images (Figs. 22, 212 and 219) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75C, 79D, 81E and 91E) also have the same kind of bracelets. The Maitreya images (Figs. 3, 16) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74F and 77D), the Manjushree
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image of Pan Asian collection (Pal 1975, No. 35), Los Angeles Manjushree images (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 81A and 81G) and the Vajrasattva image (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A) are ornamented with a thick simple bracelet around each wrist. Both the Vajrapurusha images (Figs. 27 and 223) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 78A and 82H) have serpent like bracelets around each wrist in place of simple bracelets. The images of Indra (Figs. 19 and 25) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75D and 78G), Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114) and Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30) are ornamented with thick bands of bracelets. The Changu Vishnuʹs bracelets consist of broad metallic sheet wrapped around the wrists (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, no. 7). The other Changu Vishnu images have thick bands chased with circular patterns that inset with stones (Figs. 12 and 37) (Khanal 1983, nos. 18 and 27). Both the images depict Shiva wearing simple bands as bracelets (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, nos. 15 and 23). The Baroda Museum Shiva has a simple bracelet around the wrists (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). One of the images of Uma of Changu is lavishly ornamented with simple but numerous bracelets (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, no. 15), whereas other images of Uma have a simple, single bracelet around the wrist (Khanal 1983, no. 23; Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9). The Bickford Devi has two thick, plain bracelets around each wrist (Fig. 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218), while only a single, simple but thick bracelet adorns the wrist of British Museum Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6), Private collection Tara and New York Tara (Figs. 13 and 15) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75E and 76F). In other image of Tara or Gauri, she is adorned with the double beaded bracelets having pendent design in the centre on each wrist (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 3). The Vasudhara
images have plain but thick bands as bracelets (Figs. 30 and 46) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 77C and 85F). e) Anklets Most of the images are without anklets. The images of Buddha (Figs. 1 and 11) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74E and 75F), Sankhu Buddha (Fig. 8), Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18), Pan‐Asian collection Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190), Zimmerman Avalokitesvara (Fig. 20) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D), Stanford Vajrapani (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5), Pan‐Asian Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha (Fig. 22) (Pal 1975, no. 23), Maitreya (Figs. 4, 21, 215 and 16) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 74F, 75B, 76A and 77D), Pan‐Asian Manjushree (Pal 1975, no. 35), Los Angeles Manjusree (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81A) and St. Louis Vajrasattva (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, 79A) are devoid of anklets. But the two images of Vajrapurusha have anklets in the form of a snake around each ankle (Figs. 27 and 223) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 78A and 82H). Images of Indra (Figs. 19 and 25) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D; Pal 1974, Fig. 247), Shiva (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, nos. 15 and 23), National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32), Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114), Zimmerman Garudhasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30), Changu Vishnu (Fig. 2) (Khanal 1983, no. 7), Uma (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, Fig. 15), Vasudhara (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C) and Tara images (Figs. 13, 14 and 216) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75E; Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6) are also devoid of anklets. However, British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, no. 7), images of Tara (Fig. 15) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76F; Kramrisch 1964d, no. 3), and Bennet Vasudhara (Fig. 46) (Pal 1975, no. 41) are ornamented with plain thick bands around the anklets. The images of Uma (Khanal 1983, no. 23; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9) have vague traces of anklets.
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f) Ornamented Waistband Lichhavi sculptures are often decorated with waistbands. Images of Buddha are exception – they do not have any kind of waistband. The image of Kva Bahal Avalokitesvara (Fig. 18) and other Avalokitesvara images (Figs. 17 and 20) (Pal 1974, Fig. 190; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76D) wear a simple band as the waistband with a floral design at the centre, right below the navel. So do the Vajrapani images (Fig. 22) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 75C and 79D; Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5). The Manjusree in a private collection has a two‐stringed, bead‐laced waistband (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77G), whereas the Los Angeles Manjusree has an intricately designed one (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 81A). The waistbands are right above the navel; these waistbands are with floral design. The Pan‐Asian Manjusree’s waistband consists of a broad, plain sheet of metal with a vague design at the centre (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 80G). The St. Louis Vajrasattva has a plain waistband with a round pendant at the centre (Fig. 26) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 79A). The two images of Vajrapurusha have intertwined snakes as waistbands (Figs. 27 and 223) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 78A and 82H). Two images of Vishnu from Changu have a broad waistband of which one is plain and the other is decorated with an uncommon design at the centre (Figs. 2 and 12) (Khanal 1983, nos. 7 and 18). National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32) is adorned with simple band on both the wrists. The other Vishnu’s waistband (Fig. 37) (Khanal 1983, no. 27) consists of three bands. At the centre of it are circular patterns that are inset with stones. The Visvarupa Vishnu (Fig. 218) (Pal 1974, Fig. 114) and Zimmerman Garudasana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Pal 1974, Fig. 30) have three‐strings, beaded waistband with lotus
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flower incised at the centre. Traces of wide but plain waistbands are found in Changu Mahesvaraʹs images (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, nos. 15 and 23) and the Baroda Museum Mahesvaraʹs waistband consists of three bands of which the centre is depicted in circular pattern inset with stones (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). Two of the Devi and Tara images (Figs. 13 and 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75E) have plain waistbands decorated with lotus flower pattern between two chains. The other Tara of private collection (Fig. 15) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 76F) and the British Museum Tara (Fig. 216) (Coomaraswamy 1921, Fig. 6) have waistband of three strings. The Bennet Vasudharaʹs waistband is wide at the navel but narrow at the waist (Fig. 46) (Pal 1975, no. 41). Uma’s waistband is executed with a bead like pattern all around and a floral design at the centre, falling below the navel (Fig. 6) (Khanal 1983, no. 15), whereas the waistband of other images of Uma consists of three strings with lotus flower in the centre (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 9). After 9th century also such adornments including jewellry and crown were employed in the Hindu and Buddhist images. Of course there are ornaments of one or other kind around waist or arms or necks to serve as waistbands, armlets and necklaces; but there is no uniform rule for use of such ornaments. Indeed man created god/goddess in his own image. Similarly, artist made ornaments fit to deities according to one’s (artist’s) own wish. It can be easily guessed that the patterns of ornaments used by artists to decorate their objects were certainly popular in the then society.
IV THE MEDIEVAL BRONZES The Lichhavi period of Nepal ended around artists of those monasteries fled to Nepal as 9th century; but the history of Nepal from 9th refugees. In contact with those refugees, to 11th centuries is so far unclear; so, this is fortunately, Nepalese Buddhists also usually treated as a period of transition. developed the Vajrayana pantheon. As a Nepal’s medieval period begins from the result, Tantrism was developed in temples end of 11th century and onwards. The and monasteries of Nepal. medieval period is further divided into two phases ‐ early and late medieval periods. During this period, most of the sculptures During the entire medieval period, Malla were cast in bronze and the Tantric kings ruled this country up to 1769 AD. influence can be seen on them. Nepalese King Ari Malla of the Malla dynasty started bronzes of this period too are worth the Malla rule in 1200 AD. Though political studying, as they are the excellent history is obscure from the 9th century, the specimens of bronze sculptures. The oldest legacy of art in bronze ‐ that was initiated surviving cast bronze that has been found in by the Lichhavi artists ‐ continued up to the Kathmandu Valley is that of Padmapani, successive period also. This is attested by dated to 12th century of Patan Kva Bahal ‐ numerous sculptures in stone as well as in that is still worshipped (Fig. 35). The other bronze arts that have come to light. Most of images are Newark Museum Devi of 11th them are exhibited either in various century (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Prince museums or in private collections of the of Wales Museum Maitreya of 12th century world. Some of them have also been (Fig. 39) and British Museum Vajrapani of preserved in private shrines, monasteries 12th/13th century (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7). Most and temples of the Nepal Valley important image is the Cron Vasudhara, earliest inscribed sculpture of this period (Kathmandu Valley) as well. having the dedicatory inscription dated to Malla rule is considered as the Golden Age in 1467 AD (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2). the development of bronze art. The period Besides these, Matrika of 14th century, from the end of the 9th to the early 15th Prajnaparamita dated to 1699 AD, Heruka centuries may be classified as the with Vajravarahi dated to 1544 AD, post‐classical period (Sharma 1970: 83). Aksobhya dated to 1699 AD and another From the beginning of early medieval Aksobhya of 16th century exhibited in Prince period, Newar artists of Nepal were actively of Wales Museum (Figs. 40, 67, 69, 224 and engaged in creating sculptural art which 225), Samvara images of 14th/15th centuries reached Tibet too. A‐ni‐ko, a descendent of displayed in National Museum (Figs. 41, 42 royal Malla family, achieved great fame in and 43), Vasudhara and Sakyamuni Buddha the court of Mongol Emperor, Kublai Khan, images of 17th century exhibited in National during mid – 13th century (Levi 1925: 63). By Museum (Figs. 64 and 226), are other the end of 12th and early 13th centuries, the examples of this period. Besides, there are Muslims invaded eastern India and this numerous other bronzes of this period – invasion was accompanied by the wholesale these bronzes bear their own character, destruction of Buddhist monasteries like representing Nepalese style. An attempt is Vikramasila, Nalanda and Odantapuri. As a made here to classify the bronzes based on result, Buddhist monks, scholars, priests,
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principles like religious nature, types of pedestal, prabhas, ornaments, etc. i. Exclusively Religious Most of the inscriptions and images of the post‐Lichhavi, medieval and late medieval periods commemorate the installation of images in temples. The medieval period also carried the religious tradition of the previous centuries without any disturbance. However, new deities and new cults associated with them appeared, not necessarily introducing a new creed but as generally including more and more Brahmanical deities. The family deities were Shiva, Vishnu, Surya, Ganesh and Shakti, the mother goddess known as Laksmi or Uma. The rulers usually declared their devotion to a particular deity through their virudas (epithets) like paramadaivata or paramamahesvara. Both Hindu and Buddhist deities seem to have been equally remained popular in the society of those days. According to the manuscript Chandravyakarnavrtti dated to 1134 AD, king Indradeva (c. 1126‐1137 AD) had taken paramasaiva as an epithet (Regmi 1965: 168). The same epithet is used before the name of king Anandadeva (1147‐1167 AD) in the manuscript as Astasahashrika prajnaparamita dated to 1152 AD (Regmi 1965: 177). King Ari Malla (1200‐1236 AD), who is believed to be the founder of the Malla dynasty in Nepal in 1200 AD, bears the same epithet with a slightly changed wording, i.e., paramamahesvara in the manuscript Vrittasarasangraha dharma partrIka dated to 1201 AD (Regmi 1965: 207). Though King Jayari Malla (1320‐1344 AD) entitled himself as paramavaisnava, his inclination towards Shaivism is also indicated by adoption of another epithet paramadevatadhideva paramamahesvara, which we find in the manuscript mahiravanavadho pakyanam of 1333 AD (Regmi 1965: 296).
From 14th century onwards, the Malla rulers became avowed followers of Shaivism, addressing themselves in their prasasti (eulogy) as pasupati charana kamala dhuli dhusarita (one who is covered with the dust of Pashupatinathʹs lotus feet). This epithet was used without exception by all kings from the time of King Jaya Sthiti Malla (c. 1382‐1395 AD). He also offered sacrifices to Pashupatinath and donated to the treasury of the same deity in the year 1370 AD (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 64, Folio 56). Same religious beliefs were followed by the two feudatories of Banepa (east of the Kathmandu Valley) during the reign of Jaya Sthiti Malla. Jayasimharama Vardhana and Madanasimharama Vardhana both called themselves paramamahesvara (Regmi 1965: 393). Jayasimharama is said to have repaired the Pashupatinath temple and set up the new Shivalinga in the shrine of Pashupatinath in the year 1360 AD (Rajbansi 1970: 38‐39, Inscription no. 53) 40 . Pashupati inscription of King Jyotir Malla (who ruled in Bhaktapur from c. 1409‐1429 AD) dated 1413 AD describes in detail the setting up of a gold finial on top of the temple of Pashupatinath (Regmi 1966b: 47‐ 49, Inscription no. XLVII) 41 and called himself as paramamahesvara in the manuscript Akhyaratnakosa dated 1417 AD (Regmi 1965: 416). In the manuscript Chandravyakarna sutrapatha, King Yaksya Malla (1428‐1482 AD) is addressed with the title of mahesvaravatara and it is said that he had visited Shivaluti (modern Gosainthan, but commonly known in Newari as silu, situated at about 14,000 ft above sea level, a place of Hindu pilgrimage which is in north/west of Kathmandu Valley) to pay 40 41
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See appendix 12 See appendix 41
homage in the year 1447 AD (Regmi 1965: 433). Pratap Malla, King of Kantipur who ruled around 1641‐1674 AD, installed 1008 Shivalingas infront of Pashupatinath temple at Deopatan (Regmi 1966a: 101). Devidas Chikuti (Chief Minister of King Nripendra Malla who ruled from 1674‐1680 AD) built a Shiva temple, Bhavanishankar, commonly named Naudegala (new temple) in 1675 AD at Kathmandu’s Bhedasing (Regmi 1966c: 164‐166, Inscription no. 76) 42 . Kings of Lalitpur also showed their faith in religion. King Siddhinarasimha Malla, who ruled during the 17th century (1620‐1661 AD), addressed himself as pashupati charana kamala dhuli dhusarita (Tiwari et al. 1962 VI: 13) 43 . From “Thyasapu Aʺ we learn that King Yoganarendra Malla, son and successor of Srinivasha Malla (1684‐1705 AD), was a regular visitor to Pashupatinath (Regmi 1966a: 330). Bhupatindra Malla, a king of Bhaktapur (1695‐1722 AD), had also borne the same title as of Siddhinarasimha Malla, i.e. pashupati charana kamala dhuli dhusarita. He also had installed Shivalinga Jyogesvara at Banepa (21 km East of Kathmandu Valley) in 1708 AD (Rajbanshi 1963: 28, Inscription no. 60) 44 . Images of Uma‐Mahesvara, dating from 11th century, can also be found in the Valley. The earliest known image of Uma‐Mahesvara of this period is of Patan’s Ganchanani dated to 1012 AD, installed by two joint rulers, viz., Rudradeva and Bhojadeva (1012‐1016 AD) (Regmi 1966b: 3, Inscription no. IV) 45 . Gunakamadeva (c. 1184‐1196 AD) had also installed an image of Uma‐Mahesvara panel at Patan, Kva Bahal in the year 1187 AD
(Regmi 1966b: 9, Inscription no. XIX) 46 . The inscription on the socle of the Uma‐ Mahesvara image within the precincts of the Satyanarayan temple at Kathmandu Hadigaon (4 km north‐east of Kathmandu) dated 1414 AD, commemorates the occasion of setting up of the image of Uma‐ Mahesvara during the reign of King Jyotir Malla (Regmi 1966b: 50‐51, Inscription no. XLVIII) 47 . The inscription on the pedestal of the Uma‐Mahesvara panel in the Narayana temple at Chapali Bhadrakali (north of Kathmandu city) shows that the image was installed during the reign of King Yaksa Malla This inscription has been brought into light by the researcher herself in her M.A. Dissertation that has been submitted to Tribhuvan University in 1987 (Malla 1987, Appendix no. 1) ♦ . One of the donors, Visvanatha, installed an image of Uma‐Mahesvara at Patan Suntole in 1670 AD, in the reign of King Srinivas Malla desiring for a place in heaven for his departed father (Regmi 1966a: 621). Besides, numerous other images of Uma‐Mahesvara are found in and around the Valley. These images are still worshipped. The Uma‐Mahesvara of Bhaktapur Talachhe dated 1708 AD (Rajbansi 1963: 27, Inscription no. 59) 48 , Uma‐Mahesvaras of Kathmandu Ason tole, Tudhikhel, Nagal, are important examples of the Late 46
See appendix 46 See appendix 47 ♦ The pedestal inscription of Uma-Mahesvera founded at Kathmandu Chapali Bhadrakali reads as: 47
…… … krishnapakshya || trayodashi pra chatuda syam tithau skravana nachyatre variyanajoge adityavasare || kvathanayaka jaya…….. …… bharoya chaturdashivrata sampurnna| Translation of this inscription follows as: On the day of Sunday, trayodashi that comes before chaturdashi, Kvathanayaka (head of the city) Jaya ….. had finished his fasting. 48 See appendix 48
42
See appendix 42 43 See appendix 43 44 See appendix 44 45 See appendix 45
71
Medieval period found in and around Kathmandu Valley. The popularity of the other principal deity of Hinduism, Lord Vishnu also remained the same. The Tilamadhava pillar inscription of King Anandadeva dated to 1163 AD, standing infront of the temple at Taumadhitol of Bhakatpur, starts the hymn in honour of Vishnu (Regmi 1966b: 6‐7, Inscription no. XII) 49 . In the time of king Amritdeva (c. 1175‐1178 AD), an image of Narayana was installed at Changu in 1176 AD by king himself as inscribed on the pedestal inscription belonged to an image of Ganesha, which originally belonged to Vishnu (Tiwari et al. 1961 II: 13) 50 . King Jayari Malla is given the epithet of paramavaisnava in the manuscript mahiravanavadhopakhyanam of the year 1337 AD (Regmi 1965: 29). King Jayasthiti Malla took the epithet asuranarayana (Regmi 1966b: 33‐35, Inscription no. XXXV) 51 and he undertook several trips to Changunarayana on several occasions to propitiate the deity (Regmi 1965: 369). King Yaksa Malla adopted the title of laksminarayana as stated in the Tripurasundari (at Bhaktapur) inscription dated to 1468 AD (Regmi 1966b: 80‐82, Inscription no. LXXII) 52 along with the title of mahesavatara. These show that the Malla kings were the devotees of both Shiva and Vishnu. King Pratap Malla was a great devotee of Shiva; but the records show that he respected and patronised Vaishnavite sects also. He built the temple of Narayana and installed an image of Krishna with Rukmini and Satyabhama in 1649 AD in memory of his two departed queens, Rupamati and Rajamati wishing for them a place in heaven
(Rajbansi 1970: 70‐72, Inscription no. 97) 53 . He is also credited with reinstalling an old image of Jalasayana Narayana ‐ that was lying in a pond near Gyaneswara, on the tank of Bhandarkhal inside Hanumanadhoka palace (Malla kings’ palace) of Kathmandu (Wright 1877 Reprint 1972: 214). Nepalese scholars like Gautamavajra Vajracharya, Dhanavajra Vajracharya believe that this Jalasayana image might be the same image Bhubhukika Jalasayana Narayana ‐ that was mentioned in the Hadigaon inscription of Amsuvarma (Vajracharya, 1973: 320‐321, Inscription no. 77) 54 . Jagajjaya Malla, king of Kantipur (1722‐1736 AD) had installed a golden image of Vaikuntha Vishnu along with Laksmi in memory of his departed son Rajendra Malla in the period of 1722‐1735 AD. This image is locally known as Mahavishnu (Vajracharya 1976: 94). At present, it is preserved inside the main courtyard (mu chuka) of the Hunumanadhoka palace. Siddhinarasimha Malla is addressed as madhusudhanavatara (Regmi 1966: 274). He built the famous Krishna temple in front of Patan Darbar ‐ that was completed in 1637 AD (Regmi 1966a: 281). Srinivasa Malla (1661 ‐ 1684 AD) built a temple of Narayana in memory of the departed soul of his younger brother, Jyoti Narasimha Malla in 1652 AD (Regmi1966a: 275). Yoganarendra Malla is addressed as vishnupada samarpita chitta, (one who surrenders himself at the feet of Vishnu), as mentioned in the inscription of his daughter
49
See appendix 49 See appendix 50 51 See appendix 51 52 See appendix 14 50
53 54
72
See appendix 53 See appendix 30
Yogamati dated 1723 AD (Regmi 1966: 271‐ 274, Inscription no. 128) 55 . Bhupatindra Malla, who had taken Shaivite epithets, was also a follower of Vaishnavism. He had erected images of Hanumana and Narasimha in 1698 AD at Bhaktapur Darbar (Poudel 1961, IV: 5‐6) 56 . Jayasthiti Malla had adopted the epithet of pashupati charana kamala dhuli dhusarita (covered by the dust of the lotus feet of Lord Pashupatinath), and assuranarayana. He also addressed himself as manesvaristadevata varalabda prasadita (favoured by the boon of Goddess Manesvari) (Regmi 1966b: 33, Inscription no. XXXV) 57 . Since his time, this deity appears in the royal prasastis of all the Newar rulers. In this period, goddess Manesvari became the tutelary deity of all the Malla families in the name of Taleju bhavani, Turaja bhavani or Tulaja bhavani. Mahendra Malla, king of Kantipur (1560‐ 1574 AD), is said to have built the Taleju temple at Kathmandu, erected after the Bhaktapur model (Regmi 1966a: 42‐43). The copper plate inscription of Bhimsena temple dated to 1564 AD mentions the fact of building and formally celebrating the occasion of opening the Tavadevala (Regmi 1966a: 43). King Pratap Malla composed hymns in honour of Taleju Bhavani in 1642 AD (Regmi 1966b: 125 Inscription no. 61b) 58 and took an epithet srimanmanesvaristadevata varalabdha prasada (favoured by the boon of Manmanesvari) (Vajracharya, G. and M. R. Pant 1961 III: 17‐18) 59 . Siddhinarasimha Malla also addressed as bearing the same title, viz.,
srimanmanesvaristadevata varalabdha prasada (Tiwari et al. 1962 VI: 13) 60 . Yoganarendra Malla also shows his respect towards Taleju by referring taleju sahaya (meaning by Talejuʹs grace), inscribed on one of his coins (Walse 1973 pl. V, Fig. 10). Though Hinduism was highly a popular religion in the society, religious belief towards Buddhist deities was also prevalent in Medieval and Late Medieval periods. King Simhadeva (1111‐1122 AD) was a devotee of Buddha as he is mentioned as paramasaugata in the manuscript Astasahasrika prajnaparamita of 1120 AD (Regmi 1965: 158). Jayasthiti Malla is mentioned to have attended the jatra of Lokesvara at Bungamati (south of Kathmandu Valley) in 1387 AD (Regmi 1965: 369). He installed an image of Buddha at Kathmandu Nhaikabahil in the year 1388 AD (Regmi 1966b: 30‐31, Insinscription no. XXXII) 61 . The inscription of U‐ba‐bahi of Patan mentions about the inauguration of the image of Buddha (Buddhavimka) in 1391 AD, during the reign of Jayasthiti Malla at Lalitpattana Maningla (ancient name of famous Mangal Bazar of Patan) (Regmi 1966b: 31‐33, Inscription no. XXXIV) 62 . During his reign, Madansimharam Vardhana is said to have installed an image of Dipankar Buddha in Paravata Mahavihara (modern Itumbahal of Kathmandu) in the year 1382 AD (Rajbansi 1970: 38‐39, Inscription no. 53) 63 . Even though he called himself paramamahesvara, his veneration towards the Buddhist deity is shown by his pious deeds. The image which was installed by him is still worshipped by the Buddhist Newars of the Valley.
