Arab Traders in Their Own Words: Merchant Letters from the Eastern Mediterranean Around 1800 (Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 the Near and Middle East, 165) (English and Arabic Edition) [Bilingual ed.] 9789004505230, 9789004505247, 9004505237

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Arab Traders in Their Own Words

Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik section one

The Near and Middle East

Edited by Maribel Fierro (Madrid) M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (Princeton) D. Fairchild Ruggles (University of Illinois) Florian Schwarz (Vienna)

volume 165

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho1

Arab Traders in Their Own Words Merchant Letters from the Eastern Mediterranean around 1800

By

Boris Liebrenz

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Figure of a Merchant with a crate marked caffee. Painting of an unknown artist, watercolour, ca. 1780. Purchased with the assistance of the National Heritage Memorial Fund, Art Fund, Shell International and the Friends of the V&A. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, UK, Accession Number sd.1307. lc record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2022032646

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill‑typeface. issn 0169-9423 isbn 978-90-04-50523-0 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-50524-7 (e-book) Copyright 2022 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress and Wageningen Academic. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill nv via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Acknowledgements

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Analysis 1 1 Merchants and Letters 2 1.1 Corpus and Methodology 3 1.2 Where Have All the Letters Gone? 10 2 Dramatis Personae 25 3 The Landscape of a Levantine Network 34 3.1 Damietta 35 3.2 Alexandria 40 3.3 Rosetta 41 3.4 Jaffa 41 3.5 Acre 43 3.6 Jerusalem 45 3.7 Nablus 47 3.8 Damascus 48 4 Being a Merchant 49 5 Letter Writing—Historical and Practical Perspectives 55 6 “… for the present sees what the absent does not.” The Importance of Information Flow 71 7 News and Information 73 8 The World of Politics 76 9 Culture and Commerce—Merchant Patronage and Translation Movements 79 10 Language and Style 87 10.1 Syntax 89 11 Networks 99 11.1 Family 100 11.2 Community 102 12 Trade and Goods 107 12.1 Textiles 113 12.2 Coffee 119 12.3 Payments and Credit 120 12.4 Following the Money: A Case Study of Debt 131 Edition

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Additional List 642 Appendix: List of Letters 646 Bibliography 654 Index of Money and Financial Terms Index of Places 669 Index of Merchandise 674 Index of Persons and Groups 681

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Acknowledgements When, while cataloguing manuscript notes in Islamic manuscripts at the serenely beautiful baroque castle that is home to the Forschungsbibliothek Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha, I first happened upon a number of large volumes filled with original Arabic letters from the Ottoman period, I knew immediately that I had to write about them. I suppose that we all know the feeling, but also learn over the course of distracted lives how often we have to abandon it. That this is one of those cases where intentions eventually materialized, is due to the support of several friends, colleagues, and institutions. The core research for this project was undertaken between January 2017 and June 2018. The d.a.a.d. or German Academic Exchange Service made this possible through the generous support of a p.r.i.m.e. Fellowship. Prof. Ulrike Freitag was very generous in sponsoring my application and hospitable in giving me an academic home for the German part of this Fellowship at the Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient, which she directs, and the Institute of Islamic Studies at the Freie Universität Berlin. For the most part, I spent the time of this Fellowship in New York at the Graduate Center (gc) of the City University of New York (cuny). Prof. Francesca Bregoli, director of the gc’s Center for Jewish Studies, was a most welcoming host and I have profited greatly not only from her inspiring scholarship but also from her tireless efforts to make the gc a productive workplace for my time there. While tourists were queuing up just across the street at the Empire State Building, it was rather the library or the light-filled rooftop cafeteria of the Graduate Center that I was gravitating towards. In the stressful time of the pandemic, Prof. Bregoli nonetheless very generously took the time to read through my manuscript and enriched it with her comments, for which I am deeply grateful. Being in New York would have been infinitely less rewarding without the company, support, and friendship of Kristina Richardson, also a professor at the Graduate Center. This book has immensely profited from her critical reading of it even when she was just finishing her own pathbreaking study on another group hitherto even more marginalized in historiography than merchants, namely the Strangers (al-ġurabāʾ). My time in New York is also when I had the opportunity to meet, at a workshop convened at Rutgers University, Miriam Wagner (Cambridge). From her I learned about her work on a similar corpus of letters to the one I was working on, namely the Arabic documents found among the Prize Papers in the National Archives in London. This fortuitous coincidence was the starting point for the

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series makātīb, which we conceived with the shared intention to highlight Arabic private and business letters from the Ottoman period as a source that had hitherto not received the spotlight it deserved. As serious as we are about our letters, it is one of the most joyful memories of my academic life that the name of this series was born from banter in a tiny Cambridge pub filled to the brim with Ottomanists. I have immensely profited from an anonymous reviewer, whose suggestions and emendations were unusually insightful. The anonymity of the process sadly prevents me from giving thanks where it is certainly due. The same can be said for the thorough copy editing of Thomas Welsford, who has prevented me from logical fallacies and made sure that the language I use is in fact English. Finally, but certainly not least importantly, Prof. Astrid Meier of Halle University has also read the manuscript of this book with the critical eye with which she has improved my work ever since she co-supervised my dissertation. I started to work on this project nearly five years ago and I certainly did not rush the publication of this volume. Indeed, I fear that I did not do justice to these letters and would still not have done after five more years. The work on them proceeded mainly in two stages. In the first, I could devote my main energy to this corpus in the very comfortable position as a daad p.r.i.m.e. Fellow, for which I am hugely grateful. This was used mainly to get a broad overview of the source material, most importantly by transcribing and sorting large parts of the Gotha corpus—a corpus whose contents, I should note, greatly exceed the amount of material presented in this book. The second stage started after the end of my 18-month Fellowship. Ideally, during this second stage of research I should have focused fully on analysing and making sense of a source that is not well researched and the language of which remains enigmatic more often than any reader cares for even for those well versed in Arabic and its dialects. Instead, my new position in the Bibliotheca Arabica project at the Saxon Academy of Sciences and Humanities demanded nearly all of my time and energy. And my children had all the right to make a claim for the rest. Work on this volume consequently had to take a backseat and mostly proceeded intermittently on train rides, at airport gates, the odd weekend away from kids and work, or in the quiet morning hours before preparing the children for school. The shortcomings resulting from such a process will be obvious to many readers who look in vain for a bibliographical reference that they would expect to find, or the discussion of an issue they care for. Still, I am convinced that there is a clear value in presenting these sources to readers at this point. The primary objective of this volume is to present a corpus of letters to historians of the language, society, and economy of the

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Ottoman Levant at the time around the year 1800. These materials, as rich as they are, should not be studied in isolation to elucidate any one of these areas of research. Rather, these letters will correspond with and enlighten (as much as they will in turn be enlightened by) court documents (siǧills), both from Egypt and Syria as well as all places the merchants of this corpus traded with, as well as travel accounts and consular reports from across the Mediterranean. In fact, several of the merchants who wrote, read, and otherwise populate these letters served as consuls, vice-consuls, or translators to different European nations (Spain, England, Ragusa, The Septinsular Republic) and are probably not only the subject of consular reports, but likely—in languages such as Spanish, Italian, and French, which at least some of them must have mastered—also their authors. Alas, this work cannot be undertaken here, nor indeed by any one scholar alone at this point. But the following analytical sections will hopefully provide some necessary background to situate the documents in their historical contexts.

Analysis The world of long distance trade and traders is as palpable and fundamental a part of Mediterranean societies as its actors are elusive in most of our sources. Yet despite its elusiveness, this world has provided the historiography of the lands under Muslim rulers with invaluable studies, from the nearly global operations of the Jewish merchants registered in the Cairo Geniza,1 through the Armenian diaspora traders centred in Julfa and New Julfa,2 the large scale Arab Red Sea merchants based in 17th- and 18th-century Cairo,3 to the Hadhrami merchants in the Indian Ocean,4 and the role of the European merchant communities in the Ottoman Empire.5 These and other studies have shown that the exchange of goods is not merely a numbers game. Trade itself has always been a major force of mobility and exchange on many levels. Traders, certainly an elite in economic terms, could equally take up a role as cultural actors. Through their business alone they provide the goods that shape the material culture of a society. This can demonstrably be said about the Arab traders of the eastern Mediterranean who are the subject of this book and whom the following chapters want to introduce. Their business transactions can often be counted and statistically evaluated through European sources or Ottoman estate registers. However, there are very few documentary or literary sources produced within this community that tell us about how Arab traders saw the world around them, and engaged with their environment, their occupation, their neighbours and their kinsmen. Personal letters, therefore, constitute a formidable and highly important source to shed light on the actors of trade

1 See among the vast and growing field of Genizah studies the still fundamental oeuvre of S.D. Goitein, which culminated in his A Mediterranean Society; Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders. Translated from the Arabic with introductions and notes by S.D. Goitein (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974); Elisabeth Lambourn: Abraham’s Luggage. A Social Life of Things in the Medieval Indian Ocean World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018). 2 Sebouh Aslanian: From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. The Global Trade Networks of Armenian Merchants from New Julfa (Berkeley/London: University of California Press, 2011). 3 Nelly Hanna: Making Big Money in 1600. The Life and Times of Ismaʿil Abu Taqiyya, Egyptian Merchant (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998); André Raymond: Artisans et commerçants au Caire au xviiie siècle, 2 vols. (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1973–1974). 4 Ulrike Freitag and William G. Clarence-Smith (eds.): Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesmen in the Indian Ocean, 1750–1960s (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Ulrike Freitag: Indian Ocean Migrants and State Formation in Hadhramaut. Reforming the Homeland (Leiden: Brill, 2003). 5 James Mather: Pashas. Traders and Travellers in the Islamic World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2022 | doi:10.1163/9789004505247_002

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and the ways they operated. The survival of a whole archive of such writings in Gotha is the serendipitous fact on which the present book is built.

