Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography: Papers from the annual meeting of SEAC (European Society for Astronomy in Culture) held in Kecskemét in Hungary in 2004 9781407300818, 9781407331171

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Introduction: Astronomy in culture
ARCHAEOLOGY
THE FIRESTAR IN CHINA: A EUROPEAN APPROACH
THE FUNCTION OF THE MINOAN OVAL HOUSE AT CHAMAIZI
THE ORIENTATION OF GREEK TEMPLES: A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
ARCHITECTURE OF LIGHT
THE ORIENTATION OF THE ‘HÜNENBETTEN’ OF LOWER SAXONY
THE DACIAN CAPITAL “SARMIZEGETUSA-REGIA” WAS SITED ACCORDING TO PRECISE ASTRONOMIC ALIGNMENTS AND PYTHAGOREAN DOCTRINES
MEGALITHIC COMPLEX AKHUNOVO – ONE OF THE MOST ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES
DOMESTIC ICONS IN THE LIFE OF MAN FROM THE NEOLITHIC AND ENEOLITHIC AGE AND THEIR ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL MEANING
ASTRONOMICAL BASIS OF THE ARRANGEMENT OF SACRAL SPACE OF THE ENEOLITHIC BURIAL MOUNDS IN THE NORTHERN PONTIC AREA (ON MATERIALS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS)
TYPOLOGY OF THE MOUNTAIN THRACE ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL SITES
THE PROBLEM OF TIME IN PREHISTORY, SYMBOL SIGNS AND TIME MEASURING
ETHNOGRAPHY
ASTRONOMY AND LANDSCAPE ON EASTER ISLAND: NEW HINTS IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOGRAPHICAL SOURCES
MONTH NAMES AND ASTRONYMS IN BULGARIAN FOLK AND LITERARY HERITAGE
WOODEN CALENDARS FROM SOUTHEASTERN BULGARIA
CELESTIAL PHENOMENA IN HUNGARIAN FOLK TRADITION
THE PLEIADES CONSTELLATION’S ETHNOASTRONOMICAL ASPECTS AND THE ROMANIAN PEASANTS
URSA MAJOR IN LITHUANIAN FOLK TRADITION
MISCELLANEOUS
STARS OF WONDER: VENUS IN THE DAYLIGHT SKY
HOW DID THE CONSTELLATION OF BEAR RECEIVE ITS NAME?
CHRONOLOGY FOR THE EGYPTIAN PHARAOHS OF THE AMARNA PERIOD AND THE ISRAELI LEADERS MOSES AND JOSHUA BY CORRELATION WITH EIGHT SOLAR ECLIPSES
GLYPHS E AND D IN THE LUNAR SERIES FROM QUIRIGUA, GUATEMALA AND COPAN, HONDURAS
COSMIC SPINNING AND WEAVING: MAKING THE TEXTURE OF THE WORLD
TYCHO BRAHE'S URANIBORG: AN ITALIAN HIGH RENAISSANCE VILLA

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BAR S1647 2007  PÁSZTOR (Ed.)  ARCHAEOASTRONOMY IN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Papers from the annual meeting of SEAC (European Society for Astronomy in Culture) held in Kecskemét in Hungary in 2004

Edited by

Emília Pásztor

BAR International Series 1647 B A R

2007

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Papers from the annual meeting of SEAC (European Society for Astronomy in Culture) held in Kecskemét in Hungary in 2004 Edited by

Emília Pásztor

BAR International Series 1647 2007

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1647 Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography © The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2007 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9781407300818 paperback ISBN 9781407331171 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407300818 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2007. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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In honour of Curt Roslund, Gothenburg University

CONTENTS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

ARCHAEOLOGY Katalin Barlai, B. Lukács: The Firestar in China – A European approach. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Mary Blomberg and Göran Henriksson: The Function of the Minoan oval house at Chamaizi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Efrosyni Boutsikas: The orientation of Greek temples: a statistical analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 George Dimitriadis: Architecture of light. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 A. C. González-García and L. Costa Ferrer: The orientation of the ‘Hünenbetten’ of Lower Saxony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Franz Kerek: The Dacian capital “Sarmizegetusa-Regia” was sited according to precise astronomic alignments and Pythagorean doctrines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Andrey Kirillov and Fyodor Petrov: Megalithic complex Akhunovo – one of the most ancient observatories . . . . . . . . 43 Ivelina Miteva, Mina Stoeva, Penka Muglova, Milen Mitev, Alexey Stoev: Domestic icons in the life of man from the Neolithic and Eneolithic age and their archaeoastronomical meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Tamila Potyomkina: Astronomical Basis of Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds in the Northern Pontic Area (on materials of the archaeological excavations) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Alexey Stoev, Penka Muglova, Mina Stoeva, Ivelina Miteva: Typology of the mountain Thrace archaeoastronomical sites . . 63 Mina Stoeva: The problem of time in prehistory, symbol signs and time measuring. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

ETHNOGRAPHY Juan Antonio Belmonte and Edmundo Edwards: Astronomy and landscape on Easter Island New hints in the light of ethnographical sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Dimiter Kolev and Svetlana Koleva: Month Names and Astronyms in Bulgarian Folk and Literary Heritage . . . . . . . . 87 Vesselina Koleva: Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Szilvia Sebők: Celestial phenomena in Hungarian folk tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Florin Stanescu: The Pleiades constellation’s ethnoastronomical aspects and the Romanian peasants . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Jonas Vaiškūnas: Ursa Major in Lithuanian folk tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

MISCELLANEOUS Lajos Bartha: Stars of Wonder: Venus in the Daylight Sky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Peter E Blomberg: How did the constellation of the Bear receive its name?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Göran Henriksson: Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna period and the Israeli leaders Moses and Joshua by correlation with eight solar eclipses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

iii

Stanisław Iwaniszewski: Glyphs E and D in the Lunar Series from Quirigua, Guatemala and Copan, Honduras . . . . . . 149 Michael A. Rappenglück: Cosmic spinning and weaving: Making the Texture of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Curt Roslund, Emília Pásztor, Göran Olofsson: Tycho Brahe’s Uraniborg: An Italian High Renaissance Villa . . . . . . . . 173

INTRODUCTION Astronomy in culture

The international conference held in Hungary in August 2004 was the 12th annual meeting of SEAC (SOCIETE EUROPEENNE POUR L’ASTRONOMIE DANS LA CULTURE). This book contains the papers presented at the conference.

work has drawn the attention of a new field of science. The significance of archaeoastronomy lies in its ability to shed light on the conceptual thinking of our ancestors, and thus provide a different organising principle in the processing of archaeological data (Ruggles 1988). At the conference there were, in addition, papers presented in connection with megaliths.

Most of the presentations belong to the field of archaeoastronomy. They concern what influence celestial phenomena might have had on ancient cultures and how this impact is reflected in material, in archaeological finds. Archaeoastronomy, as an interdisciplinary branch of science and the humanities, is slowly gaining acceptance amongst archaeologists and historians of religion. This is a field where it is possible to draw on our understanding of celestial events, and to enrich our understanding of archaeological data. Archaeoastronomy can often find solutions to questions which have proved impervious to the methodology of archaeology. Naturally, this does not mean that it provides the only possible solution, but it may add to the list of possible or probable answers.

A. C. González-García and L. Costa Ferrer studied the orientations of 48 passage graves of the Funnel Beaker Culture (TRB) between the rivers Wesser and Ems, in Lower Saxony. Their chambers are orientated close to due eastwest or close to the summer solstice sunrise, which seems to differ from the TRB North group but harmonize with the orientations of TRB East group and the Alles Couverts from Brittany. Andrey Kirillov and Fyodor Petrov have conducted archaeoastronomical field research at many sites in Russia. Studying the sky knowledge of steppe people they have investigated the Bronze Age settlement of Arkaim beside the kurgan cemetery of the Sintashta and Alakul cultures and the kurgans “with moustaches” in the Trans-Ural region. The authors argue that the megaliths of the site of Akhunovo were connected with Arkaim and used for observation of the sun and moon during the period whilst Arkaim existed.

Those who are interested in this kind of research can enrich their knowledge by attending regularly organized conferences (SEAC, Oxford) and reading scientific journals (Archaeoastronomy, History of Astronomy). Also, there are several examples of organized sessions at archaeological conferences (UISPP, EAA) and the published results of archaeoastronomical research in archaeological journals. In the beginning archaeoastronomy simply meant studying the megalithic monuments of Western Europe, and its flourishing could be owed to these investigations. It is already well-known that such huge stone monuments can be found all over the world, but they do not share any religious ideas in common. They were generally built for funerary or/and ritual purposes and their mystery was heightened by the fact that in some cases there was a correlation between the orientation of the monument and a celestial event. The detailed and feverish investigations of megaliths gave birth to archaeoastronomy, a new interdisciplinary field of science. Archaeologists were astonished and sceptical to learn of the existence of such prehistoric edifices which demonstrated the incorporation of planning in the direction of certain astronomical phenomena into these structures several thousand years ago. These directions involved the rising and setting sun or moon at the horizon on special days such as the summer and winter solstices or spring and autumn equinoxes. The builders lured the rays of the rising or setting sun into the depths of tombs so that the sacral light could illuminate the walls on special days. Alexander Thom, an English engineer, who is considered the pioneer of archaeoastronomical field surveys, spent most of his life trying to prove that megaliths had also been designed for observing the sky. Although his conclusions and ideas, drawn from several thousand measurements, could not stand the test of time, his life’s

The Bulgarian team of A. Stoev, P. Muglova, M. Stoeva and I. Miteva analysed the structural elements of eight rockcut monuments in Mountain Thrace from the Eneolithic and Bronze Age. These monuments often include images of celestial phenomena as well. The authors suppose that rockcut monuments and cave sanctuaries were used for time measuring and they have a complex ideological content with solar-chthonic semantics. The empirical knowledge of natural surroundings and its phenomena accumulated by ancient peoples can most often be detected in archaeological remains with possible cult features. The celestial phenomena such as the different phases of the moon, the risings and settings of sun and stars, but some meteorological events as well, such as lightning, thundering, rainbows etc. have always had a great impression on people. There are no cultures that do not possess myths, tales about the sun, moon or stars. They populated the upper world with gods, goddesses and even strange creatures which were depicted on medieval stellar maps. Celestial events provide some foundations on which an understanding of the deeper meaning of mythologies, religious systems and even folktales can be based. These influences are reflected and are detectable in material evidence. Celestial events often exerted a great or even decisive influence on the life of ancient communities. Concepts explaining unique (e.g. appearance of comets) 

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography and periodic (e.g. solar and lunar cycles) celestial events can be found in the culture of almost every community. This process verifies archaeoastronomy to be the related branch of cognitive archaeology and thus its purpose first of all was to study the ancient ways of thinking and perception of the cosmos. If we accept that these phenomena occupied ancient people’s minds and furthermore people tried to interpret or explain them, why is it not obvious to endeavour to find traces of the impact of celestial events in archaeological finds?

for siting involves precise astronomical alignments and Pythagorean doctrines supported by the high spiritual level of the ancient Dacian. Statistics is a very important tool in archaeoastronomical research. With its help the probability of an intentional alignment with an astronomical event can be clarified. E. Boutsikas’ study is a good example of it. Her study provides a statistical analysis of the orientation of seventytwo religious and public structures in ancient Greece and seeks to examine whether they were oriented with regards to celestial bodies and celestial events that would have been visible from the site. Her generic statistical analysis showed that only a small majority of the temple orientations fall within the solar range thus the result contradicted the earlier conclusions that most of the Greek temples were oriented within 60° of due east.

There are some significant factors which raise difficulties for the full acceptance of archaeoastronomy. As its scholars are still mostly astronomers, the majority of research lacks an archaeological viewpoint and methodology, thus quite often the investigated problem becomes a mathematical exercise and the only criteria for them to receive a valuable result is the mathematical accuracy of the result. As both the day and nocturnal sky always offer some kind of celestial event, astronomers often meet the justifiable accusation that there are so many celestial events in the sky, it is not difficult to find something in this direction or, as astronomers are familiar with astronomical phenomena they unconsciously endeavour to find the expected line in the structures and certainly they always do.

The archaeoastronomical research can support cognitive archaeology on two fields: to study the symbols of timemeasuring and the relationship of people to a supernatural, transcendent world. Several presentations investigated the first, basic elements of early calendars.

It is also a serious problem, that for present-day human beings who have already broken off close relations with nature, the star-strewn sky has again become mysterious. I wonder how many archaeologists know where the sun rises on the horizon in different seasons and when it rises due east. Do they also know that the position of a rainbow is determined? Despite education, people have lost their ability to navigate by the stars. Therefore they hardly understand the scientific interpretation of celestial events. As symbol creators and enthusiasts human beings prefer solutions offered by fantasy films for interpreting the ‘mystic’ archaeological objects and structures rather than the scientific achievements which seem to be less exciting or less sensation-hunting.

M. Blomberg and G. Henriksson have been investigating the Minoan monuments on Crete island in a complex archaeoastronomical project whose results might prove a common calendar and probably also common rituals in connection with it: celebrations of the new year, the beginning and end of the sailing season, and important events in the agricultural year such as ploughing. Their present work examines the function of the Minoan oval house at Chamaizi by studying the possible orientations. K. Barlai and B. Lukács have also studied the possible connection between an astronomical event and a calendar. The ancient Chinese literature contains references to some agricultural activities and a certain Fire Star. The authors assume that a series of subsequent Fire Stars may have served as a time signal for different agricultural works from prehistoric times to the Zhou era.

All these above-mentioned reasons also influence archaeologists. Most of them are averse to mathematical formulas and as the celestial phenomena are not concrete objects, cannot be tested in a laboratory, they refute the conclusions offered by archaeoastronomical achievements as one of the possible interpretations, as pure speculation, without even making an attempt to understand.

The subject of T. Potyomkina’s research is a number of Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age burial mounds of the steppe zone in the Northern Pontic Area. The present essay is the continuation of her earlier works. Some embankments of these mounds contain the remains of vertically fixed pole structures which might also have had astronomical significance. The author argues these astronomical eventssunrises or sunsets – might have signalled the ritual ceremony organized for driving out the cattle to spring pasture. By this cult action the place also became the marker point for a future necropolis.

Some of the conference presentations dealt with the relation of the archaeological monuments to their natural surroundings. G. Dimitriadis in his paper argues that the choice of where to site a prehistoric or/and historic monument was intentional in which the orientation to a celestial event might have played an important role.

M. Stoeva deals with the philosophical problem of time in prehistory as different practices of time measuring are interwoven with the religious system of the society, with the cult rituals and with processes of reproducing and producing material wealth. 

Studying the Dacian capital “Sarmizegetusa-regia” F. Kerek called attention to the inadequacies of other hypothesis as to why the central area was placed where it was. His idea

Introduction The archaeology of cult and/or religion is one field of cognitive archaeology which is the most difficult to research. Religious ideas cannot always be clearly or explicitly detected in material. The remains of cult ceremonies cannot easily be recognized or distinguished from everyday activities. The comprehension and interpretation of prehistoric symbols by modern researchers with a completely different way of thinking are almost impossible. There is no need to reiterate the affirmation of how much archaeoastronomy can help the archaeology of cult.

In consequence, they worried about the weak winter sun. The Rösaring road might have served as a processional place at around midday at Juletide. As the site might have been covered by forest at that time too, the northern sunshine flooded the road for just 20 minutes then the sun sank again behind the trees, but this duration is enough for walking along. Another celestial phenomenon cannot be excluded from possible reasons either. The orientation might also be interpreted by the rainbow, which played a significant role in ancient Scandinavian mythology. If it rains around midsummer in late afternoon and clears up soon before sunset, a rainbow can evolve. Seen from the road the right leg of a rainbow is floating just above the hill. The symbolical meaning is strengthened in those cases when the sun is close to the horizon, thus the ends of the rainbow are glowing and often much brighter than the rest (Pásztor et al. 2000a).

M. A. Rappenglück in his paper analyses the archaic idea of making a heavenly texture by spinning and weaving. His aim is to show, with the help of archaeological finds starting from the Neolithic period, that it was an effective, long lasting model for human understanding of the cosmos. Another work of the Bulgarian team – I. Miteva and her colleagues M. Stoeva, P. Muglova, M. Mitev and A. Stoev – classified and interpreted the Neolithic and Eneolithic clay, marble and bone anthropomorphic plastic arts connected with the sky, natural processes and cycles according to the way of their use. The expression ‘domestic icon’ refers to special separation of a place for cult purposes in Neolithic homes.

The interesting light and shadow interaction at Rösaring inclined the researchers to investigate whether light and shadow play might have played any role in prehistoric cult. Studying Stonehenge seemed to be the most obvious. The archaeologists argue it was a sacred, cult place whose respect had hardly changed for centuries, millennia. The ground plan helped to develop the assumption that the midsummer sunrise might have been involved in ceremonies taking place at the site. It has been further supposed that the stone circle was built to observe the phenomenon from the inner space in the direction of the Avenue. This event however, can solely be observed standing on the axis of the horseshoe. A small step aside and the phenomenon cannot be seen in the expected way. Therefore it has been argued that the purpose of the horseshoe was to serve as such a separate ceremonial place where the light and shadow interaction stepping on the thrilitons induced by the rays of midsummer rising sun, enhanced the sacral experience of the participants. The carvings on the thrilitons also support this idea as they need the slanting light of early morning sun of midsummer to become visible, that is why they were discovered so late (Pásztor et al. 2000b).

The celestial phenomena as parts of the ancient cosmologies could have had an influence not only on creating a building but a whole town, as it is known from the Far-East or Mesoamerican examples. The aim of archaeoastronomy is not only to seek special directions hidden in analysed structures but to attempt to interpret the results or to discover the reasons. This task however, needs essential teamwork. Such teamwork also drew attention to some new features of prehistoric European beliefs. Studying the orientations of megalithic tombs in the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern area they might have managed to catch a change in the belief system. Four types of tombs with chronological continuity ranging from early to middle Neolithic, were investigated. The orientation might not have been important for early dolmen builders as the directions of the tomb axes showed hardly any regularity. The entrances of ‘enlarged dolmens’ belonging to the next phase clustered to the direction of midwinter sunrise. The passage graves of the last period, however preferred the southern direction where the highest point of the daily sun path is (Pásztor et al. 1999; 1997a).

The reason for orientating is not explicitly celestial phenomena as it has been proved by the study of Maltese dolmens. They were built in the Bronze Age witnessed by the archaeological finds. Although there were no bone remains in them they were supposed to be burial tombs because of the similar constructions on other places. Measuring their axes, they showed all directions. During the fieldwork however, it transpired that they were often set up on the hillside close to a beck and the axes roughly followed the direction of the bed. The assumption has been proved by the old hydrographic chart of the island which depicted the channels of all dried or temporary streamlets. The dolmens were built to follow the flowing water with their axes. They might have played part in water cult, serving as an altar for sacrifices in the welfare of the population for whom the water was of vital importance (Pásztor et al. 1997b).

Real interdisciplinary – archaeological, astronomical, historical of religion, architecture – teamwork led to the interpretation of the orientation of an Early Viking processional road at Rösaring, Sweden. This site is close to Stockholm on the bank of lake Mäleren, which has been respected as a sacral place for ancient times. The team argues that the approximately 450 m long stretch of road might have been aligned to the South, where the sun reaches the highest point of the daily path. This height however, changes during the year and its lowest position is at midwinter noon. It is 6º above the horizon at this site, which means the sun disc was almost sitting on the top of an artificial hill raised at the southern end of the road. The most important feast for the Scandinavians was Juletide lasting 12 days around midwinter. 

As for the Carpathian Basin, it is not so easy to convince the archaeologists of the benefit of archaeoastronomical

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography P. E. Blomberg in his linguistic essay analyses the origin of the name of the Bear constellation.

research. There are no huge standing stones raised in prehistory offering; obvious subjects to such investigations. The lack of these monuments however, does not mean automatically the lack of interest in celestial phenomena in the Carpathian Basin. It is well known, for example, that the number of such symbols, decorations called solar symbols by collective designation, increased during the Bronze Age. The growing occurrence anyhow signals a change in a belief system. Could they symbolize a genuine sun or moon cult, i.e. something involving ritual practices that may be reflected in other aspects of the material culture such as the orientation of graves or tombs, sanctuaries, or shrines, or houses? Were the astral decorations on Bronze Age artefacts real astral symbols belonging to a certain archaeological culture or cultures, or were they so generally used that their origin cannot be determined? All these questions can point to new directions to archaeoastronomical research.

G. Henriksson using eight solar eclipses tries to correlate them with the chronology of the Amarna period. S. Iwaniszewski analysed a Maya text and made calculations for their calendar. C. Roslund with his colleagues E. Pásztor and G. Olofsson have proved that the famous Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe might have built his observatory called Uraniborg, having been influenced by Italian High Renaissance. The presentations clearly prove the wide role of astronomy in culture even if the archaeoastronomy takes the leading position. Hopefully this conference book also strengthens and helps the present and future multidisciplinary cooperation among the scholars of Arts and Sciences.

The other large part of the conference presentations belong to ethno-astronomy.

Editor

The correct use of ethnographical research plays an essential role in interpreting archaeoastronomical investigations as well. This is attested by all the ethnoastronomical papers of the conference but especially by J. A. Belmonte and E. Edwards’ work, who have reinterpreted the archaeoastronomical data in light of new ethnoastronomical evidence on Easter Island. J. Vaiškūnas in his valuable essay gives detailed investigation of the Ursa Major in Lithuanian folk tradition. No doubt, in keeping the ancient European folk tradition the Lithuanian would deserve a leading position. The Romanian scholar F. Stanescu also writes about a constellation the Pleiades. Sz. Sebők presents a general picture of the celestial phenomena in Hungarian folk tradition showing how much they share with the general European heritage. The Bulgarian ethnoastronomical research is presented by Kolevi’s papers, a linguistic study of astronomy related words in the Bulgarian folk and literary heritage and the study of wooden calendars from South-eastern Bulgaria.

References Pásztor, E., Roslund, C., Nasström, B-M., Robertson, H., 2000a: The Sun and the Processional Road at Rösaring in Sweden. European Journal of Archaeology 3/1. Pásztor, E., Roslund, C., Juhász, Á., Dombi, M., 2000b: Stimulation of Stonehenge Virtual Reality in Archaeology: A book + CD-ROM edition Edited by J.A. Barceló, M. Forte and D. Sanders, Barcelona BAR International Series 843. 111-113. Pásztor, E., Roslund, C., 1999: Archaeoastronomy and its bearing on our understanding of prehistory personal account. In Jerem, E. and Poroszlai, I. (eds). Archaeology of the Bronze and Iron Age. Proceedings of the International Archaeological Conference Százhalombatta. Pásztor, E., Roslund, C., 1997a: Orientation of Megalithic Tombs in Mecklenburg. C. Jaschek and F. Atrio Barandela (eds). Proceedings of the IVth SEAC Meeting “Astronomy and Culture” Salamanca. 227235. Pásztor, E., Roslund, C., 1997b: Orientation of Maltese Dolmen. Journal of European Archaeology 5. 1: 183189. Ruggles, C.L.N. (ed), 1988: Records in stone – Papers in memory of A. Thom. Cambridge: Univ. Press.

Serving the general purpose of SEAC only, some presentations enlarged the geographical and temporal frames of the conference. L. Bartha writes about the stars of wonder, especially the Venus in the daylight sky.

4

Archaeology

The Firestar in China A European approach

Katalin Barlai, Konkoly Observatory, H-1525 Bp. 114. Pf. 67, Budapest, Hungary B. Lukács, Central Research Institute for Physics, H-1525 Bp. 114. Pf. 49, Budapest

Maspero renowned expert of the Zhou China describes the ritual of the agricultural year in his work “La Chine antique”. Obviously these processes imply well defined calendars in the 1st millennium BCE when the rituals were documented and probably in the 2nd millennium also. In earlier times in lack of writing nothing was documented. The well known linguist and Sinologist Ildikó Ecsedy – deceased quite recently – dealt with the ancient China and with the nomadic tribes of Central Asia using old Chinese texts as a source. Some twenty years ago studying the ancient Chinese literature, in particular the Book of Odes (Shi Jing) she recognised that song #154 contains ample calendary information. Shi Jing is the oldest Chinese anthology of poetry. Its poems have originated in course of the 1st millennium BCE in the Zhou era, indeed Tradition tells that the editor was Confucius himself.

In memoriam Dr. Ildikó Ecsedy (1938-2004)

For any case the 305 songs included in the anthology show signs of careful and affectionate editing, but this interference had in no way affected the variety of styles describing the everyday life of the various strata of Chinese society through different ages. These verses were recited on festive occasions as part of the ritual, they have formed parts of popular festivals accompanied by singing or instrumental music. The songs seem true reflections of the way small agricultural communities conducted their life long time ago. They could be perhaps regarded as snapshots of the sad and the merry moments of lives lived under conditions of Late Neolithic, Bronze and Early Iron Ages.

Throughout decades of our acquaintance, Ildikó has entertained the problem of how long a tradition survives. From what distances of the past can it reach us with its true substance and significance? In what follows, we formulate a possible answer – in her memory. Abstract The ancient Chinese literature contains references to the connection between some agricultural activities and a certain Fire Star. Recent archaeological findings cast new light upon the beginning of agriculture in China. Assumptions are presented that a series of subsequent Fire Stars may have served as time signal for different agricultural works from prehistoric times to the Zhou era.

The astronomical references in song #154 gave Ecsedy the idea to regard the poem as a key text and to seek connection between the Firestar mentioned emphatically in the poem and Maspero’s statements cited above, where Fire has a central role. From Yin times the Firestar has been without doubt the bright red Antares, α Sco. Now, while in really old Chinese texts Scorpius would be nontrivial to identify (details will be dealt in another Chapter), from linguistic studies she was able to find Antares, or the neighbourhood of Antares, in several ideograms about agriculture and law. The time of some important changes in Chinese society (e.g. the beginning of agriculture) can be fixed by astronomy, namely it may have coincided with the time when Antares rose (or set) heliacally at vernal or autumnal equinox.

Key words: Chinese agriculture, Gustav Schlegel, Fire Star 1. Retrospect The old Chinese agricultural year was divided into two diametrically opposite halves: summer at the fields and winter in the villages. For the start and close of the half-years of very different life-styles the signal came from the top. At some time the Ruler (King in Zhou times, Emperor from the Qing dynasty) ploughed the “thousand acre” sacred field. Then various rituals were carried out and finally Fire was brought “out of the house” to the fields.

This sound idea, however, using a first qualitative estimation led to a rather early date about 16,000 BCE. Later a group consisting of Dr. Ecsedy and three astronomers (including one of the present authors) tried to deal with the problem in a quantitative way using directly the equations of celestial mechanics (Ecsedy et al., 1989). As generalization of the

Similarly half a year later the Ruler performed the ritual harvest and finally Fire was brought back to the houses. H. 

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography problem α Tau, Aldebaran, has been included as alternative Firestar. The chronology obtained this way was still contrary to (Northern) Chinese Neolithic datings. So it was taken sceptically outside of China. Anyhow agriculture cannot be expected at Glacial Maximum.

It seems that this stage can be found in Northern China/ Mongolia e.g. at Pigeon Mountains, where it is dated to ca. 9,500 BCE (Elston et al., 1997). 3) Early Neolithic: In Near East it appears in 8,000-7,0000 BCE (Fertile Crescent, etc.). Then it is imported/carried to Anatolia (e.g. Catal Hüyük, after 7,000 BCE), to the Balkan (e.g. Starcevo), and to the Carpathian Basin about 6,000 BCE. In the next millennium it replaces Mesolithic cultures in all Temperate Europe and Central Asia.

However, note that at the end of the 19th century a Dutch scholar, Gustav Schlegel, suggested the very same age for Chinese astronomy via the old Chinese ecliptic “megahouses” (Celestial Animals) plus presumably old myths and precession (Schlegel, 1872). He estimated the Chinese history being about 16,000 years old. His opinion, however, has been considered as mere fantasy, or naive acceptance of exaggerating Chinese tradition. (To be sure, Schlegel’s argumentation was twopronged. First, he believed that the ordering of Celestial Animals were more reasonable ca. half Great Year of precession ago. Second, about 16,900 BCE North Pole was near to the point where apparent Milky Way branches into two, in Cygnus. True, neither argument is too strong.)

In China Neolithic seems to start in two centres. Rice is domesticated in the South (oldest domestic rice appears sporadically in Jianxi in the Xian Ren period not much after 12,000 BCE, but not dominant until ca. 7,600 BCE. Oldest paddy rice seems to be at Bashidang, Hunan, 6,000-7,000 BCE); Millet is the Northern dominant crop, and note that Northwestern Zhou had their own agricultural culture hero Hou Ji (Millet Prince), independently of Shen-nung, the Divine Farmer. (Compare some lines of Shi Jing #245 even with the legend about the infancy of Zarathushtra.) The beginning of North Chinese Neolithic is not too definite yet, and probably is later than in the South.

The problem is now ripe for reconsideration because recent archaeological findings cast new light upon the problem of agricultural production and the hunting gathering way of life, which had preceded it.

From the above data it is clear that neither Schlegel (1872) nor Ecsedy (1987) were a priori absurd with their very early datings. While the history of Chinese agriculture seems to be millenia shorter than suggested by them, specialised gathering/harvesting started very near to their data. While in later cultures the tradition did not keep the memory of harvesting without ploughing (it did it in the Near East; see the legend of Paradise, with simple harvesting), they might have applied some points of harvesting tradition to agriculture, and so might have preserved traditions even 17,000 years old.

2. On the Newest Results of Chinese Archaeology about the Beginning of Agriculture Traditional Chinese chronology, surviving to the end of 19th century, was rather short, back to ca. 3,000 BCE, see App. A. Then European schemes took over. Twenty years ago the dominant opinion was that Chinese Neolithic started on the North, and not too early (Yang-Shao Culture was believed to be the first Neolithic one, along the Yellow River, and not earlier than 6,000 BCE). However, that is no more the consensus, since the excavations of MacNeish in the 90s (MacNeish & Libby 1995; Pringle 1998). Now the picture in chronological order seems to be:

However in times before ca. 8,000 BCE there was no ploughing/planting, so if the “agricultural” tradition of Fire Star goes beyond 9th millennium BCE, then it could not be a signal of Spring activity (cleaning the fields, burning the bush (cf. Fire Star, Legge 1885), ploughing for sowing, etc.), only Late Summer/Early Autumn ones.

1) Epipalaeolithe: Specialised hunting and gathering, the analogy is Mediterranean Magdalenien & Natufian, in Terminal Würm III. This is represented by the Jiangxi sites Wang Dong and Xian Ren Dong excavated first by MacNeish (MacNeish & Libby, 1995). Great abundance of wild rice is found from 15,100 BCE; obviously the population did not till the land, but visited and supervised from time to time marshy sites where wild rice grew, and in proper time harvested the crops. Mediterranean Natufian harvesting wild einkorn & barley with sickles is a good analogy. In both cultures missing harvest-time would have resulted missing the whole harvest. Specially wild rice ejects its seeds very soon into the water.

3. Sequence Of Fire Stars? Chinese civilisation seems to be tradition-bound; however one Fire Star cannot signal the time of some fundamental agricultural work for ten millennia, because of precession (Ecsedy & Barlai, 1993). So A) either Fire Star was originally Antares but did not signal agricultural events before 2nd millennium BCE, B) or tradition itself is really old, but in different times the Fire Star was not the same star, and Antares, α Sco is only the Fire Star happened to be at the advent of writing in Shang-Yin ages. Then writing froze in the actual star.

2) Mesolithic: Nonspecialised hunting by traps etc. in the lack of big mammals in the emerging neothermal climate; more sophisticated use of gathered/harvested plants. It starts more or less after Youngest Dryas (ca. 9,500 BCE) and its end is the emerging/imported agriculture. In Europe/Near East for climatic reasons Mesolithic is more definite in the North (e.g. Maglemosian) than in the South, where agriculture more or less emerges directly from specialised hunting/gathering. 

Now, while Assumption A) can neither be proven nor be disproven, Assumption B) can be checked. Precession carries slowly a specific Fire Star out of phase, so Tradition must not keep that Fire Star (because then a Great Shame, ru3, lu4, would occur by missing the proper time of a vital agricultural work). However it is possible that when the previous Fire

The Firestar in China – A European approach Star is already out of phase, there is another, waiting for use. Of course, not all stars can be used for Fire Star. The Fire Star must be bright enough, and something special, for easy identification.

The Canon of the (mythic) Emperor Yao (Ecsedy & Barlai, 1993) was recorded in the 6th century BCE. It contains notices and traditions on heavenly phenomena from various earlier historic and prehistoric epochs. Here the heliacal rise of a Firestar became connected to the summer solstice or to the middle of summer.

For naked eye observation this speciality cannot be anything else than colour. Whites are characterless, and some yellows are also. Blues, oranges and reds are characteristic, but it would be difficult to regard a bluish one Fiery. So there remain bright K’s & M’s.

A program written by Brad Schaefer (1985) gives the date of the heliacal rise or set of a star in the days of a given Gregorian year. This day has been affected by the conditions of the site and the personal abilities of the observer. Namely one has to take some parameters, whose chosen values we give here in brackets) as limiting brightness (m=6.0), extinction (0.2) and geographic latitude (35° N). The precessed coordinates of the possible Firestars are from the 5000 and 10000 years Star Catalogue of Hawkins and Rosenthal (1967). They have been calculated taking into account the proper motions, as well. The distances in Table 1 show that for some stars large proper motions can indeed be expected.

We tried to find adequate candidates for possible Firestars. From a Star Catalogue for this purpose we collected all orange or red stars (i.e. spectral types K & M in astronomic terminology), not dimmer than +2 visual magnitude. (Maybe a Fire Star should have some “fiery nature” for colour. The stars are listed in Table 1. Only 9 stars fulfil these conditions altogether.

Name Trad. Aldebaran Antares Arcturus Atria Avior Betelgeuse Gacrux Mira Pollux

Name, Astr. α Tau α Sco α Boo α TrA ε Car α Ori γ Cru ο Cet β Gem

Spect. Class K5III M1Ia K2III K4III K0II M2I M3II gM6 K0III

Appar. magn. +1.1 +1.2 +0.2 +1.9 +1.7 +0.1 +1.6 +2.0 +1.2

Distance, ly 68 170 36 140 330 650 220 250 35

As the Gregorian year came into being as late as 1582 CE a retroactive virtual Gregorian Calendar has been constructed back into the prehistoric times. The day of the spring equinox generally takes place on the 21st of March thus on the 80th day of the Gregorian year. Similarly the autumn equinox can be fixed on the 23rd September which is the 266th day of the year. Slight oscillation – maximum one day – takes place around these days but it can be neglected in our case being within the accuracy of our calculation. In a coordinate system years are plotted on the horizontal axis (in millennia) and the days of the year on the vertical axis. In a system like this the equinoxes are represented by horizontal straight lines which cross the vertical axis at the 80th day and at the 256th day respectively. The sidereal year is longer than the tropic solar year (the equinox does not go to meet it) so the course of the sidereal year is not parallel to the horizontal axis. There is a continuous shift between the two types of years.

Table 1: All bright yellow and red (so flame-like) stars as acceptable Firestar candidates. Here ly stands for lightyears. And now let us see the heliacal risings/settings for all the Fire Star candidates. 4. Sidereal Years The sidereal year is the period in which the Earth completes a revolution relative to a fixed point on the Ecliptic.

The rise or set of a star or constellation coincides with the sunrise or sunset only once in the tropic solar year of which the Gregorian year is a good approximation. (With a lag of 1 day in every three millennia, negligible for our purposes.) Due to the correction applied continuously it keeps pace with the tropic solar year. This “generalized” sidereal time reckoning, however, necessarily gets out of step with the tropical solar year after several hundreds of years.

In a generalized sense the sidereal year in the archaeoastronomy can be defined as the period in which the Earth completes the revolution relative to a fixed star or constellation, even if the star or constellation is not situated along the Ecliptic. (Well known example is for the latter the heliacal rise of the Sothis-Sirius as marker of the coming inundation of the Nile). As a contrast, the tropical year has the Vernal point of the Zodiac for signal, where generally there is no star, and the anomalistic year is even more abstract.

5. Results In the diagrams one can clearly see how the course of the sidereal years belonging to the different Firestar candidates deviates from the tropic solar year due to the precession and their different proper motions. First let us see the heliacal rises (Fig. 1) and settings (Fig. 2) of all possible Firestars (of Table 1) back to 10,000 BCE. The two horizontal lines stand for vernal and autumn equinoxes (80th and 266th Gregorian days, respectively, as told above). 

From Yin times the Firestar in China has been without doubt the bright red Antares. Its heliacal setting in the autumn could be a sign of the end of agricultural activities. Problematic is, however, to connect any agricultural works to its heliacal rise at the spring equinox, since no agriculture can be expected in the time of the Ice Age.

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Hawkins and Rosenthal’s Catalogue, unfortunately, does not reach to Schlegel’s times. So for some stars we extrapolated the curves, and that is Fig. 3. From Figs. 1 and 2 it is clear that other Firestars did not have heliacal rise or setting at equinoxes in the range between 10,000 and 16,000 BCE.

variable Mira special, it is not totally impossible, but it is not too probable either.

Since the main factor to put a Fire Star “out of phase” is precession, we can estimate one month shift in 2 millennia, so around the “ideal” time there is maximally ±2 weeks deviation in ±1000 years. So Antares signalled indeed autumn equinox (harvest) back to 1500 BCE. (It was a bad Fire Star after 500 CE and should have been replaced with Mira, but written texts froze in it.) Before 1500 BCE Aldebaran could signal spring equinox (so the beginning of agricultural year) back to ca. 3200 BCE, with a substantial overlap with Avior, Gacrux & Betelgeuse as autumn alternative signals, then Antares, Arcturus and Atria. There was always a good autumn signal star between ca. 2000 & 7000 BCE, while a sequence Mira, Pollux, Avior & Aldebaran, Pollux, Arcturus and Betelgeuse served as spring signals between 3500 & 9000, while Mira was a good autumn signal between 8000 & 10,000 BCE.

Fig. 2. Heliacal settings of Firestars, Horizontal lines are the equinoxes, vernal and autumnal, respectively.

Fig. 1. Heliacal rises of Firestars, Horizontal lines are the equinoxes, vernal and autumnal, respectively.

Then Gacrux could signal spring between 10,000 & 12,000 BCE, but perhaps she was not. Namely archaeology shows that we are already practically before tilling, and for harvesting autumn should be signalled, not spring. True, Mira signalled autumn between 13,000 and 15,000 BCE, and in this time it was useful to signal harvest time, because Epipaleolithic harvesters did not have the “fields” of ripening wild rice under continuous surveillance. The only question is if the idea of a Celestial Signal for harvest could survive a three millennium gap between an autumn star Mira (heliacal rising between 15,000 and 13,000 and then heliacal rising between 10,000 and 8,000). Being

Fig. 3. Extrapolated heliacal rises and settings.

Antares was a good spring signal between Schlegelian and Epipaleolithic times 15,000 and 17,000 BCE. Surely hunters used this signals, but harvesters (in existence already in Jianxi according to the new excavations) could not: nothing happens with the wild rice in springtime. Table 2 summarizes verbally the Figures, as follows: 10

The Firestar in China – A European approach Millennium 1 CE 1 BCE 2 BCE 3 BCE 4 BCE

Vernal R -

Vernal S Mira Aldebaran -

5 BCE 6 BCE

Mira Aldebaran

7 BCE 8 BCE

Pollux & Arcturus Betelgeuse Antares

Pollux & Avior -

9 BCE 10 BCE 11 BCE 12 BCE 13 BCE 14 BCE 15 BCE 16 BCE 17 BCE

Gacrux -

Autumn R Arcturus Avior & Gacrux Antares -

Autumn S Antares Betelgeuse

-

Atria -

Mira -

Mira -

Karlgren, B.: “Grammata Serica Recensa.” BMFEA Vol. 29, 1957 Legge, J.: “Li Ki”. The Sacred Books of China. Part IV. Oxford 1885 MacNeish, R.S. and Libby, J.G. (eds.): Origins of Rice Agriculture. El Paso Centennial Museum, El Paso 1995. Maspéro, H.: La Chine antique. Presses universitaires de France, Paris 1965. Pringle, H.: “The Slow Birth of Agriculture”, Science 282, 1998, 1446 Schaefer, B.: “Predicting heliacal risings and settings”. Sky and Telescope LXX, 1985, 261 Schlegel, G.: Uranographie chinoise. Nijhoff, La Haye 1872.

Arcturus -

Appendix A: On Traditional Chinese Chronology China worked out her own history and in the second half of the 19th century eliminated the inconsistencies with the European chronology (Hoang 1885). Of course there was no guaranty for the reality of data down from 2nd millennium BCE, and now some such rulers are suspect, while the earliest ones are utterly rejected. Still, even them may represent some misunderstood memory from early millennia, so here we give a very brief list according to Giles (1906) and Maspéro (1965).

Table 2: Possible Firestars for different millennia.

The idea of a fiery agricultural Celestial Signal may be continuous from 9000 BCE. And that time is indeed Earliest Neolithic. From that time it is indeed a Great Shame to sow/ plant in inadequate time, because it endangers the harvest months later.

First were gods et al. Then come a few completely human rulers. Each of them invented something important. Orthographies will not be consequent, because of the different transcriptions at different scholars.

Acknowledgements Thanks are due to Dr. Mária Ferenczy for encouraging and emotional support.

References Ecsedy, I.: “Far Eastern sources on the history of the steppe region”. BEFEO 69, 1981, 263-276 Ecsedy, I.: A kínai állam kezdetei. Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1987. Ecsedy, I. et al.: “Antares year in ancient China”. In: World Archaeoastronomy, ed. A.F. Aveni, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989, 183-185 Ecsedy, I. and Barlai, K.: “Astronomy in the ancient written sources of the Far East” In: Ruggles C. (ed.) Archaeoastronomy in the 1990s, Loughborough 1993, 123-127 Elston, R.G. et al.: “New dates for the north China Mesolithic”. Antiquity 71, 1997, 985 Giles, H. A.: Religions of Ancient China. Constable and Co., London 1906. Hawkins, G. S. and Rosenthal Shoshana, K.: “5,000 and 10,000-Year Star Catalogs”. Smithsonian Contr. Astroph. 10, 1967, 141 Hoang, P.: “De calendario sinico variae notiones”. Calendarii sinici et europaei concordantia. Zi-Ka-Wei 1885.

Ruler

Years, BCE

Invention

Fu Xi

2953-2838

Nets for hunting & fishing

Shen Nong

2838-2698

Agriculture

Huangdi

2698-2598

Orders of officials

Shao Hao

2598-2514

Music

Zhuan Xu

2514-2436

Priestly orders

Diku

2436-2366

Astronomy

(Gaoxin

2366-2357

-)

Yao

2357-2255

Calendar

Shun

2255-2205

?

Jü

2205-2197?

Dams, canals etc.

Yü’s son, K’i, follows his father on the throne (this is the first time for this), and so the Xia dynasty, 2205-1766 is founded either by Yü or by K’i. The historicity of this dynasty is highly dubious for Westerners; in recent years the Chinese scholars refer to the Erlitou finds, but obviously the era was still without writing. Traditionally 17 rulers are counted into the Xia dynasty. Shang (or Shang-Yin) dynasty, 1765-1122 consists of 30 rulers, of which the last few are archaeologically verified at the site Anyang. Readable writing appears about 1500. 11

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography The Zhou dynasty, 1122-256 BCE was never in doubt even in the West, albeit some scholars would like better to put the dethronement of the Shang-Yins to ca. 1050.

historic Chinese calendar as well as in some early steps of organising the first Chinese statelets. The statements all are proven (at least as proofs go in scholarships of history and linguistics). Almost all proofs are published in a book (Ecsedy 1987), but unfortunately in Hungarian. Some of them are collected also in Ecsedy et al. (1989); we will not explicitly refer here these two works. Dr. Ecsedy wanted to participate in the elaboration of this paper but she died some months before the Conference. Her works generally did not use the present Chinese orthography, so we have modernised the orthography. Chinese ideograms are not reproduced; instead Pinyin “phonetic” writing + musical tone are given in a italic.

In modern terms the above list would mean that the Mesolithic/Neolithic border was at 2838 BCE and that is impossibly late even on the North. An old book “Yue Jue Shu” speaks about the stone weapons of Shen-nong, copper ones of Yü and yade (!) ones of Huangdi. That would classify Shen-nong as Neolithic, the subsequent ones maybe to Eneolitic, and Yü, maybe with the Xia dynasty to Copper Age. Shang is Bronze Age, according to archaeology. This is not absurd if the early rulers as e.g. Shen-nong or Shennung represent cultures, not individuals.

Item 1: Shen-nung, his market, and the “middle of the day”. Shen-nung is the second in the row of some mythical and “very ancient” rulers (2838-2698 BCE in tradition); he is the Divine Farmer, the cultural hero of agriculture. According to tradition, he thought his subjects to make agricultural tools and to use them; afterwards he organised the first countrywide market. It seems that his name condensates traditions about the beginning of the Neolithic, as well as his predecessor Pao-hi (2953-2838), inventor of traps and nets represents the Mesolithic innovations.

Appendix B: Zodiac, Lunar Mansions and Celestial Animals Apparently the simplest way would be to look for the Chinese equivalent of the zodiacal sign Scorpius. According to Chinese tradition, the Zodiac should be rather old, because the 60 year cycle is the least common multiple of 10 and 12, and the tradition mentions Emperor Huang-ti as inventor of that cycle in 2637 BCE (Hoang 1885). We have very briefly summarized the Traditional Chinese chronology in App. A; for any case, modern Sinology does not accept Huang-ti historical; and the opinion is that the Chinese Zodiac signs originate from a Jupiter calendar having arrived into China about 375 BCE (Maspéro 1965).

Now, as an Appendix of Yi Jing tells us, Shen-nung organised the First Market at “ri4 zhong1”, which is Day+Middle. While the meaning of such a term is far from unambiguous, it may mean the Vernal Equinox. In the Chapter Yao-tien of Shu Jing (6th century BCE) ri4 zhong1 is connected with the Bird Star, the eastern direction, the sunrise, and the “Middle of Spring”, while ri4 yong4 with the Fire Star, the southern direction, the longest day and the summer solstice.

However there is another system to chart the not too polar stars, and it is the system of Lunar Mansions. Old Chinese projected the motions of both Sun and Moon to the equator, and selected 28 stars more or less equidistant in longitudes, so then Moon is at rest in a new mansion in each night. Now, the names of some such Lunar Mansions seem to be old, and some of them appear in Ecsedy’s linguistic arguments. In modern times Antares, α Sco, belongs to the mansion Heart (Chinese Xin, Japanese Nakago).

Item 2: The Celestial Market. There is an “asterism” of the ancient Chinese astrography, smaller than a Celestial Animal but bigger than a Lunar Mansion, called Celestial Market. Dr. Ecsedy believes that the names of the Celestial Market and Shen-Nung’s First Terrestrial Market are not independent.

7-7 such mansions form a Celestial Animal in historic times, namely the White Tiger (West), the (Shell of) Black Tortoise (North), the Blue Dragon (East) and the Purple Bird (South). These Animals may be much older than the 28 individual mansions.

The Celestial Market is a part of the Blue Dragon, and it contains at least the Lunar Mansions Fang2 (?House or Room), Xin1 (Heart) and Wei3 (Tail). Item 3: Antares and his sons. Antares is in the Mansion Heart, which indicates a central position. Antares is the Star of Shang (Ecsedy, 1981). According to Shi Ji XXVII, 420a, the Celestial King (wang) is the Star of Shang, the leading star of Mansion Xin1 (Heart); he has two sons, the Heir Apparent and another one.

The region of the Blue Dragon appears in Ecsedy’s linguistic arguments for the fundamentality of Antares/Firestar in matters agricultural. We give these arguments (being already published, without proof) in Appendix C. Appendix C: On Antares, Scorpion and Blue Dragon, according to the Linguistic Studies of Ildikó Ecsedy

The “chen2” ideogram (with some secondary modifications) means “morning”, “Morning Star”, the arrival of springtime, “nong2” = “agriculture”, and a definite Mansion. Also, the combination of “chen2” and “hui4” = “meet” means “conjunction”. In the present form the “morning” ideogram is a combination of the Mansion Chen (or Fang) + “ri4” = “Sun”, which may have indicated the (heliacal?) rise of Fang/ Chen. However the earlier form of the ideogram “morning”

This Appendix recapitulates some results of the linguistic studies of Ildikó Ecsedy about the common origins of some astronomical terms on one hand and of some agricultural and legal ones on the other. These arguments led Dr. Ecsedy to the idea that Antares had a fundamental role in the pre12

The Firestar in China – A European approach contained not one but three ri4’s (suns or stars), so may have meant the rise of 3 stars; and compare this with the Celestial King and his two sons. According to Shuo-wen (Ecsedy 1981) “The Star of Fang indicates the agricultural (nong2) time of the people”; and this is a comment to “chen2” = “morning”, but with 3 ri4’s.

conclusion either, were she alive. Her above conclusion was the result of the status of Chinese history, archaeology and archaeoastronomy 20 years ago. We want to rearrange her results in a new way, and this results in another conclusion. However the results mentioned in this Appendix are absolutely necessary for our argumentation in the main text.

Item 4: Antares, Morning and Great Shame. Karlgren (1957) at Item 1223a gives the ideogram “ru3” = “shame”, “humiliation” etc. The ideogram is a combination of “chen2” (see above) and “cun4”. Now, “cun4” means “thumb”, “inch”, but it is a part of “cut” as well. Now the Shuo-wen comments the ancient form of “ru3” as follows: “It is a very great shame (lu4) to miss the time of ploughing on the fields. Chen2 is the time of nong2 (agriculture). The ancients called Fang’s Star [Fang2 Xing1] Chen2, and it meant the time of tillage [tian1 hou4].”

Appendix D: Once more on the 2 Sons of the Fire Star We suggest an alternative for the two sons of the Fire Star Antares. Possibility 1) is that the two sons are located in the same Lunar Mansion Xin. That mansion contains exactly 3 substantial stars, namely Star α Sco σ Sco τ Sco

Then, summarizing Ecsedy: The King Star of the ancient Chinese sky was the Antares. Antares is/was also the Fire Star (with his two sons). “In the time of Shen-nung”, so at the beginning of agriculture the “year” started at Spring (the Spring Equinox is/was ri4 zhong1), and the ideogram of agriculture (nong2) contains the symbol of a region near/at Antares. Since the ideograms of “shame (of missing ploughtime)” and of “morning” = “chen2” also contain the same symbol, then “originally” heliacal rise of Fire Star = Antares (+ his two sons) must have signalled the start of agricultural activity.

Sp. Class M1 B1 B0

Brightness, m +1.2 +3.0 +2.9

However this solution is doubtful, because the two minor stars are not “fiery”. It is, however, possible to find 2 fiery K partners, for us still in Scorpion, but for Chinese in the next Mansion Tail (Wei/Ashitare), and then the Table modifies as: Star α Sco ε Sco G Sco

But Antares rose heliacally in ca. 16,000 BCE, so that was the start of Chinese agriculture (Neolithic?). QED.

Sp. Class M1 K2.5 K1

Brightness, m +1.2 +2.4 +3.3

There is no more K or M star in Scorpion down to m=4.0, and these 3 are the brightest K or M stars in the reasonable area around Antares anyway.

We emphasize that this is not our Conclusion; that can be found in the main text. We think it would not be Dr. Ecsedy’s

13

The Function of the Minoan oval house at Chamaizi

Mary Blomberg, Norrtullsgatan 31, SE-113 27 Stockholm, Sweden. E-mail: [email protected] Göran Henriksson,, Astronomical Observatory, Uppsala University, Box 515, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Sweden. E-mail: [email protected]. Fig. 1. Minoan sites in the Uppsala archaeoastronomical project.

Abstract We report the results of our archaeoastronomical investigation of the unique building at Chamaizi in eastern Crete. The structure has been an enigma to Aegean archaeologists because of its oval shape, which is unparalleled in Minoan architecture. Religion has figured prominently in the discussions of the house’s function, primarily due to the discovery of a well and some figurines. We had included it in our pilot study of Minoan astronomical interest since some scholars have categorized it as a peak sanctuary, and these sites are ideally located for astronomical observations. An axial symmetry for the building, however, was impossible to calculate, and this discouraged us to the extent that we left its evaluation to a late stage in our work. When we returned to our data, with the knowledge acquired from our study of a number of other Minoan buildings, we were in a better position to study the house and understand its function. The main entrance was orientated to sunrise on the morning of the winter solstice in the early Middle Minoan period (ca. 2000 BCE) and the door on the northern side framed the heliacal setting of Arcturus in the same period.

parts of humans and animals were found there. We have found that the presence of such objects is the most characteristic feature of peak sanctuaries aside from their hilltop location, and they usually occur in large numbers at these places. Moreover, they have been shown to have had an astronomical function (P. E. Blomberg, 2000). The term ‘peak sanctuaries’ will be retained for convenience, but it does not adequately describe the function of such sites. We have argued that they also served as places for observing the motions of celestial bodies (Henriksson and Blomberg, 1996). We do not, however, dispute the function of sanctuary. The celestial bodies were most likely considered by the Minoans to be sacred and thus the study of them would have had a religious dimension. Four simple terracotta figurines and a few fragments of some others were found just to the east of the building (Evans, 1921: 147; Davaras, 1972: 285-86). Primarily on the basis of these and the presence of the well in the open court, the building has been considered by several scholars to have been a domestic sanctuary, as opposed to a peak sanctuary (Davaras, 1972: 285-88). It was built in the early Middle Minoan period, which began about 2000 BCE, i.e., the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age in the Aegean according to Manning’s chronology (1999: 340).

The orientation to sunrise at the winter solstice occurs also at the important villa of Vathypetro, and the orientation to Arcturus is the fourth that we have found at Minoan sites. Thus our results from Chamaizi add to the accumulating data that the Minoans consistently oriented important monuments to major celestial events and precisely those events important for maintaining a calendar. A hypothesis that may be made from these results is that the contacts between Minoan sites known from trade can be understood to have included also the intellectual exchange of scientific information resulting in a common calendar and probably also common rituals in connection with it: celebrations of the new year, the beginning and end of the sailing season, and important events in the agricultural year such as ploughing, as we have tried to show in earlier studies.

The house was built on top of a high hill (h. 501 m), which lies in open country. It is surrounded by much higher mountains that are some distance away and this gives the impression that it lies in a valley despite its elevation. There is a pass through the mountains both to the northeast and to the northwest so that the Mediterranean is visible in those two directions. The building was constructed above at least three building phases from the third millennium (Fig. 2). The fact that the site was used for a very long time is essential, of course, for the people there to have become familiar with how astronomical phenomena appeared in relation to the local surroundings.

Introduction The house lies far to the east in the island and, as it was our ambition to study all Minoan so-called peak sanctuaries with architectural remains (Rutkowski, 1986: 73-98), we included it initially in the Uppsala University archaeoastronomical project (Fig. 1). It does not, however, fit neatly into that category, primarily because no small terracotta anatomical

Archaeoastronomical methods We measured the walls and the profiles of the relevant surrounding mountains with a digital theodolite and 15

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 2. Plan of the oval house at Chamaizi. With permission of Myers, Myers & Cadogan (1992: 79).

Fig. 4. Sunrise at the winter solstice, 19 December 1900 BCE, 07.21.50 local mean solar time, azimuth 119.8°.

calculated the astronomical data using the computer programs developed by Henriksson. The parameters for calculating the visibility of bright stars close to the horizon at dawn and twilight are from Bemporad (1904), Sidentopf (1941), Ljunghall (1949), and Schmidt (1865). It is important to use Schmidt’s visibility calibrations for Athens from ca. 1850, as his observations were made before modern air pollution.

somewhat uncertain, but it is not likely to be far off from the original structure. In any case the focus on sunrise at the winter solstice is not in doubt, as this event is visible in the doorway only at that time of the year. It is possible that there may have been some arrangement to heighten the perception of the visibility of the rising sun, e.g. the use of a reflection or shadow as we have found at Knossos in the Central Palace Sanctuary (Blomberg and Henriksson, 2000: 110-12). We have a similar effect from a shadow at sunrise on the equinoxes at the peak sanctuary on Juktas, about 10 kilometres south of Knossos (Blomberg and Henriksson, 2002: 83). These examples suggest that there may have been a similar arrangement at Chamaizi that no longer exists.

Orientations We found that the main entrance, in the southeast, was oriented to sunrise at the winter solstice at the time when the house was built. Sunrise at the winter solstice in the year 1900 BCE, about the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age in the Aegean, was on the 19th of December and appeared very near the northern jamb of the main entrance door (Figs 3 and 4). The foundation stones of the jamb may have been affected by time and our reconstruction is therefore

Fig. 5. Heliacal setting of Arcturus, 11 October 2000 BCE (right) and 12 October 1900 (left). The settings took place at 18:03 and 18:02 respectively and the corresponding azimuths were 322.7° and 321.8° An earlier entrance on the north-western side had been oriented in the same period to the heliacal setting of Arcturus, to an observer standing against the wall opposite the door opening (Figs 3 and 5). The door was later closed off, apparently at the time when fortification walls were built around the site (Davaras, 1972).

Fig. 3. The orientations at Chamaizi to sunrise at the winter solstice and the heliacal setting of Arcturus at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age. Photo with permission of Myers, Myers & Cadogan (1992: 79). 16

The Function of the Minoan oval house at Chamaizi Discussion

reflect an important historical development in Crete and they may, in fact, make the most unequivocal statement that we have of a new power base in the island in the later periods of the Late Bronze Age (Blomberg & Henriksson, 2005).

If we compare the orientations at Chamaizi with those we have found earlier in Crete, we may add a second orientation to sunrise at the winter solstice and a fourth orientation to the heliacal setting of Arcturus (Fig. 6) We have found orientations to Arcturus only at the peak sanctuaries and this would strengthen the case for considering the site of Chamaizi as such a place despite the fact that no terracotta anatomical parts of humans and animals have been found there. We have not yet completed our study of the peak sanctuaries on Gonies and Modi or of the villas at Gournia, Tylissos and Knossos, but the 12 structures which we have completed show 19 orientations to a major celestial event. The peak sanctuary on Petsophas has four. Thirteen of the orientations have a surviving natural or man-made foresight.