55
See appendix 55 See appendix 56 57 See appendix 51 58 See appendix 58 59 See appendix 59 56
60
See appendix 43 See appendix 61 62 See appendix 62 63 See appendix 12 61
73
Although Pratap Malla was a follower of Hinduism; his devotion towards Buddhism also is shown by his records. He constructed the bridge over river Visnumati (west of Kathmandu) in 1663 AD to please five Dhyani Buddhas (Rajbanshi 1970: 91‐92, Inscription no. 125) 64 . Siddhinarsimha Malla not only respected Shaivite deities, but he also revered the divinities belonging to Vajrayana Buddhist. In the inscription of Nhubahal (Patan) dated 1643 AD, he is addressed as lokesvara charan sevita (one who bows to the feet of Lokesvara) (Regmi 1966a: 273). The inscription of Kirtipur Simhadu‐val (south‐ west of Kathmandu) mentions about his participation in the ceremony of installing an image of Sri Mahabodhi Sakyamuni in the temple in the year 1637 AD (Regmi 1966a: 273‐274). Srinivasa Malla enthusiastically submitted to the term lokanatha charana kamala dhuli dhusarita siroruha (submitted to the dust of lotus feet of Buddhist deity, loknath deity, Lokanath (Regmi 1966c: 168, Inscription no. 78) 65 . Mahendra Malla (1709‐1714 AD) bears a slightly modified title of karunamaya charana kamala dhuli dhusarita siroruha in the manuscript Karandavyuha dated to 1711 (Regmi 1966a: 347). In this way, all the images may either belong to the Hindu or Buddhist pantheon of that period; but their religious character is undoubted. The same nature is found in bronze also. The Tibetan monk Dharmasvamin saw in the Tham Vihara the golden image of Sakyamuni Buddha inside a temple, built by Atisa Dipankara Srijnana 64 65
in front of the stupa (Regmi 1965: 561). Because of religious belief, an image of Buddha was installed at Patan Guitatole, during 13th century (Regmi 1966b: 11‐12, Inscription no. XXI) 66 . Jaitralakshmi, wife of Madansimharama Vardhana, consecrated a gold image of Arya Tara at Paravata Mahavihara in 1382 AD (Rajbanshi 1970: 39, Inscription no. 53) 67 . On ground of religious belief, Rajasimha Malla Varma, Udayasimha Malla Varma, etc., installed an image of Boddhisattva at Patan, I‐baha‐bahi in the year 1427 AD (Regmi 1966b: 56, Inscription no. LIV) 68 . King Yaksa Malla erected an image of Hrisikesha in memory of his departed son, Raj Malla during 1468 AD (Regmi 1966b: 80–82, Inscription no. LXXII) 69 . During his time, a golden image of Aksobhya was set up in 1429 AD at Visvakarma Vihara by two brothers, Tejpal and Anantaraj Pal in sacred memory of their father Rajyapal (Regmi 1966b: 58 Inscription no. LV) 70 . Yaksa Malla installed an image of Gauri within the temple of Pashupatinath in memory of his deceased mother Sansaradevi Thakurini in the year 1447 AD (Regmi 1965: 432). On Chaitra Sukla Dasami of NS 602, King Yaksa Malla’s image was offered to the Changunarayana temple by some unknown person on the twelfth day of the death of the King Yakshyas stated by the pedestal inscription of the figure itself. Now the figure is found in the Changu repository (Fig. 116) (Khanal 1982: 188). Ratna Malla, the first independent king of Kantipur (c. 1509‐1520), set up a gold finial on the roof of the shrine of Aksobhya at Visvakarma Vihara in 1511 AD (Regmi 1966b: 466, Inscription no. LXXXVI) 71 . An image of Garuda was set up by 66
See appendix 66 See appendix 12 68 See appendix 13 69 See appendix 14 70 See appendix 70 71 See appendix 71 67
See appendix 64 See appendix 65
74
Siddhinarasimha Malla in front of the famous Krishna temple at Patan in 1637 AD (Figs. 82 and 83) (Regmi 1966a: 967). Naresha Malla, King of Bhaktapur (1637‐ 1644 AD), had installed two golden images of Laksmi at Bhaktapur Taleju Chowk in 1641 AD (Tiwari et al. 1962 VII: 20) 72 . Pratap Malla offered a gold finial to the roof of the Pashupatinath temple in 1655 AD; and during the same time, he installed three golden statues of himself and his two queens, Rupamati and Anantapriya at Pashupatinath courtyard (Rajbanshi 1970: 80, Inscription no. 109) 73 . Kathmandu’s Hanumandhoka Visvarupa was installed by him in 1657 AD in his own honour (Fig. 71) (Vajracharya and Pant 1961 III: 19) 74 . This image was cast for exhibiting only during the time of Saddharma Yatra (period of Srawana Purnima, also known as bahidya boyegu when various deities are exhibited in each and every monastery of the Kathmandu Valley) and Indrayatra (which takes place immediately before Durga pooja) as stated in the pedestal inscription of the image (Vajracharya and Pant 1961 III: 19) 75 . Pratap Malla also erected a stone pillar bearing his golden statue along with the statues of his family members, in front of the Taleju temple and Degutale temple in the premises of Hanumandhoka Darbar, Kathmandu, in 1664 AD (Vajracharya 1976: 220‐222, Inscription no. 29) 76 , and 1670 AD (Vajracharya 1976: 222‐224, Inscription no. 30) 77 respectively. His respect towards Buddhism is attested by his offering of a golden Vajra with the golden mandala to Svayambhunath temple (west of Kathmandu city) in 1668 AD (Vajracharya,
G. and M. R. Panta. 1961 III: 23‐24) 78 . Bhuvanalaksmi, queen of King Bhupalendra Malla of Kantipur (1687‐1700 AD), installed a group of statues of her husband and herself at Changunarayana in 1704 AD (Regmi 1966a: 164) and in 1708 AD; she installed two golden images of Laksmi inside the main courtyard (mu chuka) of Kathmandu’s Hanumandhoka palace (Regmi 1966a: 164). During the period of Indra yatra, two bronze images of Ananda Bhairava and Ananda Bhairavi are exhibited in the verandah of Bhagawati temple near Hanumandhoka palace (Figs. 74 and 75). These images had been erected by Bhuvanalaksmi in 1802 AD (Vajracharya 1976: 224, Inscription no. 50) 79 . As stated in the pedestal inscription of Ananda Bhairava, both these images are to be exhibitted only during Indra yatra (jatra). Bhupatindra Malla, King of Bhaktapur, installed three golden statues of himself and his parents, in memory of his parents and he offered them to goddess Taleju of Bhaktapur inside the Bhaktapur palace in 1709 AD (Tiwari et al. 1963 XI: 13) 80 . These images are still exhibited inside the Taleju courtyard during Navaratri (during eve of Durga Puja). Lalamati, mother of King Bhupatindra Malla, also offered golden statue of Jitamitra Malla and herself to Taleju in 1709 AD in memory of her late husband (Tiwari et al. 1962 VII: 31) 81 . Bhupatindra Malla also set up his bronze statue in anjuli mudra, sitting in a kneeling posture in front of the world famed fiftyfive windowed palace (pachpanna jhya darbar) of Bhaktapur (Fig. 79). Chaturbahu Vishnu image was installed by some unknown person in 1722 AD in memory of king Bhupatindra Malla as
72
See appendix 72 See appendix 73 74 See appendix 16 75 See appendix 16 76 See appendix 76 77 See appendix 77 73
78
See appendix 78 See appendix 17 80 See appendix 80 81 See appendix 81 79
75
stated in the pedestal inscription of Vishnu. At present, it is preserved in the store‐room of Changunarayana temple (Khanal 1983: 359, Inscription no. 177) 82 . Ranajeet Malla (1722‐1769 AD), the last king of Malla dynasty of Bhaktapur, built the famous Golden Gate (lun dhvaka) at Bhaktapur palace (Fig. 78) in honour of goddess Taleju in 1756 AD (Regmi 1966a: 911). Other than these inscriptional references, there are many bronze sculptures of this period found in the Kathmandu Valley and also exhibited in various museums of India, America, Britain, and many private collectors all over the world: Boston Padmapani of 9th century (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276), Muchhalinda Buddha of 11th century of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a), Patan Kva Bahal Padmapani (which is still worshipped) of 12th century (Fig. 35), Maitreya of 12th century in Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 39), Indra of 12th century in private collection referred by Stella Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16), Indra and Vairochana of 13th century, inside the Indresvara temple at Panauti (20 km east of Bhaktapur) (Thapa 1970, Figs. 28‐29), British Museum Vajrapani of 13th century (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7), National Museum Samvara images of 14th century (Figs. 41‐43), Garuda image installed by King Siddhinarasimha Malla in front of famous Krishna temple at Patan Darbar Square, (Figs. 82 and 83) and Los Angeles Garuda in anjuli mudra (Pal 1974, Fig. 106), Devi of 11th century in the Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Matrika of 14th century in Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 40), Vasudhara having a dedicatory inscription dated 1467 AD, in the collection of B. S. Cron (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), Heruka with Prajna Vajravarahi dated to 1544 AD and Vasudevakamalaja of 15th century, both in 82
the collection of Prince of Wales Museum (Figs. 69 and 227), Padmapani Lokesvara and Surya of 15th century displayed in the National Museum (Figs. 44 and 56), Bhrikuti Tara of 16th century in Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55) are important examples of bronze images having religious character of the period. The same nature is found in the images of Manjusree sitting with Prajna having a dedicatory inscription dated to 1571 AD preserved in the Denver Art Museum of Colorado (Fig. 228) (Pal 1974, Fig. 40; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 100F), Indra of Boston Museum, having an inscription dated to 1589 AD (Pal 1974, Fig. 42), Buddha Dipankar dated to 1613 AD of private collection referred by Schroeder (1981, Fig. 103B), Aksobhya Buddha dated to 1699 AD (Fig. 224), Prajnaparamita having a dedicatory inscription dated to 1699 AD (Fig. 67) and Vishnu with Lakshmi and Garuda dated to 1698 AD (Fig. 54), all in the collection of Prince of Wales Museum are purely of religious character. In the same way, Cakrasamvara dated 1710 AD of Ruth Schachian collection (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 102B), donors or devotees in anjuli mudras of 17th and 18th centuries (Figs. 84 and 229), Durga, Varahi, Vasudhara, and Vasudevakamalaja (Figs. 61, 63, 64 and 230) exhibited in the Kathmandu’s National Museum, show religious motif of the donors. Besides, British Museum Amitabha dated 1539 AD (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1), White Tara and Indra of 17th century (Figs. 66 and 70) in the collection of Prince of Wales Museum, White Tara of 17th/18th century in the R. S. Sethna collection (Fig. 231) (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1) and many other images of post‐Lichhavi and early medieval, late medieval periods are exclusively religious in character. In the medieval period, secular art in bronze also flourished in the form of statues.
See appendix 82
76
Statues of many Malla kings are found. These include very famous bronze statue of Bhupatindra Malla (Fig. 79), installed on the stone pillar in front of fifty five windowed palace of Bhaktapur. Like‐wise bronze statues of Pratap Malla installed in front of Hanumandhoka Taleju temple and Degutaleju temple (Kathmandu) in the year 1664 AD and 1670 AD (Fig. 232) (Vajracharya 1976: 69 and 220‐222, 222‐224, Inscription nos. 29 and 30) 83 , Parthivendra Malla, son and successor of Pratap Malla, who ruled from 1680‐1687 AD (Vajracharya 1976: 235‐239, Inscription no. 44) 84 , Yoganarendra Malla (Fig. 80) are set up on the stone pillars. Lalamati offered a group of statues of King Jitamitra Malla and herself to goddess Taleju in 1709 AD in memory of her departed husband (Tiwari et al. 1962 VII: 31) 85 . Bhupatindra Malla also offered three statues of himself and of his parents to Goddess Taleju in 1709 AD (Tiwari et al. 1963 XI: 13) 86 . King Pratap Malla installed statues of himself along with his queens Rupamati and Anantapriya in the Pashupatinath courtyard in 1655 AD (Rajbanshi 1970: 80, Inscription no. 109) 87 Bhuvanlaksmi installed statues of her husband Bhupalendra Malla and herself at Changunarayan in 1705 AD. Many symbolising ovational and devotional statues of devotees are found in the viharas in and outside Kathmandu Valley. The statues of devotees in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 85) and of Patan Hiranyavarna Mahavihar can be cited here. Secular art was also developed in the form of water conduits (hiti manga) with small statues of Makaras and Bhagirathas. The
water conduits made of gold named Sundhara (lun hiti:) of Bhaktapur, Patan Sundari Chowk and of Kathmandu Hanumandhoka palace can be cited here as magnificent speciemens of this period ‐ these show their religious nature. Hanumandhoka Sundhara was erected by King Pratap Malla in the year 1652 AD at Mohan Chowk (Vajracharya 1976: 205, Inscription no. 19; Pradhan 1990, pl. 1) 88 . Bhaktapur Sundhara was erected during the reign of King Jitamitra Malla (who ruled from 1673 to 1696 AD) in the year 1688 AD (Fig. 233) as stated in the inscription in the water conduit itself (Fig. 234). It is also evidenced by another nearby inscription (Fig. 235). Patan Sundhara, also known as Tushahiti, has been associated with King Siddhinarsimha Malla. Scholar like Riddhi Baba Pradhan (1990: 11) assumed that while constructing Sundari Chowk (Patan), Siddhinarasimha Malla might have constructed this Sundhara also in 1641 AD. The other examples of the secular art of this period are in the forms of architectural works as shown by the golden gates and windows of the three palaces of Kathmandu Valley. Percy Brown (1912: 129) saw Nepalese art as intensely religious in character and supremely symbolic. He states that it is an art which inspires people with awe and veneration rather than for pleasure and it is worshipped rather than admired. ii. Pedestal In most of the images, whether standing or sitting, pedestals are provided to protect the image. Any image can either be cast with the pedestal or by using tenons to fix to a separate base either cast or made of stone or of wood. Pedestals of round shape having some thickness or of rectangular shape were attached to images. This was practised since
83
See appendix 76 and 77 See appendix 84 85 See appendix 81 86 See appendix 80 87 See appendix 73 84
88
77
See appendix 88
that it stands in the form of an enclosure. The prabha brings the figure into clear focus and helps to direct the viewer’s eyes at once to the deity. Lichhavi period images have simple and plain prabha and this type of prabha was made up to 14th/15th centuries as seen in the Virginia Museum Vishnu (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a) and Kathmandu’s National Museum Surya (Fig. 56). But Tara of National Museum (Fig. 65), Prince of Wales Museum Indra show the art symbolising flame coming from the prabha mandala (Fig. 70). The prabha mandala of National Museum Samvara (Fig. 43) shows slylistic freedom of the Nepalese artists. After 14th/15th centuries, the prabhas showed a variety of shapes and were richly engraved. They were enriched with luxuriant floral scrolls and flame motif that almost obscured the image: British Museum Amitabh (Barrett 1957, Fig. 11; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 107C), Boddhisattva Rakta Lokesvara of Indian Museum (Mehta 1971, pl. 34), White Tara of Kathmandu Svayambhunatha (Fig. 76). Although ornate prabhas began to appear much earlier in stone images like Deopatan Garudashana Vishnu (Pal 1975, Fig. 110), they are considerably restrained in their effect as seen in Boston Sarasvati (Pal 1974, Fig. 240). In this image, the prabha seems to overwhelm the figure as the lotus stems and leaves or whirling tails of makaras ‐ that swirl around them in a flourishing state. In the medieval period, these prabhas were not fixed securely to the images. They were cast either in one piece together with the pedestal or cast separately. The separate casting led to the loss of many prabhas. They were inserted with the help of small tenons, which got lost after a certain time. The empty apertures are seen in many images, showing the loss of the prabhas. Large images were often placed upon stone pedestals and have wooden prabhas
the Lichhavi period and continued after also as shown in images of the later period. For examples: Maitreya of 12th century of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 39), Padmapani and Simhanada Lokesvara of National Museum, Kathmandu (Figs. 44 and 60), Boston Museum Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) ‐ all have round shaped pedestals. The rectangular pedestal appears along with the lotus design as in Pan‐Asian Padmapani (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83G) and Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti (Fig. 55) or with the segment along the lower edge of the rectangular pedestal and surmounted by a circular lotus. This type of pedestal was practised after the 11th century as seen in the images of British Museum Amitabha (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 107C), Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu with Laksmi and Garuda (Fig. 54) and Laksminarayana of private collection referred by Schroeder (1981, Fig. 96D). But coming to the later period, rectangular pedestal tended to become increasingly more intricate and more decorative as seen in British Museum Amitabha (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 107c), Raktalokesvara of Indian Museum of Calcultta (Mehta 1971, pl. 34) and Muchhalinda Buddha of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig 1a). The double lotus pedestal also became more decorative, elaborate and ornamented as seen in the Littleton Manjusree and Prajna (Fig. 228) (Pal 1974, Fig. 40; Schroeder 1981, Fig. 100F), Vasudhara of Kathmandu’s National Museum (Fig. 64), Prince of Wales Museum Prajraparamita, Heruka with Vajravarahi and Aksobhya images (Figs. 67, 69, 224 and 225). These double lotus pedestals became very popular in Tibet and China from 14th/15th centuries onwards. iii. Prabha (Nimbus) Most of the images bear prabha which is placed on the back part of the shoulders so
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attached to them. These usually date to later period as seen in the images of the Padmapani Lokesvara and Manjusree of Patan Kva Bahal (Figs. 34, 51 and 52). Another type of prabha is the double circular device attached by flames springing outward and upward from its outer edge. In this context, we can cite examples of British Museum Amitabha (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1), Prince of Wales Museum Prajraparamita (Fig. 67), Indian Museum Rakta Lokesvara (Mehta 1971, pl. 34) and Prince of Wales Museum Sakyamuni (Fig. 238). Double circular prabha is also in practice as seen in Los Angeles Buddha (Fig. 239) (Pal 1974, Fig. 184). iv. Head Dress and Crown Head dress plays an important role not only in making the images beautiful but also to develop the fineness of an image. In this period the head dress is depicted in the form of either crown on the head or with the matted lock of hair as in the Lichhavi images. All the Buddhist images, except the Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha are shown wearing a three‐peaked crown (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a), with curly hair and the usnisha (lump) as their crown. This type of head dress had been the style from the Lichhavi period onwards. Los Angeles Buddha (Fig. 239) (Pal 1974, Fig 184), Virginia Museum Aksobhya (Gairola 1978, Fig. 6a), British Museum Aksobhya (Barrett 1957, Fig. 3), Aksobhya images of Prince of Wales Museum (Figs. 224 and 225) have curly hair. This design is also seen in the Hindu images: Indra of Kathmandu’s Hanumanadhoka Nasal Chowk (Fig. 240) (that is usually displayed during the period of Indra Yatra only) and Garuda image of Patan Darbar Square (Figs. 82 and 83). The head dress of Maitreya of the Prince of Wales Museum is shown in usnisha form
bearing a chaitya in the centre with a decorated motif (Fig. 39). The same pattern is seen in the National Museum Maitreya of latter period, most probably of 17th century (Fig. 241). In the Amoghasiddhi image in the National Museum (Fig. 58), the curly hair style is adopted after the shape of usnisha with some decoration. Head dress of Shiva is always shown in the shape of matted lock. Agastya, identified as Yoga Daksinamurti, that is Shiva of the Art Institute of Chicago, carries the hair style in the shape of jata mukuta (matted lock) (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4). In the case of Swali collection Mahesvara, Boston Museum Mahesvara (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 137 and 138) and Virginia Museum Mahesvara (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a), the head is decorated with ornamented three or five‐peaked crown inlaid with semi‐ precious stones. The three‐pointed crowns are seen in the Hindu as well as in the Buddhist images ‐ these are adaptations from an Indian prototype. In the case of Buddhist images such as Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Chintamani 1972, Fig. 7; Coomaraswamy 1927, pl. 276), Muchhalinda Buddha of Virginia museum (Gairola 1978 Fig. 1a) and Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51), the crown is decorated with chased ornaments while the crowns of Kva Bahal Lokesvara images (Figs. 34 and 35) and British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) bearing images of Amitabha and Aksobhya respectively in the centre, are elaborately made. Three‐peaked crown is seen in the Indra image in a private collection referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16). In this image, the crown is decorated with chased ornaments inset with rubies, rock crystals and torquoises. In respect of the three‐ peaked crown, this image differs from all
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other Indra images which are usually shown in a mitre‐like broad crown on the forehead. Vishnu images, like Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1), Vishnu of Laxminarayana panel of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 54), Vasudevakamalaja of National Museum (Fig. 230) wear three‐ pointed crowns inlaid with chased ornaments, whereas Vasudevakamalaja of Virginia Museum’s crown is incised with kirtimukha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 7a). Three‐pointed decorated crowns inlaid with precious and semi‐precious stones like rubies, torquoises, are seen in the images of Bhrikuti of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55), Durga and Vasudhara of National Museum (Figs. 61 and 64), R. S. Sethna Collection’s Tara (Fig. 231) (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1) and Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40). The crowns of Tara, Matrika and Durga are executed with circles incised with semi‐precious stones. Five‐peaked crowns were also occasionally used during this period, as seen in the Surya and Sukhavati Lokesvara of National museum (Figs. 56 and 59), Tara, Prajnaparamita, Vasudevakamalaja of Prince of Wales Museum (Figs. 66, 67 and 227), Boston Mahesvara (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138), Kathmandu Svayambhunatha Tara (Fig. 76) and Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2). But Virginia Museum’s Vasudhara (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a) and Newak Museum’s Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) are adorned with a mitre‐like crown and stylized coiffure that was absent in the Lichhavi bronzes. A round groove on the Virginia Museum Vasudharaʹs hair dress indicates that it was previously inset with precious or semi‐precious stones. Manjusree of Patan Kva Bahal (Fig. 52), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974,