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Merchants and Letters

The history of trade in the eastern Mediterranean during the period of Ottoman domination, roughly the 16th to 19th centuries, has been greatly elucidated in the last decades due to the important contributions of, among others, Daniel Crecelius, Elena Frangakis-Syrett, Molly Greene, Bruce Masters, and Daniel Panzac. However, the particular perspective of the Arab traders is one piece that is still largely missing in this panorama. This is perfectly illustrated in the history of Damietta during the Ottoman period, a major focus of this volume, for which we know what cargo the ships held that called its port but whose mercantile inhabitants remain largely unknown. Besides contracts, letters routinely constitute the core foundation of a host of studies on merchant networks and port cities prior to the 15th century, when this source ceases to be preserved in substantive numbers. They have inspired a great number of works that shape our understanding of the Mediterranean or Indian Ocean worlds. Thus, we would be quite ignorant of the world of the early Islamic Fayyoum cloth merchants without the papyrus letters edited in Rāġib’s Marchands d’étoffes,6 and neither would we have an ever growing number of studies emanating from the collection of the Cairo Geniza such as Goitein’s seminal A Mediterranean Society or more recently Margariti’s study on the port city of Aden.7 These works would either have looked completely different or would have been outright impossible to write were it not for the availability of sizable collections of merchant correspondence. As we move into the Ottoman period, however, the state of research into trade relations is very different. Although studies of Ottoman-era trade have fruitfully drawn upon a large variety of sources, scholars until now could not make significant use of any Arabic-language epistolographic materials to explore the lived world of Arab traders. In light of this the picture emerging from these studies, as valuable as they otherwise are, must perforce contain a level of imbalance. How vital a contribution a large corpus of letters can make to our understanding of a trading

6 Yūsuf Rāġib: Marchands d’étoffes du Fayyoum au iiie / ixe siècle d’après leurs archives (actes et lettres), 3 vols. (Cairo: ifao, 1982–1992). 7 Roxani Eleni Margariti: Aden & the Indian Ocean Trade. 150 Years in the Life of a Medieval Arabian Port (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007).

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network in the Ottoman Empire (and beyond) has been successfully shown recently by Sebouh Aslanian in his magisterial From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean, a study of the far-reaching community of the Armenian merchants from New Julfa. He employs an astonishingly large number of Armenian letters to show in rarely achieved detail how a merchant network spanning four Eurasian Empires could be maintained by a limited number of traders. No source material even slightly comparable has been available to the students of Arab merchants. Consequently, much of the literature tends to describe Arab traders merely as intermediaries in other people’s trading activities—a tendency we find exemplified in a recent collection on merchants in the Ottoman Empire which has very little to say about actual Ottoman subjects who traded in the eastern Mediterranean.8 1.1 Corpus and Methodology A number of large volumes in the manuscript collection of the Forschungsbibliothek Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha have the potential to change that imbalance dramatically, if for a limited area and timeframe. These nine volumes, ms Gotha orient. A 2835–2843, contain more than 1600 completely preserved letters and a number of additional documents, spanning altogether more than five decades of merchants’ communications from the first half of the 18th to the early years of the 19th century. Most of them were exchanged between Muslim traders, but this present study will explore the smaller number of letters and documents that attest to the activities of Christian mercantile networks; in these materials Muslim and Jewish traders appear only relatively infrequently. All of these volumes were purchased by Ulrich Jasper Seetzen (1767–1811) in the early years of the 19th century.9 Seetzen was travelling through Constantinople, Aleppo, and the Holy Land, stayed in Egypt for several years, and ultimately vanished in the Yemen. Working on the orders of the Duke of SaxeGotha, he was by assignment and inclination an avid collector of all things 8 Suraya Faroqhi and Gilles Veinstein (eds.): Merchants in the Ottoman Empire (Paris / Louvain: Peeters, 2008). 9 For this figure see a number of conference volumes Ulrich Jasper Seetzen (1767–1811): Leben und Werk. Die arabischen Länder und die Nahostforschung im napoleonischen Zeitalter (Gotha: Forschungs- und Landesbibliothek, 1995); Der Weg in den Orient: der Forscher Ulrich Jasper Seetzen: von Jever in den Jemen (1802–1811) (Oldenburg: Isensee Verlag, 2000); Detlef Haberland (ed.): Ulrich Jasper Seetzen (1767–1811): Jeveraner—aufgeklärter Unternehmer—wissenschaftlicher Orientreisender (Oldenburg: Isensee Verlag, 2014); and most recently Detlef Haberland (ed.): Der Orientreisende Ulrich Jasper Seetzen und die Wissenschaften (Oldenburg: Isensee Verlag, 2019).

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curious along the way. These included specimens of the natural world, animals and plants as much as stones. But he was equally eager to send home antiquities and coins, and he thus laid the foundations for Germany’s oldest collection of Egyptian antiquities. Among his most enduring legacies was the purchase of more than 3000 manuscripts, mostly Arabic and some in Ottoman Turkish, Persian, Hebrew, or Syriac. All of these, excepting just a few items that ended up elsewhere,10 were then united at Schloss Friedenstein, a magnificent baroque castle towering above the small residence city of Gotha. Exactly from whom, how, and where Seetzen would have collected this corpus of letters and, probably even more mysterious, what inspired him to do so, sadly remains unknown. At first sight, it would appear that Seetzen must have bought the letters on different occasions, betraying a sustained and rather unique interest in this source. This is because the modern volumes in which the letters were re-ordered in Gotha contain several discernible corpora, each with a distinct provenance, interpersonal network, and geographical outlook, such as could hardly have been found in one single archive. Another possibility could be that the collection of letters in its present state was the product of the antiquarian efforts by another collector prior to Seetzen, who may have acquired it in its entirety from such a person. But any such theoretical middleman must not have kept his corpus of letters for very long. This is because Seetzen travelled through Syria between 1804 and 1807, then stayed in Cairo until 1809, after which he departed for the Yemen and could hardly have had a chance to acquire the letters of the Syrian Christian merchant network presented in this volume. The last dated item in this Christian sub-corpus, furthermore, Letter 134 in the present volume, is dated on December 23, 1806. Most of the writers and addressees of these documents were certainly still alive when they parted with them and the items directly or indirectly wound up in Seetzen’s possession. Nonetheless, the latter never appears to mention any relation with any of these men and women in his published travel reports.

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Some of Seetzen’s packages appear to have been diverted, so that today we can find isolated manuscripts that he bought in Paris (ms BnF, Arabe 1296) and Cambridge (ms University Library, Qq 277). In Vienna in 1818, Hammer-Purgstall was offered a box of manuscripts bought in Egypt that he could identify as belonging to that part of Seetzen’s collection that had not yet arrived in Gotha; Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall: Briefe, Erinnerungen, Materialien, eds. Walter Höflechner, Alexandra Wagner, and Gerit KoitzArko (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 2018), p. 443; published online under http://gams.uni‑graz.at/archive/objects/o:hpe.band1/datastreams/PDF/content (last accessed September 18, 2020).