In the case of the bright stars, there seem to have been orientations only to Arcturus; although the importance of Orion is indicated by the fact it is framed in the doorway into the Central Palace Sanctuary in the same period (work in progress). We think focus on Arcturus is due to the fact that its dawn and evening risings and settings occurred in the Middle Bronze Age at times that made it easy for the Minoans to know when to intercalate a month in their lunisolar calendar (Blomberg & Henriksson, 2000 & 2002) and also when to begin and end their sailing season (Blomberg & Henriksson, 1999). These latter two are very important times for an island empire in a sea where it was dangerous to sail outside of that season. Another reason for including Chamaizi among the Minoan peak sanctuaries is that we think such places played an important role in the transmission of information across the island. Chamaizi is situated such that it would have been an excellent relay point in a system of communication. Its location, in fact, would have made it a crucial link in such a system. We have confirmed that there is visual contact across the island from Petsophas in the east to Modi, from Modi to Traostalos and Chamaizi, from Chamaizi to Selena just south of Malia. The peak of Selena could have filled the chain of communication points on to Mt Juktas near Knossos, from there to Mt Ida, visible from Phaistos, and on to Vrysinas south of Rethymnon. These connections mean that the major sites of Minoan Crete could have been in rapid touch with each other. The remarkable uniformity of the Minoan culture over millennia presupposes such a system of communication. If we speculate about the ways in which communications were conveyed from such places, we have a suggestive drawing from the 17th century of the site of a peak sanctuary just west of Zakros – smoke by day and fire by night (Davaras, 1976: 237). In Sweden fire signals of this type were used by the military until the 19th century.

Fig. 6. Orientations of 15 Minoan monuments in the Uppsala archaeoastronomical project. An asterisk indicates a foresight

The orientation to sunrise at the winter solstice at Chamaizi, considered together with the orientations to sunrise at the summer solstice at Petsophas and Pyrgos, to the southern lunar standstill at Zakros, to the equinoxes at Knossos, Phaistos and Vathypetro, and to the traditional time for ploughing at Malia and Vathypetro, gives additional evidence that Minoan sites were carefully planned so that an accurate calendar could be maintained, being oriented as they are, to different major celestial events and thus pinpointing the important times of the year (Fig. 6).

Another remarkable fact about these orientations is that no Minoan building seems to have an orientation to sunset at the solstices and the only orientation to sunset at the equinoxes occurs at Petsophas, a site that seems to have played a unique role in Minoan astronomy (Henriksson and Blomberg, 1996, 1997-8). When it comes to major solar events, the Minoans seem not to have been interested in the west, except for the one case of sunset at the equinoxes at Petsophas. As for the three orientations to sunset at the summer solstice, this is true for three small shrines that are late in date, and we have argued elsewhere that the buildings were not Minoan, but were made by or for Mycenaeans (Blomberg & Henriksson, 2001: 75; Blomberg & Henriksson, 2005). Thus their orientations

Conclusions We conclude that there were at least two important functions for the oval house at Chamaizi and most likely a third. It was part of the Minoan system for collecting astronomical information necessary for the regulation of the calendar and it was part of a system for rapid communication from 17

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography one Minoan site to another. The category of peak sanctuary implies the third function, one related to religion in some way. It seems to us quite possible, perhaps even probable, that places used to study the celestial bodies and to keep track of the calendar would have had a religious significance as well. An important aspect of calendar keeping would very likely have been to make sure that the festival days to the gods occurred at the right times. There is, however, no clear evidence for a more detailed account of the nature of the religious function of such places, and therefore we do not have grounds for saying much more about it.

Blomberg, M. & Henriksson, G.: “Further evidence for the Minoan origins of the Greek calendars”, Proceedings of the 8th Cretological congress, Heraklion (Crete), Greece, 914 September 1996 (Karetsou, A. et al, eds.), Heraklion (Etairia Kritikon Istorikon Meleton) 2000, 109-28. Blomberg, M. & Henriksson, G.: “Evidence for the Minoan origins of stellar navigation in the Aegean”, Actes de la Vème conférence de la SEAC, Gdańsk, 5-8 septembre 1997 (Światowit supplement series H: Anthropology II). (Le Beuf, A. & Ziólkowski, M., eds.) Warsaw 1999, 69-81. Blomberg, P.E.: “An Astronomical Interpretation of Finds from Minoan Crete”, Astronomy and Cultural Diversity: Proceedings of the International Conference Oxford VI and SEAC 99, La Laguna, 21-29 June 1999, (Estaban, C. & Belmonte, J.A., eds.), Tenerife (Organismo Autónomo de Museos del Cabildo) 2000, 311-18. Davaras, C.: Guide to Cretan Antiquities, 2nd ed., Athens (Eptalofos S.A.) 1976. Davaras, C.: “The Oval House at Chamaizi Reconsidered”, Athens Annals of Archaeology 5, 1972, 283-88. Evans, A.: The Palace of Minos, 1, London (Macmillan and Co., Ltd) 1921. Henriksson, G. & Blomberg, M.: “Petsophas and the summer solstice”, Opuscula Atheniensia 22-23, 1997-1998, 147-51. Henriksson, G. & Blomberg, M.: “Evidence for Minoan astronomical observations from the peak sanctuaries on Petsophas and Traostalos”, Opuscula Atheniensia 21, 1996, 99-114. Ljunghall, A.: “The intensity of twilight and its connection with the density of the atmosphere”, Meddelanden från Lunds astronomiska observatorium, ser. 2, vol. 13, no. 125, 1949. Manning, S.: A test of time. The volcano of Thera and the chronology and history of the Aegean and east Mediterranean in the mid second millennium BC, Oxford (Oxbow Books) 1999. Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. & Cadogan, G.: The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, London (Thames and Hudson) 1992. nd Rutkowski, B.: The Cult Places of the Aegean, 2 ed., New Haven & London (Yale University Press ) 1986, 11-12, 73-98. Schmidt, J. F.: “Über die Dämmering”, Astronomische Nachrichten 63, 1865, article no. 1495. Siedentopf, H.: “Neue Messungen der visuellen Kontrastschwelle”, Astronomische Nachrichten 271, 1941, 193-203.

Acknowledgements We are grateful to the following foundations for making our research possible: the Swedish Council for Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences, the Gunvor and Josef Anér Foundation, the Axel and Margaret Axson Johnson Foundation, the Magn. Bergvall Foundation and the Helge Ax:son Johnson Foundation. We would like to thank the Greek Archaeological Service for permission to study the sites and the Swedish Institute at Athens for help in furthering our work. We are also grateful to Peter Blomberg for helping us make our measurements by shouldering some of the equipment and contributing to our discussions. References Bemporad, A.: “Zur Theorie der Extinktion des Lichtes in der Erdatmosphäre”, Mitteilungen Grossh. Sternwarte zu Heidelberg 4, 1904, 1-78. Blomberg, M. & Henriksson, G.: “Orientations of the Late Bronze Age Villa Complex at Vathypetro in Crete”, Mediterranean Archaeology & Archaeometry, 5, 2005, 51-61. Blomberg, M. & Henriksson, G.: “The calendaric relationship between the Minoan peak sanctuary on Juktas and the palace at Knossos”, Astronomy of ancient Civilizations: Proceedings of the Conference of the European society for Astronomy in Culture (SEAC) and National Astronomical Meeting (JENAM):, Moscow, May 2327, 2000 (Potyomkina, T.M. & Obridko, V.N., eds.), Moscow (Nauka) 2002, 81-92. Blomberg, M. & Henriksson, G.: “Differences in Minoan and Mycenaean orientations in Crete”, Astronomy, Cosmology and Landscape: Proceedings of the SEAC 98 meeting, Dublin, Ireland, September 1998 (Ruggles, C., Prendergast, F. & Ray, T., eds.) Bognor Regis (Ocarina Books) 2001, 72-91.

18

THE ORIENTATION OF GREEK TEMPLES: A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS

Efrosyni Boutsikas School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Leicester, University Road, Leicester, LE1 7RH, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected]

oriented towards the rising sun (Dinsmoor, 1939: 115-116). Moreover, the data presented here cover the chronological periods during which major developments took place in Greek religion and religious architecture. It was during these periods that the place of worship was shifted from within or near the domestic space of the Mycenaean palaces, to designating a large area that was dedicated solely to religious worship and activity. The study of this sample incorporates thus the development of religious practices in Greece and aims to demonstrate the continuity or introduction of influences in regard to the orientation of Greek temples.

This study provides a statistical analysis of the orientation of religious and public structures found in sanctuaries in ancient Greece and seeks to examine whether they were oriented with regards to celestial bodies and celestial events that would have been visible from the site. The data presented investigates whether the orientation of the structures was determined by religious practices that may have been related to astronomical knowledge and cosmological beliefs. Seventy-two orientations of ancient Greek temples and public buildings are included in the analysis that follows; these orientations cover the geographic region of the Greek mainland and some of the Aegean islands and stretch chronologically from 1300-200 BCE.

The measurements shown in the following graphs were taken with a magnetic compass and clinometer and have been converted to declinations. In this paper, when the term declination is employed to describe the orientation of a structure, it is used to describe the point in the celestial sphere to which the structure is oriented. Graph 1 shows the general distribution of seventy-two declinations, mostly of religious structures. The small number of secular buildings included in this graph are: Hypostyle Halls, Bouleuteria, stoas and Mycenaean palaces. The data presented in this graph form three distinct groups. The slight majority of data (53%) fall within the solar range (–24º to +24º). Two more clusters are observed in this graph, one to the north (42° to 68°) and another, larger to the south (–35° to –54°). A conspicuous observation from this distribution is the lack of data between the end of the solar range and the southern and northern major lunar limits (–24° to –30° and +24° to +28°).

This paper discusses some first results of an ongoing research project and draws some first general conclusions. As the widely accepted opinion on the orientation of Greek temples derives form research that was carried out during the late 1800s until to the mid 1900s, there is an undisputed need for a reassessment of this previous work. The dataset of this project is the largest sample of orientations of Greek temples collected by a single researcher and published from this area to date. The widely accepted belief in regard to the orientation of Greek temples is that they face eastsoutheast and this view derives mostly from the research that was carried out by Nissen and Penrose summarised in Dinsmoor’s article, published in 1939. The results presented in this paper challenge the arguments put forward by the above researchers and call for a reassessment of our so far rested view that the striking majority of Greek temples were

The data are studied further according to deity or function, date of construction and geographical location, as these three different criteria could have affected the orientation of the structures. The results obtained form the division of the data into these three sub-groups are discussed in the following pages.

Graph 1 Distribution graph of seventy-two declinations of religious and public buildings.

19

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Graph 2 Declinations of twelve temples dedicated to Apollo from twelve sites.

Graph 3 Declinations of six temples of Zeus from five sites.

Deity and function

Of the secular structures, the sub-groups with the largest amount of data are the stoas and Mycenaean palaces. The declinations of the palaces fall within a tight range of 15° from –36° to –51° (Graph 4). However, this data come only from three different sites (Tiryns, Thermum and Nestor’s palace in Pylos). I do not feel that drawing conclusions from this sub-group is appropriate, owing to the small number of data included.

It is possible that temple orientations depended on the deity to which they were dedicated. This division aims to examine whether the orientation of the temples of certain gods faced towards a particular direction. The religious structures are divided to sub-groups according to the deity to which they were dedicated. The patterns that emerge from the deity graphs have similar trends to the general distribution graph (Graph 1). An example of this is illustrated in Graph 2, which shows the distribution of temples dedicated to Apollo. We notice again the formation of the same three clusters of data, relative to the amount of data. In graphs of deities with less available data, only the two largest data clusters emerge: the one that falls within the solar range and the one in the southern part of the horizon. An example of deity sub-groups with less data is given in Graph 3, which is a representative example of deities with fewer measurements. In this sub-group the secular structures, such as Hypostyle Halls, Bouleuteria, stoas and Mycenaean palaces (megara) are divided according to function. Although Mycenaean palaces did include areas for religious worship they are treated as non-religious structures because they are usually classified as domestic structures.

A very tight distribution is also noted in the stoa sub-group, although we are dealing again with a small number of data (four measurements from three different sites), which is by no means representative of the occurrence of these structures in ancient Greece. All the stoa declinations of this sample fall towards the south of the horizon and spread within 16°. The side that determines the orientation of the stoas is the long open side, which was supported by a colonnade, and not the long axis of the structures, as the latter was always blocked by walls on both ends. Stoas functioned as galleries for the display of artwork and as gathering places or shelters from heavy weather conditions (cooling places in the summer and shelters from rain and wind in the winter). Their southerly orientation as displayed in Graph 5 confirms the inverred . 20

The Orientation of Greek Temples: A Statistical Analysis

Graph 4 Declinations from four Mycenaean Megara.

Graph 5 Four stoa orientations from Argos, Delphi and Delos.

function of the structures as shelters and more specifically it shows that the southern orientation is indeed the optimal for their function of these structures. Their long open side was facing the winter sun during its peak hours. As the winter sun rises at a lower height, the sunrays would enter the structures, making them pleasant places for gathering during that time of year. In the summer however, the sun rises higher in the sky, and the width of the roof prevents the hot, summer sunrays to enter the structures during the peak hours, keeping them hence cool and shaded.

the same orientation as their predecessors and that the later temples have their orientations frequently shifted by a few degrees. This observation is tested by dividing the field data into five chronological periods: Mycenaean (1300-1000 BCE), Geometric (900-700 BCE), Archaic (700-480 BCE), Classical (480-330 BCE) and Hellenistic (330 BCE-14 CE). The statistical analysis of these groups depicts the pattern shown in the outset, in Graph 1. No shift is detected in the distribution of the declinations between consecutive periods (see for example Graphs 6 and 7). It is intriguing that we should have such a result when the preliminary study of ground plans indicated a shift of orientations between earlier and later temple phases. I believe that the explanation lies in the fact that the chronological periods into which the data are separated, are determined by archaeologists through the changes in technology, development and elaboration in architecture, pottery and art. These periods need therefore not apply to a study, which investigates successive structures. The sample presented here includes sites with as many as four excavated successive temples dedicated to the same deity, such as the Heraion of Samos. Although there are four consecutive temples dedicated to Hera at her sanctuary in

Date of construction The dataset is also divided into groups according to a structure’s date of construction. This grouping is aimed at the religious structures; by splitting the data in chronological groups (if there was indeed an astronomical practice involved in the orientation of Greek temples) it is possible to detect the date of introduction and/or the time during which such a practice may have ceased or was relaxed. A preliminary study of ground plans conducted before the actual visits to the sites, showed that very often, later temples do not follow 21

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Graph 6 Declinations of twenty-two temples built in the Archaic period.

Graph 7 Declinations of twenty-eight Classical temples.

Samos, they fall only within two of the chronological periods mentioned above (Geometric and Archaic), which cover more than five hundred years between them. In other cases, two or more successive temples with different orientations fall in the same chronological period. Since these successive structures are included in the same graph, it is not possible to detect the difference in their orientations, unless we study the ground plans separately for each site. This analysis stresses the need to plot the declinations of consecutive structures independently for each site and the significance of a study that focuses on individual sites as separate units rather than grouping them in what we have determined to have been the chronological duration of a period.

Greece and Attica; northern Greece; and the Aegean islands. It is of course acknowledged that each of these groups covers many local cults, something more evidently demonstrated in the Aegean islands sub-group, which covers islands of the Cyclades, Saronic Gulf and the Dodecanese. The number of available data however, is not large enough to allow a division into more homogenous groups that will at the same time produce meaningful statistical results. The sub-groups reveal no preferential orientation patterns related to a geographical location. The emerging trends are the same as the ones discussed in Graph 1. An example of this is presented in Graph 8. The results indicate that whichever factor determined the orientation of religious structures, it was followed across Greece regardless of geographical location, regional traditions and local religious cults.

Geographic location

Discussion

Finally, a third analysis of the data is carried out, one which relates to location. This analysis examines the possibility that the factors determining the orientation of religious structures may have been subject to local or regional practices and may have not applied across the Greek world. The data are split into four geographic groups: the Peloponnese; Central

The generic statistical analysis shows that only a small majority of the temple orientations fall within the solar range. Such a result contradicts the conclusion drawn by Dinsmoor that 73% of the Greek temples were oriented within 60° of 22

The Orientation of Greek Temples: A Statistical Analysis

Graph 8 Declinations of thirty-three temples in the Aegean islands. due east (1939: 115-116). The above analysis reveals that the orientation of Greek temples was not linked to, or determined by their geographical location, chronological period or deity to which they were dedicated. An exception seem to be the Mycenaean palaces, which are oriented towards the south but no conclusions can be drawn on this occasion, as this group includes measurements from an insufficient amount of data.

rising of constellations associated with the deity worshipped in the temple. The association between the deity and the specific constellation is demonstrated in mythology, in the connection between the movement of the constellation and the timing of the annual festival, in the ancient historic records, the archaeological finds and in the foundation myth of the cult. If such a conclusion is correct, then we could argue that the temple orientations were determined by the association of the cult with astronomical phenomena and thus that the cults, rituals and the astronomical correlation predated the temples. Consequently, particular religious festivals may have been strongly linked to specific constellations, and this link was strong enough to determine the temple orientation. The orientation of the temple would therefore be unique and historically situated within the particular cultural group who built it.

The distinct absence of measurements between the sun range limits and the major lunar limits, with the exception of one measurement (Graph 1) could be translated as lack of supporting evidence that the movement of the moon was associated to the orientation of Greek religious structures. Such a conclusion seems justifiable: most Greek festivals were held annually, so if a celestial body was to mark a point in the horizon, which when revisited (by the celestial body) would signify the time of a festival or an event to be held, then the moon would be an inefficient choice, due to its monthly cycle. Other problems are encountered when using the movement of the moon as a marker, which could make it an unsuitable candidate (see further discussion in Ruggles, 60-61). In ancient Greece, there was a paucity of major events or festivals repeated on a monthly basis. Had the celebration of major religious festivals or rites been associated to certain celestial observations, we would expect that the astronomical events observed would also occur on an annual basis. Such phenomena can be solar (i.e. the point in the horizon that the sun rises at a specific day in the year) or stellar (e.g. the heliacal rising or setting of stars, apparent acronychal rising, apparent cosmical setting). In terms of Greek literary evidence, there are several references to the use of stellar observations (the most common of all being the heliacal rising) for measuring time (e.g. Hesiod Works and Days 383-384, 609-611). Preliminary results from the oracle of Apollo in Delphi (Salt and Boutsikas, 2005) and the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Sparta (Boutsikas, 2006) suggest that there might be a possible connection between the timing of a religious activity and a stellar event visible in the part of the horizon to wards which the main temple in the sanctuary was oriented. The temples from the above two sites seem to have been oriented towards the heliacal

Acknowledgments I would like to thank Prof. C. Ruggles and Prof. G. Shipley for their comments on a previous draft of this paper. I am also indebted to Prof. G. Antonakopoulos for his help with the stoas. References Boutsikas, E.: “The Cult of Artemis Orthia in Greece: a case of astronomical observations?”, Proceedings of the SEAC 2005 Meeting, Isili, Sardinia (forthcoming), 2006. Dinsmoor, W.B.: “Archaeology and Astronomy”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 80, 1939, 95173. Ruggles, C.: Astronomy in Prehistoric Britain and Ireland, Yale University Press, 1999. Salt, A. and Boutsikas, E.: “Knowing when to consult the oracle at Delphi”, Antiquity, 79, No 305, 2005, 564572. 23

ARCHITECTURE OF LIGHT

George Dimitriadis Hellenic Rock Art Centre, 640 03 Philippi, Greece E-mail: [email protected]

“... a series of social and religious activities ...” 1) the Lascaux Cave, France; 2) Knowth megalithic structure, Ireland and 3) the Rotunda Basilica, Greece. Such constants emerge from the same conceptual basis, which is the choice of the place.

Introduction

The choice of the site is fundamental within the magicalreligious system, because it conserves and transmits the divine message: the spirit (in Christianity represented as an illuminated dove). Various studies, especially those regarding space syntax analysis, demonstrate that the choice of the place can modify the natural environmental during the activity of a tribal group (Wicker; Stokals and Shumaker). Regarding Australian aboriginals, Rapoport notes that the choice of a determined place means marking the territory and organizing it according specific cosmological rules: “The making of places is the ordering of the world, the classification of the difference between places some of which are more significant that others”.

Often accompanying colleagues or work groups to prehistoric sites with engravings, I have observed the difficulty of seeing single scenes and petroglyphs outside a certain timetable, in the absence of solar light. Leo Frobenius, in 1914, made a similar observation during one of his explorations in the Saharan Atlas to the border with Morocco. In fact, it has been suggested in the CAR-ICOMOS, by Jean Clottes, that it would be useful to insert in the site information for a rock art site the opportune time for the best visualization of petroglyphs, providing in this way a better service for the visitors of specific prehistoric sites [BCN]. These considerations, added to my personal experience from fieldwork, have consequently induced me to reinterpret such sites and also places from the Christian religion (in particular the Byzantine Basilicas) in a new perspective: that one of the functions of light, its management in relation to figurative art, appears to me as a basis in a generalized manner for the present architectonic mentality.

The same considerations are valid also for prehistoric caves. The choice of one place over another to create paintings is fundamental. Also the choice of the colour is important. Indeed, before painting or recording, the artist examines palm to palm the size of the scene. The Cave of Pestillac at Montcabrier (Lot) in France, studied by Julien Sentis, reveals the presence of a rare thematic narrative for the caves of the advanced Palaeolithic (feminine figures and one bird shape).1 Similar considerations resulted from the exploration of the Ignatievskajia Cave, South of Urals (Koutsov; Petrine),2 where the signs were grouped in topics, based on criteria such as the borderline between the shadow and the light.

The mythological origins In the history of the human civilization, Sky and Earth, were the sacred couple. These pre-ancestral entities in their full and intensive erotic embrace generated the World. I can testify to the existence of numerous rock paintings/ engravings recorded around the planet. That Man, as part of Physis, from the moment of his awakening needs reassurances that translate into the cult of fertility and regeneration of nature, is widely attested by the different mythologies. The game of the sacred embrace and their archetypal isomorphism is a constant in the prehistoric world: Uranus/Earth = Sun/ Moon = Man/Woman = Lion/Taurus. Their commemoration is manifest for example in foundation myths; in the sun dance (Dorsey; Levi-Strauss); in the rituals that precede hunting actions (Frobenius); in the cults of the ancestors in megalithic civilizations (Renfrew); in initiation rituals inside grottos according to the mythological Australian ancestral spirit tales (Anati). The propitious moment to start the ritual was often associated with the moment of the sunrise. Frequently, all these kinds of rituals and ceremonies were organized in relation to beams of sunlight and the movement of the stars, melding together human and celestial time.

The choice of the place answers the question: why do I find myself here in this place and at what distance from my house? Knowing the exact position and knowing how to find the way back are fundamental in order to develop interests of the geodetic type (Jacobs).3 The same questions were probably asked also during ancestor rituals, such as are known from megalithic, European architecture (5th-3rd millennia a.C.). In particular, ceremonies tied to the cult of the ancestors were celebrated and cultural founder heroes centralized and recorded in two different ritual moments: 1. The introduction of the dead man to the tomb 2. The veneration of the same in a second moment.  Sentis J., “The discovery of a decorated cave at Montcabrier, Lot, France, Inora, 27, 2000, pp.6-8. 2  Koustov Z.M., Les campagnes spéléologiques et les expèditions avec les écoliers, Tchéliabinsk (Ed. de l’Oural du Sud), 1977, pp. 3-82; Petrine T., La pointe de la sagaie de l’époque palèolithique découverte à l’Oural du Nord, Les anciennetés de la Sibéri et de l’Extrème-Orient, Institut de l’Archéologie de l’Académie des Science de l’URSS, Novosibirisk, 1987, pp. 63-68. 3  Jacobs J.Q., Archaeogeodesy, a key to Prehistory, http://www.jqjacobs.net/ astro/arc_form.html 1

“Architecture” of light Later on I explore three sites of cult. Even though dislocated in time and in space, they are joined by the same thread: the “management of the light” which its translated in terms of 25

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

1. Lascaux Cave

intensity and the angle of deviation of the solar light. The stone is engraved with strip bands and zigzags, which recall symbolically the regeneration of life, like water. In fact, the situation that is verified by following:

In the last few years new interpretations from the viewpoint of archaeoastronomy have joined archaeological theories: in particular, the works of Rappengluck and Wolkiewiez.

☐ 22 September (Autumn Equinox) when the light beam

illuminates K73 (minimal penetration), situated in the south part of the corridor, reaching the maximum penetration when catches up K23

.

Both studies remark on the possibility of recognizing constellations that are astronomically visible when the rays of the solstice and equinoctial light is designed between the bison’s horns and evidence the relations between them. In effect, a close relationship between the celestial Taurus and Orion exists in mythological terms. In Mesopotamia (4380 a.C.) during the summer equinox, the constellations of Taurus inaugurate the zodiac year. From here it derives its name, GU.AN.NA (= Taurus of the sky), sacred animal to the lunar divinity. It seems that the disposition of the two Taurus of the south wall, n°15 and n°18, coloured by pigment follows the disposition of the zodiac belt, which creates the following situation: Taurus n°9 = Scorpion; Taurus n°13 = Lion; Taurus n°15 = Cancer and Binoculars with a part of Orion; Taurus n°18 = Taurus. What we estimate mainly from this study is that the described scene (light bundle that illuminates the Taurus’s) strengthens the hypothesis of the birth of the cult of Taurus in the Palaeolithic, regarding fertility/regeneration rituals during the initiation of young members of Hunter/ Gatherer clans, in proximity to the summer solstice. Such ritual continues for the entire Neolithic period, as is demonstrated by the sanctuary of Catal Huyuk (6500 a.C.).

Fig. 2. Newgrange. Distribution of megalithic art along the passage chamber. Taking into account the iconography from K74,4 engraved “macheroni” signs and “C shape” lines and spirals, (Newgrange, Fig. 2), the hypothesis is that activity here probably concerned a ritual, managed by a shaman (man/ bird) which recalled the epiphany (both K73 and K34 are bathed in light) of the Mother Goddess, dispenser of life.

2. Knowth megalithic site The excavations of the archaeologist George Eogan, have demonstrated that Knowth (5000 a.C) was one of the largest tumulii in Europe, called a “long corridor”, whose stone disposition was not accidental, but follows specific criteria as is indicated by petroglyphs carved on the kerbs. The main characteristic of the site is the presence of a double room of passage (length: 34.2m; Newgrange has a single one). One is oriented west and the other east (length: 40.4m).

3. Byzantine Basilicas The choice of the basilicas is emblematic, because they were created purposely in order to capture the light, which optical .  Such cults were introduced from the European sedentary rural societies, which attempted the legitimate appropriation the ground. This is emphasized throughout the Knowth system, for example in K44 are concentrated 42 signs similar to “C”; K41 has an axe-plow similar to those represented at the end of the Locmariaquer corridor; K49 makes “occuli” facies, of a little owl “recalling the regenerative force of the ancestors”. Based on calculations K74 works as a lunar calendar

4

2a. Knowth west The light beam, progressively, exceeds the first kerbstone (K74, Fig. 1) placed at the entrance of the tumulus, not a barrier of impediment, rather a “frame” selecting the

.

26

Architecture of Light instrument has an important relationship with the sacral. The exemplars are Saint Vitale and Sant’ Apollinare in Classe near Ravenna and St. Sophia in Constantinople. A series of sacred constructions of remarkable relief are found in Brescia (Cathedral), Saint Cross in Ninth, former Yugoslavia, and the Rotunda in Thessalonica, Greece.

this conception mosaics act as reflectors of the deployment of the solar beams as if accompanying you in ecclesiastical hymns. In specific cases the entire temple was conceived in such a way as to indicate the exact time that pray should start based on the interplay of solar beams with signs. Emblematic is the case of Ninth (Nin), Roman Aeona (during the first years of 9th century was Episcopal centre of the Croatian bishops). The local count, Godacaj, decide to construct a small building of cult dedicated to the Saint Cross, as we can recognize on the door lintel:

The first basilicas were conceived around the octagonal Baptistery that symbolically represents the Creation (six days of works and seventh to render Glory to God). In order to better understand the symbolic and structural formulation of the Basilicas I think it opportune to devote a few words to the nature of the Byzantine architecture. The first most important characteristic, because it pertains to the constructive hinge is supplied in the Sacred Texts: “[…] παντες ορωμεν κατ’ανατολας επι των προσευχων, οτι την αρχαιαν επιζητουμεν πατριδαν, τόν Παραδεισον, όν εφυτευσεν ο Θεός εν Εδεμ κατ’ανατολας” and “Τό κατ’ανατολας ευχεσθαι παραδεδομενων εστι […] παρα των Αγ. Αποστολων, δια τό τόν νοητόν ηλιον της δικαιοσυνης Χριστόν τόν θεόν ημων επι γης φανηναι εν τοις μερεσι της ανατολης του αισθητου ηλιου […] και ως συνεκδεχομενης την ανατολην της δευτερας του Κυριου παρουσιας […] ” [St Basil, Migne Ε.Π. 32, 139–98. 392].

GODECAI IVPPANO ISTO DONO CO[MPSITI].

Indeed, the orientation of the sacred building is on a WestEast axis (entrance from West and Tabernacle to the East).5 Obviously, such orientation reflects the maximum orientation of ancient Greek temples even if these latter had the votive statue towards the West and the entrance to east. An ulterior element derives from the technological characteristics of the buildings. In effect, the basilica structure equipped by a majestic holy scenography sight to the immateriality with the entire architectonic structure, for which every basilica it turns out as a Eucharistic event (Yannaras). How is this vision obtained? By simply embedding windows and arcs in such a way as to offer greater space to the play of the light. Light that transforms sacred paintings and their ascetic faces, giving off spiritual vortices, feeding the glare of the light of the day when it weaves patterns of colourful glass between the windows. The liturgical space is modelled on the direction of the light, forcing the shadows to one ephemeral life. In

Fig. 3. Santa Croce, Ninth, Zagabria. The architectural church plan was modified over time. Professor Pejakovic Mleden, of the Academy of Fine Arts, Zagabria, studied the entire building and noticed that the architectonic plan introduces one strange conformation not regarding layout, but in relation to late rising of the sun on the citadel of Ninth (Fig. 3), because it is blocked to the east by the mountain of Velebit. Calculating the local time according to this delay, he recorded that where the beams penetrate the inside of the building at specific points signs were illuminated and also holes in the wall, thereby indicating the liturgical steps. In other words, the monks who followed Saint Benedict’s rule, had the seven prayers previewed during the entire day, with the beam of sunlight regulating the hours of the prayer. This meant that when the beams of sunlight hit a specific holy point, it was time to chant the suitable hymn.

 Often, in antiquity, the temples’ orientation followed different directions respecting sunrise, for example Epicurus Apollo, Vassa; Athena, Alephira; Athena Proneus, Delphi, Artemis, Caledonia etc. Deviations from the construction standard is also noted in the Basilicas, both in West and East and in particular we can assert: 1. West direction: Antiochia [Socrates historician, V sec. A.D.], Tyros [Eusebius, St. Eccl.. Χ, 4,38], Gerusalem [Eusebius, life of Constantine III, 37], Heliopolis (Baalbek) [Jahrbuch des Instituts XVI, 1901, tav. I], Savarathra (Tripoli) (Bartoccini). 2. Without a specific direction: SouthWest: St. Maria Maggiore, St. Pudenziana e St. Prassede (all in Italy); North East: St. Agnese, St. Sabina (both in Italy); South East: St. Saba (Greece). 3. Various orientation according the geological deformation: Direzioni varie a causa della conformazione del terreno: all basilicas in Mystra (Peloponeso, Grecia), follow the direction of the sunrise (Struck, 1910). Usually, the orientation of the holy structure follows the point of sunrise from the commemoration day of the saint to which the building is dedicated. In other cases, we can assert that the important communication roads and pilgrim roots can manipulate the construction criteria of a holy building.

5

The preview excavations in the perimetrical area of the church were interrupted because of political instability in the area which leaves it impossible for us to establish with exactitude the original pre-Romanesque plan. The same can also be said for the calculations carried out by the author, which need further verification. There remains the data which personally interests me like the archaeologist, regarding the mental design followed during the temple’s construction in order to “manage the sunlight”. 27

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography A pluriannual study, led by Prof. Yiannis Iliadis, demonstrates that the symmetrical structure of the Rotunda in Thessalonica, facilitates the influx of light to its inside: furthermore the design creates a corridor of light in the direction of the altar culminating in the concentration of the beam of light at the crucial moment of the religious ceremony of the Eucharist.

respecting the direction of the pavement-point apex of the cupola (Fig. 4) following the relationship of the gold section. The show that is created at the moment of the entrance of the believer into the Church is transformed into the sacred dimension, because the look is captured from the brilliance of the sacred temple, thanks to the sunlight beam. As the liturgy advances so the intensity of the light on the inside increases in proportion to the height of the structure. For this were employed various types of marble, in covering walls up to a certain height, creating a contrast with the chromium plating in the mosaics, so as to regulate the intensity of the luminosity, concentrating all at the centre of the cupola and painting “the Glory of God”.

The Rotunda, a circular building, dated to period of the Emperor Galerio (300 AD) was modified in the first years of Christianity (4th-6th sec. AD), changing its function from lay to religious. The interesting data is that the architectonic alterations were carried out during the period when the Emperor Constantine was permanently in Thessalonica, before settling down definitively in Byzantium, and starting the construction of Saint Sophia. Iliadis writes that many of the inventions and experiments on the Rotunda were working towards its upgrading to a “Baptistery of Light” which Saint Sophia is still

References

.

Anati E., 1998: Aborigeni. Un albero per l’artista, Archeologia Viva, 1998, XVII:70, pp.40-51 Frobenius L., 1933: Kultrgeschichte Afrikas-Prolegomena zu einer historischen Gestaltlehre, Phaidon Verlag, Zurigo Iliadis Y., 2001: “The natural lighiting of the mosaics in the Rotunda at Thessalonica”, Lighiting Research & Tecnology, CIBSE, 33.1 Jegus-Wolkiewiez Ch., 2000: “Lascaux: Vision du Ciel des Magdalenian”, XVIII Valcamonica Symposium, Italy. Ορλανδου Α., 1953: Η ξυλòστεγος παλαιοχριστιανική Βασιλικη της Μεσογειακης λεκανης, Αθηνα Rapoport A., 1977: “Australian aboriginies and the definition of Place”, Shelter, Sign and Symbol, (Oliver P., Editor), pp. 38-51, Overlook Press, Woodstock, N.Y. Rappengluck M., 1999: “A Paleolithic shamanistic cosmography: how to decode the famous rock pictures in the shaft of the Lascaux Cave”, XVIII Valcamonica Symposium, Italy Renfrew C. 1979: Before Civilization. The Radiocarbon revolution and Prehistoric Europe, Cambridge University Press Stokals D. & Shumaker S.A., 1981: “People in Places: A Transactional View of Settings”, Cognition, Social Behavior, and the Environment, (Harvey J.H., Editor), pp.441488, Lawrence Erlbaum Pub., Hillsdale, N.Y. Struck A., 1910: Mistra eine mittelalterliche Ruinenstadt, Wien u. Leipzig Yannaras Ch., 2000: The Ethos of Orthodox Liturgical Art, Athens Wicker A. W., 1979: An Introduction to Ecological Psycology, Wadsworth Inc, Belmont.

Fig. 4. Rotunda, Thessalonica, Greece. Ground Plant and sunlight beam dispersion (after Iliades) In particular, the proportions between the surface of the mosaics and the bands of the perimetrical windows along the dome are centred, arranged with an inclination of 68°

28

THE ORIENTATION OF THE ‘HÜNENBETTEN’ OF LOWER SAXONY

A. C. González-García & L. Costa Ferrer Abstract We report here on an on-going study to measure the orientation of the megalithic monuments of the TRB West group. The orientation of 48 passage graves between the rivers Wesser and Ems have been measured. The orientations of the chambers and of the passages, where possible, have been collected. Chambers are orientated close to due east-west. A secondary peck in the orientation of the chambers is observed close to summer solstice sunrise. The entrance is mostly located to the south and can be related to the rise and set of the stars of the Southern Cross and the Pointers. When compared with the monuments from TRB East group and the Allees Couverts from Brittany the orientations seem compatible. However the orientations of monuments from the TRB North group seem to be different. The oldest dating from the TRB monuments come from the TRB North group. Possible implications are discussed. Fig. 1. Top: Example of Gross-steingrab from Lower Saxony. An elongated chamber formed by orthostats, with the entrance in the middle of the south side and surrounded by a kerb. Bottom: Plan of one gross-steingrab without a kerb.

Introduction The so-called Funnel Beaker Culture, Trichterrandbecher or Trichterbecher (TRB) in German, introduced agriculture and the Neolithic new life style in several areas in the north European plains. The name of the culture comes from the funnel neck shaped pottery found in the archaeological remains of this culture.1

In the West Group these megaliths are often called ‘Hunebedden’ in the Dutch territory or ‘Hunenbetten’ in Germany. However, as Baker 4 points out the terms used in the archaeological texts include a difference. The German term is often used only to identify the elongated structures surrounded by a kerb that may or may not include a passage grave. In the present work we use the term ‘Hünenbetten’ to name all the monuments we have measured which include the elongated structures surrounded by a kerb and enclosing a passage grave and the so called Gross-steingraber. Among them, the passage graves are the most common. These structures consist of a rectangular chamber defined by several orthostats and two stones closing the short sides. Capstones are placed on top of the orthostats defining the roof of the chamber. Dry walling filled the space between orthostats, and an earthen mound covered the chamber.5 The entrance appears always in the middle of one of the sides and in several cases one or more pairs of orthostats built a passage (see figure 1).

The TRB pottery spreads over a vast area including the south of Scandinavia, Denmark, north of Germany, the Netherlands, and parts of Poland and the Czech Republic. The TRB has been divided in several groups due to the regional differences. The one we deal here with is the West group, located west of the river Wesser occupying parts of western Germany and the north of the Netherlands. Calibrated radiocarbon dating situates the remains found from this group between 3400 BCE to 2800 BCE.2 Apart from the characteristic pottery, the TRB culture developed megalithic architecture for their burial places, with a number of different structures described in the literature.3

 Baldia, M.O.: A spatial analysis of megalithic tombs, Ph.D. dissertation, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, 1995; Midgley, M.: TRB culture. The First Farmers of the North European Plain, Edinburgh Univ. Press, Edinburgh, 1992. 2  Baker, J.A.: The Dutch Hunebedden, Megalithic Tombs of the Funnel Beaker Culture, Ann Arbor, Michigan (Archaeological Series 2, International Monographs in Prehistory) 1992; Baldia, 1995; Midgley, 1992. 3  Fansa, M: Grosssteingraber zwischen Weser und Ems, Isensee, Oldenburg, 2000. 1

The Hünenbetten are found in areas of elevated terrain associated to the remains of glacial moraines that brought the boulders to the actual locations from Scandinavia.6 The   Baker, 1992: 3.   Fansa, 2000; Baker, 1992;Midgley, 1992 6   Fansa, 2000; Baker, 1992 4 5

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 2. Region of the TRB West group. The location of the megaliths is given as black dots.

Fig. 3. Azimuths for the 46 measured Hünenbetten. Dotted-dashed lines indicate the sunrise azimuths at the solstices while the dotted lines indicate the lunar standstill points.

megaliths were used as burial places several times during history and not only during the period commonly ascribed to the TRB culture. They have suffered from exploitation almost since the time of construction and in the last centuries many of them disappeared due to the need of stones to build dams, churches and other structures.7 The interest to investigate, conserve and restore these monuments started in the 19th century. However it was common believe at that time that the mound was sand deposited over the stones by the effect of time, and therefore most of them were ‘cleaned’. This left the passage graves as we can see them today (see Fig. 1). Sprockoff performed a systematic study of these monuments8 and we have used his maps and the descriptions found in Fansa9 to locate the monuments.

Cross and the pointers was claimed in accordance with the radiocarbon dating for these monuments.13 The data Here we present the results from a first campaign of measurements of the Hünenbetten in West Germany. The Hünenbetten appear located in several clusters between the rivers Ems to the west and Wesser to the east. Most of them are located on elevated terrain, although it is not rare to find some of them close to streams of water. The three main clusters are located around the city of Osnabrück, the town of Meppen and close to Wildeshausen, near Bremen (see Fig. 2). We have visited 52 monuments in the last two clusters, 48 of which were in good conditions to perform measurements. The full account of the measurements for the three clusters will be given in the future elsewhere.

Map measurements done by Reijs10 following Fansa11 indicate that the distribution of azimuths is clustered around east. In a previous study12 we measured the orientations of the passage graves still present today in the Netherlands belonging to the TRB culture. We measured the orientation of the chamber for 52 Hunebeden. The entrance was measured for the 34 where this was possible. The chamber is orientated east-west with a broad peak around due eastwest. The entrance is always located in the south side of the structure. A possible double peak could be detected for the distribution of orientations of the entrances. A possible explanation regarding the stars of the Southern

We have measured the orientation of the chamber both to the east and to the west end. It is not clear by the appearance of the structure which of the two should be preferred (if any). In the Dutch Hunebedden no human remains have been found due to the acid composition of the terrain.14 The German monuments show little human remains.15 The entrances of the monuments appear preferentially towards the south and the east (see below). We will then use the east orientation in the following analysis.

  Baker, 1992.  Sprockhoff, E.: Atlas der Megalithgräber Deutschlands: Niedersachsen, Westfalen. G. Körner (ed.), Habelt, Bonn, 1975. 9  Fansa, 2000. 10  Reijs, V.: http://www.iol.ie/~geniet/eng/ , 1997. 11  Fansa, 2000. 12  Gonzalez-Garcia, A.C. & Costa-Ferrer, L, “Orientations of the Dutch Hunebedden”, JHA, xxxiv, 2003, 219-26 (a). 13  Gonzalez-Garcia, A.C. & Costa-Ferrer, L, “Possible Astronomical Orientation of the Dutch Hunebedden” Calendar, Symbols and 7 8

Orientations: Legacies of Astronomy in Culture, Proceedings of the 9th annual meeting of the SEAC, (M. Bloomberg, P.E. Bloomberg, G. Henriksson, eds), Uppsala (Uppsala Astronomical Observatory), 2003, 111-18 (b). 14  Baker, 1992. 15  Midgley, 1992.

30

The Orientation of The ‘Hünenbetten’ of Lower Saxony #

Lat. ´ ” 52 44 5 52 46 46 52 46 58 52 46 23 52 46 23 52 46 24 52 46 24 52 46 56 52 46 50 52 46 50 52 46 50 52 46 50 52 46 53 52 46 56 52 47 22 52 46 36 52 45 54 52 44 23 52 44 54 52 44 54 52 48 3 52 48 36 52 49 38 52 52 48 52 52 5 52 52 22 52 52 22 52 49 49 52 48 53 52 53 19 52 53 13 52 52 39 52 53 54 52 51 32 52 50 24 52 47 3 52 53 31.5 52 52 53 52 52 43 52 52 24 52 52 52.5 52 52 52 52 52 44 52 52 44 52 52 41 52 52 42 52 52 46 52 51 46 52 51 46 52 51 46 52 51 47 52 53 54 o

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9a 9b 9c 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17a 17b 18a 18b 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 39b 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Long. o ´ ” 7 23 39 7 24 57 7 26 12 7 25 47 7 25 48 7 25 49 7 25 50 7 30 12 7 30 55 7 30 55 7 30 55 7 30 55 7 31 1.5 7 30 59 7 33 13 7 33 26 7 34 15 7 26 56 7 30 28 7 30 28 7 34 43 7 34 18 7 38 28 7 40 58 7 34 7 7 31 28 7 31 28 7 30 38 7 29 1 7 30 9 7 29 26 7 35 18 7 48 48 7 45 54 7 45 23 7 49 50 8 19 28.5 8 20 12 8 19 48 8 19 36 8 16 50 8 16 53 8 15 59 8 15 59 8 15 59.5 8 16 3 8 15 55 8 26 13.5 8 26 13.5 8 26 13.5 8 26 10 8 22 49

Az.

Alt.

o o

56 68 94 140 84 73 91 143 ----46 93 75 80 99 127 112 87 90 --101.5 --57.5 53 70 167 71 76 100 69 55 95 92 77 38.5 88.5 39 87.5 48 39 119 94.5 92.5 87.5 81.5 67 104.5 49.5 51.5 53 4.5 102

0 0 1 0.5 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 2 -

Fig. 4. Histogram of the azimuths for the monuments in Lower Saxony. The solid vertical lines indicate the sunrise azimuths at the solstices while the vertical dotted lines indicate the lunar standstill points.

Fig. 5. Histogram of azimuths of the chambers for the monuments in Germany and the Netherlands (TRB West).

Table 1: Data for the 52 measured Hünenbetten, we have azimuth measurements for 48. First column gives the tomb number, next two columns give the geographical coordinates, and the fourth gives the azimuth and the last one the altitude of the horizon where this was possible to measure. For horizons covered by trees is indicated by -.

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 7. Top, declination histogram for the passages. Bottom part shows declinations of the brightest stars in the range covered by the entrances for the dates given by the radiocarbon.

Fig. 6. Histogram of azimuths for the passages in TRB west.

The azimuth measurements for the chamber are given in Table 1 and figure 3. The orientations are mostly confined to the limits of rise of the Moon and Sun. One Hünenbett is found north of the northern most rise of the moon and one appears to the south of the southern most rising. A clustering of the orientation appears close to due east.

only containing the Dutch Hunebedden could still be observed. According to this we have calculated the declinations corresponding to the orientations and altitudes of the horizon of the entrances. This is given in figure 7. Here we find that the declinations of the passages show a strong peak at declination –35o. This value could be due to the accumulation point due to the set of orientations pointing towards the south at latitude of around 53o. At this values of declination the rising or setting of sun and moon must be discarded, together with the planets. Then if we assume that the orientation of the passages could be the important orientation to take into account and that it could be linked to some object in the sky it could be the sun or moon close to culmination. The appearance of the possible double peak for the monuments in the Netherlands led us17 to propose a possible explanation involving the rising and setting of one star or a group of stars. The same analysis can be done here and it is presented in figure 7. The bottom part shows the values of declination for the brightest stars that appear close to these values in declination. Solid heavy lines indicate the range of declinations of the stars for the dates given by the radiocarbon. The light solid line gives the values for the declinations after correcting for atmospheric extinction. It can be noticed that the Southern Cross and the Pointers are compatible with the values obtained from the orientations of the passages. These groups of stars have also been claimed as possible targets for the orientations of several megalithic monuments in the literature.18 Although one must always keep in mind that for a given direction it is

This clustering is more clearly seen in the histogram of the azimuths shown in figure 4. The main maximum is close to 90o, while a second peak appears close to azimuth 50o, near the azimuth of sunrise in the Summer Solstice. It should be noticed that beyond azimuth 110o there are very few monuments indicating a clear preference towards east and northeast orientations (or west, south-west if the orientation is reversed). TRB West If we combine these measurements with the 52 taken in the Netherlands16 we start to build a good image of the orientation pattern followed in the TRB West group. This is given in figure 5. The main maximum is again located near due east, although it is broadened by the introduction of the Dutch Hunebedden. There are hints of a second maximum at 70o, and finally there is a concentration near the azimuth of sunrise in Summer Solstice. We have in total measurements for the passages of 57 graves, 34 from the Netherlands and 23 from Germany. The distribution of orientations is given in figure 6. The great majority is opened towards the south with just 5 open to the east. The histogram shows that the concentration to the south is broad and the double peak present in the sample

 Gonzalez-Garcia & Costa-Ferrer, 2003b.  See, e.g. Hoskin, M.: ”The orientations of the Taulas of Menorca (1): The Southern Taulas”, 1989, Archaeoastronomy (JHA suplement) 14, s11736.

17 18

 Gonzalez-Garcia & Costa-Ferrer, 2003a.

16

32

The Orientation of The ‘Hünenbetten’ of Lower Saxony important to note that these two groups belong to the same material culture. We have also looked at data from TRB East group.23 The passage of the megaliths in this region are orientated towards south very much like the monuments in TRB West, building a more coherent picture with them than the monuments of the TRB North. The North group of megalithic monuments has provided the earliest radiocarbon dates for the TRB culture24 and thus it has been claimed as the origin place for this culture,25 which would have irradiated to the other groups. However the different orientation custom seems to indicate that the picture is not so simple. It seems that, although the material culture could be similar, the orientation custom or the building strategies were different, perhaps pointing at a different origin place for them.

Fig. 8. Histogram of the azimuths for Scandinavia.

always possible to find the rise or set of a bright start,19 and therefore it is risky to claim an stellar alignment.

The Allees Couverts in Brittany show an elongated chamber with the entrance either towards the East end or to the East extreme of the south side, giving a shape of a short ‘L’. Castellani measured the orientations of the chambers of these monuments and they show a range in orientation compatible with the one of the megaliths in the TRB West and East groups.

Other monuments Hard & Roslund20 measured 41 passage graves in Denmark and southern Sweden corresponding to the TRB North group. The megaliths of this region are slightly different from the ones in the West group. The chamber seems to be somewhat sorter in general with the passage being much more elongated, with several groups of orthostats to define it, giving a ‘T’-shape structure. Hard & Roslund21 find that the entrances are mostly open towards the east. We have combined these measurements with map measurements from the book by Tiley 22 and we have a total of 94 passage graves with measurements of the entrance. Figure 8 gives the range in azimuth covered by these 94 monuments. If we compare with figure 6 we find that the ranges covered are different. While for the North group entrances are located towards the east or southeast, for the West group are located towards the south. It could be argued that the important orientation in both groups of monuments is marked differently in the monuments. In the North group the most prominent feature of the monument is the long passage, which therefore may mark the privileged orientation. In the monuments of the West group on the other hand we would argue that the chamber is the most prominent feature, giving the orientation mainly east-west as we have observed before. In this case the two patterns of orientation could be reconciled but not the different nature of the monuments and how to mark these orientations. It is

Conclusions We have measured 48 Hünenbetten between the rivers Ems and Wesser in the land of Lower Saxony. The orientation of the chambers is concentrated towards due east, with a second peak towards Summer Solstice sunrise. This custom is consistent with the one found for the 52 measured Hunebedden in the Netherlands.26 The combined data from Lower Saxony (Germany), Drenthe and Groningen (The Netherlands) indicate that the main orientation of the chamber was around due east with a possible secondary peak at 70o, and another one close to Summer Solstice sunrise. The majority of orientations are compatible with the rising of the sun and moon although a number of them are outside the extreme risings of these objects. The entrances are always located to the south side (95%) or the east (5%). We claim a possible connection with the rising and setting of the Southern Cross and the Pointers. The data for the orientations of TRB West group are consistent with the data for the East group although they could be in conflict with the TRB North group. The TRB North group has been claimed as the place of origin for the TRB culture. This evidence could imply a picture where the building strategy and design could have originated in the TRB North as the radiocarbon dating seem to indicate, but the orientation patterns followed by the TRB West could be related to other places like the TRB East or the Allees Couverts in Brittany.

 Ruggles, C.L.N.:Astronomy in Prehistoric Britain and Ireland, 1999, New Haven. 20  Hardh, B., & Roslund, C.,”Passage graves and the passage of the moon”, Acta archaeologica Lundensia, vii (1991), 35-43. 21  Hardh, B., & Roslund, C, 1991. 22  Tilley, C.:The Dolmens and Pasaje Graves of Sweden, An Introduction and Guide, Institute of Archaeology, Univ. College London, 1999. 23  Pasztor, E. & Roslund, C., “Orientation of Megalithic Tombs in Mecklenburg”, Actas del IV congreso de la SEAC “Astronomia en la Cultura”, (C.Jaschek & F. Atrio Barandela), Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1997. 19

 Midgley, 1992; Baldia, 1995.  Baldia, 1995. 26  González-García & Costa-Ferrer, 2003a. 24 25

33

THE DACIAN CAPITAL “SARMIZEGETUSA-REGIA” WAS SITED ACCORDING TO PRECISE ASTRONOMIC ALIGNMENTS AND PYTHAGOREAN DOCTRINES

Franz Kerek Max-Planck Institute, 82152 Martinsried, Germany E-mail: [email protected] Introduction Ancient Dacians inhabited the northern plain of the river Danube and the region of the Carpathian mountains which is approximately the territory of modern-day Romania. The flourishing era of the Dacian kingdom began in the year 88 BCE with the reign of king Burebista and succumbed in 106 CE as Emperor Trajan’s army conquered SarmizegetusaRegia the capital of king Decebalus, forming a Roman colony from the occupied territory (Vulpe, 2001).

Fig. 1. Image of Sarmizegetusa on Trajan’s Column

Dacians, called Getae by Hellenics, belonged to the larger family of the Thracian population which inhabited the whole northern area of the Balkan region. The famous Dacian king Burebista (ruled 88-44 BCE) succeeded in merging together Dacian and related tribes into a well organised powerful kingdom respected and even feared by the Roman empire. Although a military conflict between Caesar and Burebista (who was able to mobilise 200,000 soldiers) seemed unavoidable, it was repeatedly postponed due to the Gallic wars and frequent internal conflicts in Rome. As the decisive fight was imminent Julius Caesar was suddenly assassinated (44 BCE) and shortly after, Burebista himself died, under probably similar circumstances (Crisan, 1977: Chap. 9).

the conquest of Dacia, Trajan ordered the longest and most magnificent spectacle ever to take place in Rome with festivities lasting for 123 days. All these data and archaeological findings attest to the remarkable military and economic power of the Dacians as well as to their high level civilisation, particularly with regard to metallurgy, architecture and spirituality (Crisan, 1977: Chap. 8). It is still wondering why this highly developed and wealthy kingdom sited its capital city Sarmizegetusa-Regia in such an inaccessible mountain region with rather impractical weather conditions. Possible reasons of the siting In the currently accepted opinion (Daicoviciu et al., 1985) this location of the capital city was motivated by military and economic advantages of this particular placement.

Due to its military and economical power, the Dacian kingdom represented a permanent provocation for the Roman Empire. In addition the famous gold riches of the Dacians constituted a major temptation for Romans to conquer this country. Several Roman emperors were involved in military conflicts with Dacians and the extensive campaign of decisive wars began in year 87 CE under Domitian and culminated with the Dacian wars (101-106 CE) of Trajan.

The present paper critically analyses this view revealing some of its shortcomings and suggests different reasons for the choice of site. Ancient capitals were generally located at the intersection of main commercial routes to assure an optimal communication with all the country regions. This principle was evidently not followed by siting Sarmizegetusa-Regia in a restricted access mountain region far away from the commercial routes of the kingdom.

After his less successful campaigns in 101-102 CE, Emperor Trajan realised that intense military-strategic operations were needed to conquer Dacia. Therefore he built in 103-4 CE the 1,135 m long stone bridge over the Danube designed by his architect Apollodor of Damascus. Pictures of this unique architectural monument and of impressive scenes from the Dacian wars are well preserved on the “Trajan’s Column” in Rome, erected in year 113 CE. This limestone-built, 39m high column with spirally arranged relief friezes, of outstanding historical and artistic value was designed to glorify the importance of Trajan’s siege of the Dacians (Florescu, 1969). Scene CXIV with the siege of Sarmizegetusa is shown in Figure 1. According to historians Trajan’s army needed more than 400 oxen carts to transport the captured gold and silver objects to Rome. To celebrate

It may be argued that a fortress in a less accessible mountain area provides important strategic wartime advantages but it also involves a basic pitfall. The powerful Roman army was able to hermetically isolate such a fortress thereby impeding the access of any provisions and help from outside. Applying this strategy the Romans conquered (73 CE) the Judean fortress Masada after a few months siege (Gill, 1993). Compared with Masada, Sarmizegetusa-Regia was not built on a high stony mountain peak but only on some artificial terraces of a hill slope at 1050 m altitude. This placement was intrinsically vulnerable to an enemy descending from above. In fact the Roman soldiers conquered Sarmizegetusa 35

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography in year 106 AD, attacking it from the 1500m high Dealul Muncelui plateau and cutting off the water supply to the fortress, thus exploiting a further vulnerable aspect of this location. Another disadvantage connected with the location of Sarmizegetusa was the unstable slate terrain of the whole region which meant that the limestone bricks for the fortress had to be transported from more than 50km distance (Glodariu et al., 1996).

economic considerations but according primarily to sacred motivations (Kerek, 1966). In the light of this assumption the surrounding fortresses should be considered a rather necessary strengthening of a strategically vulnerable capital erected as a result of sacred considerations on a militarily less favourable site. For the discussion of the presumably sacred motivated siting, some important theses of the Dacian religion were briefly reviewed here.

There is no doubt that several other locations in the region were better suited to build either a stony fortress on solid ground with favourable building materials or to build along the main commercial routes of the country. These criteria were considered by the Romans as they erected the novel province capital Sarmizegetusa-Ulpia-Traiana 80km westward from the old capital in the more hospitable Haţeg-valley.

Religion and Culture of the Geto-Dacians The religion and culture of the Geto-Dacians are considered alongside those of the Celts as another highly developed but less well known European culture and faith outside the Hellenic-Roman world (Eliade, 1972). A central thesis of the religious beliefs of the Geto-Dacians was their claim to be immortal and that whoever perishes in battle goes to God, a belief which is similar to that of the Celts. Zalmoxis, the God of Getaes, was described in Herodot as “coming from Samos where his master was the famous Pythagoras” (585500 BC). Zalmoxis propagated the most important concepts and rites of the Pythagoreans to the Geto-Dacians creating the fundaments of their religion. These Pythagorean doctrines of the Geto-Dacian religion are mentioned by Herodotus as well as by other ancient historians e.g. Strabo with special emphasis on beliefs in immortality, abstinence from drinking wine and eating beans (Crisan, 1977: Chap. 8.3).

Finds of surface iron ores around the old capital city Sarmizegetusa Regia provide evidence of the intensivelypractised iron metallurgy there. These facts were considered as a decisive economic advantage for the location of the Dacian capital at that place (Ferenczi, 1976). However, the whole surrounding region of the Poiana-Rusca and Sureanu mountains is actually very rich in easily-accessible iron resources and thus the location of the capital on this restricted area offered no particular advantage for the iron metallurgy. Archaeological digging has revealed the existence of 6-8 further fortifications located 20-40km around Sarmizegetusa-Regia. They are: Costeşti and Blidariu to the north-west, Capâlna to north, Vârful lui Hulpe, Băniţa to the south-east, Piatra Roşie and Cioclovina to the southwest of Sarmizegetusa. This system of fortresses (Fig. 2) is considered by historians to be the supplementary strengthening of a strategically optimally-located capital city (Daicoviciu et al., 1985).