Fig. 195), National Museum Padmapani and Simhanada Lokesware (Figs. 44 and 60), wear mitre‐like crowns inlaid with chased ornaments. The broad mitre‐like crown, kirita mukuta, seems to have been limited to particular deity like Indra. Indra of Los Angeles, Boston (Pal 1974, Figs. 42 and 246), images of Seattle, Philadelphia and Brooklyn (Kramrisch 1964a, nos. 18, 33 and 34), Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 70) are shown with mitre‐like crown. The four handed Shiva of Indian Museum wears the mitre‐like crown bearing an image of kirtimukha in the centre (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12) To give the impression of properly combed hair, some incised lines are shown in the periphery of the forehead as seen in some of the images of Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Prince of Wales Museum Matrika, Bhrikuti and Prajnaparmita (Figs. 40, 55 and 67), Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), National Museum Durga, Vasudhara and Tara (Figs. 61, 64 and 65). In some images, the hair is shown combed flatly as in the case of devotee images, exhibited in National Museum and in Changunarayana courtyard (Figs. 229, 244 and 119). In the instance of one of these images (Fig. 229), the flat plait is seen tied with a decoratted ribbon (sachika) with chased ornaments (Fig. 245). Statues of Pratap Malla, Bhupatindra Malla (Fig. 79), Yoganrendra Malla (Fig. 80), statue of the so‐called Malla king exhibited at National Museum (Fig. 81), statues of other devotees of National Museum (Fig. 84), and of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 85) are adorned with turban (pagadi) on their heads. v. Plasticity and Mobility In the medieval period, the artists tried to depict the features almost in the same way
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as that in the Lichhavi period. The most elegant bronze examples of this period are the standing Padmapani Avalokitesvara and seated Padmapani of Patan Kva Bahal (Figs. 34 and 35). Their exquisite features and the benign expression are still discernible. The simplicity of the sculpture and the proportionate figure speak of exclusive physical grace. The feature of standing figure’s body is modelled as a Lichhavi Padmapani that stands in the same Vihara (Fig. 8). Other elegant Padmapani images are those of Boston (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), Kva Bahal (Fig. 51) and National Museum (Fig. 44). These Padmapani images reveal a touch of mannered elegance. The features reveal a graceful and proportionate body. The stylistic differences between Boston Padmapani and the other two Padmapani groups of Kva Bahal and National Museum are noticeable. The hands of Kva Bahal Padmapani and of National Museum Padmapani images are less sensitively modelled and the body of the National Museum Padmapani has less grace. The Boston Padmpani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195) displays a subtle elegance and plasticity that have a sensuous charm and the sense of movement is expressed by the relaxed posture, giving an impression of athletic body. The calmness of the face and a softness of modelling make the Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya as one of the most outstanding bronze images (Fig. 39). British Museum Vajrapani also reveals a touch of elegance even if it is modelled slimmer (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7). Although the figure shows movement, compared with the plasticity of the modelling of the Lichhavi images it appears hard and inert in its summarily modelled mass. The Kva Bahal Manjusree is less sensitively modelled, so it has lost its grace (Fig. 52). Samvara images (Figs. 41‐43), Bhairava (Fig. 62) and Varahi
(Fig. 64) images, displayed in National Museum are elegant images of medieval period ‐ they have athletic bodies and demeanor seems almost placid and proportionately modelled; those are characterised by a sense of proportion and balance with their elaborate crowns and ornaments and then finely modelled figure gives an expression of having omnipotent presence. Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) and Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu of Laksminarayana panel (Fig. 54) have remarkably well proportioned body and are modelled carefully to bring the expression of omnipotent presence. National Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 230), Prince of Wales Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 227) and Virginia Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Gairola 1978, Fig. 7a) follow the motif of previous periods but they lack the same quality in comparison to previous images. Vasudevakamalaja of Prince of Wales Museum has slim but disproportionate figure. Devi and Tara images of early medieval and late medieval periods are mobile and plastic in nature. One of the most outstanding Devi images of these periods is that of the Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 266). The figure is delineated with the right hip thrust outward and left knee is slightly bent, showing the curve of the right hip and swelling abdomen. Bhrikuti of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55) is depicted in dancing posture, showing a plastic and mobile body. Another Tara of Kathmandu Svayambhunath (Fig. 76) is well modelled and a sense of movement is expressed by the relaxed posture and the edges of the garment. The frontal posture of Durga of National Museum (Fig. 61) shows her dignity and is characterized by a sense of proportion and balance while dancing.
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vi. Slenderness of the Waist and Hips Lichhavi artists portrayed the slender waist and modelled moderately but with exaggerated hips as prescribed in the texts. The same features have been portrayed by the medieval artists. The Newak Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) is the most outstanding example of this period. Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti (Fig. 55), Durga, Tara images of National Museum and of Kathmandu Svayambhunath (Figs. 61, 65 and 76) are some of the prime examples of this period. Their slender waists and prominent hips make them amply graceful. The Vasudhara in the collection of B. S. Cron (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66), National Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 64) and Tara (Fig. 65) are also executed with slender waists. Though they are seated, their pronounced hips are noticeable. The Matrika of Prince of Wales Museum also shows a slender waist (Fig. 40). Images of Buddha, Avalokitesvara, Vajrapani, Manjushree, Maitreya, Indra, Uma‐Maheshwara and Vishnu are cast with slender waist. Padmapani images of Kva Bahal (Figs. 34 and 35), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974 Fig. 195), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39) and National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44) are the most elegant images having slender waist, while British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) has been modelled extremely slim. The Samvara images displayed in the National Museum have moderately exaggerated hips (Figs. 41‐ 43). The Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1952, Fig. 1) and Prince of Wales Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 227) also have slim waists. The same feature is found in the Bhairava and Varahi images (Figs. 62 and 63) exhibited at National Museum of Kathmandu.
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vii. Diaphanous Drapery Lichhavi artists were expert in depicting the transparent and transluscent drapery very properly as evidenced by many bronze figures. But in the medieval period, in place of transparent and transluscent dress, the artists used thick dress. Though they tried to depict the Lichhavi character, the figures of the medieval period somewhat lost the grace. But Los Angeles Buddha (Fig. 239) (Pal 1974, Fig. 184), Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a), British Museum Amitabha and Aksobhya (Barrett 1957, Figs. 1 and 3), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya and Aksobhya images (Figs. 39, 224 and 225), Kva Bahal Padmapani images (Figs. 34 and 51), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), private collection Indra referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16) and Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) are the prime examples of this type ‐ they are shown with transparent dress. In the case of male figures, especially of the Buddha and Boddhisattva images, either folded or unfolded garments, are shown with the right arm bare. This is evident in the Los Angeles Buddha (Fig. 239) (Pal 1974, Fig. 184), Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a), National Museum Sakyamuni Buddha (226), Aksobhya and Sakyamuni Buddha images in the Prince of Wales Museum (Figs. 224, 225 and 238), British Museum Amitabha (Barrett 1957, Fig. 1). Another feature seen in the male figures is the upper half of the body which is modelled uncovered : Kva Bahal Padmapani images (Figs. 35 and 51), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39), Kva Bahal Manjusree (Fig. 52), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), Sukhavati Lokesvara and Simhanada Lokesvara (Figs.
59 and 60), both are in the collection of National Museum, British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7), Indra of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 70) and of private collection (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16), Kathmandu Hanumandhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Fig. 240), Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1), Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu of Lashminarayana panel (Fig. 54), Patan Darbar Square Garuda (Figs. 82 and 83), Boston Mahesvara (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) and Virginia Museum Mahesvara (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) are some of the examples having bare torso. In Padmapani images of Patan Kva Bahal also, the same feature is seen (Figs. 34 and 35). A common character of them is their diaphanous drapery which makes it possible to see the proportionate figure. The transparent dhoti of Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 34) is wrapped over the thighs and it is indicated by the fold hanging between the legs and the lines seen on the left leg. The paryastika (sash) tied around the hip from right to left is common. In the Boston Padmapani, the transparent dhoti is wrapped up to the knee (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195) while the Kva Bahal Padmapani’s dhoti is indicated by the rippling folds in between the legs (Fig. 51). The end of paryastika is drawn up and tied at the left in a diagonal fashion so that it does not go across the thighs. National Museum Padmapani’s dhoti clings to the thighs and the folded pattern falls in‐between the legs in conical shape (Fig. 44). The paryastika is tied around the hip from left to right, but the ends are allowed to fall at left. Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya’s transluscent dhoti, with diamond pattern engraved on it and streamers on both sides, is drawn up to the ankle (Fig. 39). The paryastika is tied around the hip from right
to left and the ends are tied at left. British Musuem Vajrpani’s flower design engraved dhoti is shown up to the knee and the folds fall between the legs (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7). Boston Vishnu has traces of dhoti up to the knee and the folded ripples fall between the legs (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1957, Fig. 1). The paryastika is tied in the shape of a loop and its ends are hung on both sides of the legs. Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu’s dhoti is wrapped up to the knee and the folds fall between the legs (Fig. 54). The paryastika is tied around the hip and the ends are drawn up and tied at the left. It is indicated by the fall of the ends of paryastika at the side. Prince of Wales Museum Vasudevakamalaja’s dhoti falls up to the ankle as indicated by the thick border of the garment (Fig. 227), while in the National Museum Vasudevakamalaja, it is indicated by the folds that fall between the legs (Fig. 230). In both figures paryastika is tied in the shape of a loop and the ends are shown at both sides. In the Garuda image of Patan Darbar Square, the thick dhoti is wrapped up around the thighs with drapers between them (Fig. 82). In the standing Garuda of Laksminarayana panel of Prince of Wales Museum, the drapers fall in‐between the legs in a conical shape (Fig. 54). In the figure of Indra in the private collection, the dhoti is indicated by the drapers falling near the feet of the image (Fig. 45) (kramrisch 1964d no. 16), while the dhoties of Prince of Wales Indra and Kathmandu’s Nasal Chowk Indra are indicated by their thick borders (Figs. 70 and 240) The image of Boston Mahesvara is shown in a thick garment with a floral pattern (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138). It falls up to the
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ankle and its finely depicted drapery is shown in front of the left leg while the dhoti of Virginia Museum Mahesvara is indicated by thick border depicted near the knee (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a). In the Surya of the National Museum, the dhoti is folded up to the thigh (Fig. 56). Another feature of dress seen in the male figures, specially in those of the devotee of this period is the thick jama (frock) with sleeves that cover the whole body up to the knee indicating the influence of the contemporary Mugal India. Statues of king Bhupatindra Malla of Bhaktapur Darbar square (Fig. 79), king Yoganarendra Malla of Patan Darbar square (Fig. 80), so‐called Malla King and devotee displayed in National Museum (Figs. 81 and 84)), and Prince of Wales Museum devotee (Fig. 85), are of this type. Newark Museum Deviʹs drapery is depicted in transluscent form with a flower pattern. In this image the draping of the sari is used not only to accentuate the swelling planes and rounded curves, but also to add a sense of movement (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226). The upper part of the sari covering the breasts is made noticeable only by a thin line. Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti (Fig. 55) is adorned with transparent sari that is held by katibandha (waistband) below the navel. It is depicted coming down up to the knee and the curved drapery is touching the left foot that dangles down; the paryastika is tied in the shape of a loop. The shawl falls down up to the knee on both sides. Durga and devotee, exhibited in the National Museum, are shown in thick frock (Figs. 61 and 229). Durga’s thick jama (frock) covers up to the ankles (Fig. 61) which is decorated with a bell like design. The blouse used by Durga gives an impression of thickness with a diamond shaped design. The shawl, in this
image, goes parallel at both sides in a curved way. The Prince of Wales Museum Matrika’s transparent sari folds fall down up to the right leg in a curved way, and the end of the sari is shown falling at the back of an image (Fig. 40). The transparent sari of Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara clings to the body, accentuating its beauty (Fig. 76). It is indicated by its diaphanous drapery and folding lines while the Prince of Wales Museum Taraʹs sari is indicated by its border that is shown near the knees of the figure and the drapery is drawn in a curved way near the legs (Fig. 66). The shawl falls from the left hand and touches the left thigh in a curved way. Vasudhara images are shown wearing transparent sari. The sari of National Museum Vasudhara image is visible only by the diaphanous drapery that is shown falling in a curved pattern (Fig. 64). One of the devotee images in the National Museum (Fig. 244) wears a decorated transluscent sari covering the breasts, and it is pulled in front from the left to the right shoulder. The diaphanous drapery is shown beautifully in front of the figure in a circular motif. ix. Round Breasts Lichhavi artists had skillfully depicted not only the full round breasts but also the gentle shape of the nipple as described by the poets of the past. Though the artists of the medieval period followed the iconometry of the Livhhavi period, their creations lack smoothness and perfectness. After 16th century, the female bodies are often fully draped with blouses and upper garments, thereby reflecting the increasing inhibitions in the society. The Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) and Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40) are the most significant examples of this
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period. National Museum Durga, Varahi (Figs. 61 and 63), Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66), Sethna collection Tara (Fig. 231) (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1), and Vasudhara image in the National Museum (Fig. 64) are beautifully shaped, but their breasts are not as smoothly modelled as in the earlier female figures of this period. The breasts are smaller and placed further apart as shown in the Uma of Boston Museum (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) and Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) and Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67). In some figures like Bhrikuti of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55), devotee of National Museum (Fig. 229), breasts are hardly noticeable. But the Devi of Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40) and Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76) are exceptions as they are modelled smoothly and perfectly in comparison to other medieval images. x. Yajnopavita ( Sacred Thread) The Hindu influence is clearly seen on Buddhist images as they are adorned with the yajnopavita which is an exclusively Hindu practice. This is evident in the Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha who has a beaded yajnopavita emerging from the rear side of his ear ornament and falling on his left arm before it comes down to the chest and abdomen (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a). The Padmapani of Kva Bahal shows a long and simple yajnopavita running from the left shoulder tucked under the paryastika and hanging on the left thigh as to terminate there (Fig. 34). Another Padmapani of the same Vihara is shown with the yajnopavita in the form of beaded strands falling over the left part of the abdomen and running up to the right thigh (Fig. 35). The Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195) and Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51) are adorned with the yajnopavita consisting of two strands of
pearls falling from the left shoulder over the waistband in the form of a wide loop, almost parallel to the median loop of the paryastika in a diagonal fashion, that does not go across the thighs. The yajnopavita of National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44) is of beaded strand falling from the left shoulder in a straight position up to the abdomen over the waistband in a form of wide loop at the hips near the paryastika. British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) is shown with a double strands yajnopavita joining with the two strands of pearls running from the left shoulder over the waist band and it twists on the right thigh through pelvic arch. National Museum Simhanada Lokesvara (Fig. 60) is shown with beaded yajnopavita emerging from the necklace and it is stuck under the waistband, while the yajnopavita of Sukhavati Lokesvara of same museum (Fig. 59) has double strands, joined with the two strands of pearls running from the left shoulder over the waistband in the form of wide loop, parallel to the paryastika. The Kva Bahal Manjusree’s yajnopavita is falling on his left arm almost parallel to the outline of his chest and abdomen, going over the waistband and paryastika and turning to the right knee (Fig. 52). The pearl attached yajnopavita of Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39) running from the middle of his chest through the knotted waistband, is tucked under the lower waistband, hanging over the right thigh. Private collection Indraʹs yajnopavita referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16) consists of precious stone inset. It runs from the left shoulder parallel to his chest and abdomen, tucked under the knotted waistband and is found falling up to the thigh. The yajnopavitas of Prince of Wales Museum Indra (Fig. 70), and Brooklyne Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 34), are shown
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falling from the left shoulder over the waistband in a wide loop. The Boston Vishnuʹs yajnopavita is fashioned in the form of two beaded strands, consisting of precious stone inset falling from the left shoulder up to the left thigh over the waistband in the form of a wide loop (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1). It vanishes after touching the right part of the paryastika. The yajnopavita of Vishnu of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 54) runs almost parallel to the paryastika. The Virginia Museum Vishnu is shown with single beaded yajnopavita running from the shoulder‐that is tucked under the knotted waistband and the paryastika is found twisting to the right knee (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a). Los Angeles Garudaʹs thick beaded yajnopavita falls from the left shoulder and is found caught in a wide loop near the thigh (Pal 1974, Fig. 106). While the Garuda of Patan (Fig. 82) is devoid of the yajnopavita, Vasudevakamalaja images (Figs. 227 and 230) are shown with double beaded yajnopavita running from the left shoulder and caught in a wide loop almost parallel to the paryastika. The yajnopavita of Swali collection Mahesvara and Boston Mahesvara dangles down from the shoulder and vanishes near the abdomen (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138), while the beaded yajnopavita of Virginia Museum Mahesvara emerges from the left shoulder that falls down under the waistband in the form of a loop near the hip (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a). Shiva of Indian Museum, Calcutta, is depicted with the double beaded yajnopavita running from the left shoulder, tucked under the paryastika and is found falling in the form of a wide loop near the lower abdomen (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12). The yajnopavita of Agastya identified as Yoga Dakisnamurti of Chicago vanishes after reaching the abdomen (Fig.