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The present volume offers the edition of 191 letters with the addition of a few lists that can be broadly described as belonging to Christian merchant networks. Only a few letters in this volume were in fact written by Muslims to our Christian writers or by them to Muslim addressees. Another corpus of letters by Christians who wrote in Karšūnī (that is Arabic written in Syriac characters) will also hopefully receive a separate edition. The activities of these networks extend widely, covering the Egyptian coastal towns with a strong emphasis on Damietta (Dimyāṭ) and a connection southward to Cairo, as well as the Syrian lands with much activity on the Palestinian coast, a center in Jerusalem, some substantial forays into Damascus, and connections northward up to Istanbul. But this is the smaller part of the overall Gotha corpus and in the bulk of the volumes we find the correspondence and documents of several large Muslim traders. The Abū Qaṣīṣa brothers, the Malṭīlī family, and Sulaymān b. Sāsī were all situated in Cairo and their trading activities and correspondence connected the Red Sea region with Cairo and northward; these distinct corpora will be the object of subsequent volumes in this series. These Muslim archives generally cover earlier years than the Christian ones. As a preliminary observation, there appears to be virtually no overlap between them, neither in the acting persons of the network or those mentioned in the letters, the dates, the places, nor by and large the nature of the traded goods. To the best of my knowledge, the letters in Gotha constitute the largest unified Arabic epistolographic corpus of any period in the pre-modern history of Egypt and the Levant outside of the Cairo Geniza and that this corpus likely surpasses the combined available material of such letters throughout the whole of the Ottoman period prior to the 19th century. Thus, the corpus will also provide a pivotal source for the history of Arabic epistolography in the early modern period. Arabic letters, so abundant in Egypt in the pre-Ottoman era, have rarely survived between 1500 and 1800 and are all but absent from the rich scholarship on Arabic epistolography.11 When the current project was conceived, only one such study of Arabic private letters in the Ottoman period existed, and that

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The authority on Arabic epistolography in both literary transmission and preserved documents is Werner Diem; see for an overview Diem: “Arabic Letters in Pre-Modern Times. A Survey With Commented Selected Bibliographies,” in Documentary Letters from the Middle East: The Evidence in Greek, Coptic, South Arabian, Pehlevi, and Arabic (1st–15th c ce), eds. Eva Mira Grob and Andreas Kaplony (Bern et al.: Peter Lang, 2008) = Asiatische Studien / Études Asiatiques lxii, 3 (2008), pp. 843–883. The most thorough study of the structure of Arabic letters preserved on papyrus is Eva Mira Grob: Documentary Arabic Private and Business Letters on Papyrus. Form and Function, Content and Context (Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2010).

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based on the linguistic and stylistic analysis of just a single published specimen,12 although more efforts have since got underway in the work of Wagner and Ahmed on the Prize Paper corpus.13 What is more, large parts of the Gotha corpus appear as a coherent whole consisting of connected exchanges that can be followed for months and years. These are not isolated and de-contextualized examples. For a long time, as so frequently in the field of Oriental philologies, the far-ranging and meticulous efforts of 19th-century scholars provided pioneering material. Generations of students found original letters of a private and official character, if they were inclined to look for them, in Antoine Isaac Silvestre de Sacy’s Chrestomathie arabe. The French doyen of Arabic studies included such items for the purpose of giving specimens of every possible textual expression of the Arabic language.14 One of Silvestre de Sacy’s students, the Breslau Orientalist Maximilian Habicht, collected private letters and a few documents from members of the Arabic diaspora he encountered in Paris, among them Christians, Muslims, and Jews, from Syria, Egypt, and North Africa, and he edited these, mostly anonymized and with a Latin translation, already in 1824.15 But those interested in original Arabic letters from the period after 1500 found them mostly in the exchanges of early modern European Orientalists with their correspondents from the Ottoman Empire or, as an intellectual exercise, among themselves. Again, it was the then Baron Silvestre the Sacy who, in 1831, edited a number of letters exchanged from the 1670s to 1820 between British and French Orientalist scholars and the Samaritan community in Nablus, among them several in Arabic.16 Then Martijn Theodoor Houtsma’s edition of 25 Arabic letters addressed to and from Thomas Erpenius (1584–1624), Jacobus Golius (1596–1667), and Levinus Warner

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14 15 16

Nicolas Michel: “Langues et écritures des papiers publics dans l’Égypte ottomane,”Égypte/ Monde arabe, Première série, 27–28 (1996), available online under http://ema.revues.org/​ 1934, last consulted December 28, 2015. Esther-Miriam Wagner and Mohamed Ahmed: “From Tuscany to Egypt. Eighteenth Century Arabic Letters in the Prize Paper Collections,” Journal of Semitic Studies 62 (2017), pp. 389–412. Silvestre de Sacy: Chrestomathie arabe, Tome iii: Seconde partie de la traduction (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1806), pp. 349–350. Maximilian Habicht: Epistolae quaedam Arabicae a Mauris, Aegyptiis et Syris conscriptae (Breslau: Royal University Press, 1824). Antoine Isaac Sylvestre de Sacy: “Correspondance des Samaritains de Naplouse, Pendant les années 1808 et suiv.,”Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi et autres Bibliothèques, Tome 12 (1831), pp. 1–235 (the earliest letters are found at the end of the edition, the first letter to Robert Huntington dated 1086ah on pp. 198–200).

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(d. 1665) appeared in 1887.17 And these remained the lone pioneering works until the 2000s. This corpus of Orientalist correspondence has recently been enlarged by new finds and editions.18 The Arabic correspondence of the Moravian Brethren, a pietist Protestant community that established missionary work in 18th-century Egypt and exchanged letters with Coptic partners, has also received a great deal of attention.19 And further corpora of letters beyond those exchanged with Orientalists are now being discovered or recognized for the first time. An archive of Arabic merchant letters exchanged in the early 19th century between Syrian and Egyptian traders operating in France following their emigration with the retreating French army and their partners operating in Italy is still preserved in Geneva.20 In the course of my research, I have come across surprisingly many instances of private and merchant letters buried in different collections all over Europe, all smaller but amounting to a substantial number of items if taken together, and certainly liable to grow further through a systematic search effort. I encountered them in varying sizes in the libraries of

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M.Th. Houtsma: Uit de Oostersche Correspondentie van Th. Erpenius, Jac. Golius en Lev. Warner (Amsterdam: Johannes Müller, 1887). Jan Schmidt: “An Ostrich Egg for Golius. The Heyman Papers Preserved in the Leiden and Manchester University Libraries and Early-Modern Contacts Between the Netherlands and the Middle East,” in idem: The Joys of Philology. Studies in Ottoman Literature, History and Orientalism, vol. ii: Orientalists, Travellers and Merchants in the Ottoman Empire, Political Relations Between Europe and the Porte (Istanbul: isis, 2002), pp. 9–74; Hilary Kilpatrick, “Arabic Private Correspondence from Seventeenth-Century Syria: The Letters to Edward Pococke,” The Bodleian Library Record xxiii (2010), pp. 20–40; Hilary Kilpatrick and G.J. Toomer: “Niqūlāwus al-Ḥalabī (c. 1611–c. 1661): A Greek Orthodox Syrian copyist and his letters to Pococke and Golius,” Lias: Journal of Early Modern Intellectual Culture and its Sources xlii (2016), pp. 1–159; Arianna D’Ottone Rambach: “Arabic Seals and Scripts. Simone Assemani Through His Unpublished Correspondence,” in 4th Simone Assemani Symposium. Trieste, 26–27 September 2014, eds. Bruno Callagher and Arianna D’Ottone Rambach (Trieste: eut Editioni Università di Trieste, 2015), pp. 17–36; Boris Liebrenz: “Golius and Tychsen and Their Quest for Manuscripts. Three Arabic Letters,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 8 (2017), pp. 218–239. See Martin Tamcke, Arthur Manukyan, and Christian Mauder (eds. and trans.): Die arabischen Briefe aus der Zeit der Herrnhuter Präsenz in Ägypten 1770–1783 (Würzburg: Ergon, 2012). Also Christian Mauder: “The Arabic Correspondence of the Moravian Brethren in Cairo,” in Marginal Perspectives on Early Modern Ottoman Culture: Missionaries, Travellers, Booksellers, eds. Ralf Elger and Ute Pietruschka (Halle: Orientalisches Inst. der MartinLuther-Univ. Halle-Wittenberg, 2013), pp. 75–95. Bibliothèque de Genève, Département des Manuscrits ms O. 16; see Ian Coller: Arab France. Islam and the Making of Modern Europe, 1798–1831 (Berkeley / Los Angeles / London: University of California Press, 2011), p. 258. A small number of these letters appears to have been edited and translated in anonymised form in Habicht: Epistolae.