Besides these publicly manifested beliefs it is reasonable to assume that Dacian priests cultivated, at least so intensively, the rather secret, esoteric doctrines of Pythagoreans such as those related to: – the magical role of small integral numbers and their ratio responsible for “harmonies” – the belief that the whole world is ruled by order of harmonies called “cosmos” – the outstanding importance of well ordered, geometrically perfect objects, etc. Moreover it is probable that these esoteric Pythagorean doctrines played even a decisive role in the siting of the sacred capital Sarmizegetusa-Regia at the precise place on the Dealul Muncelui slope. It is known from Pythagoras that he lived for many years in Egypt where he probably learned the high level mathematics of the Babylonians. Herodotus mentions that Zalmoxis also travelled for many years in Egypt and that he vanished periodically from the sight of the Getae and lived for three years in a underground chamber or cave. Strabon and Jordanes revealed that Deceneus, the holy priest of king Burebista, spent much time in Egypt and returned to his Land to become the spiritual leader of the Dacians. These two historians mention further that Deceneus also vanished periodically and lived for a longer time in a cave near to the holly mountain “Kogaionon”. All the remarkable analogies of Deceneus with the religion-founders Zalmoxis and Pythagoras confirm the high religious reputation of Deceneus as well as the unaltered Pythagorean traditions adopted by the Dacians (Crisan, 1977: 444-455)

Fig. 2. Sarmizegetusa Regia with the surrounding Dacian fortresses (•) and present day localities(•). According to our recent proposal the location of Sarmizegetusa-Regia was decided not from strategic or

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36

The Dacian Capital “Sarmizegetusa- Regia” According to (Jordanes, 1972) Deceneus was teaching and promoting to the Geto-Dacians the application of high level mathematical and astronomical knowledge:

The whole area was surrounded by a 2-4 m thick stone wall “murus dacicus” probably built by Hellenic masons. The city was connected to the sacred area via a limestone paved “sacred route” that was assumed to be covered by a high roof. Some authors (Crisan, 1977: 414) identify the image of this sacred route in scene CXIV on the Trajan’s Column in Rome (Fig. 1).

“... By demonstrating theoretical knowledge he urged them: to contemplate the twelve signs and the courses of the planets passing through them, and the whole of astronomy, - He told them how the disc of the moon gains increase or suffers loss and showed them how much the fiery globe of the sun exceeds in size our earthly planet. - He explained the names of the three hundred and forty-six stars and told through what signs in the arching vault of the heavens they glide swiftly from their rising to their setting. - You might have seen one scanning the position of the heavens and another investigating the nature of plants and bushes. Here stood one who studied the waxing and waning of the moon, while still another regarded the labours of the sun and observed how those bodies which were hastening to go toward the east are whirled around and borne back to the west by the rotation of the heavens” .

In the sacred area, three round and six quadrilateral- shaped sanctuaries were identified with building material of limestone, andesite and wood. The scheme of the sacred area with the sanctuaries is presented later (Fig. 7) by the discussion of their alignment.

.

Three round-shaped and two quadrilateral sanctuaries are shown here in figure 4

Since “Sarmizegetusa-Regia” was erected during the reign of Burebista (82-44 BC) with major contribution of his great priest and successor Deceneus, the level of scientific knowledge outlined above is highly relevant for the topic under consideration. Furthermore, it is anticipated that the sacred and astronomic principles decisive for the siting of Sarmizegetusa are possibly reflected in the geometry and in the orientation of the sanctuaries in Sarmizegetusa briefly presented here:.

Fig. 4. Terrace of the Sarmizegetusa sanctuaries

Sarmizegetusa-Regia

Highly impressive is the Large Round Sanctuary (LRS) built from two adjacent stone circles of 30m external diameter, which encircle the next median circle of wood pillars with terracotta bases and the internal horseshoe-shaped wooden pillar construction.

Sarmizegutusa-Regia consisting of the fortress, civil settlement and the sanctuaries is placed at an altitude of 1050 m on the slope of the “Dealul Muncelui” mountain (1615m) in the Southern Carpathian region (Glodariu et al., 1996). Geographical coordinates of the sanctuaries are: 45.625° latitude N and 23.250° longitude E. Although many authors describe the location on a mountain peak, the capital was constructed on a plateau of 5-6 artificial terraces on the south-western promontory slope of the Dealul Muncelui mountain (Fig. 3)

.

The external circle consists of 104 precisely fashioned andesite blocks which forms the continuous 50cm wide external wall of the LRS. Adjacent to the external wall is a second stony circle which consists of 30 groups of andesite pillars grouped in series of “six tall and one wide pillars” thus this group of 6+1 pillars is repeated 30 times. The third circle of the LRS is of 20 metres diameter and built from 68 wooden posts, being covered originally at their bases with terracotta plates. This circle of wooden posts with terracotta bases is interrupted by 4 limestone block thresholds presumed to be entrances of the building. The horseshoe shaped internal construction of the LRS has a longitudinal orientation which defines the main axis of the LRS oriented towards the 126° azimuth (clockwise from N = 0°). This corresponds, at this geographical location, to the sunrise alignment at 23rd December. In the horseshoe construction 34 wooden pillars with terracotta bases and two limestone thresholds are arranged symmetrically around the main axis. The scheme of LRS is shown later (Fig. 8.) According to the precise dimensions of the stone built external circles and to the winter solstice direction of the main axis of the LRS, an astronomical-calendar function is generally presumed (Stanescu, 1987/8). In spite of various

Fig. 3. Aerial view of “Sarmizegetusa-Regia” 37

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography proposals and numerological theories, the exact astronomical or calendar function of this sanctuary could not be convincingly discerned. Hypotheses of several authors that this LRS served for direct astronomic measurements must be treated with scepticism. The visibility from the sacred area is covered up to 25° by the surrounding mountains and thus the place is less suitable for star watching or astronomical measurements. However, climbing from the Sarmizegetusa sanctuaries (1050m) towards the north, the panorama opens widely at the 1300m altitude plateau (Fig. 3). Prominent mountain peaks of the Paring and the Retezat mountains at 40-50km distance are already visible from this place. From this plateau even the sanctuaries from the sacred area are directly visible thus an optical communication (ca. 2km distance) was possible. Arriving at the next Dealul Muncelui plateaus at 1500-1615m altitude the horizon is completely clear, offering excellent conditions for star-watching and astronomical measurements. The prominent mountain peaks on the horizon could serve as suitable markers to record precise azimuth values by the rising and setting of the sun, moon, stars and planets, in agreement with the description of Jordanes.

Fig. 5. Location of Sarmizegetusa according to the Retezat sunset (23.12.) and Paring alignments with pictures taken from the 1300m plateau.

graphically the Coasta lui Rus peak marks the cross point of historical country borders corresponding to the triangular point where borders of three county regions in Romania: Hunedoara, Gorj and Vâlcea cross.

If the astronomic measurements had been performed on the top terrace of the Dealul-Muncelui mountain what role could the sanctuaries have and why were they defended by the Dacians with legendary heroism? Assuming the primary sacred motivation of the siting, the area of the sanctuaries was the holy, God blessed placement which explains its heroic defence and the desperate suicide of king Decebalus after its lost.

Scheme and dimensions in km of the Pythagorean megatriangle: Sarmizegetusa-Retezat-Paring (SRP), calculated from Kosmos KFA-1000 satellite photo data, are shown in Figure 6 on the last page of this paper. The original KFA-1000 satellite photos of 30x30 cm dimension were taken from 250 km altitude with a 5-10 m resolution and correspond to a 1:270,000 scale. The distances in km between the vertices of the mega triangle: “S” Sarmizegetusa-Regia – “P” ParingCoasta lui Rus and “R” Retezat (peak) were calculated from the satellite photos with a precision of ± 0.2 %, without altitude correction, resulting the values:

Location of Sarmizegetusa-Regia

S-R = 45.8 km; S-P = 36.9 km; R-P = 58.8 km.

This was decided according to our proposal outlined here, according to astronomical and religious criteria.

On the satellite map further three sites, in strong connection with Dacian vestiges and tradition may be revealed (Fig. 6). One of them is the mountain peak Gugu (2292 m) with coordinates of lat.: 45.278 N and long.: 22.679° E. Its very impressive, nearly perfect pyramidal shape is remarked in the whole region and it is directly visible from the only 17.7km distanced Retezat peak. A stone built cave identified not far from the peak and findings of Dacian ceramic, suggests the possible role of this pyramidal mountain peak in the Dacian culture. According to (Borza, 2001) this Gugu peak should be identified with the Dacian holly mountain Kogaionon where the Dacian chief priest lived in a cave. Watched from this Gugu peak the sun shall rise on 23rd December behind the Retezat peak. But, actually the Gugu-Retezat alignment deviates with ~2.5° from the Retezat-Sarmizegetusa alignment. As shown on the satellite map on figure 6 the prolonged Gugu–Retezat line hits in the Sarmizegetusa area instead of the sanctuaries the zone called: “Fetele Albe” (white surfaces). Feţele Albe was a densely populated flourishing civil settlement of the Dacians (Glodariu et al., 1996) at ca. 3km air distance from the Sarmizegetusa sanctuaries (Fig. 3). Numerous buildings, water conducts, a round shaped sanctuary etc. were already identified in Feţele Albe proving the importance of this Dacian settlement.

The astronomical decision was to erect the capital along the winter solstice alignment towards the most prominent mountain peak of the region, i.e. the 2482 m high “Retezat peak”. In other words: looking from Sarmizegetusa-Regia, the sun sets on the 23rd December behind the Retezat peak with coordinates: lat. 45.381° N and long. 22.850° E. The Retezat mountain peak is well remarked from a long distance due to its isolated position and its characteristic truncated pyramidal shape (retezat means cut off in Romanian). This winter solstice alignment relative to the Retezat peak corresponds to the 234° azimuth (clockwise from N = 0°) at Sarmizegetusa. Our second assumption is that the sacred capital is located exactly where this Retezat winter-sunset alignment forms 90° with the alignment from Sarmizegetusa towards the similarly prominent Paring mountain to the south-east. This rectangular alignment from Sarmizegetusa corresponds to the azimuth 144°, towards the “Coasta lui Rus” peak (2308m) situated in the geometrical “midpoint” of the Paring mountains. Geographical coordinates of the “Coasta lui Rus” peak are: latitude 45.356° N and longitude 23.587° E. Topo38

The Dacian Capital “Sarmizegetusa- Regia”

Fig. 6. KFA-1000 Satellite map image of the two Pythagorean mega-triangles in the Carpathian mountains with the assumed involvement of the Dacian capital Sarmizegetusa-Regia Astronomical and religious significance

Prolongation of the Paring-Retezat alignment westwards the site called “Scorilo” in the Muntele-Mic region is arrived on map. According to the legend and the local tradition this abrupt stony place served for sacrificial ceremonies of the Dacians. This name Scorilo appears on the famous inscription of a Dacian ceramic vessel: Decebalus per Scorilo but the historical name of the placement is less proved.

Winter solstice played a major role in all ancient cultures since they marked the beginning of a new year. Sunset behind the Retezat peak is particularly spectacular due to the truncated pyramid shape of this outstanding mountain peak. From a longer distance, it is even possible to compare the ratio between the diameter of the sun disk (0.5° of the horizon) with the dimension of the flat cover of this Retezat peak. About the possible role of the Retezat peak for precise astronomical measurements of the Dacian priests will be discussed in a future paper.

As common vertex of the two mega-triangles the Retezatpeak should have a fundamental role for the astronomic and topographic system of the Dacians. Since the Gugu, Retezat, and Paring peaks are the geographically fixed vertices of the mega-triangle system the role of the Dacian priests was to site: Sarmizegetusa-Regia, Feţele-Albe and Scorilo in respect to these prominent mountain peaks.

The alignment defined by the sunset on 23rd Dec. behind the Retezat peak may be considered as the first, “astronomical” criterion for the orientation of the sacred capital Sarmizegetusa. Inhabitants of the village Pui situated along the same winter solstice alignment as Sarmizegetusa are saying: “when the sun falls into the Retezat peak it is Christmas time” (Chis, pers. comm.).

A possible scenario for the siting of Sarmizegetusa may be assumed as follows: The capital city during the first part of Burebista’s reign (82-60 BC) was probably Costeşti (Glodariu et al., 1996). In the second half of Burebista’s reign the rapidly-ascending influence of his holy priest and later successor Deceneus was evident. To enhance his political power Deceneus made use of his religious authority combined with his famous astronomic and scientific knowledge. The erection of an impressive sacred capital destined for the organisation of religious ceremonies was pivotal to Deceneus’ strategy to gain complete political control. Looking for a suitable sacred site Deceneus and his priests had surely noted the outstanding Retezat mountain peak (2482m) visible from the whole central area of the Dacian kingdom.

To select one from the infinite possible placements along this astronomical alignment, a second criterion was applied which was of “religious” character in accordance with Pythagorean doctrines. This second criterion for siting the sacred capital was offered by the Paring mountains massive (highest peak: Paringul Mare, 2519m altitude) which dominate the southern horizon of the central region in the Dacian kingdom. According to our assumption the “sacred capital” was erected at that place where the Retezat winter sunset alignment is 39

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Orientation of the sanctuaries is shown by the scheme in figure 7. Remarkably, the longitudinal axis of the large quadrilateral sanctuaries (1-4) deviates with an angle of ~18° from the local North-South axis.

perpendicular to the straight line towards the geometrical midpoint of the Paring mountains, i.e. the “Coasta lui Rus” peak. Thus, Sarmizegetusa (S) was positioned relative to the Retezat (R) and the Paring (P) mountains in order to form the rectangular mega-triangle S-R-P. This represented for Pythagoreans a “harmonic” siting since the golden rule applied for the square of the distances SR and SP to the reference mountains: (SR)2 + (SP)2 = (PR)2 similar to the ratio between the Pythagorean integer numbers, e.g. 3; 4 and 5.

Fig. 7. Scheme of the sacred area in Sarmizegetusa

Pythagoreans believed (Philip, 1966) that all things are reduced to numbers or elements of numbers, the divine principle that governed the structure of the whole world. Pythagoras himself discovered that in music the ratio of small integer numbers was responsible for “harmony” since 1:2 correspond to octaves, 2:3 to fifth and 3:4 to fourth. The existence of supreme order in heaven and on the earth constituted one of the fundamental beliefs of Pythagoreans. They searched passionately to discover such well ordered systems in various fields. A part of the cosmology of the Pythagoreans is their theory of the “harmony of the spheres” believing that the whole universe is constructed according to a musical scale. It is generally accepted that Pythagoras himself was the first to formulate that concept, which reflects the whole cosmic plan and showed the intimate connection between the laws of mathematics and of music. These beliefs played probably a leading role in searching for a “god designated” location for the sacred capital.

North-South orientation was identified only by the two small quadrilateral sanctuaries 5 and 6 and by the outer radius of the sanctuary A, “andesite sun” functioned probably as a sacrificial altar. Large Round Sanctuary The detailed geometry of this LRS sanctuary with 30m diameter is shown on Figure 8. Its main axis defined by the horseshoe shaped internal construction is oriented towards the 126° azimuth corresponding to the sunrise at winter solstice. Trying to correlate the geometry and the location of this LRS the sunrise and sunset azimuth values on solstice and equinox dates were noted on plan (Fig. 8). Drawing lines between the principal solstice and equinox azimuth values a pentagram results which was: the holy sign of the Pythagoreans (Philip, 1966). Pythagoreans called the pentagram “health” and saw in it a mathematical perfection since each line is divided into a longer and a smaller segment in the ratio 1.618 corresponding to the golden mean

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Concerning the practical role of the sanctuaries it is worth remarking that the RS and PS alignments cross at exactly 90° at the Sarmizegetusa sanctuaries although these reference mountain peaks are not visible from this terrace at 1050m altitude. The direct observation of the Retezat and Paring mountains was made from the plateau at 1300m altitude above the sanctuaries (Fig. 5). At this higher place the angle of intersection between the Retezat and Paring alignments is already less than 90°. For skilled geometers like the Dacian priests the localization of the sacred place with exactly rectangular intersection was a relatively simple trigonometric issue. Due to their intensive contacts with Roman architects, Dacian priests applied probably the “groma” being able to measure horizon angle with a precision of at least 0.5 degree (expressed in current units). Sky watching with recording of the movement of sun, moon and planets could be performed very well from the plateau(s) of the Dealul Muncelui hill (1500-1615 m) using prominent mountain peaks as azimuth marks. The sanctuaries themselves may have served rather for the calculation of astronomical data, for the prediction of eclipses and other events and for teaching and modelling the system of stars and planets as attested by (Jordanes, 1972).

Fig. 8. Geometry of the Large Round Sanctuary with the holly Pythagorean Pentagram 40

The Dacian Capital “Sarmizegetusa- Regia” References

Three main axes of this pentagram in LRS are oriented towards the main sunrise-sunset azimuths and the fourth axis correspond to the alignment of the large quadrilateral sanctuaries along the 18° azimuth (Fig. 7). Actually the pentagonal symmetry of the LRS is determined by the geographical position of the sanctuaries where the differences between the solstice and equinox sunset (sunrise) azimuths correspond approximately to 72° = 360°/5.

Borza, A.: Sanctuarul Dacilor (Imprimeria Mirton, Timişoara) 2001. Chis, M., personal communication. Crisan, I.H.: Burebista si Epoca sa (Edit. Stiinţifica şi Enciclopedică Bukarest) 1977 Chap. VIII. Daicoviciu, H., Ferenczi S., Glodariu, I.: Dacian Fortresses and Settlements in South-Western Transylvania (Ed. Stiinţifică şi Enciclopedica) Bucharest 1985. Eliade, M.: Zalmoxis the Vanishing God (Univ. Press Chicago) Chap. 2, 1972. Ferenczi, I. : “L’emplacement des Citadelles Daces des Monts de Sebeş”, Apullum XIV, 1976 45-64. Florescu, F.B.: Die Trajanssäule (Akademie Verlag Bukarest & R. Habelt Verlag Bonn) 1969. Gill, D.: “A natural spur at Masada”, Nature  364, 1993, 569570. Glodariu, I., Iaroslavischi, E., Rusu-pescaru, A., Stanescu F.: Sarmizegetusa Regia Capitala Daciei Preromane, Deva, 1996. Herodot, R.: Historien (DT Verlag, München) Band IV, 9496, 1991. Jordanes,: Gothengeschichte (Insel Verlag Köln ) Chap. XI, 1972, p.41-3. Kerek, F. “Pythagorean Topography of the Dacian Sacred Capital”, Proceedings of the 2-th. SEAC Conference (W. Schlosser editor) Bochum 1994. Philip, J.A.: Pythagoras and early Pythagoreanism University of Toronto Press 1966. Stanescu, F.: Acta Musei Napociensis 24/25, 1987/8,119-144. [8] Vulpe, R.: “Dacia înainte de Romani” Chap.IV in Istoria Românilor (Vol I. (Editura Enciclopedică) Bucharest, 2001.

However, the excellent fitting of the horseshoe construction of the LRS into the pentagram is less likely to be a coincidence. It is suggesting that the pentagram was probably considered in the architecture of the LRS but, in a hidden form since it was the secret symbol of the Pythagoreans. Another argument for the existing fivefold symmetry in the sacred area is the pentagonal tower (P on Fig. 7) a rather unusual architectural design in the past and present. Conclusions In the up to now accepted view the Dacian capital “Sarmizegetusa-Regia” was sited due to the obvious military and economic advantages of that placement. Conversely, the present paper argues that it was primary a sacred location according to precise astronomical alignments and to Pythagorean doctrines of the Dacian religion. We suggest that the sacred capital was located at the geographical point where the winter sunset alignment towards the Retezat peak forms exactly 90° angle with the alignment towards the “midpoint” of the Paring mountains. Thus the capital was located in Pythagorean “harmony” with two prominent mountain peaks of the region. The siting of Sarmizegetusa and Fetele Albe in respect to the Retezat, Paring and Gugu peaks reveals the possible existence of topographical megatriangle(s) with presumable sacred and practical use. These novel assumptions explain convincingly the capital siting as well as the hitherto not discerned alignment of the quadratic sanctuaries and the mysterious geometry of the Large Round Sanctuary in Sarmizegetusa-Regia.

41

MEGALITHIC COMPLEX AKHUNOVO – ONE OF THE MOST ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

Andrey Kirillov,1 Fyodor Petrov2 E-mail: [email protected]

mengir, mengir number one, of the complex are following – in latitude 54°11´30.0˝N, in longitude 59°34´35.8˝E. The altitude at the foot of the mengir is 378m above sea level. It is interesting that the longitude of the central point of the Arkaim settlement is 59°34´17.2˝E.

Preface The first research of archaeological sites by astronomical methods was carry out in the Trans-Urals steppe for the Bronze Age settlement of Arkaim (Kirillov, Zdanovich, 2002) and other sites of the “Country of Towns”. The cemetery kurgans of the Sintashta and Alakul cultures and kurgans “with moustaches” are the second type of our archaeoastronomical investigation in that region (Zdanovich, Kirillov, 2002). The Akhunovo has a new character although it is similar to the Savin, which was presented as an ancient astronomical observatory (Potyomkina, Yurevich, 1998). We think that Akhunovo was connected with Arkaim and was used for observation of the Sun and Moon during the era of Arkaim’s existence.

The monument includes 13 mengirs (Fig. 2). Two of them (mengirs 1 and 2) are situated in the central part of the complex at a distance of 15m from each other in the direction of magnetic meridian. Eight mengirs are situated on the line of an ellipse with the centre 5 meters to the East in the direction of magnetic incline from the central point of the line which links mengirs 1 and 2. The account of mengirs rose in succession from the southwest (N3) to the southeast (N10) on the line of the ellipse. This ellipse has an almost right-angle form and dimensions from 23 to 26 metres depending on the directions. Mengirs 11 and 12 are situated 0.6m from each other and 80m to the southwest of mengir 1 in the central complex. Mengir 13 is situated 186m from mengir 1 to the northeast.

The excavation of the megalithic complex of Akhunovo was made in May-June 2003 by the Steppe Archaeological Expedition led by F. N. Petrov. The monument was completely examined, 860 square metres of its area were opened up by excavation. The complex was discovered in 1996 by the ethnographic group of Chelyabinsk State University under the lead of A. Ribalko, with the great assistance of a man of the village Achunovo G. Ailov. The examined complex is situated in 1.1km to the southwest from the village Akhunovo in the Uchali region of the Republic Bashkortostan on the right bank of the Aikreelga river, on the gentle slope of the hill of the west exposition (Fig. 1). The GPS coordinates of the central

Fig. 2. The Plan of Akhunovo Megalithic Complex The northern mengir (N1) has the largest size of the mengirs of the monument. It has a height of 1.65m from ground level, general height is 2.05m (Fig. 3). The southern mengir (mengir N2) has a height of 1.4m from the ground level and a general height of 1.6m. According to received data the level of the ancient surface has risen by 0.1-0.15m above the level at the moment of discovery of the megalithic complex. The other stones have an average height of 0.5m from the ground level and general height of 0.75-0.8m. The majority of mengirs of the complex have a nearly right tetrahedral form. Mengir 1 has a droplike expansion in the upper part. The polished halfmoon is fixed on its southern side as a correspondence to the “bearing” moon. A mask is supposedly fixed on the northern side of mengir N2, which has been essentially damaged by weathering. All mengirs are constructed from granite, numerous outcrops of which are found in the neighboring hills.

Fig. 1. The Central Part of Akhunovo Complex after Excavations in June, 2003 Chelyabinsk State Teacher University, Centre “Arkaim”, Chelyabinsk, Russia

1 2

43

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography that the megalithic complex was built in ancient times as an astronomical near horizon’s observatory. Watching sunsets and sunrises by means of it allowed the calendar to be kept, containing basic astronomically important days: the winter and summer solstice. The first direction allowing the dating of the complex by astronomical methods is the azimuth of the summer solstice sunset, which corresponds to the line of visibility from mengir 10 to mengir 2. This azimuth was found by observing the Polaris star. The average magnetic inclination M=12°10´ was determined and the era of building and producing observations at the complex was assessed to be from 1750 to 2000 BCE. The most reliable meaning of epoch is 1860 BCE (the azimuth a = - 46°46´). A second attachment to time building is possible while measuring the azimuth of the summer solstice sunrise. It was discovered that this event corresponded to the direction from mengir 11 to mengir 12. As the distance between these mengirs is rather long and horizon is easily seen, its dating is more reliable. Seven determinations of the azimuth of direction from mengir 11 to mengir 12 by means of measuring the azimuth of Polaris and magnetic inclination were done. An average azimuth a = 46°19´ was calculated. After accounting for empiric correction on atmospheric refraction of 5´, which was arrived at by observation of the sunrise on June 25 2003, the azimuth of the summer solstice sunrise became 46°24´ and the epoch of observation of this event in the complex is about 2400-2000 BCE. The latitude of the horizon for this direction equals 26´.

Fig. 3. The Pillar Pits Around Mengir N1

The circle with the diameter of 3.5m was found round the central mengir 1 which is formed by eight pillar pits with diameter of 0.2-0.25m and of the same depth (Fig. 3). Eight pits have the dislocation, which is the same of eight mengirs (N3N10). Each pit corresponds to a mengir of the main construction of monument. The circle of pits possibly was used for keeping a calendar by watching the shadow going from mengir 1 to the bottoms of the pillars in the direction of mengirs 3-10. It also could be used as a solar clock – gnomon. Numerous pieces of ceramics were found in the area of the excavations mainly in the environs of the mengirs. Among them are pieces of the upper and lower parts of vessels. The large part of the ceramics refer to the Cherkasculsk and Meszhovsk archaeological cultures and can be dated to the Late Bronze Age (15-12th centuries BCE). As well as these, there were found a few fragments of Eneolithic ceramics and a series of chips and tools on chips of jasper and grey flint, which can be dated from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. The fragments of a Cherkasculsk vessel were found just under mengir 10 in the pit, which the mengir was set in. Horse and another animal bones were found in the area of excavation, some of them were burnt. Large numbers of things were found in the level that is 0.1-0.15m higher than the ground level. This position marks the level of the ancient surface when the monument was in action. About 10 stone items of jasper were found in the disposition of mengir 11 on the ground level, which dated to Late Paleolithic Age and marked a stand on the monument platform situated long before the creation of the megalithic complex.

The next step of the analysis of the astronomical importance of the mengir’s dispositions within the complex was to determine their azimuth of directions from the stones placed in the ellipse, to mengirs 1 and 2. As a result of calculations we found out that the key mengir in the complex was mengir 1. Some stones in the ellipse correspond to the moon’s azimuths, fixing the points of moonrise, which are the nearest to North and South. We can’t say how high the precision of calculated directions was, because the distances between the mengirs are not more than 20 m. Besides, mengir 1 is not completely vertical, thus it is possible to measure according to the upper and lower edge of the stone. We made calculations based on the most probable meaning of the inclination angle of the ecliptic to the celestial equator for the epoch of 2000 BCE. The azimuths of directions from the stones of the ellipse to mengirs 1 and 2 were measured. The magnetic inclination at the platform of the complex, M = 11°52´ was determined, using six observations of Polaris. The azimuths of the directions, a, and its connection to the corresponding astronomical events were placed below. The connection was done with lower and upper edges of the Sun and Moon at the moment of contact with the horizon level h.

The Akhunovo settlement of the Late Bronze Age is situated 70m to the west of the megalithic complex. Cultural layer of it was greatly damaged due to economical activity of the population. A checking excavation (18sq.m) was made on the settlement. Also there was found ceramics of the Cherkasculsk and Meszhovsk cultures, part of some macrotools and two discs with holes in their centres which were made from talc and ceramic.

1. From the stone 3 to mengir 1. The northern major lunistice on the eastern horizon, lower edge, a = 37° 34´, h = 30´; 2. From the stone 4 to mengir 1. The near equinox sunrise (δ = -5°33´), lower edge, a = 101°59´, h = 1°45´; 3. From the stone 5 to mengir 1. The southern major lunistice on the eastern horizon , lower edge, a = 142°35´, h = 3°05´;

Archaeoastronomical studies were conducted at the megalithic complex under the leadership of A. Kirillov with the assistance of Yu. Nikitonova. It was determined 44

Megalithic Complex Akhunovo – One of the most ancient Observatories 4. From the stone 6 to mengir 1. The winter solstice sunset, lower edge, a = 222°30´, h = 1°50´; 5. From the stone 7 to mengir 1. The near equinox sunset (δ = 3°07´), upper edge, a = 274°52´, h = 1°; 6. From the stone 10 to mengir 2. The summer solstice sunset, upper edge, a = 313°39´; h = 1°; 7. From stone 7 to mengir 1. The southern major lunistice on the western horizon , upper edge, a = 214°20´, h = 10´.

it’s possible to suppose that it was built earlier, at the end of the 3rd millennium BCE in the Eneolithic Age. Though, this supposition must be checked. Acknowledgements The authors would like to acknowledge Yu. Nikitonova for the assistance in astronomical observations and the head of the “Arkaim” Centre, G. B. Z Danovich, for attention to our research.

After astronomical and geodethical measurements we concluded that the elliptic disposition of stones is a consequence of horizon levels in different directions. The horizon level correlates with the length of mengir shadow in the moment of sunrise.

References: Kirillov, A., Zdanovich, D.: Archaeoastronomical research in steppic Trans-Urals: fortified settlements of the “Country of Towns” and their Surroundings, Astronomy of Ancient Civilizations , (eds Potyomkina T., Obridko V.)., Moscow, 2002, 151-161. Zdanovich, D., Kirillov, A.: The kurgan’s monuments of the South Trans Urals: Archaeoastronomical point of view, Chelyabinsk 2002 (In Russian). Potyomkina, T., Yurevich, V.: From the archaeoastronomical research experience of the archaeological sites .Methodic Aspects, Moscow 1998. (In Russian).

Conclusion The received data lets us consider the megalithic complex in Akhunovo both as a sacred place and one of the ancient astronomical observatories of Eurasia, bearing in mind the large numbers of watchable astronomic events within it. The monument was by all means used in the Bronze Age in the second part of the 2nd millennium BCE by the population of the Cherkasculsk and Meszhovsk cultures. According to archaeological and archaeoastronomical data

45

DOMESTIC ICONS IN THE LIFE OF MAN FROM THE NEOLITHIC AND ENEOLITHIC AGE AND THEIR ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL MEANING

Ivelina Miteva Gemma Astroclub, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria Mina Stoeva Institute of Philosophical Research, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Penka Muglova Solar-Terrestrial Influences Laboratory, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Stara Zagora Department, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Milen Mitev - Surnena Gora Mountaineering Society, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria Alexey Stoev Yuri Gagarin Public Astronomical Observatory, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Icons were always present in the life of prehistoric people and are of special interest to archaeological science. Here we examine domestic icons from the Neolithic and Eneolithic Age, made of clay, marble and bone. In this work we suggest a different point of view on classifying and interpreting the anthropomorphic plastic arts connected with the sky, natural processes and cycles according to the way of their use. Separate iconographic types have been outlined according to the material, the way of its processing, the form of the figurines and era of their use. A direct proof of the dwelling room sacralization is the special separation of a place for cult purposes in the Neolithic home. This leads us to introducing the work term “domestic icons” – plastic arts, in which the logic of ancient people’s thinking process is included as well as their understanding of the world structure and life circle. The cosmogonic sense of domestic icons can be found in the two annual cycles passing simultaneously: solar, connected with the male beginning, serving the sacred temporal power and lunar, imposed by the cult towards lifegiving nature, the initial mother.

Fig. 1. Clay anthropomorphic figurine from the Eneolithic Age

a mastered and domesticated room, which can be identified with the notion of home. Interpretation of this semantic unit in the dictionary is “home for a separate family” (Dictionary, 1984: 253). If we turn to the mythological idea for home we find that it is not the mere dwelling, the place of human existence, but a micro-cosmos concentrated within three needs: to create an effective environment, from a technical point of view, to create the social system framework and to arrange the surroundings for a given moment further on (Leroa-Guran 1999: 278). With the realization of a home, the dwelling itself a collective notion of functional, social and intellectual needs, one can reach the meaning of the correlation “domesticated = subordinated” / “unknown = unsubordinated” room (Fig. 2).

Introduction

“Domestic” denotes the place, which man has already made his own, centre of existence, which is a starting point for knowledge, acceptance and conquest of the unknown, which surrounds it, i.e. setting in the unknown room (Alpatov 1981: 59). It personifies the Absolute order and at the same time it is an outpost for the subordination of Chaos. After the dwelling room is taken away from the outer Chaos its systematic arrangement and subordination begins – an expression of typical human behaviour.

One of the numerous aspects of archeological science is connected with the problem of presence and role of the “domestic icons” in the life of prehistoric man. By the “domestic icons” definition anthropomorphic plastic arts made from clay, marble and bones are differentiated as separate objects of the Neolithic and Eneolithic Age. An aim of this work is to suggest a different point of view classifying and interpreting the anthropomorphic plastic arts connected with the sky, natural processes and cycles (Fig. 1).

In Neolithic buildings, isolated sectors of special purpose can be traced: storehouses, kitchen with a fireplace and pottery around, a place for movable platforms on massive clay legs, a place for a vertical loom, workplace etc. (Leroa-Guran 1999: 279). The unique thing, clearly documented, is the place of the oven. Most probably, just by the oven, the cult centre of the dwelling was situated. Parts of idols, zoomorphic plastic

Terminology – domestic icons We suggest the specific term “domestic icon” to define these plastic arts because it contains the basic works of their meaning and purpose. First of all it is the understanding of 47

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography determined as idol plastic arts can be considered as works, into which the logic of ancient people’s thinking processes is put, as well as their understanding of the world structure and life circle. Consequently, it is logical to examine the idol plastic arts as a combination of works with a clearly religious nature (Fig. 4)

.

arts and miniature dwelling models are most frequently found exactly here (Todorova and Vaysov 1993: 160). Special separation of a place for cult purposes makes us use it as direct proof of the dwelling room sacralization and leads us to introducing the work term “domestic icons” (Fig. 3).

Fig. 4. Clay anthropomorphic figurine from the Eneolithic Age, Sofia

Fig. 2. Model – reconstruction of a dome-circle dwelling from the Eneolithic Age

Fig. 5. Clay anthropomorphic figurine with a painted decoration from the Neolithic Age, Karanovo Fig. 3. Feminine clay figurine from the Eneolithic Age, Kurilo

The strict traditional directions observed are directly connected to the problem of origin and role of art in the then social life. Transition from appropriating to producing economy necessitates a change in thinking, world perception and in the explanation of the natural processes and cycles. Sex marks conveying a specific idea are underlined and this leads to the creation of canons for the period 7000-5000 B.C., whose role is to make the perception of the surrounding people easier and help them entirely rationalize and practice the particular cult.

The modern meaning of this expression is “picturesque work with a religious theme painted on a wood panel by an Orthodox believer, who strictly keeps the tradition directions and the canon” (Todorova 1990: 3-15). Key points in this definition, in our opinion are: work with a religious theme and strictly keeping to traditional directions. The objects, 48

Domestic Icons in the Life of Man from the Neolithic and Eneolithic Age As stock breeding helped the rural economy the existing cult for animals is determined as a secondary. For this reason, zoomorphic plastic arts are much less numerous, with the same style and a simplified type. Therefore, they cannot be treated as real prehistoric icons (Fig. 5). Idol plastic arts’ classification (according to the way of their use) Clearing up the essence of the notion “prehistoric icon” we should differentiate the idol plastic arts according to the way of their use. Domestic icons could be divided into sacrificial icons and icons – mediators. 1) Sacrificial icons (temporary icons) – standing and semiseated idols are met with in the whole examined period, and the cylindrical idols traced back to the end of the Middle Eneolithic Age. These domestic icons serve the central cosmic mystery – periodic renovation of the world – by illustrating the yearly repeated model: birth–death–rebirth, on one hand, and in the other hand the cycle of conception and birth. As the cycle of reproduction is projected on the cycle of lunar phase change, it is possible that remains of cult towards the Lunar God have been preserved in the sacrificial icons (Fig. 6)

.

Fig. 7. Sitting clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Topolnitsa

Fig. 8. Marble idol from the Neolithic Age, Karanovo Fig. 6. Standing clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Durankulak

Marble goddesses are differentiated as a separate group of icons – mediators. Marble is kind of stone and as such combines cosmic forces of the Universe: stability, durability, immortality, indestructibility (Bednarik 1998). The same content is confirmed by the figurines having a calm frozen pose of dignity and solemnity. Their small number and excellent state speak about their extremely high status in ancient beliefs (Fig. 8).

2) Icons – mediator (real icons, permanent icons). They are presented from the sitting clay figurines and bone amulets. “Their impressive pose, folded arms, eyes turned ahead (not upwards), their underlined advanced age and their repeated motherhood gives a reason to suppose that in this case, the depiction of the adored mother – ancestor of the respective family community – is the basic cult for the whole settlement” (Dictionary… 1990: 779) (Fig. 7).

Bone Eneolithic amulets are considered as a portable equivalent of the marble icons. Because of their mass usage, their restricted presence in necropoleis, and the fact that their 49

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Iconographic types (according to the material, the way of its processing, form of the figurines and epoch of their use).

iconography is very close to that of marble icons we have the grounds to examine them as protective icons – mediators (Fig. 9)

.

There are five iconographic types of Neolithic icons (according to Henrieta Todorova) depending on the manner of re-creating the upper part of the body (Todorova 1990: 3-15): First iconographic type – used during the Early Eneolithic Age, marked by significant sketchiness and convention in human body modelling – sciatic parts are hyperbolized and the remaining details are scarcely hinted (Fig. 10). Second iconographic type – flat-headed with a relief nose passing lightly in a column-like body with strongly protruding sciatic parts; hands are re-created as relief belts, which only mark a specific gesture (Fig. 11).

Fig. 9. Standing bone figurine from the Neolithic Age, Lovets At the same time they could be accepted as the personification of the lunar divinity. The direct illustrative analogy between the monthly lunar cycle and human life cycle is: birth/ appearance – growth – short bloom/full Moon – degradation/ wane–death/new Moon. But this is never final. “ ...this endless periodicity transforms the Moon in a real heavenly body of the vital rhythms…it controls every cosmic plan ruled by the law of cyclic recurrence: waters, rain, plants, fertility” (Eliade 1969).

Fig. 11. Flat clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Pernik Third iconographic type – neck and head are formed as high cylindrical column with swellings at the place of nose and notches instead of eyes. The upper part of the body is flat modelled. Arms are presented as widening of the torso, the waste is thin and the sciatic parts are formed as an empty cylinder with an opening at the back (Fig. 12). These three types appear in the Early Neolithic Age. Fourth iconographic type – figurine becomes volumetric and dynamic with hyperbolized sciatic parts and head modelled in details (Fig. 13). This type appears in the Middle Neolithic Age and comes closer to the real human body. Fifth iconographic type – forms are volumetric and dynamic, head is oval-shaped or prolonged, with hair and eyes (Fig. 14). This type is registered during the Late Neolithic Age. Basic iconographic types are preserved during the Eneolithic Age. Masters modelled more realistic figurines, with more details (Fig. 15).

Fig. 10. Clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Chavdar 50

Domestic Icons in the Life of Man from the Neolithic and Eneolithic Age Iconographic canon is expressed by emphasis on the female beginning. The sex is depicted by engraved triangle, enhanced sciatic parts, arms folded together in a calm official pose.

It is evident that special attention is paid to those parts of the body, which protect genitals as general bearer of the idea of fruitfulness. The lack of individual characteristics is dictated by neglecting the individual, as human existence is impossible outside the collective. Icons-mediators made from bones are typical for the Late Eneolithic Age. Comparison between flat bone idols and female marble figurines shows that they express one and the same idea. Probably, marble goddesses were divinities for the whole family but bone medallions were worn as amulets – personal protectors.

Fig. 14. Clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Sapareva Banya

Fig. 12. Flat clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Pernik

Fig. 15. Clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Gradeshnitsa Cosmogonic sense of the domestic icons Specific content is put into icons – mediators made from different material. Its main purpose is to support the order of the natural circle and movement of human kind on the spiral of that circle. Two annual cycles passing simultaneously – solar and lunar – could be spoken about. The Sun personifies the male beginning, while the Moon represents the female beginning. Solar New year is connected with severe nature and is leading, serving the sacred temporal power. Respect

Fig. 13. Clay anthropomorphic figurines from the Neolithic Age, Topolnitsa 51

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography References

to the Moon is imposed by the cult towards life-giving nature, the initial mother.

Alpatov, M.: History of Arts, v. 1, p. 59, Sofia, 1981 (in Russian). Bednarik, R. G. “The dawn of the creative spirit”, In: Courier UNESKO, V, 1998 (in French). Dictionary of the Bulgarian Language, v. 4, p. 253, Sofia, 1984. Dictionary of the Bulgarian Language, v. 6, p. 779, Sofia, 1990. Eliade, M.: Le mythe de l’eternel retour, archetypes et repetition, Gallimard, Paris, 1969. Leroa-Guran A. “Symbols of the society”, In: ABC of the ethnology, v. 2, pp 278-279, Sofia, 1999. Todorova H. and I. Vaysov, The Neolithic Age in Bulgaria, p. 160, Sofia, 1993 (in Bulgarian). Todorova, H., “Prehistoric cultural blocks and ethnocultural complexes on the Balkan Peninsula”, In Bulgarian Ethnography, v. 5, pp. 3-15, 1990 (in Bulgarian).

Conclusions Different points of view on classifying and interpreting the anthropomorphic plastic arts from the Neolithic and Eneolithic Age made of clay, marble and bone, connected with the sky, natural processes and cycles is suggested in this work. The special separation of a place for cult purposes in the Neolithic home is direct proof of the dwelling room sacralization and leads us to introducing the work term “domestic icons” – works into which the logic of ancient people’s thinking processes are put as well as their understanding of the world structure and life circle. The domestic icons’ cosmogonic sense is in the two annual cycles passing simultaneously: solar connected with the male beginning, serving the sacred temporal power and lunar imposed by the cult towards life-giving nature, the initial mother.

52

Astronomical Basis of the Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds in the Northern Pontic Area (on materials of the archaeological excavations) Tamila Potyomkina Institute of Archaeology of Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow, Russia)

archaeological cultures of the pre-Pit-Grave (Yamnaya) and of the early Pit-Grave period. The early barrows have slightly oval form with 11-28m. in diameter and 0.5-1.9m. high. The edges of the burial mounds were fortified by a cobble-stone of plates or a thick layer of yellow clay. In one case the stone fencing with 1718m. diameter was under a yellow clay embankment (Fig. 5, I). In three burial mounds the embankments with stone and clay facing were surrounded by ring ditches that were 1.1-3.4m. wide and had a diameter of 12.5-21m. The ring ditches have passages in the south-west direction (Figure 2, I; 5, I; 6, I).

The subject of this research is a number of the eneolithic and early bronze burial mounds of a steppe zone of the Northern Pontic Area. Their distinctive feature is the remains of structures made by the vertically fixed poles under the burial mound embankments. In plan the poles form rectangular and isosceles triangles and mark some important astronomical alignments that play a certain role in the burial mounds lay-out. All barrows were excavated by different researchers in the 1950s-1980s. Materials from the excavations have been published, but the pole structures of the burial mounds have not been studied yet as far as their astronomical importance. The authors of researches assumed only their cult meaning. Some important astronomical alignments in a number of similar burial mounds are considered for the first time by this author (see also Potyomkina, 2002а; 2002b; 2004).

Under the centre of embankment for each burial mound there was one (in one case two) main burial in a rectangular pit. The skeletons from all burials are damaged or survived in separate fragments; they are intensively coloured in red by ochre (Fig. 2, III). The grave goods are absent. A number of attributes enable us to consider these burials as ritual (sacrificial) (Potyomkina, 2004: 221, 225, 233, 239-240, 243), though the authors of excavation consider them as plundered (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: 66; Subbotin, 2000: 162; Vyazmitina et al., 1960: 116).

The author undertakes a thorough archaeoastronomical analysis of the published excavation materials for four burial mounds of the type in question, located from the lower Danube up to the Azov sea (geographical latitude – 45.5°-47.1°, longitude – 22.5°-35.5°) (Fig. 1). The following barrow cemeteries are examined: Krasnoye, burial mound 9 (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987); Kubey, burial mound 1 (Subbotin, 2000); Akkermen, burial mound 11 (Vyazmitina et al., 1960); Vinogradnoye, burial mound 24 (Rassamakin, 1990).

Under the barrow mounds to the east and to the northeast from the central burials (in one case around the embankment) there were also constructions of 5-7 vertically set poles. The remains of the poles have survived. In plan the poles formed rectangular or equilateral triangles whose sides were 1.8-1.8-2.6m. long (Krasnoye); 2-3.5-4m. long (Kubey); 1.8-2-2.6m. long (Akkermen). In the first two cases the small triangles with the one western top were inserted into these triangles (Fig. 2, I, IV; 4, II). The sides of small triangles from the centre to the centre of the pole holes were 1-1.2-1.4m. long (Krasnoye) and 1-1.1-1.2m. long (Kubey). In one case (Krasnoye) inside a large triangle four poles were linked by parallel small ditches forming a passage that was 1.6-1.7m. long and 0.5-0.6m. wide and whose axis coincided with the central axial line of the burial mound (Fig. 2, IV).

Received astronomical data are investigated alongside archaeological materials, which allows the reconstruction of general and particular cosmovisions of that time. In all cases under consideration the burial mounds with pole constructions are part of bigger barrow cemeteries with 9 to 25 embankments that are located in a chain on hills along the banks of the rivers. Usually the chains of burial mounds are 1-2 kilometres long in the northeast-southwest or northwest-southeast directions. In the barrow cemeteries that have been completely excavated the burial mounds with pole constructions occupy an extreme south-west position of the chain and are the largest in the burial ground (Fig. 2, II; 4, I).

Analogous similar corridors-passes, directed on sunrises and sunsets are known from circular sanctuaries of the early phase of Lendyel culture and Baalberg and Bernburg groups TRB (Funnel beaker) culture (Figure 7, 1, 2) of the Neolithic-Eneolithic epoch in Central Europe (Podborsky, 1988: 111-122; Behrens, Schröter, 1980: 93-99; Behrens, 1981: 172-178).

All the burial mounds are multilayered: sometimes the embankments were made 5-8 times, therefore they contain numerous burials from different epochs. In this article is considered the earliest barrow burial mounds only (2nd half of the 4th–1st half of 3rd millennia BCE). In the cultural respect, early barrows and its structures were connected with

Although the poles in the above-mentioned three barrows were under the mounds, according to the results of excavations, for some time they stood out above the surface being visible reference points for certain solar and lunar azimuths (Fig. 2, V). They were used for orienting and 53

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography placing subsequent burials in a burial mound and on a barrow field.

holes were fenced with stone tiles. There were ashes and cow teeth in them (Vyazmitina et al., 1960: 117).

Only in one burial mound (Vinogradnoye) among those we consider were seven pole holes situated outside the embankment and a ring ditch (Fig. 6). But the holes also formed two triangles (large and small) with one western angle, through which the central axial line of the barrow passed in the west-east direction. The sides of the triangles were outlined by means of the poles in such a way that the mound and the ditch of the barrow were precisely included in them. The sides of the large and small triangles are 22-2325m. and 8.5-8.5-10m. long respectively.

The researches show that rectangular and equilateral triangles formed by vertically fixed poles, were a geometrical and astronomical basis for barrow lay-out. There are differences not only in the size of the triangles but also in the principles of the spatial-temporal arrangement of the sacral area. In some cases the space developed from the inside structure of the planned burial mounds (Krasnoye, Kubey) or from their peripheral sites (Akkermen); there is a case where all objects of the burial mound space are located inside the pole construction (Vinogradnoye). But in all these variants each two poles of a structure that are located on one line (in one case there are four poles) served as nearby points of view towards a place of observation and fixed points on the horizon that marked risings and settings of the main heavenly bodies on the most important days of the year.

In one case (Borovkovka) in a triangle, formed by three poles and one menhir, was inscribed one burial mound with single burial and cromlech with burial at the centre. If we continue the lines forming the sides of the large and small triangles in all barrows on horizontal plane, they will point out important solar and lunar azimuths for the latitude of the monuments location. In two burial mounds the south and north directions are marked by the lines that form the bases of the small equilateral triangles (Fig. 4, II; 6, I).

The main role in spatial-temporal organization of barrow structures was played by the central axial line that connected together all basic objects of the outlined sacral space. A place . and orientation of the central axial line depended in each concrete case on peculiarities of poles location that marked important astronomical directions. In all investigated cases on the central axial line there were the main burials oriented according to the direction of this axial line, basic poles, passages in ditches and stone fencings, cult complexes, sometimes socially significant burials (Fig. 2, I; 4, II; 5, I; 6, I).

One of the poles in the system of astronomical alignments for every barrow is basic. Such poles are the thickest (20-25 sm) and they are fixed deeply (up to 1 m. and more) (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: 65, 78. Fig 31, 1; Subbotin, 2000: 164, 165, Fig. 4). All main solar and lunar azimuths represented in burial mounds are connected with them (Krasnoye – №6, Kubey – №3, Akkermen – №19, Vinogradnoye – №6). The basic poles form either the western top of the triangles, being situated on the central axial line west-east, or the south-southwestern top. In two cases these are the tops of the right angles (Fig. 2, IV; 4, II; 5, I; 6, I).

In four considered burial mounds related to the Eneolithic epoch there are 6 to 14 important astronomical directions that are designated by a system of 5-7 poles. All reference points gained as a result of investigation are connected with important solar and lunar dates. It is necessary to note especially Vinogradnoye barrow, where are marked all 12 basic astronomical directions (6 solar and 8 lunar) with the help of seven poles, plus the north-south (Fig. 6, I). Besides, according to V. Jurevitch’s calculations the astronomical sense has also direction 30°, aligning with the Vega star (height – 6°, declination – 40.5°). The Vega star direction is precisely designated also by the Krasnoye and Borovkovka burial mounds.

A number of data testify that the basic pole in all cases was the centre of a lay-out scheme not only for pole constructions, but also for the whole area of barrows. The basic poles in all burial mounds are located either on the central axial line west-east, or on a northeast-southwest line where main graves usually are. In two burial mounds (Krasnoye, Akkermen) the place where the poles are located was also utilized for a different kind of ritual actions. This fact enables the researchers to consider pole constructions as a sanctuary (Serova, Yarovoy 1987: 78; Subbotin, 2000: 166). So, in Krasnoye barrow on the site of the poles to the northeast from central grave there was a “pass” formed by two pairs of poles, connected with the ditches (“the sun gate”). With the system of poles was connected a sacrificial pit by diameter 0.7m., in which infill were coals, calcined bones and two skulls of goats. The area around of poles and hole was paved by stones, on which traces of burning of fire were preserved (Fig. 2, I, IV).

In all cases the astronomical dates are confirmed by concrete archaeological data. I cite individual, the most brightest archaeological evidences which have accurate causation with important astronomical reference points. These examples can testify about an existence in Eneolithic and Early Bronze ages world view system, where a conducting role played the Sun and Moon as the main Deities. For example, in the Krasnoye Eneolithic burial mound precisely to the south from the centre under a stone fencing was located burial 17 of the elder (pagan priest?) with a sceptre (Fig. 2, I, VI, VII ). Simultaneously this burial took a position in a direction of the high moonset in an extreme southern position (225º) in attitude to the central pole (№6) and a sacrificial hole of a cult complex. The deceased was oriented by the head in the direction of the high moonrise in a maximal southern position (139º). The pit grave was

In the Akkermen burial mound there was funeral pile 0.6m in diameter on the location of five poles to the northeast from the centre behind a ring fencing (Fig. 5, I). The post 54

Astronomical Basis of the Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds blocked by boards covered with white clay (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: 66-68).

there are 4 and 6 directions respectively to the points of sunrises and sunsets on the days of solstices and equinoxes; six out of eight basic directions to the points of risings and settings of the moon (there are no only directions to the northern rising and southern setting of the “high” moon); north and south reference points (Fig. 4, II; 6, I). The pole constructions of these burial mounds also include directions to the intermediate calendar dates – sunrises on February 9th and February 18th (110° and 108°) and sunsets on May 2nd and May 15th (290° and 296°). Probably such system reference points was connected with the calendar functions of these burial mounds.

There was nearby a stone plate with the stylized image of the head of a bull (Fig. 3, 1). In a southern part of the ditch in the area of grave 17 traces of sacrifices – skulls of adult aurochs or bisons – are found (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: 123-125). It is known, that the bull for many peoples of the world, including Indo-Europeans, was a lunar symbol (Golan, 1994: 52-57). A situation of this fact is revealed, when the concrete lunar direction coincides with the location of the sociallysignificant grave, as well as the image and sacrifice of an animal connected with lunar symbolism. At the same time the southern side here is also marked which was considered by the ancient people as sacrificial and associated with a bottom and a country of the dead (Potyomkina, 2004: 223).

It is necessary to point out that in all four burial mounds mentioned above the intermediate calendar dates correspond to the points of sunrise and sunset approximately on a halfway point of the Sun between solstices and spring equinox. In this case we can not exclude the assumption that a year might have been divided into eight parts in the Eneolithic-early Bronze Age, which was a basis for the solar calendar.

A similar situation is observed in the Akkermen barrow. Here at the burial mound centre on its axial line focused in the direction of the rise of the low moon in the extremely northern position (60°), there was a stone box like a dolmen (altar?) size 3.5 х 2.5m. (grave 14). It was constructed of large stone plates (Fig. 5, I, III). The plates were painted in red colour on the external side (Vyazmitina et al., 1960: 112, 116, 117). To the northeast of the box behind a ring fencing in a direction of the rise of the low moon (60°) there was an area in which the teeth of bulls were scattered in large numbers. Between the centre of the barrow with cist burial 14 and the collection of bulls’ teeth was located burial 3 with a vessel and scraper (Fig. 5, I; II; IV, 3, 6). The dead person also was oriented on the moonrise (60°). To the south from the centre among the stones of a fencing there were human bones (sacrificial burial 22). Near these was grave 4 with the upside down vessel (Fig. 5, I; IV, 7). The deceased’s head was also oriented in the direction of the moonrise in extreme northern position (60°).

In the cases we examine due attention should be paid to the fact that the time from the second half of April till the first half of May marked by directions to the points of sunrises (April 19, May 14) and sunsets (May 2, May 15) played an important role in the economic life of early cattle breeders of the Pontic Area. It was time for the cattle emaciated during winter period to be driven out to spring pastures. This event could be a main reason to erect astronomically oriented pole constructions and to perform there certain ritual actions that found their reflection in archaeological artefacts. Subsequently the place, where a burial mound with cult meaning had been made, got necropolis status. Thus, during the erection of pole burial mound structures not less than six astronomically oriented lines were inserted in them. It is likely that these directions had ritual meaning and never served for precise observations. The positions of the Sun and Moon marking daily and seasonal changes were principal in creating the models of the World and their components, as well the early calendar system.

On this barrow materials simultaneously received the interesting supervisions connected with specific present astronomical reference points and the features of separate burial mounds functioning.

The archaeoastronomical data testify that already the earliest steppe burial mounds of pre-Pit-Grave time were a concrete model of the World in understanding of their creators and were constructed according to these ideas. This model of the World was not just a formal scheme reflecting the knowledge of the Eneolithic cattle breeders about the environment, but was filled with concrete phenomena and served practical purposes.

In burial mounds with visible traces of ritual activity (Krasnoye, Akkermen), there are no pole marks indicating the points of sunrises and sunsets on the days of solstices and equinoxes. Here also solar directions (74°-254°, 60°-240°) are designated by the central axial line in both cases that specify intermediate dates – sunrises on April 19th and May 14th, and sunsets on January 22nd and February 20th for the latitude of the monument’s location (calculation made by V.A. Yurevitch). Location and orientation of all main objects of these barrows graves (burials, sacrificial complexes and holes) are related to these azimuths. Besides the above -mentioned solar directions in these burial mounds, four azimuths of northern risings and southern settings of the “high” and “low” moon – 45°, 63°, 225°, 243° – are marked (Fig. 2, I; 5, I).

According to orientation of the main and subordinated objects of burial mounds and their mutual arrangement the structure of the Model of the World appears to be as threefold in its horizontal and vertical projections. Colour symbolism played a great role in the ideas about the Universe. The connection with the Upper (light, heavenly) World was emphasized by red, white, yellow colour; the connection with the Lower World by black and different dark shades. There was also symbolic association to animals: the bull was a symbol of the Moon, the goat of the Earth and Lower world.

In burial mounds (Kubey, Vinogradnoye) without traces defining, that pole constructions were used in ritual purposes, 55

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Despite peculiarities of spatial organization of the burial field of every eneolithic barrow described above that are located far enough from one another, an amazing similarity in the very structure of sacral space is observed. This similarity is based undoubtedly on the same ideas about the environmental world (Universe, Cosmos). There are also reasons to assume an ethnic relationship on the basis of belonging to IndoIranian population and formation of certain Indo-European groups among whom the common cultural and ideological phenomena were widespread (Merpert, 1984: 241-243; Mellory, 1997: 78-82).

are combined, is attributed by researchers to the second half of the 4th millennium BCE, or to the late stages of the period Trypolie В1-Kukuten A (Yarovoy, 2000: 41). The sanctuaries with a circular architecture and pole structures, which had an astronomical function, were widespread in the Balkans and in Central Europe at the same time. A similarity of general structure of sacral space and most functional significant architectural details of the European circular sanctuaries and steppe burial mounds with pole designs is one of the displays of contacts and interaction of the population of two worlds – farming and cattle-breeding, which took shape in conditions of a formation of the production economy.

According to their basic parameters many of these barrow structures bear surprising similarity with circular cult objects such as roundels (rotundas) and henges of the Neolithic and Eneolithic epoch in Central Europe and England (Potyomkina, 2004: 246, 247).