53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4). The Garuda of Patan Darbar square and Kathmandu Hanumandhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Figs. 82 and 240) are devoid of yajnopavita. xi Adornment The Lichhavi images are shown with limited ornaments, but the images of the medieval period are decked with various but exuberantly portrayed ornaments. a). Ear Ornaments Varieties of ear ornaments are seen in the images of this period with the exception of Buddha sculpture. But Muchhalinda Buddha of Virginia Museum is adorned with the ear pendant that resembles a flower with petals (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a). Padmapani from Kva Bahal (Fig. 35), Maitreya of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 39) and British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) wear ear ornaments that resemble blooming flowers with petals around and the blossom represented by a circle chased in the centre. The Buddhist cannons of Iconography requires the future Buddha Maitreya to be decked with various ornaments (see B. Bhattacharya’s Sadhanamala 1928: 560 and Indian Buddhist Iconography 1968: 80‐81). The Sukhavati Lokesvara and Simhanada Lokesvara (Figs. 59 and 60), both from the collection of National Museum, wear the flower type ear ornament decorated with stone inset as indicated by the hole at the centre of the lobe. In another Padmapani of Kva Bahal (Fig. 51), the ear ornament made of beads threaded together hangs from the earlobes and touch the shoulders. Two Samvara images and Padmapani of National Museum (Figs. 41, 42 and 44), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195) and Boddhisattva in the collection of S. K. Bhedvar (Khandalavala 1950b, Fig. 23) wear the open circular rim ear rings; the
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only difference between these images is that the latter consists of chased pendant within it. Bhedvar Boddhisattva (Khandalavala 1950b, Fig. 13) is shown wearing ear ornament of blooming flower with petals around. Avalokitesvara of Indian Museum, Calcutta, (Mehta 1971, pl. 33) wears diamond‐shaped ear ornaments. The Indra image in a private collection referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16) has the circular rim ear ring. Boston Indra wears a disc‐like ear ornament with beads at the edges (Pal 1974, Fig. 42). Brooklyn Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 34) is shown wearing ear ornaments that resemble a blooming flower with petals around, most probably adorned with precious stones as indicated by the holes seen in the ear ring. But Kathmandu Hanumandhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Fig. 240) (which is displayed only during the festival of Indra Jatra for a period of eight days) is devoid of an ear ornament. Indra of Indian Museum (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 11) wears diamond‐shaped ear ornament, decorated with floral pattern which is very much similar to Zimmerman Garudashana Vishnu (Fig. 213) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83D). Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) and Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu (Fig. 54) wear the open circular rim ear ring with the beaded design at the edges while the Vishnu of Virginia Museum is adorned with the floral pattern ear ring (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a). Images of Vasudevakamalaja of Prince of Wales and of National Museum (Figs. 227 and 230) wear two types of ear ornaments : open circular rim ear ring in the left ear and a floral design inset with precious stones at the centre in the right ear. Garuda image of Patan (Fig. 82) wears sarpakundala as an ear ring that is quite similar to Baroda Museum Mahesvaraʹs sarpakundala (Kramrisch 1964a, Fig. 9) and
Los Angeles Garuda is depicted in a disc‐shaped ornament (Pal 1974, Fig. 106). Boston Mahesvaraʹs both the ears are adorned with circular rim with chased ornaments (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138), while Swali collection Mahesvara wears two types of ear ornaments: a round shaped ear ring is depicted in the left ear and sarpakundala in the right (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 137). The Mahesvara of Virginia Museum wears a diamond‐shaped ear ring inset with chased ornaments (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a). Shiva of Indian Museum wears two different types of ear rings: a large circular rim with smaller beaded design at the border in the left, while sarpakundala in the right (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12). National Museum Bhairava is depicted with only one ear ring at the left ear (Fig. 62). It consists of large rim, beaded at the border with chased ornament in the centre. Surya of National Museum is shown with a blooming flower, chased on the ear pendant (Fig. 56). Devi of Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) wears two types of ornaments: a circular rim in the right ear and petal shaped flower inset with precious stone at the centre in the left ear are depicted ∗ . Matrika of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 40) wears the round‐shaped rim open at the centre, with beaded design on the edges, while National Museum Varahi has an ear ornament of flower petals within the pendant with round rim (Fig. 63). Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) and National Museum Tara (Fig. 65) are decorated with eight‐petalled shaped ornament embedded with precious ∗
The stone figures of Lichhavi period also have two kinds of ear ornaments – see e.g. the Laksmi Padmahasta of National Museum and the Sankaranarayana of Pashupati garden.
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stones in the centre. Sethna collection Tara wears a round shaped ear rings (Fig. 231) (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1), while Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66) wears a floral design ornament inset with precious stones. Prajnaparmita of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 67) wears the open circular disc of flower design inlaid with stones. The same type of ear ornaments is worn by Varahi of National Museum (Fig. 63). Vasudhara images are decorated with open circular rim with or without beaded design on the edges. Vasudhara in the collection of B. S. Cron (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) wears an open circular rim with a beaded design on the edges. Vasudhara images of Prince of Wales Museum and National Museum (Figs. 227 and 230) wear two different types of ear rings: flower pattern in the right and open circular disc on the left. Boston Uma wears a disc‐shaped ring similar to that of Mahesvara (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138), while the other two Uma figures wear an open circular rim with beaded design on the edges (Pal 1974, Fig. 137; Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a). Devotee figure in the collection of National Museum (Fig. 244) wears a disc‐shaped ear ornament beaded on the edges while the another devotee exhibiting in the same museum (Fig. 229) is shown wearing an open circular rim beaded on the edges. b). Necklace Both male and female images are cast with chased necklaces. Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a) and Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 35) are shown wearing a single beaded necklace with pendant in the centre. National Museum Simhanada Lokesvara (Fig. 60) wears a single beaded necklace inlaid with semi‐precious stones, but the standing Padmapani of the Kva Bahal (Fig. 34) wears double strands of beaded necklace
decorated with stone inset in the centre from which three pendants come rolling down. Images of Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51) and British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) wear two rows of beaded necklaces from which the several pendants hang down. The Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39) wears a beaded necklace of double strands with a pendant in the centre, while the Kva Bahal Manjusree (Fig. 52) wears three strands of necklaces inchased with a pendant in the centre. The images of Padmapani and Sukhavati Lokesvara of the National Museum (Figs. 44 and 59) wear double stranded necklaces inlaid with semi‐precious stones. Samvara image of National Museum (Fig. 43) wears two necklaces: one with three strands of simple beads with a pendant in the centre of the third strand, while the other a long and thick necklace mundamala falls up to the lower end of the navel. The other two Mahisha Samvaras displayed in the same museum (Figs. 41 and 42) wear three necklaces : one wearing around the neck has a single strand with a pendant in the centre; the second falls down up to the level of the navel and the third is mundamala that falls up to the knee. National Museum Amoghasiddhi (Fig. 58) is decked with double necklaces: a broad necklace with beads on the top layer and a floral pattern in the lower layer is worn tightly around the neck, while another long but simple beaded necklace inlaid with semi‐precious stones and pendants at several places falls up to the chest level. Boddhisattva images of Bhedvar collection (Khandalavala 1950b, Figs. 12 and 23) are also adorned with the necklaces, while the Avalokitesvara of the Indian Museum, Calcutta (Mehta 1971, pl. 33), wears a broad necklace with floral design around the neck and long necklace with pendants falling up to the navel.
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Indra of private collection referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16) is adorned with broad triangle shaped necklace with numerous pendants embedded with gems inset, while Boston Indra (Pal 1974, Fig. 42) wears a single strand of beaded necklace with pendants in the centre and numerous pendants inlaid with semi‐precious stones. Brooklyn Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 34) wears a thick but simple single band necklace with a pendant inset with semi‐precious stone in the centre. The Indra of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 70) and Kathmandu’s Hanumamdhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Fig. 240) wear double necklaces ‐ one around the neck and the other single beaded long necklace hangs up to the navel. The Indra of Nasal Chowk wears a broad but double row of beaded necklaces with pendants falling up to the navel; Prince of Wales Museum Indra wears two necklaces: one is of single strand necklace with several pendants in the centre, while the other one is of long necklace with floral pendants attached with it running up to the navel (Fig. 70). Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) and Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu (Fig. 54) wear double strands of beaded necklaces with floral pendants in the centre, most probably inlaid with semi‐precious stones, while the Virginia Museum Vishnu (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a) wears single strand of beaded necklace with flower pendant in the centre. Vasudevakamalaja images of Prince of Wales Museum and National Museum (Figs. 227 and 230) are shown wearing single strands of necklaces with pendants and embedded with gems hanging in the centre. Prince of Wales Museum Vasudevakamalaja is shown wearing long beaded necklace that falls over the breasts. Virginia Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Gairola 1978, Fig. 7a) is adorned with a single necklace with a pendant in the centre. The Los Angeles
Garuda (Pal 1974, Fig. 106), Patan Darbar square Garuda (Fig. 82) are adorned with sarpahara necklaces. Mahesvara images of Swali collection, Boston (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138) and Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) are shown wearing single beaded necklace with numerous pendants embedded with gems. Shiva of Indian Museum, Calcutta wears a double strand of beaded necklace with numerous pendants inset with gems (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12), while the Chicago Agastya (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4) is adorned with single band as a necklace. The National Museum Bhairava (Fig. 62) is depicted with broad necklace. Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) is adorned with the double strand of necklace with pendant in the centre. The Matrika of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 40) is shown with two types of necklaces: one a single beaded necklace with numerous pendants inlaid with semi‐ precious stones hanging, and the other two stranded and bejewelled long necklaces that run from the centre of the breast up to the navel. Durga of National Museum (Fig. 61) is adorned with broad and long beaded necklace with a pendant in the centre and numerous small pendants inlaid with gems at several places reaching up to the navel. National Museum Varahi (Fig. 63) wears three necklaces ‐ one necklace decorates the neck; the second is simple, long necklace inlaid with gems falling up to the navel; and the third is of mundamala that reaches the ankle. Swali collection Uma (Fig. 242) (Pal 1974, Fig. 137) is depicted with a single rosary, while the Uma images of Boston (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) and Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) are depicted with
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double necklaces ‐ one a beaded necklace with chased pendants and the second is a long necklace reaching just below the breasts. Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti and Tara (Figs. 55 and 66) and National Museum Tara (Fig. 65) are adorned with two types of necklaces. Bhrikuti wears a single strand of beaded necklace with three flower shaped pendants hanging in the centre and the other is of long beaded necklace falling up to the navel. The Tara of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 66) is adorned with a simple strand of necklace with several pendants, of which a central pendant is inlaid with a precious stone, around the neck and another is long beaded necklace attached with pendants up to the navel. The National museum Tara (Fig. 65) has one necklace of double strands with several pendants and the second with a pendant at the centre coming up to the level of the navel. The Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76) is shown with the broad necklace having a pendant in the centre. The Sethna collection Tara (Fig. 231) (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1) wears two necklaces, one is of two strands necklace with small pendant in the centre and another long beaded necklace with decorated pendant embedded with gems in the centre falling up to the navel. Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67) is adorned with two types of necklaces, one is of two rows of beads with several pendants hanging in the centre; other necklace is also of double strands of beads falling between the breasts up to the navel. The Vasudhara of Virginia Museum (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a) wears double rows of beaded necklaces with pendants embedded with semi‐precious stones inset, whereas those of Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) and National Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 64) are depicted with double necklaces. In the Cron Vasudhara,
one necklace is of a single strand of beads with a decorated pendant in the centre and many small pendants hanging from it; while second one, also of beads, has a pendant in the centre and falls up to the navel touching the breasts. The National Museum Vasudhara wears double strands of necklace with chased pendant in the centre with numerous pendants hanging from it and the other long double stranded of bead necklace which falls up to the navel in‐ between the breasts. Most of the statues of devotees and donors are also decorated with chased ornaments like ear rings, necklaces, bracelets and rings. The statue of so‐called Malla King in National Museum (Fig. 81) is adorned with four necklaces with additional but ritually made necklace named jantra ♠ . The figure wears the single beaded necklace hanging numerous decorated pendants in the centre, while tripple beaded long necklaces are shown up to the navel with a pendant in the middle of the centre necklace. The statue of King Yoganarendra Malla (Fig. 80) is adorned with a single beaded long necklace that falls up to the navel. Statue of King Bhupalendra Malla of Changunarayan (Fig. 118) is adorned with three different types of necklaces that resemble with that of so‐ called Malla king of National Museum (Fig. 81). The only difference is that king Bhupalendra Malla’s necklace has numerous jantras of rectangular shape hanging. The statue of a devotee displayed in the National Museum (Fig. 84) wears two types of necklaces ‐ one around the neck and the another running up to the navel. The first one that is worn around the neck consists of leaf‐shaped pendants hanging from a single strand with another pendant in the centre. The devotee of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 85) wears a single strand ♠
Jantra is religiously made necklace which is worn to protect onesels from the evil ones.
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bead necklace that comes up to the navel and a broad shaped jantra around the neck. In the case of female devotees, the same tradition of wearing ornaments has been followed as shown in the devotee figures exhibited in the National Museum (Figs. 229 and 244). In Fig. 244 beaded necklace of three strands is worn tightly around the neck, while the other beaded and coiled type of necklaces are shown falling up to the navel. The other one is the jantra falling just below the neck. Similar kinds of necklaces are seen in other devotees’ figure of National Museum (Fig. 229). The only difference is that the ornament that is worn around the neck is of two strands of beaded necklace while that of Fig. 244, she wears tripple strands of beaded necklace. c). Armlets After 11th/12th centuries, the armlets, which were used to decorate the upper arms, were gradually placed further down towards the elbow. In medieval period, Buddha images were also depicted with armlets. The decoration with armlets was absent during the Lichhavi period. The Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha is adorned with armlets, with chased pendant in the centre (Gairola 1978, Fig. 19). British Museum Amitabha and Aksobhya are found wearing simple, single band armlet on their left arm (Barrett 1957, Figs. 1 and 3) while National Museum Sakyamuni Buddha (Fig. 226) is depicted with armlets on both arms. The figure that is given in the armlet is not very perceptible. The Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 34) is ornamented with two strands of beaded spiral armlets, from the ends of which a floral design inlaid with gems reaching up to the shoulder is depicted. Another Padmapani of the same Vihara (Fig. 35) is depicted with an armlet of a single strand of beads on which a floral design is shown in
the centre and it reaches near the shoulder. Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44), Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51) and British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) are shown wearing armlets down on the lower arms, decorated with a flower design embedded with gems. Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39) wears plain armlets with terminals that look like lotus buds. National Museum Simhanada Lokesvara (Fig. 60) is adorned with triple strands, with flower buds in the centre. National Museum Amoghasiddhi (Fig. 58) wears a single strand of beads wrapped around the arms, with a blooming flower with petals in the centre. Samvara images displayed in National Museum (Figs. 41‐43) wear single and double strands of beads with pendants. The Indra of private collection referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no 16), Boston, Los Angeles Indra (Pal 1974, Figs. 42 and 246) and Kathmandu Hanumanadhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Fig. 240) have armlets of flower design inset with semi‐precious stones, while in Brooklyn Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 34) and Prince of Wales Museum Indra (Fig. 70), it is lacking. The Vishnu of Boston (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) wears a single beaded armlet with gems inset in the centre, while the Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu of Laksminarayana panel (Fig. 54), Virginia Museum Vishnu (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a) wears the armlets in the shape of bhujabanda. Vasudevakamalaja of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 227) is found wearing an armlet of double rows of beads with floral pendant embedded with numerous semi‐ precious stones. National Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 230) wears a bhujabanda in the right arm and a floral
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pendant inset with precious stones in the left. The Garuda of Patan Darbar square (Fig. 82) is adorned with bhujabanda armlet while Los Angeles Garuda wears a simple thick round band armlet (Pal 1974, Fig. 106). Swali collection Mahesvara, Boston Mahesvara (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138), Virginia Museum Mahesvara (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) and Calcutta’s Indian Museum Shiva (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12) are shown with single strand of armlets with floral pendant inlaid with gems. The Agastya (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4) wears a simple and single band armlet; but the National Museum Bhairava (Fig. 62) wears a double strand of beaded armlet with flower pendant embedded with gems. The National Museum Surya (Fig. 56) wears a thick band with flower pendant. The images of Uma in the Uma‐Mahesvara panels wear armlets similar to those of the Mahesvara images (Figs. 242‐243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138; Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a). Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) is adorned with double strands of beaded armlets, with a floral pendant embedded with precious stones in the centre. The Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40) wears a simple band of armlets with a pendant in the centre. The National Museum Varahi (Fig. 63) wears two strands of beaded armlets. The Durga of National Museum (Fig. 61) is depicted with a single row of bead armlets with a floral design inset with semi‐precious stones in the centre. Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti wears beaded armlets with floral pendant (Fig. 55). Tara images are depicted with a single beaded armlet, with a pendant embedded with gems that are similar to Los Angeles Indra (Pal 1974, Fig. 246). The National Museum Tara (Fig. 65), Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66), Kathmandu
Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76) and Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67) are shown with a single band with a flower bud in the centre, while the Cleveland Prajnaparamita (Pal 1974, Fig. 239), private collection Prajnaparamita (Barrett 1957, Fig. 6) and Virginia Museum Prajnaparamita (Gairola 1978, Fig. 4a) are adorned with decorated armlets with chased pendants inlaid with semi‐precious stones. The Vasudhara of Virginia Museum (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a) wears bhujabanda type armlets having a floral design in the centre with semi‐precious stones inset, while those of Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1977, Fig. 2) and National Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 64) have rhombus armlets inlaid with stones. The statue of a devotee in the collection of Kathmandu National Museum (Fig. 244) is adorned with decorated armlets of double strands. d). Bracelets Buddha figures are usually shown without ornaments, but Muchhalinda Buddha of the Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a) and Sakyamuni Buddha of Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 238) are exceptions; because they wear simple, solid band bracelets. Kva Bahal Padmapani images (Figs. 34 and 35) have simple, solid band of bracelet. The seated Padmapani (Fig. 35) wears, however, beaded bracelet. The Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1978, Fig. 195), National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44), Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51), British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39) and Kva Bahal Manjusree (Fig. 52) are adorned with thick but simple bracelets around each wrist. The National Museum Amoghasiddhi, Sukhavati Lokesvara and Simmanada Lokesvara (Figs. 58‐60) have similar bracelets. One of the Samvara images of National Museum (Fig. 41) has a serpent shaped bracelet around
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each wrist, while other Samvara (Fig. 42) wears two strands of beads as the bracelets with a leaf pendant. Another Samvara image in National Museum (Fig. 43) has two types of bracelets, one, a simple thick band, and the other, beaded with chased pendants around the wrists. Images of Indra of private collection (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16) and of the Brooklyn Museum Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 34), Boston Indra (Pal 1974, Fig. 42), Prince of Wales Indra (Fig. 70), Indra of Kathmandu Hanumandhoka Nasal Chowk (Fig. 240), Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1), Prince of Wales Vishnu in the panel of Laksminarayana (Fig. 54), Virginia Museum Vishnu (Fig. 237) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a), Vasudevakamalaja images of Prince of Wales and National Museums (Figs. 227 and 230), all are adorned with thick bands of bracelets. Patan Darbar square Garuda (Fig. 82), Garuda of Laksminarayana panel exhibited in Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 54) wear a thick band as bracelets while Garuda of Los Angeles is ornamented with a serpent bracelet (Pal 1974, Fig. 106). The Mahesvara of Swali collection, Boston (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138) and Virginia Museums Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a), Agastya (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4), Bhairava of National Museum (Fig. 62) and Shiva of Indian Museum, Calcutta (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12) are ornamented with a simple but single band bracelet. The Devi of Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226) has a simple, single bracelet inlaid with semi‐precious gems. Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40) and National Museum Durga and Varahi (Figs. 61 and 63) are ornamented with thick round bracelets. Matrika and Bhrikuti of Prince of Wales Museum (Figs. 40 and 55) and the Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76)