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Cambridge,21 Gotha,22 Leiden,23 Berlin,24 and Paris,25 and more are certainly still waiting in these and other archives. Within the Prize Papers in London— an archive that contains all written material captured across the globe on more than 30,000 ships by the Royal Navy and others in the 17th and 18th centuries then brought back to London for possible legal review—a cache of Arabic correspondence has recently been identified which is currently being edited and analyzed by Wagner and Ahmed.26 The Centre historique des archives in Vincennes holds a small cache of Arabic correspondence between merchants from Damascus and their representatives in Cairo as part of the papers brought

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ms Cambridge, Add 273–277: These volumes contain miscellaneous material, among them documents and letters gathered by Ludwig Burckhardt in the early years of the 19th century. Writers and addressees are both Christian and Muslim and are consuls, merchants, church dignitaries, or governors. The so-called Lewis Scrapbook (ms Cambridge, University Library, Add. 254), by Rev. George Lewis (d. 1730): “Most of the examples consist of letters addressed to Lewis by various correspondents in Persian, Arabic and Turkish representing almost all the styles of calligraphy commonly used in the Islamic world at the time.” Besides the letter corpus edited here, an original letter of one ʿAbd Rabb al-Nabī al-ḫaṭīb bi-l-Azhar is preserved in ms Gotha orient. A 138. ms Leiden, University Library Acad. 97 is a “collection of 13 files of documents and letters, all originating from Albrecht Friedrich Woltersdorf (1729–1755), and of relevance of a journey which he made together with Stephan Schultz (1714–1776), from Istanbul to Cairo and back, to Iskenderun, in the course of 1753”. It contains a letter in Turkish and three in Arabic addressed to Iskenderun. Digitised under https://digitalcollections.universiteitleiden.nl/​ view/item/1578190#page/67/mode/1up There is also a letter by Joseph Barbatus to Joseph Scaliger, written in 1608, and preserved in ms Leiden, University Library, Or. 1365 (4); see John-Paul Ghobrial: “The Life and Hard Times of Solomon Negri: An Arabic Teacher in Early Modern Europe,” in The Teaching and Learning of Arabic in Early Modern Europe, eds. Jan Loop, Alastair Hamilton, and Charles Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 2017), pp. 310–331, here p. 328. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 467 (Ahlwardt 8635) is a collection of 34, partly original and partly copied letters in Arabic, dated to the years 1760–1781. They are addressed to several recipients, mostly church dignitaries, in Italy, but treat business matters. ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 4636: Three Arabic letters, dated 1657, to Henri de Guise, by a member of the al-Ḫāzin family (from Lebanon?). Mentions previous friendship with the addressee’s parents in Florence. ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 5135: “Deux lettres en arabe, l’une d’un médecin français qui se plaint d’ avoir été arrêté au Maroc, avec la réponse qui lui fut faite, et une lettre en langue franque écrite en caractères hébraïques.” ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 6099: Comprises a whole cache of 18th-century Arabic letters. Different senders and addressees, among them Orientalists, from Aleppo to India. Wagner and Ahmed: “From Tuscany to Egypt”. Their re-discovery was part of the broader effort to research the Prize Paper collection in a long-term project, see https://www​ .prizepapers.de/.

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back from Napoleon’s occupation of Egypt.27 And the infinitely abundant Geniza found in the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Fusṭāṭ, although much more forthcoming with material from earlier periods, also holds an unknown number of Arabic letters from the Ottoman period, among them one concerning tax business in Damietta.28 From a slightly later period, Beshara Doumani has used business correspondence to describe the merchant society of late Ottoman Nablus, although the scope of the corpus is not entirely clear from his narrative and he usually uses the term “letters” for writings that are in fact not personal communications but administrative acts.29 First editions based on these new corpora are also beginning to appear. Yet in the absence of any known and accessible relevant archives in the Middle East, the survival of any corpus comparable to what is found in Gotha is highly doubtful. The network of letter-writers in this first volume is comprised mostly of Christians but some Muslim merchants are also found among them. Many letters are addressed to Damietta and Jerusalem, while a great number have been sent from said cities to Damascus, Jaffa, Nablus, or Acre and other cities on the Syrian littoral. The overall geographical scope contained in the information which the merchants exchanged in the corpus comprises the port cities of the Egyptian and Levantine coast and reaches up to Istanbul and Izmir. Although the letters provide extensive information about the details of commerce, such as the nature of goods traded and the ports that were visited, the expected value of their analysis lies not primarily in the mere statistics of commercial traffic. The focus of this study is rather to elucidate the mechanisms of communication within a community of traders that, besides their occupation, mostly shared a common territorial origin (the Syrian lands or Bilād al-Shām broadly speaking, and Jerusalem in particular) and in their majority the social status of a religious minority. By presenting this preliminary study of the corpus, I propose to open up a broader enquiry into how personal and professional networks were forged and maintained through letters in the eastern Mediterranean. I hope to contribute, however modestly, to the ongoing schol27 28

29

They are mentioned in Raymond: Artisans et commerçants, vol. i, p. 294. He cites them as: Vincennes, B 6 32, 5 et 7 octobre 1799. The letter, signed by ʿAlī efendī sardār mustaḥfaẓān Dimyāṭ in 1119/1708, the address of which is lost, is preserved at University of Pennsylvania, Center for Advanced Judaic Studies Library, Cairo Genizah Collection, Halper 222. I learned about this letter from a lecture by Prof. Jane Hathaway: “The Cairo Geniza as a Source for Ottoman History?,” Skilliter Centre Seminars on the Ottoman Empire and Early Turkish Republic, University of Cambridge, January 28, 2021. Beshara Doumani: Rediscovering Palestine. Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700– 1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

10

analysis

arly debates on key questions of the nature and workings of merchant networks and international trade in the pre-modern period such as the establishment of trust; the positioning and cohesion of the community vis-à-vis other groups and the authorities; their views on business partners and rivals from other networks; the concrete steps they took to enforce their rights vis-à-vis their partners; the role the European consuls played; and also the logistical aspects of letter-writing and financial transactions in the context of an underdeveloped postal and banking system. The letters will also help clarify how the traders made their business decisions, which events they reacted to and what considerations influenced their activities. This is in contrast and complementary to the data on traded goods and their volume based on commercial contracts or account books which lend themselves to statistical analysis. The latter can show what was traded to what extent in specific times and spaces. The result is then usually aligned with general geopolitical developments to try and determine what influenced economic decisions and trends. The letters, on the other hand, offer a glimpse into the actors’ own self-perceptions, and their own unfiltered evaluation of political and economic events like the impact of rebellions, taxation, market demands, or weather. As they are usually ad-hoc in nature and have a different audience in mind, the historian is confronted with a rare and valuable view of the world. The letters also occasionally tell us about larger-scale historical events that are already familiar to us from chronicles and other sources— doing so, however, from a merchant’s perspective that is very different from a chronicler’s. Thus, the letters will help to better situate the important ports of the Eastern Mediterranean, their merchants, and their connections with other trading centers and ports on the map of trade in the greater Mediterranean world. 1.2 Where Have All the Letters Gone? The administration of the Ottomans, like those of their dynastic predecessors, was staffed with meticulous writers and persnickety archivists. Unlike those of their predecessors, though, their archives have survived in astonishing volume on both the imperial as well as the regional and local levels. In the latter case, this comes in the form of countless shelves of siǧillāt or court records from the local courts of law, which over the past decades have revolutionized the historiography on a wide range of aspects of Ottoman societies and economies.30 While we are thus faced with an abundance of contracts, estate registers, and 30

The number of excellent studies that use this source for different aspects of social, economic, juridical, or architectural history has grown exponentially over the past decades.

analysis

11

court rulings, we largely lack the private archives of families and merchants who were no less keen on writing letters than were the Ottoman judges (or their scribes) on writing siǧillāt. Unexpectedly, though, compared to our state of knowledge of just a few years ago, a substantial corpus is presently beginning to form, as has been outlined above. And yet, the combined number of letters in all these repositories previously mentioned is still outmatched by those found in nine volumes presently held at Schloss Friedenstein in Gotha, of which the present edition offers a first and tiny sample. Among collections of Ottoman-era correspondence, the Gotha cache is comparable in size only to the vast amount of letters preserved in al-Ḥamrāʾ (ʿUmān), already studied in depth by Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf. This latter, however, appears to be an actual political archive and connected to a ruling family in Oman, rather than the private correspondence of merchants. It is also largely a corpus of the later 19th century, with only very few items from the 18th, the earliest dating from 1187/1773.31 The Oman archive appears, furthermore, as a most fortunate outlier within the Middle East. For if we look at the other afore-mentioned collections of correspondence that have been discovered, the one characteristic that they all share appears to be a significant marker for the fate of letters in general: all are found in European libraries and archives. And despite their great number, we are seeing but the tiniest fraction of what must have been sent. This situation is not unlike that in the pre-Ottoman period, where the number of letters preserved over the centuries is actually much higher, yet they were often unearthed in archaeological settings and came to us via an accidental transmission. The absence of instances of deliberate archival preservation has sparked a prolonged debate about the nature of an “archival mind” in pre-modern Islamicate societies or, in many scholars’ view, the lack thereof.32