References Behrens, H. und Schröter, Е.: Siedlungen und Gräber der Trichterbecherkultur und Schnurkeramik bei Halle (Saale), Veröffentlichungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte in Halle (Berlin), 34, 1980. Behrens, H.: “The first ‘Woodhenge’ in Middle Europe”, Antiquity, LV, 1981, 172-78. Danilenko, V.M. and Shmagliy, M.M.: “Pro odyn povorotny moment v istorii eneolitychnogo naselennya Pivdennoyi Evropy”, Arkheologiya (Kyiv), 6, 1972, 3 -19. Dergachov, V.A.: “Osobennosti kulturno-istoricheskogo razvitiya Karpato-Podnestrovya. K probleme vzaimodeistviya drevnikh obschestv Sredniei, YugoVostochnoi i Vostochnoi Evropy”, Stratum plus (St. Peterburg, Kishinev, Odessa), 2, 1999, 169 - 221. Golan, A.: Mif i simvol. Ierusalim (Tarbut), Moskva (Russlit) 1994 Manzura, I.V.: “Arkheologiya osnovnogo mifa”, Stratum: struktury i katastrofy. Sbornik. simvolicheskoy indoevropeiskoy istorii. St. Peterburg (Nestor) 1997, 26-46. Mellory, J.P.: “Indoevropeiskie prarodiny”, Vestnik drevnei istorii (VDI), 1, 1997, 61-82. Merpert, N.J.: “O svyazyakh Severnogo Prichernomoria i Balkan v rannem bronzovom veke”, Kratkie soobshcheniya instituta arkheologii ( KSIA, Moskva, NAuka), 105, 1965, 10-19. Merpert, N.J.: “Ranniye skotovody Vostochnoi Evropy i sudby drevnieishikh civilizaciy”, Studia Praehistorica (Sofia), 3, 1980, 65 -90. Merpert, N.J.: “Etnokulturnyie izmeneniya na Balkanakh na rubezhe eneolita i rannego bronzovogo veka”, Etnogenez narodov Balkan i Severnogo Prichernomorya, Moskva (Nauka) 1984, 234-46. Podborsky, V.: Tesetice-Kyjovice 4: Rondel osady lidu s moravskou malovanou keramikou. Brno (Universita J. E. Purkyne v Brne) 1988 Potyomkina, T.M.: Bronzovyi vek lesostepnogo Pritobolya, Moskva (Nauka) 1985. Potyomkina, T.M.: “Eneoliticheskie krugloplanovye svyatilischa Zauralya v sisteme skhodnykh kultur i modelei stepnoi Evrazii”, Mirovozzrenie drevnego naseleniya Evrazii (Devlet, M. A., ed.), Moskva (TOO “Staryi sad”) 2001, 166-256. Potyomkina T. M.: “Model organizacii sakralnogo prostranstva v eneolite stepnoy Evrazii”, Stepi

The fact that basic constructive and ideological ideas of the circular sanctuaries were formed and widely practised before by Neolithic and Eneolithic early farming population in the Balkan-Carpathian basin and other regions of Southeast Europe, enables the supposition that early steppe cattlebreeders took these ideas from early farmers as a result of direct and indirect contacts. Gradually this ideological model was spread far to the East and was adapted to steppe conditions by the first cattle breeders of the Eneolithic epoch. There is extensive literature about wide contacts of early cattle breeders of the Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age Dniester-Dnieper and adjoining areas with the early farming population at Gumelnitsa, Tripolye, Kukuten etc., about penetration of east cattle-breeding population far on west, down to Balkan territory. This literature is based on the specific archaeological sources (Danilenko, Shmagliy, 1972; Dergachov, 1999: 195-205; Merpert, 1965: 14-15; 1980: 7475, 82; 1984: 239-242; Ryndina, 1998: 152-179; Yarovoy, 2000: 40, 41; Potyomkina, 2001: 221-233; 2002c: 276-280). The researchers note a variety of aspects of relations between cattle-breeding and farming communities: from a military situation connected with an invasion of the cattle breeders in the farming centres, up to peaceful interactions. The majority of the researchers attribute a rise of penetration of the east cattle-breeding tribes in Karpathian-Dniester and Danube regions and their active interaction with farming communities to the beginning-middle of 4th millennium BCE, or on relative chronology, to the initial stages of the period Trypolie В1-Kukuten A (Dergachev, 1999: 195; Yarovoy, 2000: 41). At the same time the first ritual structures with vertical poles in the burial grounds appeared in this region. There is a steppe cattle-breeding and farming inventory at one complex. The brightest archaeological monument of this type is the Djurdjulesht burial ground cemetery concerning, according to the calibrated dates, the third quarter of the 5th millennium BCE (Manzura, 1997: 31). An occurrence in the northwest Pontic area of the barrow constructions, which includes ritual complexes with pole structures, where steppe and farming tools and ceramics also 56

Astronomical Basis of the Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds Evrazii v drevnosti i srednevekovye. Materialy mezhdunarodnoy konferencii k 100-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya Gryaznova M.P. (Piotrovskiy, Yu. Yu., ed.), Part 1, St. Peterburg (The Hermitage Publishing House)2002 a, 216-21. Potyomkina, T. M.: “Struktura sakralnogo prostranstva rannikh eneoliticheskikh kurganov (k postanovke voprosa)”, Severnoye Prichernomorye ot eneolita k antichnosti (Yarovoy, E.V., sostavitel, Ketraru, N.A, ed.), Tiraspol, 2002 b, 21-32. Potyomkina, T.M.: “The Trans–Ural Eneolithic Sanctuaries with Astronomical Reference Points in System of Similar Eurasian Models”, Complex Societies of Central Eurasia from the 3rd to 1st Millennium BC. Regional Specifics in Light of Global Models (JonesBlay, K. and Zdanovich, D.G., eds.), 1. Journal of Indo-European Studies (JIES), Monograph Series 45. Institute for the Study of Man, Washington D.C., 2002c, 269-82. Potyomkina, T.M.: “Osobennosti struktury sakralnogo prostranstva eneoliticheskikh kurganov so stolbovymi konstrukciyami (po materialam Severnogo Prichernomorya)”, Pamyatniki arkheologii i drevnego iskusstva Evrazii, (Gei, A.N., ed.), Moskva, 2004, 214-51.

Potyomkina, T.M. and Yurevitch, V.A.: Iz opyta arkheoastronomicheskogo issledovaniya arkheologicheskikh pamyatnikov (metodicheskiy aspect), Moskva (AO “Chermetinformaciya”) 1998. Rassamakin, Y.J.: “Eneolitichni pokhovannya PivnichnoZakhidnogo Pryazovia”, Arkheologiya (Kyiv), 4, 1990, 64-74. Ryndina, N.V.: Drevnieishee metalloobrabatyvayuschee proizvodstvo Yugo-Vostochnoi Evropy (istoki i razvitie v neolite – eneolite), Moskva (Editorial URSS), 1998. Serova, N.L. and Yarovoy, E.B.: Grigoriopolskiye kurgany, Kishynev (Shtiinca)1987. Subbotin, L.V.: “Eneoliticheskoye svyatilische kurgannogo mogilnika Kubey”, Starozhytnosti Stepovogo Prychernomorya i Krymu, IX, Zaporizhzhya, 2001, 160-67. Vyazmitina, M.I., Illinska, V.A., Pokrovska, E.F., Terenozhkin, O.I., Kovpanenko, G.T.: “Kurgany bilya sela. NovoPylypivka i radgospu Akkermen”, Archeologichni pamyatky URSR (Terenozhkin, O., ed.), VIII, Kyiv (Vydavnyctvo Akademii Nauk URSR), 1960, 22-185. Yarovoy. E.V.: Skotovodcheskoye nasellenie SeveroZapadnogo Prichernomorya epokhi rannego metalla. Avtoreferat dissertacii doktora istoricheskih nauk. Moskva, 2000.

Fig. 1. The Eneolithic burial mound with the pole structures. A map. 1 – Krasnoye; 2 – Kubey; 3 – Akkermen; 4 – Vinogradnoye; 5 – Borovkovka.

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Fig. 2. Krasnoye, burial mound 9. The constructions and funeral complexes of the first building horizon of the Eneolithic epoch (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: Fig. 1; 20; 21, 3; 31; 32). Astronomical reference points – T. Potyomkina. I – plan (1 – pit with a pole; 2 – poles in small ditches; 3 – sacrificial hole; 4 – stone facing of the first mound; 5 – concentration of the skulls of aurochs and home bull); II – plan of the barrow cemetery; III – plan of the grave 16; IV – cult complex with the pole structures (coarse); V – profile of the barrow 9 on the line 3; VI – plan of the burial 17; VII – grave goods from the burial 17 (1 – bone sceptre; 2 – fragment of the wooden handle for a sceptre; 3 – bushing of the reaping–hook from a flint; 4 – arrow tip from a flint). 58

Astronomical Basis of the Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds

Fig. 3. Krasnoye, burial mound 9. The stone zoomorphic images from covering of the grave 9 (1) and cromlech (2-4) (Serova, Yarovoy, 1987: Fig. 26).

Fig. 4. Kubey barrow cemetery. I – plan of the barrow cemetery (1 – barrow-sanctuary; 2 – barrows of the Eneolithic epoch; 3 – barrows of the Yamnaya culture; 4 – barrows of the middle and final Bronze age; 5 – Scythian and Sarmatian barrows); II – plan of the burial mound 1 with constructions and graves of the Eneolithic epoch (3, 15) and Yamnaya (Pit-Grave) Culture (5, 6, 9-11, 16, 17) (Subbotin, 2001: 166. Fig. 1). Astronomical reference points – Т. Potyomkina. 59

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Fig. 5. Akkermen I, burial mound 11. Structures and graves of Early Yamnaya (Pit Grave) Culture (Vyazmitina et al, 1960: Fig. 73, 12, 13; 74, 12; 77, 4; 79, 1, 3, 4; 86, 3, 5; 87). Astronomical reference points – Т. Potyomkina. I – plan (1 – pits with the rests of poles; 2 – remains of the bonfire; 3 – concentration of the bull teeth); II – plan and section of the pit grave 3; III – cist burial 14; IV – grave goods (1, 3, 7 – pottery; 2 – silver earring; 4 – bone harpoon; 5 – grindstone; 6 – scraper). 1, 4, 5 – grave 12; 2 – grave 11; 3, 6 – grave 3; 7 – grave 4. 60

Astronomical Basis of the Arrangement of Sacral Space of the Eneolithic Burial Mounds

Fig. 6. Vinogradnoye, burial mound 24 (Rassamakin, 1990: 68. Fig. 3) I – plan of the barrow structures of the Eneolithic epoch with the indication of the astronomical reference points (Т. Potyomkina); II – section of the barrow mound 24 (1 – late dug layer; 2 – pits with ashes infill; 3 – subsoil facing of the first Eneolithic mound and subsoil discharge from the Yamnaya burial 23; 4 – subsoil discharge from burial 30; 5 – buried soil; 6 – natural ground ; 7 – pottery from funeral feast); III – plan of the barrow structures of the of the Eneolithic epoch. 61

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Fig. 7. The entrances in Eneolithic round planned sanctuaries. 1 – Kvenshtedtd, plan of a southern entrance in the third ring of the palisade (Behrens, Shroter, 1980: 95. Abb. 49); 2 – TeseticeKyyovice, east entrance in the external palisade of the rotunda (Podborsky, 1988: 118. Obr. 96). 62

TYPOLOGY OF THE MOUNTAIN THRACE ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL SITES

Alexey Stoev Yuri Gagarin Public Astronomical Observatory, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Penka Muglova Solar-Terrestrial Influences Laboratory, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Stara Zagora Department, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Mina Stoeva Institute of Philosophical Research, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected] Ivelina Miteva Gemma Astroclub, Stara Zagora, Bulgaria

Introduction Undoubtedly, man observed the starry sky and heavenly bodies in it from the remote past. Fixing of astronomical directions and stars’ distribution in regions called constellations came considerably later. After that, the horizon line was used as a rest circle with points of rising and setting of the Sun, Moon, planets and bright stars marked on it. The possibility of measuring directions and distances in the celestial sphere appears later. The mountains in Thrace were inhabited by various tribes and populations for a long time – from the 4th millennium BCE to Late Antiquity. Nowadays, specific sites termed as rock-cut monuments can be found all over the mountains.

Abstract Thracian culture, as most world cultures, also integrates celestial objects and phenomena into its own view of the world. We have investigated the archaeoastronomical meaning of rock-cut monuments situated in Mountain Thrace, Bulgaria.

The exploration of rock-cut monuments and cave sanctuaries is quite difficult because of the lack of written sources, the unspecific characteristics of material traces found there, and the earth surface changes as a result of natural evolutionary processes and rock weathering. In general, archaeological data show that sanctuaries – their building and usage – had mainly intellectual, cult and religious meaning. Data from archaeological excavations allows us to determine the character of these monuments as functioning as sanctuaries where different ritual activities were carried out (Potyomkina 2001: 166-256). Rituals were connected with specific heavenly objects’ positions in accordance with the natural-geographical environment economy specificity and social structure of the population. The rock-cave sanctuaries were a unique phenomenon for those civilizations – material expression of a complicated ritual system naturally added to their philosophical doctrine (Naydenova 1986: 15-29).

In this work we analyse the structural elements of rock-cut monuments from the Eneolithic and Bronze Age. Here we present eight rock-cut monuments, their orientations towards astronomically significant points from the visible horizon, and the observed phenomena – rise, set or culmination of the observed heavenly object. Very often rock-cut monuments include images of different astronomical objects and phenomena as Sun, Moon, stars, comets, eclipses, on the rock. According to the situation and the architectural plan, the studied rock-cut monuments show an arrangement of a typical positional system for observations of the sunrises and sunsets (during solstice or equinox), which coincide with characteristic points of the local visible horizon line. Usually, sunrises and sunsets are connected with specific days and festivals from the calendar, agricultural or religious year of the ancient socium.

Today, the study of spatial organization of the sanctuaries and the existence of obvious linear and circle structures gives sufficient serious data about the existence of orientations, targets and solar-cult architecture. That’s why the rockcut monuments and cave sanctuaries became an object of independent archaeoastronomical research. First of all it is based on our knowledge about the place of astronomy in the culture of ancient archaic societies living on these lands (Muglova and Stoev 1996: 34-37; Stoev and Muglova 1995) as well as on registration, analysis and interpretation of their morphometric modifications.

We can suppose that rock-cut monuments and cave sanctuaries were used for time measuring and they have a complicated ideological content and solar-chthonic semantics. A typology has been made taking into account the locality of the rock-cut monuments in mountain Thrace, their formal marks, functional astronomical elements, and accuracy of the obtained observational results.

Recently, except for the sanctuaries near the village of Kabile (Stoev and Varbanova 1994: 426-434), Tatul and Mostovo (Stoev et al. 1990: 156-167), data about a great number of such objects – near the villages of Gorna Krepost, Dolna Chobanka, Ilinitsa, Gela and Hlyabovo, Bulgaria and also Kokino, Macedonia – has emerged (Stoev et al. 2001: 226235; Stoev and Muglova 2002; Stoev et al. 2003: 323-334), (Fig. 1). During the last two decades new archaeological material was found, and regularities and situations were

Such archaeoastronomical investigations of archeological sites can contribute to the revealing of their historical evolution and the understanding of Thracian culture. 63

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Fig. 1. Location of the investigated rock-cut monuments on the map of Bulgaria registered on the field, which complement the characteristics of this type of archaeoastronomical monuments.

result, it became possible to ascertain some characteristic peculiarities and specify past observations. Up to now, rockcut monuments and cave sanctuaries were generally dated back to the 2nd-1st millennium BCE and their blooming was connected with the 7th-1st century BCE.

An analysis of structural, target and referent points’ elements depending on their autochthonic composition has been made after the classification of rock-cut monuments and cave sanctuaries, and their grouping in different types of complexes (Stoev and Varbanova 1996: 93-100). As a

Some data point out that rocky-cave sanctuaries come into being as early as the end of the 4th millennium BCE (Raduncheva 1990; 1996), and remain and function during the Roman expansion in the 2nd-3rd century CE (Fol, 1990). In absolute dates, the prehistoric epochs do not coincide for different regions of Euro-Asia and Africa, and a general rule is that in more eastern direction rock-cut monuments are from earlier epochs (Fol 2000: 7-10). Consequently, the rockcut monuments and cave sanctuaries are one of the most conservative manifestations of ancient ethnic communities. Every culture makes an appraisal of its own environment by selecting certain aspects of its physical surroundings – such as other people, animals, mountains, meteorological and celestial phenomena – and assigning meaning to them and to the relationships that they regard as existing between them. That is why chronological boundaries of existence of the investigated here sites are determined from archeological finds and parallel connections with other monuments there, (Fig. 2). The study of astronomical phenomena in this context has a significant advantage over studies of other aspects of people’s interaction with their surroundings, because the “raw resource” is directly accessible to us. Modern astronomy and

Fig. 2. Shapes and decoration of the pottery in Neolithic and Chalcolithic culture 64

Typology of the Mountain Thrace Archaeoastronomical Sites physics can reconstruct important components of the night and day skies at any place on the earth and any time during the last several millennia. Within the boundaries of the admissible error, the most reliable are the positions of “fixed” objects, such as stars, nebulae, and the Milky Way. In ancient times, also generally reliable are the positional aspects of recurrent phenomena, such as the limits of the solar and lunar motions on the celestial sphere and their contact zones with the horizon. Sun and Lunar theoretical positions in the sky can be calculated with very great precision in spite of changes caused by atmospheric effects such as refraction and extinction (Ruggles and Saunders 1993: 1-10)

Rock-cut monuments semantically bear the idea of a spatial boundary of the chthonic under-environment, and the solar beginning or termination, as well as the whole sky above the sanctuary. Space and time are different for the primitive people and for us. The idea of time almost didn’t exist for primitive thinking. Time didn’t have such division as it has for modern people. The need for time measuring, which caters for material (farming, hunting) and ritual (customs connected with different divinities) practice is imposed.

.

The mythic model of time is presented as dichotomy of an “initial” (sacred) time and empiric (profane) time. This model has a linear character but gradually is supplemented and develops into a cyclic model of the time. To this contribute ritual repeats of the events, changing of the luminaries on the vault of heaven, calendar rituals and the idea of perpetual renovation of nature (Tokarev 1988: 252). A calendar creation model needed mutual synonymous conformity between counted rises and settings of the Sun and other known multitudes. Original standards of counting appear – day and night connected with the Sun, week and month connected with the Lunar phases. Thracian sanctuaries and their archaeoastronomical research Territory of Ancient Thrace Herodotus and Thucydides testify to the multitude of Thracian tribes and the occupied by them territory at the end of 2nd millennium BCE. They describe the boundaries as follows: “The geographical region called by the Hellenes Thrace covers after the 4th century BCE the lands between the lower course of the Danube river (Istros) in the North and the Aegean Sea in the South, Vardar river (Axios) in the West to the North-West Minor Asia in East” ( ϕ = 40° ÷ 43). Together with the tribe “Geti”, situated near the Danube delta, the tribe “Daki”, who inhabited the land north of them, was known by Herodotus.

Fig. 3a. Projection of the Takgarduk Kaya cave entrance on the floor, at noon

According to the contemporary physico-geographical division of Bulgaria, the territory of Mountain Thrace belongs to the following regions: West Rhodopes, Upper ThracianBurgas, East Rhodopes-Strandja Mountain (Geography of Bulgaria, 2002: 388-410, fig. 1). The Mountain in Ancient Thrace The mountain in Ancient Thrace is a mythological universality… a key word for clarifying this perception for Thracians is probably “height”. “Height” is a symbolic code, by which the following fact could be explained: the centre of the settlement space in Thrace mastered by a specific tribe or citizens is an upland, mountain hill, i.e. part of the terrestrial surface, where a climb should be done. The “mountain” (in the broad sense of this notion) as a point of intersection between earth and sky was in the “centre” of the visible world. That is why, sanctuaries and tombstones likened it

Fig. 3b. Vertical plan of the Tangarduk Kaya cave in the meridional plane. Solar beams at culminaton of the sun, at summer and winter solstices and the maximal projections of the entrance are evident 65

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 4a. Sunrise at the summer solstice visible from the artificial notch, from the Harman Kaya rock-cut monument (recionstruction)

Fig. 4b. Panoramic photo of the Harman Kaya observational ground. Artificial notches on the east wall used for observations at summer (1) and winter (2) solstices, and the equinoxes (3), in 2000 BCE epoch and became “centres” integrated to the “world mountain” symbolism (Christov, 1999: 163).

The research continues with a preparation of a high precision orthogonal and tacheometrical plan of the rock-cut monument by a Theo 010 theodolite and measurement of the basic sight directions on its territory. Horizontal and vertical angles are measured and the mean-square error is ±6cc. From the supposed place of sighting of the ancient observer, a photo panorama of the local horizon has been made. In addition, azimuths of characteristic relief marks from the visible horizon line have been measured in order to find their relation to arrangements and orientations at the investigated site. The relative height of the visible horizon line toward the true horizon plane for most of the rock-cut monuments is in the region of 1÷5 grad.

The archaeoastronomical research A database for the structural elements and orientation of the rock-cut monuments situated on the territory of the Mountain Thrace has been used for the archaeoastronomical research. It has been created as the result of the 25-year activity of the Group on Archaeoastronomical research and expeditions at Yuri Gagarin Public Astronomical Observatory in Stara Zagora, Bulgaria. For every object, preliminary investigation of the archaeological data from excavations, artifacts found on its territory and estimations about its chronological boundaries of existence has been made.

Geographic co-ordinates – latitude and longitude of the rock-cut monuments – have been determined by the help of GPS receiver and several consecutive observations of α Ursa 66

Typology of the Mountain Thrace Archaeoastronomical Sites Table 1 Rock-cut monuments, their orientations towards astronomically significant points from the visible horizon, and the observed phenomena – rise, set or culmination of the observed heavenly object. № Rock-cut monument

Orientation

Astronomical phenomenon

1.

Belintash

Summer solstice

sunrise

2.

Kozi kamak

Summer solstice

sunrise

3.

Zaychi vruh

Summer solstice and equinoxes

Sunrise, sunset, stellar and solar culminations

4.

Tatul

Winter solstice

sunrise

5.

Tangarduk Kaya

Winter solstice

Solar culmination

6.

Harman Kaya

Summer and winter solstices and equinoxes

Sunrise

7.

Buzovgrad

Summer solstice

Sunset

8.

Mishkova niva

Summer solstice

Sunrise

Minor with a direct accuracy of 2cc (Manual of astronomical observations, 1984). Azimuths of the Sun and the Moon have been calculated for the studied epoch by the use of the computer programme SKYMAP PRO7. Their coincidence with azimuths of the basic sight directions of the rock-cut monuments have been compared. Finally, the archaeoastronomical coincidences have been evaluated.

meaning

of

these

The studied rock-cut monuments Positional systems for Sun observations are discovered on the territory of the following rock-cut monuments in Mountain Thrace: Belintash, near the Mostovo village, Plovdiv district, Kozi kamak, near the Beslet village, Blagoevgrad district, Zaychi vruh, near the Kabile village, Yambol district, Tatul, near the Tatul village, Momchilgrad municipality, Tangarduk Kaya (Fig. 3a, b), Kurdjali district, Harman Kaya (Fig. 4a, b), near the Dolna Chobanka village, Momchilgrad municipality, Buzovgrad, Kazanluk municipality, and Mishkova niva, Malko Turnovo municipality (Stoev et al., 1990: 156-167, Dermendjiev et al., 1984, Stoev and Varbanova, 1994: 426434, Nikolov et al., 1988: 28-32, Stoev et al., 2001: 226-235, Stoev et al., 2003: 323-334, Radoslavova and Stoev, 1991: 176-179). Table 1 presents the rock-cut monuments, their orientations towards astronomically significant points from the visible horizon, the observed phenomena – rise, set or culmination and the observed heavenly object.

Fig. 5. Carved, contour, and bas-relief signs of the lunar phases from the rock-cut monument near the village of Baylovo.

Solar, lunar and stellar images, and solar calendars are found in cave complexes near the villages of Baylovo and Lipnitsa, Sofia district, the village of Tsarevets, Mezdra municipality, in the Topchika cave, Asenovgrad municipality, and in the Magura cave, the village of Rabisha, Belogradchic municipality (Stoev and Stoytchev, 1991: 137-144, Stoytchev and Gerassimova – Tomova, 1994: 15-19, Gerassimova – Tomova et al., 1991: 203-213, Stoytchev and Stoev, 1991: 194-202, Muglova et al., 1997: 95-96, Stoytchev, 1998: 143174).

Fig. 6. Image of the Great Goddess mother in a ritual dance, Magura cave. The sight equipment, which marks particular positions of the solar disk on the horizon line have been analysed, as well as the place where Sun crosses the main meridian at the place of observation. Functional connections between elements of the sanctuary interior and points of sunrise and sunset during its reversal movement between summer and winter solstices exist. Probably, methods of their use as rest chronometric marks for building and support of calendar systems were worked out.

Generally, such rock-cut sites are situated on comparatively high places, near settlements and water springs, and have a specific zero position in relation to the local horizon line

.

67

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography typical positional system for observations of the sunrises and sunsets (during solstice or equinox), which coincide with characteristic points of the local visible horizon line. Usually, sunrises and sunsets are connected with specific days and festivals from the calendar, agricultural or religious year of the ancient socium.

Fig. 7. Friezes of anthropomorphic images, symbol signs, and calendar notations, Magura cave

The mystic function of these astrometric observations is specific for this and later epochs – up to and including Antiquity.

Very often rock-cut monuments include images of different astronomical objects and phenomena such as Sun, Moon, stars, comets, eclipses, on the rock (in caves, niches, cliffs, open rock surfaces). Some of them are arranged to depict time records of different time intervals. As examples we can show the lunar records of time intervals near the villages of Baylovo (Fig. 5) and Lipnitsa, Sofia district, lunar-solar images near the village of Tsarevets, Mezdra municipality, solar and stellar images in the Topchika cave, Asenovgrad municipality, and solar calendars from the Magura cave (Fig. 6 and Fig. 7), the village of Rabisha, Belogradchic municipality and the cave near the village of Baylovo.

Typology of the rock-cut monuments in mountain Thrace The typology of rock-cut monuments with an archaeoastronomical meaning is made according to their locality, formal marks, functional astronomical elements, and accuracy of the obtained observational results: Locality: • On high rocky peaks; • In natural or artificial caves; • Accidentally chosen sites with good view towards the local horizon. Formal marks: • Almost always include rock, cave and water (springs or water reservoirs); • Visited by a great many people or only by initiated people; • They had a complex purpose – astronomical observations, cult practices, time measuring. Functional elements with an astronomical meaning: • Astronomically significant azimuth of the basic sight direction (points of the summer and winter solstice, vernal or autumn equinox); • Presence of equipment for sighting towards astronomical points on the horizon (by using of pillars, grooves, trenches, cave galleries, special sight equipment, near and far relief marks); • Presence of astronomical objects depicted on the rock (caves, niches and opened rock surfaces). Accuracy of the obtained observational results (on angular dimensions and time) in accordance with the place and manner of observation: • Observational grounds with a wide scope of vision without requirements for any accuracy (symbolic astronomy weaved into cult and religious practices); • Equipment for Sun observations with an accuracy of about 5 arc degrees (±10 days – symbolic astronomy with low accuracy); • Equipment for Sun observations with an accuracy of about 0.5÷1 arc degree (±1 ÷ ±2day – positional astronomical observations with high accuracy).

Analysis and Interpretation Observational results Moments of equinoxes and solstices have been determined with an accuracy of about 0.5 ÷ 5 arc degrees (±1 ÷ ±10day), which depends on the angular dimensions of the artificial notches measured from the supposed places of observation of the studied rock-cut monuments. Transition of the Sun through the main meridian at the place of observation is fixed with an error of about ±1 arc degree (±2 days). Basic directions towards the points of solar disk rise at equinox and solstice have been determined with an accuracy of about ±20 arc seconds (less then a day) (Radoslavova and Stoev, 1991: 176-179). Interpretation It is clear that the rock-cut monuments and cave sanctuaries were used for time measuring and they have a complicated ideological content and solar-chthonic semantics. The meaning of the “observing the sun” act is connected with the worship of the Sun-God by the Thracians (Marazov 1994). That’s why all observational procedures from the high rock were probably realized in connection with the cosmo structuring – actions overcoming the chaos and securing fruitfulness (Fol, 1986). Cave sanctuaries have a proven semantic connection both with the megalithic culture and the trapezium-shaped niches hewn into the rock in the East Rhodopes (The megaliths in Thrace 1976: 36-115).

Chronological boundaries of ancient observatories’ existence are compared using astronomical data and archeological evaluations (Stoev and Varbanova, 1996: 92-100).

The basic archaeoastronomical hypothesis about functioning of the rock-cut monuments in Mountain Thrace is that they were ancient solar observatories devoted to the cults of the Sun and the Great Goddess-Mother (Kibela).

Conclusion and perspectives • Structural elements of rock-cut monuments from the Eneolithic and Bronze Age, situated on Bulgarian lands, have been analyzed in the work.

According to the situation and the architectural plan, the studied rock-cut monuments show an arrangement of a 68

Typology of the Mountain Thrace Archaeoastronomical Sites Speleology, 10-17 August 1997, La Chaux de Fonds, Switzerland, Volume 3, Symp. 2: Archaeology and Paleontology in caves: 1997, 95-96. Nikolov, N., Zlatev, S. and Vasileva, K.: “The astronomical meaning of Tatul archaeoastronomical monument”, Archeology, vol 2: 1988, 28-32, in Bulgarian. Naydenova, V.: The rocky sanctuaries in Thracia, Proceedings of the II symposium “Settlement life in Thracia”, Yambol, Bulgaria: 1986, 15-29, (in Bulgarian). Potyomkina, T.: “Eneolithic circle sanctuaries beyond the Ural mountains in the system of steppic Euro-Asia similar cultures and patterns”, In Worldview of the ancient Euro-Asian population Institute of Archaeology, RAN, TOO “Stary Sad”: 2001, 166-256,( in Russian). Radoslavova T., Stoev A., “Astronomical traces in ancient rock monuments in Bulgarian lands”, In Colloquia Internationale Archaeologia a Astronomia, eds. G. Romano and G. Traversari, Rome, 1991, pp 176179. Raduncheva, A.: “Eneolithic rock sanctuaries in the Eastern Rhodopes”, Interdisciplinary studies, vol XVII: 1990, 156-167, (in Bulgarian). Raduncheva, A.: “Eneolithic astronomical observations and mythological beliefs”, Proceedings of the first SEAC meeting, Smolyan, Bulgaria: 1996, 162-166. Ruggles, C. and Saunders, N.: “The study of cultural astronomy”, In Astronomies and cultures, University Press of Colorado: 1990, 1-31. Stoev, A. and Stoytchev, T.: “Lunar observatories on the Bulgarian lands”, Interdisciplinary studies, vol XVIII: 1991,137-144, (in Bulgarian). Stoev, A. and Muglova, P.: “Rationality, validity and reliability of astronomical observations during Neolithic and Eneolithic Ages”, Proceedings of the third SEAC meeting, Sibiu, Romania, 1995. Stoev, A. and Varbanova, Y.: “Archaeoastronomical investigation of the Thracian rocky sanctuary “Zaichi vrah”, Proceedings of the IIIrd International Symposium “Cabyle”, Settlement life in ancient Thrace, Yambol, Bulgaria: 1994, 426-434. Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Gineva, V., Radoslavova, T.: Thracian rock sanctuary “Belintash” near Mostovo village, Plovdiv district - a model of an ancient solar observatory, Interdisciplinary studies, vol XVII: 1990, 156-167, (in Bulgarian). Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Gumarov, M., Stoeva, M., Tashev, Y., Videnov, B.: “Spatial orientation and acoustic reverberation in the Tangarduk Kaya cave sanctuary, near the Ilinitsa village, Kurdjali district”, Perperek I, Perperek and the micro region around it, complex investigation of the thousand years multireligious centre in East Rhodopes, New Bulgarian University, 2001: 226-235. Stoev, A. and Muglova, P.: “Archaeoastronomical interpretation of the Tatichev kamen rockcut monument near the Kokino Village, Staro Nagorichane municipality, Macedonia”, Pirayhme, vol. 2, 2002, 329-339 (in Bulgarian and in English). Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Stoeva, M., Tashev, Y., Videnov, B., Velkov, R., Velkov, V.: “An archaeoastronomical investigation of the Harman Kaya rock-cut mega

• Measuring of spatial-temporal parameters of the heavenly bodies’ positions was considered as complicated, mysterious and magic procedure for reaching divine subtlety by initiated priest–astronomers, as well as for obtaining direct astronomical data needed for calendar support. The historical restriction of these early observational methods and of the measuring of main heavenly bodies’ motion, using primitive positional systems, are due to the poor development of the connection between practical and cognitive forms of the subjective efforts of the society of that epoch. • Typology of the rock-cut monuments in mountain Thrace has been made according to their locality, formal marks, functional astronomical elements, and accuracy of the obtained observational results. It reveals their historical evolution. • It is necessary to search for additional archeological proofs for explanation of the obtained astronomical data and knowledge acquired by the society of that epoch. • Examination of the rock-cut monuments by the methods of archaeoastronomy has to continue mainly to create criteria for identification of their functional elements connected with observation of basic points and objects of the celestial sphere. References: Christov, I.: Mountain Thrace, population, culture, and religion in antiquity, Faber edition, Veliko Turnovo, 1999 (in Bulgarian). Dermendjiev, V. et al.: Comptes rendus de l’Academie Bulgarie des Sciences, Tome 37, N5, 1984. Fol, A.: Politics and culture in ancient Thrace. Naouka I Izkustvo, Sofia, 1990 (in Bulgarian). Fol, A.: Thracian orphism, Kliment Ohridski University press, Sofia, 1986 (in Bulgarian). Fol A. and I. Venedikov: editors of the The megaliths in Thrace, Naouka I Izkustvo, Sofia, vol. 1: 1976, 36-115, (in Bulgarian). Fol, V.: Megalithic and rock-cut monuments in Ancient Thrace. Sofia University press, Sofia: 2000, 7-10, (in Bulgarian). Geography of Bulgaria, ForKom Publishing house, 2002, (in Bulgarian). Gerassimova – Tomova, V., Stoytchev, T., and Stoev, A.: Astronomical symbolism at rock-cave art of painting, Interdisciplinary studies, vol XVIII: 1991, 203-213, (in Bulgarian). Manual of astronomical observations, Moskva, 1984 (in Russian). Marazov, I.: Thracian mythology, IK Sekor Press, Sofia, 1994 (in Bulgarian). Muglova, P. and Stoev, A.: “The limits of cognition in the archaeoastronomical interpretations”, Proceedings of the first SEAC meeting, Smolyan, Bulgaria: 1996, 3437. Muglova, P., Stoev, A., and Stoeva, M.: “Research on drawings representing celestial phenomena and cosmological elements from cave sanctuary from the Neolithic”, Proceedings of the 12th International Congress of 69

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography complex in the region of Dolna Chobanka village, Momchilgrad municipality”, Thracia 15 in honour of Alexander Fol’s 70th anniversary, Institute of Thracology, BAS, Tangra TanNakRa Publishing house, Sofia: 2003, 323-334. Stoev, A. and Varbanova, Y.: “Positional systems for solar and lunar observations in the archaic cultures in Bulgaria”, Proceedings of the first SEAC meeting, Smolyan, Bulgaria: 1996, 93-100. Stoytchev, T. and Gerassimova–Tomova, V.: “Bronze Age regional calendars in monochrome cave paintings in Bulgaria”, ADA/NBU, 1994, 1.

Stoytchev, T. and Stoev, A.: “Astronomical interpretation of some grafitti from the Bulgarian caves”, Interdisciplinary studies, vol XVIII: 1991, 194-202, (in Bulgarian). Stoytchev, T.: Studia Archaeologica, Vol. 1, Archaeoastronomy: Time-measuring prehistoric evidence in Bulgaria, Agato Publishers: 1998,143-174. Tokarev, S. М: editor of the Myths of the people from all over the world, Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Moskva: Sovetskaya Enciklopediya, 1988, 252, (in Russian).

70

THE PROBLEM OF TIME IN PrEHISTORY, SYMBOL SIGNS AND TIME MEASURING

Mina Stoeva Institute of Philosophical Research, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria, E-mail: [email protected]

A calendar, which combines the chronological accuracy of several generations’ collective memory or a calendar aimed at penetrating the secrets of the future, is connected with writing and a number of techniques. Only writing and developing archives guarantee the preservation of the memory and possibility of juxtaposing frequency, co-ordination or simultaneousness of extremely variable phenomena, the connection between which is not so real or evident (History of morals, 2001: 206-207).

Introduction Regardless of the epoch in which humans exist they need to define themselves as a reality in time and space. Situating in space appears more accessible for our sense experience, while staying in time is problematic.

This work is focused on the appearance of the idea of time. This idea is connected with the notion of time. Looking back on human history, we encounter an epoch when time measuring equipment did not exist. Human life and nature were filled with different rhythmic motions. Birth, growing old, death and periodical change of day and night, of cold and warmth in nature are processes that inspire the idea of movement and change. It is connected with time. We cannot avoid the paradox that when we talk about time in our mind two definitions appeared in the same time: the idea of repetition when different kinds of cycles and rhythms and of uniqueness when it is clear that the physical death is an irreversible process. The idea of time itself appears as a hesitation between two oppositions.

Every trial of time investigation inevitably leads to Augustine’s sincerity for the Nature: “What is the time? When they ask me – I know, but if only I try to explain it – I can’t”. Difficulties come from the fact that the time has already been lived through as duration and in the experience of the researcher, and, in the same time, thought as a theoretical definition. In order to reach an entire constitution of time, it is necessary to keep together the experience and the thoughts about it, because as far as man wants to live in the world he remains forced to know the surrounding environment and the phenomena in it, to “bind all the dimensions of time and, this way, to deplete the experience”, to transform it in a sense (Kozelek 2002: 126).

My interests are focused on the Neolithic and the Eneolithic Age when people pass from an appropriating economy, during which they passively use the gifts of nature, to a producing economy, during which they begin to develop farming and stockbreeding. This transition imposes the necessity of time measuring, that caters for the material (farming, hunting) and ritual (customs connected with different divinities), which changes their lifestyle – new needs appear because of the increased activity. Ancient farmers were interested in periods in which they cultivate different crops and collect their harvest. The most close and suitable orientation for this is the sun motion, which also determines season changes. These are the reasons for the appearance of sun calendars. The necessity of predicting and foreseeing events connected with agricultural cycles and periods of hunting should be mentioned too. That is why people needed a measuring device to predict such changes.

Modern life entirely passes under the influence of time and its measurement with different devices. Speaking about time, philosophically concerned man could not avoid the following questions: Why does such a verbal category as “time” exist and how is it connected with the same category in our everyday experience? Today, our reality offers numerous devices for time measuring. However, thinking and questions are connected with time change when we study a past epoch, in which such devices had not existed. Human experience proves that we have no sensation of time. Our perceptions are conformed to our biological processes, not to astronomical ones. Conditions of calendar construction Most people know and use a calendar – primitive or improved to a different extent. The famous calendars are based or originate from the observation of the natural circumstances during long sequences of years, mainly periodic conditions connected with meteorology, or a cyclic one connected with the gradually improvement of astronomy.

The period on which our investigation is focused is the Neolithic and Eneolithic epoch – 7000-5000 B.C. and 50002000 B.C. – on the lands of modern Bulgaria, according to Todorova and Vaisov (Todorova, Vaisov, 1993: 15). Two economic complexes synchronously existed during the initial stage of Europe’s neolithization, which embraced the second half of the 7000 B.C. in the Balkan Peninsula and its neighbouring territories – that of the appropriate and that of the producing economy (Todorova, Vaisov, 1993: 56). The transition from collection to production of material wealth

However, making a list of long sequences of phenomena demands serious observations. It is necessary to remember and juxtapose them, to bind them to sporadic and variable elements. 71

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography the time is fixed and measured, “cult dates” are mentioned, at which “future is connected with the past and the cycle of life is renewed”. By these dates, reiteration of time is organized. In this sense, in all early societies “time exists only through activities organizing it and myths describing it” (Atali, 1993: 16).

and domestication of animals called “a Neolithic revolution” is a historical transition assuming changes in thinking, in world perception and in explaining natural phenomena. This changes the lifestyle and gives rise to other needs. New social structure (family – tribe) is formed and mythicoreligious system accompanied with specific ritual practices is established.

No absolute start as regards the beginning of history is spoken about; words like “commencements”, “sources”, “primitive”, and “archaic” are used in a relative sense. What is meant is “possibly the most elementary social state, known till now, beyond which it is impossible to pass” (Durchem, 1998: 31). Using the term “modern people”, we regard people in the developed society, i.e. the man lived after the Renaissance.

Myth creation is one of the basic ways of creating cultural reality; myth is a method of world understanding. It reproduces specific feeling of the natural environment. In a peculiar manner, myth is a symbolic sign system by the terms of which whole the world is described. According to Kassirer (1998: 156) every mythico-religious consciousness is based on the contrast between the world of “sacred” and the world of “profane”. It is the same for time – the sacred time – the initial cosmogonic time, the time of action of Gods and Heroes. It is the unique time, which is real, does not exhaust the world and age man. During the festival the moment of the beginning is reactivated, the fantastic time of the initial act is recreated and man becomes a “contemporary” of the gods.

The mythic model of time is presented as dichotomy of an “initial” (sacred) time and empiric (profane) time. A calendar creation model needed mutual synonymous conformity between counted rises and settings of the Sun and other known multitudes. Original standards of counting appear – day and night connected with the Sun, week and month connected with the lunar phases.

Mirca Eliade pays special attention to the terms “sacred” and “profane” time. “Space, as well as time, for the religious man, is neither homogeneous nor continuous. Intervals of sacred Time exist, time of festivals (mainly periodical); on the other hand profane Time exists – the usual duration, in which one enters activities without religious character. Between these two types of Time, an interruption exists; but the religious man could ‘pass’ safely from the usual duration into the sacred Time” (Eliade, 1998: 48). Every religious festival is a new actualization of some sacred event, which happened in the sacred past, “in the beginning”. Participation in a given festival supposes going out from the “usual”, “profane” duration with the purpose of repeating the mythic Time actualized from the festival itself. As a result, sacred Time is endlessly restorable and repeatable.

The problem of understanding and measuring of time is complicated and multi-layered. The question of time institutionalizing could be considered in the system of cults and rituals of the society. Every activity repeatedly done by a specific group of people is institutionalizing. This economizes time and human efforts. It is no use discovering the steps of doing activity from the beginning every time. Thus, the field of choice narrows. There are maybe many ways of realization of something but habitualization (a process in which one repeated action changes into a model) reduces them to one – this is the human liberation from the burden of “all those decisions” (Berger and Luchman, 1996: 71). Such is the example of hunting, fruit gathering and the variety of cultures cultivation. A particular notion acquired by the experience is apparent and becomes systematic and organized. The process continues and this knowledge is passed on to the next generation. Connecting the experience about time and its institutionalizing we reach a specific institution, which deals with this experience. In the structure of a society, no matter which epoch is it from, different activities are done by different people. Priests and people who conduct rituals in the society practice mastering time and its measuring.

In his own research Eliade is interested in archaic comprehension of the mythic Time. The sacred Time is mythic Time, not corresponding with the historical past initial time, primordial Time, in the sense of a “suddenly” bursting time, which means that it was not preceded by another time, because no kind of time could exist before the advent of the reality told by the myth. For the religious man from the archaic cultures “The world revives every year and that way giving back the initial ‘sacredness’, which it had possessed coming out of the Creator’s hands” (Eliade, 1998: 51-53).

Another problem, which appears while measuring time, is the question of saving the information about the measured intervals. At the beginning, the experience was transferred to the generations verbally. Later, different ways of saving the information appear – recreation of religious scenes, symbols for different things from the real world. About the used calendar schemes, we gather information from friezes of images kept in caves, religious sites, different kind of rockcut equipment (womb-cave, rock sanctuaries and places saved symbolic information).

“Every mythology begins with a description of some introduction activity such as deluge, sacrifice, slaughter and its imitation at exactly determined intervals of time includes redemption of the sins of the society: by obliteration of past faults it brings the relief that the ability of regeneration is not lost” (Atali, 1993: 16). After the beginning is laid down by this introductory action, myths organize different time moments and consecution of cycles, which in a different degree favour human activity. Myth is systems, in which

Symbols are an integral part of human existence and as bearers of some hidden meaning, which carries 72

The Problem of Time in Prehistory, Symbol Signs and Time Measuring information about human behaviour, they are an object of investigation of different sciences: philosophy, psychology, psychoanalysis. The ability to create symbols and the reason for their appearance one can reveal taking into account the understanding of Yung about the human psychology and its two sides – conscious and unconscious as the rupture between them is the basic reason for “manufacturing” symbols.

behaviour because we can influence the events only with our words – reflections of our thoughts, which create a symbolic picture of the real happening of the events.

People of primitive societies separate from “mother-nature”. Consequently, they experience conscious breaking off the animal unconsciousness, arising from the subject-object relation. With the conscious development, which, according to Yung, still does not think, but perceives the gap between it and the unconsciousness goes deeper. In the boundaries of unconsciousness time differentiation of past, present and future does not exist. Conscious has time structure, which divide time into separate modi. The anxious conscious calms down by creating symbols and symbolic structures. Primordial harmony is restored with the help of magic, rituals and myths (Yung, 1991: 16).

1. Sites, which are situated on the territory of the so-called rock-cut monuments. Usually, there are rocky hills or plateaus, tectonic cracks, which later on transform into caves. As these cracks were natural, they gave opportunities for observing the rises and sets of bright heavenly objects – Sun, Moon, planets, star and stellar configurations. The Harman Kaya sanctuary is situated in this way. The line of the local horizon allows observation of the sunrise during the equinoxes and solstices.

In the Eastern Rhodopes, in Bulgaria, a lot of rock niches and caves, which are used as cult sanctuaries have been found (Fol, 2000; Gergova, 1990; Stoev et al. 2003). We can divide the studied objects into three groups:

2. Another kind of cult site is natural caves, which were widened and oriented on the meridional plane. They were used for exact observations of the sun at noon. Such a cave is Tangarduk Kaya. The entrance of the cave is widened and formed like a womb, through which the sunshine enters. The observations show that during the days of the summer solstice the entrance projection is the shortest. During the days of the winter solstice, when the Sun is in the lowest position towards the horizon, the sunshine reaches the bottom of the cave. Thus, this symbolic picture depicts natural processes, which give life everyday and create the world.

“Theoretical building of the picture of the world begins in the point, in which consciousness at first makes clear difference between ‘seemingness’ and ‘reality’, between ‘perceived’ or ‘presented’” and “the real happened, between the ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’” (Kassirer, 1998: 113). The primordial manner of archetype images processing appears as mythology – revision of the “frightful images” (visualized by the conscious schemes) of the surrounding reality in symbols, “the most magnificent as form and universal as content” (Kassirer, 1998: 15). Yung determines mythological thinking as a flow of images, not notions, which are conditioned by the division of thinking into two types – logical and intuitive. “Mythology scarcely distinguishes outer from inner” but clear distinction becomes reality after the advent of science, by which it is possible to track differences between logical and intuitive thinking. First one elapses in ratiocinations and deductions; it is realized by different notions and is pointed towards the external world. The aim is to establish control on the reality. The intuitive thinking, in its turn, passes as a flow of images. It leads to adaptation to the inner world. By this differentiation, made by Yung, we can understand how people in antiquity apply to myths – they do not compose but rather experience them, myths are their psychic life. Myth gives a metaphoric point of view; it is not an explanation or omen, it is recreation and repetition of the origin of things.

Time measuring depends on the level of organization of the psychic and social background. Sexual experience is one of the first sources of knowledge about the living nature as well as the self-knowledge. Sexuality in the ancient world is connected with the sacred. Due to measurable female cycles and pregnancy, more general explanatory schemes could be developed in analogy with the cyclic natural phenomena. These constructions also gain material incarnation. Not knowing biological peculiarities and dependencies of reproduction on cyclic changes in women, as well as in female animals, sexualanthropomorphic projections would not be possible to realize, get the state of explanatory schemes and include in the respective religious practices lead to the appearance of cult findings or shaping of relief. Time measuring depends on production activity, in which sexual experience is included because human production is also included in it. Here we can come to the conclusion that time measuring is institutionalized in order to advantage reproduction of the socium, which includes production as follows:

The disruption between conscious and unconscious determines to a large degree human behaviour. That is the reason of the origin of different activities, behaviour and situations, in which human strive for overcoming of this abyss.

1. Material wealth. 2. Symbols. 3. Reproduction of social relations and their subjects.

Human ability of symbolization is in fact a conception that nothing exists if it is not named or signed. The conception of a symbol can influence the conception of an object as a whole. That idea, attributed to primitive societies because of their “magic” behaviour, also exists in the most scientific

The projection of sexual relations on natural phenomena is characteristic for children and primitive peoples. It is connected again with the appearance of the symbolic 73

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography thinking (filling the abyss appeared during the disruption with nature, breaking off the conscious from the unconscious). Regarding the model of Tangarduk Kaya cave one can get an idea about how the Sun begins to be considered as the male beginning, a phallus who fertilizes the Earth – symbol of the female beginning. Phallus is a symbol of “life-giving force, spring and channel of the seed as an effective beginning”. Many symbols possess phallic meaning for ancient people as well as for modern people. These are the “foot, thumb, tree, standing stone, column” (Shevalie, Geerbrant, 1996: 513).

5. Cyclicity and seasons’ change The unchangeable seasons’ consequence determines the necessity of time measuring with units greater than 24 hours. 6. Possibility of counting Working with numbers and number multitudes, and elementary arithmetical skills are compulsory conditions of measuring the very time.

M. Eliade brings construction of the sacred space to our notice (Eliade, 1998: 19-21). The temple reflects the world and that is why it contains temporal symbols. At the same time, it is the perfect sacred place, inaugurates the whole cosmos and cosmic life (Eliade, 1998: 53).

7. Record of numerical information For modern people most of the things are facts. When we want to understand the way of ancient people’s perception of the world we have to disregard our thinking and try to go deep in their own. We use different symbols in our life, borrowed from past cultures. On one hand, our explanations are incomprehensible for ancient people because our notions are with different content. On the other hand, “we cannot realize at all how many remarkable thoughts from foreign cultures are left to sink into oblivion, because we could not assimilate them through the narrow-mindedness of our thinking or we had considered them as wrong, useless and aimless” (Shpengler, 1995: 107).

Factors needed for time measuring

Conclusion

The problem about time measuring was long ago discussed in different works in the international field of archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy (Aveni, 1989; Aveni, 1996; Iwaniszewski, 2003; Krupp, 1991; Lippincott, 1999; Potyomkina, 2002; Ruggles, 1999; Ruggles, C. L. N., Saunders, 1993).

Time in antiquity should not be considered as a separate, independent problem. Different practices of time measuring are interwoven with the religious system of the society, with the cult rituals and with processes of reproducing and producing material wealth. Recording of time intervals is an important part for the investigation of the problem of time.

These are some of the main factors needed for time perception and measuring.

Searching continues to lead us towards rediscovering of time. Every generation, in its own turn, is called to renew attempts for determining the essence of time, for revealing the meaning of time, its symbols and catching the rhythm – natural, social, existential.

3. The third kind of site is completely artificial. These are sanctuaries, temples, cult complexes oriented in space, connected with rises, sets and culminations of the Sun and Moon in special days of the year. Such are the temples in Starosel and Sveshtari later used as graves.

1. Notion of time Changing day and night probably lead to creation and giving a meaning of the notion of time. It is mainly connected with practical needs. Time gives the possibility of comparing different events and their consequence.

This interdisciplinary approach aims discussion on the great number of ways of treating the same problem – that for time. Maybe, only the questions are posed, but the answer …

2. Necessity of time It is mainly connected with registration, documenting and predicting the time course, no matter what the idea about the natural course of time is.

References Atali, J.: Stories of the time, Sofia, 1993. Aveni, A.: Empires of Time: Calendars, Clocks and Cultures, New York, 1989 Aveni, A.: “Astronomy in the Americas”, In: Astronomy before Telescope, ed. C. Walker, London, 1996, pp. 269-303 Berger P., Luchman T.: The social construction of reality, Sofia, 1996. Durchem, E.: Elementary forms of the religious life, Sofia, 1998. Eliade, M. Sacred and profane, “HEMUS”, Sofia, 1998. Fol, V.: Megalithic and rock-cut monuments in Ancient Thracе, Univ. Press “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, 2000, (in Bulgarian). History of the morals. Time, space, rhythms, v. 1, Sofia, 2001, (in Bulgarian).

3. Orientation in space World directions were initially realized as back and forth and left to right. After that, the idea about co-ordinate systems with constant vectors and planes using heavenly bodies as reference points put together with relief peculiarities. This structuring gives meaning to the horizon line and helps to develop the notion of confined space. 4. Lows of the heavenly bodies motion Lows’ discover and their systematic observations lead to ascertaining of their cyclic relations – periodical changes of the visible lunar phases, periodical appearance of Venus as morning or evening star, and long period Jupiter’s position in opposition. 74

The Problem of Time in Prehistory, Symbol Signs and Time Measuring Ruggles, C. L. N., Saunders, N. J.: The study of cultural astronomy. Astronomy and cultures, University press of Colorado, 1993. Shpengler, O.: The down of the West, V.1, Sofia, 1995. Shevalie, J., Geerbrant, A.: Dictionary of the symbols, V. 1-2, Sofia, 1996. Stoev, A. and Varbanova, Y.: “Archaeoastronomical investigation of the Thracian rocky sanctuary “Zaichi vrah”, Proceedings of the IIIrd International Symposium “Cabyle”, Settlement life in ancient Thrace, Yambol, Bulgaria: 1994, 426-434. Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Stoeva M.: “The correlation, accuracy and truthfulness in the structure of archaeoastronomical knowledge”, XI International Association Cosmos and Philosophy Congress. Prague, 27-30 May 2000, Proceedings on CD, 2000. Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Stoeva, M., Tashev, Y., Videnov, B., Velkov, R., Velkov, V.: “An archaeoastronomical investigation of the Harman Kaya rock-cut mega complex in the region of Dolna Chobanka village, Momchilgrad municipality”, Thracia 15 in honour of Alexander Fol’s 70th anniversary, Institute of Thracology, BAS, Tangra TanNakRa Publishing house, Sofia: 2003, 323-334. Stoev, A., Muglova, P., Fol, V., Stoeva, M.: “Rock-cut monuments and their archaeoastronomical interpretation”, Thracia, Institute of Thracology, BAS, Sofia, 2003. Stoeva, M.: “Adequacy of the time notion in the Neolithic and Copper Age”. XI International Association Cosmos and Philosophy Congress, Prague. 27-30 May 2000, Proceedings on CD, 2000. Todorova H. and I. Vaysov, The Neolithic Age in Bulgaria, . p. 160, Sofia,1993 (in Bulgarian). Yung, K. G.: Archetype and Symbol, Moscow, 1991.

Gergova, D.: “Thracian culture in The Early Stone Age in South-West Bulgaria – problems and investigations”, In: Thracian culture in the Rhodope Mountains and upper waters of Maritza, Mesta and Struma rivers, 1990, Smolyan (in Bulgarian). Iwaniszewski, S.: “The erratic ways of studying astronomy in culture”. In: Calendars, Symbols, and orientations: Legacies of Astronomy in Culture, ed. M. Blomberg, P. Blomberg and G. Henriksson. Uppsala, 2003. Kassirer, Е. Philosophy of the symbolic forms, V. 2, Sofia, 1998. Krupp, E. C.: Beyond the blue horizon: myths and legend of the sun, moon, stars and planets, Oxford University Press, 1991. Lippincott, K.: Тhe story of time. Published to company the exhibition held at The Queen’s House, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, Merrell Holberton Publisher Ltd. London, 1999. Muglova, P. And Stoev, A.: “The limits of cognition in the archaeoastronomical interpretations”, Proceedings of the first SEAC meeting, Smolyan, Bulgaria: 1996, 34-37. Muglova, P., Stoev, A., and Stoeva, M.: “Research on drawings representing celestial phenomena and cosmological elements from cave sanctuary from the Neolithic”, Proceedings of the 12th International Congress of Speleology, 10-17 August 1997, La Chaux de Fonds, Switzerland, Volume 3, Symp. 2: Archaeology and Paleontology in caves: 1997, 95-96. Nikolov B., R. Daskalov, eds: In the web of meaning: Reading in symbolic anthropology, 2000, pp 225, Sofia, In Bulgarian Potyomkina, T.: “The main stages and organizational forms of archaeoastronomy development”, In: Astronomy of the Ancient societies, Moscow, 2002. Ruggles, C. L. N.: Astronomy in prehistoric Britain and Ireland, New Haven, Yale University press, 1999.

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ethnography

ASTRONOMY AND LANDSCAPE ON EASTER ISLAND New hints in the light of ethnographical sources

Juan Antonio Belmonte and Edmundo Edwards

iii) Several imposing ahus apparently showed astronomical orientations. Tepeu, Vinapu II (Tahiri), Hekii I and Tongariki showed solstitial alignments while Vinapu I , Hekii II and A Kivi (see Fig. 1) showed equinoctial alignments.

I. Introduction Ten years have elapsed since the publication of the book “The ancient solar observatories of Rapanui” by the astronomer William Liller (1993). Since then, to our knowledge, no new archaeo- or ethnoastronomical research has been conducted, or at least published, on the island and thus Liller’s work remains as the most reputed source of knowledge about the astronomy of the ancient inhabitants of Easter Island (see, e.g., Ramírez and Huber, 2000), also known by the aboriginal name, preferred by locals, of Rapa Nui (see Fig. 1). The premises of this knowledge are based on previous works of William Mulloy (1975) later confirmed by the research carried out by Liller and collaborators in the 1980s (see e.g. Liller and Duarte, 1986). They can be summarized as follows.

iv) Finally, the inland isolated ahu with a single moai called Huri a Urenga, together with a set of five sculpted cupules on the ground (the so-called “solar ranging device”), some minor close monuments and the local landscape could be interpreted as a solar observatory where the winter (June) solstice sunrise and sunrise and sunset at the equinoxes could be observed and/or predicted. According to Liller, “the evidence presented is virtually irrefutable,” and “as many as twenty Rapanui stone temples were constructed to mark the directions to important sunrises and sunsets” (Liller, 1993, 2000). He was convinced that the original Rapanui settlers observed the solstices and the equinoxes for either ceremonial or practical (calendrical) purposes. His support of the “solar ranging device” in Ahu Huri A Urenga (the aforementioned five cupules) is intriguing since Georgia Lee and himself (Lee and Liller, 1987) questioned Ferdon’s (1961) proposal of a similar apparatus consisting of four cupules found at Orongo.