wear bayi (one of the common ornaments, worn by the Newar ladies specially in marriage ceremony) as their bracelets. Matrika of Prince of Wales Museum is adorned with a broad bracelet bayi along with a simple band bracelet. The Virginia Museum Uma (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) wears a thick bracelet similar to that of Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226). The Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66), Virginia Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a) and Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) are ornamented with double bands of thick bracelets inlaid with precious stones whereas National Museum Tara (Fig. 65), Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67), Cleveland Prajnaparamita (Pal 1974, Fig. 239) and Humphreys Prajnaparamita (Barrett 1957, Fig. 6) are adorned with single, thick and broad bracelets. The Virginia Prajnaparamita (Gairola 1978, Fig. 4a) wears a thick triple band bracelet. The statues of devotees and donors are ornamented with simple thick bracelets. For examples: statues of king Bhupatindra Malla (Bhaktapur) (Fig. 79), king Yoganarendra Malla (Lalitpur) (Fig. 80), so‐ called Malla king and devotee (Figs. 81 and 84), exhibited at National Museum and another devotee in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 85) are with simple but thick bracelets. Besides, the devotee figures in the collection of National Museum (Figs. 229 and 244) are adorned with bayi as their bracelets. Though this type of bracelet is usually worn by the deities, but the adoption of these ornaments by ordinary people shows its popularity in the medieval society. e) Anklets As in the case of other ornaments, all images, except those of Buddhas, are ornamented with anklets ‐ to some extent
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they were absent in the Lichhavi bronzes. Images of Muchhalinda Buddha (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1), National Museum Buddha (Fig. 226), Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 35), Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195), National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39), Kva Bahal Manjusree (Fig. 52) have no anklets. But Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 34), British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) have anklets but they wear along with tutibagi (long oval shaped ornaments worn around the feet – they are presented to the bride by the elder person of the groom’s party specially at the time of wedding ceremony). Standing Padmapani of Kva Bahal (Fig. 34) wears anklets of thick band with floral design inlaid with semi‐precious stones in the centre. In addition, the figure is adorned with a tutibagi. The National Museum Simhanada Lokesvara (Fig. 60) is lavishly ornamented with beaded spiral anklets with oval jewel at both ends of the anklets, only in the left leg; the right is devoid of anklet. The figure is also adorned with beaded tutibagi around both ankles. The National Museum Amoghasiddhiʹs left leg’s anklet (Fig. 58) is with a single strand of beads with blooming flower with petals in the centre, and, in addition, it wears tutibagi. The Sukhavati Lokesvara of National Museum (Fig. 59) wears simple band anklets with floral shaped pendant embedded with gems in the centre. Bhedvar collection Boddhisattva (Khandalavala 1950b, Fig. 13) is ornamented with simple band anklets, while other Boddhisattva of same collection is devoid of anklet (Khandalavala 1950b, Fig. 23). The Samvara image in the National Museum (Fig. 43) has a simple thick anklets and a tutibagi, while the other Samvara of the same museum (Fig. 41) has anklets of serpent alike. Another Samvara image of
National Museum (Fig. 42) is shown with double beaded anklets with flower design in the centre. Indra images in private collection (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16), Brooklyn Museum Indra (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 34), Indian Museum Indra (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 11) have no anklets. But Prince of Wales Museum Indra (Fig. 70), Boston and Los Angeles Indra (Pal 1974, Figs. 42 and 246), and Kathmandu Hanumandhoka Nasal Chowk Indra (Fig. 240) are ornamented with simple band anklets with a floral design embedded with gems in the centre. Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1), Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu of the Laksminarayana panel (Fig. 54), Vasudevakamalaja of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 7a) and Los Angeles Garuda (Pal 1974, Fig. 106) are deprived of anklets. However, Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig 1) and Vasudevakamalaja of National Museum (Fig. 230) are adorned with tutibagis while Prince of Wales Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 227) wears an anklet of floral design embedded with jewels and also a tutibagi around the left leg. Prince of Wales Museum Garuda of Laksminarayana panel (Fig. 54) has anklets in the form of the serpents. Swali collection Mahesvara (Fig. 242) (Pal 1974, Fig. 137) wears thick band anklets, whereas the Boston Mahesvara (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) and Virginia Museum Mahesvara (Gairola 1978, Fig. 11a) are depicted in floral design anklets of simple band inlaid with chased pendants. The Indian Museum Shiva (Fig. 49) (Coomaraswamy 1910, Fig. 12), and Agastya (Fig. 53) (Bolon 1974, Fig. 4) are also devoid of anklets, but Shiva is shown with tutibagi. The National Museum Bhairava (Fig. 62)
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wears broad anklets in addition to tutibagi in her left leg. The Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40), National Museum Durga (Fig. 61) and Swali collection, Boston and Virginia Museum Uma images (Figs. 242 and 243) (Pal 1974, Figs. 137 and 138; Gairola 1978, 11a) are without anklets; but all of them, except the Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), wear tutibagi. The National Museum Varahi (Fig. 63) is adorned with simple but double band anklets with floral design along with tutibagi. Even if the National Museum Tara, (Fig. 65), Prince of Wales Museum Tara (Fig. 66), Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76), Vasudhara of National Museum (Fig. 64), Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) and Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67) are devoid of anklets, they are ornamented with thick band of tutibagi. Humphrey Prajnaparamita (Barrett 1957, Fig. 6) is adorned with thick single band anklets. Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti (Fig. 55) is ornamented with thick band of anklet with floral pendant in the centre. It also wears tutibagi. The devotee of National Museum (Fig. 244) is shown wearing tutibagi of thick band. f). Ornamented Waistband Sculptures of the medieval period, except those of Buddha, are often decorated with waistbands. The Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 34) wears a simple waistband with a floral pendant in the centre hanging just below the naval. So do the other Padmapani (Fig. 35) of the same Vihara and of Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya (Fig. 39). The waistband of Boston Padmapani (Fig. 50) (Coomaraswamy 1927, Fig. 276; Pal 1974, Fig. 195) and Kva Bahal Padmapani (Fig. 51), British Museum Vajrapani (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7) and Kva Bahal Manjusree (Fig. 52)
consists of a broad sheet with the round shaped pendant decorated in the centre. The National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44) has broad sheet with decorated flower design in the centre right below the navel. The National Museum Amoghasiddhi (Fig. 58) has a beaded waistband. The private collection Indra (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16) has waistband with precious stones inset in the centre. The other Indra images of Boston and Los Angeles (Pal 1974, Figs. 42 and 246) have a broad waistband. The waistband of Boston Indra is simple, while the Los Angeles Indra is decorated with numerous pendants embedded with gems. The Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) has waistband of two thick strings with a floral design in the centre. The Prince of Wales Museum Vishnu in the panel of Laksminarayana (Fig. 54), Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 227) and National Museum Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 230) has broad waistbands with decorated pendants. Los Angeles Garuda (Pal 1974, Fig. 106) is ornamented with decorated waistband embedded with precious stones. Boston Mahesvara’s waistband (Fig. 243) (Pal 1974, Fig. 138) consists of three bands with a circular pendant in the centre. The Newark Museum Devi (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226), Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40) and Vasudhara (Fig. 64) images have simple thick waistband with chased pendants in the centre, whereas Prince of Wales Museum Bhrikuti and Tara (Figs. 55 and 66), National Museum Tara (Fig. 65) and Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67) wear ornamented waistband. The Prince of Wales Tara wears broad waistband with numerous semi‐precious stones inlaids.
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Besides above features, the ornamentation of the head dresses and in particular, the sideward projections above the ear seen in the Nepalese figures do have a close resemblance to the Pala style. Sideward projections appeared in the Pala bronzes in about the 8th century and remained essentially unchanged until about the 10th century when intricate curved streamers were attached (Schroeder 1981: 338). Among Nepalese bronzes, similar sideward projections often are shaped like fan, also appear from around the beginning of the 8th century and continued in a similar form up to the 17th century. For examples: Indra with Vajrapurusha of 8th century (Fig. 19) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 75D), Stanford Vajrapani of 10th century (Fig. 219) (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 5), Virginia Museum Muchhalinda Buddha of 11th/12th century (Gairola 1978, Fig. 1a), British Museum Vajrapani of 12th/13th century (Barrett 1957, Fig. 7), Kva Bahal Padmapani of 9th/10th and 11th/12th centuries (Figs. 34 and 35), National Museum Padmapani of 15th century (Fig. 44), Boston Vishnu (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1) and Indra in the collection of William H. Wolff of 16th/17th century (Schroeder 1981, 104A). Among the Nepalese castings from 12th/13th centuries onwards, there appear the curved streamers in addition to the sideward projections. Similar feature appeared in Indra of private collection (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16), V. S. Cron collection Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) and National Museum Sukhavati Lokesvara and Vasudhara (Figs. 59 and 64). This tradition of combining head dresses with sideward projection attaching curved steamers after the Muslim invasion, disappeared from eastern India with the decline of the casting tradition, whereas this is still practised by the Nepalese artists. xii. INFERENCES The most significant stylistic change between the sculpture of the Lichhavi
period and that of the medieval period is that the latter shows an increasing tendency towards linearization. The works of the medieval period are more recognizably of the indigenous style. It is obvious that whatever the Nepalese artists had borrowed in style from outsider, they remained faithful to the standards set by their predecessors. During the Lichhavi period, the norms of the Gupta tradition had exerted a strong influence. In medieval period, after 13th century onwards, the Pala influence is visible while in the sculptures from 17th century, the Mongolian influence is prominent (Pal 1975: 15). As mentioned by Prayag Raj Sharma (1970: 83), the sculptures of 11th century underwent some changes in style: “a very finely chiselled face with all its features carved in precision, viz., the straight ridge of the nose, the thin sensitive lips, slightly curved eye slits, a fleshy face, full breast set closely and an elongated waist either rigid or bhanga.” This is evidenced by the Devi of Newark Museum (Fig. 36) (Pal 1974, Fig. 226). After 11th/12th centuries, the basic Aryan ideal of human form did not change although the shape of the face shows the considerable variations. As quoted by Pal (1974: 38), “both the fullness of the face and the sharpness of the features are diluted. The lips are no longer full, the nose is less sharply defined. In the subsequent Malla period, the faces become more frankly Mongoloid; the eyes are not essayed as sweepingly as in sculptures of the earlier period and often appear as slits; the lips are even less substantial and the nose rarely sharp and aquiline. The shape of the face more often is round than it is oval, and, generally, the expression attains the softness due to the summary definition of features.” This is particularly evident in the sculptures of this period. These features are available in: Cron collection Vasudhara dated to 1467 AD (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), National Museum
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Vasudhara of 15th century (Fig. 64), Boston Vishnu of 14th/15th century (Fig. 236) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1), Indian Museum Boddhisattva of 16th century (Mehta 1971, pl. 33), National Museum Padmapani of 15th century and Simhanada Lokesvara of 14th/15th century (Figs. 44 and 60). Nepalese bronze images of the earliest types from the Lichhavi period until 14th/15th centuries are usually cast solid and not only the front of the images but also the back parts are modelled to approximate physiognomic details as evidenced by the Boston Buddha of 7th century (Fig. 9) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 74A), Buddha of 9th century in the Coomaraswamy’s collection (1978, pl. XX), National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32) of the 10th century, Vishnu having a dedicatory inscription dated Samvat 172 (present location unknown, of which the date is still to be determined) (Fig. 38) (Pal 1974, Fig. 31; Alsop 1984, Fig. 2), Caturmukha Linga dated to 1045 AD, in the collection of Prof. Samuel Eilenberg (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 83F), Indra of 12th century of private collection (Fig. 45) (Kramrisch 1964d, no. 16), Cron Vasudhara dated to 1467 AD (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) and National Museum Padmapani of 15th century (Fig. 44). Images of the later period of 15th century onwards are cast solid as well as cast hollow and the back of the image is quite flat with no attempt to approximate it to a physiognomical construction. Very often the back is crudely finished and the gold gilt, applied to most of the bronze images, is absent on the back (Khandalavala 1950a: 22). Ornaments, like the armlets, which decorate the upper arms, from around 11th/12th centuries, were gradually placed further down towards the elbow ‐ this is evident in National Museum Padmapani, Amoghasiddhi, Sukhavati Lokesvara, Varahi, Vasudhara, Tara (Figs. 44, 58, 59, 63,
64 and 65), Prince of Wales Museum Maitreya, Bhrikuti, Prajnaparamita, Vasudevakamalaja (Figs. 39, 55, 67 and 227), Boston Vishnu (Fig. 234) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1). Broad‐shaped bracelets like bayi are seen more frequently, specially in the images of female deities as well as in statues of common women of late medieval period. This is rarely found in Lichhavi bronzes, but Los Angeles Ardhanarisvara can be taken as an exception (Fig. 214) (Pal 1974, Fig. 150). The broader shape anklets that were seen in the Lichhavi figures are also found in the medieval period. But, in this period, both male and female deities wear unique type of anklets known as tutibagi (worn around feet). Ear ornaments of floral and plain circular design of previous period of Lichhavis are also found in the medieval period. Diamond shaped ear ornament is also seen in some instances, which can be looked upon as an exception. This is seen in Boddhisattva image (Mehta 1971, Fig. 33). Broad and heavy necklaces are seen in the later medieval images of 16th/17th centuries. Longer necklaces, hanging between the breasts, are found to be more common in later Malla period. Another feature to be observed in the medieval bronze objects is that of heavy use of ornamentation in comparison to the Lichhavi bronzes. Few exceptions can be found in the image of Bhrikuti in the Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 55). Another is the practice of insetting them with semi‐ precious or imitative stones. In northern and eastern India, the decoration of the images with inset gems began for the first time, most probably around the 7th century, as seen in the images excavated at Nalanda (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 50B and 50G). This custom retained its popularity among the Indian artists until the end of the 12th century. Among Nepalese bronze images, insetting of semi‐precious stones did not
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come to picture during the Lichhavi and post‐Lichhavi periods, but it was not before the early Malla period that this tradition reached high standard of perfection. Few exceptions can be found in the images of: Maitreya of the 11th century of private collection (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 84D), Bennet Vasudhara dated to 1082 AD (Fig. 46) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85F), Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), Los Angeles Ardhanarisvara (Fig. 214) (Pal 1974, Fig. 150), National Museum Vishnu (Fig. 32) and Indra of private collection that is referred by Kramrisch (Fig. 45) (1964d, no. 16). Another feature found from the 10th/11th centuries onwards is the inclusion of new deities in various forms which became popular in Nepal. This is more prominent in the pantheon of Buddhist origin, as it seems to be newly introduced. The Sadhanamala respects invocations to numerous female deities, like Vasudhara, Prajnaparamita, Kurukula, Dakini or Yogini. Deities, like Samvara, Hevajra, Heruka, and Cakrasamvara derive their origin from Tantras; those deities were also worshipped in this period. These deities were unknown in the Lichhavi period. Buddhist deity Vasudhara, Goddess of wealth, believed to be emanation of Ratnasambhava and sometimes of Aksobhya and consort of Jambala, became popular in this period, and many images in bronze as well as in stone were made, but not with much destruction. Among them, Bennet Vasudhara can be taken as the earliest known image of its kind bearing dedicatory inscription dated to 1081/82 AD (Fig. 46) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 85F; Pal 1975, Fig. 41). Among the few Nepalese bronzes, that inscribed with a date, this Vasudhara is of particular significance. In addition, it differs from all other known images of Vasudhara because of the four Tathagatas represented in her crown. The Vairocana is in front, while
Amitabha is at the back. The two Tathagatas on the sides are Ratnasambhava and Amoghasiddhi. The thunderbolt emerging from the crown most probably represents the Tathagata Aksobhya, bearing all the Tathagatas in her crown indicating her universal significance. Besides, the Los Angeles Vasudhara (Pal 1975, Fig. 42) and other Vasudhara images illustrated by Schroeder (1981, Figs. 84F, 91B and 93B), Vasudhara images of Heeramaneck collection and Cleveland Museum (Kramrisch 1964a, nos. 15 and 46), Virginia Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 47) (Gairola 1978, Fig. 2a), Cron collection Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2) and National Museum Vasudhara (Fig. 64) are elegant pieces of this period. Cron Vasudhara is the second known image bearing an inscription dated 1466/67 AD (Barrett 1957: 93). They show the popularity of the cult of Vasudhara in the Kathmandu Valley and one can assume that she was a household deity of the Newars during medieval period. This deity was already introduced in Lichhavi period as evidenced by Haniel Vasudhara (Fig. 30) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77C), but she gained popularity during medieval period only as shown by the above images. During medieval period, another deity, Prajnaparamita, goddess of Transcedental Wisdom, also became popular among the Buddhist Newars as evidenced by the images of this period: the Virginia Museum Prajnaparamita (Gairola 1978, Fig. 4a), Humphreys Prajnaparamita (Barrett 1957, Fig. 6), Cleveland Prajnaparamita (Pal 1974, Fig. 239) and Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita (Fig. 67) are examples of this deity. In this period, the worship of many other Sakta goddesses in various forms also came in practice. From 14th/15th centuries
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onwards, a new deity in Shaiva divinities, Manmanesvari, appeared in the royal prasasti of most of the Malla rulers as shri manmanesvarista devata varalabdha prasadita (to have blessed them with her favours) (Regmi 1965: 347). Though this goddess Manesvari was unknown to the Lichhavis, there is a mention of Manesvara in the Kathmandu Harigaon inscription of Amsuvarma (Vajracjharya 1973: 320, Inscription no. 77) 89 . Due to lack of evidence, it can not be asserted that the Lichhavi male deity Manesvara was later converted to female goddess Manesvari in the medieval period. But the possibility may not be denied. Manesvari became the istadevi (personal deity) and kuladevata (deity of the clan), a tutelary deity of the royal Malla family as evidenced by numerous inscriptions and manuscripts of the period. Another new deity Jhankesvari became a tutelary deity of the feudatories of Pharping (south of Kathmandu) during early medieval period as shown by the Pharping stella of 1407 AD of the temple of Jhankesvari. The Pharping feudatories felt honoured in addressing themselves as jhankeswari varalabdha prasada (as favoured by Jhankesvari) (Regmi 1966b: 42‐44, Inscription no. XLII) 90 . After 12th century, a subtle stylistic change becomes noticeable in Nepalese bronzes. The ornamentation and the modelling were not always as full and opulent. The faces began to assume a pronounced Mongoloid trait and the features were not defined as sharply and articulately as in the earlier figures. In the 13th/14th centuries, the refugee artists who fled to Nepal from Vikramasila, Nalanda and Odantapuri after the Muslim 89 90
invasion in India stayed in the Viharas of the Kathmandu Valley. The Newars who came in their contact adopted Vajrayana Buddhism. This is evident in the arts of Nepal, specially in the bronze arts. Though Tantric mode of worship was introduced into Nepal as early as in the 10th/11th century, its influence on Nepalese bronzes appears vaguely only after 13th century. The Nepalese bronzes between 14th to 17th centuries are perhaps more truly Nepali than the earlier works. They are definitely more easily distinguishable from contemporary Indian works and reveal a greater technical sophistication. Most of the Tantric bronzes belong to this period and one cannot but be impressed by the sheer technical skill of the Newar artists. From 16th century onwards, Tantrism developed in many ways, and, as a result, many deities became popular. They were given place as witnesses in the royal agreements. The goddess Taleju was invoked as witness for the first time in the royal agreement of 1621 AD that was held between the rulers of Kathmandu and of Patan (Regmi 1966: 56‐57, Inscription no. 34) 91 . Royal charters, decrees and agreements were invested with sanctity by mentioning deities at the outset, whose very names installed fear in the mind of a wrong ‐ doer, and it was believed that the tutelage of deity was believed to be necessary to avoid any mishap. From the beginning of the 16th century, because of Tantrism, some deities mainly in the field of Saktism, from both faiths of Hinduism and Buddhism, became popular. The deities like Durga or Kali, Taleju also called Tulaja and Turaja, Vajravarahi, Vajrayogini or Ugratara, Vijesvari or Vidyadhari, Dakshinakali, Mahishasuramardini, Tripurasundari, Chhinnamasta, Chandesvari,
See appendix 30 See appendix 90
91
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See appendix 91
Guhesvari, Annapurna, Mahalaksmi, and Mahasarasvati. Navadurga, Astamatrika and Dasamahavidya groups of Bhaktapur, Kathmandu and Patan respectively, became popular in the late medieval period. The increasing influence of tantrism gave a renewed importance to these female deities. The goddesses were being worshipped as divine mothers in Nepal and these goddesses are known as Azima, literally meaning as the grandmother, and have their own temples which exist even today. Images of these Matrikas were cast in bronze also as evidenced by the Prince of Wales Museum Matrika (Fig. 40), and Khandalavala collection Matrika (now exhibited in Prince of Wales Museum, Acc. No. 55.58) and many others in the private collections. Cult of Yogini or Dakini was also practised during late Medieval period as evidenced by the Yogini image found in the collection of Dr. Schinzel (Figs. 246 and 247) (Marga 1947 1(2), no. 42). The figure holds a lingam, a Shiva symbol. Hence she might be Parvati. But it has also been suggested that she is Dakani or a Yogini. In the mid‐17th century, a few more deities gained popularity. They appear not only in documents, but also in coins. The new deities Harisiddhi and Guhyesvari had been imprinted on the coins along with other deities Taleju maju, Taleju sahaya, Kumari maju, Karunamaya, Lokanatha. Such a practice of adopting the names of principal deities as legends on coins was started by King Yoganarendra Malla of Patan. Later, this was copied by the kings of Kantipur. In the coins of Yoganarendra Malla, Taleju sahaya is inscribed along with Lokanatha in one of his coins (Walsh 1973 pl. V, Fig. 10). Harisiddhi appeared on the coin of King Rajya Prakasa Malla of Patan (Walsh 1973 pl. VI, Fig. 10). In the coins of King Jayaprakash Malla of Kantipur, goddesses Guhyesvari, Taleju maju and Kumari maju are
inscribed as legends (Walsh 1973 pl. IV, Figs. 6, 10 and 12). th The 17 /18th centuries images are marked by smaller mouth with lips curving upwards at the corner. The National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44), Durga (Fig. 61), Vasudhara (Fig. 64), Cron Vasudhara (Fig. 48) (Barrett 1957, Fig. 2), Prince of Wales Museum Matrika and Bhrikuti (Figs. 40 and 55) are the prime examples of this type. th From 6 /7th centuries onward, traces of gold gilt was applied to the Nepalese bronze images to create the magical attraction of a divine aura about the image. For examples: Buddha of private collection and of British Museum (Fig. 23) (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 76E and 76G), Bickford Devi (Fig. 14) (Pal 1974, Fig. 218) and Los Angeles Amitabha Buddha (Fig. 28) (Pal 1974, Fig. 26) are of this kind. In the medieval period, this was practised to a great extent. After Lichhavi period, the Bronze Art became concentrated almost exclusively among the artistic production of the Nepalese Newars who were also artistically active throughout the Himalayan region including Tibet as well as the Chinese court. As casting artists and metal workers, the Nepalese had achieved fame for their artistic creativity during the Malla period. The countless surviving temples and shrines, which are concentrated in the Valley of Kathmandu, were almost exclusively the works of the Nepalese Newars (Levi 1925: 63‐66). Kramrisch (1964d: 39‐40) asserts that post‐9th century Nepali art was strongly influenced by the Pala art of eastern India. But in the words of Pal (1975: 14): “It is curious that the Nepali temples and monasteries did not yield a single Pala bronze. On the contrary, several Nepali bronzes have been discovered in India in and around Nalanda.”