31 32

Among the large number of outstanding researchers who have advanced the field with a focus on the Arab provinces and the cities within the trading world of our merchants, we may note just the following from our bibliography: Abdul-Karim Rafeq, André Raymond, Abraham Marcus, Beshara Doumani, Colette Establet and Jean-Paul Pascual, Astrid Meier, Nelly Hanna, Aḥmad Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Ǧabbūrī. For a handy introduction to the siǧills of Ottoman Bilād al-Šām and their many uses, see Vanessa Guéno and Stefan Knost (eds.): Lire et écrire l’ histoire ottoman (Beirut and Damascus: Presses de l’ifpo and Orient-Institut Beirut, 2015). Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf: Scheich Muḥsin bin Zahrān al-ʿAbrī. Tribale Macht im Oman des 19. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 2008), p. 99. Chamberlain’s influential earlier claim that Middle Eastern societies did not value archival preservation for their higher regard for oral transmission (see Michael Chamberlain: Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190–1350 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 2–3, 13–16) has been refuted repeatedly and with regard to dif-

12

analysis

These animated debates have been conducted by scholars who actually have at their disposal an astonishing number of documents that clearly show the maintenance of archives by many individual and institutional actors. What has muddied the argument for a distinct valuation of archival practices is that the survival to this day of so many of these letters and documents happened outside of the archive. Hirschler even speaks in this context of ‘counter-archival practices’.33 So, are there possible counter-archival practices that could have led to what we might term, using rather Orwellian language, the ‘preservationthrough-destruction’ of at least a fraction of the epistolary archive of the Arabic world in the Ottoman period? Reuse is the process by which many personal archives of letters were destroyed. But at the same time it is through recycling that so many of them were saved for us once they were no longer deemed worthy of preservation. There is an astonishing number of uses for old discarded paper that would breathe a second life into otherwise worthless scraps and could even turn them into a desired good. It could be fruitfully employed to wrap goods and its blank spaces used to scribble down ephemeral notes, but even more importantly it is an indispensable material to line the stiffer parts of garments, hats, bags, satchels and the like. Elsewhere, I have demonstrated how one particular book binding dating from the 7th / 13th century is mostly built up of what I suggest can be identified as a contemporary personal archive.34 This archive comprising mostly of letters and a few documents was thus preserved through reuse. And at least for letters this continued to be the case in the 18th and 19th centuries. The careful observer of Middle Eastern manuscripts can find many interesting details that are usually not catalogued. Among them are scraps of letters that have been reused to perform different functions in a codex. In one rather curious and singular case, a volume was turned into a letter of its own by dint

33 34

ferent periods by Petra Sijpesteijn: “The Archival Mind in Early Islamic Egypt: Two Arabic Papyri,” in From al-Andalus to Khurasan. Documents from the Medieval Muslim World, ed. Petra Sijpesteijn (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 163–186; Tamer El-Leithy: “Living Documents, Dying Archives: Towards a Historical Anthropology of Medieval Arabic Archives,” AlQanṭara xxxii (2011), pp. 389–434; Konrad Hirschler: “From Archive to Archival Practice: Rethinking the Preservation of Mamluk Administrative Documents,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 136 (2016), pp. 1–28. See also most recently and most exhaustively Marina Rustow: The Lost Archive. Traces of a Caliphate in a Cairo Synagogue (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020). Hirschler: “From Archive to Archival Practice,” p. 3. Boris Liebrenz: “An Archive in a Book: Documents and Letters from the Early-Mamluk Period,” Der Islam 97 (2020) pp. 120–171.

analysis

13

of the sender’s adding the ordinary address of a letter on the title page and apparently dispatching it to Damascus (ms Istanbul, Süleymaniye, Köprülü Fazil Ahmed Pasha 286; fig. 1). Usually, though, we find no more than fragments of former letters. They were cut into strips and used to attach the cover to the textblock (fig. 2) or strengthen individual quires (fig. 3),35 snippets were inserted to receive marginal notes (fig. 4),36 whole pages were bound to a volume’s beginning or end as flyleaves (fig. 5)37 and paste-downs (fig. 6),38 used to wrap a whole volume (fig. 7),39 or even fully preserved as a loose insert to use the free space for notes (fig. 8).40 Even more numerous are the instances where other ephemeral merchant papers such as lists and accounts were reused in such a manner. A flyleaf in ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3204 used to be a list of expenses (bayān mā dafaʿnā) made in Damietta, a major center for our merchants (fig. 9). Apart from those letters that were actually “burnt after reading”, as Letter 56 in our corpus advises, this is most likely how a large part of the private correspondence of merchants was disposed of. Fortunately for us, this is also where they are still waiting to be retrieved. Yet, for now, we shall be content with what we have and turn to the analysis of the roughly 190 merchant letters that are presented in this volume.

35 36

37 38

39 40

ms New York City, Columbia University, Butler Library, Ms or. 120. ms Jerusalem, Khalidi Library, ms 725, between fols. 207 and 208 the blank verso side of the beginning of a letter welcoming returning pilgrims is used for textual notes. This is likely done by the author of this autograph, the Aleppan scholar Burhān al-Dīn al-Ḥalabī, known as Sibṭ Ibn al-ʿAǧamī (753/1352–841/1438), who also used many other snippets in this manner throughout the volume, though none are discernible as reused letters. ms Princeton, Firestone Library, Garrett 467Y; ms Jerusalem, Khalidi Library, ms 840; ms Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Petermann ii 193. mss Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Petermann ii 29, 32. In the Gotha collection, we find at least three instances of Arabic letters re-used for this purpose: ms Gotha orient. A 2602 (sento to ʿĀbid in Ḥumṣ), orient. A 2531 (sent to Muḥammad al-Ṭarīfī in the Wikālat al-Ǧamalīya in Cairo), and orient. A 2541 (again to Muḥammad al-Ṭarīfī in Cairo, this time at the Wikālat Zayn al-Fiqār). In all cases, it was the address side, which contained less text and more free space, that was visible. There are also addresses written in French preserved in Gotha that were used in this way. ms Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Petermann ii 210. ms New York City, Columbia University, Butler Library, Ms or. 378.

14

figure 1

analysis

This book received a formal address to be sent, like a letter, to Damascus; ms Istanbul, Köprülü Library, Fazil Ahmed Pasha 286, fol. 1r.

15

analysis

figure 2

The address of a letter is seen reused to attach a book’s flyleaf to the board; ms New York City, Columbia University, Butler Library, Ms. Or. 120.

figure 3

The address of a letter shows in the margin of this page, used to strengthen a dilapidated quire; ms Paris, BnF Arabe 1821, fol. 218r.

16 analysis

figure 4

Address of a letter to Cairo, using both Arabic and French, reused as an insert in ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3370, fol. 259.

analysis

17

18

figure 5a Private letter reused as a flyleaf in ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3760, fol. Ar.

analysis

analysis

19

figure 5b Formal letter, probably draft or exercise, reused as a flyleaf in ms Princeton, Garrett 467Y.

20

figure 6

analysis

A letter to Bagdad is reused as the pasteboard for a bookbinding; ms Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Petermann ii 29.

analysis

figure 7a

21

22

analysis

figure 7b

figure 7c Merchant letters and lists are reused as binding wrappers and pasteboards for a manuscript book; ms Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Petermann ii 210.

analysis

figure 8a

23

24

analysis

figure 8b A personal letter addressed to Cairo is reused for note-taking and loosely inserted in a book; ms New York City, Columbia University, Butler Library, ms. Or. 378.

25

analysis

figure 9

2

Reused lists of expenses are common as flyleaves in manuscripts. This example is from Damietta; ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3204, fol. 98v.