On the one hand, from the ethnographical evidence recovered by different authors, it might be established that: i) The Rapanui people had a detailed knowledge of the sky. Several celestial bodies, such as the sun, the moon, some planets (specially Mars) and the most bright stars received names and were used as time markers. ii) There were places where the stars were observed by the sages of the community. Singularly, from the work of Katherine Routledge (1919), we can mention a cave near Hanga Roa, the island capital, called Ana Ui Hetu’u (“the cave where the stars are seen”), and a special rock in the extreme East Poike Peninsula, called Ko Te Papa-ui-hetu’u (“the rock for seeing the stars”). It was also reported by Routledge that about 200 metres from that rock, there was a second boulder where several cupules had been engraved representing “a map of the stars”. To our knowledge, this area has never been properly investigated. On the other hand, for the archaeological evidence, it could be stressed that:

Fig. 1. A map of Rapa Nui showing the most important monuments and locations discussed in the text. See text for further discussion (From Edwards and Belmonte, 2004).

i) Most of the island ceremonial platforms (the ahus) were topographically orientated with the back walls of the platform parallel to the shore line and the famous statues (the moais) looking inwards towards the centre of the island (see Fig. 2). Thus, apparently, no astronomy had played a role on their orientation. However, there were some special cases.

However, according to our investigation (see Edwards and Belmonte, 2004), this affirmation can be put in quarantine. We have found that for the Rapanui islanders the most important celestial objects were by far the moon (mahina), according to which they count the months (see Fig. 3), and the stars and planets, according to which they started the year and celebrated the most important religious festivals. The most important asterisms were the Pleiades (Matariki) and the Belt of Orion (Tautoru). The planet Mars (Matamea) also played a most relevant role.

ii) Among those ahus located near the coast, but not exactly parallel to it, there were an special tendency of equinoctial and solstitial orientations. A similar tendency, although only sostitial could be suggested for those ahu located inland, i.e. at least half a kilometre far from the coast (Liller, 1989). 79

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 3. The “lunar calendar” as presumably represented in one of the rongorongo tablets. (Adapted from Edwards, 2005). and/or navigational purposes. For this reason Edwards had suggested that the supposed solstitial orientation of a number of sites in Mangareva may be better interpreted as a stellar orientation to the Pleiades asterism. However, in a recent paper, Kirch (2004) has shown that these references might be founded on actual archaeological evidence. The question is thus open to discussion.

Fig. 2. Partial view of the area near the ceremonial centre at Tahai, showing one of the characteristic ceremonial platform (ahu) topped with a statue (moai). Like most altars, the platform’s back wall is parallel to the coast. Other altars can be seen in the foreground. (© J.A. Belmonte).

Recently (Edwards and Belmonte 2004, Edwards 2005), we have been able to establish the traditional Rapanui name for several stars, planets, and asterisms. Among them, we can find the most prominent stars in Rapa Nui’s night sky (Vega, Sirius, Canopus, Antares, etc.) and several individual asterisms: Kete (Aldebaran, Deltha, Tetha, and Epsilon Tauri), Matariki (The Pleiades), and Tautoru (Orion’s Belt). Of these asterisms, The Pleiades seems to have been the most important for several reasons discussed later in this paper, followed by Orion’s belt. The asterism called Nga Vaka was formed by the bright pair of Alpha and Beta Centauri and was important for mythological and navigational purposes. Unfortunately our list is surely incomplete since it is very likely that the Rapanui lost much of this information in the mid-nineteenth century when many Rapanui chiefs and specialized priests were kidnapped and sold as indentured labourers and household servants in Lima.

As shown in Table 1, we have been able to establish a lunistellar calendar according to which the life of Rapa Nui was governed. We have also shown how the hypothetical solstitial and equinoctial alignments might easily be reinterpreted at the light of these ethnographical sources as alignments to Matariki and Tautoru, respectively. Finally, we will also describe and offer a possible interpretation of the importance and location of Ko Te Papa-ui-hetu’u within the same ethnoastronomical context. II. Discussion Edmundo Edwards has been living and working as field archaeologist and ethnographer in Easter Island for nearly 40 years and has also lived and carried out archaeological and ethnographic research in other islands in Polynesia for a project called the Archaeological Survey of French Polynesia. He recorded and mapped hundreds of ceremonial sites in Tahiti, Huahine, Raiatea, Ra’ivavae and Tubuai in the Austral Islands, and all the inhabited islands of the Marquesas Islands. After several years of working on the afore-mentioned project, he concluded that none of the ceremonial altars he surveyed showed significant solar orientations stressing that Polynesian ethnographic literature makes no mention of a solar cult (see e.g. Makemson 1941 or Lewis 1974).

In the winter of 2003, Juan Antonio Belmonte, visited Rapa Nui and with Edwards researched various sources concerning the ancient Rapanui’s knowledge of astronomy. Most sources had been published long ago (Metraux 1960, Englert 1974) and some were manuscripts that have never been published but were fortunately available to the authors. In this respect, only a very small part of Routledge’s ethnographic notes were ever published and, in 1981, the Royal Geographical Society released some of Routledge’s unpublished notes to researchers of the Institute of Easter Island Studies of the University of Chile.

However, he agrees that Polynesians may have oriented some of their ceremonial altars to places where certain celestial bodies rise and set and had devices to interpret the movement of the stars which they used for ceremonial, calendrical,

The authors visited together relevant ceremonial sites (see Fig. 1) and one thing became clear to Belmonte; most solstitial alignments could be better interpreted as being oriented to The Pleiades and most equinoctial orientations could 80

Astronomy and landscape on Easter Island easily have been aligned to Orion’s Belt. Both authors were substantially surprised to find they wholeheartedly agreed on this point since Edwards had suspected this for many years but had never published anything on the subject. Therefore, the data collected invariably forces one to reassess the works of other authors who argue that some Rapanui monuments might have been solar-oriented. Our investigations, however, indicate the following:

iii) The moai of Ahu Tepeu I and II face declinations of the order of -27° and -19°, respectively. This orientation was not solstitial. However, it might be associated to the moon, suggesting a lunar alignment close to the major and minor southern lunastices. This was approximately the range of the horizon where one could observe the rising of the full moon during the Rapanui month of Anakena, the first month of the year (roughly July; see Table 1).

i) Ahu A Kivi (see Fig. 4), a very particular inland altar, the only one whose moai seem to be facing toward the sea, may have been orientated to Alnitak the star at the centre of Orion’s belt (Tautoru in Rapanui). This corresponds to Rapa Nui’s early period, in the second half of the first millennium. However, if either heliacal or cosmic setting were considered, when the stars should be a little higher on the horizon, the alignment fitted perfectly with the monument’s possible construction date in either the 14th or 15th centuries (Mulloy and Figueroa, 1978) This is most relevant to the results discussed later in Table 1.

iv) Finally, the perpendicular of the peculiar Ahu Huri A Urenga and its single moai (see Fig. 5) may be easily interpreted as pointing to the rising of Matariki (singularly its heliacal or cosmic rising) around 1150 CE. This corresponds to the altar’s possible construction date which has been carbon dated to (1250±250 CE). The authors’ personal impression is that Huri A Urenga’s “solar ranging device” (Liller and Duarte, 1986) was crudely constructed and even if high poles were inserted in the holes, the precision claimed by previous authors (around 0.1°) would have been very difficult to achieve even to expert observers. Consequently, the authors are suspicious of the astronomical use of the set of cupules found at Huri A Urenga, which at the same time, are not substantially different from other cupules found elsewhere on the island (see, e.g. Lee 1992).

ii) Other authors have argued that the perpendicular to the façades of Ahu Vinapu I points to the sunrise on summer solstice and the same perpendicular in Ahu Vinapu II points to the sunrise on the equinox. However, according to our data (Edwards and Belmonte, 2004), Ahu Vinapu I may have been facing the setting of Matariki (The Pleiades) and Ahu Vinapu II the setting of Tautoru (Orion’s belt) as seen in approximately 1200 CE. The construction of these altars have been carbon-dated to 1050 CE with a margin of error to 1300 CE in both cases (for C14 dates on Rapa Nui, see Van Tiburg, 1994).

Fig. 5. The single moai at Ahu Huri A Urenga, orientated towards the rising of the Pleiades and/or the June solstice sunrise. Both events might have been related with the beginning of the Rapanui year. (© J.A. Belmonte). The authors also visited other ahu whose names suggested a relationship with astronomical phenomena. In the case of Ahu Ra’ai they confirmed the altar’s orientation to the sun’s rising over Pu-a-katiki and setting over Maunga Pui on the summer solstice. Here The Pleiades were not the solution. They also investigated ahu whose names included the term

Fig. 4. The seven moai of Ahu A Kivi. Probably they were facing the sea at the helical setting of Tautoru (Orion’s Belt) as seen in 1300 CE. (© M. Sanz de Lara). 81

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography mahina (moon). These are Ahu Ura Uranga Te Mahina and Ahu Mahina located on the island’s southeastern coast and parallel to the coast as usual (see Fig. 1). In these cases, the axes of the ahu (and not the perpendicular to the façade) pointed to Pu A Katiki. The horizon near this peak is where the major and minor northern lunastices (which occur over other points of Poike Peninsula) would have occurred, therefore, these altars may support a lunar connection. The evidence for this, however, is weak and the authors agree that these altars’ names may have a different origin associated to some local legends (Edwards, 2005).

Thus, looking at the star map, one may easily observe a challenging representation of Matariki. The authors agree that the boulder with the “star map” in Poike Peninsula near the “rock for seeing the stars” could be actually a schematic representation of Matariki (The Pleiades), one of the most important asterisms of the Rapanui culture as will be clearly demonstrated later on.

Finally, we decided to visit the remote area of Poike in search for other “astronomical” observatories. There we managed to find Ko Te Papa Ui Hetu’u, the already mentioned “rock for seeing the stars.” As shown in Figure 6, the rock is an unimpressive flat boulder of some four square meters with several fishhook engravings. Routledge mentions a spiral design that was also recorded by Lee (1992). The location of the boulder instantly makes one wonder why the Rapanui sages would have gone to such a remote and inconspicuous spot to “observe the stars.”

Fig. 7. The boulder where a hypothetical “star map” have been engraved near the rock “for observing stars”. The group of ten cup-marks likely represents Matariki (The Pleiades), one of Rapanui’s most important asterisms. Stones were placed in cupules to set the image in relief. See text for further discussions. (© J.A. Belmonte). Actually, this might not be the only case of a stellar map represented in the rock art of Rapa Nui. For example, Liller (1993) also speculated with the identification of the Southern Cross and Alpha and Beta Centauri (yet another important group of stars of Rapanui skies) in another set of cupules found in a private farm in the southwest of the island. Curiously enough, one of the most beautiful and famous rock engravings of Rapa Nui receives the name of Nga Vaka (see Fig. 8), the canoes, which has the same local name as the important aforementioned pair of stars. However, in our present state of knowledge, it is impossible to confirm or deny if there might have been a connection between what we see in the sky and the actual representation of the panel.

Fig. 6. “Ko te papa-hui-hetu’u”. The “rock to observe the stars”. It is located in an isolated spot in the north of Poike Peninsula. Notice the fishhook engraving all over its surface (© J.A. Belmonte). However (and most important), some 200 metres to the W-NW of the first boulder we located the other boulder with the hypothetical “star map.” The engraving on the top of the second boulder is clearly visible in Figure 7. The authors placed ten different stones of matching sizes in the ten different cupules for a better identification of the cupmark distribution. Had it not been for the ethnographic information saying this was a “star map” it would have been easy to wave this off as another curious cup-mark engraving similar to hundreds of others scattered around the world for which many different interpretations have been suggested. However, keeping in mind the “star map” reference there is a striking and perhaps evident interpretation: the cupules may represent Matariki. For many cultures The Pleiades are considered to be 6 or 7 stars, however, a fine-eye observer can easily count as many as 9 stars distributed in two groups: a cluster of seven stars of different brightness peculiarly arranged in two almost parallel lines, and a couple of stars slightly separated from them (Pleione and Atlas).

Fig. 8. The rock art panel known as Nga Vaka (the canoes), near the northern coast of the island. This is also the name of an important asterism formed by the bright stars Alpha and Beta Centauri (© E. Edwards). 82

Astronomy and landscape on Easter Island Once the archaeoastronomical fieldwork and the analysis of the data proved challenging and the probable stellar connections were formulated, the next logical step was to analyse other important ethnoastronomical sources of information regarding the Rapanui calendar and the different activities the Rapanui carried out during the year according to their interpretation of the stars. The bulk of this information was provided by different informers working with Edwards during the past forty years, like Mr. Felipe Teao and Mr. Santiago Pakarati, among others. Table 1 offers the results of this investigation and the relevant astronomical phenomena of the Rapanui’s major stars and asterisms: their heliacal and cosmic risings and their heliacal and cosmic (a.k.a achronical) settings.

on the slopes of Maunga Terevaka, these two boulders are located in the only place where Matariki’s rising and setting (marking the new year and the opening and closing of the fishing season) could be observed through a clear open horizon over the sea (see Fig. 1). In light of the present evidence we interpret the archaeoastronomical data as follows. We strongly believe that the equinoctial alignments found in several ahu (notably Ahu A Kivi, see Fig. 4) are associated with the rising and/or setting of Tautoru (Orion’s belt). There is no evidence of equinoctial alignments elsewhere in Polynesia and when an E-W alignment was found in Nan Dawas, the largest building of the cyclopean city of Nan Madol, it was considered to be actually oriented to the rising of Orion’s Belt (Esteban, 2003). We also believe that most solstitial alignments in Rapa Nui are in fact oriented to the rising and/or setting of Matariki (The Pleiades). Indeed, these alignments should be considered ritualistic and the ahu should not be considered observatories.

The implications of the results presented in Table 1 are substantial, although there are unsolved matters to consider. These include the observation of Matamea (Mars) and its relation to the Koro feast in the month of Ko Koro, and when exactly was the Paina festival of the death celebrated, in connection with the asterism Tautoru (Orion’s belt) and the star Po Roroa (Canopus). However, these minor points do not challenge the tremendous importance of both Matariki and Tautoru as markers of some of the most important activities and season’s in the Rapanui year.

However, in the case of the June solstice and the new year beginning with the new moon following the heliacal rising of the Pleiades, it is important to consider both phenomena’s proximity in time (June) and space (the same area of the horizon within a few degrees). Thus, in some cases one may consider double ritual alignments as it might be suggested for Ahu Uri A Urenga with its single moai. This altar is orientated to a declination of some 22º, a little further South from the Winter solstice (June), but it if we consider Matariki at an angular height of approximately 3º in 1250 CE, it seems that the ahu was orientated to the rising and/or setting of Matariki (The Pleiades) in early June and the Winter solstice on June 21st. This possibility might be confirmed by the recent archaeological findings reported in Mangareva (Kirch, 2004).

The heliacal rising of Matariki signalled the start of the Rapanui new year and was closely connected with the heliacal setting and rising of Tautoru because they occurred at around the same time of the year (see Table 1). In fact, the heliacal rising of Matariki signalled the New Year for most Polynesians, and we have been unable to find any ancient ethnographic source mentioning the winter (June) solstice sunrise as marking the start of the new lunation cycle. The few Rapanui sources that indicate otherwise may show traces of a recent alien influence (Metraux 1960). Could the same be argued for the case of Mangareva?

III. Conclusions

Tautoru was also related to an important Rapanui festival called Paina, however, it was again Matariki (The Pleiades) which marked the start of the island’s bountiful season (Hora Nui), the Rapanui’s most important time of the year, while the fishing season opened with the cosmic rising of Matariki in mid-November. Conversely, Matariki’s hitu, the heliacal setting in mid-April when it disappeared from the sky, marked the end of the bountiful period, the closing of the fishing season, and the start of the period that permitted warfare. The term hitu describes the period of time when a certain star or asterism is not visible in the sky. Accordingly, the hitu of Matariki was specially nefarious.

In the present essay, we are showing that most archaeoastronomical data should be reinterpreted in light of new ethno-astronomical evidence. This strongly stresses the importance of certain stars, most notably the asterisms of Matariki (The Pleiades) and Tautoru (Orion’s belt).

All this information indicates that the correct observation of Matariki’s crucial stations were fundamental to the ancient Rapanui. The authors believe this is the key for interpreting the challenging questions posed earlier in this article concerning the location of Ko Te Papa Ui Hetu’u, the “rock for seeing the stars”. The placement of the boulder with the fishhook petroglyphs near the boulder with the cupules representing Matariki suggests that the petroglyphs might represent a sort of supernatural appeal for an abundant fishing season. Aside from Rapa Nui’s remote and scarcely-populated north end

Fig. 9. One of the rock engravings near Ahu Ra’ai, receiving the name papa mahina (rock of the moon). Apart from the image of three sea turtle and several cup-marks, the panel shows 28 semicircles (crescents?) perhaps representing a lunar cycle (© E. Edwards). 83

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Esteban, C. “Some notes on orientations of prehistoric stone monuments in western Polynesia and Micronesia”, Arch. JAC, 17 (2002-3), 31-47. Ferdon Jr., E.N. “The ceremonial site of Orongo” in Archaeology of Easter Island: reports of the Norwegian archaeological expedition to Easter Island and the East Pacific, I, edited by Thor Heyerdahl and Edwin N. Ferdon Jr. (School of American Research and Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fé, 1961), 221-72. Kirch, P.V. “Solstice observation in Mangareva, French Polynesia: new perspectives from archaeology”. Arch. JAC 18 (2004), in press. Lee, G. The rock art of Easter Island: symbols of power, prayers to the gods. The Institute of Archaeology, UCLA, Monumenta Archaeologica no. 17 (1992). Lee, G. and Liller, “The Sun Stones of Easter Island: a revaluation”, Archaeoastronomy no. 11 (1987), S1-11. Lewis, D. “Voyaging stars: aspects of Polynesian and Micronesian astronomy”, Phil. Trans. R. Soc. London, vol. 276 (1974). Liller, W. “The megalithic astronomy of Easter Island: orientations of Ahu and Moai”, Archaeoastronomy no. 13 (1989), S21-48. Liller, W. The ancient solar observatories of Rapanui: the archaeoastronomy of Easter Island (Wooland, 1993). Liller, W. “Ancient astronomical monuments in Polynesia”, in Astronomy across cultures: the history of non-western astronomy, edited by H. Selin (Kluwer Academic Pub., London, 2000), 127-60. Liller, W. and Duarte, J. “Easter Island’s Solar ranging Device, Ahu Huri A Urenga, and vicinity”, Archaeoastronomy (College Park), ix (1986), 39-51. Makemson, M.W. The Morning Star rises. An account of Polynesian astronomy (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1941). Metraux, A. Ethnology of Easter Island (Honolulu, 1960) and Easter Island: a stone age civilization of the Pacific (London, 1957). Mulloy, W. “A solstice oriented ahu on Easter Island”, Archaeology and physical anthropology in Oceania, x (1975), 13-8. Mulloy, W. and Figueroa, G. The A Kivi-Vai Teka complex and its relationship to Easter Island architectural prehistory (University Press of Hawaii, 1978). Ramírez, J.M. and Huber, C. Easter Island. Rapa Nui, a land of rocky dreams (Santiago, 2000), 109-10. Routledge, K.S. The mistery of Easter Island (London, 1919). Van Tiburg, J. Easter Island. Archaeology, ecology and culture (British museum Publications, London, 1994), 33.

.

Together with the moon, of which we have found many related evidences (see e.g. Fig. 9) that we will further investigate in future works (Edwards, 2005), Matariki and Tautoru were the most relevant celestial bodies in Rapanui culture and, consequently, the object towards which they diverted most of their attention (presumably including the ritual orientation of some sacred constructions)

Fig. 10. A tupa, on the left, and a couple of pipi horeko, on the right, near Ahu Ra’ai, in the north coast of Rapa Nui. Despite the ethnographical sources, it is not clear yet whether these monuments has something to do with astronomy or not. (© J.A. Belmonte).

We also conclude that the last word on Rapa Nui’s archaeoastronomy has not been said yet since the island’s monuments merit further study as exemplified by the tupa and other conical towers called pipihoreko (see Fig. 10) in what seems to be astronomical alignments near Ahu Ra’ai. All of this advocates the planning of new systematic future fieldwork across Rapa Nui. Bibliography Edwards, E. Rapa Nui: cuando el universo era una isla, Universidad de Chile (Santiago, 2005), in press. Edwards, E. and Belmonte, J.A. “Megalithic astronomy of Easter Island: a reassessment”, JHA 35 (2004), 42133. Englert, S. La tierra de Hotu Matu’a: historia y etnología de la Isla de Pascua (Santiago, 1974).

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Astronomy and landscape on Easter Island

Table 1: Rapa Nui’s lunar/stellar calendar. The left column shows the twelve months of the lunar calendar, grouped in four different seasons. The right column shows the Rapanui activities and/or periods determined by the appearance or disappearance of stars. This information was obtained by the authors from local informers and is interpreted in astronomical terms. Month (Season) Ko Te Maro (Tonga Nui)

Anakena (Tonga Nui) Hora Iti (Hora Iti) Hora Nui (Hora Nui)

Tangaroa Uri (Hora Nui)

Ko Ruti (Hora Nui) Ko Koro (Hora Nui)

Ko Tuaharo (Hora Nui) Ko Te hetu’u (Tonga Iti)

Ko Tara Hau (Tonga Iti)

Astronomical event (H: heliacal; C: Cosmic; R: Rising; S: Setting) First entire lunation of the new year (see below), probably including the Winter solstice (June 21st). The Ariki Mau authorized the organization of the Tangata Manu (Bird-man) ceremonies with the apparition of Tautoru (Orion’s belt, HR June 22nd). Ritual tattooing took place in Orongo with the apparition of Veri Hariu (Vega, CR July 27th). Depending on the source, it was considered the first lunar month of the year (first after the Winter solstice on June 21st). Migratory birds arrived to nest on the island. The Tangata Manu (Bird-man) competition took place. When Matariki (The Pleiades) shine for the first time after twilight (CR Nov. 16th), it is the beginning of the Hora Nui season (time of abundance). The fishing season opened. Rituals in honour of the ancestors took place. The Paina festival started when Tautoru (Orion’s Belt) was high in the night sky (CR Dec. 1st) and another bright star was setting in the west (probably, one of the Nga Vaka stars (Alpha and Beta Centauri). Sweet potato harvest. The Koro festival began with the apparition of Matamea (Mars). Since Mars has a synodic period of 780 days (two years and 50 days) this planet does not appear at the same time every year. Evidence indicates that the Koro festival was celebrated biennially. The festival was celebrated when Tautoru (Orion’s belt) appeared in the night sky. The Paina festival ended when Po Roroa (Canopus) appeared for the last time in the sky at dawn (CS Feb. 14th). The disappearance of Matariki (The Pleiades) before the crescent of Tara Hau (HS April 18th) signalled suffering for humankind. The fishing season closed and the months of war began The first complete lunation of the bleakest season (Tonga Iti).

Ko Te Vai Tu’u Nui (Tonga Iti)

The planting season began with the rising of Po Roroa (Canopus) before sunrise (HR May 21st) and the eel-fishing season started when Veri Hariu (Vega) disappeared at dawn (CS May 30th). Ko Te Vai Tu’u Potu (Tonga Iti) The new year began with the first crescent after the rising of Matariki (The Pleiades, HR Jun. 12th) and the setting of Tautoru (Orion’s belt, HS June 6th).

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Month Names and Astronyms in Bulgarian Folk and Literary Heritage

Dimiter Kolev National Astronomical Observatory, BAS Svetlana Koleva Faculty of Classic and Modern Philologies, Sofia University

written tradition which arises “in a void space” so to say – in an ethnically and culturally complex environment, which was the case in the early Bulgarian Middle Ages (end of the 9th-10th century). The main ethnic components of the Bulgarian state established in 680-681 CE were different Slavic and ProtoBulgarian tribes as well as the remnants of Thracian-Roman population in this area of the Byzantine Empire. The ProtoBulgarians (whose Turkic origin is most widely accepted) were the ones to organize the military and administrative apparatus of the newly set-up state. Each ethnic group had its own language, but the official written language in the new state was Greek. It was borrowed from the powerful southern neighbour – Byzantium, which had been the “owner” of this territory until recently and was therefore quite unamiable.

1. Introduction Time reckoning and the observation of remarkable celestial events for practical or cult purposes are among the earliest intellectual efforts of man. Being a result of thousands of years of accumulated observational experience and knowledge, the calendar occupies a unique place among human achievements. The main structural unit of most known calendars is the month, which is associated with the cyclic changes in the Moon’s view. A calendar is called any system of time measurement in years, months or other time units, as well as a chronological list of feasts ordered within the year cycle (e.g. a liturgical calendar like the Menologion). Calendars have been widely investigated from various points of view ranging from the astronomical to the anthropological aspect. And that is not by accident: such a sophisticated product of the human mind can provide us with precious data about different sides of the life of its creators. Even the name system through which a given calendar has been coded can do much for the reconstruction of a society’s history. A similar source of knowledge about the world outlook and traditions are also the astronyms (sometimes closely related to the month names, for example when months are named after the respective zodiacal constellations).

The main pagan ethnic groups led a parallel but surely different social life, at least on a mytho-ritual level. At the same time, the existence of a layer of Christians from the Thracian-Roman population made the integration of the different ethnic groups into one people even harder a task. Khan Boris I (852-889) realized this and undertook the most important step in the ethno-cultural history of Bulgaria – the Conversion to Christianity in 865 CE. Bulgaria accepted the Christianity from Byzantium and this allowed the Byzantines to exert strong influence sending to Bulgaria priests, who held the services in Greek. Using a lingo in the liturgy did not help to overcome the inner discrepancies between the different ethnic groups, neither did it contribute to accept consciously the new religion. Boris I solved the problem by inviting the pupils of Cyril and Methodius in Bulgaria to hold the liturgy in Slavic. Thus, as of 886 CE, after two centuries of sporadic ethnic unification with unclear results, a real consolidation process began in Bulgaria. As a result, the South Slavic dialect became dominant both as an official and liturgical, and as spoken language. The bilingual epoch came to an end and conditions were created for the development of written culture.

Here we present a short review of the Bulgarian month names and astronyms preserved both in the folk memory, and in the Old Bulgarian literature. The task is to shed more light upon the fate of the Bulgarian culture during its complex history. The ethnographic records of folk astronyms from the end of the 19th century have already been reported to this audience1 and the present work will try to complement the concept of the Bulgarian heritage in relation to this important cultural area. The two databases – the folk memory and the literary writings, are quite different from a methodological point of view. While the ethnographic records provide data about the synchronic, “instant” memory (even though it is a result of long evolution of the concepts and their propagation), the information from the literature gives an opportunity to obtain a diachronic picture of the processes.

After another two decades of transition, the Bulgarian culture finally moved on from a barbaric stage to one of civilization.2 New literary schools and scriptoria were set up in the old “pagan” capital Pliska and near the new “Christian” one, Preslav, as well as in Bulgaria’s most southwestern lands near Ohrid (now in Macedonia). Generously supported by the highly educated son of Boris I and new ruler, Tsar Simeon I (893-927), the Bulgarian culture went through a real boom in the 10th century called also the Golden Age of the Bulgarian culture.

2. Month names and astronyms in the Old Bulgarian literature The literature of a given people is inseparable from its history. This is true especially when talking about the first steps of a

The first efforts of the Bulgarian writers were directed to translate, compile and analyse the Holy Writ and the

 Kolev D., Koleva V.: “The stellar sky in Bulgarian Folk Tradition”, Proceedings of the 4th SEAC Meeting “Astronomy and Culture” (Jaschek C. & Barandela F.A., eds.), Universidad de Salamanca 1997, 69-80.

1

 Bozhilov, I.: The culture of the Medieval Bulgaria, S. 1996, 37-38 (in Bulgarian). [Божилов, И., Културата на средновековна България, С.]

2

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Johannes Damascenus’s work On the Macedonian months in Simeon’s Collection includes a list of the ancient Macedonian months, which bear the Hellenic names of the zodiacal constellations. It is a rare practice to name the months after the zodiacal constellations. It can also be found, for example, in the medieval Tadzhik poetry.8 In the same work of Johannes Damascenus, the Hebrew, the Hellenic and the Egyptian names of months are listed as well, so they have become familiar to the educated Bulgarian readers.

writings of the Church Fathers. A process of acculturation and transplantation of the alien culture into domestic environment began. Along with the theological ones, some texts on natural science were also translated, so the readers could get acquainted with the scientific heritage of ancient Hellas and Rome. The names related to celestial bodies in the Old Bulgarian literature are mixed. One can find both borrowed Byzantine names (transliterated or loan translations from Greek), and Slavic words. In the apocryphal translation of 2nd Book of Enoch the celestial bodies (called “stars”) are listed by the names of the respective Hellenic gods: Kronos, Zeus, Aris (Ares), Ermes (Hermes), Aphrodite.3 Despite the struggle of the Church against the astrological notions, such an apocryphal literature had a wide circulation mainly in the form of oracle books, called ‘Thunder-books’ in Bulgarian. In Zodiacal Thunder-book (14th century) the constellations are named exactly by the well known even nowadays Hellenic-Roman zodiac.4 The only peculiarity here is the usage of the Slavic word Bliznak (in the singular) ‘Twin’ for Twins (Gemini).

The above mentioned pictures of the zodiacal signs in Simeon’s Collection illustrate literally the text of the calendar and are particularly interesting because this zodiac begins not with Aries (as is traditional) but with Sagittarius. It is very likely that this arrangement of the zodiac has preserved traces of a Proto-Bulgarian tradition. ProtoBulgarians are supposed to have started the calendar year in the winter, around the winter solstice, and at the beginning of the Common Era the sun entered the constellation of Sagittarius on that day. On the other hand, the type of bow and two-edged arrow seen on the picture was typical of the Eurasian steppe peoples (where the Proto-Bulgarians are believed to have come from).9

In other Thunder-books from the 16th-17th centuries the month names are the Latin ones, while the names of the zodiacal constellations are in Greek. In the most eminent Old Bulgarian writings Heavens and Hexameron by John the Exarch (9th-10th centuries; earliest copies from the 12th century), the planets are named after their Hellenic god counterparts: ‘the star of Zeus’, ‘of Aphrodite’, ‘of Ares’, etc., while the constellations are listed both with Hellenic names and with Slavic translations. Capricorn and Cancer are not translated, while the others are: for example, Taurus – to yunets ‘calf ’, Virgo – to Slavic yunota ‘girl’. Libra, in Greek ζυγός (zigos), means ‘balance’, as well as ‘yoke’, and is rendered both as zóã (zug), and with the Slavic word for yoke – yarem.5 We cannot say how customary it has been to transliterate Greek astronyms in the course of the centuries, because we lack enough data. It is known, nevertheless, that the liturgical language during the 19th century (at least in the bigger towns) was often Greek. However, most of the registered folk astronyms are purely Bulgarian.

The calendar of the Proto-Bulgarians is of special interest. Attempts have been made to reconstruct it from the writings in the so-called List of the Bulgarian Rulers (Khans).10 The List is known from three late (15th-16th centuries) transcripts in Slavic but the original itself (8th century) has supposedly been engraved on stone in Greek (however, containing Proto-Bulgarian, and not Slavic words, for the years and months of the rulers’ ascensions). The calendar is related to the 12-year ancient Chinese and other Asian peoples’ zodiacal circle. The years (currently 9 out of 12 are known) are named after animals, and the month names are ordinal numbers. (The Roman calendar, too, contains months named after numbers according to their initial order: September, October, November, December). There are different interpretations of the month names in the List. According to the latest of them, suggested by

In the pictures illustrating the zodiac in Simeon’s Collection, known also as Svetoslav’s copy from 1073 CE, Libra, although written out as yarem ‘yoke’, is depicted as a suspended balance.6 It is interesting that the preferred meaning, ‘yoke’, became so stable that it was used both in the literature and in church murals up to the late Bulgarian Middle Ages (15th -16th century).7 In the same collection, a translation of Johannes Damascenus’s writing says that the Sun enters the sign of Libra (Yoke) on September 25. September-October is ploughing-time and the notion of yoke is transmitted even through the constellation symbol (d).

 Rajkova, M.: Palaeobulgarica, 3, 2000, 106 (in Bulgarian).  Khodzhaev, I.: “Astronomy and mathematics in the Tadzhik poetry”, On the frontiers of the Universe. Historical-astronomical investigations - 1992, M. 1994, 331-351 (in Russian). [Ходжаев, И. “Астрономия и математика в таджикской поэзии”, На рубежах познания Вселенной. Историкоастрономические исследования – 1992] 9  Dobrev, I.: 1975, “The ordering of the zodiacal signs in the Collection from 1073 AD”, Palaeobulgarica, 5, 101 (in Bulgarian). [Добрев, И., “Редът на зодиакалните знаци в Изборника от 1073 г.”] 10  Rogev, B.: Astronomical grounds of the Proto-Bulgarian chronology, Sofia 1974, 29 (in Bulgarian). [Рогев, Б., Астрономически основи на първобългарското летоброене, С.]; Pritsak, F.: “Die Bulgarische Fürsten Liste und die Sprache der Protobulgaren”, Wiesbaden (UralAltaische Jahrbucher) 1955; Moravczik, G.: “Die Bulgarische Fürstenliste”, Byzantinoturcica, II, Berlin 1958, 352-354; Nychols, B.: 1966, “Die Fürstenliste der Protobulgarer”, Byzantinobulgarica, 2, 229-239; Moskov, M.: List of the Bulgarian Khans (a new reading), Sofia 1988 (in Bulgarian) [Москов, М., Именник на българските ханове (ново тълкуване)]; Dobrev, P.: Rediscovery of the Proto-Bulgarian calendar. A key to reading of the oldest Bulgarian annals, S. 1994 (in Bulgarian). [Добрев, П., Преоткриването на прабългарския календар. Ключ към тълкуването на най-стария български летопис] 7 8

 Old Bulgarian literature, I-VII, V. Natural history, Sofia 1992, 58 (in Bulgarian). [Стара българска литература. Т. 5. Естествознание, С.] 4  Old Bulgarian literature, I-VII, I. Apocrypha, Sofia 1982, 321 (in Bulga­ rian). [Стара българска литература. Т. 1 Апокрифи, С.] 5   Old Bulgarian literature, V: 332. 6   Putsko, V.: “Zodiacal signs on the margins of Svyatoslav’s Collection 1073”, Palaeobulgarica, 2, 1984, 65 (in Russian). [Пуцько, В., “Знаки Зодиака на полях Изборника Святослава 1073 г.”] 3

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Month Names and Astronyms in Bulgarian Folk and Literary Heritage Dobrev,11 the year begins on the day of the winter solstice with the month [alem] ‘first’. The fact that even in such late copies of the List the Proto-Bulgarian words had been written out without being translated could mean that their meaning was still familiar. Such a practice seems quite natural in earlier documents. For instance, the famous Chatalar inscription (9th century, in Greek) features the Proto-Bulgarian date shegor (sigor) elem; in a copy, dated from 907 CE, of a Slavic translation of the Gospel the writer, Tudor Doxov (nephew of Khan Boris I), gives the year of the Bulgarian Conversion as [etkh bekhty] ‘dog’s year’. It is interesting, that in the same manuscript Tudor Doxov uses also the Latin month name: ‘month May’.12

The Latin month names were foreign to the Bulgarians and therefore often appeared in their writings with a different and somewhat distorted spelling. In Simeon’s Collection February, for example, is written out as [feurouaria]; in the Suprasal Collection (11th century) we read [mesyatsa marta] ‘month March’; in the Mrachka Charter (1347 CE) of Tsar Ivan Alexander, the dates feature Latin month names – [mtsa dekemvria] ‘month December’.18 In the church Minei (liturgies in honour of saints) the months always bear Latin names; thus, in the Feast Minej [Munich, Cod.slav. 32 (№1025/34)] from the last quarter of 17th century one can read: [mstsa ferfaria] ‘month February’, [mstsa oktovria] ‘month October’.19 By the way, the situation with the church literature in Russia, in whose Christianization Bulgarian priests played an important role, was quite similar.

Not long ago (1990), two Proto-Bulgarian expressions were found in a fairly late manuscript – The Damascines from the Rila Monastery (17th century). One of the phrases there has a calendar sense – [elma vesh(t)], interpreted as ‘month elma (elem)’.13

The month-name reform was imposed also through the epigraphy as can be seen on numerous gravestones: 996 CE – [feu..r..];20 14th century – [mtsa aprel] ‘month April’, [mesetsa iyulia] ‘month July’, [mtsa yunia] ‘month June’).21 Tsar Ivan Vladislav (1015-1018 CE) had the rebuilding of the Bitola castle (now in Macedonia) dated in a stone plate inscription from 1015-16 CE with [mtsa oktovar] ‘month October’.22 Or, as Zaimov summarizes, “at least during the late Old Bulgarian times, if not earlier, the official names [of the months] were already the LatinGreek ones”.23

The principle of the Proto-Bulgarian calendar system has been preserved, at least partly, in the people’s memory until the 19th and 20th centuries. For instance, the practice to date new buildings (homes, churches and fountains) after animals was still alive at that time;14 another example is the famous calendar (1876) of priest Mincho Hadzhinedev, where he has ordered the years in 10 and 12-year intervals naming two of the years after animals, cock and snake.15 The use of the Latin month names (but without the Greek suffix –οσ) became widespread since the very first steps of the Old Bulgarian literature.16 Already John the Exarch (9th10th century, one of the first Bulgarian writers) supports in his writings the implantation of the calendar reform for religious purposes: while the majority of the zodiacal names are given with their Slavic counterparts, the months have only Latin-Greek names. Kliment Ohridski’s (d. 916 CE) Laudation to Cyril begins with [mesyatsa aprelia] ‘month April’) and the date of St Cyril’s death is given as [mesyatsa fevrarya, v 14 dn] ‘on the 14th day of February’.17

Slavic folk names of months do appear in written sources from the 12th to 19th centuries, but only as an explanation of the foreign Latin names and only in ecclesiastical texts, for example: ‘month January called prosenets’, ‘month February called seche’, ‘month March called suhi’, etc. in the Tarnovo calendar, 1275 CE; ‘month January called prosinets’ in Ohrid Apostle (end of the 12th century); ‘month February called sechen’ in Slepchen’s Apostel (12th century); ‘September called ryuen …October called listopad’, etc. (19th century). In Lunnik ‘Moon’s Menologion’, also called Zakhari’s manuscript, from the 18th century the Latin and Old Slavic month names are combined by the same formula.24

 Dobrev, 1994.  Dobrev, I., Ikonomova Zh., Totomanova A.-M.: Old Bulgarian language S. 1983, 145 (in Bulgarian). [И. Добрев, Ж. Икономова, А.-М. Тотоманова: Старобългарски език] 13  Dobrev, P., Dobreva, M.: Old-Bulgarian epigraphy, S. 2001, 187 (in Bulgarian). [Добрев П., Добрева, М.: Древнобългарска епиграфика] 14  Vylchev, J.: Calendar and Word, Sofia 1986, 174-187 (in Bulgarian). [Вълчев, Й.: Календар и слово] 15  Vylchev, 1986: 113-117, 176; Koleva, V.: “The calendar in Medieval Bulgaria”, Oxford VI and SEAC’99. Astronomy and Cultural Diversity (Esteban, C. & Belmonte, J. A., eds.), 1999, 195. 16  Cholova, Ts.: Natural Sciences in Medieval Bulgaria, Sofia 1988, 167168 (in Bulgarian). [Чолова, Цв., Естественонаучните знания в Средновековна България]; Sefterski, R.: “Calendars and calendar changes in Bulgaria since 7th till 12th centuries and the zodiacal interchange in the Simeon-Svetoslav’s Collection from 1073 AD”, Interdisciplinary investigation, 18, 1991, 104-119 (in Bulgarian). [Сефтерски Р., “Календари и календарни промени в България от VII до XII в. и зодиакалното разместване в Симеоновия-Светославов Изборник от 1073 г.”, Интердисциплинарни изследания, XVIII] 17   Dobrev, Ikonomova, Totomanova, 1983 : 148-150. 11 12

  Cholova, 1988: 177.  Ivanova, Kl.: “Unknown liturgy for St. Cyril in a Feast Menologion from 17th cen.”, Palaeobulgarica, № 2, 1992, 16 (in Bulgarian). [Иванова, Кл., “Неизвестна служба за св. Кирил в състава на Празничен миней от XVII в.”] 20   Dobrev, Dobreva, 2001: 174. 21  Zaimov, J.: “Bulgarian Folk names of the months”, Bulletin of the Institute for Bulgarian language, 3, 1954, 101-147 (103-104, notice under line) (in Bulgarian). [Заимов Й., “Българските народни имена на месеците”, Известия на и-та по бълг. език] 22   Dobrev, Ikonomova, Totomanova, 1983 :155. 23   Zaimov, 1954: 103. 24   Old Bulgarian literature, 1992: 303-312. 18 19

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography 3. Astronyms and month names in the traditional folk culture

or local scale. The most comprehensive analysis of the Bulgarian month names from an ethno-geographical and linguistic point of view has been published by Jordan Zaimov (cf. Footnote 21). A study on the parallel use of the LatinGreek and the Slavic month names has been published by Sefterski.28

The existing studies (cf. Mladenova25 and the references there) confirm the conclusions that the Bulgarian people was familiar with and used actively a rather limited set of stars and constellations, chiefly the ones in the circumpolar region and near the Milky Way. They are classified in three groups according to the seasonal visibility:

The folk names of months listed by Sefterski can be classified according to the naming principle in the following major groups:

a) summer group: Lyra (called ‘Drill’); Cygnus (‘Cross’, ‘Big Cross’); Aquila (‘Mosque?’); Delphinus (‘Little Cross’);

a) named after climatic and natural phenomena: golyam sechko ‘big cutter?’ (January); malak sechko ‘small cutter?’ (February); suhi ‘dry’ (March); brezen ‘birchen’ (April); treven ‘grassy’ (April or May); izok (from the Old Slavic name for the beetle Cicada orni) (June); cherven (from the Old Slavic name for the worm Coccus ilicus) (June or July); goreshtlyak ‘heat’ (July); zhyar ‘embers; heat’ (July); zarev (from rev ‘bellow’ during the deer’s mating season) (August); presushireki ‘draining the rivers’ (August); listopad ‘fall of the leaf ’ (October); gruden ‘lump, mass of frozen earth’ (November); studen ‘cold’ (December).

b) winter group: Canis Major, Canis Minor and Orion (‘Plough’, ‘Ploughman’, ‘Crooked Stars’); Taurus (Vlassi, ‘Ring Dance’); Pleiades (as a separate constellation; ‘Hen’, ‘Brood Hen’, Vlassi, Haidouk, ‘Pillars’, etc.); c) circumpolar group: Ursa Major (‘Car’, Haidouks, ‘Rebels’, ‘Bear’); Ursa Minor (‘Little Car’); Corona Borealis (‘Round Table’, ‘Small Bowl’). The folk astronyms are mainly related to objects and events from the everyday life and economic activities. The Milky Way is known as ‘Godfather’s (or Priest’s) Straw’, ‘Straw Path’, ‘Straw’. The planet Venus has three names according to its visibility: Zornitsa ‘Morning Star’, Dennitsa ‘Day Star’ and Vechernitsa ‘Evening Star’. Jupiter (called Yankul) was often misidentified as Sirius (called Lazhi kervan ‘Caravan-Liar’, meaning ‘one that leads astray the caravan’).

b) named after seasons: zimen ‘winter, wintry’ (December); esenniyat ‘the autumnal one’ (October). c) named after dimensional or quantitative characteristics: golyam, golemin ‘a big one’ (January); malak, malkiya ‘a/the little one’ (February); mal golyam mesec ‘a little big month’ (December).

In ethnographic records we also find astronyms influenced by Turkish or other languages, sometimes distorted due to misunderstanding: e.g. terzii ‘tailors’ (from Turkish terzija ‘tailor’) for Orion’s belt, instead of Turkish terezija ‘balance, scales’ (from Persian terazed ‘balance, scales’).26

d) named after economic activities: kolozhlyak (a sort of wheat) (May); chereshar (from cheresha ‘cherry’) (May); predoy (from doya ‘to milk’) (June); zhetvarski ‘related to harvest(-time)’ (July); sarpen ‘sickle’ (July); arman ‘threshing (floor)’ (July); kosach ‘cropper, mower’ (July); senokos ‘haymaking’ (July); kolovez ‘to transport by cart’ (August); rouen (from the name of the sumach, Rhus cotinus) (September); beridben ‘related to gathering, harvesting’ (September); grozdar, grozdober ‘(related to) grape harvest’ (September); seyach ‘sower’ (September); uzundzhovski ‘when the Uzundzhovski fair is held’ (September); brane kukuruz ‘maize harvest’ (October);

It is noteworthy that in the later registered folk tradition the names of the zodiacal constellations and other planets are totally absent, in contrast to the early written tradition. The names of the months have been an object of peculiar interest since the middle of the 19th century. A vast amount of data has been collected in an ethno-astronomical study by Jordan Kovachev27 and in numerous studies of regional

25

26 27

Mladenova, D.: Balkan ethno-linguistic parallels in the field of the folk astronomy, Ph.D. Thesis, Institutete of Balkanic researches, BAS, 1996 (in Bulgarian). [Младенова, Д., Балкански етно-лингвистични успоредици из областта на народната астрономия, Автореферат, БАН, И-т по балканистика]; Kolev, Koleva, 1997. Kolev, Koleva,1997. Kovachev, J.: “Folk astronomy and meteorology. A contribution to the Bulgarian folklore”, Collection of folklore, 30 (2), 1914, 1-85 (in Bulgarian). [Ковачев, Й., “Народна астрономия и метеорология. Принос към българския фолклор”, СбНУ, кн. XXX (2)].

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Month Names and Astronyms in Bulgarian Folk and Literary Heritage 4. Discussion

kratun-mesec ‘gourd (Lagenaria vulgaris) month’ (October).

The naming practices and the usage of month names and astronyms by the Bulgarians tell much about the ethnocultural and even about the social history of Bulgaria. These names are of mixed origin and bear the traces of various linguistic and cultural influences.

e) named after religious rituals and feasts: todurufski ‘of St. Theodore’ (February); gergyovski ‘of St. George’ (April); kustadinski ‘St. Constantine’ (May); elenski ‘of St. Helen’ (May); irminskiya ‘of Prophet Jeremiah’ (May); spasovski ‘of St. Spas’ (May); petrovski ‘of St. Peter’ (June); todorovski ‘of St. Theodore’ (June); enyovski ‘of St. John the Baptist’ (June); rusalski ‘of the rusalii feasts’ (June); ilienski, iliyski ‘of St. Elijah’ (July); marinski ‘of St. Marina’ (July); bogorodichki ‘of Virgin Mary’ (August); simeonski ‘of St. Simeon’ (September); mala bogorodica ‘of Little Virgin Mary’ (September); krystovski ‘of the Holy Cross’ (September); dimitrovski ‘of St. Demetrius’ (October); petkovdenski ‘of St. Petka’s day’ (October); ustinski ‘of St. Justina’ (October); arhangelski ‘of St. Archangel Michael’ (November); martinski, mratinski ‘of the evil ghost mratinyak’ (November); zimen georgi ‘Winter St. George’ (November); nikulski ‘of St. Nicholas’ (December); andreeveski ‘of St. Andrew’ (December); bozhek ‘of God’ (December); koleda ‘Christmas’ (December).

The Latin month names occupy the principal position in the Old Bulgarian literature always appearing as official names in all types of texts and inscriptions. The process of displacing of the old month names must have taken place quite fast, since it is dominant already in the very first written records, and spread over various social spheres – ecclesiastic and secular literature, apocrypha and epigraphy. Indeed, traditional Slavic folk names appear in Old Bulgarian written sources, but never independently and always as a secondary and subordinate member of a formula, in which they complement and explain the new Latin names. This dual formula is characteristic exclusively of ecclesiastical literature while the official documentation uses only the Latin names. Therefore, we observe an evident social stratification. The high literature based on Byzantine Christian sources was available only to the social elite. At the same time, the majority of the population who did not speak Greek or Latin could not easily accept the alien and even hard to pronounce names (note how February was distorted to ferfaria in the above-mentioned example from 17th century in comparison to the contemporary form fevruari). Although folk names survived almost to this day, the ecclesiastical names eventually prevailed. Similar processes are known elsewhere in Europe as well. Among the German peoples (especially the more southern ones) the old native names were quickly (within 2-3 centuries) changed to Latin ones due to the pressure of the Christian church.30

f) others: prosinets, prosenets (probably from proso ‘millet’ because “the day starts to grow by a millet in January”) (January); kolozheg (January); Marta (March); lazhko, lazhitrev ‘liar’, ‘one that cheats the grass’ (April or May); yochko (May).

Despite the apparent closeness of the Bulgarian and the rest of the Slavic folk names of months based on natural phenomena and economic activities, there is a displacement of the names of some neighbouring months in several cases, that can be explained either by the more southern areas of habitation of the Bulgarians, and hence shift in the periods of occurrence of natural phenomena, or by divergence caused by calendar reforms.

A number of the Bulgarian folk names (especially those named after natural phenomena and economic activities) are of common Slavic origin and therefore coincide with or are very close to the month names in the other Slavic languages. But while the western Slavs kept the folk names of the months despite the strong Latin influence and the pressure of the Catholic church, the Bulgarians accepted the Greek official names through the Church; the Serbs accepted the same names directly from Latin and in their Latin forms. As a result, nowadays the folk names of months among the southern and southwestern Slavs are to be found in the dialects only.29

The months named after the festive days of Christian saints form the most numerous group in the Bulgarian folk tradition recorded in the 19th and 20th centuries. This practice, however, could possibly be dated back to earlier times, and especially to the earlier centuries of the Turkish yoke, when the Christian religion served also as an ethnic determiner and a consolidating factor for the Bulgarians. The formation of the discussed Bulgarian month names follows principles, which are common for numerous folk traditions with one exception: the ordinal numbers are lacking

 Zaimov, 1954; Koleva, V.: “Measuring time in the Central Rhodopes”, Proceedings of the 9th SEAC Meeting “Calendars, Symbols and Orientations: Legacies of Astronomy in Culture” (Blomberg, M, Blomberg, P. & Henriksson G., eds.), Uppsala Astronomical Observatory, 2003, 42

 Sherwood, E. A.: “Calendar of the Old Celts and Germans”, in: Calendar in the culture of the world peoples, M. 1994, 145 (in Russian). [Шервуд, Е.А., “Календарь у древних келтов и германцев”, в: Календарь в культуре народов мира]

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography (despite the tradition of the Proto-Bulgarians). The lack of Proto-Bulgarian traces is really astonishing (the isolated examples, such as the above mentioned Rila Damascenes from 17th century, cannot disprove this conclusion). Most probably, this can be explained with the “Slavization” of the liturgical language. The Thracian-Roman contribution to this heritage is also untraceable. This population had already been Christianized by the time the Bulgarian state was set up, therefore it was familiar exactly with the Latin names of months. The Thracian element in the Bulgarian cultural heritage can be detected mostly in some dress-ornaments and customs.

constellations was quite unfamiliar to the common people. Moreover, even in the high literature, it remained rather as a set of signs of the Greek zodiac. On the other hand, some very old Proto-Bulgarian notions, fragments from the 12year eastern zodiacal circle, have been preserved almost up to this day! 5. A Bulgarian-Hungarian parallel It would be interesting to compare the Bulgarian and Hungarian systems of month names because the historical development of the two states and peoples is quite similar in many respects, at least in the first centuries before and after their foundation. Both the Proto-Bulgarian and the Old Magyar (Magyar is the self-denomination of the Hungarians) tribes dwelled in the Eurasian steppes, where they were neighbours, before moving to the west. The ProtoBulgarians, who were Turkic tribes, settled in the Balkans in the 7th century CE. The Magyar tribes, speaking a FinnoUgric language, but sharing numerous cultural similarities with the neighbouring Turkic tribes, settled in the Carpathian Basin two centuries later – between 896 and 900 CE. Both the Proto-Bulgarians and the Magyars managed to set up states on foreign lands inhabited by various foreign tribes. In both cases there are no data about sharp ethnic conflicts and confrontation between the newcomers and the local population.38

Besides the common Slavic correspondences (cf. e.g. Shaur31), the traditional Bulgarian month names show some closeness with distant languages as well. The recurring general principles of month naming, for instance after natural phenomena, can be illustrated by examples from peoples quite remote from the Slavs like the Finno-Ugric Khanti and Mansi in Western Siberia, who use e.g. month names meaning ‘fall of the leaf ’, ‘bald trees’ in the autumn.32 The attributives big and small, which in Bulgarian refer to the two consecutive winter months January and February, can also be found in some Finno-Ugric and Turkic languages: East Mansi ‘big dry month’ (August) ~ ‘small dry month’ (September); North Mansi ‘small frost’ (January) ~ ‘big frost’ (February)33; Mari ‘small frost month’ (December) ~ ‘(big) frost month’ (January); Chuvash ‘big frost month’ ~ ‘small frost month’ (January ~ February?);34 Khanti ‘big mid-winter month’ ~ ‘small mid-winter month’;35 Khanti ‘small ice crust month’ ~ ‘big ice crust month’ (in the winter/early spring).36 Some northern peoples used double months in the winter – a big and a small winter month, the second of which could be dropped out if necessary in order to correct the difference between the lunar and the solar year.37

In order to survive and gain strength, the new state formations of pagans had to join the European Christian community. Bulgaria adopted the Christianity from Byzantium, while Hungary – from the western church a century later, in 973. In both states the high culture was created and promoted under foreign influence – in Bulgaria by Byzantine priests speaking Greek, and in Hungary by German and Italian missionaries speaking Latin. In Hungary, as well as in Bulgaria, there was strong opposition by the pagan tribal aristocracy against the religious reform. As everywhere else, the new religion adopted to some extent the pagan traditions and the bulk of the uneducated common people preserved their old customs and beliefs.

The astronyms in the Bulgarian tradition also show some peculiarities of their own. The dichotomy literary versus folk heritage exists here as well. The ecclesiastical and secular literature often lists planets and zodiacal constellations by their Greek name (sometimes with a Slavic translation), while the oral tradition rather uses a limited set of stars and constellations with Bulgarian, common Slavic, common Balkan or Turkish names. The zodiac as a system of celestial

Hungary bound itself to the western church and this predetermined its future historical and cultural development that was dominated by the Latin language and western culture. Latin was the official language in the state and it provided the foundations for the medieval Hungarian literature. The literary activities and education were exclusively a task of the church. Quite naturally, Hungary adopted also the Roman chronology and the Latin names of months, which are to be found in all the medieval documents and writings both in Latin and in Hungarian. The first written record of the Latin month names in a Hungarian text dates back to 1416 (Munich Codex).39 According to Erdődi, if there were at all any common Finno-Ugric or Ugric month names, they had become obsolete and been forgotten in the new Magyar

 Shaur, V.: “To the problem of reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic months’ names”, in: Etymology, Moskow 1971 (in Russian). [Шаур, В., “К вопросу о реконструкции праславянских названий месяцев”, Этимология, М]. 32  Simchenko, Yu. B., Smolyak, A. V., Sokolova, Z. P.: “The Calendars of the Siberian peoples”, in: Calendar in the culture of the world peoples, M. 1994, 201-253 (in Russian). [Симченко, Ю. Б., А. В. Смоляк, З. П. Соколова, “Календари народов Сибири”, в: Календарь в культуре народов мира] 33  Erdödi, J.: “Zur Frage der Zeitrechnung bei den Uralischen Völkern: die Monatsnamen”, Acta Linguistica Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae, 24 (1-4), 1974, 125-135; Erdödi, J.: “Időszámításunk”, in: Magyar Nyelv 73, Budapest 1977, 49-66 (in Hungarian). 34  Erdödi, J.: ”Időszámítás a volgai és a permi népeknél, különös tekintettel a mari hó- és napnevekre”. In: Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 80/1, Budapest 1978, 55-75 (in Hungarian). 35   Patkanov, Sz.: Irtisi-Osztják szójegyzék, Budapest 1902 (in Hungarian). 36   Ahlqvist, A.: Über die Sprache der Nord Ostjaken, Helsingfors 1880. 37   Vuorela, T.: Suomalainen kansankulttuuri, Porvoo 1975 31

  Bur, M., Markovski, D.: Hungary, Sofia 1999, 34 (in Bulgarian). .   A magyar nyelv történeti-etimológiai szótára (TESZ). I-III, Budapest, 1967, 1970, 1976. See under the respective month names. 38 39

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Month Names and Astronyms in Bulgarian Folk and Literary Heritage Szent Jakab hava ‘St. Jacob’s month’ (July); Kisasszony hava ‘Virgin Mary’s month’ (August); Szent Mihály hava ‘St. Michael’s month’ (September); Mindszent hava ‘All Saints’ month’ (October); Szent András hava ‘St. Andrew’s month’ (November); Karácsony hava ‘Christmas month’ (December).

settlements due to the differences in climate, economic and social life. The Finno-Ugric names of the seasons (spring, autumn, winter), however, have been preserved.40 In later ethnographic records of the spoken language, people refer to certain events and periods of time using the seasons, seasonal economic activities and days of saints. Therefore Erdődi41 concludes that the farmers and stockbreeders, who constituted the bulk of the Hungarians until the middle of the 1930s, hardly ever used in their everyday life the Latin month names; therefore they used them to an even lesser extent in the Middle Ages.

These religious month names were widely used in the 16th to 18th centuries in Hungary both in the spoken language, and in personal correspondence, poetry and belles-lettres.43 Hence, there were three paradigms of month names in use in Hungary – the Latin one used by the officials, the religious one used in popular literature, personal correspondence and by the common people, and a third paradigm, probably older, of month names referring to economic activities and natural phenomena. The latter might have given way to the second system of religious names at quite an early stage and got obsolete. Therefore, a similar social stratification in relation to the usage of month names existed in Hungary as in Bulgaria – in both states the Latin month names eventually gained priority, the difference being that probably the Hungarian paradigm based on natural phenomena and economic activities became obsolete much earlier.