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A comparison between Nepalese and Pala bronzes of about the 10th and 11th centuries completely belies such an assumption. Padmapani, Rockfeller Indra or even the Tara (Pal 1975, Figs. 15, 38 and 87) owe little or nothing to Pala bronzes of either Kurkihar or Nalanda. But Pala bronzes have oval faces with sharper features, and they display more naturalistic modelling as well as a conscious attempt to deviate from the Gupta models. The Nepalese bronzes, on the other hand, have rounder faces with softer features showing less concern with musculature, and they remain closer to the Gupta models (Pal 1975: 14). There is similarity between the Pala and Nepalese bronzes in respect of ornaments like bracelets and necklaces, but not in hair dress and the composition of the crown since they were made according to the tradition developed by the Newars. Moreover, in as much as bronzes from the two areas of Nepal and India have recognizable distinct patinas and finishes, the technical differences between Nepalese and Pala bronzes are self evident. What is common to both is rather the result of their common heritage for both the Pala and Nepalese styles are ultimately derived from the Kushana‐Gupta tradition, as opined by Pal. Though Tantric mode of worship was introduced in Nepal as early as the 10th/11th centuries, the Tantric influence is seen in Nepalese bronzes after 13th century. Figures having multi‐headed and multi‐armed were cast during this period, that rarely occurred during the Lichhavi period. Images of Ekadasa Lokesvara (also called Eleven‐ headed Avalokitesvara) (Pal 1975, Figs. 16 and 17), private collection Ekadasa‐ Lokesvara, having dedicatory inscription dated to 1659 AD on the lower edge of socle of the sculpture (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 103A),
a private collection Dancing Avalokitesvara with inscription dated 1698 AD (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 103G), J. Polak collection Amoghapasa (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 95E), National Museum Samvara images (Figs. 41, 42 and 43), Patan Museum Hevajra (Macdonald and Stahl 1979, Fig. 40), Hevajra of private collection (Pal 1975, Fig. 3), Prince of Wales Museum Heruka with his sakti Vajravarahi bearing dedicatory inscription dated to 1544 AD (Fig. 69), Brussels Cakrasamvara having inscription dated to 1512 AD and Christie’s Cakrasamvara with an inscription dated to 1577 AD (Schroeder 1981, Figs. 100D and 100E), Ruth Schachian Cakrasamvara bearing an inscription dated to 1709 AD (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 105B) and Freer Gallery Samvara with Nairatma (Pal 1974, Fig. 283) were the products of Tantric influence. Tantric influence is seen not only on the images of Buddhist deities, but also on the images of Shaivaite deities. Visvarupa image of Kathmandu Hanumanadhoka (Fig. 71), which was installed by king Pratap Malla of Kantipur in 1657 AD (Vajracharya and Pant 1961 III: 19)92 , Patan Kva Bahal Visvarupa (Fig. 72), Philip Goldman collection Visvarupa (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 105F), Los Angeles Bhairava with Shakti (Pal 1975, Fig. 65), National Museum Mahalaksmi (which is now kept in the store) (Waldeschmidt 1967, pl. 31) are prime examples of this type. Under Vajrayana, many fierce deities were introduced and the female deities were often represented in yab‐yum posture ‐ that is in physical union with their consorts. The cultural intercourse with Tibet also played a considerable part in the multiplication of the fierce deities who are represented in the yab‐yum posture (Krishna Deva 1984: 5).
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92
See appendix 16
Images like Samvara embracing his shakti Prajna of National Museum (Fig. 42), Prince of Wales Heruka with his shakti Vajravarahi (Fig. 69), British Museum Samvara and Nairatma, Ford Samvara and Nairatma (Pal 1974, Figs. 281 and 282), Alfanso Ossorio Navatmaka Heruka (Kramrisch 1964a, no. 29) are the elegant examples of yab‐yam figures. In this period, people began to worship the deities in their syncretic form. As a result, many images were made in bronze alongwith stone. Of the composite images combining male and female deities, most celebrated is that of Ardhanarisvara of either Shiva or Vishnu. In such a form, the left portion of the body usually shows female features pertaining to the iconography of Parvati or Laksmi and the right portion depicts male features relevant to the iconography of Shiva or Vishnu. The Ardhanarisvara form of Shiva and Parvati is referred to in Visnudharmottaram as Gaurisvara (Simha 1985: 177) and that of Vishnu and Laksmi in the document found in the Narayana temple in the Patan Swatha area as Laksmi‐Narayana, Vaikuntha‐ Kamalaja, Vasudeva‐Kamalaja, Kesava‐ Laksmi, Narayana‐Sarasvati, Govinda‐ Kanti, Padmanabha‐Dharmada and so on (Deo 1966‐68: 125‐33). The bronze sculptures representing the Ardhanarisvara form of Shiva and Parvati of Los Angeles (Fig. 214) (Pal 1974, Fig. 150) and Vishnu and Laksmi or Kamalaja of Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978, Fig. 7a), Prince of Wales Museum (Fig. 227), National Museum (Fig. 230) and private collection Laksminarayana (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 90D), are the prime examples of syncretic or composite forms of deities. Though the worship of Vishnu in various forms was known to Nepal quite early from 15th/16th centuries onwards, the cult of Krishna also became popular from same
period of 15th/16th centuries. During the time of King Siddhinarasimha Malla and Pratap Malla, temples were built, enshrining the image of Krishna in anthropomorphic form. King Siddhinarasimha Malla erected a famous Krishna Mandir in front of Patan Darbar Square – the temple was completed in the year 1637 AD (Figs. 82 and 83) (Regmi 1966a: 281). King Pratap Malla built a temple of Krishna in 1646 AD at Hanumanadhoka Darbar Square, Kathmandu and enshrined in it the golden images of Lord Krishna with Rukmini and Satyabhama (Rajbanshi 1970: 70‐72, Inscription no. 97) 93 . One Brahmana of Patan Mahadeonani constructed a temple of Gopala and enshrined in it an image there in 1643 AD (Regmi 1966a: 616). An image of Vamsagopala alongwith Gopinis was installed at Patan Kumbhesvara in 1680 AD by Kirtimangala, a second daughter of King Srinivasa Malla, and her husband Amarsimha (Tiwari et al., 1962 VI: 16‐18) 94 . There are other temples dedicated to Lord Krishna. Yogamati, daughter of King Yoganarendra Malla, built a temple Chyasingdevala enshrining the images of Radha and Krishna in 1723 AD at Patan Mangal Bazar (Regmi 1966c: 271‐274, Inscription no. 128) 95 . Images of Krishna playing flute in a dancing pose and as a child in the form of Gopala are also found. These private collection images are usually exhibited at Patan Hiranyavarna Mahavihara during the period of Sravani Purnima. Besides, most of the people also worship Krishna in Bal Mukunda form (as a child) in their private shrines. Thus Krishna was worshipped in several forms, as a child, as a cowherd (Gopala), youth in the company of Radha and as Krishna with his two consorts Rukmini and Satyabhama.
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See appendix 53 See appendix 94 95 See appendix 55 94
In this period, Bhimasena, one of the five Pandava brothers, began to be worshipped as one of the forms of Bhairava. The deity is worshipped till the present day by the traders of both Hindu and Buddhist faiths. We cannot say, however, how the worship of Bhimasena came to be associated with oneʹs prosperity in commercial pursuits. The earliest reference to Bhimasena is known from a copper plate inscription, which mentions a land granted by King Mahendra Malla in 1540 AD, to meet the expenses of daily worship of the deity. The same inscription states that, in 1564 AD, Mahendra Malla himself attended a ceremony performed in honour of Bhimasena (Regmi 1966c: 20‐21, Inscription no. 17) 96 . Pratap Malla inscribed fourteen verses describing Bhimasena’s achievements and calling him sivarupa (Vajracharya and Pant 1961 III: 15‐16) 97 . In Nepal, the story of Bhimasena shows him a mortal hero. The various scenes carved on the lintels and tympannums (torana) of the doors in the temples in Kathmandu follow the theme of the Mahabharata, in which the killing of Kichaka is prominent. No action requiring the intervention of supernatural being is depicted in the scene. After 16th century, the style becomes mannered and introverted and the creative force abandons the form to take refuge to ornamentation. In North India, the bronze tradition started languishly after the 12th century; but in Nepal, it remained vital and even creative well up to the 18th century (Pal 1975: 15). Indeed the majority of surviving Nepalese bronzes till the present day belongs to the Malla period. Another feature which appears to be a 17th/18th century development is the 96 97
See appendix 96 See appendix 97
technique of casting ornaments, crowns, scarves and lotus flower separately and then fixing them to the image. This piecemeal method of constructing an image is not confined to accessories only, but also in the making of separete body components. In many images, particularly of large ones, forearms are cast as separate units and then fitted into the elbow. Even heads are at times separately cast and then joined to the neck. The joint is concealed by a broad necklace. Such images of course are always hollow. Most of the images, particularly those of the later medieval period, are of hollow cast: the National Museum Amoghasiddhi, Sukhavati Lokesvara, Durga, Bhairava, Varahi, Vasudhara, Tara (Figs. 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64 and 65), Prince of Wales Museum Prajnaparamita, Heruka with Vajravarahi (Figs. 67 and 69), Visvarupa images (Figs. 71 and 72), Ananda Bhairava and Ananda Bhairavi (Figs. 74 and 75), Kathmandu Svayambhunath Tara (Fig. 76) and Sakyamuni Buddha (Fig. 226) are of this type. But there are also many small images of the later date, they are cast solid; the National Museum Padmapani (Fig. 44) and Vasudevakamalaja (Fig. 230) are also of this type. The major ethnic group settled in the Kathmandu Valley was of the Newars. Many of them are Buddhists. The Nepalese art was and is primarily the creation of the Buddhist Newars of Patan (of Kathmandu Valley). These people were responsible for the countless stone and bronze sculptures still worshipped in the Valley. These skilled Nepalese artists not only fulfilled orders for both Buddhists and Hindus of Nepal, but also from as early as the 7th century and especially during the early Malla period, they occupied an important artistic position in Tibet and China too. The Newar artists are still employed by the Tibetans and many
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Newars live in Tibet either as traders or as artists. Some of them have stayed there and are married with the Tibetan women. The children of their mixed marriages are called Udashas (uraya). These urayas, who are mainly engaged in trade and commerce, took many bronze images from Nepal and installed them in the temples and gumbas, monasteries, in Tibet. Occasional statements have been made to the effect that Nepalese art from the 16th century onwards was subject to stylistic influence by the Tibetan art. But images cast by Nepalese Newars, regardless to their place of manufacture, may be considered as Nepalese or Newar art and obviously not as Tibetan art. The stylistic influence of Nepalese art together with the fact that many of the Nepalese Newar statues cast for the Tibetan patrons, may give the impression that Nepalese art was influenced by Tibetan art. But the Nepalese artists well understood the necessity to meet with any iconographical specifications of the patrons by whom they were commissioned and they executed those orders in their native style. Till now, Tibetan art styles can be seen in Nepalese bronzes, which are to be exported to Tibet. So Tibetan art owes its inspiration to the Nepalese and the Nepalese art was definitely superior to that of the Tibetan as
stated by N. R. Ray (quoted by Regmi 1965: 617). Thus the aesthetic qualities of Nepalese bronze images have changed greatly. The earlier images are almost invariably well cast, possess mass and volume and have full, broad, plastically rendered faces. The later period images tend increasingly towards elegance and decorativeness. Some of them are very pretty, but they lack the plastic sense of the earlier work. In this later medieval period, an enormous number of images were produced, many of them were well executed, but they did not have graceful and artistic values. The carving of an image was no longer a creative art but a repetitive performance where the formula had become stale and lifeless as evidenced by Tathagata Amitabha of private collection having inscription on the pedestal dated to Samvat 843 (1723 AD) (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 107D). The stylistic sources in north India as far as sculptural art is concerned, to some extent, faded after the Muslim invasion. Yet, until the 16th century, the Newar artists continued to create work of quality and originality perhaps motivated by increasing national awareness. Thereafter, however, the tradition was nearly exhausted and no new impetus, either internal or external, was found to guide it in new directions.
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V Conclusion While winding up, I may state thus: Art and literature are the expressions of the man’s experiences, expressions and feelings. As regards history and culture, various activities of the rulers and ruled, scholars and men of literature concerning politics, art, architecture and other creative expressions provide background for the elaboration and illustration of history. As regards the present study of Nepalese bronzes, a systematic survey of the bronze art has been made in historical perspective. Bronze art occupies a pre‐eminent position in the art history of both India and Nepal. Indus or Harappan Civilization (3000 to 1800 BC) indicates the beginning of the tradition of bronze arts in India. Among the metal objects unearthed from excavations at Mohenjo‐daro Harappa and several other sites, the figures of dancing girl from Mohenjodaro are the earliest sculptures to have been cast by Cire‐Perdue or Lost wax process ‐ the process was also adopted in bronze art of later periods. Due to the lack of sufficient exploration and excavation activities and scientific research in Nepal, the history of bronze art does not go back to the period before the Lichhavis. The civilization itself began in Nepal with the draining out of the water of Kathmandu Valley and appearance of different kinds of flora and fauna and gradual increase in the habitat of the people was made. A more visible development of art and architecture, sculptures and stone images can be seen in the Malla period. However, there is no denying the fact that the Lichhavi period
made a modest beginning of the bronze art along with the tradition of stone art. Studies of bronze art of Nepal have been carried out by A. K. Coomaraswamy, Gautamvajra Vajracharya, U. Von Schroeder, Marry S. Slusser, Pratapaditya Pal, Stella Kramrisch, Duglos Barrett and Karl Khandalawala. Though they assign different periods of the development of bronze art, most of the scholars like Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Schroeder Slusser and Pal agreed that the history of bronze casting can be traced to as early as the 5th century of the Christian era. One of the earliest images that resembles with the Gupta bronze Buddha of India is the image of a standing bronze Buddha dated to Samvat 513 (591 AD) preserved in the Cleveland Museum, USA. Equally important images are the undated bronze Vishnu image of Changunarayan of the 4th century and the Buddha images of Sankhu of the early 7th century and of Tukan Bahal. The discovery of silver and copper coins in the excavations at Tilaurakot in the western Tarai of Nepal suggests the possibility of an older beginning of bronze art in Nepal. The bronze casting in Nepal has been heavily influenced by the styles of the Gupta and the Pala arts of India. In Nepal, it is only from the 5th century onwards along with the Manadeva I’s Changunarayana pillar inscription, we see the development of bronze art through the dated inscriptions, copper coins, dated images. Mananka coins of Manadeva I stand first in the history of coins to trace the development of bronze art. During the reign of Amsuvarma (early 7th century AD) also, there was development of bronze art. During his time, Nepal used to export objects like iron and copper goods to
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India and images of Maitreya, Aksobhya and Arya Tara to Tibet. The most ancient and developed form of bronze art is supposed to be the image of Minanath Lokesvara of Tangal Tole, Patan – that has been related to Amsuvarma. Chinese accounts after the visit of Chinese travellers to Nepal during the 5th and 7th centuries also indicate that Nepalese people were highly skill ful in the metal work. The 11th/12th century saw the rise of Malla dynasty In Nepal. The Malla period is the developed age of the bronze art of Nepal. Indian character in style and technology of bronze art was predominant during the Malla period. During this period, Tantrism, Buddhist pantheon, monastic orders, floral and geometrical designs, gilt bronze, images on the Tantra were in vogue. Newar artists in the Kathmandu Valley were strongly influenced by the Pala and Sena styles of India – these styles were also adopted by the Tibetans and the Chinese artists from these Newar artists. Nepalese bronze art, therefore, has received foreign influence which was adopted and transmuted with moderations by the indigenous artists. From the study of the bronze art from the ancient to the present periods, we come to the conclusion that there are ample accounts, statements of the chronicles and inscriptions providing evidences of the techniques and methods, artistic activities and achievements. Most of the activities were due to the cultural and religious contacts with the artists and people of India, China and Tibet. The tradition of casting of bronze images in Nepal has gone through changes over the centuries. All the images are dedicated to religion and because of them aesthetic value, artistic vigour and taste, they constituted a unique style. However, further study is required to find out the authentic historical background and importance of the Nepalese bronze art,
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because anyone’s research can’t be termed as final on the subject. Findings 1. The main techniques of Nepalese bronze art applied by the Newar artists of Kathmandu Valley, especially of Patan, is Cire‐Perdue or Lost Wax process following the very ancient technology of India known as Madhuchhistavidhana. This technology is still practised in Nepal. 2. The technique of Indian artists was and is applied by the Newar artists, though they claim of having their own technology. 3. Unlike the solid casting of the south Indian artists, the Newar artists mostly produced hollow casting, which is the process mostly applied by the present eastern Indian artists. The Chinese visitor’s surprising note that “there are sculptures to astonish you” might indicate the repousse art and sculpture that covered the temples. 4. The technique applied to paste gold or gilding in the bronze image is purely Newar artists’ own contribution. The ancient Indian artists used astadhatu (amalgam of eight metals) in scientific proportions, but the Nepalese artists hardly used astadhatu; Nepalese rather after cheselling the work, applied gold dust and gold by other technique. For the last few hundred years, they are using mercury. This process was described in detail in subsequent chapter. 5. The inlaying of semi‐precious stones on the image was practised in Nepal only after development of trade‐link with Tibet. Early images lack these precious stones; but those after 8th/9th centuries use of semi‐pricious stones like raw crystal, polished crystal, topaz, torquoise, raw ruby, quartz, etc., was begun.