Dramatis Personae

This section poses—and, as far as possible, seeks to answer—the simple question of who our merchants were. What seems like a straightforward assignment is rendered more difficult by complicated naming conventions. In the region as a whole, when using Arabic, people could self-identify through an accumulation of several relational names, referring to homeland, city, tribe, family, profession, and other variables. The situation is complicated yet further by the

26

analysis

fact that, among the Christian traders of our corpus, there is widespread variation in the use of first names. Many individuals encountered in our documents used more than one such name, like Yūsuf Ḫalīl, and then be addressed as Yūsuf at times and as Ḫalīl at others. But this could also be the contracted form of the filiation and this Yūsuf Ḫalīl thus be Yūsuf b./walad Ḫalīl. One of the main merchants of our corpus, Yūsuf Anṭūn Ḥaddād, was so named because his father was Anṭūn. That father in turn often calls this son Yūsuf Samʿān. Yūsuf also bears the kunya Abū Mūsā, but curiously shares that with his father. Thus, we would never expect him to be addressed as Anṭūn and his case appears clear overall. Yet what about Anṭūn Isṭifān (Letters 106, 107), who is definitely the same man as Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān (Letters 108, 109)? Was he also the same as Anṭūn Fransīs Isṭifān (Letter 102)? The employment of personal and family names is plagued with inconsistencies that require of the modern reader not mere diligence, but outright luck in order to be able to weave together separate threads of information into one single biography. One might also be forced to unravel that biographical fabric, as tight-knit as it had appeared, upon discovering that one person turned out to be in fact two. This has happened to me with two men named Yūsuf walad Anṭūn, one named Ḥaddād, the other Tarǧumān. Since we find the former in earlier letters in Damascus, then the latter in later letters in Damietta, and since some of the same people wrote to both, I had assumed that they were one and the same merchant who had relocated from Syria to Egypt and who was simply addressed by a different name first by his father then later by other business partners. As it transpired, however, the widely-travelled merchant whom I had constructed in my mind turned out to be a chimera. Before we embark in later chapters on a more detailed analysis of these materials, it may be useful first of all to offer a brief overview of the principal names and axes of communication that are to be encountered in this corpus. Many occasional writers of only one or a few pieces, whose biographical profiles thus remain vague and whose respective place in the broader web of merchants is not always clear, appear throughout this volume. They can be discovered in the appended list of senders and recipients. But there is also a core group of recurring characters that mainly belong to a small set of families which are, again, entangled in possibly more ways than we could know. So who were these people? The earlier dated letters are dominated by the corespondence between two men of the Ḥaddād family of Jerusalem. These are Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī and his son Yūsuf Samʿān, whom we find mostly on commission in Damascus. Yūsuf came to Damascus in early 1802 with a man named Theodosius (Letter 10), whose role is not described in more detail, but who is repeatedly sent back and

analysis

27

forth between Damascus and Jerusalem with goods and orders (Letters 175, 177, 181, 182). Theodosius does not appear to be a member of the family, and his name might hint to a Greek Orthodox background. Indeed, in Letter 10, which starts with Yūsuf wishing his father a happy new year, he also declares that “Theodosius will come after their Christmas”. He is likely referring to Christmas according to the Orthodox calendar, which was then celebrated on January 6. This particular Theodosius may also be identical with the writer of Letter 25, addressed to Damascus in 1217 / 1802, Theodosius al-Muwah. Both men, Yūsuf as well as Theodosius, work with one sayyid Ḥamza, then after this man’s death his cousin Muḥammad (who may be the Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī writing Letter 6 to Yūsuf). While they dominate the perspective our corpus offers on the city, the Ḥaddāds were not the only Christian merchants connecting to Damascus from Jerusalem. There are other people writing to the two who also operated in the city, namely Anṭūn Lūnṣa (Letter 14) and Niʿmat Allāh Liyān, who wrote to Yūsuf in Jerusalem (Letter 21) but whom we otherwise encounter as a resident of Damascus (Letter 25). The extent of their relations beyond business dealings is not always clear, and the names seem to point to a number of distinct families, but family relations can always be expected among this group. Another major player in this corpus is the Isṭifān family. The members of this family often bear the surname Tarǧumān, as do for example Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān and Damyān Isṭifān Tarǧumān. While we encounter only one individual named Buṭrus Isṭifān, the fact that many male members of this family bore either the name Anṭūn or Isṭifān makes it quite impossible to clearly distinguish between them. Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān is the first major merchant we encounter, already in 1794, on one of the rare excursions in this corpus to Cairo (Letter 4). Otherwise, they are clearly placed in Jerusalem and on the coast of Syria. That the Isṭifān and the Ḥaddād families were acquainted is clear from such writings as Letter 20, which Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Damyān wrote to Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Damascus in 1216 / 1802. Another focal point is the correspondence between a merchant we get to know only as Fransīs, who was residing in Jerusalem, and Abū Anṭūn Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān. The latter is much more mobile and we can follow him along the coast of Palestine, onwards to Damietta, and back to Palestine again. Fransīs also repeatedly mentions writing to one Būluṣ in Damietta, although only one of those letters appears to have survived (Letter 42). Būluṣ is also a man whom Fransīs mentions particularly often in his other letters and who appears to be his brother. He is nearly always mentioned as “aḫīnā Būluṣ”, and while it was very common to address someone as a brother, the word certainly had more weight when a person was not directly addressed but merely talked about. In

28

analysis

these different mentions, it becomes clear that Būluṣ was often travelling to Istanbul (see Letters 48, 57, likely also 170). From this we can infer that Būluṣ likely was none other than Paolo Talamas / Bāwulū Ṭalāmās, who, in his sole surviving letter (Letter 78) speaks about returning to Istanbul.41 And from that long and winding argument we finally return with a name for Fransīs and deduce that he, too, was from the larger Talāmās clan. Although the name Talamās/Talāmās does not appear in studies of the Syrian diaspora in Egypt such as Thomas Philipp’s The Syrians in Egypt, our letters reveal them to be active and highly placed players in Egypt. With Paolo Talamas, Miḫāʾīl Talamas, and Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān, who is also Guiseppe Talamas (Letter 53), three members of the family, both as merchants and in the consular service, reported back home to Fransīs in Jerusalem. The Talāmās family retained a high profile among Palestine’s Christians until the period of the British mandate. At the same time, the example of Paolo / Būluṣ Ṭalāmās and his travels to Istanbul have already hinted at a family history beyond the local context. In fact, a little snippet from London between 1779 and 1784 shows a truly global personality from their midst. In several letters reporting from high society salons, the writers describe a man only named Talamas as a “Greek” and “native of Jerusalem”, whose father had been a dragoman in Constantinople, and who “made reading the eight volumes of Buffon’s Natural History the amusement of a voyage to India”.42 Could this have been one of our merchants? In Damietta, Yūsuf worked and occasionally lived with the consul Fransīs Bernard (Barnā) Damyān (e.g. Letter 53), to whom he was apparently a maternal uncle. He also worked with the latter’s cousin Giovanni Rūk / Rocco. Fransīs Bernard, in some respects probably the head of this group, was often away in Alexandria. This triumvirate of Yūsuf, Fransīs, and Giovanni was bound by more than family and trade, but also shared work for different, and often hostile, European powers. Fransīs was a consul of the Republic (lā Rībūblīkā, Letters

41

42

Letter 78 offers an additional clue to identify Būluṣ and Bāwulū / Paolo, since here Bāwulū sends the 50 asadī for rosaries that Fransīs had asked Būluṣ to send in Letter 76. Burney, Frances: The Early Diary of Frances Burney 1768–1778. With a Selection From Her Correspondence, and From the Journals of Her Sisters Susan and Charlotte Burney, ed. Annie Raine Ellis, 2 vols. (London: George Bell and Sons, 1889), vol. ii, p. 317. In Istanbul, we also find one Yaʿqūb Ṭalāmās Tarǧumān translating the Ottoman dictionary of Meninski and achieving his work there in 1755; see ms Jerusalem, Monastery of St. Saviour, eap823/1/2/78 (this is the number allotted to the piece by the Endangered Archives Program, who have made the digitized copy of this volume available but did not give a shelfmark, which the item may not actually possess).

analysis

29

50 and 67),43 while his relatives were described as an agent (wakīl) of Spain (Yūsuf Talāmās) and a translator / dragoman of the English (Giovanni Rūk / Rocco), respectively, in Damietta (both Letter 68). At the same time, Fransīs Bernard Damyān’s name points to yet another major family of the region, alternatively also rendered in our letters as Ḍumyān, Ḍumyānī or Damyānī. The Damyān family, according to information provided by the traveler Charles Lewis Meryon, was of Frankish descent and had settled in the Levant only in recent generations, but filled lucrative and influential positions as consuls and merchants.44 While in Alexandria, Fransīs reports of an interaction with one Anḍar (Andrea?) Damyānī, who offers to appoint him to any consulate he desires, listing Rhodes as an example (Letter 54). This, together with Meryon’s report of an influential consul of that family on the Syrian coast and Fransīs’s own consular position in Damietta, suggests an astounding level of behind-the-scenes wheeling and dealing on the Damyānīs’ side. Whether there is any family relation with other merchants who feature Damyān as part of their names and who can be found in the corpus is not certain. An example of such a possible connection would be Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Damyān (Letter 20) who may have belonged to both the Isṭifān and Damyān families. As usual, the letters add more layers of uncertainty to the matter. Several addresses lump together the names of Yūsuf Talāmās and Fransīs Bernard Damyān in ways that would make it hard to register them as two distinct people were we only to have those witnesses. Letter 59 was sent to “Yūsuf Tarǧumān Fransīs Bernard” while Letter 61 calls the addressee “Yūsuf Anṭūn al-Tarǧumān al-Qudsī tābiʿ Fransīs Bernard” and thus gives a hierarchy between the two men. And Letter 62, in naming its recipient “al-ḫwāǧa Yūsuf Tarǧumān al-ḫwāǧa Fransīs Bernard Ḍumyān qunṣul ṭāyifat Ribūblīkā sābiq”, might give the impression that Yūsuf was in fact a consul. That the “former consul of the Republic” refers to Fransīs Bernard and not to Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān is clear from Letter 67, in which Yūsuf addresses Fransīs as such. Here, again, we find that single mentions can be deceiving while a cluster may bring clarity—but equally may simply add more confusion.