The Hungarians used two distinct paradigms of month names in their informal communication, quite similar in principle with the Bulgarian ones. János Sylvester, a Hungarian priest, states in his Grammatica Hungarolatina, published in 1539, that Hungarians have not always used the Latin month names. He mentions several types of month names (some coined by Sylvester himself), besides the Latin ones, including the above mentioned two paradigms.42 The first paradigm includes names related to economic activities and natural phenomena: fő hó ‘main month’ ~ erős hó ‘strong month’ (January); lágy hó ‘mild month’ ~ asszú hó ‘dry month’ (Febriary); fű hegy ‘grassy hill’ (March); kinyíló hó ‘opening month’ (April); elő gyömölcsű hó ‘first fruits month’ (May); kaszáló hó ‘haymaking month’ (June); hév hó ‘heat month’ ~ arató hó ‘harvest month’ (July); szőlő írlelő hó ‘grapes ripening month’ (August); szőlő szedő hó ‘grape harvest month’ (September); bor vető hó ‘wine making month’ (October); borlátogató hó ‘wine visiting month’ (November); vígan lakó hó ‘merrily living month’ (December).

The Hungarian system of religious month names seams to be quite stable without variations in names, while in Bulgarian, where a large number of folk month names referring to saints have been registered, one and the same month can be named after several different saints whose feasts are celebrated in the respective month. For example, April in both the Bulgarian and the Hungarian system is named only after St. George. June in Hungarian is named after St. John the Baptist only, while in Bulgarian it may refer to St. John the Baptist (enyovski, June 24), St. Peter (June 29), or St. Theodore (June 8). December in Hungarian is named after St. Andrew only, and in Bulgarian it may refer to St. Nicholas (nikulski, December 6), St. Andrew (November 30), Christmas or God (December 25).

Sylvester explicitly states about some of the above listed names that they have been still in use in his time, for example asszú hó ‘dry month’ (February), fű hegy ‘grassy hill’ (March). It is very likely, however, that the common people used the whole paradigm before and after the introduction of the official Latin names.

Naturally, the system of Hungarian folk names based on the economic activities and natural phenomena also shows great likeness to other traditional month names in Slavic (including Bulgarian), Germanic, Finno-Ugric and Turkic languages, since the naming principle is universal. Very close correspondences between the Bulgarian and Hungarian systems are for example: Hungarian asszú hó ‘dry month’ (February) ~ Bulgarian suhi ‘dry month’ (March); Hung. elő gyümölcsű hó ’first fruits month’ (May) ~ Bulg. chereshar (from cheresha ‘cherry’) (May); Hung. kaszáló hó ‘haymaking month’ (June) ~ Bulg. senokos, kosach ‘haymaking, haymaker’ (July); Hung. arató hó ‘harvest month’ (July) ~ Bulg. zhetvarski ‘related to harvest(-time)’ (July); Hung. hév hó ‘heat month’ (July) ~ Bulg. goreshtlyak ‘heat’, zhyar ‘embers; heat’ (July); Hung. szőlőszedő hó ‘grape harvest month’ (September) ~ Bulg. grozdober ‘grape harvest’ (September).

The second paradigm names the months after a significant Christian feast in the respective month (Sylvester mentions only five of the names, but the whole paradigm is known from numerous written sources): Boldogasszony hava ‘Virgin Mary’s month’ (January); Böjt elő hava ‘Fast first month’ (February); Böjtmás hava ‘Fast second month’ (March); Szent György hava ‘St. Geoge’s month’ (April); Pünkösd hava ‘Pentecost month’ (May); Szent Iván hava ‘St. John the Baptist’s month’(June);

An interesting difference between the Hungarian and Bulgarian practice in relation to astronyms and month names

 Erdödi, 1977: 49. 41  Erdödi, 1977: 52. 42  Sylvester, J.: Sylvester János latin-magyar nyelvtana. Magyar Nyelvtudományi Társaság 185, Budapest 1989, 23-25. 40

Erdödi, 1977: 62-66.

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography is that Hungarians, it seems, have been quite familiar with the zodiacal signs and their names, probably as a result of the strong Latin influence. At least as of the beginning of the 16th century, when the first printed calendars and almanacs (called csízió) in Hungarian language appear, the signs of the zodiac are present in each of them. The first csízió was published in Krakow in 1538.44 Similar printed almanacs started appearing in Bulgaria only in the middle of the 19th century as a result of the contacts with the Western culture during the Bulgarian Renaissance. The Hungarian csízió almanacs list the months and the religious festivals in each of them,

and contain explanations about the celestial bodies, seasons and the zodiac, as well as predictions about the future, folk meteorology, astronomical, medical, economic information and other pieces of useful advice. These almanacs became extremely popular among the population. A csízió from 1841 lists, besides the Latin and the religious month names, also a zodiacal name of each month, for example, May is also called Kettős hava ‘Twin’s month’.45 A contemporary Hungarian dictionary also gives as synonyms of the Latin month names their zodiacal counterparts,46 although the zodiacal month names have never been widely used in Hungary.

Nagy, 1995: 40. Kiss, G. (ed.):, Magyar szókincstár, Budapest 2003.

45

Nagy, S.: Régi magyar kalendáriumok, Székesfehérvár 1995, 5

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria

Vesselina Koleva Institute of Astronomy, BAS

Yordan Zahariev, Peter Detev and Elena Koleva.3 Diagrams present the distribution of the marked dates in each month for both groups of calendars.

Introduction

Characteristic features of the Bulgarian wooden calendars

The Bulgarian wooden calendars are barely known outside the country. The reason for this is that they have become a target of ethnographic research relatively late. For the first time, a wooden calendar was registered in the collection of the National Museum in Plovdiv in 1883 and was published by the museum’s director Argirov in 1896.1 It is a replica of a calendar from the village of Chernogorovo, Haskovo region. A number of other publications about finds from the Kystendil, Smolyan, and Burgas regions followed after that. As a result of ethnographic expeditions in the 1970s2 and 1990s new wooden calendars from the Central Rhodope mountain (Smolyan region) were found and described in the archives. At present, the number of the known Bulgarian wooden ca­lendars exceeds 20 (including some unpublished ones from museum collections), all found in southern areas of the country (Fig. 1).

Shape, size, and signs All Bulgarian wooden calendars are four-sided sticks. Their length varies from 500 to 1400 mm and the width from 10 to 30 mm. Only some of the sticks have handles, either forkshaped or straight (Figure 2).

Fig. 2. Shapes of the Bulgarian calendar sticks On most of the calendars an interval or a narrower and lon­ ger notch separates the months from one another.4 The year is divided into two groups of 6 months marked on two adjacent or two opposite edges of the stick. Only three calendars (one from Burgas and two from Smolyan regions) make an exception, where the months are marked on each of the four edges of the stick in groups of 3. The feast days are marked by various signs incised into the sides of the sticks. The fixed feasts follow the Orthodox liturgical year and the wooden calendars themselves represent a short record of the more important festivals of Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ, Saints, and Old Testament prophets. Figure 3 presents three groups of signs. The first group contains the signs on the 5 calendars from southeastern Bulgaria (See Figures 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 in the present work), while the second group – the ones from the Smolyan region (first 9 co­lumns), Haskovo and Kystendil.5 The basic elements of the signs include straight line, two-edged pitchfork and trident. In contrast to the first group, in the second one there is a wide range of more complex and ornamented variants of the basic signs. Rayko Sefterski considers that some of the signs have counterparts among the Proto-Bulgarian ideographic signs.6 .

Fig. 1. Distribution of the wooden calendars in Bulgaria Our aim here is to present a group of five slightly known solar calendars from Eastern Thrace and Asia Minor, which have been found in the Burgas region. Some characteristic features of the Bulgarian wooden calendars as a whole are presented for comparison as well. Parallels are given between the signs and the structure of the calendar record on 11 solar calendars from elsewhere in Bulgaria. These 11 calendars have been published by Stoyan Argirov, Dimiter Marinov,

в Пловдивския народен музей”, Български народ, II - 1, 10-13; Колева Е.: “Народен календар-рабош от 1783 г.”, Музеи и паметници на културата, 1967, 1, 20-23; Колева, 1971. 4  Among the calendars found so far, only on three ones from Kyustendil there are no special signs to separate the months. They are supposed to be luni-solar calendars. See Koleva V.: “Three wooden calendars from West Bulgaria”, Proceedings of the Second SEAC Conference, Bochum, 1994, (Schlosser W. ed.), Bohum, 1996, 163-173. 5  Колева, 1971: 269. 6   Сефтерски Р.: “Древни писмени знаци върху български дървени календари от XVIII-XX век.” Известия на Българската Орда, VII, 2 (62), 2001, 2-15.

 Aргиров Ст.: “Календар-рабош”, Периодическо списание на Българското книжовно дружество в Средец, 54, 1896, 779-785. 2  Колева Е.: “Народни календари - рабоши”. Известия на българските музеи, 1 за 1969 г., 1971, 247-270. 3  Aргиров, 1896; Маринов Д.: “Патерица”, Известия на Етнографическия музей, 1907, 1, 11-14; Захариев Й.: “Календар-рабош”, Известия на Етнографическия музей, 1929, 8-9, 246; Детев П.: “Календар-рабош 1

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Fig. 3. Signs on the wooden calendars from the regions of Burgas (first group) and Smolyan, Haskovo, and Kyustendil (second group) in comparison with some Proto-Bulgarian signs (third group).

Some of them are shown in the third group (A7 and B8). These signs are found on archaeological finds from 7th10th centuries in the Bulgarian capitals and sanctuaries in Pliska, Madara and Preslav.

Smolyan region), on 23 April (2 from Smolyan region), and on 1 May (3 from Smolyan region). Of course, 1 January is also marked as a significant holiday, but is not at the beginning of the record on any of the calendars presented here.9 The peculiar April-May start of the calendar record is very typical of the Rhodope calendars. It is related to the traditional economic division of the year into two periods beginning on St. George’s day (Gergyovden) and St. Demetrius’ day (Di­mitrovden), respectively, which is very archaic. The local population uses the so-called shepherd year,10 which is divided into two parts by the dates 23 April and 26 October when the old labour contracts expire and the new ones are concluded. Even on calendars from other regions where the day counting begins on another date, the dates 23 April and 26 October are especially emphasized.

Calendar typology The Julian calendar was the official civil and ecclesiastical calendar in Bulgaria from the conversion to Christianity in the 9th century until 1916, when the Gregorian one was introduced in the civil sphere. Тhe Orthodox Church, however, reformed its calendar only in 1968. We know from written sources that different beginnings of the year (1 September, 1 January, 1 March) have been in use to a greater or lesser extent ever since 14th-15th centuries. The ecclesiastical year begins on 1 September and in the Menaion (Book of Months) and other service books it is noted as Nово лето ‘New year’ and/or Nов индикт ‘New Indiction’. The beginning of the indictional year of the Byzantine Empire could also be on 23 September.

Five wooden calendars from southeastern Bulgaria The owners of the 5 calendars from southeastern Bulgaria were Bulgarian Christians, who were forced to move to these regions after the Liberation of the country from the Ottoman rule. Their families lived in eastern Thrace and Asia Minor on territories, which remained within the boundaries of Turkey after the Russo-Turkish War of 18771878, and the Bucharest peace treaty of 1913.11

However, the first notch on a wooden calendar does not always coincide with any of the above mentioned dates. For example, only in 8 out of the 16 studied calendars the notch for 1 September is at the beginning of the stick. These calendars are from the regions of Burgas (4 calendars), Haskovo (1), Kyustendil (1) and Smolyan (1), and there is 1 with an unknown place of origin.

 Only on two unpublished calendars from the Central Rhodopes (one is a replica of the other) the record begins with the notch for 1 January. 10  Koleva, V.: “Measuring Time in the Central Rhodopes”, Calendars, Symbols, and Orientations: Legacies of Astronomy in Culture. Proceedings of the SEAC Conference, 2001, Stockholm, (Blomberg, M, Blomberg, P. & Henriksson G., eds.), Uppsala, 2003, 43. 11  Райчевски Ст.: Източна Тракия. История, етноси, преселения XV– XX век., София, 1994. 9

The record on the remaining 8 sticks begins on 1 April (1 calendar from Burgas region), on 20 April (2 from  Дончев Сл.: “Писмеността на прабългарите и славянската азбука”, Исторически преглед, 2, 1971, 96-109. 8  Сефтерски, 2001: 13-14. 7

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Fig. 4. Scheme of the Akhtopol calendar (Source: Vakarelski). The letters ‘A’ and ‘Б’ mark the two ends of the stick. 1. The Akhtopol Calendar

marking the feasts 23 April (Gergyovden) and 26 October (Dimitrovden), really emphasizes the importance of these dates. A special sign (“zigzag”15) marks also 1 January. This proves that people were familiar with and used the January style as well. In our opinion, this sign is the capital letter ‘N’ from the old Cyrillic alphabet, which probably stands for Nово лето ‘New Year’ in Church Slavonic language. The latter is the liturgical language of the Orthodox Slavs, which has been written by the Bulgarians until the 19th century. The dates marked by square grooves – 20 September, 19 December, 18 March, and 21 June, are also interesting. The first three dates precede by 3 days significant astronomical moments in September, December, and March. The date 21 June precedes by 1 day the summer solstice. Similar square signs mark also the dates 1 June and 11 August.

The calendar has been handed in as a gift for the Ethnographic Museum in Sofia to its head Hristo Vakarelski in 1932 (Fig. 4). Unfortunately, the calendar is missing from the museum’s collection and the only information about it has been preserved in Vakarelski’s article.12 According to the last owner Todor Michailov, mayor of Akhtopol in 1932, the wooden calendar has been carried to Akhtopol from Ciknihor (once in Malko Turnovo region, now in Turkey) by his mother-in-law. It has been brought to Ciknihor as a gift from the Holy Mountain (Athos). Accor­ ding to Vakarelski’s description, the calendar is carved on a four-sided, 1170mm long beech stick. The months are distributed in groups of 6 on two opposite sides of the stick. The first side comprises the days from 1 October to 31 March, and the second one – from 1 April to 30 September. The months are separated from each other by wide grooves. According to the author, the signs on both sides are to be read in the same direction – from left to right, but after reading the first side “the right end of the stick is turned to the left”13 (Fig. 4). Another way to use the calendar is not to reverse the stick, but simply to rotate it round its long axis. Then day coun­ting proceeds between the ends A and Б of the stick in the so-called boustrophedon way, i.e. from left to right (October – March) and then from right to left (April – September).

Vakarelski does not comment on the surplus notch between 2 and 6 October, which could as well be a mistake in his scheme. Neither has the author identified the signs for 21 и 22 June, which are located in a damaged area of the stick. An important comment in terms of the dating of the calendar is that the sign for the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius (11 May) is “more recently incised”.16 Bulgarians started to celebrate it around the middle of the 19th century and it became an official holiday in 1860.17 Argirov was the first to use the presence and shape of the sign for 11 May as a touchstone when dating wooden calendars.18 Vakarelski supposes that the calendar maker has made a mistake placing some feast signs on wrong dates. For example, the Feast of the Protective Veil of the Virgin Mary is marked on 2 October instead of 1 October, St. Catherine on 25 November instead of 24 November, and St. Theodore Tiro on 16 February instead of

Vakarelski considers that the wooden calendar follows the folk economic calendar which starts in April, and points out the following facts as proofs: the two half-year periods begin on 1 October and 1 April, respectively, “and not in September and March. Besides, the biggest signs stand only for the two feasts: Dimitrovden and Gergyovden”.14 The type of the signs

 Вакарелски, 1936: 270.  Вакарелски, 1936: 271. 16  Вакарелски, 1936: 273. 17  Велев Г.: “Празникът Св. Кирил и Методий (11/12 май)”, Духовна култура, ХХХ, май, 1950, 5, 9-11. 18   Aргиров, 1896: 779-785. 14 15

 Вакарелски, H.: Духовна култура – Календар. Бит и език на тракийските и малоазийски българи. I - Бит, С., 1936: 269-273. 13  Вакарелски, 1936: 270. 12

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Fig. 5. Scheme of the Primorsko calendar (Source: Gorov). 17 February. The explanation for this discrepancy, according to us, lies in the origin of the calendar – if it has been made in some of the monasteries in the Holy Mountain (Mount Athos) before 1860,19 then it most probably reflects local church traditions and preferences.

yarn when dyeing. It is made of strong and durable wood (probably cornel).21 The four-sided stick is 1070 mm long and its sides are 25 and 15 mm wide. The day-notches are incised on two opposite edges in groups of 6 months. The months are separated from each other by intervals of about 5 mm without any notches. The signs of the feast days in each half-year are incised on the two adjacent sides of the respective edge as is seen in the scheme (Fig. 5). According to Gorov, the festive signs have been arranged like that and have different lengths in order to facilitate memory and to emphasize the importance of some feasts.22 The first edge comprises the days from 1 September to 29 February, and the second one – from 1 March to 31 August. Most probably, there is a mistake in Gorov’s scheme, where July has 30-day notches instead of 31.

This calendar does not mark the leap day. 2. The Primorsko Calendar The last owner of the calendar (Fig. 5), Ksati Mihova from the village of Kyupriya (now town of Primorsko), handed it in to Goro Gorov, head of the Historical Museum in Burgas, in 1938. At that time Ksati Mihova was 80 years old.20. She was born in the village of Murzevo (now called Kondolovo) in the region of Hasekiya (northeast Strandzha Mountain, along the valley of Veleka River). Her family moved to Kyupriya in 1879. This village was set up after the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 by families that had left the region of Hasekiya, which remained within the boundaries of Turkey. Ksati Mihova received the calendar from her mother-in-law, who, in her turn, had received it from her mother-in-law. They were all born and lived in Hasekiya.

According to Gorov, day counting goes from left to right on the first edge (1 September – 29 February) and then proceeds from right to left (1 March – 31 August) on the second edge. On his scheme, the author has marked the end of each edge, where day counting begins, with аn ‘A’, and the end where counting ends – with the Cyrillic letter ‘Б’. We cannot get a clear idea from Gorov’s short description whether same letters correspond to one and the same end of the stick (as in Vakarelski’s scheme), or not.

The calendar was called pop, which means priest in Bulgarian. Gorov supposes that it is about 250 years old. The stick is almost totally black because it has been used to stir

Among the festive signs the most numerous are the straight strokes, most of which continue along the adjacent side of

 Вакарелски, 1936: 273.  Горов Г.: “Странджанският вечен народен календар - “поп”, Море, 910, 1997, 9-11. (The calendar’s location is unknown at present.)

19

 Горов, 1997: 10.  Горов, 1997: 11.

20

21 22

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria Марта (Marta), Лъжитрев (Luzhitrev), Костадинскет (Kostadinsket), Тодороскет (Todorosket), Ягус (Yagus), and Елинцкет (Elintsket).25 They are in the dialect of the Hase­ kiya region and provide us with some valuable information. These month names are still used nowadays in the dialects of Kyustendil region and the Central Rhodopes.26 They are characteristic mainly of southern Bulgaria and have counterparts in Greece and Serbia.27 The explanation for the names’ distribution can be found in the forcible mass migration of people towards Constantinople and Asia Minor in 14th-15th centuries after the Ottoman Turks conquered Bulgaria and the neighbouring Balkan countries, as well as in the backward migration into Bulgaria in 19th-20th centuries when the Bulgarian Christian population was chased away from Turkey.28

the stick. This emphasizes the significance of the feast, and in some cases marks a special day, for example Sunday. Two intervals of 6 to 8 days before 25 December and before 6-7 January are specially marked. A big animal is depicted above the notches for 18 to 23 December. And indeed, 18 December is farmers and ploughmen’s holiday in the folk calendar,23 while St. Sebastian and St. Modestus are considered to be patrons of cattle. The dates 20, 21 and 22 May are specially market and, according to Ksati Mihova, they depict the sacred drum of the so-called nestinari – Christian communities in the Hasekiya region with a somewhat peculiar ritualism. The date 21 May is the feast of SS. Constantine, Emperor, and his Mother Helen, and it is the most important religious holiday of the nestinari. They call the festival Kostadin and on that day perform ritual dances on glowing embers holding the icon of the two saints. In our opinion, the signs of the three days represent two straight lines for 20 and 22 May, and the letter ‘K’ for 21 May (for Kostadin). The letter-sign and the marking of the two adjacent dates (just like the Forefeast and Afterfeast of the biggest liturgical feasts) emphasize the significance of the festival. The date 21 May is an important feast elsewhere in Bulgaria as well. On the same date in the Central Rhodopes a shepherd ritual takes place when the sheep are milked for the first time in the current year.

This calendar marks the leap day with a day-notch only. 3. The Lyulyakovo Calendar The family history of this calendar’s last owners was studied by Iliya Georgiev, a historian and ethnographer, professor at the Burgas University “Prof. Asen Zlatarov”.29 The calendar’s owners were Bulgarians who moved to Lyulyakovo from the village of Chatal Tepe, Lampsak region in Asia Minor, in 1913. Legends tell that Chatal Tepe was set up in the 17th18th centuries by Bulgarians who left their villages near Ivaylovgrad in the Haskovo region, in order to make charcoal and breed stock for a living. In 1913, their descendants were forced to migrate to the newly liberated Bulgaria together with a large number of other Christian Bulgarians from Asia Minor and eastern Thrace, whose homes remained within Turkey.

The sign standing for 8 June (the day of St. Theodore the General), depicts, according to Ksati Mihova, a sickle which symbolizes the beginning of the harvest-time. Besides the signs described in Gorov’s article, we will pay attention to several others as well. The sign for 30 November (St. Andrew’s Day) resembles the symbol of the number ‘30’ in the archaic Roman number writing – three parallel lines and a fourth one running across.24 Here the number is related to the feast date.

The calendar from Lyulyakovo is at least 200 years old. It is made of poplar30 and the wood is worm-eaten. The stick is slightly curved and is unusually light – only 140 grams. The stick is dark brown to black. There are traces of some white stuff in the notches. There are peeled-off spots on the surface, which suggest that the calendar has a kind of varnish coating. Probably later incised notches reveal wood of light brown colour. The four-sided stick is 713 mm long and the width of its sides varies between 17 and 25 mm.

The sign for 9 March (Holy 40 Martyrs of Sebastian) can also be interpreted in terms of number value. It resembles a sty­ lized plant with 9 branches. Similar signs for 9 March can also be found on calendars from the Smolyan region. (See Figure 3, second group – the last sign in the first column and the sixth signs in the next three columns.) They can also be read as ‘40’ (a reference to the holiday) according to the archaic Roman number writing. The uppermost horizontal strokes in the signs from columns 2 and 3 can represent a tilde, marker of number value in the old alphabets.

This is one of the three Bulgarian wooden calendars whose day-notches are incised on all the four edges of the stick (Fig. 6). Nine wider and 20 to 50 mm long notches, varying in shape, separate the 12 months from one another. The months are distributed in seasons, in groups of three, on each of the four edges. The first edge comprises the days from 1 September to 30 November, the second one – from 1 December to 29 February, the third one – from 1 March

There are some discrepancies and lapses in Gorov’s sign identifications, which we have tried to correct here (Table 1).

 Горов, 1997: 9-10.  Koleva V.: 2003, 42. 27  ЗаимовЙ.: “Българските народни имена на месеците”, Известия на Института за български език, т. 3, 1954 101 – 147. 28  Райчевски, 1994: 9 - 18; 185 - 200. 29  Koleva V., Georgiev I.: “A Wooden Calendar from Southeastern Bulgaria”, Aerospace Research in Bulgaria. Proceedings of the Balkan astronomical Meeting, 2004, June 14-18, Rozhen, Bulgaria (in press) (The ca­lendar is kept in a private collection.) 30  According to Atanas Atanasov, a woodwork master from Burgas.

In his scheme (Fig. 5), Gorov has written the folk names of the months: Кръстоскет, (Krustosket), Димитроскет (Dimitrosket), Рехангелускет (Rehangelusket), Никулскет (Nikulsket), Голямйят (Golyamiyat), Малкет (Malket),

25 26

 Горов, 1997: 11.  Filep L, Bereznai G.: A számírás története. Budapest, 1999 (First edition: Budapest, 1982).

23 24

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Fig. 6. Scheme of the Lyulyakovo calendar (Source: Koleva, Georgiev) to 31 May, and the fourth edge – from 1 June to 31 August. When reading the calendar we only turn the stick round its long axis. Day counting proceeds without a break from right to left (A1 – B1), then from left to right (B2 – A2), again from right to left (A3 – B3) and from left to right (B4 – A4) (boustrophedon). Here and in the descriptions of the next two calendars the letters A and B mark the two ends of each stick. The numbers 1, 2, etc. mark the sides of the sticks where the feast signs are incised.

There is a circle with a stroke pointing to August right below the notch for 31 July, which most probably shows direction of day counting because that is the beginning of the Dormition Fast.

The structure of the calendar record is especially interesting. The dates 24 June (Nativity of St. John the Baptist) and 25 December (Nativity of Jesus), which are related to the summer and winter solstices, are on the left half of the stick.

4. The First Malko Turnovo Calendar

The calendar also marks the leap day. There is a short inclined line above the notches for 28 and 29 February. It might show the two possible ways of reckoning – 28 days in a normal year and 29 days in a leap year.

The calendar (Fig. 7) is kept in the collection of the Historical Museum in Malko Turnovo and is registered under No 600.31 According to Milka Kolarova, a local historian and teacher, the calendar’s last owner Keraca Kovacheva bestowed it on a newly set-up local museum called the House of Ethnography around the year 1982. She had probably inherited the calendar from her grandmother. (The family name Kovacheva comes from kovach “smith”. Kovacheva’s grand-grandfather was a smith and forged candlesticks for churches. His family moved from the village of Pirok, Lozengrad region.) The name ΚΙΡΑΙΖΑ is clearly inscribed in capital Greek letters on one of the blank sides of the stick parallel to the first days of January.

The dates 25 March (The Annunciation) and 23 September (Conception of St. John the Baptist) related to the vernal and autumn equinoxes, respectively, are to be found on the right end of the stick. The days 23 April (St. George’s Day) and 26 October (St. Demetrius’ Day), as well as 18 January (midwinter, St. Athanasius’ Day) and 20 July (midsummer, Prophet Elijah) are to be found in the middle part of the stick. All the four dates are seasonal markers in the Bulgarian folk calendar. Two groups of days in March and December are specially emphasized. This is probably related to important astronomical moments such as the vernal equinox and the winter solstice after the Julian calendar in the 19th century.

The stick is 1390 mm long and the sides are 20 or 30 mm wide. The two ends of the stick are shaped into short (about 50 mm) and straight handles. The wood is light brown, worm-eaten and here and there small pieces have been broken off. The day notches are incised on two opposite edges, and the festive days on two adjacent sides. The edges contain 6 months each, which are separated from each other

A small hole, visibly incised later in the groove following December, probably points to the beginning of the civil year –1 January. Along with the festive sign for 1 January, the Cyrillic letter ‘C’ (for Сурва (Surva) – the Bulgarian folk name for the feast of Circumcision of Jesus) has also been added later. The sign for 26 October (St. Demetrius’ Day) is the Cyrillic ‘Д’ for Димитровден (Dimitrovden). To the rare peculiarity of this calendar – the aforementioned letter signs – we could add the letter signs ‘А’ on 8 November (for Archangelovden ‘Day of St. Archangel Michael’), on 9 December (for Anino zachatie ‘Conception of the Virgin Mary by St. Anne’), and on 2 February (for Venerable Anne).

 I would like to thank the archaeologist Konstantin Gospodinov and Maria Yovcheva, head of the Historical Museum in Malko Turnovo, for the opportunity to study personally the two wooden calendars No 600 and No 601 from the collection. I am also grateful to Milka Kolarova for the additional information about the two calendars.

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria by a small oval groove and an interval without any notches, or by a wider groove only. The first edge comprises the days from 1 September to 29 February, and the other one from 1 March to 31 August. Days are counted from right to left on both sides. Two long parallel lines are incised on the handle of the stick at the end A1. Next to them, there is a groove (like the ones that separate the months), after which September begins. There is one inclined short line on the handle at A2, and a groove to the right of 1 March (just like the one before 1 September).

of the signs resembles the ‘8’ from the neighbouring figures ‘185’). Two illegible inscriptions with small Greek letters are seen further to the left. On this calendar there are two sets of thin lines, independent of each other, which seam to have been used to determine the Sundays and the movable feasts. For example, starting from 3 September until the end of February, long and very thin strokes occur almost every seven days on the blank side adjacent to A1-B1 (not in the scheme). Also, thin strokes occur every seven days starting from 7 March almost until the end of August on the A2-B2 side among the feast signs.

A peculiarity in the structure of the calendar record is that it allows to define easily the four seasons. The winter and the summer lie parallel to each other in the left half of the stick, while the autumn and the spring run parallel to each other in the right half. A kind of a centre of symmetry of the stick is a single notch in the middle of it. The notch is incised on the blank edge opposite to 3 December and 1 June. Thus, in a way, this notch divides the two half-year periods into four groups of 3 months or into four seasons.

5. Second Malko Turnovo calendar The calendar (Fig. 8) is registered under No 601 in the collection of the Historical Museum in Malko Turnovo. Milka Kolarova herself has bestowed it on the museum in 1986. She received it from her sister-in-law Zlatka Drekova (born 1910), a descendant from a family that used to live in the village of Maglavit, once in Malko Turnovo region, now in Turkey. Drekova in her turn received the calendar as a gift from an old woman that she took care of in the last years of the old woman’s life. According to Drekova, the old woman could “read the calendar” very well. Drekova herself was a strong Christian believer.

The calendar marks the leap day. A group of three straight and one inclined (longer) strokes is incised on the handle at B1, next to the leap-day notch. These strokes might be related to the alternation of the three normal and one leap years in the 4-year calendar cycle. On the opposite side of the handle at B2, there is a similar group of one inclined (longer) and three vertical lines after 31 August. The inscriptions on this calendar are particularly interesting. Below the notches for 3 and 4 September, the capital letter ‘N’ is incised (Fig. 7) and stands for Nово лето ‘New Year’, like the letter ‘N’ on the Akhtopol calendar (Fig. 4). Between 1 January and 31 December, one can clearly see the figures ‘185’ and a small carved square right next to them. One of the possible interpretations for that combination is that it means the year 1850 CE. The two signs seen to the left of 1 January can be read as the numbers ‘XI’ or ‘81’ (the first

The calendar is made of hard wood. It is dark brown and reddish here and there. The four-sided stick is 1040 mm long while the width of its sides varies between 15 and 20 mm. One of the ends represents a well-shaped straight handle, which is 95 mm long and its sides are 10 and 15 mm wide. The other end of the stick has been broken off and the place has been smoothed. Similar to calendar No 600, it is possible that at this end, too, there has been a handle. In that case, the total length of the stick together with the missing right end could be estimated at about 1300 mm.

Fig. 7. Scheme of the first Malko Turnovo calendar 101

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 8. Scheme of the second Malko Turnovo calendar As in the case of the first Malko Turnovo calendar here, too, the day notches are incised on two opposite edges and the festive days on two adjacent sides. The edges contain 6 months each which are separated from each other by a small oval groove. The first edge comprises the days from 1 September to 28 February, and the second one – from 1 March to 31 August. Days are counted from right to left and then from left to right (boustrophedon). Most of the notches of September and August are missing on this calendar since they have been on the broken-off end of the stick. A characteristic feature here are the rows of 2-3 small shallow holes. They do not follow a strict pattern but some of them occur in intervals of 7 and 14 as well as of 5 and 10 days. Others complement the important feasts in the calendar.

of great regional importance – 8 February (St. Theodore the General), 1 May (Prophet Jeremiah), 1 August (Holy 7 Maccabean Martyrs). The Bulgarian saints Venerable John of Rila (1 July and 19 October) and Venerable Petka (Parasceve) of Turnovo (14 October), too, are not marked on all calendars. Some dates are marked by simple signs on one or two calendars only, for instance: 24 December (Nativity Eve), 9 September (Afterfeast of the Nativity of Virgin Mary), 13 September (Forefeast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross), 5 and 7 August (Forefeast and Afterfeast of the Transfiguration). Other dates are marked by tiny signs including short strokes, single holes and small squares and, again, are found on one or two calendars only. Such are for example 7 December, 19 December, 24 January, 19 February, etc. Occasionally, there are more recent or unusual signs that may mark days from the Easter cycle (Sundays) from February to June. Probably such signs mark also some family, economic or regional events, rather than the minor immovable church feasts, which they coincide with. In some cases, the days that are close in time to the astronomically important moments of equinoxes and solstices in the given epoch are especially emphasized.

This calendar does not mark the leap day. The feasts Table 1 shows the identification of the marked dates with the fixed Orthodox feasts as well as their distribution on the five calendars.32 Columns 1 to 5 correspond to the five calendars in the order in which they have been presented above. The ‘+’ means that there is a sign for the given date on the respective calendar. If a date is not marked on a calendar, the respective cell is empty.

The diagrams in Table 2 present а comparison between the distribution of the dates marked with any sign on the 5 calendars from southeastern Bulgaria (white columns) on the one hand, and on the 11 calendars mentioned above (black columns) on the other. We think that the available data allow assuming a 60 percent frequency of occurrence to be a good criterion for the extent of importance of a given marked date.

There are 50 significant Orthodox feasts that are marked on each of the five calendars (including five very important religious holidays that fall on the broken-off end of the last calendar: 8 and 14 September, 15, 23 and 29 August). Their signs are usually bigger and richly ornamented. The fact that other big religious holidays lack from one or two of the calendars probably means that they have not been

The big holidays (such as the feasts of Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ, John the Baptist, Apostles, Megalomartyrs and Old Testament prophets) total 90 and have a frequency of occurrence equal to or higher than 60 percent each. They are marked with big, more richly ornamented and well outlined

 I am grateful to Prof. Cynthia Vakareliyska from Oregon University, USA, for the useful discussion about the Orthodox festival system and the English orthography of the feast names.

32

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria Conclusions

signs, which have been incised already at the time of making of the calendar. Dates with a frequency of occurrence below 60 percent are marked with simpler and smaller signs as well as with tiny signs incised later. The comparative study of the calendars from the two groups (Table 2) outlines, according to us, the feasts of local significance, for example: 11 November, 18 December, 3 February, etc., as well as 21 May, which is emphasized by the accompanying Forefeast 20 May and Afterfeast on 22 May. The influence of the Greek tradition could explain that a big sign marks the date 25 November (the day of St. Catherine) on part of the calendars, as well as the date 24 November (the day of St. Catherine according to the Bulgarian tradition of the 19th century) on others. The sporadic dates marked with tiny signs can be defined as “auxiliary”. They are not required by the canon and are rather used to make calendar calculations in order to determine the Sundays and the movable feasts, for instance. They are most numerous in the period March-April. Although the statistical data are not sufficiently representative, they allow to introduce criteria for the significance of a given canonic feast as well as for the purpose of the signs. The common people celebrate a large number of folk feasts along with the official ecclesiastic ones. Very often magical acts and astrological beliefs about good and bad days interweave in the folk ritualism masked behind big church feasts. In order to know when to celebrate Mishin-den ‘Mouse-day’ (27 October) one should be able to find Dimitrovden (26 October) on the calendar; Mechkin-den ‘Bear-day’ coincides with Andreevden (30 November), while the Vulchi praznici ‘Wolf Feasts’ are celebrated along with the three-day holiday series St. Tryphon, Presentation of Jesus in the Temple, and St. Simeon and Anne the Prophetess (1, 2 and 3 February). Thus, in order to use the wooden calendar one should be able to count out days and periods from one feast to the other, to determine the weekdays in each year, and to follow the moon phases.

103

The study of the five wooden calendars from southeastern Bulgaria and their comparison with such calendars from other regions in southern Bulgaria demonstrates the exis­ tence of certain (local) canonic rules, which guide the choice of shape, size and signs of the stick. The latter, in their turn, render a characteristic look of the Bulgarian wooden calendars. The structure of the calendar record has been thought over carefully and assists the mnemonics, which speaks for thorough knowledge of the official and the traditional folk calendars. The ecclesiastical nature of the calendar information and the numerous primary and secondary feasts as well as some auxiliary signs confirm the conclusions of some authors that initially these objects have been made for the needs of the priests and the psaltes, who served the religious cult in an epoch when there was shortage of liturgical books and printed almanacs. Wooden calendars grew popular also among the predominantly illiterate population in the villages. The practice to incise notches on wooden sticks in order to keep record of payments with money or goods over long periods of time has been widespread and probably older. The wooden calendar has originated in order to satisfy similar needs. It helped people to count out shorter or longer spans of time for years on end, to predict events and holidays, and to plan economic activities. The coexistence of church and folk feasts shows clearly the way in which the Christian religion has spread and established itself. The fate of these five “eternal” calendars proves that they used to be important tools for preser­ving and passing on the faith by different generations and under different social and historical circumstances. The study of the scanty data on the relation between the Bulgarian wooden calendars with some monastery centres is of importance and will help reveal the calendars’ origin and spreading. We need more data for comparison in order to determine the role of the wooden calendars in the establishment of the Orthodox liturgical calendar and the mutual influences with other European traditions during the Middle Ages.

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Table 1. Identification of the marked dates with the fixed Orthodox feasts and their distribution on the five calendars from southeastern Bulgaria. Date 1 2 8 9 13 14 20 23 26

1 2 3 5 6 7 14

15 18 19 23 26 27 30 1 2

6 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

16

Feast in the Orthodox calendar September Beginning of the Ecclesiastical Year; Venerable Simeon Stylites St. Mamas of Caesarea, Martyr; St. John the Faster of Constantinople Nativity of the Virgin Mary Afterfeast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary; SS. Joachim and Anne Forefeast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross Exaltation of the Holy Cross St. Eustathius, Megalomartyr Conception of St. John the Baptist Dormition of St. John the Theologian, Apostle and Evangelist October SS. Ananias, Apostle and Romanus the Melodist; Feast of the Protective Veil of the Virgin Mary St. Cyprian, Martyr; St. Justina of Nicomedia, Martyr St. Dionysius the Areopagite of Athens, Martyr St. Charitina of Amisus, Martyr St. Thomas, Apostle SS. Sergius and Bacchus in Syria, Martyrs SS. Nazarius, Gervasius, Protase, Celsus of Milan, Martyrs; Venerable Petka (Parasceve) of Turnovo St. Lukian of Antioch, Martyr; Venerable Euthymius the New of Thessalonica St. Luke, Apostle and Evangelist Transfer of the Relics of Venerable John of Rila in Bulgaria; Prophet Joel St. James First Bishop of Jerusalem, Apostle St. Demetrius of Thessalonica, Megalomartyr St. Nestor of Thessalonica, Martyr SS. Zenobius and Zenobia of Aegae, Martyrs November SS. Cosmas and Damian the Silverless of Mesopotamia, Miracle Workers SS. Acindynus, Pegasius, Aphthonius, Elpidephorus and Anempodistus of Persia, Martyrs St. Paul of Constantinople, Confessor

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Date Feast in the Orthodox calendar 18 SS. Plato of Ancyra and Roman of Caesarea, Martyrs 21 Presentation of the Virgin Mary in the Temple 22 SS. Philemon, Archipus and Appia, Apostles 24 St. Catherine of Alexandria, Megalomartyr; 25 Apodosis of the Presentation of the Virgin Mary; St. Catherine of Alexandria, Megalomartyr; St. Clement Pope of Rome, Megalomartyr 26 Venerable Alypius Stylites 28 Venerable Stephen of Athos, Martyr and Confessor 30 St. Andrew the First-called, Apostle December 1 Prophet Nahum 4 St. Barbara of Hieliapolis, Megalomartyr; Venerable John of Damascus 5 Venerable Sabbas the Sanctified 6 St. Nicholas of Myra in Lycia, Miracle Worker 7 St. Ambrose of Milan 9 Conception of the Virgin Mary by St. Anne 12 Venerable Spiridon of Trimythus, Miracle Worker 14 SS. Thyrsus, Leucius and Philemon, Martyrs 15 St. Eleutherius of Illyria, Martyr 16 Prophet Haggai 17 Prophet Daniel 18 St. Sebastian of Rome, Martyr; St. Modestus of Jerusalem 19 St. Boniface of Tarsus, Martyr 20 Forefeast of the Nativity of Jesus; St. Ignatius the Theophoros of Antioch 21 St. Juliana, Martyr 22 St. Anastasia, Megalomartyr 23 Holy 10 Martyrs of Crete; Venerable Naum of Ohrid 24 Nativity Eve; Venerable Eugenia of Rome, Martyr 25 Nativity of Jesus 26 Synaxis of the Virgin Mary 27 Afterfeast of the Nativity of Jesus; St. Stephen, Apostle, Archdeacon and Protomartyr

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Synaxis of St. Archangel Michael SS. Onesiphorus and Porphyrius of Ephesus, Martyrs SS. Erastus, Olympas and Herodion, Apostles St. Menas of Egypt, Martyr St. John the Merciful of Alexandria St. John Chrysostom of Constantinople St. Philip, Apostle; Beginning of Nativity Fast Beginning of Nativity Fast; SS. Gurias, Samonas and Abibus, Martyrs

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St. Matthew, Apostle and Evangelist

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104

January Circumcision of Jesus; St. Basil the Great Synaxis of the 70 Apostles Eve of the Epiphany; Feast of the Holy Cross Epiphany – Baptism of Jesus Synaxis of St. John the Baptist St. Polyeuctus of Melelitene, Martyr St. Gregory of Nyssa Venerable Theodosius the Great Feast of the Chains of St. Peter Venerable Anthony the Great

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria Table 1. (continues from the previous page) Date Feast in the Orthodox calendar 18 St. Athanasius the Great 20 Venerable Euthymius the Great 24 Venerable Xenia of Rome 25 St. Gregory the Theologian of Constantinople 27 Transfer of the Relics of St. John Chrysostom 29 Transfer of the Relics of St. Ignatius the Theophoros 30 Synaxis of the Three Hierarchs February 1 Forefeast of the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple; St. Tryphon of Campsada, Martyr 2 Presentation of Jesus in the Temple 3 St. Simeon and Anne the Prophetess 8 St. Theodore the General, Megalomartyr; Prophet Zachariah 9 Apodosis of the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple; St. Nicephorus of Antioch, Martyr 10 St. Charalampus of Magnesia, Martyr 11 St. Blaise of Sebastia, Martyr 12 St. Meletius of Antioch 13 16 17 18 19 22 23 24 26 29

1 3 4 7 9 12 13 14 15 16 18 19 21 22 25 28 1 2 4

Venerable Martinian of Caesarea SS. Pamphilus of Caesarea and Porphirius, Martyrs St. Theodore Tiro, Megalomartyr St. Leo the Great, Pope of Rome SS. Archippus, Philemon and Apphia, Apostles SS. Maurice, Photinus, Theodore and Philip of Eugenia, Martyrs St. Polycarp of Smyrna, Martyr 1st and 2nd Discoveries of the Head of St. John the Baptist Venerable Porphyrius of Gaza Venerable John Cassian the Roman (in a leap year) March St. Eudoxia of Heliopolis, Martyr SS. Eutropius, Cleonicus and Basiliscus of Amasea, Martyrs Venerable Gerasimus of Jordan Holy 7 Martyrs of Cherson Holy 40 Martyrs of Sebastia St. Gregory Dialogus, Pope of Rome; Venerable Theophanes of Sigriane, Confessor Transfer of the Relics of St. Necephorus of Constantinople, Confessor Venerable Benedict of Nursia St. Agapius of Caesarea, Martyr St. Aristobulus, Apostle St. Cyril of Jerusalem SS. Chrysanthus and Daria of Rome, Martyrs Venerable James of Catania, Confessor St. Basil of Ancyra, Martyr The Annunciation Venerable Herodion, Apostle April Venerable Mary of Egypt Venerable Titus, Miracle Worker Venerable Joseph, Hymnographer

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25 27 30

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105

Feast in the Orthodox calendar St. Eutychius of Constantinople St. Terence and Pompeius of Carthage, Martyrs St. Antipas of Pergamos, Martyr Venerable Basil of Parium, Confessor St. Martin, Pope of Rome, Confessor St. Aristarchus, Apostle St. Simeon of Persia, Martyr Venerable John, Disciple of St. Gregory Decapolite Venerable Theodore Trichinas Venerable Theodore the Sykeote St. George, Megalomartyr St. Sabbas the General of Rome, Martyr; Venerable Elizabeth of Constantinople St. Mark, Apostle and Evangelist St. Symeon of Jerusalem, Martyr St. James, Son of Zabedee, Apostle May Prophet Jeremiah Transfer of the Relics of St. Athanasius the Great; St. Boris I (Michael), Prince of Bulgaria St. Job the Long-Suffering St. John Theologian, Apostle and Evangelist Transfer of the Relics of St. Nicholas, Miracle Worker; Prophet Isaiah Venerable Simeon the Zealot, Apostle SS. Cyril and Methodius St. Epiphanius of Constantia; St. German of Constantinople St. Glyceria of Heraclea, Martyr Venerable Theodore the Sanctified SS. Andronicus and Junia, Apostles St. Thallelaeus the Merciful, Martyr SS. Constantine, Emperor, and his Mother Helen St. Basiliscus of Comana, Martyr Venerable Simeon Stylites of the Wonderful Mountain 3rd Discovery of the Head of John the Baptist June St. Justin the Philosopher, Martyr St. Nicephorus of Constantinople, Confessor St. Lucillianus, Martyr St. Metrophanes of Constantinople St. Dorotheus of Tyre Venerable Bessarion of Egypt, Miracle Worker; Hilarion the New of Dalmatia Transfer of the Relics of St. Theodore the General, Megalomartyr St. Timothy of Prussa, Martyr; SS. Alexander and Antonina, Martyrs SS. Bartholomew and Barnabas, Apostles Venerable Onuphrius the Great Prophet Elisha Venerable Naum of Ohrid St. Julian of Tarsus, Martyr St. Eusebius of Samosata, Martyr Nativity of St. John the Baptist Venerable Sampson the Hospitable SS. Peter and Paul, Foremost of Apostles

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Table 1. (continues from the previous page) Date Feast in the Orthodox calendar 30 Synaxis of the 12 Apostles July 1 SS. Cosmas and Damian the Silverless, Miracle Workers; Transfer of the Relics of Venerable John of Rila from Turnovo to Rila in Bulgaria 2 Deposition of the Robe of the Virgin Mary 4 St. Andrew the Hymnographer of Crete 6 Venerable Sisoes the Great 7 St. Dominica (St. Cyriaca), Megalomartyr 8 St. Procopius of Caesarea, Megalomartyr 11 St. Euphemia, Megalomartyr 13 Synaxis of the Archangel Gabriel 15 SS. Cyriacus and Julitta of Tarsus, Martyrs 17 St. Marina of Antioch, Megalomartyr 18 St. Emilian of Durostorum, Martyr 19 Venerable Macrina; St. Dius of Antioch 20 Prophet Elijah the Tishbite 22 St. Mary Magdalene the Myrrhbearer 25 Dormition of St. Anne 26 St. Hermolaus of Nicomedia, Martyr; St. Parasceve of Rome, Martyr 27 St. Panteleimon, Megalomartyr; SS. Cyril and Methodius and their 5 Disciples

30 31

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1

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5

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6 7 8 11 13 14 15 16 17 22 23 29

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SS. Silas and Silvanus, Apostles St. Eudocimus of Cappadocia; Beginning of Dormition Fast; Forefeast of the Holy Cross August Procession of the Holy Cross; Holy 7 Maccabean Martyrs Forefeast of the Transfiguration; St. Eusignius of Antioch, Martyr Transfiguration Afterfeast of the Transfiguration; Venerable Dometius of Persia St. Emilian of Cyzicus, Confessor St. Euplius of Catania, Martyr Apodosis of the Transfiguration; Transfer of the Relics of St. Maximus, Confessor Forefeast of the Dormition Dormition Afterfeast of the Dormition; St. Diomedes of Tarsus, Martyr St. Myron of Cyzicus, Martyr St. Agathonicus of Nicomedia, Martyr Apodosis of the Dormition; St. Lupus of Thessalonica, Martyr Beheading of St. John the Baptist

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Table 2. Distribution of the marked dates in months on the five calendars from Burgas region (white columns) and on the eleven calendars from the regions of Smolyan, Haskovo, and Kyustendil (black columns).

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Wooden Calendars from Southeastern Bulgaria Table 2. (continues from the previous page)

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Celestial phenomena in Hungarian folk tradition

Szilvia Sebők

– is taken from the sky by a witch – but it can be a punishment from God

Existence of the people in the last centuries was determined by nature. They stood up and went to bed with it. Their everyday food depended on it. It was the base for their life. So it isn’t accident if they examined the changes of the nature, the weather and the sky; and tried to explain its secrets. They tried to find good explanations, than after can adjust to them or can influence these explanations with different practice.

When it’s a lunar eclipse the Moon is eaten by a not christened child or a virkolak; a half man and half wolf person. When the night comes the stars have helped in navigation for thousands of years. The maritime and the nomadic nations, like the Hungarians, know the stars well.

In all parts of Hungary it was generally believed that the Earth was a flat disc, above the ground there was the sky like a bell-glass. The Earth is held by animals: ox, buffalo, bear and whale. When these animals are moving there is an earthquake. The bell-glass is a massive crust. When it’s lighting, this bell-glass get torn and we can see the real-sky. We can see its light across the small holes, with the help of the stars. The Pleiades constellation’s name refers to this: Sievehole. The world has different levels according to Hungarian folk belief. These worlds are connected by the high-sky-tree. The shaman uses this tree to get over to different worlds and can meet the heavenly persons, the powers above.

As I already mentioned, the Altai people believed that the sky covers the Earth like a tent and the stars are the holes in it. The shaman can climb up to the Above World, on the pole of the tent, which is the symbol of the world tree, through the central hole of the tent. The Pole star shows the central hole in the sky. Its Hungarian folk name is ‘Borer Star’. People believed for a long time, that everybody had their own stars and if it fell from the sky, the owner died. When the night falls, we can see the first star, Venus. Really it’s a planet, but in the Hungarian tradition it is named the Evening star.

We can see the rainbow after rain. The rainbow is a mysterious bridge that connects the sky and the Earth.

The best known constellation is the Great Bear, the Göncöl’s farm-wagon in Hungarian. The shepherds could fix the correct time with its pole, so this cart is named the Clock of the Night. There are a lot of legends tell about its origin. For example, Göncöl was a shaman, his farm-wagon’s pole was broken once, but nobody wanted to help him, he got angry, so he lashed at his horses and flew up in the sky.

The warm, bright Sun goes from east to west in the sky. While we see it, we are in a safe place. But after sunset the ghosts and harmful persons time come. The Moon is the follower of the wanderers at night. It has an important part in the people’s life. We can see its changes with the naked eyes on his surface. On the Moon lives King David and Saint Ann playing the violin, and Cicelle is dancing here too, in the imagination of the people. And Abel’s bloodstains are on the Moon, too.

The Galaxy can be seen well at night in especially August. It is often called Milky Way or Army’s Road, and prince Csaba’s people go on it. Csaba was the dearest son of the Hun king, Atilla. The Székelys plot their descent from him. Because of the movement of the Earth, the sky shows us different faces, so we can enjoy different constellations in the different seasons.

The people were interested in the periodical changes of the Moon from an early period, because they discovered the connection between the ebb and flow, the woman’s periods and the changes of the Moon. So because of the last, the Moon became the mother, fertility incarnate. In agriculture the moon-calendar tries to profit from the analogous use of the influence of the Moon. The new moon is the start the growing, the full moon is the culmination of influence and with the waning moon it decreases, and the necessary agricultural works were put right.

The winter sky constellation is the Lame Kate or Great Dog. In it Sirius can be found. Lame Kate became lame because she stepped into the mower’s scythe, and now she is carrying the food-container after the reapers, limping. A new study should be written about stars and constellations’ names, but because of limited space in the present article I will examine folk-customs in Hungarian traditions of the summer and winter solstice.

When there is a solar eclipse people thought: – the sun is covered up by a mountain – or is eaten by a dragon or other animals: a lion, a wolf and rodents

I have picked out three: December 13, Luca’s day; December 26, regölés (recital of the ancient popular folk songs); June 24, Saint Ivan’s day. 109

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Let’s start with the latest, Saint Ivan’s day on the 24 of June. This is the day of the summer solstice. It is true that this actually falls on the 21 of June at this time, but tradition keeps the later date for Saint Ivan’s day. On this day Saint Ivan’s fire was burnt. This fire was pure, it protected the people from illnesses, fog and hail, and drove away devil persons. The fire was made on the fields of the village, and people gathered around it. The fire was quadrangular and was lit ceremonially. During the firejump they sang special songs and tried to find a company for every girl and boy. There is a saying: it’s long, like Saint Ivan’s song.

seat. It was not allowed to contain any kinds of metal! The chair had to be completely finished by Christmas. Than they went to the church with the chair for the Christmas mass. If somebody stood on the top of Luca’s chair, they could see the witches among the people coming out of the church, because they had horns on their head. After that he had to run fast, because the witches pursued him. If he sprinkled poppies behind himself the witches must stop and collect the seeds. When the lurker got home, he had to burn the Luca’s chair as soon as he could. This day was suitable to soothsaying about marriage. The marriageable girls cut paper into little pieces and wrote men’s names on it. Then they wrapped the pieces into dumplings and began to boil them. Which dumpling rose first contained the name of the prospective husband – so they thought.

To understand the winter festivals’ importance one first needs to start with calendar history. In 1487 the Gregorian calendar came into force in Hungary, and is still in use now. So the start of the church-year (Advent) and the civilian year (January 1) was separated. And because of this the beliefs and customs were duplicated. We can find early year customs at Xmas and in the new year. It is a fact, that before the calendar reform, December 13 was the shortest day of the year, so it was the winter solstice day. “The famous Saint Luca’s day is cutting the day short,” was said. Luca is a strange, two-faced woman. She represents the light (her name originates from word lux), charity in the figure of Saint Lucia, and women in the labour’s patron Lucina from the antique mythology, but she is a winter-demon, who punishes those who break the interdict of work in winter for women. The greetings in Luca’s day were known in all of Hungary except east Hungary.

People believed, that every day from the 13th of December to Christmas day, are equivalent to a month of the year. They concluded from the weather of these days, what the weather of the equivalent month of the next year would be. It seemed to be a lovely day of the year for the married woman, because they must not work. Sewing and spinning wasn’t allowed on this day. People thought they sew up the behind of hens and hens couldn’t lay eggs. Baking was also forbidden. Bread turned to stone – or so it was told. However seated work related to decoupling (for example plucking feathers and husking beans) was allowed. Another folk custom of the winter solstice was the regölés, the singing of ancient folk songs, when minstrels came. On the 26th of December bachelors and married men visited houses and told poetic addresses, wishing fertility and affluence for the next year. Scientists have discovered marks of the pagan tradition related to solstice in this convention. This custom was kept up in Transdanubia and Transylvania for a long time, other places had only some traces of it. Hungarian researchers study it a lot as they hope to find within it the remains of ancient Finno-Ugoric pagan custom which celebrated the summer solstice. It is a fact that the motif of the song connected with the mythical stag of Hungarian prehistory has archaic features. Some claim that it is the remains of a shaman’s song.

On this day people needed to be defend from witches, but this day was suitable for fertility practices, mainly they tried to help the fertility of poultry and other domestic animals, but in Transdanubia funny-erotic poems also tried to help men’s sexual ability. Generally little boys and bachelors went to say Lucagreetings, rarely girls. In Transdanubia the little boys kneeled down on the straw and told the best wishes. The tenants spilled water or corn on them. The boys practised magic, so that the hens would be productive in laying eggs.

Minstrels brought along bagpipes made from jug, flutes, sticks with chain in order to make noise and accompany their songs. At those houses where marriageable girls lived, they asked permission to relate the saga.

Somewhere else, Luca wore a white veil and rewarded or punished children whether they behaved well or badly.

In the opening speech they talked about their exhausting journey to get there. Than they told the legend of the mythical stag. It was followed by fertility witchcraft and a boy with a girl connecting magic.

On this day young men made jokes: changed the front doors, and took wagons apart and reassembling it on the roof. The farmers were very angry. In other corners of the country, Luca-lamps were made from pumpkin, as in the AngloSaxon regions at Halloween.

Presents had to be donated to the minstrels for their work. If they hadn’t got anything or got a tiny present, when they went out of the house they said: “God, give to this owner 100 bushels of peas for 100 acres of land, than give a coffin for him! God, give to him one dirty pig for 100 pens!”

This was the time to begin to make the Luca’s chair. It was made from 9 different kinds of wood – 4 kinds for the chair legs, 4 kinds for the pins to fix the legs and 1 kind for the 110

Celestial phenomena in Hungarian folk tradition The mythical stag ,which browse on the fields by the side of a clear river, is a very important character of the minstrels’ performance. It has big antlers with thousands of branches. The Moon, the Sun and the stars are worn on it’s body.

This image symbols probably the sky at the time of the winter solstice, and as it mentioned, this time was fit for doing fertility magic. Now, the picture of the mythical stag has an aesthetic value only. Nowadays the minstrels don’t know how and where from the stag got into the story. People only see: it’s a very nice sight!

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

112

THE PLEIADES CONSTELLATION’S ETHNOASTRONOMICAL ASPECTS AND THE ROMANIAN PEASANTS

Florin Stanescu Faculty of Sciences University “Lucian Blaga” Sibiu, Romania

according to their link to the agricultural cycle, they were celebrated in June, when their apparition coincided with New Year’s Eve, and human sacrifices were made – the victims threw themselves into a deep pit. The Pleiades were considered as protecting the crops, the ripeness of the produce and as watching over the corn, which they protected from drying out. Again in ancient Peru, father Francisco de Avila noticed that the Yunca Indians used to carefully observe the apparition of this Constellation: if the stars appeared in a larger size, they thought that the year would be rich; if they appeared smaller, it was a sign of poverty (Chevalier, 1995: 109)

Abstract The present paper is part of a larger project which has in view, among other aims, the creation of a knowledge database to be used in the field of several compared ethnocultural analyses. The project has also in view, starting with the present year, to provide access on the Internet. This very first part aims to present the Romanian, Lithuanian, Bulgarian and Russian ethnoastronomy related to some aspects regarding the present constellation database which in the near future is going to be charged with other people’s astronomy, from antiquity up to the present time.