6. Stylistic changes took place between the Lichhavi and Malla bronzes. During post‐ Lichhavi period, after the Muslim invasions, many artists from eastern India viz., Nalanda and Vikramshila Universities came to Kathmandu Valley as the refugees. They brought with them contemporary Indian styles and gods; We can cite Vasudhara, Jambhala (a Buddhist term for Kuvera, god of wealth), Dipankara Buddha, the conception of Adi Buddha ‐ Vajradhara, Prajna and so on in this context. In the medieval period, because of tantric influence, male deities like Samvara, Cakra Samvara, Prajnaparamita, Heruka, Hevajra, Ganesh, etc., are seen placed together with their Shaktis (consorts), 7. The Nepalese artists introduced new characteristic features. They provided yajnopavita (sacred thread around body) even to Lokesvara and Boddhiosattvas. 8. N. R. Banerjee listed nine characteristic features of the Lichhavi art viz., ornately elaborate hair style, proportionate limbs, plastic and mobile body, slenderness of waist, moderately exaggerated hips, restrained ornaments, not too plumb breasts and decorated and diaphanous drapery. The special features of both the ages (ancient and medieval) may be enlisted as: religious in nature; slenderness of the waist; moderately exaggerated lower limbs; facial structure during the Lichhavi period is of the Gupta style, and the Pala style in the medieval period. There is simplicity in the Lichhavi bronzes against heavy ornamentation in the art objects of the medieval period. Lichhavi bronzes look like real, alive, lively, mobile and plastic in character. 9. Many devotee images of the medieval period found in and around Kathmandu Valley are portrayed in the anjuli mudra (devotional posture to deities); but this
nature is not available in art works of the Lichhavi period. The devotes’ images were depicted by the Lichhavis only in the form of the Garuda (kept kneeling down with folded hands above). All the above factors enriched the Nepalese art both in theme and quality. Problems The author had to face some problems during her study. Many images, referred to by scholars in their works, either from private or public places, could not be located. They are either stolen or destroyed. Many international institutions, including the cultural sections of UNESCO, government organizations like Interpole are working hard to stop the art theft, robbery and removal from one country to another. Most of the art objects in Nepal are in private collections – rarely shown to others. Not only that, the Government of Nepal does not have even proper catalogues of the art works of private collections. The aristocratic and priestly families of Bhaktapur and Lalitpur have thousands of pieces of art works ‐ they are not properly studied. Our traditional Guthi system (guided by religious motives) allows only the most senior citizens known as thakali or a special priest, to worship and take care of those art works. The researcher found in many places that the thakali himself replaced the new statues and misused with possibility to the old ones by selling or smuggling. The poverty and ignorance are the main factores that cause loss of hundreds of art objects almost every year. A few hundred dollars are regarded as a good amount of money and the owners sell the antiques.
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Suggestions 1. The Government, NGOs and INGOs have to work hard to increase the awareness of the people about the value of the centuries old art objects. The people should be properly educated to preserve their art objects. Once they understand how useful these things are to the country and to the future generations, they would stop selling or exchanging these art objects with modern electronics. 2. The government and other related organizations should convince the owners about need of photographs of every art object and preparing for proper catalogue of them, so that in case of theft and smuggling, necessary action can be taken. 3. If education and persuasion fail, there should be a strong law against art smuggling. Even though we have a law, it is not properly implemented. So the law should be strong and be properly implemented. 4. The donors should be encouraged to donate their valuable art objects to museums, universities and other institutions for safe stock and study. These donors have to be socially recognized for their donations. 5. The traditional technique is time consuming, sometimes not bringing enough rewards; so there must be some traditional schools to enrol apprentices with certain amount of scholarship for training, so that they would be interested to learn their inherited skill.
6. For bronze art objects, raw materials like wax, coal, charcoal, wood, metals and crucibles are needed; most of these materials have to be imported only against payment of heavy duties to customs authorities. Besides, prices too of these materials don’t remain stationary. So it becomes difficult to manufacturers to meet consumers’ demand. Also, there is no big market for their crafts at home. The manufacturers depend on foreign markets. What becomes clear is that the materials so needed be made available easily. Easy access for procurement is also needed. Market facility both to procure raw materials and also to dispose of finished goods is equally needed. For promotion of sales at home and abroad, market information on customer choice are to be made available either by the government or by organizations like Chamber of Commerce and Federation of Nepalese Chamber of Commerce and Industries. For such an activity, Trade Production Centre, Overseas Trade Organization, Federation of Nepal’s Industries and Commerce, etc., have now to be revamped to come forward. 7. Occasionally, there should be an exhibition of traditional crafts; they should be properly judged, evaluated and best ones should be rewarded properly. The above points would encourage traditional artists to produce high quality pieces and help the country to protect its cultural heritage.
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APPENDICES Nos. 1 and 2 Extracted from the inscription of king Vasantadeva dated 513 AD situated at Kathmandu Jaisidevala Lhugal tole. This inscription was published by Late Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. No. 3 Extracted from the Kathmandu Hanumandhoka inscription of king Amsuvarma. Date is not seen in this inscription and was published by Late Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. Nos. 4 and 33 Extracted from the pillar inscription of Changunarayana dated 464 AD, erected by king Manadeva I. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. Nos. 5, 7, 20, 35 and 38 Extracted from the Amsuvarmas’ Changu inscription dated 607 AD attached to the golden kavaca of Garudashana Vishnu idol of Changunarayana temple. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. No. 6 Extracted from the inscriptions dated 608 AD of Bhatuwal and Tistung (west of kathmandu), installed by Amsuvarma. These inscriptions were published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. Nos. 8 and 29 Extracted from the Patan Bungmati inscription installed by Amsuvarma dated 605 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. No. 9 Extracted from the joint inscription of king Sivadeva I and Amsuvarma dated 604 AD, laying at the road side of Lele village, Patan. It
was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. Nos. 10 and 21 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of bronze Vishnu (location unknown) dated 748 AD For the first time Pratapaditya Pal had published the photograph in vol. 25 of Archives of Asian Art and with the help of Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Dhanavajra Vajracharya had published the inscription in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. No. 11 Extracted from the two inscriptions, one of Gokarna (south of Kathmandu) installed by Amsuvarma (date is not seen) and of Gorkha (east‐west of Kathmandu) installed by king Sivadeva II dated 698 AD This inscription was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha. Nos. 12, 40, 63 and 67 Extracted from the inscription attached to a temple at Kathmandu Itumbahal dated 1382 A.D installed by a Feudatory Jayasimharama Vardhana. It has been published by Sankara Man Rajbanshi in 1970 in Kantipur Shilalekha Succi. Nos. 13 and 68 Extracted from the copper plate inscription attached to the front wall of the main shrine of I‐ ba‐bahi monastery of Patan dated 1427 AD It has been published by Dilli Raman Regmi in 1966 in Medieval Nepal Part III. Nos. 14, 52 and 69 Extracted from the inscription attached to a temple of Bhaktapur Tripurasundari dated 1468 AD It has been published by D. R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in the year 1966. No. 15 Extracted from the copper plate inscription in the collection of Kathmandu Pashupatinath dated 1441 AD This inscription has been
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published by D.R. Regmi in 1966 in Medieval Nepal Part III. Nos. 16, 74, 75 and 92 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of Visvarupa idol of Kathmandu Hanumandhoka, that is generally exhibited during Indrra yatra which was istablished by king Pratap Malla in the year 1657 AD. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part III by Gautamvajra Vajracharya and Mahesh Raj Pant in 1961. Nos. 17 and 79 Extracted from the pedestol inscription of Ananda Bhairava idol of Hanumandhoka, that is generally exhibited during Indra yatra which was installed by Bhuvanlaksmi in the year 1702 AD The inscription has been published in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar by Gautamvajra Vajracharya in 1976. Nos. 18 and 19 Extracted from the inscriptions attached to the doorjambs of Hanuhandhoka Taleju temple. Here the date are given 1691 and 1692 AD respectively. These inscriptions has been published by G. Vajracharya in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar in 1976. No. 22 Extracted from two inscriptions of phallus of linga installed by Kshemasundari and Gunavati at Lazimpat, Kathmandu dated 468 and 497 AD respectively. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kakako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 23 Extracted from the Pashupati Suryaghat inscription of the phallus of linga installed by Vijayavati in 505 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 24 Extracted from the Vishnupadukaphedi (north of Kathmandu, near Buddhanilakantha temple) inscription installed by king Mamadeva I in the year 474 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in 1973 in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha.
No. 25 Extracted from the inscription of Ratnasangh lying on the ground nearby the pemple of Pashupati Deopatan Daksninamurti dated 477 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 26 Extracted from the Sivalinga inscription of Ratnasangh dated 480 AD, established in the courtyard of the house, north to the Ratnesvara Sivalinga temple. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. NO. 27 Extractyed from the phallus inscription dated 491 AD held as a pedestal of trishul (trident), that was erected to the north of Pashupatinath temple in the courtyard which was commemorated by Jayalambha. This inscription was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 28 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of the Sivalinga lying in the north‐east corner of Pasupatinath temple, which was erected by Dhruvasangh in the year 543 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973 Nos. 30, 36, 54 and 89 Extracted from the inscription attached to the dabali of Thatole at Kathmandu Harigaon installed by Amsuvarma in the year 609 AD. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 31 Extracted from rhe Patan Yag bahal Inscription installed by king Narendradeva in 677 AD. This inscription was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 32 Extracted from the Pashupati inscription dated 733 AD situated at south‐east corner of the Pashupatinath temple, erected by king Jayadeva
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II. It was published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 34 Extracted from the pedestal inscriptions of Trivikrama Vamana idols of Pashupati Tilganga and Lazimpat which were erected by king Manadeva I in the year 467 AD. These inscriptions were published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 37 Extracted from the inscriptions of Kathmandu Yangalahiti and Bhringaresvara which was installed by Vishnu Gupta in 640 and 641 AD respectively. These inscriptions were published by Dhanavajra Vajracharya in Lichhavi Kalako Abhilekha in 1973. No. 39 Extracted from the pedestal of Gauri of Pashupati Deopatan installed by Vijayapala in the year 1206 AD. This inscription has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part II by Ramjee Tiwari, Dhanavajra Vajracharya,Devi Prasad Bhandari, Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Bholanath Poudel, Mahesh Raj Pant, Shankar Man Rajbanshi and Nayanath Poudel in 1961. No. 41 Extracted from a stele in the courtyard of Pashupatinath temple dated 1413 AD which was installed by king Jyotir Malla. This has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 42 Extracted from the stone inscription on the platform of the temple Naudevala at Kathmandu Bhedasing, commorated by Devidas Chikuti in 1675 AD. It has been publushed by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part IV in 1966. Nos. 43 and 60 Extracted from the inscription attached to the wall of the Bhandarkhal, Patan installed by king Srinivas Malla in the year 1676 AD. This inscription has been published by Ramjee Tiwari, Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Devi Prasad Bhandari, Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Bholanath
Poudel, Mahesh Raj Pant, Shankhar Man Rajbanshi and Nayanath Poudel in Abhilekha‐ Sangraha Part VI in 1962. No. 44 Extracted from the Mahadeva temple inscription of Banepa (east of Bhaktapur) which was established by king Bhupatindra Malla in 1768 AD. It has been published in Bhaktapur Shilalekha Succi by Sankar Man Rajbanshi in 1963. No. 45 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of Uma‐ Mahesvara in a small temple at Ganchanani, Patan which was installed by two kings Rudradeva and Bhojadeva in 1012 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 46 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of an image of Uma‐Mahesvara in a temple close to Kva bahal, Patan which was installed by king Gunakamadeva in 1187 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 47 Extracted from the socle of an image of Uma‐Mahesvara lying on the wall at the north‐ eastern corner of the temple precinct of Satyanarayana at Harigaon, Kathmandu dated 1414 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 48 Extracted from the inscription attached in the pati in front of a pond at Talachchhen Tole, Bhaktapur. This inscription was installed by Ramhari Bharo along with his wife Laksmi in 1708 AD. It has been published in Bhaktapur Shilalekha Succi by Shankar Man Rajbanshi in 1963. No. 49 Extracted from the stone pillar inscription erected in front of the main entrance of Tilmadhava temple at Taumadhi Tole, Bhaktapur which was installed by king Anandadeva in 1163 AD. It has been published
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by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 50 Extracted from the inscription attached to the wall of the Bhandarkhal, Patan, was installed by king Srinivas Malla in the year 1676 AD. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part II by Ramjee Tiwari, Dhanavajra Vajracharya and others in 1961. Nos. 51 and 57 Extracted from the inscription of Jaya Sthiti Malla, installed in the precinct of the Kumbhesvara temple at Patan dated 1392 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. Nos. 53 and 93 Extracted from the inscription of Hanumandhoka Krishna temple which was erected by king Pratap Malla in the year 1649 AD. This inscription has been published by Shankar Man Rajbanshi in Kantipur Shilalekha Succi in 1970. Nos. 55 and 95 Extracted from the inscription of Yogamati lying on the platform of the temple Chyasindevala at Mangal bazar, Patan dated 1723 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part IV in 1966. No. 56 Extracted from the pedestal inscriptions of Hanumana and Narasimha images installed by king Bhupatindra Malla in the year 1698 AD at Malatichowk, Royal Palace, Bhaktapur. These inscriptions are published in Abhilekha‐ Sangraha Part IV by Nayanath Poudel in 1961. No. 58 Extracted from the copper plate inscription attached to the eve of the roof of the temple of Taleju at Kathmandu which was commemorated by king Pratap Malla. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part IV in 1966. No. 59 Extracted from Pashupati inscription of king Pratap Malla rected in the year 1655 AD. This
inscription has been published by G. Vajracharya and Mahesh Raj Pant in Abhilekha‐ Sangraha Part III in 1961. No. 61 Extracted from the copper plate inscription attached to the main shrine at Nhaika Bahil at Kathmandu which was installed by king Jaya Sthiti Malla in 1388 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 62 Extracted from the copper plate inscription attached to the wall of the main shrine of U‐ba‐bahi, Patan dated 1381 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Napal Part III in 1966. No. 64 Extracted from the inscription of king Pratap Malla dated 1663 AD established under the bridge of river Vishnumati at Kathmandu. It has been published in Kantipur Shilalekha Succi by Shankar Man Rajbanshi in 1970. No. 65 Extracted from the inscription of king Srinivas Malla dated 1676 AD installed in the temple of Matsyendranath at Bungmati, Patan. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval nepal Part IV in 1966. No. 66 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of Dipankar Buddha idol of Guitabahil, Patan. The date is not seen here. This inscription has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 70 Extracted from the copper plate inscription attached to the front wall of the main shrine of Visvakarma Vihara at Kathmandu dated 1429 AD installed by Tejpal and his brother Anantaraj Pal during the reign of king Yaksya Malla. It has been published by D.R.Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966 No. 71 Extracted from the copper plate inscription during the reign of king Ratna Malla, attached to
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the main shrine of Kathmandu Visvakarma Vihara dated 1511 AD. It has been published by D. R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 72 Extracted from the copper plate insription of king Narendra Malla dated 1641 AD attached above the forehead of an image of Laksmi of Taleju Chowk at Bhaktapur Darbar. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part VII by Ramjee Tiwari, Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Devi Prasad Bhandari, Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Bholanath Poudel, Mahesh Raj Pant, Shankar Man Rajbanshi and Nayanath Poudel in 1962. Nos. 73 and 87 Extracted from the inscription of king Pratap Malla installed in the courtyard of Pashupatinath temple in the year 1655 AD. It has been published by Shankar Man Rajbanshi in Kantipur Shilalekha Succi in 1970. Nos. 76 and 83 Extracted from the stone pillar inscription of king Pratap Malla dated 1664 AD erected in front of the Taleju temple at Hanumandhoka Trishula Chowk. It has been published by G. Vajracharya in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar in 1976. No. 77 and 83 Extracted from the stone pillar inscription of king Pratap Malla dated 1670 AD erected in front of Degutaleju temple at Hanumandhoka. It has been published by G. Vajracharya in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar in 1976. No. 78 Extracted from the inscription of king Pratap Malla dated 1668 AD engraved on the Vajra amd Mandala. It has been published in Abhilekha‐ Sangraha Part III by G. Vajracharya and Mahesh Raj Pant in 1961. Nos. 80 and 86 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of one of the golden statues that are generally exhibited during Navaratri at Bhaktapur Taleju Chowk. Those statues were installed by king Bhupatindra Malla in 1709 AD. This inscription has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part
XI by Ramjee Tiwari, Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Devi Prasad Bhandari, Gautamvajra Vajracharya, Bholanath Poudel, Mahesh Raj Pant, Shankar Man Rajbanshi and Nayanath Poudel in 1963. Nos. 81 and 85 Extracted from the copper plate inscription of Lalamati dated 1709 AD installed at Bhaktapur Taleju Chowk. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part VII by Dhanavajra Vajracharya, G. Vajracharya and others in 1962. No. 82 Extracted from the pedestal inscription of Chaturbahu Narayana idol dated 1722 AD preserved in the store room of Changunarayana temple. It has been published by Mohan Prashad Khanal in Changunarayana ko Aitihashik Samagri in 1983. No. 84 Extracted from the stone pillar of Parthivendra Malla dated 1682 AD erected in front of the Taleju temple at Hanumandhoka Trishula Chowk. It has been published by G. Vajracharya in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar in 1976. No. 88 Extracted from the inscription of the water conduit of Hanumandhoka Mohan Chowk which was erected by king Pratap Malla in the year 1652 AD. This inscription has been published by G. Vajracharya in Hanumandhoka Rajdarbar in 1976. No. 90 Extracted from the inscription installed outside a dilapidated temple at Pherping Kochhu Tole dated 1407AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 91 Extracted from the copper plate inscription of Taleju temple, Kathmandu dated 1621 AD. It has been published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part III in 1966. No. 94 Extracted from the inscription of Kirtimangala dated 1680 AD. attached to the temple of
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Vansagopala at Kumbhesvara, Patan. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part VI by Dhanavajra Vajrachrya, G. Vajracharya and others in 1962. No. 96 Extracted from the copper plate inscription dated 1564 AD in the possession of Panna Lal of Bhimasenasthan, Kathmandu. It has been
published by D.R. Regmi in Medieval Nepal Part IV in 1966. No. 97 Extracted from the inscription of king Pratap Malla dated 1655 AD erected at Kathmandu Bhimasena temple. It has been published in Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part III by G. Vajracharya and Mahesh Raj Pant in 1961.
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GLOSSARY Abhaya Mudra :
a gesture of protection and assurance. Any hand showing this mudra should be slightly elevated and bent with the palm turned outward, the fingers being outstretched and elevated. Anjuli Mudra : both the hands folded in namaskar mudra Ayudhas : emblems of the deities. Bahal : monastery. Bahidya Boyegu : bringing the deity out of the sanctum, mostly of Buddhist tradition. Bayi one of the common bracelets, worn by the Newar ladies specially during wedding ceremony. Bhanga : bending posture. Bhujabandha : a kind of serpent alike armlet Chu Paun : very sourish substance used in pickle or souse. Dabali : a raised platform of brick or stone mostly square in plan designed for traditional mask dances and to stage the religious dramas during Malla period. Dakini : female adept; a type of yogini. Dakshina : gift to the Brahmana mostly of coins. Dharmachakr hold the interlaced hands in Mudra : a rotating motion. It signifies teaching and refers to the preaching of Buddha’s first sermon in Deer Park at Saranath. Dya Dekegu a guideline manuscripts to Saphu : the artist to cast various images of deities. Dhoti : lower garment. Hiti Manga : water conduit of stone with the head of a makara (crocodile). Jantra : amulet with charms against evil.
Jatamukuta
crown of chignon. The hair tied up above the head in matted lock. Jatra festival. Jha Kayegu cleaning of dirt and bringing the brightness of the metal. Ka Paun wine (alcohol) fomentation residue. Kamarbandha waistband. Karandaka a rectangular type of crown. Katibandh waistband. Khalu sin wooden instrument used for embossing the metal. Kirita Mukuta an oval shaped crown with a diadem. Kirtimukha a face of a lion on the diadem of the crown of the deity. Kundala ear ring, mostly round. Kwapa: dya: main deity of the sanctum ‐ usually the term used in Buddhist monasteries. Lakshana form ‐ characteristic feature. Lun Hiti golden water conduit. Mandala psycho‐cosmic diagram. Usually a circular. Mudra gesture/posture or formation of fingers of hand. Mukuta crown. Mu chukka main courtyard Mundamala a garland made of human skull. Nagapasa a noose of snake. Pati inn, raised for the travellers and pilgrimages. Pauju paujeb, thin and light anklet. Prabha, Prabhamandala aura, nimbus. Prasasti eulogy. Ramtilak ochre colour. Sachika cotton thread ribbon that is kept on hair for decoration. Sadhanas description of Buddhist deities used for
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Sadhanamala
Sakti Samabhang Sarpahara Sarpakundala Silpasastra
Sthapati
Tolan
Tutibaggi
Tva: Khalu
iron rod or rods of various sizes used in embossing or repousing metals. Vaju armlet. Varada Mudra a gesture of charity or gift bestowing in which the hand is stretched downwards with the fingers pointed downwards and the palm turned outward. Veeja seed of plant taken as an emblem of the deity Vihara monastery. Virudhas epithet. Vitarka Mudra a gesture of argumentation showing a thumb and forefinger touching each other. Upavita deer skin worn from over left shoulder, across the body and below the right arm, coming up again at the back to the left shoulder. Usnisha the hair arranged as a crown or the lump of hair knotted on the middle of the head. Yab‐yum ‘yab’ is the honourific form of father and ‘yum’ the corresponding honourific form of mother; the combination thus signifies the joining of the male and female principles. Yajnopavita holly thread of Hindus Yatra festival
visualization and invocation. a book describing various tantric Buddhist deities and the way to meditate them. It has a collection of over three hundred sadhanas. Its original text and gist in english by B. Bhattacharya and published from Baroda University. consort, energy of a tantric deity. free standing with legs apart. a necklace made of snake. the ear ring of snake designed after a snake texts concerned with architecture, sculpture, painting, etc. artists involved in works of architecture, sculpture, painting, etc. a wooden semi circular pediment or tympannum, placed above the main entrance, and sometimes also above the windows of temples and monasteries. long oval‐shaped anklet, worn around the ankle, that is commonly practiced by the Newar ladies specially during the marriage ceremony.