43

44

“The Republic” signifies the Republic of Ragusa, a small coastal and island state in southern Dalmatia. It was soon to be invaded by Napoleon in 1806, then annexed to Frenchcontrolled Italy in January 1808, when its political existence ceased. But several generations of Damyānīs would continue to be consuls to Austria and other powers in Jaffa, which appears as the center of their family. [Charles Lewis Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope; Forming the Completion of Her Memoirs, 3 vols. (London: Henry Colburn, 1846), vol. i, pp. 190–192.

30

analysis

In all of these cases, it is futile to attempt sketching a family tree. One of the major reasons is the intergenerational repetition of names that complicate the identification of individuals when they are mentioned in a letter. When we meet them in their letters, these individuals act as merchants, even in their most private writings. But there are also connections to consulates in the posts of agent (wakīl) and dragoman (tarǧumān). And some men acted as vice-consuls or probably even full consuls. Fransīs Bernard Damyān, who is addressed as a consul (Letter 50) and former consul of the Republic (67), can write to his uncle Yūsuf Talāmās / Giuseppe Talamas, agent (wakīl) of Spain, and his cousin Giovanni Rūk / Rocco, translator / dragoman of the English, in Damietta (Letter 68). Fransīs Damyān’s uncle Yūsuf Anṭūn carries the name Tarǧumān, which appears to be actually his post as the dragoman of Spain, which some addresses make clear (Letter 55, 69, 71). Mikele Talamas / Miḫāyīl Talāmās would then have been his superior as the vice-consul of Spain in Damietta (72). The blurred lines between merchants and diplomatic staff are a fixture of the European consular system that was only beginning to change during the 18th century. As we have seen, members of the Isṭifān and Talamas clans, besides several other individuals, also bear the name Tarǧumān. This probably hints at a profound connection of these families to the profession of a dragoman.45 This in turn reflects the fact that so many of the merchants were connected to the European consulates. But could this name point to something more than a job description? There is in fact a group of different families who served the Catholic monastery in Bethlehem as translators and converted to Catholicism. Jacob Norris has discussed the particular appearance of the name Tarǧumān as it was given to the families of these local converts. They are presented by Norris as a cohesive group formed around the Catholic mission in Bethlehem.46 A popular account of the Tarajmeh clans (derived from Tarāǧima, the plural form of Tarǧumān) of Bethlehem, as they are still known today, lists several families that we also find as major players in our corpus among those who call themselves Tarǧumān: Abu Fheileh (Abū Fuḥayla, Letter 191), Fleifel (Fulayfil, Letter 139), Rock, Sabat, Talamas.47 But we do not find our merchants in Bethlehem

45

46

47

A broader study of the social and intellectual profile of this group, with a focus on Istanbul, can be found in Natalie Rothman: The Dragoman Renaissance. Diplomatic Interpreters and the Routes of Orientalism (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2021). See Jacob Norris: “Dragomans, Tattooists, Artisans: Palestinian Christians and Their Encounters with Catholic Europe in the 17th and 18th Centuries,” Journal of Global History 14 (2019), pp. 68–86. I thank Astrid Meier (Halle) for pointing me to this research. See the list on http://www.dabdoub‑ps.com/397849332 (last accessed April 20, 2021).

31

analysis

for anything but a rare devotional visit (see Letter 99). These families were of course widely dispersed, in some exceptional cases globally. That all members of one extended family should have converted everywhere is not easy to imagine. Even when members of these families lived in Bethlehem, those who had converted to Catholicism may well have lived alongside those who remained members of other denominations.48 Rather, we might have here the possibility to broaden the history of the Tarāǧima (Tarajmeh) clans beyond Bethlehem and the Catholic mission. Letters ordered by senders Sender

Recipient

Letters

Andrīyā Manṭūra Naǧǧār

ʿĪsā Ḥannā Abū ʿĪsā Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān

91, 92, 97, 128 90, 93, 108, 109, 111, 120, 122, 125, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 153 101 122 99, 167 180 180

Anṭūn Fransīs Isṭifān Anṭūn Ǧabbūr

Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān

Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī Abū Mūsā

Anṭūn Lūnṣa Buṭrus Buṭrus al-ʿĀqil Buṭrus Isṭifān

48

al-muʿallim Anṭūn Fransīs Isṭifān Tarǧumān mother al-ḫwāǧa Isṭifān Tarǧumān Fransīs al-ḫwāǧā Yūsuf walad al-ḫwāǧā Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād al-Qudsī Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Tarǧumān ḫwāǧa Buṭrus Çelebī Damyān Isṭifān Tarǧumān Isṭifān [Anṭūn Tarǧumān] al-ḫwāǧa Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān (father) Yūsuf Samʿān b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā

sayyid Ḥamza Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Muḥammad al-ʿĀbsī Anṭūn Fransīs Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān al-muʿallim Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān

150, 151, 158, 159, 160, 187 4 5 163 171, 172 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 175, 176, 177, 181, 182, 183, 184 11 14 15, 28, 38, 171 95 94 106, 107 104, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 134, 137

In Letter 94, Buṭrus Isṭifān, one of the few whom we can securely identify as a Maronite, suggests that a family member take up work in Bethlehem.

32

analysis

Letters ordered by senders (cont.) Sender

Damyān walad ḫūrī Mitrī Faraǧ Fransīs

Recipient

Letters

Ibrāhīm Wānīs ʿĪsā Abū ʿĪsā Umm Miḫāyīl Helena Zaḫarīyā Fransīs Geronimo Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā

105 98 94 103 130 18

Abū Anṭūn Yūsuf Anṭūn Talamas Tarǧumān

39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 57, 58 42 45 53, 54, 60, 68 118, 119 72

sinyūr Būluṣ unidentified Fransīs Bernard Damyān Giovanni Rūk / Rocco (cousin) Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān Miḫāyīl Talāmās / Mikele Talamas, vice-consul of Spain (cousin) Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Talāmās / Giuseppe Talamas (uncle) Theresia (sister) Fransīs Ǧabbūr Yūsuf b. Anṭūn Tarǧumān Ǧabbūr Zubayrī Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Ǧabrān al-Ḫūrī al-ḫūrī Ǧabrān Niqūlā al-Qudsī Ǧibrāyīl Ǧallād al-ḥāǧǧ Muḥammad al-Maġribī Ḫalīl Murquṣ ḫwāǧa Fransīs Bernard Damyān Ḥannā Fulayfil Yaʿqūb Ṣābāt Ḥannā Ǧallād al-ḫwāǧa Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Ḥannā al-Ḥarīzī Yaʿqūb Ṣābāt [= Ṣābāt] Ḥannā Ḥaṣrā al-sinyūr Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Ḥannā Ǧaqāmān ḫwāǧa Fransīs Bernard Damyān Mattā al-Ḫayyāṭ Šiblī Darrāǧ Ibrāhīm al-Ḫayyāṭ Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Qudsī Ibrāhīm, the mutasallim of al-muʿallim Sālim Jerusalem ʿĪsā Anṭūn Talāmās Abū Anṭūn Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Tarǧumān ʿĪsā Ǧallād Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā ʿĪsā walad Ḥannā al-muʿallim Ḥannā Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Ḥannā Isṭifān Damyān ḫwāǧa Isṭifān Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Susan Theresia / Maria Theresia al-muʿallim Anṭūn Fransīs Isṭifān Tarǧumān

53, 54, 56, 60, 68, 69,71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80 53, 60 110 23, 24 157 138 50 139 152 140 170 63 64 64 51 156 149 62 174 141

20 100, 143, 145, 148, 162 142, 145, 162 102, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148

33

analysis Letters ordered by senders (cont.) Sender

Recipient

Letters

Kārluh (Carlo) Ḥannā Ǧallād Maria Theresia Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī Niʿmat Allāh Liyān Paolo Ṭalāmās Tarǧumān Qāzār Wartīt, prior of the Armenian Monastery in Jaffa Samʿān (Samīr?) Theodosius al-Muwah Umm Ibrāhīm Unknown

Anṭūn Būluṣ Kārluh Ǧallād al-Qudsī

185

Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā sinyūr Fransīs Bernard Damyān, consul of the Republic