Ancient Egyptians used to call month November AtharAye or Athor, “the Pleiades’ month” (Otescu, 1907: 198); Assyrians called it Kitmu or Familia “the family”( Otescu, 1907: 199); the Jews and the Kimah Arabians “the cluster” or “seal” (Otescu, 1907: 199). Australian aborigines considered them as being holy girls (named corroboree) dancing during a nocturnal celebration (Chevalier, 1995: 107); for the North American Indians they are sacred dancing girls (Chevalier, 1995: 108); for the “laponi” a group of girls (Chevalier, 1995: 108). The Polynesian aborigines, used the same divisions: half of the year was named “Matarii I nia”, Meaning ‘Pleiades up’, the other half “Matarii I raro”, meaning ‘Pleiades down’ (Otescu, 1907: 197)

I. Depiction of the Constellation. Astronomical Aspects. The Pleiades star cluster, one of the most easily observable open star clusters of the northern hemisphere, with an apparent diameter of 20’, is placed in the Tauri constellation, having a right ascension of 3h 45m and a declination of 24 grades. The cluster comprises about 100 stars of which 7, sometimes even 9 stars, are visible with the naked eye. The most important star, Alcyone, which means “peace” (Temennu – “Foundation stone” for the Babylonians or Amba, “mama” (mother) in Hindu), a star of the third size, is considered by some ancient and modern astronomers as being a central sun of the Pleiades cluster. The rest of the stars bear the following names: Pleione, Atlas, Electra, Celaeno, Taygeta, Maya, Asterope and Merope. Their distance from us is estimated to be 130 parsecs (425 light years).

Hesiod (for the ancient Greeks), used to set the camp activities/work according to the Pleiades, which symbolized the seven girls or seven doves of Aphrodite; the ancient Latins used to call the constellation Vergiliae “spring stars”. The legends in which the Pleiades are related to the seven brothers, can explain some way or other, why one star (out of all seven) is the smallest in the cluster. As is well-known, there is a link between Merope and the seven sisters of Atlas (the Titan) and Pleione (an Oceanide), in Greek mythology. There is an explanation that all six sisters married gods, except for Merope who married the mortal Sisyphus. That is why she is hiding from people’s eye/human eye.

II. Constellation Survey As mentioned in Les Etoiles, written by Flammarion, in the beginning, just before having any knowledge regarding the solar year, people used to set their calendars according to the stars. The year used to start with the rise of the Pleiades, in springtime, which would explain, it seems, the astrological importance of the Constellation (Flammarion, 1970: 165).

The Greek name Pleiades – Πελειαδεζ – can also be explained as being “Pleione’s daughters” (one of the Oceanides), as an ancient Greek derivation for “wild pigeons”; Homer mentions them in his Odyssey, and the Bible has three references to the Pleiades.

The name of the first house (or Xiu, division) of the monthly Chinese zodiac is Mao, the Pleiades. (Taton, 1970: 198). In Polynesia, as well as in Peru, the year started on the day when this Constellation appeared on the horizon (Otescu, 1907: 231). At these last two locations, as well as in Ancient Greek, this star cluster is (or was) regarded as protecting agriculture.

The Chinese astronomical annals preserved their observation on the star cluster made in 2357 B.C., as marking the spring equinox. This aspect/fact corresponds to the retrospective modern calculation, due to the equinoctial precession (Taton, 1970: 201). The Constellation’s nomination is very old. The Romans used to name it Palilicium, because the Palilia were celebrated – their epoch being called accordingly to the

The Pleiades Constellation was of highest importance within the cosmogonic-religious system of Inca people. Worshipped 113

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography rise of the stars (Otescu, 1907: 241). Nine centuries ago, the Arabians used to call it Dagagea al-sama banatihi, that is to say “The celestial/heavenly Hatching Hen with Chickens” (Otescu, 1907: 245).

“...Saint George (Sf. Gheorghe) sold it for a cart full of hay, and later Saint Peter (Sf. Petre) sold it for ten carts...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 12) There is another belief in the village, namely, he who sees the Hen rising, is well regarded by God:

The Mandjia people of East Sudan, consider that in the Pleiades there is a place where beautiful women go after passing away; according to their tradition, the Pleiades are some girls desired by Seto, the civilizing hero, (the mygale spider), represented in the sky by the Orion Constellation (Chevalier, 1995: 108).

“… Those who have a good heart can see the Hen the second day after Duminica mare (Holy Sunday), as for the others, they cannot see it even if it lasted for a whole week. Those worthy seeing it after the Holy Sunday, God says they were good people. But they are all sinners, ‘cause it’s still clouded. If they were hardworking, they would see it...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 29).

Through extension, the Pleiades designate a group of seven wise, beautiful and illustrious persons. French peasants also name this group/cluster “poule au poussin” or “la pleiade”, ‘Hatcing Hen with Chickens’ (Otescu, 1907: 195), as we also do in fact. They also call it “la grappes de raisin”, ‘bunch of grapes’ (Otescu, 1907: 195).

Another observer notes: “...When the shepherds take the sheep to the mountains, they wake up early in the morning to see the Hen rising, and if God thinks they had good hearts, they shall see it. If not, they doze off right when it rises and disappears. The shepherds stay awake for two mornings, for three, and if they see it, it is a sign that they are good for God...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 26)

III. The Pleiades and the Romanian Peasant A. Transylvania In 1932 and 1934, Ion I. Ionica undertook, within the Romanian Social Sciences Institute, research at Dragus (a village placed near Fagaras) regarding some spiritual manifestations of the Transylvanian peasant. The sociological monograph was published in 1944, in “Biblioteca de Sociologie, Etica si Politica”, (Sociological, Ethical and Political Library) under the leadership of D. Gusti, entitled “Dragus, a village in Valea Oltului. Celestial representation”. The paper comprises, besides elements of descriptive celestial physics or depiction of large spatial and temporal frames, the representation of social groups regarding agricultural and pastoral constellations. The Pleiades have a special place within these.

3) The Motion of the Constellation: More exactly, the disparition phenomenon of the Constellation from the nocturnal circuit at the same time as the increase of the days, around summer, is carefully observed: “... between St. George (Sf. Gheorghe) and St. Peter (Sf. Patru) there is no Hen...” or: “... since March up to the wholy Sunday, one cannot see any Hen...” and: “...the Hen cannot be seen until the evening of St. George’s (Sf. Gheorghe), only on the wholy Sunday, when it rises...” or: ‘...starting with the holy Sunday, it increases and increases and then sets out and only after that sets down, going an underground way, or whatever...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 45).

The Hen or Hazel Hen, seldom found under the name of “Closca cu pui” – “Hatching-Hen with Chickens”, is recognized by all informers as being the most familiar constellation of those known at Dragus. The name of the constellation is very old: “...so we heard of from our forefathers...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 45 ; Vulcanescu, 1984: 404405)

At the same time, the Constellation is used as a calendar, marking and starting certain activities: “...if the Hen comes at noon, I shall know October is here. After October and December pass, the Hen moves further, sets down and the day begins. When we slaughter the pig we use to say: let’s slaughter the pig ‘cause the Hen’s set down !” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 33)

1) Depiction: The constellation depiction depends on the observer, and mainly on his or her watching ability: “a star cluster” or “about six or eight stars, all around the same spot” or “the Hen has seven stars” or “it resembles the Hatching Hen with Chickens, but the Hatching Hen has a thicker waist; and anyone seeing it agrees”. Others see more: “they are so numerous that you cannot count them; about sixty or so...” or “deeper down there are some stars. I don’t know: are there five stars? Believe me, I did not count them, all I know is that they look as a hen” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 34).

4) Magic Influences: The Hen, a little stellar creature, influences, within local belief, the growth of the corn; she used to eat the worms from the maize’s root: “...Then, on the holy Sunday, the maize too rises to see the Hen. After delving the maize for the first time, it already rises, ‘feeling happy’ to see the Hen... As much as the Hen rises, as much does the maize. Ever since, the worms did not eat the roots anymore! So they use to say that after the hen rises, the worms have no longer the right to eat the maize! They say, the Hen eats the worm...it is more like a fairy tale; but the worm

2) Legends and Beliefs: There exists the following legend related to the presence and disparition phenomenon of the constellation, a fact very carefully noted by local people: 114

The Pleiades Constellation’s Ethnoastronomical Aspects and the Romanian Peasants cannot eat the maize’s root anymore...” (Ion Ionica, 1944: 18).

4) The Motion of the Constellation Depending on the motion and observation of the constellation, she is both agricultural and pastoral. “Sometimes the Pleiades are called “Steaua Pastorului”, “Shepherds’ Stars”. As long as shepherds used to watch during spring those stars which set down at dawn (it was actually a heliacal setting of the constellation ). And after the setting sheep were allowed to eat grass” (Neamt). In fact, local people used to say: “When it grows dark and the Hazel Hen is at the wooden bell (which, being sounded calls people to church) [that is to say, at the height of the Sun right when the vesper bell tolls], then people know that the sheep has had enough grass”. (Ion Ionica, 1944: 33).

B. Muntenia and Moldova In 1907, Professor I. Otescu lectured at the Romanian Academy on “The Romanian Peasant Belief Regarding the Sky and Stars”, this paper being the outcome of sociological research done with the help of teachers and priests of the two Romanian provinces. Generally named “Closca cu pui”, ‘Hatching Hen with Chickens’ (at Arges and Prahova), or “Gainusa”, ‘Haze Hen’ (at Botosani, Neamt and Dorohoi), the Pleiades make up a special constellation within these two provinces. The resemblance with several Transylvanian beliefs is amazing, coming very close to identification.

The unity of the Pleiades as a “celestial” ethno-cultural phenomenon is confirmed by its popularity worldwide. The study of a European tradition (Romanian, Lithuanian, Russian or Bulgarian), or of other European or Asiatic people, is of great importance to the modern researcher. At the same time, comparison to some remote traditions, that is to say, independently developed, might be of great importance in identifying common features or tendencies and processes of establishing and clarifying of several cultures.

1) Depiction Actually, the depiction is identical to the Transylvanian one. “The star cluster, formed of seven stars, is called Haze Hen. Right behind her there is “Porcarul”, “The Swineherd with the swine” (as the Hyades are called in Neamt), or “Mistretul” ‘Wild boars’ (at Arges), then “Gemenii” or “Fratii”, two brethren stars’ (undoubtedly Castor and Pollux) (Ion Ionica, 1944: 45) 2) Legends and Beliefs Quoting I. Otescu: “Some peasants believe that he who sees the rise of the hatching hen on the holy Sunday (At Arges). Especially the first to see it, shall be lucky, and he who wakes up every morning during St. Peter’s fasting, in order to see the hatching hen rising, shall have enough time to do all his work”.

Bibliography Chevalier, J., Gheerbrant, A.: Dictionaire des symboles I – III, Ed. Robert Lafont, Paris, 1995 Flammarion, C.: Les Etoiles, Paris, 1970 Ionica, I, Ion: Dragus, un sat din Valea Oltului, Fagaras. Reprezentarea cerului, Bucuresti, 1944 Otescu, I.: Credintele taranului roman despre cer si stele, Academia Romana, Bucuresti, 1907 Taton, R.: Histoire Generale des Sciences, I -IV, Tome I, La Science Antique et Medievale, Paris, 1970 Vulcanescu, R.: Mitologie Romana, Editura Academiei RSR, Bucuresti, 1984

3) Magical Influences We encounter here similar beliefs to those at Dragus: “When the hatching hen appears on the sky at Dragaica...” (June 24, Major Summer Celebration for the Romanian peasants), “she has the power of making maize grow so fast that you can see it with the naked eye” (Neamt) (Ion Ionica, 1944: 37).

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URSA MAJOR IN LITHUANIAN FOLK TRADITION

Jonas Vaiškūnas Museum of Moletai District, Molėtai, 33001, Lithuania E-mail: [email protected] Introduction Lithuanian folk astronomy is neither fully compiled nor analysed. With the change of the traditional mode of life, the spread of scientific information and a scientific world view, and the appearance of printed calendars, a lot of information about the heavenly bodies fell into disuse and disappeared. At present a fully structured system of folk knowledge about the heavenly bodies has almost completely vanished, and ethnographic fieldwork now only records separate details of the ancient knowledge. But by the accumulation and analysis of large collections of data, we sometimes reveal some meaningful and occasionally very interesting and unexpected information. This paper is an attempt to summarize the available Lithuanian folk knowledge about the Ursa Major constellation. The ethnoastronomical materials that have been collected during expeditions since 1988, as well as ethnographic and folklore archive data in written sources are used in this work. In order to try to understand and restore traditional Lithuanian knowledge about this constellation and fill in the gaps, it has been also compared with the knowledge of other nations about the same group of stars; this is justified by the fact that most traditions are coherent and similar inside the Euro-Asian continent.1

(Vežimėlis, Vežimukas). In the area of Pelesa, Šalčininkai, Trakai, Kaišiadorys, and Gibai (the Suvalkian district in Poland), Ursa Major is reported as Karieta ‘a carriage’ 4 and Žvaigždžių karieta ‘coach of the stars’. Around Aukštadvaris (the Trakai region), some other names for Ursa Major are found: Brička, Brыčka ‘go-to-meeting cart’, 5 Krulevskaja brыčka ‘king’s go-to-meeting cart’. Sometimes very rare and original designations for Ursa Major are found, such as: Perkūno ratai ‘the wain of the god of thunder’; Gudo ratai ‘the wain of Gudas’; and Klystinės žvaigždės ‘stars saving the lost ones’. Sometimes the constellation of Ursa Major is referred to as Kaušas ‘a dipper’ or Samtis ‘a ladle’. However, this is a recently developed denomination for Ursa Major, which is almost solely compared to a ladle by youth. This fact is not surprising, since in modern days the wain motif has started to lose its importance. The image of the constellation of Ursa Major as a wain is a very archaic and very widespread concept. It can be discovered in the ancient mythology of Sumerian-Akad. In the Sumerian/ Akkadian language the word mar gi da means wain (Ursa Major). The constellation of Ursa Major is connected with the wain motif in various Indo-European and Non-IndoEuropean traditions, such as Chinese or Bororo Indian. Ursa Major and the polar circle of the sky In ethnographic material we discover also that the Ursa Major is not directly connected with the image of a wain (ratai, vežimas), but only with the name of Grìžulas.6 This name for Ursa Major is found especially often in ancient Lithuanian dictionaries. For example, in the first Lithuanian dictionary compiled by K. Sirvydas in 1642, the Polish word for Ursa Major, Woz niebieski ‘the heavenly wain’, is translated by the Lithuanian word Grižułas.7 The general definition of this word was given as “the circle in which the horse runs”,8 meaning ‘manège, riding hall, hippodrome’.9 G.H.F. Nesselmann referenced K. Sirvydas’s definition for Grìžulas (“Griźulas, o, m. die Reitahn, der kreis indem man ein Pferde zureitet (Szhirwid’s); der Große Bär, das Sternbild, auch Griźulo ratai genant. Griźulis, io, m. dass”) herewith presents additional forms of this word: Griźulis, Gryzdas, Gręžu10 and also Griźulo ratai (Nesselmann 1851). F. Kuršaitis in 1883 mentioned: Grįźulas and Grįźulỹs.11 So are we here faced with an uncommon and unexpected representation

Ursa Major as a cart or wagon In Lithuania, the constellation Ursa Major is normally connected with the image of a cart. Nowadays, the most common names for this constellation are: Grigo ratai ‘Grigo wain’, Grįžulo ratai ‘Grįžulo wain’ 2 (literally ‘Grigo/Grįžulo/ Grįžulio wheels’).3 The appellative name of Ursa Major in the Lithuanian language is Grįžulo ratai ‘Grįžulo wain = Grižulas’s wain’. Lithuanians living within the actual boarders of Poland or Belarus, as well as those from Lithuania Minor (the Russian district of Kaliningrad), usually name Ursa Major Vežimas ‘wain’ (without adding the word Grižulas), they call it simply Vežimas sometimes Dangaus vežimas ‘the wain of the heaven’ and various diminutive forms of this word

 Various phonetic variants are also to be found: Kareta, Karėta, Karэ’ta.  Various phonetic variants are also to be found: Brika, Brikeli (Kaltinėnai, Šilalė district). 6  Dusetos, Zarasai district LTA 2245/74/, LTA 2245/75/, LTA 2245/81/. 7   PLKŽ 583, 719. 8   PLKŽ 211, 719. 9   LKŽ III 635. 10  NŽ 270, 271. 11   KŽ 137.

 And sometimes in other areas too, see for example the similar set of beliefs in North America (Bear ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere). 2  In various ethnographical localities, different dialectical phonetic variants of this denomination can be found: Grįžula ratai, Grąžula ratai, Grūžulo ratai, Gružulio ratai, Gružulos ratai, Griežulio ratai, Grįžolio ratai, Gryžała rãtai, Grįžalių ratai, Grìžulo ratai, Grìžulā ratai, Grįžulio ratai, Grižulio ratai, Grižuolio ratai, Grižalo ratai, Grìžala ratai, Grįžo ratai, Grįža ratai, Grižo ratai, Grìža ratai, Griužo rata. 3  See reference 33. 1

4 5

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography of Ursa Major, as “the circle of the manège”. This appears in oral language and some dictionaries in the compound names mentioned earlier and also in the synthetical forms between grižulas ‘manège’ and ratas ‘a wheel and also a circle’ as one word: Grįžoratis12 (Grižoratis 13), Grįžratis14 (Grižratis,15 Grizratis,16 Grigratis 17), Grinžóratas,18 Grįžóratas 19 (Grąžoratas,20 Gryžórats21) Grėžuvoràts 22 ‘the circle of manège’. We also fond the expanded forms of this name, such as: Gryžulio Ráts,23 Gryżulio Rat’s, Gryzullio Rat’s,24 Grùžula rãtas 25 Gryzdo Rat’s,26 Gryzdo ratas 27 (Grỹzdo rãtas),28 Grįžinio ratas,29 Grįžo rãtas 30 (Grižo ratas),31 Gryža ràts, Greĩža ràts.32

with the image of a horse (Vaiškūnas 1993, 1995a, 1995b, 9-10; 1996, 145). This is fully confirmed by ethnographic sources, such as: “Where there are five stars, at this place is Grigo ratai or horse”;36 “The little Grigo ratai used to be called horse. Formerly they called hors”;37 “A stallion consists of star and situated about east and south same as Grigo ratai, same as a stallion with stars both on its tail and on its leg…” 38 (Вайшкунас 2004, 174).

With these last examples, we see that the constellation, which often was described as a wain, is now represented only by a wheel or a circle although nothing recalls this shape in the disposition of the stars. The reason could be a contamination between the words “wain” and “wheel” as in Lithuanian and other neighbouring languages, a carriage is often called simply “the wheels”.33 But it could also stem from the circular motion of this group of stars around the pole and refer to the path of the constellation rather than to the constellation itself. The name Grįžulas was used to explain the movement of the constellation, it’s turning (gręžtis – to turn) in a circle.34 The stars of Ursa Major, along with the other stars, circulate around the North Pole, and never drop below the horizon. The most likely explanation is that in ancient times this polar section of the sky was imagined as a circle, or as a circular boundary – grįžulas. As mentioned earlier, grįžulas is not just a circle, but also the circle in which a horse runs35 – manège, riding hall, hippodrome. This gives us grounds to think that Ursa Major itself could be logically connected   Šilutė. 13   Kvėdarna, Šilalė district. 14  Griškabudis, Šakiai district. 15  Girkalnis, Raseiniai district, LTA 2243/106/); Griškabudis, Šakiai district. Item. Grìžratis (JŽ 472). 16   Aukštupėnai, Kupiškis district, LTA 2253/99/. 17   Luokė, Telšiai district, LKŽ III 601. 18   JŽ 472. 19  Gargždai, Klaipėda district, LKŽ III 631; Kvėdarna, Šilalė district. Besides see Būga 1958, 212. 20   Alsėdžiai, Plungė district, LKŽ III 631. 21   JŽ 472. 22  Studerus 1930, 124, 140. 23   RŽ II 340. 24   MŽ II 271; MŽ I 88. 25   JŽ 472. 26   MŽ I 88. 27  NŽ 271. 28   KŽ 136. 29   Augalai, Vilkaviškis district, LKŽ III 631. 30  Tilžė, LKŽ III 630; KŽ 137. 31   Raseiniai, LTA 1300/130/. 32  JŽ 472. 33  The same formations are familiar in Russian (коло ‘wheel’, кола ‘wheels i.e. wain / Ursa Major’), Belarusian, Bulgarian, Polish, Serbian-Croatian as well as in Tocharian B and Phrygian languages etc. (Топоров 1974, 49). Comp. in English slang wheels - a car. 34  “Grižo rats, kad ans grįž į vieną pusę ir į kitą grįž - sukinėjas” (Grižo rats [they were called]– because it rotates to one side and to the other side – goes round.) (Told by Jadvyga Milienė, b. 1904, Kalviai village, Kelmė district. Written down by J.Vaiškūnas, 1992). “Grįžulio ratai vadinasi Gružulio ratais – kad jie grąžosi” (They called Grįžulio ratai – because they turn). (Knistuškių village, Gervėčių district, Byelorussia, LTA 4235/266/). 12

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Ancient Lithuanians could have connected the constellation of Ursa Major simultaneously with the image of a horse or a wain. In any case, the images of “horse” and “wain” complement each other.39 The example of two definitions for a constellation living in parallel can already be found in the two ancient Greek names for Ursa Major: Aρκτος ‘bear’ and Aμαξα ‘wain’ (Homer: Iliad, XVIII, 489, Odyssey V, 275). Through the degradation of ancient astronomical knowledge and the shrinking of the number of defined constellations in the star-filled sky, the name of the polar section of the sky defined as Grįžulas ‘manège’ could have started to be connected with the constellation of Ursa Major itself. This mentioned contamination of two astronomical names helps to determine their direct connection with the image of a wheel (Grįžulas – ratas ‘wheel/circle’ ran by a horse, or wain – ratai ‘wheels’ pulled by a horse). Since the plural form of the ancient Lithuanian word ratas (wheels) meant a mode of transport – i.e. “wain”, and the Ursa Major image located in the polar sky was in ancient times compared with the form of a wagon based on its shape, the astronym Grįžulo ratas ‘Grįžulo wheel/circle’ could easily be changed into the name Grįžulo ratai ‘Grįžulo wheels’; i.e. Grįžulo wain: Grįžulas ‘manège’ ≈ Grįžulo ratas ‘circle of manège’ > Grįžulo ratai ‘Grįžulo wheels’ i.e. Grįžulo wain (Vaiškūnas 1996, 145). First of all, this metamorphosis of the word Grįžulas should have taken place in the regions of Lithuania where the harnessing of a horse to a wagon as a mode of transportation was called ratai.40 We must recall that the Lithuanian linguistic map can be divided in two regions, one where the wagon is called ratai (literally wheels) and the other vežimas, that is wain proper. In these places where horse-drawn transport was called ratai “wheels”, the constellation of Ursa Major was often called Grįžulo ratai ‘Grįžulo wain’. In another areas word combinations such as Grįžulo ratai were rarely used41  PLKŽ p.211, 719.  “Kur būna iškart 5-ios žvaigždės tai vadina Grigo ratais arba Arkliu” (Utena region, LTA 2237/3/). 37  “Mažieji Grigo ratai tie Arkliu vadinami. Mūsų seniau sakydavo Arklys” (Told by Jakštas Kurtas, b. 1928, Berciškė village, Šilutė district. Written down by: D. Vaiškūnienė & J. Vaiškūnas 1990). 38  “Kumelys. /…/ Anas yra iš žvaigždžių netoli rytų in pietus taip pat kaip Grigo ratai, taip pat kaip kumelys ir ant uodegos žvaigždė ir ant kojos…” (Told by Rapkauskas Vytautas, N. Daugėliškis vilage, Ignalina district. Written down by V. Jonikas, 1989). Comp. “It’s time to get up, the horse has spun” (Lisno, Verchnedvinsk district, Byelorussia, СБГ 2, 500; ЛАБ 25). 39  It was recorded that Grįžulo ratai are pulled by horse(s) or by the stallions of the God. In Byelorussia we fond the composite names of the Ursa Major, such as: Вос с Канём, Вуз i Кунь, Конь i Калёсы ‘Wain and Hors’ (ЛАБ 25). 40   LKA 89-90, map N 34. 35 36

Ursa Major in Lithuanian Folk Tradition and they used only the simple term Vežimas ‘wain’ without additional word Grįžulo.

connected Ursa Major with the image of a running horse. In the language of the archaic Aryans of Mitania, Ursa Major is called Uassana, which means “a circular hippodrome” (!). Therefore, comparative materials taken from other nations let us consider that a similar conceptualisation of the polar part of the starry sky can be found not only among Balts but in many other traditions as well, and this indeed seems a very logical association.

Through the decaying of astronomical folk knowledge and subsequent loss of the meaning for the word Grįžulas from the constellation chart, the ancient name Grįžulo ratai passed through the intermediary form Grįžo ratai to the modern name Grigo ratai ‘wain of Grigas’. This is how the word Grįžulas transformed into the personal pronoun Grigas’s wain: “They called Grigas’s [wain]. It is name or surname of human being”;42 “…Grigas died but who knows if his wain remains or not?” [About Ursa Major]).43 From the obvious connection with the personal pronouns, other names for Grįžulo ratai are known: Griužo ratai,44 Bružo ratai,45 Gražulio ratai.46

The above-discussed data about the possible link between the denotations of Ursa Major and the circumpolar region of the sky in the Lithuanian folk tradition might be useful dealing the ambiguity problem of the Greek term Arctoj (Arctos).48

The phenomenon of such transformations in the names of constellations as well as transfer of those names from one group of constellations onto another is well known to the researchers of ethnoastronomy. Thus no wonder that the name of a specific never setting stellar area of the polar circle might have migrated onto its most spectacular constellation. The fact of Ursa Major belonging to the zone of polar circle might just be enough for such name reallocation to happen. The position of this constellation gives natural cause for the emerging of the extended subordinational name of the constellation: Wain in polar circle = Wain in Grižulas > Grižulas’s Wain = Grįžulo ratai.

The shape of the constellation and its appearance For the general name of Ursa Major, like for other groupings of stars, people from the villagers don’t use the literal word žvaigždynas “constellation”. It is commonly said that it is a “pile” of stars, or a “ball”, “bead”, “knoll”, “pimple”, “shoal”, “stack”, “patch”, “sieve”, “sign”.49 Mostly Ursa Major is referred to as a wagon compounded from seven stars. In the constellation, two asterisms are included: the rectangular formation of the 4 stars (Megrez, Phecda, Dubhe, Merak) is called ratai (in Žemaitija – tekiniai) ‘wheels’. The other three stars (Alkaid, Mizar, Aliot) are chiefly called dišlius, dyselys ‘thill’. Sometimes, attention is paid to the incorrect form of dišlius ‘thill’, and it is referred to as “crooked”, hooked, or “snapped off ”. Sometimes it is said that the Grįžulo ratai are “crooked”, “stand crookedly”, are “sagged down”, are “sprawled”, and “irregular”.

The conceptualisation of the polar region of the sky as a circle or enclosure is not rare, and is also known in other nations. For example, the Mongols depict the polar region of the sky as the “Central Secret Enclosure” (Барановская 1966, 25-26). The peasants of Rome imagined this portion of sky as a stockyard where seven bulls walked in a circle threshing crops (Moszynski 1934, 20). It is also known that the ancient Germans saw a wheel in this part of the sky (Himmelsrad) (Günter 1939, 211-212). The French astronomer Lalande connects Ursa Major with the image of a wheel (la Roue) (Allen 1963, 426). In Russia, Ursa Major is called Konj na prikole, which means “a horse moving round tied up to a pole” (Рут 1975, 19-20).47 Turkic people also

In the northeastern part of Lithuania,50 as well as in some other parts of Lithuania,51 it was recorded that Grįžulo ratai are pulled by horse(s) or by the stallions of the god. The number of horses referred to varies from one up to a maximum of three. When three horses are discussed, all three stars of the thill (Alkaid, Mizar, Aliot) are kept in mind.52  It is possible that the constellation of the Great Bear turning around the Little Bear represent the mother bear never abandoning its cub alone, and turning around it to protect it. The same relation could also be represented by the mare never grazing far from its foal. An ancient steppe technique of making sure a mare will not escape far from the camp was to tie her foal to a pole. This represents the movements of both constellations (pers. comm. A. Lebeuf, August 2004). 48  See this volume: Blomberg P. How did the constellation of the Bear receive its name? 49  In Lith. respectively: “krūva”, “kamuolys”, “kamuoliuks”, “kauburėlis”, “guburėlis”, “guotas”, “kupeta”, “pulkelis”, “lopinys”, “sietynuks”, “ženklas”. 50  Around: Švenčionys, Ignalina, Molėtai, Utena, Zarasai, Rokiškis, Kupiškis districts. 51  Around: Trakai and Šilutė districts, also Žeimelis (Pakruojis district) and Pelesa (Voranavo district in Byelorussia) subdistricts. 52  “Grigå ratai. Tai kai įsižiūri tai ir panašu. Prieky 3 žvaigždės tai skaito arkliai vežikai. Paskui keturios - tai raitai”. (“Grigå ratai. So, when you peer it looks like [wain]. Forward 3 stars – they consider that they are horses. Then four [stars] – they are wheels”). (Told by Rastenytė A., b. 1903, Kirdeikiai village, Utena district. Written down by J.Vaiškūnas 1993.); “Grigo ratai keturios žvaigždės kampuose kaip ratai, o priekyje - trys arkliai”. (“Grigo ratai four stars in the corners – they are the wheels, three front stars – they are the horses”.) (Told by Gudelis A., b. 1911, Rukšiškė village, Ignalina district. Written down by J.Vaiškūnas 1988). 47

 The fact that a separate name Ratai of Ursa Major is not found in Lithuania might be explained by it being replaced from usage by neologism Grįžulo ratai. Data for Polish national atlas of culture collected by polish ethnographer K.Moszynsky proves that starname Ratai used to be in circulation. It shows that along with known in Lithuania Grigeratai and Gresulioratai, Byelorussia has name Rataj for the Ursa Major (Gładyszowa 1960, 56). 42  „Vadina Grigo [ratai]. Ar ty vardas, pavardė, skaitos žmoniška” (Told by Keršys, Varėna district, 1993). 43  «...Numirė Grigas o kažin ratai liko ar ne?” (Told by Adomaitis Kazys, b.1906, Vidgiriai village, Šakiai district. Written down by D. Vaiškūnienė & J. Vaiškūnas, 1992). 44  Kalnujai, Raseiniai district, SPSO 162. 45  LMD I 853/24/. 46  Astravas (Gervėčiai LTR 4232/214/,/350/,/390/, LTR 4235/41/); Suvalkai (Punskas); Švenčionys; Tverečius, Ignalina disrict (LMD I 254/1292/). See also parallel lithuanism in Byelorussia Гражуля’ кóлы (Astravas, Bystrica region, Byelorussia СБГ I 474; Zinkevičius 1987, 65). 41

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography position at the same period of the year: “Oh children look, the Grįžulio ratai has already been overturned”;58 “…it looks that Grigo ratai flipped over upside-down [became supine]”;59 “If the Sietynas [Pleiades] is low and Grįžulio ratai is upside-down it means that the day is coming up soon”.60 If the constellation of Ursa Major is in the sky at its zenith, it used to be said that Ursa Major is “on the roof ”. The master of the house used to say: “Grižratis is already on the roof, it’s time to get up!” 61 A neighbour who used to sleep long used to be spurred on by:

Sometimes, near the middle horse, the small star (Alcor) is also mentioned and interpreted as a foal following its mother (Mizar). Some other traditions imagined that one horse only, the first star Alkaid, pulls the wain, and Mizar and Aliot are part of the wain figure itself. In many cases, however, when it is understood that only one horse pulls the wagon, it is not specified how many stars compose the horse itself. When talking about two horses, it can be understood that these horses are linked with Alkaid and Mizar. Aliot then would be part of the wagon: “The Grįžulas wain are composed of the 4 wheels and a couple of horses, one is lighter, one is darker”.53 The Position of Ursa Major in the celestial vault and the Estimation of Time The general statement about the position of the Ursa Major constellation in the sky is simply that it lays north. The attention commonly points out on the variation of the position of Ursa Major and its rotation around the northern axis of the sky. It is common to say that Ursa Major is “spinning”, rather than “turning”, or “walking”. The position of the constellation during the various seasons of the year and in different hours of the night is indicated more precisely accordingly to its orientation relatively to the Polar star; it is often stated: “Grigo ratai they ascend in evening. One can estimate time [by their position]… The Polar star stays in its’ position, but the Grigo ratai are going around the pole star; and when the night is long they appear on the left side of the pole star. /…/ They spin each day;54 “Grigo ratai during the winter are in the North, and during the summer they are in the West”.55 Therefore, the position of this group towards the Polar star could be explained by the unusual location of Ursa Major in the southern sky: “In winter it stands in the South…Oh! Up high!”;56 “Grižratis at 7 o’clock in the morning is in the south”.57 Here the expression “South” means the highest possible position of the constellation over the horizon and under Lithuanian latitudes, near to the zenith, so indeed, south of the polar star. This position of the constellation was especially well memorized in November or December, early in the morning when people were waking up from sleep still at night. At this time, when the Grįžulo ratai is at its highest position above the horizon, the constellation is often noted as being “overturned”. Actually, the constellation really looks as if it were “upside-down” as compare to its evening

 “Grįžulas ratus sudaro 4 ratai ir poris arklių: vienas šviesesnis antras tamsesnis” (Obeliai subdistrict, Rokiškis district, LTA 2255/72/). 54  “Grigo ratai jie vis vakare kyla aukštyn. /…/ Gali valandas skaityti… šiaurės žvaigždė nejuda niekada o Grigo ratai eina apie Šiaurinę žvaigždę ir kai ilga naktis jie atsiduria kairėj nuo Šiaurinės žvaigždės. /…/ Kožna para sukasi”. (Told by Blazgys J., b. 1906, Griškabūdis, Šakiai district, Written down by D. Vaiškūnienė & J. Vaiškūnas 1992). 55  “Grigo ratai - žiemos metu būna šiaurėj, o vasaros metu vakaruose” [There are kept in mind the evening position of Ursa Major]. (Told by Gudelis A., b. 1911, Rukšiškė village., Ignalinos subdistrict & district. Written down by J. Vaiškūnas 1998). 56   “[Žiemą] pietuose stov(i)… O! Aukštai!”. (Told by Lopetienė Elena, b. 1922, Griškabūdis, Šakiai district. Written down by J. Šorys 1992). There are kept in mind the morning position of Ursa Major in winter. 57  “Grižratis 7 val. iš ryto būna pietuose”. (Told by Lopetienė Elena, b. 1922, Griškabūdis, Šakiai district. Written down by J. Šorys 1992). 53

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– Juliau, Juliau (a name) get up! – What is that? – Grigo ratai is on the roof! – Probably it was brought by the devil there! 62 or: “Juoza, get up, the Wheels of Grįžulo is on the barn!”63 The majority of different positions of Ursa Major that have been recorded in human memory are the positions occupied by the constellation during the long nights of November and December (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Positions of Ursa Major in November and December: 1. The evening. 2. The midnight. 3. The morning.

 “O jau žiūrėkit vaikai Grįžulio ratai apvirty”. (Told by Vincas Jezerskis, b. 1916 m. Papilė village, Kražiai subdistrict, Kelmė district. Written down by J. Vaiškūnas 1992). 59  “Jie [Grigo ratai] atrodo, kad apvirtę tokie aukštelnyki”. (Told by Nenortienė A., b. 1925, Leoniškiai village, Šakiai district. Written down by J. Vaiškūnas 1990 in Saugos, Šilutė district.). 60  “Jei Sietynas [Pleiades] žemai ir Grįžulio ratai apvirtę, tai tuoj bus diena”. (Baibiai subdistrict, Zarasai district, LTA 2316/35/). 61  “Jau Grižratis ant stogo, kelkitės”. (Told by Martišius Vincentas, b. 1899, Paluobiai village, Griškabūdis subdistrict, Šakiai district. Written down by J. Šorys 1992. 62  “- Juliau, Juliau kelk! / - O kas yra? / - Grigo ratai ant stogo. / - O ar velnias juos ten užnešė!”. (Told by Juodaitis Bronius, b. 1925 and Juodaitytė Salomėja, b. 1917, Griškabūdis village, Šakiai district. Written down by D. Vaiškūnienė & J. Vaiškūnas & J. Šorys 1992). 63  “Juozai kelkis, Grįžulo ratai ant kunio (kluono)! (Told by Spangelevičius Juozapas, b. 1919, Pilviškiai village, Vilkaviškis district. Written down by: E. Žiemys 1992). It is possible that different folk traditions found in Lithuania and Poland refer to this belief and observation of the constellation of the wagon. A usual joke of the villagers was to lift the carriage of a lazy or drunk one on the roof of his house or barn during his sleep to laugh at him when waking up late he would look for it where he parked it usually or everywhere else on the ground. (pers. comm. A. Lebeuf, August 2004). 58

Ursa Major in Lithuanian Folk Tradition This probably comes from a simple practical need, in the winter longest nights, the peasants had to wake up still at night to feed the cattle and in the absence of mechanical clocks, they had to observe the positions of the stars to stand at the proper hour when still dark. In the spring, summer or autumn, the daylight or the position of the Sun would give enough indication of time. It was noted that the thill (or horses) of Grįžulo ratai at that time are directed towards the Sun, still situated under the horizon, and that is why Ursa Major served as the very useful indicator of the hours of night: “Humans guess the time according to Grįžulo ratai, because it always moves with his thill towards the Sun. It is the clock of the sky”.64 The orientation of the thill (or the horses) of Grįžulo ratai towards the West indicated evening (Fig. 1, 1), while their orientation towards the North indicated midnight (Fig. 1, 2), and their approach of the east indicated the coming morning (Fig. 1, 3): “In the evening, the horses of Grįžulo ratai stands faces to the northwest, in the midnight – to the north, in the morning – to the east” 65 and etc.66 Sometimes, by comparing the morning and evening position of Ursa Major, it is said that they “turn around” before the day, or “turn over” or “reverse”: “Grįžulio ratai turn around before day”;67 “Grįžula ratai turn around before day and Sietynas [Pleiades] go to west”;68 “Griga ratai in the evening is to one side but later it turn over to another side”;69 “Ratai already had turned – it means that morning is coming they says”.70 Sometimes it is explained that Grįžulo ratai before the morning turns or faces to the east: “Grigo ratai. Before day it turns to the east”;71 “If the Grįžulā ratai faces the east it is going to be morning soon”. 72 But during the collection of  “Žmonės spėja laiką iš Grįžulo ratų, nes jis savo dišliumi nusisukęs į Saulę visados eina. Jis yra dangaus laikrodis” (Padievytis, Šilalė district, LTA 2259/105/). 65  “Vakare Grįžulo ratų arkliai stovi atsigręžę į žiemvakarius [šiaurės vakarus], vidurnaktį – į žiemius [šiaurę], o rytą – į rytus…” (Čiovydžiai village., Aukštupėnai subdistrict, Kupiškis district, LTA 2260/87/). 66  “Vakari grižulā (didžiojo) arklīs un vakarus, ritā un rītus”. (In the evening, the grižulā’s horse is towards the west, in the mornings towards east). (Žukliškiai village, Dusetos subdistrict, LTA 2245/81/). “Vakari iena vakaruos, o ryto in rytus in aušrы nusisuky”. (In the evening, the thill is towards west, in the mornings towards east, turned in the direction of dawn). (Told by Deveikienė Aldona, b. 1939, Tauragnai subdistrict, Utena district. Written down by J.Vaiškūnas). “…Kad dišlius atsisuka ant rytų šalies, tei yra ant dienos”. (“…When, the thill turn towards east side, its means that day is coming”) (SPSO 162). 67  “Prieš dieną apsigręžia Grįžulio ratai” (Juodupė subdistrict, Rokiškis district, LTA 2254/67/), item comp. Obeliai subdistrict, Rokiškis district, LTA 2255/72/). 68  “Prieš dienų Grįžula ratai apsigrižia ir Sietynas [Pleiades] nuveina vakaruosna” (Salakas, Zarasai district, LTA 2246/50/,/52/). 69  “Griga ratai vakare į vieną pusę o paskui į kitą pusę nusisuk”. (Told by Jonadt-Šimėnienė Helena Marija, b. 1918 in Kaukėnai (nowadays Jasnoje, Kaliningrad district, Russia). Written down by D.Vaiškūnienė & J.Vaiškūnas 1990. 70  “Jau nusisuky ratai - jau prieš rytų, sakydavo”. (Told by Leonavičius J., b. 1928, Vilkapėdžiai village, Seinai district, Poland. Written down by: J.Vaiškūnas 1989. 71  “Grigo ratai. Prieš rytų jis atsisuka in rytu”. (Told by Mačiulevičius, Kirdeikiai village, Saldutiškis subdistrict, Utenos district. Written down by: J.Vaiškūnas 1993). 72  “Jeigu Grįžulā ratai atsisuki rytuosna, tai tuoj bus diena, auš” (Kaunionys village, Salakas subdistrict, Zarasai district. Written down by A.Gitenytė before 2nd World War (LTK). 64

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Fig. 2. Positions of Ursa Major at the end of August and in September: 1. The evening. 2. The midnight. 3. The morning.

materials in fieldwork, statements are often puzzling, because sometimes they do not mean the direction of the thill but speak of the position of the constellation as a whole. And then, this does not indicate the morning and evening hours in November-December, but rather at the end of August and in September (Fig. 2). This position of Ursa Major was a good indicator for the villagers, who guarded their horses in the pastureland: “I remember that when we were guarding the horses at night, the sky was clear. The wheels were up and the thill was pointed to earth, and we knew that day soon would come” 73 (Fig. 2, 3). Such a situation appears only in late summer and beginning of autumn: “Wheels down, and the stallion up: evening. And when the stallion is down and the wheels up: morning is near (so was it when we guarded the horses at summer night”74 (Fig. 2, 1, 3). So midnight at that time was indicated by the constellation straight in the north, close to the horizon, the same as during the evenings in November (Fig. 2, 2): “If Grįžulio ratai in north – midnight” .75 Origin of Ursa Major Lithuanian folk believe that Ursa Major appeared in the sky as a result of a crash, when a hero drove a wagon over it. It is told that this constellation appeared in the sky when a legendary hero (Sun, Sun and her daughter, young lady, Alijošius (St. Elliah), St. Michael, God, God and St. Peter,  “Tai atsimenu nakcigonėj ganėm - giedra naktis. Ratai in viršų rodyklis in žamį - tai tuoj bus diena”. (Told by Kuliešius Antanas, b. 1920, Žagarai village, Seinai district, Poland. Written down by J.Vaiškūnas 1989). Compr. Polish: “Kiedy dyszel od woza na dół pokazuje, jest czas do wstawania” (Gładyszowa 1960, 152). 74  “Ratai apačion, kumelys viršun - vakare. O kai kumelys apačion ratai į viršų - un dienų (vasarą kai naktigonen jodavo…” (Told by Savulienė Zosė, b. 1909, Miežionys village, Modžiūnai subdistrict, Švenčionys district. Written down by S.Lovčikas 1987). Item “Prieš dieną jo [Grigo ratų] rodiklis esti žemyn”. (Before day its thill pointed downward) (LTA 2249/83/). 75  “Jei Grįžulio ratai žiemiuose - vidurnaktis” (Žukliškiai subdistrict, Zarasai district, LTA 2312/418/). 73

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography The mythic motives of Sky, Hell, Heaven, Perkūnas and Devil are united by the concept of the cosmic mountain. Sometimes heaven itself is imagined as a big glass mountain. From this cosmic mountain it is easy to reach heaven or hell. Heaven is located on the top of the mountain, with hell being at its base, under or inside it. The hole on top of the mountain is the entrance to the hell; here we find of course the image of the volcano spitting fire. Thus hell appears to be located right under the heaven, as if sharing a common axis with it. (Beresnevičius 1990, 150-151).

Antichrist, Lucifer, Moon or somebody else) hit the corner or the gate of Hell while driving in the sky. It is also sometimes mentioned that somebody scared the horses (Perkūnas and a whirlwind are mentioned). The wagon turned over and the thill was broken. We see now the overturned and deformed wagon with broken thill lying in the sky. Here are several stories about this, for instance: 1. Once God went for a ride over the Milky Way. While driving, his horses were frightened by Perkūnas. The horses jumped aside and broke the thill. So, the broken thill and four wheels were left in the sky. And now people call them Grįžulo (Grigo) ratai (Balys, 1984, 16). 2. “Grigo ratai looks like a cart. Once the Moon drove nearby hell. And one of the wheels occasionally hit the corner of hell, and is still left this way till nowadays” LTA 1300/174/. 3. There are big and small Grįžulo ratai. It is said that the Sun and her daughter drove them. The horses got frightened, the carts turned over, and the Sun and her daughter fell out of their carts. Thus they still shine up there in the sky (LTR 4508/47/).

Lithuanian folklore still holds episodes about the cosmic mountain located in the north, behind which hides the sun and partially moon (sometimes moon phases are explained this way). The vision of this mountain is close to the Indian mountain MERU, over which the polar star shines, and around which not only all the stars turn, but the whole world too.

Grįžulo ratai is related to thunder and to the thunder god Perkūnas. It is told, that during thunder the Grigo ratai ride, or that they are being driven by Perkūnas with a full cart of stones, throwing them down; God hitting evil ghosts; St. Peter being angry at people and roaring; St. Peter, St. Paul and St. Jacob with the Lord are on their way to judge people and because they cannot agree with each other, we hear them quarrelling. The Lithuanian etyological folk tales concerning the Ursa Major constellation based on controversies between Christian or old pagan gods quarrelling or having accidents in the sky between hell and heaven, on the Milky Way, at the gate of Hell, we can suppose refer to the place where the Ecliptic crosses the Milky Way (Lebeuf 1996). At first it seems somewhat strange that hell should somehow be located in the sky.76 But in Lithuanian ethnographic and folk sources one can find indications, that heaven and hell are located not far apart in the sky. Heaven is on one side, hell on another. E.g. “And hell is also in the sky. Heaven is on one side, hell on the other. /…/ Heaven is to the right, hell to the left ”. 77

Though the existing parts of the myths allow us to trace and relate Ursa Major as a heavenly cart to basic mythic and cosmological plots, the full story of the Lithuanian myth of Ursa Major still needs further investigation. Conclusions 1. In the traditions of Lithuanian folk Ursa Major is almost exclusively related to the wain and is called Grįžulo Ratai. 2. According to ethnographic and linguistic data another possible vision of Ursa Major may be traced – a horse spinning in Grįžulas (manège) – the polar circular area of the sky. 3. Ursa Major was very important in folk time keeping. 4. Traditional tales and legends concerning Ursa Major show that it plays an important role in a general cosmological structure. We find it associated to the opposed regions of paradise and hell and with quarrels between the gods. This set of beliefs probably constitutes some very old local tradition as the god Perkūnas appears in it as well as the concept of the cosmic crystal mountain. Acknowledgements

This is also related to the belief that the Milky Way is a road for dead souls to the post mortem world. In autumn the Milky Way shows for the birds and souls, or souls turning into birds a way to the south-located post mortem world – Dausos (heaven). Similar beliefs are known to exist also in Poland and the Ukraine, where it is said that one side of the Milky Way leads to heaven, and another side to hell (Gladyszova 1960, 79; ТЭСЭ 15). Thus, if hell cannot be said to be in the sky, at least its entrance can be found there.

The author wishes to thank the Organizing Committee of SEAC 2004 conference and personally Dr. Emilia Pasztor for facilitating his participation with the present paper in the SEAC XII conference. I am grateful to Mr. Jonas Marozas for help in preparing the English version of this paper. I am most grateful to Dr. Arnold Lebeuf (Institute Religioznawstwa, Jagielonian University, Poland) for reading and improving the manuscript. List of abbreviations:

 Christian traditions rather place it regularly in the underworld.  Told by Lazauskas Romualdas, b. 1931, and Lazauskienė-Jutelytė Scholastika, b. 1928, Andriulėnai village, Joniškis subdistrict, Molėtai district. Written down by Jonas Vaiškūnas 1995.

76

JŽ

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Юшкевич А. Литовскiй словарь А.Юшкевича съ толкованiемъ словъ на русскомъ и польскомъ языкахъ, T. I, С. Петербург, 1904.

Ursa Major in Lithuanian Folk Tradition KŽ

Kurschat Fr. Littauisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. Halle, 1883. XII. T. 2. LKA Lietuvių kalbos atlasas, Vilnius, 1977. T.1 LKŽ Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, T.3, Vilnius, 1956. LMD The Folklore Manuscripts of the Lithuanian Scientific Society at the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore, Vilnius. LTA Archives of Lithuanian folklore. The materials in this archive now belong to LTR (see below). LTA and LTR are distinguished in the article in order to help the reader separate older information (LTA information was recorded between 1935 and 1940) from more recent data (LTR information has been recorded since 1940). LTK The Card-index of folk faith. The Department of Ethnography of the Institute of History at the Lithuanian Academy of Science, Vilnius. LTR The Folklore Manuscripts at the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore, Vilnius. MŽ Mielcke Ch.G. Littauisch-Deutsches und DeutschLittauisches Wörter-buch. Königsberg, 1800. T. 1-2. NŽ Nesselmann G.H.F. Wörterbuch der Littauischen Sprache. Königsberg, 1851. XII. PLKŽ Pirmasis lietuvių kalbos žodynas, Kaunas, 1979. RŽ Ruhig Ph. Littauisch-Deutsches und DeutschLittauisches Lexicon. Königsberg, 1747. T. 1-2. SPSO Davainis-Silvestraitis M. Pasakos, sakmės, oracijos, Vilnius, 1973. ЛАБ Лексічны атлас беларускіх народных гаворак у пяці тамах. Т.2: Сельская гаспадарка. Мінск, 1994. СБГ Слоўнік беларускіх гаворак паўночна-заходняй Беларусі і яе пагранічча. Мінск, 1979–1986, Т. 1–5. ТЭСЭ Труды этнографического-статистической экспедициiи въ Западно-русскiй край, снаряженной Императорскимъ русскимъ обществомъ. С.Петербургъ, 1872, т. 1, вып. 1. References: Allen R. H., 1963: Star names: Their lore and meaning, New York.

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Gladyszova M., 1960: Wiedza ludowa o gwiazdach. Wroclaw. Günter K., 1939: “Die germanische Sternbilderhimmel. Entwürfe für das Zeiß – Planetarium”, Germanen Erbe. Nr. 7, p. 210-214. Beresnevičius G., 1990: Dausos, Vilnius. Buga K., 1958: Rinktiniai raštai, T.1, Vilnius. Lebeuf A., 1996: “The Milky Way, a part of the souls”, Astronomical traditions in past cultures / Edit. Koleva V. & Kolev D., Sofia, p. 148-161. Moszynski K., 1934: Kultura ludowa słowian, T. II Kultura duchowa, Kraków. Poška D., 1959: Raštai, Vilnius. Studerus G., 1930: “Aus A. Bezzenbergers Nachluss”, Archivum Philologicum, Knyga I, pp. 124, 140. Vaiškūnas J., 1993: “Apie žvaigždes Kražių apylinkėse”, Kražiai, Vilnius-Kaunas, pp. 330-340. Vaiškūnas J., 1995a: “Žinios apie dangaus šviesulius”, Lietuvninkų kraštas, Kaunas, pp. 694-708. Vaiškūnas J., 1995b: “Lietuvių liaudis apie žvaigždes”, Mokslas ir gyvenimas, Nr.11-12. pp. 8-10. Vaiškūnas J., 1996: Litauische Sternkunde, Proceedings of the Second SEAC Conference Bochum, August 29th - 31st, 1994 / Edited by Prof. W. Schlosser. Astronomisches Institut der Ruhr-Universität, p.139-149. Also see translation from German into Polish: Vaiškūnas J. (1999) Etnoastronomia litewska, Etnolingwistika, T.11, Red. J.Bartmińsky, Uniwersytet Marii CurieSkłodowskiej, Lublin, s. 165-173. Zinkevičius Z., 1987: Lietuvių kalbos istorija, T.2, Vilnius. Барановская Л. С., 1966: Монгольские созвездия, История и методология естественных наук, Вып. IV, Москва, с. 25-31. Вайшкунас Й., 2004: Народная астронимия белоруссколитовского пограничья, Балто-славянские исследования. XVI, Москва, 2004, с. 168-179. Рутт М. Э., 1975: Русская народная астрономия и её связи с астрономией других народов СССР / Автореферат диссертации. Томск. Топоров В. Н., 1974: Исследования в области славянских древностей, Москва.

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Miscellaneou

STARS OF WONDER: VENUS IN THE DAYLIGHT SKY

Lajos Bartha ARMILLA Group for History of Astronomy Budapest, Frankel Leó út 36., H-1023, Hungary

I have found references to sighting of stars during daylight in the following legends and chronicles of Hungarian origin: 1. 28 July 1192: The canonisation and deposition of the body of King László I from the Royal House Árpád in his ornamented sarcophagus in Nagyvárad (now Oradea in Romania). The assembled crowd could observe a luminous red star above the monastery for about two hours. On this day the angular distance of Venus was 46.1° from the Sun, near the time of the greatest elongation. Her brightness was -4.1 magnitude. It is interesting to note, that she was described as “red”, but it is credible, as in the blue sky the yellow light of the Venus could indeed appear as red.

The appearance of miraculous heavenly bodies (stars of wonder) in the daytime sky is often mentioned in the books of ancient authors in the legends of saints and in more recent reports. The most often mentioned ancient example is the star appearing after the death of Julius Caesar in 44 BC, according to Suetonius. Scholars of ancient history do not seem to take these occurrences seriously. They are attributed to the observers’ imagination or inebriation, or, taken as a free adaptation of the legend of the Star of Bethlehem

2. Mid-August 1462: The humanist poet, Janus Pannonius composed an elegy on “The Star Seen in the Summer-Sky at Midday”.

It is difficult to apply these criticisms to examples found in the writings of Hungarian scribes and clerks in the socalled historic Hungary. Their descriptions of these celestial apparitions in the day-time sky are so vivid and detailed, that they compel belief in the reality of the phenomena observed and described. It is impossible to compare them to the description of the Star of Bethlehem in the New Testament, which event was not even claimed to have occurred in daylight.

De stella aestivo meridie visa Quindnam hoc tam sidus sub luce refulget, Nec timet in medio praenituisse die? Fulva Cleonaei certe per terga Leonis, Celsius aestivos, sol agit acer, equos. Why is the star shining brightly above when it’s high noon, Irregularly, right at the peak of the daylight? Up on the back of the Lion, along the rump of the critter, Upward the Sun is driving its fiery steeds.

The obvious key to these observations may lay with the planet Venus. After the Sun and the Moon, the planet Venus is the brightest heavenly body, with her brightness class falls between -3.5 and -4.5. Her brightest light emission is about 250 times higher than that of the brightest star in the constellation ‘Big Bear’. Historical data and modern observations both indicate that the planet Venus, at her brightest phase, can indeed be observed in the daytime sky with the naked eye. In 1716 AD the whole of London was excited over the appearance of a star, visible by the naked eye, in the daytime sky. It was soon identified, even with contemporary instrument as being the ‘Morning Star’, or the planet Venus.

He saw the star at midday, when the Sun was riding on the back of the constellation Lion. This corresponds to the period of 10-14 of August. Venus reached her greatest elongation (46.5°) in mid August, and a few days later she was at her most luminous phase.. The poet fall into meditating about the event this strange apparition may portend. 3. 11 May 1569, Brassó (now Braşov, Romania): A bright star could be seen over the locality Beszterce (Bistriţa), at midday in the clear skies, for several hours. Venus has reached her extreme eastward elongation two days later, being in a very favourable position with regards to visibility, as at midday she reached 68° altitude.

Venus is usually at her most brilliant when she is about 46° distant from the Sun, that is at her greatest angular distance maximal elongation. This is the position most favourable for catching sight of her during the day. This can be verified by many amateur astronomers, who caught sight of and observed her for the length of several days.

4. 6 September 1635, Segesvár (Şighişoara, Romania): According to the chronicler, two Morning Stars” have ascended simultaneously in the dawn twilight, side by side, remaining visible for some time even after the Sun itself has risen. Venus only had reached the distance of 22.7 from the Sun, in the Westerly direction. On the other hand, Venus was then in conjunction with Jupiter, another bright planet, so seeing the two of them together would have been a spectacular sight. For this reason, they were probably closely observed, even as far as possible, during the morning hours. This observation may also indicate,

These observations have prompted me to investigate these occurrences in greater depth. As a preliminary check I studied the position of the Sun and the planet Venus at any date given in the descriptions. I have tried to exclude any other possible celestial bodies. In this I was successful, as I have found no correlation between the date of sightings of supernovae or of the even brighter comets and the events related by the Hungarian chroniclers. I could also exclude the radiant balls of fire, as the chroniclers used a different vocabulary for such events. 127

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography that Venus does not have to be at her extreme position to be visible.

Saints concerning daytime sighting of stars could have a base in reality and to be more than the product of overheated imagination or things added for the reader’s edification. It could prove a useful exercise to examine Medieval legends and myths of antiquity from this point of view. Further folk tales and folk songs may be of interest and deserve further study in this sense.

5. October 1724, Szepesség (Spiš, Slovakia): George Buchholz Jr. had managed to observe Venus during the day for several days. He had fully appreciated the fact that the heavenly body he saw was in fact the planet Venus. Her greatest elongation was reached on the 11th October, and the highest brightness was -4.4 magnitude.

References 6. 7 April 1729: The followers of the exiled Hungarian Prince Ferenc Rákóczi II, living in Tekirdag (Rodosto) in Turkey, had occasion to note the presence of a bright star in the sky between 1 PM until 3 PM. Kelemen Mikes, chronicler and faithful retainer of the Prince, speculated on the possible meaning of this sight, so he was probably not aware that it was in fact Venus, what he saw. The time of highest luminosity and extreme elongation more or less followed expectations.

Bartha, L., 1978: “Janus Pannonius két csillagászati verse”. Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 82. évf. 3. sz. 240345. p. Bartionek, E., 1938: “Legenda Sancti Ladislaos Regis”. Scriptores Rerum Hungaricum… Ed. Szentpétery, E. Vol. 2. 526. p. Bigourdan, G., 1927: “Les comètes. Liste cronologique de celles qui ont paru de l’origine à 1900”. Annuaire pour l’an 1927 publieé par le Bureau des Longitudes, Paris. A/1-76. p. Clark, D. H. and Stephenson, R. F., 1974: The Historical Supernovae. Oxford-New York. Mikes Kelemen Levelei, 1966: Mikes Kelemen összes művei. Kritikai kiad. Szerk. Hopp L. 90. sz. levél, 162. p. Suetonius: De vita Caesarum, liber I, caput 88. Teubner, Leipzig, 1912

The examples quoted seem to indicate, that the heavenly body observed by the reporters was indeed the planet Venus. The observers came to see what they saw by chance, with the sole exception of G. Buchholz. This shows, that a person blessed by average powers of sight ought to be capable to see Venus, even without intentionally looking for her. These daytime sightings also indicate that the Indians of Central America could use the planet in the construction of their calendar. They also show that the legends of the

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How did the constellation of the Bear receive its name?