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Pal, P. 1970. Vaishnava Iconology in Nepal. Calcutta: Asiatic Society. Pal, P. 1971‐72. Three Dated Nepali Bronzes and Their Stylistic Significance, Archives of Asian Art XXV: 58‐66. Pal, P. 1974. The Art of Nepal Part I (Sculpture). Leiden/Koln: E.J.Brill. Pal. P. 1975. Nepal Where the Gods are Young. New York: Asia House Gallery. Pal, P. 1978. The Ideal Image. New York: Asia House Gallery. Pal, P. 1985. Art of Nepal (A Catalogue of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art Collection). Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art in Association With University of California Press. Pandey, R. N. 1968. A Brief Survey of the Nepalese Art Forms. Kathmandu: Department of Culture / His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. Pant, N.R. 1986 (VS 2043) Lichhavi Samvatako Nirnaya (Vernacular). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy. Paudel, N.N. 1961. Abhilekha‐Sangraha Part IV. Kathmandu: Samshodhan‐Mandala. Petech, L. 1958. Medieval History of Nepal. Roma: ISMEO. Pradhan, R.B. 1990. Dhunge Dhara : A Case Study of the Three Cities of Kathmandu Valley. Ancient Nepal 116‐118: 10‐14. Prabhu, P.H. 1998. Hindu Social Organization A Study in Socio‐Psychological and Ideological Foundations. Bombay: Papolur Prakashan. Rajbanshi. S.M. (ed.). 1963. Bhaktapur‐ Shilalekha‐Suchi. Kathmandu: Department of Archaeology / His Majesty’s Government of Nepal. Rajbanshi, S.M.(ed). 1970. Kantipur‐Shilalekha‐ Suchi. Kathmandu: Department of Archaeology / His Majeasty’s Government of Nepal. Rajendra Ram. 1978. A History of Buddhism in Nepal A.D. 704‐1396. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas. Ray, A. 1973. The Art of Nepal. New Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations. Ray, N.R., K. Khandalavala and S. Gorakshkar. 1986. Eastern Indian Bronzes. India: Lalit‐kala Academy. Reeves, R. 1962. Cire Perdue Casting In India. New Delhi: Crafts Museum. Regmi, D.C. 1992. Maligaon Ka Moortilekha (Vernacular). Gorkhapatra p. 1.
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Fig. 3: Devi from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 9)
Fig. 1: Buddha from Cleveland Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74E)
Fig. 2: Vishnu from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7)
Fig. 4: Boddhisattva Maitreya in the coll. Prof. S. Eilenberg (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74F)
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Fig. 7: Garudasana Vishnu from Changunarayana temple (Khanal 1983 Fig. 11)
Fig. 5: Sivalinga from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7)
Fig. 6: Uma‐Mahesvara from Sankhu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 7)
Fig. 8: Buddha from Sankhu Vajrayogini temple, Kathmandu
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Fig. 9: Sakyamuni Buddha from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74A) Fig. 10: Sakyamuni Buddha from Pan Asian Collection (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 74B)
Fig. 11: Sakyamuni Buddha from Kimbell Art Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 75F)
Fig. 12: Vishnu from Changu repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 18)
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Fig. 13: Tara from private collection (Schreoder 1981 Fig. 75E) Fig. 15: Tara from private collection (Pal 1975 Fig. 37)
Fig. 14: Devi from Cleveland Museum (Kramrisch 1964d No. 4)
Fig. 16: Buddha or Bodhisattva Maitreya from private collection (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 77D)
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Fig. 17: Avalokitesvara from Pan‐Asian Collection (Pal 1974 Fig. 190)
Fig. 20: Zimmarman Collection Avalokitesvara (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 76D)
Fig. 19: Indra with Vajrapurush from Los Angeles County Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 75D)
Fig. 21: Buddha Maitreya of Cleveland Museum of Arts (Kramrisch 1964d no. 6)
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Fig. 22: Vajrapani with Vajrapurusha in the Coll. Pan Asian (Pal 1974 Fig. 203)
Fig. 24: Buddha from Sankhu, Kathmandu
Fig. 23: Buddha Sakyamuni of private collection (Pal 1974 Fig. 174)
Fig. 25: Indra with Vajrapurush from Doris Weiner Gallery
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Fig. 26: Vajrasattva from the St. Louis Art Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 79A)
Fig. 27: Vajrapurusha, the North Simon Foundation, Los Angeles (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 78A)
Fig. 28: Buddha from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Pal 1974 Fig. 26)
Fig. 29: Buddha Sakyamuni from the British Museum (Pal 1974 Fig. 173)
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Fig. 31: Surya or Candra, coll. of Prof. S. Eilenberg (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 79 C)
Fig. 30: Vasudhara in the Coll. Th. Haniel (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 77C)
Fig. 32: Vishnu from National Museum (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 33: Indra from Kreitman Gallery, Los Angeles (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 82C)
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Fig. 36: Devi from Newark Museum (Pal 1974, Fig. 226)
Fig. 34: Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan
Fig. 35: Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan
Fig. 37: Vishnu from Changunarayana repository, Kathmandu (Khanal 1983 Fig. 27)
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Fig. 38: Vishnu from location unknown 1052AD (Pal 1971‐72 Figs. 5&6)
Fig. 40: Matrika from Prince of Wales museum, Bombay
Fig. 39: Maitreya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 41: Samvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 42: Samvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig, 43: Samvara from National museum, Kathmandu ((curtsy Museum)
Fig. 45: Indra from Private collection (Kramrisch 1964d no. 16)
Fig. 46: Vasudhara in the Coll. Mr. and Mrs. Douglas J. Bennet, Jr. (Pal 1975 Fig. 41)
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Fig. 48: Vasudhara in the Coll. B.S. Cron, England (Barrett 1957 Fig. 2) Fig. 47: Vasudhara from Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (Gairola 1978 Fig. 2a)
Fig. 49: Shiva from Indian Museum, Calcutta (Coomaraswami 1910 Fig. 12)
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Fig. 50: Padmani from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Coomaraswamy 1927 Fig. 276)
Fig. 51: Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Bahal, Patan
Fig. 52: Manjusri from Kva Bahal, Patan
Fig. 53: Agastya from the Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago (Bolon 1991, Fig. 4)
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Fig. 54: Vishnu with Laksmi and Garuda from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 55: Bhrikuti from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 58: Amoghasiddhi from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 59: Sukhavati Lokesvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 60: Simhanada Lokesvara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 61: Durga from National Museum Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 62: Bhairava from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 63: Varahi from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 64: Vasudhara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 65: Tara from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 66: White Tara from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 67: Prajnaparamita from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 68: Bhadrakali from Virginia Museum of Arts (Gairola 1978, Fig. 10a)
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Fig. 69: Heruka with Prajna from Prince of Wales museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 70: Indra from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 71: Visvarupa of Hanumanadhoka, Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar)
Fig. 72: Visvarupa from Kva Bahal, Patan
Fig. 74: Ananda Bhairava of Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu
Fig. 76: Tara from Svayambhunath, Kathmandu
Fig. 77A: Torana without Chhepu of Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace from Bhaktapur (Krishna Dev 1984 Pl. 136A)
Fig. 77B: Torana of Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace, Bhaktapur
Fig. 75: Ananda Bhairavi of Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu
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Fig. 78: Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Royal Palace, Bhaktapur
Fig. 80: Statue of King Yoganarendra Malla on a stone pillar in front of Degu Taleju temple of Patan Darbar Square
Fig. 79: Statue of King Bhupatindra Malla on a stone pillar in front of Golden Gate from Bhaktapur
Fig. 81: So‐called Malla King from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 82: Garuda installed by King Siddhinarasimha Malla on the stone pillar in front of Krishna temple of Patan Darbar Square
Fig. 83: Close view of Garuda
Fig. 84: Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 85: Devotee from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 86: Barbed arrow‐head with a tang made of iron from Mustang (Simons 1992‐1993(130‐133): 1‐19 fig. 4:1)
Fig. 87: A stripe of bronze and iron knife blade from Mustang (Simons 1992‐1993(130‐133): 1‐19 figs. 9:1)
Fig. 88: Iron ritual object from Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(135): 51‐75 figs 16)
Fig. 89: Embossed bronze or copper sheet recovered from lower burial cave of Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(135): 51‐75 fig. 10)
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Fig. 90: Cross shaped iron object and bangles recovered from the central burial cave of Mustang. (Simons, A. et al. 1994(136): 51‐75 fig. 9)
Fig. 91: Iron spatula from Chokhopani, Mustang (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 fig. 2:1)
Fig. 92: Metal jewellary, long tubules with soldered burls made of brass and copper with traces of gilt from Chokhopani, Muktinath (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 figs. 3: 2‐5)
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Fig. 93: Bell made of brass, iron belt buckle from Mebrak, Muktinath (Simons, A. et al. 1994(137): 93‐129 figs. 21: 1, 2)
Fig. 94: Anthropomorphic Figure from Jagatpur, Kailali (Darnal 2002(150): 39‐48 fig. V)
Fig. 95A, B: Hoard of coins dating from 5th century BC to 2nd century BC from Kapilvastu (Rijal 1979: 37)
Fig. 96: Potsherds and sealing bearing the mark of Four‐Spoked Wheel from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl. XXVII, 6&7)
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Fig. 97: Hoard of coins unearthed from Kapilvastu bearing the marks of Four‐Spoked Wheel (Mitra 1972 Pl. XXVI)
Fig. 98: Gold objects unearthed from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 XLVII: B)
Fig. 99A,B: Silver beads with hollow inside, found from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLIV: 22)
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Fig. 100A,B: Copper beads found from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLV: 43)
Fig. 101A,B: Miscellaneous copper objects and bronze vessels from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 Pl XLVIII: 1‐3)
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Fig. 104: Various types of iron objects and weapons from Kapilvastu (Regmi 1979 Fig. 27)
Fig. 102: Iron ore from Kapilvastu (Kunwar 2008: 9 Fig. 72)
Fig. 105A,B: Miscellaneous iron objects from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 pl L, p: 151 Fig. 31)
Fig. 103A,B: Iron nails from Kapilvastu (Mitra 1972 pl XLIX, p: 149 Fig. 30)
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Fig. 106: Bronze figures of Boddhisattva and Devotee unearthed from Lumbini (Mitra 1972: 203 Pl CXXVIII)
Fig. 108: Garuda Narayana from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 24)
Fig. 107: Vamana from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig.16)
Fig. 109: Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 28)
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Fig. 110: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 30)
Fig. 112: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 32)
Fig. 111: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 31)
Fig. 113: Shridhara Vishnu from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 33)
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Fig. 114: Garuda from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 26)
Fig. 116: King Yaksha Malla from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 34)
Fig. 115: Lakshmi from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 35)
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Fig. 117: King Pratap Malla and his queens Rupamati and Lalamati from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 36)
Fig. 118: Golden image of King Bhupalendra Malla from Changunarayana courtyard (Khanal 1983 Fig. 41)
Fig. 119: Golden image of Queen Bhuvanalakshmi from Changunarayana courtyard (Khanal 1983 Fig. 42)
Fig. 120: Silver image of a devotee depicted in a form of Garuda from Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 37)
Fig. 121: Architectural fragments of metal Changunarayana repository (Khanal 1983 Fig. 13)
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from
Fig. 123: Tukan Bahal Stupa (curtsy Santa Devi Sing)
Fig. 122: Detail view of Fig. 121 (Khanal 1983 Fig. 14)
Fig. 124. Hoard of coins unearthed from Tukan Bahal Stupa excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. IV)
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Fig. 125: Lichhavi coins, few Chinese coins and some copper ingots came to light from the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl V)
FIG. 126: Chundam and Shah coins found inside the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 (150) Pl. III)
FIG. 127: Hoard of Chaityas found from the dome, Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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FIG. 130: An image within the tree roots from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
FIG. 128: Chaityas found from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 131: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
FIG. 129A,B: Bronze sculptures unearth from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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Fig. 134: Ratnasambhava Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 132: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 133: Akshyobhya from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 135: Amitabh Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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Fig. 136: Amitabh Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 138: Vairochana Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 137: Amoghasiddhi Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology).
Fig. 139: Sakyamuni Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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Fig. 140: Shiva Lokeswara from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 141: Maitreya Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 142: Dhyani Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 143: Tathagata image from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology, Shrestha 2002 Pls.VIII)
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Fig. 149: Uma‐Maheswara from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal)
Fig. 144: Buddha image from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 145: Akshyobhya Buddha from Tukan Bahal (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 159: Hoard of coins unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology).
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Fig. 160: Hoard of Chaityas unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology).
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Fig. 161: Hoard of Chaityas unearthed from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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Fig. 162: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 163: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 166: A silver rod, chhedani made of iron and a door hook found from Ramagrama stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl IX a,b,d)
Fig. 164: Bronze object unearthed from the Sinja Valley Excavation (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 165: Iron rods unearthed from Ramagrama Stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl VIII c,d)
Fig. 167: Copper coin of Kushana period unearthed from Ramagrama stupa (Shrestha 2001(148), Pl. X a,b)
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Fig. 170: Artist Mana Sakya making Torana, applying embossing technique
Fig. 168: Weapons unearthed from Vediyari, Jhapa (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
Fig. 174: The torana of Taleju temple of mu chukka, Patan
Fig. 175: Stone slabs and tools used in casting: Left: Hard stones used as a tool for beating the wax sheet; Right: Tools made from female buffaloʹs horn, used for chiseling the art objects
Fig. 169A,B,C,D: Knifes and arrowheads unearthed from Vediyari, Jhapa (curtsy Department of Archaeology)
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Fig. 176: Oven (agucha) used for making wax model
Fig. 177: Attaching the hand to the wax model
Fig. 180: First layer of coating soft clay
Fig. 178: Left: Wax model; Right: Unfinished wax model Fig. 181: Third layer of coating soft clay
Fig. 179: Attached channel (nau) or runner in the wax model
Fig. 182: Left: first layer of clay, mixed with husk and cow dung applied in the wax mould
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Fig. 186: Equipments used for holding the crucible while pouring molten metal in the clay mould
Fig. 183: Third layer of clay, mixed with husk and cow dung applied in the wax mould
Fig. 187: Tongs (sanasa:) used while pouring molten metal in clay moulds
Fig. 184: Oven (sayaga:) for baking clay moulds
Fig. 185: Crucible (bhoncha:) in which metal is melted
Fig. 188: Baking clay moulds in the oven, covered with terracotta sheet
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Fig. 189: Oven (bhonchaga:) used for melting the metal
Fig. 194: Solid metal image emerging from the clay mould
Fig. 190: Crucibles containing metal, kept in furnace for melting
Fig. 195: One of the artists, who work on gilding
Fig. 192: Clay mould dipped in water in a bucket after it cool down
Fig. 196: Equipments required for gilding purpose
Fig. 193: Breaking the clay mould after taking it out of water
Fig. 198: Artist making gold paste
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Fig. 203: Object being brushed by a small brush
Fig. 199: Prepared gold paste, which looks like silver
Fig. 204: Artist washing the object after brushing is done
Fig. 200: Artist applying gold paste on the object
Fig. 206: Cleaning the object with brush, after giving heat
Fig. 201: Images look like of silver coated one after applying gold paste
Fig. 202: Artist washing an object in fresh water after applying paste
Fig. 207: White blotches indicating the presence of residual portion of the mercury
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Fig. 210: Thick herbal froth of sweat taste
Fig. 212: Vajrapani unearthed from Nalanda, now preserved in National Museum, Delhi India (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 214: Ardhanarisvara from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Pal 1974, Fig. 150)
Fig. 213: Garudasana Vishnu from Zimmerman collection (Pal 1974, Fig. 30)
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Fig. 215: Buddha Maitreya from The British Museum (Schroeder 1981 Fig. 76A)
Fig. 217: Buddha Sakyamuni from Private collection (Schroeder 1981 Figs. 74C)
Fig. 216: Tara or Devi from The British Museum (Coomaraswamy 1921 No. 6)
Fig. 218: Visvarupa Vishnu from Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) (Pal 1974 Fig. 114)
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Fig. 221: Cunda, Sold Christie’s London (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77E)
Fig. 219: Vajrapani from Stanford University Museum (La Plante 1963, Fig. 1)
Fig. 220: Avalokitesvara from The British Museum (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 77A)
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Fig. 222: Devi or Tara from Christie’s London (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 78C)
Fig. 225: Aksobhya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 223: Vajrapurush from Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Schroeder 1981, Fig. 82H)
Fig. 224: Aksobhya from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 226: Buddha from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 229: Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 227: Vasudevakamalaja from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 228: Manjusri and Prajna in the Coll. Mrs. Edgar Britton, Littleton (Pal 1974 Fig, 40)
Fig. 230: Vasudevakamalaja from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 235: Inscription near by the water conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace
Fig. 131: White Tara in the coll R.S. Sethna, Bombay (Khandalavala 1950a, Fig. 1)
Fig. 233: Water Conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace
Fig. 234: Inscription written in the water conduit from Bhaktapur Royal Palace
Fig. 236: Vishnu from Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) (Lippe 1962, Fig. 1)
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Fig. 237: Vishnu from Virginia Museum of Fine Art (Gairola 1978, Fig. 9a)
Fig. 239: Buddha, Coll. F. Neustatter (Los Angeles) (Pal 1974, Fig. 184)
Fig. 240: Indra from Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu
Fig. 238: Sakyamuni Buddha from Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 241: Maitreya from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 242: Uma‐Mahesvara in Coll. H.K. Swali (Pal 1974, Fig. 137)
Fig. 244: Devotee from National Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 243: Uma‐Mahesvara from Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Pal 1974, Fig. 138)
Fig. 245: Back view of Figure 229 (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 246: Dakini or Yogini, Coll. Dr. Schinzel (Marga 1947, 1(2): 76)
Fig. 247: Back view of Fig. 246 (Marga 1947, 1(2): 75)
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Fig. 18: Padmapani Lokesvara from Kva Fig. 44: Padmapani Lokesvara, National Fig. 56: Surya from National Museum, Bahal, Patan Museum, Kathmandu (curtsy Museum) Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
Fig. 57: Surya from National Museum, Fig. 146: Narayana from Chabahil stupa Fig. 147: Narayana from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darna) (curtsy Prakash Darna) Kathmandu (curtsy Museum)
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Fig. 150: Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper Fig. 151: Lokesvara made of copper from Fig. 152: Buddha of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal)
Fig. 153: Buddha of gold gilded in copper from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal)
Fig. 154: Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper Fig. 155: Devi or Tara from Chabahil from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal)
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Fig. 156: Lokesvara of gold gilded in copper Fig. 157: Tara of gold gilded in copper from Fig. 171: Golden window of Kumari Ghar, from Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Chabahil stupa (curtsy Prakash Darnal) Kathmandu (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar)
Fig. 172: Ganga from Mu Chuka, Patan Fig. 173: Jamuna from Mu Chuka, Patan Fig. 191: Molten metal being poured by Darbar (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Darbar (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) the artist in clay moulds
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Fig. 73: Golden Indra mounted on the Fig. 158: Vajrasattva found from inside elephant of Hamunadhoka, Kathmandu the stupa, Chabahil (curtsy Prakash (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar) Darnal)
Fig. 232: Bronze statues of King Pratap Fig. 148: Lakshmi from Chabahil stupa 197: Left: Golden ribbons cut into small Malla from Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu (curtsy Prakash Darnal) pieces for making paste; Right: Mercury (curtsy Chiniya Man Tamrakar)
Fig. 205: Artist heating the object after pasting gold
Fig. 208: An object being dipped in the herbal froth
Fig. 209: Majitho, the herb of sweat taste
Fig. 211: Artist applying gold paste on the face of an image
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