Peter E Blomberg Norrtullsgatan 31, SE 113 27 Stockholm, Sweden E-mail: [email protected]

The Proto-Indo-European background

Abstract The name Ursa or Bear for the two northern constellations is an enigma and has been discussed for the last 2000 years. This paper presents evidence from early Greek and Latin texts having to do with the naming of these constellations, when and why the name Bear was chosen. It is found that in early Roman texts, 1st century CE, it is clearly written that if one would like to give a constellation an animal’s name, Bear would be appropriate as the original Greek word ¹ ¢rkto$ has that meaning as well as the meaning it seems to have had from the beginning, rolling or turning, which provides the reason why it was used to refer to the circumpolar stars. The analysis is based on the available ancient texts, but is not a linguistic analysis. Introduction During the investigation of the astronomical knowledge of the Minoans and also of the transfer of that knowledge down to the Greeks in historical times, no later than ca. 700 BCE, a major problem arose concerning the names that we use today for two constellations, Ursa Major and Ursa Minor. Ursa appears for the first time in some Roman texts on astronomy and is feminine, as is the Greek word for bear, ¹ ¥rktoj (arktos). There are several questions to consider: 1) Was the name intentionally chosen for the constellation from the beginning? 2) Was the Greek name a misunderstanding of a word from the east, i.e., from an eastern language?1 3) Was the constellation Ursa Major originally seen as a bear? 4) Did the name Ursa arise when the Greek word was translated into Latin? The first problem is to determine when the constellation was first named Bear and then to try and understand the reason for this. This problem has been discussed for about 2000 years now, most recently on the Hastro-discussion group on the Internet in the spring of 2004. I will try to explain how I understand the modern constellation Ursa Major to have got its name when early Greek texts were translated into Latin in the 1st century CE.  Two possibilities for an eastern origin have been given. According to the first, it comes from an old Indian name meaning radiant which was then corrupted via árcati, arká-, arcíş-, into arktos (see for example Scherer, 1953: 134). The second suggestion is that “arktoj” is derived from the Akkadian word ereqqu ‘wagon’ (Heubeck et al, 1988, i-viii; also Szemerenyi, 1962: 175-212). This suggestion is based on sound linguistic principles. The Hellenes, according to this explanation, confused the sound of the Akkadian name for wagon with their own word for bear. This is not entirely logical, as they seem already to have understood the constellation as a wagon, just as the Akkadians did.

1

In an article on the Indo-European background of arktos and ursa the author says in the introduction that the Proto-IndoEuropean root *Hŗtko-s can “be identified as the zero-grade Hret- ‘roll, turn’”. In explanation of the application of this root to the animal bear he writes, “the circumpolar motion of the Ursae is far more appropriate than alternative explanations that focus on the mammal alone” (Huld, 1999: 117). Huld very carefully goes through different Indo-European names for the bear and finds some difficulties. At the end of the paper he discusses another proposal for the background of the word bear and says that cosmologically “there may be another reason for deriving ‘bear’ from the root ‘turn’, PIE *E2ret-.” (Huld, 1999: 126). This means that, even if he did not conclude so, the Proto-Indo-European background for the Greek word for bear, arktos, seems to have its origin in the meaning roll or turn. The application to the circumpolar stars refers, of course, to their turning around the pole. Such an understanding makes the Greek texts easier to understand. The Greek Background The oldest Greek text giving names for constellations is in Homer’s Odyssey. Odysseus was instructed by Calypso to keep Arktos on his left when he sailed to the land of the Phaeacians (Homer, Odyssey V: 281).2 While sailing he also watched the Pleiades, the late-setting Boötes and Orion. Homer notes that Arktos also is called the Wagon, ¹ ”Amaxa in Greek. Arktos is said to circle or turn where it is. Homer also mentions the other constellations with the comment that Arktos is the only one that does not go down below the horizon; it is circumpolar (Homer, Odyssey V: 270-76). From the Greek name we have the Latin Ursa, which we use for two constellations, Ursa Major and Ursa Minor. However Homer mentions only one circumpolar constellation; he uses Arktos in the singular. The name Wagon designates a four-wheeled vehicle usually drawn by oxen. It is clear from these early texts that it would be the name for a wagon pulled by one or several oxen. Both Greek names for the constellation, Wagon and Arktos, are feminine and are used only in the singular by early authors such as Homer. However later, for example by the authors Aratos and Nonnos, they are in the plural and thus designate two constellations (Aratos, line 27, Nonnos Dionysiaca, XLVII: 251). Close to these two constellations we have Boötes, the ox driver, sometimes translated as the ploughman. On our modern star map, however, he has no  Classical authors are cited according to the standard reference system to book and line. The editions used here are mentioned in the bibliography under ancient authors, but most editions of these classical authors use the same notation for book and line

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography oxen to drive. Boötes is used from the beginning of Greek literature, but later, for example by Eudoxos and Aratos, he is also called ‘ArktofÚlax, translated as the Bear watcher (Aratos, line 92). Close to the pole, between Ursa Major and Ursa Minor, we have Draco, but it is not mentioned in the Greek texts until after 500 BCE and so it is left out of this discussion. The major problem we face is to understand what Homer meant by Arktos. Did he mean our Big Dipper or something else? Did he understand Ursa Minor as a separate constellation; and did he understand it as a bear? The name of the nearby constellation, Boötes, the ox-driver, is strange as it is close to the Bears but far away from Taurus. Bear also goes against the custom of naming constellations after well-known things in daily life such as bull, raven, marten, dolphin, crater, etc. Almost all constellations have such names. As a Greek origin of most western names for constellations seems most probable, the name Bear is strange as bears are very rare in early Greek iconography. It has been shown that figurines found on peak sanctuaries in Crete depict heavenly bodies, comets, constellations etc. These figurines are dated to ca. 2000 BCE and indicate that our western names for constellations were set at least by that time (Blomberg, in press, 2000, 2002, 2002B) in Crete. There is no such early evidence for an astronomical iconography in the Greek mainland. It seems probably to me that the Greeks took over the Minoan figures for their constellations. No bears have been found among the figurines in Crete, and bears have not lived in Crete. Therefore it does not seem likely that the Greeks got the figure bear as a constellation from the Minoans. For further discussion of the iconography of constellations from Minoan and Mycenaean times see Kyriakidis 2005. What is really said in the early texts? The oldest Greek texts do not mention the constellation we call Ursa Minor, and there seems to have been only one recognized constellation in the North. Many scholars have commented upon this and have said that Homer did not know the constellation we call Ursa Minor, as he did not mention it (See e.g. Martin, 1998, comment to Aratos’ line 27). The background is that Homer mentions several constellations including Arktos, and then says that she is the only one that does not go down below the horizon and that she rotates. The word used by Homer is stršfw, a word having several meanings, but mainly to rotate, to circle, even to circle around its own axis. The lines Odyssey V: 270-276 can be understood to mean ‘arktos circles round its own axis’ or ‘it circles like any other constellation but does not go down below the horizon’. However, it seems to me that Homer meant that it rotates where it is, thus its axis is the same as that of the northern celestial axis. The Greek word used means to rotate around itself, not really something that rotates as most constellations do, but rather as the circumpolar stars do. Homer’s description can of course mean that Arktos was the only one amongst the constellations mentioned that does not go down into the ocean, but it may also mean that it was the only then named constellation that was circumpolar. 130

The constellation Ursa Minor is not mentioned in astronomical texts before Thales (6th century BCE), who is said to have introduced it to facilitate navigation.3 Aratos said that the ancient Greeks sailed using Ursa Major while the Phoenicians navigated using Ursa Minor (lines 37-39). It is not known when sailing began in the Mediterranean, but it was well before Mycenaean times. We know that the Minoans sailed over great distances, as imported items from the east are found on Crete in archaeological contexts from that time. However, as the early Greeks and Phoenicians are said to have used different constellations for navigation, this implies that the ancient Greeks did not learn about the heavenly bodies from the Phoenicians – which is the general opinion in the literature – as Ursa Minor is a better constellation for determining North. The early Greeks thus seem to have developed their own star map. How is ”Arktoj used and translated by Greek and Roman authors? An early suggestion for understanding Arktos is presented by Strabo (1st century BCE-1st century CE) in his Geography, where he comments on the navigation instructions that Odysseus received and he explains Arktos as being the circumpolar stars or the Arctic Circle as defined by the early Greeks, i.e., the circumpolar stars as seen from the position of the observer (Strabo, 1.1.6). Thus the Arctic Circle for the Greeks changed locally as its position in the sky changed with the latitude. Other early authors sharing this view were, according to Strabo, Herakleitos (6-5 century CE) and Krates (1st century BCE). These three authors are especially interesting as they lived in the Greek tradition and wrote in the Greek language. In the case of Herakleitos, he was close to the time when the Odyssey was written down in the form that has reached us. The Greek word for the Arctic Circle was ¹ ¢rktikÒj which can mean near the Bear, arctic, northern etc. This interpretation was totally accepted by the English scholar Robert Brown who translated Aratos in the 19th century and had difficulties with the constellation Arktos (Brown, 1899-1900; 250-51; Brown, 1885). Arktos as originally referring to all the circumpolar stars seems to be the most logical explanation, as there are several cases in early Greek literature where arktos is used to mean north. Herodotus, for example, says that a place is said to face north – ”arkton (Herodotus, 1.148). This very early understanding of Arktos as the circumpolar stars makes it easy to understand why two names were used by several early authors, one for the circumpolar stars collectively, Arktos, and another for Wagon, which today in English is called the Big Dipper. The difficulty with understanding Arktos is also found in Manilius’ Astronomica, written about 14 CE. He uses the Latinized word arctos several times and with several meanings. Its primary meaning is the northern area, for example when he says that arctos is where heaven reaches  Scherer (1953: 138): Thales (Heath, T., 1921: 138) advised the Greeks to sail by the Little Bear, as the Phoenicians did, in preference to their own practice of sailing by the Great Bear. This instruction was probably noted in the handbook under the title Nautical Astronomy, attributed by some to Thales and others to Phocus of Samos.

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How did the constellation of the Bear receive its name? its culmination (Manilius, 1.275). At that time the Wagon or Ursa Major was not very close to the North; as Draco was closer he must be referring to the North and not to Ursa Major. There are several passages with the meaning North in Manilius (1.314; 1.610; 1.584; 5.19). But he used arctos even when he referred to the stars south of the southern arctic circle (1.590) and even when he talked about the axis of the earth that runs between the north and south poles, he used the expression “binas arctos” meaning the two arctos, arctos still in the singular, strangely enough (1.283).

as seen from Petsophas, the hilltop on eastern Crete that is identified as a place used for studying the sky (Henriksson & Blomberg, 1996). Earlier, and in the more northerly part of Greece where Homer is said to have come from, the star Arcturus was itself circumpolar about 2000 BCE. That is, the constellation Boötes and its brightest star Arcturus could have been used for identifying the limits of the circumpolar stars. Arcturus also means North-watcher, a combination of ”arktoj and oároj.

At the same time we find that he used Ursa, bear, for the constellation Ursa Major, as he says that the solstitial Colure “passes through the forefeet and neck of that Ursa which with the setting Sun seven stars bring first to view as it offers its lights to the blackness of night” (Manilius, 1.619). The Big Dipper or the Wagon, he calls Helice (1.218), and once Major Helice (1.296), in order to differentiate it from Ursa Minor, which he called Cynosura (1.299).4 It is thus clear that Manilius had identified a constellation in the North, which he translated into Latin as Ursa, our Ursa Major, but for the Northern and Southern stars in general he used arctos, a transliteration from Greek. Germanicus Caesar, either the emperor Tiberius or his nephew Germanicus, translated Aratos’ Phainomena in the 1st century CE. In order to avoid the problem of the meaning of arktos he used mostly the expression “Arctos which the Romans call the Bears”. At the same time he says that they are also called ploughs because they are shaped as such. However he continued, “if you prefer to call them animals, these gleaming animals face away from each other”. It seems that the popular identification at his time was as ploughs, but some people wanted to understand them as animals (lines 2526). The Big Dipper he calls Helice and talks about its tail; he thus sees Helice as an animal (line 60). But four lines later he is back to using Arctos. There may be a difference in Helice and Arctos; Helice could be the Big Dipper and Arctos Ursa Major. Helice appears also later (line 141) where it is described as an animal with an animal’s tail, but not specifically a bear. Bear is also present in his text in the name Ursa Major. Interesting in this context is also the other name for Boötes, ‘ArktofÚlax, which normally is translated as the Bear Watcher. The name can very well come from the fact that the constellation indicates the Arctic Circle, as it is partly circumpolar and partly not. According to Aratos, Boötes’ left hand never sets (Aratos, lines 712-723), and it would have made the circumpolar stars fairly easy to identify to a navigator. During Middle Minoan times, ca. 2000 BCE, the bright star Arcturus, positioned in the southern extremity of Boötes, rose and set at about 38 degrees off true north

Let us return to the Big Dipper. It was understood as a wagon in most cultures near Greece, and in most of them as a wagon drawn by one or several oxen. The Latin name for the Big Dipper, Septemtriones, means the seven ploughing oxen and the old Thesaurus Graecae Linguae from the first half of the 19th century gives the Greek translation as ”Amaxa. There are also several Scholia (see e.g. Scholia Vetera, 27, lines 77ff ) that indicate a wagon with oxen. It is clear that the Romans took their astronomy from the Greeks, and thus we can say, as many scholars have, that it is clear that the Greeks saw the Big Dipper as one or several oxen with a wagon. This understanding is shared by Gundel (1922: 55), who states that the Greeks and Romans saw seven oxen before Homer. He says that it is after Homer’s time that the Bear becomes a constellation (1922: 56). He gives no sources for this statement, however. Conclusion We have seen that the Greek word arktos has several meanings, amongst which the most commonly used by the early Greeks are North, northern, the northern region of the sky, as well as the animal bear. We saw also that the several meanings are due to the Indo-European origins of the word arktos, which gave rise to different meanings. Calypso used this word with the meaning North when she gave sailing instructions to Odysseus. The early Roman authors introduced the word arctos into Latin for the northern stars and constellations. At the same time they offered the other meaning of arktos (bear), ursa in Latin, for those who preferred to see the constellation as an animal. The main seven stars in the constellation Ursa Major were understood as a wagon in Greek classical times, but merely as the seven stars by the Romans. Thus Ursa was most likely introduced in Roman times in order to have a name for those stars forming Ursa Major today and to provide an animal name for the constellation. Bear seems to have been chosen as the name for the constellation as it is one of the meanings of the Greek word arktos. Bibliography Ancient authors Aratos: Kidd, D., Aratus Phaenomena, (Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries, 34) Cambridge 1997. Eudoxos: Lasserre, F. (ed.) 1966, Die Fragmente des Eudoxos von Knidos, (Texte und Kommentare. Eine altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe, Band 4) Berlin.

 Kidd, in his comments to Aratos, says that KunÒsoura must have been the original Greek name for Ursa Minor but does not discuss its age nor why he says so (Kidd 1997:188). This name is not mentioned in the texts before Aratos. Eudoxos, and Thales used ”Arktoj Mikr£, the Small Arctos, which indicates that KunÒsoura could not have been the old name amongst the Greek philosophers but could very well have been a popular name (comp. Eudoxus fr 1:13).

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Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Germanicus Caesar: Gain, D.B., 1976, Aratos, The Aratus ascribed to Germanicus Ceasar, edited with an introduction, translation & commentary by D.B Gain, London Herodotus: Loeb Classical Library, vol. 117, transl. By A.D. Godley, London 1990. Homer: Murray, A.T., The Odyssey, (Loeb classical library, vols. 104,105), Cambridge and London. 1984 Homer: Heubeck, A., West, S., Hainsworth, J.B., 1988, A commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 1, (Introduction and Books i-viii), Oxford. Manilius: Astronomica, (Loeb classical library, vol 469, transl. By G.P. Goold) London and Cambridge, 1977. Nonnos Panopolitanus: Dionysiaca. Vol. XLVII, Paris 2000. Strabo :The geography of Strabo, transl. By H.L. Jones, Loeb Classical Library, London 1969 Thales: Heath, T., A history of Greek mathematics, vol. I, From Thales to Euclid, Oxford 1921, reprinted 1965 Modern authors Allen, R. H., 1963: Star-names and their meaning, New York 1899, second reprint 1936, also published under the title Star names, their lore and meaning, New York. Blomberg, P. E. in press: “A reinterpretation of the figurines from Petsophas and Traostalos” to appear in the Proceedings from the 9th Cretological conference held at Elounda. Blomberg, P. E. in press: “Did Boötes drive a wagon with oxen on the Minoan star map?” Paper delivered at the conference Cultural context from the astronomical data and the echoes of cosmic catastrophic events, SEAC 2002, Tartu, 27 Blomberg P. E., 2000: “An astronomical interpretation of finds from Minoan Crete”, Oxford VI and SEAC 99 “Astronomy and cultural diversity” Proceedings of the international conference Oxford VI and SEAC 99” held at Museo de la Cienci y el Cosmos, LaLaguna, Junio 1999, LaLaguna, pp. 311-318. Blomberg, P. E. 2002: “An attempt to reconstruct the Minoan star map” Astronomy of ancient societies, Proceedings of the Conference “Astronomy of ancient civilization” of the European Society for Astronomy (SEAC) associated with the joint European and National Astronomical Meeting (JENAM) Moscow, May 23-27, 2000, Moscow, pp. 93-99, a Russian translation pp. 99-101 Blomberg, P. E. 2002b: “The early Hellenic sky map reconstructed from archaeoastronomical and textual

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studies”, to appear in The preceedings of the EAA conference in Thessaloniki September 2002, (BAR). Brown R., 1899-1900: Researches into the origin of the primitive constellations of the Greeks, Phoenicians and Babylonians, 2 vol. Brown, R., 1885: The Phainomena or ‘Heavenly Display’ of Aratos, done into English verse, London Godley, A.D.: Herodotos (Loeb Classical Library, vol. 117, transl. By A.D. Godley), London 1990. Goold, G.P., 1977: Manilius: Astronomica, (Loeb classical library, vol 469, transl. By G.P. Goold) London and Cambridge, US, Gundel, W.: Sterne und Sternbilder im Glauben des Alterturms und der neuzeit, reprinted from the 1922 edition with an appendix by H.G. Gundel, Hildesheim and New York 1981 Heath, T., 1921: A history of Greek mathematics, vol. I, From Thales to Euclid, Oxford, reprinted 1965 Henriksson, G. & Blomberg, M.: 1996, “Evidence for Minoan astronomical observations from the peak sanctuaries on Petsophas and Traostalos”, OpAth, 21, 99-114 Heubeck, A., West, S., Hainsworth, J.B.: 1988, A commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 1, (Introduction and Books i-viii), Oxford. Huld, M. E.: “PIE ’bear’ Ursus arktos, Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor” in Proceedings of the tenth annual UCLA IndoEuropean Conference, Los Angeles May 21-23, 1998, ed.: K. Jones-Bley et al., (Journal of Indo-European studies monograph series no. 32) Washington DC, 1999 Jones, H.L.: 1969, The geography of Strabo, (transl. By H.L. Jones, Loeb Classical Library), London Kidd, D.: 1997Aratus Phaenomena, (Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries, 34) Cambridge Kyriakidis, E.: 2005, “Unidentified floating objects on Minoan seals” AJA 109(2005)137-154. Martin, J.: 1998, Aratos Phénomènes, (Collection des Universitès de France) Paris Murray, A.T.: The Odyssey, (Loeb classical library, vols. 104,105), Cambridge and London. 1984 Scherer, A., 1953: Gestirnnamen bei den indogermanischen Völkern, (Forschungen zum Wortschatz der indogermanischen Sprachen 1), Heidelberg. Szemerenyi, O., 1962: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft, Sonderheft 15, pp. 175-212

CHRONOLOGY FOR THE EGYPTIAN PHARAOHS OF THE AMARNA PERIOD AND THE ISRAELI LEADERS MOSES AND JOSHUA BY CORRELATION WITH EIGHT SOLAR ECLIPSES Göran Henriksson Astronomical Observatory, 751 20 Uppsala, Sweden E-mail: [email protected]

1425 BCE. The length of rule for the two kings preceding him is unknown because the text is damaged, and the chronology before 1430 BCE has been lively discussed. I presented a solution to this problem in a paper for the SEAC Conference in Tartu, Estonia, 2002 (Henriksson, 2002). The dates of the Old Babylonian Kingdom, the three Dynasties in Ur, the dynasty of Akkad, the Hittite Kingdom and the Egyptian chronology from the 13th to the 19th dynasty were determined by identification of two total solar eclipses in Babylon, 1859 and 1558 BCE. The solution fits exactly with the written information both with respect to the 300/301 years between the two total solar eclipses, determined from the total number of years of rule for all the kings from limmu lists, and the description of the visibility of the eclipses that can be found on Tablet 27 of the Enuma Anu Enlil according to the translation of van Soldt (1995: 85-87) and including the exact date in the Babylonian calendar for the eclipse in 1558 BCE. This result was possible due to a new computer program developed by the author between 1975-1985. It is based on parameters determined by the German astronomer Carl Schoch during the 1920s in combination with modern data concerning the Earth-Moon system (Schoch, 1931). The program has been successfully tested since 1985 against all accurately defined ancient solar eclipses.

Abstract The periods of rule for pharaohs during the Amarna period in Egypt are dated by correlation with six solar eclipses at the horizon. Amenhotep IV changed his name to Akhenaten in his sixth year after a powerful solar eclipse during sunrise on 21/6, 1378 BCE, and the decision in his ninth year to build a completely new residential city Akhetaten – The Horizon of the Sun Disk, was taken after the dramatic solar eclipse at the horizon during sunrise on 20/4 1375 BCE. The sudden decision of Tutankhaten to change his name to Tutankhamun in the fourth year of his reign and to evacuate Akhetaten during the winter months of that year may have been taken after the solar eclipse during sunrise on 14/10, 1356 BCE. An alternative explanation may be a correlation with the extremely bright supernova that appeared in the sky on 9/11, 1355 BCE. This supernova may have been interpreted as a second sun in the sky and a contradiction to the new monotheistic adoration of the Sun Disk. I identify the solar eclipse in 1258 BCE, which was total in southern Egypt, with the so-called Egyptian darkness mentioned in Exodus as number 9 of the 10 plagues before the people of Israel were given permission to leave Egypt. This eclipse took place in the 46th year of the rule of Ramesses II, 1304-1238 BCE, according to the High Egyptian chronology. The rod that Moses stretched out over the land of Egypt is identified with the long bright tail of the comet Encke that dominated the southern sky in January 1258 BCE. The pillar of cloud during the day and the pillar of fire during the night, which guided the people of Israel during the exodus from Egypt out in the desert, fit very well with the next bright appearance of the comet Encke in May-June 1252 BCE.

It may seem to be an impossible task for an astronomer with no special knowledge of Egyptian or Israeli history, literature or archaeology to make any significant contribution to this complicated field of research. For instance already in 1963 there existed more than 15 different chronologies for Tutankhamun (Desroches Noblecourt, 1963). However, in this paper I will show that there exist earlier unknown correlations between astronomical phenomena such as the appearance of spectacular solar eclipses and comets, and religious interpretations by the Egyptian pharaohs and the Israeli leaders Moses and Joshua.

There was another remarkable solar eclipse in 1207 BCE that can be identified as the situation “when the sun was standing still in the valley of Ajalon”, after Joshua’s conquest of the city of Gibeon in Palestine. This date is in good agreement with the results from the modern archaeological excavations in Gibeon. Richard Stephenson has earlier identified this eclipse as taking place in 1131 BCE, but this is too late according to the archaeologists.

One of the reasons why no consensus has been achieved from the present methods used may be that this issue is very important from both a political and a religious point of view. The different scientists have started their investigations in order to prove their own favourite hypotheses and have been unable to look at the information in an objective way. For instance some religious archaeologists or literature specialists have immediately accepted all their finds as a confirmation of their favourite hypotheses and have not tested other possible explanations. On the other hand there exist scientists who for some reason want to disprove the stories in the Old Testament because they believe that a text that mentions divine interventions must be a myth without any information about the real world. However, this principle is sometimes used in a selective way, as texts from the surrounding countries that mention that their gods have helped them to get a victory on the battlefield,

Introduction The absolute chronology of the civilizations in the Ancient Near East depends on the identification of a solar eclipse in the city of Assur on June 15, 763 BCE, Julian Calendar. This made it possible to date all the kings in the so-called Khorsabad list of Assyrian kings back to Enlil-nasir II, 1430133

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography is still considered to be historically useful.1 The reason may be that the Biblical tradition is a living tradition that has survived through more than one hundred generations and that many people even today claim it to be completely true, while the other ancient religions are nearly forgotten and are only known today through old texts and inscriptions on monuments written in reconstructed languages.

main alternatives, the High and the Low chronology, differ by 25 years.

One great problem with the Egyptian texts is that they never acknowledge that something has happened that does not glorify Pharaoh and they never mention remarkable signs in the sky, such as a total solar eclipse. The Egyptians feared disturbances of the cosmical order, and the authority of Pharaoh could be questioned if such disturbances occurred. The purpose of the Egyptian texts is to show that Pharaoh was capable of ruling the country, and ancient authors had no intention of giving a scientific description of unusual or frightening natural phenomena. As a result only indirect conclusions are possible. In the Old Testament the situation is completely different. Unusual natural celestial phenomena are often mentioned in the texts, but they have been given religious interpretations. They are considered as miracles of the Lord and proofs of his intervention in the history of the people of Israel. In my investigation it is necessary to suppose that the religious texts have some foundation in historical events. I have tried to explain some phenomena, which in the Old Testament have been considered as miracles, as religious interpretations of unusual but natural celestial phenomena. This means that if I am able to make a reasonably correct identification of a textual description of a divine intervention in history I can present an independent date for this historical event and prove that somebody existed at that place and witnessed the identified celestial phenomenon. On the other hand, this cannot be considered as a proof that the Lord made an intervention in the history of mankind. I. Egyptian Chronology Chronology during the Amarna period from five solar eclipses close to the horizon During the 20th century several attempts were made to establish an absolute chronology for ancient Egypt. The two  For example the following quotation: “The above-quoted Egyptian statements must be understood as hyperbole that perpetuates Egyptian royal ideology. This does not mean that the Levantine campaigns of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, Ramesses’ Battle of Kadesh, and Merneptah’s invasion of Canaan did not take place. Egyptologists, while recognizing the propagandistic nature of the material, nevertheless ascribe some historical worth to the bombastic claims. The critical reader of the texts needs to understand the rhetoric and the propagandist nature of the material but should not throw out the proverbial baby with the bathwater by dismissing the more sober reports in the body of the same text. Yet when similar hyperbole is found in the Bible, the account is often summarily dismissed as unhistorical, especially if there is a hint of divine intervention. And yet divine involvement or intervention in military affairs is a regular feature of Near Eastern military writing. The Merneptah stela provides an excellent illustration. In line 14, the capture of the Libyan chieftain is described as “a great wonder (or miracle) happened” (bi3t c 3t hprt). Despite the claim of a miracle and the use of hyperbole in this inscription, no Egyptologist rejects the historicity of the Libyan war of Merneptah.” (Hoffmeier, 1996: 42)

1

The High chronology is based on textual evidence, found in Papyrus Ebers, for the date of the heliacal rising of Sothis (Sirius) in the Year 9 of Amenhotep I and a documented date for the new moon at the accession of Ramesses II in 1304 BCE. From the lunar date there exist three options for the accession of Ramesses II, 1304, 1290 and 1279 BCE, according to the chronological studies by the Egyptologist K. A. Kitchen (1987: 39-42). In the High chronology it is assumed that the ancient observations of the heliacal risings of Sothis were performed in the north of Egypt, at Memphis, the usual administrative capital, or at the nearby Heliopolis (Hornung, 1964: 20). For most epochs this would be the most logical assumption because astronomer priests were based at the temple in Heliopolis and it was famous during antiquity as a centre for astronomical knowledge, down to the end of the Hellenistic period. The fact that the name of one of the royal warships during the Amarna period was “The star in Memphis” may indicate that Sothis was especially connected to that city. The problem with the High chronology for Egypt is that it differs by 25 years from the common dates in the Low chronology for the Old Babylonian Kingdom. To solve this apparent problem a Low Egyptian chronology was synchronised with the Low chronology for the Old Babylonian Kingdom. According to the Low chronology for Egypt (Krauss, 1978: 190-193; Krauss 1985: 63-67) the observations of the heliacal rising of Sothis were performed in the southern city of Elephantine (modern Aswan). However, Kitchen is very sceptical about this hypothesis and he writes: “While it is true that observation of the rise of the Nile would properly begin at Elephantine, marking the start of the natural New Year, and that the rising of Sothis was observed in relation to the start of the New Year, this does not prove that Elephantine was the place of observation. Apart from this possible coincidence, Krauss has not produced one scrap of definitive evidence to prove his assumption of Sothisobservations at Elephantine – only clever speculations which are no substitute for facts.” (Kitchen, 1987: 42). Kitchen still prefers the Low chronology even if he doesn’t accept the arguments of Krauss. As mentioned in the Introduction above a new chronology was proposed for the Old Babylonian Kingdom by identification of two well-determined total solar eclipses in Babylon, which resulted in a shift backwards by 24 years of the Low chronology for the Old Babylonian Kingdom (Henriksson, 2002). This means that the first year of rule for Sumuabum, the first Amorite king, was 1855/54 BCE and the last year of the rule of Samsuditana, the last king, was 1555 BCE, and the conquest of Babylon by the Hittite king Mursilis I took place between 1558 and 1555 BCE. The most probable year for the fall of Babylon is 1557 BCE. The triple synchronism between Mesopotamia, The Hittite Kingdom and Egypt fits very well if one chooses the new chronology for Mesopotamia and the earlier proposed High

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Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna Period and the Israeli Leaders Moses and Joshua chronologies for the Hittite Kingdom and Egypt. This means, for instance, that the first years of rule for the Egyptian pharaohs Ramesses II, Tuthmosis III and Neferhotep I was 1304, 1504 and 1738 BCE respectively (Kitchen, 1987).

4) The new chronology is strongly supported by the latest results from the dendrochronological investigations in Anatolia (Manning et al., 2001). Sealings of SamsiAdad I and his officials are found in an archive collection from Sarikaya Palace at Acemhöyük and must postdate its construction 1774 +4/-7 and predate its destruction in 1766 +4/-7 BCE (Newton and Kuniholm, 2004). According to the revised Anatolian tree ring dating, only a chronological solution close to the reign of SamsiAdad I between ca 1832 +7/-1 and 1776 +7/-1 BCE, in the so-called Middle chronology, is viable. A low-Middle chronology is also possible. The High chronology, some 56 years earlier than the Middle chronology, is completely ruled out, and the Low chronology, some 64 years lower, or the recent Ultra-Low proposals (Gasche et al., 1998), some 89 years lower, are rendered respectively unlikely and very unlikely, as these options would require long pre-Samsi-Adad I phases for both contexts. But according to Manning et al. (2001) there is no pre-SamsiAdad I documentation in either context, despite much epigraphical and glyptic evidence.

The new chronology is supported by at least four independent circumstances. 1) In the new chronology the first year of the Babylonian king Ammisaduqa was 1606 BCE, which agrees very well with the minimum errors around 1600 BCE for the statistical parameters in the investigation of the Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa by Gurzadyan (Gasche et al., 1998: 73) and Figure 2 in Henriksson (2002). 2) The total length of rule for kings 65 and 66 in the Assyrian King List is unknown because the text is damaged. In the Middle chronology, the missing number of years is 72 and in the Low chronology it is 8 years. According to Astour (1989): “Two consecutive reigns could, in principle, have lasted 72 years, but in the sector in question of the Assyrian King List the average length of a documented reign is 13.4 years.” If we calculate the sum of these two regnal periods according to the Ultra Low chronology, it becomes –24 years, which certainly is impossible! In the new chronology, the corresponding sum is 32 years, which is close to the average length of two reigns, 26.8 years, in the Khorsabad Assyrian King List.

These independent circumstances are in very good agreement with the years of rule, 1798-1741 BCE, for Samsi-Adad I in the new chronology. He built the Sarikaya Palace the same year as he became king in Assyria, 1774 BCE, and repaired the Warsama Palace at Kültepe three years later.

3) The new chronology dates the rule of the most famous Old Babylonian king, Hammurabi, to 1752-1710 BCE and the Code of Hammurabi to 1714 BCE. Albright (1942) found that the Assyrian king Samsi-Adad I was still ruling in the 10th year of Hammurabi and that Mari was conquered by Hammurabi in his 32nd year. The king of Mari was Zimri-Lim who reigned some 30 years and was preceded by Yasmah-Adad, son and viceroy of Samsi-Adad I, by at least 16 years. Veenhof (2000) has recently identified the eponym, Asqudum, for the year when Yasmah-Adad died and that year corresponds to Hammurabi year 11-12 or 1742-1741 BCE in the proposed chronology. Durand et al. (1997) interpreted a text from Mari in which a lunar eclipse was mentioned the year when Yasmah-Adad or his father Samsi-Adad I died. In 1742 BCE, there was only one partial eclipse of the moon with magnitude 0.66. However, 1741 BCE was a very unusual year with three eclipses: on January 1st a total eclipse after moonrise, on June 25th a total eclipse after moonrise, and on December 20th a partial eclipse with magnitude 0.42 after midnight. This means that Samsi-Adad I may have died the same year as his son, most probably in 1741 BCE. Yasmah-Adad ruled Mari at least from 1756 to his death in 1741 BCE. After him Zimri-Lim was the king of Mari 1740-1721 BCE, when Hammurabi conquered Mari. According to Durand et al. (1997) Shamsi-Adad I was born the year before a solar eclipse in Mari. I propose that this eclipse is the solar eclipse in 1833 BCE, which was total in Mari. This means that Shamsi-Adad I lived between 1834 and 1741 BCE and died at the age of 92-93 years. 135

The High chronology for Egypt is used in this paper and all unspecified dates are expressed in the Gregorian Calendar. To get the corresponding year in the Low chronology, 25 years should be subtracted. The rule of Amenhotep III (1416-1379 BCE) and the importance of Aten, the solar disk The moment when the sun’s disk was crossing the horizon must have been very important according to Egyptian beliefs because several deities were involved. The crocodile god Sobek was adored as the Lord of the Horizon, the goddess Nut gave birth every morning to the sun, and the god Kepher, in the shape of a winged scarab, was responsible for the rising of the sun and pushed the solar disk up above the horizon. One lion god, Aker, watched the point at the horizon where the sun was rising and another one the point where it was setting (Fletcher, 2000). It seems therefore obvious that any kind of unnatural appearance of the sun’s disk at the horizon must have been interpreted as a bad omen by the Egyptians. The most dramatic situation is a total or nearly total eclipse of the sun that begins below the horizon, first causing the aurora to vanish and, when the solar disk finally becomes visible, it is black and surrounded by a faint light or is only visible as a thin sickle. The oldest known image of Aten as “a sun’s disk with arms” is from the beginning of the reign of Tutmosis IV, ca. 1427 BCE. It is found on a stele raised to the memory of the Old Kingdom pharaohs Khufu and Khephren, who built the two biggest pyramids. The son of Tutmosis IV, Amenhotep III, became Pharaoh in 1416 BCE. During

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 1. The annular solar eclipse on 11/9, 1410 BCE, as observed from Memphis, the first capital of Amenhotep III. The left image corresponds to the moments of sunrise at 05.45 and 05.48 and the right image corresponds to the moment of maximum eclipse at 06.38.44, local mean solar time.

his 6th year, in 1410 BCE, he suddenly moved the capital from Memphis in the north to Thebes in the south. He appointed a royal astronomer, Nacht, from Memphis, to observe the stars and determine the correct dates of the year and time during the day for the sacrifices to the gods. Egyptologists speculate that Amenhotep III moved the capital because he wanted to increase his control of the mighty Amun priests in the main religious centre in Thebes (Fletcher, 2000).

The importance of Aten was increasing during the 38 years when Amenhotep III was Pharaoh in Egypt. During the last decade of his reign he finally identified himself with the sungod Aten. His last year of rule was 1379 BCE and his last decade began ca 1389 BCE. In the 27th year of Amenhotep III, in 1389 BCE, his oldest son, crown prince Tutmosis, died. The fact that the son died before his father was a catastrophe according to Egyptian beliefs because it disturbed the cosmic order. In that same year, there was an annular solar eclipse in Egypt on 26/1, during the sunset, which may have triggered Amenhotep III’s increased interest in Aten and his identification with him. This eclipse took place in the evening and reached its maximum 12° above the horizon, but the upper limb of the solar disk was still eclipsed when the sun was setting (Fig. 2).

I want to point out that on 11/9 in 1410 BCE there was an annular solar eclipse in Memphis 10.8° above the horizon, but the eclipse started already when the sun was 5.4° below the horizon (Fig. 1). This eclipse was only partial in Thebes, but started at about the same altitude below the horizon as in Memphis. One alternative reason for moving the capital to Thebes may be that Amenhotep III had observed the annular solar eclipse in Memphis and had interpreted this as a bad omen and a sign from Aten to move the capital to the traditional religious centre in Thebes.

Two almost total solar eclipses at the horizon during the rule of Amenhotep IV – Akhenaten (1379-1363 BCE) Crown-prince Tutmosis was in line to be the next pharaoh with the name Tutmosis V. This means that his brother Amenhotep was not originally trained in the role of being the pharaoh of Egypt. The second son may in many cases behave like a rebel, because he grows up in the shadow of his older brother, and this seems to be valid in the present case.

Amenhotep III renewed the tradition to celebrate the socalled sed-festival after 30 years of rule. This means that his sed-festival took place in 1386 BCE. Some Egyptologists believe that sed-festivals were celebrated every third year after 30 years of rule, which means that there would also have been sed-festivals in 1383 and 1380 BCE. According to Paul van der Meer, expert on chronological problems in the ancient Near East, there were also sed-festivals that took place regularly every 30th year independently of the number of years in the reign of any pharaoh. It may be just a coincidence but the last sed-festival during the rule of Amenhotep III, in 1380 BCE, occurred in one of the years of the regular sed-festivals (van der Meer, 1955).

Amenhotep IV became Pharaoh in 1379 BCE according to the High Egyptian chronology. In his fifth or sixth year he suddenly changed his name to Akhenaten, and proclaimed that the sun alone should be worshipped, in the new form as the solar disk, or Aten (Fig. 3). He was obviously a very original and brave person who dared to suggest a sudden abandoning of the more than one-thousand-year-old traditional Egyptian cult of the sun-god Amun-Ra in Thebes, and many other deities or incarnations and gods including Osiris, Isis, Horus etc, and proposed a monotheistic religion 136

Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna Period and the Israeli Leaders Moses and Joshua

Fig. 2. The partial solar eclipse on 26/1, 1389 BCE, as observed from Thebes, the second capital of Amenhotep III. The left image corresponds to the moment of maximum eclipse at 16.38 and the right image corresponds to the moments of sunset at 17.49 and 17.46, local mean solar time.

Fig. 3. Adoration of the rising sun in the Royal tomb in Tell el-Amarna. To the right King Akhenaten and Queen Nefertiti. (After figure 51 in Desroches Noblecourt, 1963.) in which only the sun-god in the shape of the visible Sun Disk should be adored.

At the sunrise on the day of the summer solstice 21/6, 1378 BCE, the sun became visible on the horizon as a point of a horn (Fig. 4). This happened in the beginning of the second year of rule of Amenhotep IV as sole ruler in Egypt, or in his sixth year if he started to rule together with his father in 1383 BCE. On 20/4, 1375 BCE, in his fifth year, or ninth year alternatively, there was another spectacular solar eclipse at the horizon, but this time the completely eclipsed upper part of the solar disk became visible as a black semicircle surrounded by light (Fig. 5).

In my opinion it is reasonable to assume that Amenhotep IV must have witnessed something very dramatic in the Sun’s appearance that made so deep an impression on him and other witnesses that he was willing to take such a risk. He may have interpreted his extraordinary experience as a personal revelation from the Sun Disk, which made it necessary to make a total reformation of the ancient religion with its many gods and to believe only in one god in its natural appearance, visible to everybody in the sky.

The new king may also have remembered the powerful solar 137

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography

Fig. 4. The spectacular partial solar eclipse at sunrise, on 21/6, 1378 BCE, observed from the horizon of Akhetaten presented in local mean solar time for every five minutes. The maximum eclipse took place at 05.23, when 0.913 of the solar disk was eclipsed. The summer solstice occurred the next morning at 09.33. The day of the eclipse may have been recognized as the day of the summer solstice.

eclipse 10 years before he entered the throne, on 26/1, 1389 BCE, in which 96.2% of the central part of the sun’s disk was eclipsed, and the sun was visible as an annulus at an altitude of 14° in the vicinity of the place where he later founded his new capital Akhetaten. This eclipse was only partial to the north and south of the location of Akhetaten.

new city, mainly on the eastern side of the Nile, lies along the desert edge and had not been used earlier. Akhenaten was very powerful and innovative and introduced a new artistic style, the Amarna style, expressed in the decoration of the monuments in his new capital. However, the glory of the city was short and it was abandoned a few years after the death of Akhenaten in 1363 BCE (Baines & Málek, 1992: 123).

He may have been inspired by the impact of these three spectacular appearances of the Sun Disk at the horizon, within 14 years, to make a radical reformation of the religion and to build a new residential city at a place where no other religious cult had taken place and where the Sun’s disk had shown itself in spectacular appearances.

I came in contact with this problem of a new, short-lived capital in 1977, during an elementary course in Egyptology at the University of Uppsala. My guess was that there had been some spectacular solar eclipses at the horizon of Akhetaten during the reign of Akhenaten. This was one of the reasons why I started the project to make a sufficiently exact computer program for calculations of ancient solar eclipses. However, this was a much more complicated problem than I had expected, and the program did not work properly until 1985. I found two very spectacular solar eclipses at

Akhetaten – The Horizon of the Sun Disk In Middle of Egypt, at a place today known as el Amarna, Akhenaten created a new residence city, which he gave the name Akhetaten, the horizon of Aten. The site chosen for the 138

Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna Period and the Israeli Leaders Moses and Joshua

Fig. 5. Sunrise at Akhetaten, modern el Amarna, 20/4, 1375 BCE, during the ninth year of Akhenaten, including 4 years of rule together with his father Amenhotep III. Akhetaten means “The Horizon of the Sun Disk”. The phase of maximum eclipse is shown in the lower right frame.

the horizon in the beginning of the reign of Akhenaten, but when I consulted the latest literature, the chronology had been shifted forwards by 25 years. At that time there were no reasons to believe that the old (High) chronology was more correct than the new (Low) one. My hypothesis could not be tested until there was a reliable chronology for this period in Egyptian history.

These letters give us the possibility to make a very sharp test of my chronology against the independent absolute chronology in this part of the Assyrian King list (Brinkman, 1977). According to my chronology these two letters must have been sent during the last year of Akhenaten and the first year of Assur-uballit I. In my opinion it is reasonable to expect that these letters were sent during the first year of Assur-uballit I, because he may have wanted a new royal palace in the beginning of his reign to strengthen his prestige. There exist no copies of the replies to these letters from Akhenaten and it is possible that Akhenaten already was dead when the second letter arrived. The letters from Assur-nadin-ahhe II to Amenhotep III must have been written before 1383 BCE, when Akhenaten began to rule together with his father, and probably some years before this year because no such letters have been found among the Amarna letters to Amenhotep III. The last possibility for Assurnadin-ahhe II to write a letter to Amenhotep III was in 1391 BCE, because this was his last year. However, it is more likely that he needed the 20 talents of gold in the beginning of his reign in 1400 BCE.

Now, when the problems with Egyptian chronology are solved (see above), it is meaningful to investigate the solar eclipses during the reign of Akhenaten and see if they can give an indication of the background for his introduction of the cult of the solar disk and the name of the new capital in Egypt, Akhetaten, “The Horizon of the Sun Disk”. The Amarna letters The houses in Akhetaten are unusually well preserved, and after the excavations in the beginning of the 20th century we can get a clear picture of the life of every class in Egyptian society. Among the finds are almost 400 clay tablets with cuneiform inscriptions, which contain diplomatic correspondence with some Asiatic rulers during the last years of the reign of Amenhotep III and the complete period of rule of Amenhotep IV. There exists also at least one letter to Tutankhamun.

The Low chronology of Krauss is not completely impossible when compared with the facts in these Amarna letters, but it seems not very likely. There is no problem with synchronicity between Akhenaten and Assur-uballit I, but the synchronicity between Amenhotep III (13911354 BCE) in the Low chronology, and Assur-nadin-ahhe II (1400-1391 BCE) is just marginally acceptable. In my opinion it seems more likely that the Assyrian king needed to establish good relations and exchange gifts with the ruler of Egypt during the first years of his rule than after nearly ten years of rule.

Two of the Amarna letters were sent by the Assyrian King Assur-uballit I (1363-1328 BCE) to Akhenaten (1379-1363 BCE). In his second letter he mentions that Amenhotep III (1416-1379 BCE) had sent 20 talents of gold to his forefather, King Assur-nadin-ahhe II (1400-1391 BCE), but Akhenaten had only sent a little gold to him. King Assur-uballit I was planning to build a new royal palace and needed economical support from Akhenaten. 139

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography A summary of the end of the 18th dynasty

there is no answer to the question of why he changed his name during his fourth year.

Amenhotep IV, Akhenaten (1379-1363 BCE) Amenhotep IV changed his name in his sixth year to Akhenaten, and cut all royal ties with the Amun cult. The sun alone was worshipped in the new form of the sun-disk, or Aten. In his ninth year he started to build a completely new residence city called Akhetaten, the horizon of the solar disk Aten. His father Amenhotep III had died in January 1379 BCE, and Amenhotep IV became Pharaoh in March of the same year. If we may explain his change of name from Amenhotep to Akhenaten, which took place in his sixth year according to the texts, by the appearance of the eclipsed sun’s disk at the horizon on the 21/6 1378 BCE and the decision in his ninth year to build a completely new residential city Akhetaten with the partial solar eclipse just above the horizon on 20/4, 1375 BCE, we can reach the conclusion that his first year of rule was 1383 BCE. This means that Akhenaten and his father Amenhotep III ruled together during the last 4 years of the reign of Amenhotep III. Akhenaten ruled for at least 16 years, according to Kitchen (1987, 41), but this is probably only the number of years when he was the sole ruler. This means that the last year of rule for Akhenaten was 1363 BCE, which is in good agreement with the idea that his total length of rule was 21 years, mentioned as a possibility by Desroches Noblecourt (1963). There was also another solar eclipse during sunrise at Akhetaten, on 2/9, 1363 BCE, but Akhenaten may have been dead at that time. This was the fifth solar eclipse, with magnitude greater than 0.75 of the solar diameter, at the horizon in Egypt during the rule of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten. Smenkhkare and Nefertiti under her second name Neferneferuaten (1363-1359 BCE) During the first years after the death of Akhenaten his queen Nefertiti was still very powerful. Smenkhkare, who probably was a son of Akhenaten, became the new pharaoh. He ruled during four years, probably together with Nefertiti, under her second name Neferneferuaten. After the death of the young ruler an even younger boy became Pharaoh in Egypt, under the name Tutankhaten.

According to the principles presented above, a sign from Aten, the solar disk itself, may have initiated this decision. In the beginning of the expected time interval for the reign of Tutankhamun there was a partial solar eclipse with magnitude 0.858 in Akhetaten, on 14/10, 1356 BCE, that started when the sun was below the horizon and had its maximum a few degrees above the horizon. The Egyptian year began with July, and October was the fourth month and this fits very well with a change of his name after the solar eclipse in October and the evacuation of Akhetaten during the winter months. If the fourth year of Tutankhamun was 1356 BCE, then his first year was 1359 BCE. He died in January in his ninth year, which means that his year of death was 1349 BCE in our calendar beginning with January 1st. This result differs by only one year from the Low chronology (1333-1323 BCE) if one adds the correction of 25 years (1358-1348 BCE) (Baines & Málek, 1992: 45). However, there is also another, perhaps even more plausible, explanation for the abandoning of the monotheistic cult of the solar disk. I have identified an extremely bright supernova explosion that suddenly appeared in the sky on November 9, 1355 BCE. This is a result of my interpretation of the Swedish rock carvings from the Bronze Age (Henriksson, 1999; Henriksson, 2005), in combination with the texts on Chinese oracle bones from the Shang Dynasty (Needham, 1954). The position of the supernova corresponds to a position in the constellation Monoceros and is within some degrees from the supernova remnant PKS 0646+06 discovered by radio telescope (Holden, 1968). This supernova is probably the brightest supernova of the last 4000 years and at maximum it was 250 times brighter than the brightest planet Venus. When it suddenly appeared it was situated on the opposite side of the sky compared with the sun and may have been interpreted as an anti-sun. During the winter 1355-1354 BCE there were thus two suns in the sky and this may have been an obvious reason to abandon a religion based on the adoration of a single sun.

Tutankhamun (1359-1349 BCE) or (1358-1348 BCE) Tutankhaten was only eight years old when he became Pharaoh. The circumstances of his origins are very unclear, and he was not a son of Nefertiti. He may have been a son of Akhenaten by a secondary wife Kiya. Early in the reign of the boy ruler the old Amun cult was re-established. During his rule a great number of statues and inscriptions, damaged during the rule of Akhenaten, was restored. The inscription on his coffin tells us that he died when he was 18 years old. The general opinion of Egyptologists is that he ruled Egypt for nine years. During his fourth year he changed his name from Tutankhaten to Tutankhamun and during the winter of that year he left Akhetaten and moved to Thebes. The young ruler was under hard pressure to abandon the new religion with its Aten cult and return to the old Amun cult. However, 140

This scenario explains reasonably well the sudden decision of the young Egyptian pharaoh to change his name from Tutankhaten to Tutankhamun, perhaps already in November 1355 BCE, and to evacuate the city of the sun’s disk, Akhetaten, during the winter months of that year. This interpretation agrees exactly with the years of rule for Tutankhamun in the High chronology (1358-1348 BCE). Ay (1348-1344 BCE) After Tutankhamun an elderly courtier, Ay, was the ruler of Egypt for four years. Anchsenamun, the queen of Tutankhamun, was the last legitimate member of the 18th dynasty. Soon after the death of Tutankhamun in 1349 or 1348 BCE, she wrote two letters to the Hittite King Suppiluliuma I (1367-1346 BCE)

Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna Period and the Israeli Leaders Moses and Joshua

Fig. 6. Map of the Eastern Mediterranean with the zone of totality of the solar eclipses in 1/5,1338 BCE and 14/7, 1258 BCE. The total solar eclipse in 1258 BCE is identified with the so-called Egyptian darkness, the ninth plague, mentioned in Exodus, chapter 10, in the Old Testament. and told him that she had no son and wanted one of his princes to become her husband and the new ruler of Egypt. Suppiluliuma I hesitated but after the second letter from the Egyptian queen he decided to send one of his sons to marry her and become Pharaoh of Egypt after Tutankhamun. However, when the mighty Egyptian general Horemheb understood that queen Anchsenamun wanted to marry a Hittite prince, instead of him, he decided to stop her plans. The Hittite prince Zannanza was murdered in Palestine during his journey to Egypt, on the order of Horemheb. This correspondence is not mentioned in the Egyptian sources, but in the annals of Suppiluliuma I, written by his son, Mursilis II, who ruled 1345-1315 BCE. During this period a solar eclipse in the tenth year of Mursilis II, 1335 BCE, can accurately date the chronology for the Hittite kings (Forrer, 1926; Schoch, 1931). The good correlation 141

with the Hittite chronology is an independent proof of the correctness of the High Egyptian chronology for the Amarna period. However, in this case the Low chronology can be completely excluded because Suppiluliuma I died in 1346 BCE and had been dead for 23 years when Tutankhamun died in 1323 BCE, according to this chronology. His widow, queen Anchsenamun, had no obvious reason to send a letter to a person who had been dead 23 years! After the murder of the Hittite prince Zannanza, Suppiluliuma I invaded Palestine and killed the murderers, and Horemheb had to go to the front in Palestine to organize the defence. When Anchsenamun no longer could expect to marry a Hittite prince, and to avoid a marriage with Horemheb, she may have decided to marry her uncle Ay, because they ruled together for some time (Desroches Noblecourt, 1963).

Archaeoastronomy in Archaeology and Ethnography Manetho tells us that Ay ruled for four years. According to Atlas of Ancient Egypt (Baines & Málek, 1992: 46), Ay was Pharaoh in Egypt 1323-1319 BCE (Low chronology), which corresponds to 1348-1344 BCE after correction to the High chronology by adding 25 years. His first year of rule is in good agreement with the last year of rule for Tutankhamun, based on the solar eclipse in 1356 BCE, or in perfect agreement based on the bright supernova in 1355 BCE, and the last year of rule of Ay is in perfect agreement with the first year of rule for his successor, general Horemheb, whose first year of rule can be determined independently (see below).

the last Babylonian King Samsuditana, more precisely in 1557 BCE (Henriksson, 2002). During the reign of Horemheb the city of Akhetaten was dismantled and any presence of the name of Akhenaten, his queen Nefertiti and their image of the sun as a disk was erased or damaged. This may have happened in 1338 BCE, during his 7th year, when there was a powerful solar eclipse in Egypt with Akhetaten within the zone of totality. Memphis was situated to the north and Thebes to the south of the zone of totality (Fig. 6).

Horemheb (1344-1318 BCE) In 1344 the general Horemheb became Pharaoh. He was regarded by later generations as the only legitimate successor of Amenhotep III, and the years of Akhenaten, Smenkhkare, Tutankhamun and Ay were included in the reign of Horemheb. He died probably in 1318 BCE and was buried in the Valley of the Kings, on the western side of the Nile where the Sun sets, opposite to the main cult site for Amun at Thebes.

II. Moses in Egypt, the exodus and the 40 years in the desert

Horemheb’s years of rule are 1344-1332 BCE, according to Atlas of Ancient Egypt, after correction to the High chronology by adding 25 years. However, his first year of rule can be independently calculated in the following way from an inscription on the tomb of Tutmosis IV (Fletcher, 2000). This inscription tells us that 80 years after the coronation of Amenhotep III, Horemheb renovated the tomb of Tutmosis IV in his 8th year, 3rd month and 1st day. This means that the first year of Horemheb was 1416 BCE – 80 years + 8 years = 1344 BCE, in perfect agreement with the corrected year from Atlas of Ancient Egypt. Horemheb was Pharaoh during at least 26 years according to Kitchen (1987: 41). This means that he died at the earliest in 1318 BCE. However, Kitchen dates the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th dynasty from the year of the accession of Ramesses II according to the Low chronology in following way: “Thus, 11/16 years before Ramesses II in 1279 BCE sets the beginning of the 19th Dynasty and end of the 18th Dynasty in ca. 1295/1290 BCE.” If we convert these years to the High chronology the change between the dynasties took place in 1320/1315 BCE. I accept 1318 BCE as the year of death for Horemheb and the first year of rule for Ramesses I, the first ruler of the nineteenth dynasty. The first year of Ramesses II, 1304 BCE, was established through the date of the new moon during his coronation, with the alternative possibilities 1290 or 1279 BCE. The battle at Kadesh, between the Hittite king Muwattallis II and Ramesses II, took place in 1300/1299, 1286/1285 or 1275/1274 BCE according to the three different chronologies. This year was the last year of Muwattallis II and the fifth year of Ramesses II, which gives a perfect synchronism between the High Egyptian and the High Hittite chronologies. The High Hittite chronology is fixed through the solar eclipse in 1335 BCE, during the tenth year of Mursilis II, and is synchronised with the chronology for the Old Babylonian Kingdom through the attack on Babylon by Mursilis I and a total solar eclipses in Babylon in 1558 BCE. The attack by Mursilis I must have happened during the last four years of 142

James K. Hoffmeier, professor of Biblical Studies and Archaeology at Wheaton College, Illinois, presents a highly scholarly discussion of the exodus tradition in his book, Israel in Egypt, The evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition (Hoffmeier, 1996). During the last decade scholars of the Hebrew Bible have questioned the historical accuracy of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt, as preserved in the book of Exodus. The reason is the lack of historical evidence in Egypt. Hoffmeier claims that these critiques are not from specialists in the study of Egyptian history, culture, and archaeology. He examines the current Egyptological and geophysical evidence, including his own investigations in the Suez Canal Zone. His conclusion is that the new evidence supports the biblical record concerning Israel in Egypt. The authors of Exodus seem to have had first-hand knowledge of the landscape in the Delta area during the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th dynasties. From a linguistic point of view there is a strong influence from the Egyptian language concerning place names, personal names and words used to describe local phenomena in the Delta area. Many specialists and ordinary readers of the Exodus narrative do not understand why the personal name of the pharaoh is not mentioned in the text. However, according to Hoffmeier it was very unusual that the name of a ruler from a hostile country is mentioned by his personal name in the preserved texts from this period. I have myself found that almost all of the nearly 400 Amarna letters are written to the glorious King of Egypt, the sun, and only a few of them mention the personal name of the pharaoh. Another problem for the Hebrew authors may have been that the personal name of the pharaoh included the name of the sun-god, which not should be mentioned. There exists clear evidence that there were Semitic immigrants in the Delta area after the collapse of the Old Kingdom, ca 2190 BCE. The Semitic influence reached its zenith during the Hyksos or the Second Intermediate Period, ca. 17001550 BCE, and it continued during the New Kingdom, ca 1550-1069 BCE, according to the Low chronology used in the book by Hoffmeier. Ahmose I (1575-1550 BCE in the High chronology), corrected by 25 years from the Low, regained control of all Egypt and inaugurated a new line, the 18th Dynasty of

Chronology for the Egyptian Pharaohs of the Amarna Period and the Israeli Leaders Moses and Joshua

Fig. 7. Comet Encke as observed from the new residential city Pi-Raamses, 17/1, 1258 BCE, at 01.00 local mean solar time. In the middle of January 1258 BCE the long straight tail of comet Enckes dominated the southern sky from midnight to sunrise. From the Delta area in the northern Egypt the tail of the comet may have given the impression of a long rod raised above the land of Egypt in the south. Moses and Aaron claimed that it was the rod of the Lord of Israel. (The tail is bend in this figure because of projection effects. Stellar magnitudes