179, 192 6 21 78 169

al-muʿallim Anṭūn Isṭifān Niʿmat Allāh Ilyān / Layān Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā al-ḫwāǧa Anṭūn Fransīs Bernard Damyān / Ḍumyānī al-muʿallim ʿĪsā Manṣūr ǧalabī mother Ṣalībā Šāhīn Naḥḥās ʿĪsā Ibn Abū ʿĪsā Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā al-muʿallim ʿĪsā Ibn Abū ʿĪsā al-muʿallim Ḥannā [Ibn Umm ʿĪsā] Abū Yūsuf ʿAṭā Allāh Baṣmaǧī (son) Yūsuf Ḥamāma (son-in-law) al-ḫwāǧa Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā Yūsuf Anṭūn al-Tarǧumān Qudsī Fransīs Bernard Damyān / Ḍumyānī

161 25 52 164 70 178 155 166 85, 86, 87, 88, 89 191 79 189, 190 189, 190 81, 82, 83, 84 83 168 22 47, 55, 61, 188 67, 154

Istifān Ibn Anṭūn Istifān al-ḫwāǧa Anṭūn Ḥaddād Yūsuf Anṭūn al-Tarǧumān Qudsī

96, 113 186 59, 66

Yaʿqūb Abū Fuḥayla Yaʿqūb Ġaṭṭāsī Yaʿqūb Mitrī Yaʿqūb Qayṣar Yaʿqūb Yūsuf Tarǧumān Yūsuf Adan Yūsuf Andriyā Ǧallād Yūsuf Anṭūn Talamas Tarǧumān Yūsuf Ḥannā Yūsuf Yūsuf Ibn al-Daqan Yūsuf [Ibn] Ḫalīl Ḥannā

34 3

analysis

The Landscape of a Levantine Network 49ً ‫المال في الغر بة أوطانا‬

The purpose of the following pages is to familiarize ourselves, in a geographical sense, with the world of our traders so that we can better understand the environment in which they moved. Two centers above all emerge from this corpus as the apparent headquarters and homes of at least most of its merchant families. These were Jerusalem in Greater Syria and Damietta in Egypt. Alongside those two, we read of many travels to the port cities of the Syrian coast as well as northwards to Damascus and Aleppo. The itineraries described in the letters show how our merchants established and served a vital connection between two important provinces of the Ottoman Empire. At the same time one is struck by the apparently marginal role that Cairo appears to have played for this group. This is likely to be explained with the fact that the routes to the south fell within the purview of the large-scale Muslim traders of Egypt.50 Even so, Letters 4 and 160 indicate that Christian merchants, too, had a presence in Egypt’s capital, even if this was limited. Istanbul and Izmir, too, as the trading hubs of the Ottoman center to the north, are rarely mentioned. But hints to several family members who went there to trade show that they were not beyond the reach of this network (Letters 40, 47). Obviously, these different places must have had different meanings to different merchants, depending on their individual background. The inherent mobility of the merchant life makes the concept of home and homeland somewhat elusive. We do encounter the term waṭan / awṭān twice (Letters 21, 104), both times with reference to Jerusalem, while everything across the sea on the Egyptian coast and to the north along the Syrian coast was considered as ‘abroad’ (ġurba). But as the Arabic adage cited above states, there was a different homeland, conceived in terms not of origins but of financial opportunites. Traveling and setting up a household in a different city, staying there for many years, maybe marrying into established families, must have changed the perception 49

50

“Money is is a homeland abroad.” I have come across this adage inscribed on flyleaves in both ms Istanbul, Süleymaniye, Veliyyuddin 1110 and Veliyyuddin 1425. When looking for the verse online, one finds, as usual, many slight variations of it. But I came across the very same wording inscribed on a rock in Oman (precisely in al-Ḥaymalī) as has been posted on twitter by Humaid Alrajhy: https://mobile.twitter.com/humaidalrajhy7/status/​ 1395251707987247106. It is often ascribed to the prophet’s son in law ʿAlī, but I did not conduct any research into verifying the origin of the verse. Their economic world has repeatedly been treated with recourse to the law court registers, see Raymond: Artisans et commerçants; Hanna: Making Big Money.

analysis

35

of this foreign place and transformed it with time. Nonetheless, the sense of foreignness (ġurba) weighed heavy on some merchants abroad, as the next section will show. Maintaining such a far-flung network depended in no small part on the safety of roads and waterways to transport goods, letters, and the merchants themselves. Both were severely challenged at several points at the end of the 18th and the first years of the 19th century.51 But these challenges were never severe enough to stop our itinerant merchants from being present all the way from the Syrian interior to the coast of Egypt, or at least not for long. In the short profiles that follow, I want to offer some basic orientation of the geographical, but mostly the social and economic profile of these different places as we follow our merchants through this arena. We will start in the south and slowly make our way to the north, remembering all the way that a letter making the same journey would likely take weeks on the road and might in fact never reach its destination. 3.1

Damietta 52‫دمياط ام البيع والشرا‬

We begin this journey in the city that one of our traders, in the epitaph above, called “mother of selling and buying”. This seems pretty grandiose, since Damietta was never the major port of Egypt during the Ottoman period. It nonetheless flourished and played a vital economic role at several points of its history, especially for our Syrian merchants. While European traders of various origins traded here sporadically at the time our letters were written,53 Damietta was especially important for the exchange of goods within the Ottoman realm

51 52 53

See the survey of the road networks of Greater Syria in Thomas Philipp: Acre. The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian City, 1730–1831 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 13–16. Letter 48, recto. Just a few decades prior, in 1762, Carsten Niebuhr had observed that European traders had mostly abandoned the city after a massacre; see Carsten Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und andern umliegenden Ländern, 2 vols. (Copenhagen: Möller, 1774–1778), vol. i, p. 65. And the French, too, observed the absence of any Western European traders in the city, see Juan Cole: Napoleon’s Egypt. Invading the Middle East (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 162. Throughout the 18th century, there appear to have been official Ottoman orders against allowing European traders to establish themselves in the city, but also illegal maneuvers to subvert these orders, see Daniel Crecelius: “Damiette in the Late Eighteenth Century,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27 (1990), pp. 185– 189, here pp. 186–187.

36

analysis

figure 10 View of Damietta; Louis Nicolas Philippe Auguste Comte de Forbin: Voyage dans le Levant (Paris: De l’ Imprimerie royale, 1819).

and this exchange was largely managed by subjects of the Empire. A number of admirable studies have been devoted specifically to the trade of Damietta in the 18th century. Their author, Daniel Crecelius, has drawn upon the wealth of the court registers or siǧillāt, as well as the archives of the European ports and trading companies. However, Crecelius himself notes that his sources tend to predominantly register the business of European ships, while shipping to the Syrian coastal ports was handled mostly by Ottoman traders and captains.54 Damietta also hosted the most sizable community of traders from the Syrian lands in the 18th and 19th centuries, which are the subject of this book. They are described as predominantly Greek-Catholic with a considerably smaller Maronite component. And although they resided in many other port cities and commercial centers of Lower Egypt, nowhere is their impact more pronounced than in Damietta at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th 54

Crecelius: “Damiette in the Late Eighteenth Century”. For the coastal shipping and the Ottoman subjects responsible for it see also Daniel Panzac: “Commerce et commerçants des ports du Liban Sud et de Palestine (1756–1787),” Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée 55–56 (1990), pp. 75–93, here pp. 87–88.

analysis

37

century. Their history in Egypt has been treated in several monographs.55 Noted by contemporaries and modern scholars alike was their role in establishing a highly ambitious learned society that instigated, among other things, a translation program of contemporary literature from European languages (mostly Greek and Italian) into Arabic.56 The scope and organization of this society have been described as a proto-nahḍa movement with reference to the current of 19th-century poets, journalists, and thinkers which is understood as a cultural and national renaissance of the Ottoman Empire’s Arab provinces but is usually placed at a later date. But despite the importance of this claim it remains only marginally studied. A later section will probe this perspective further to position traders as cultural actors just as much as they were economic ones, to see the impact on the merchants’ communities which the international contacts as well as material resources generated by trade enabled. Despite several periods of blossom, Damietta was never a major metropolis. But it has seen its fair share of literary praise throughout the centuries. The Mamluk historian Muḥammad Ibn Iyās al-Ḥanafī (d. after 928/1522) included poetic praise of the city in his cosmographic anthology Našq al-azhār fī ʿaǧāʾib al-aqṭār.57 And while producing a copy of this work in 1018/1609 (ms Paris,

55

56

57

Thomas Philipp: The Syrians in Egypt, 1725–1975 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1985); ʿAbdallāh Muḥammad ʿAzbāwī: al-Šawām fī Miṣr fī l-qarnayn al-ṯāmin wa-l-tāsiʿ ʿašar (Cairo: Dār alNahḍa al-ʿArabīya, 1986); ʿAbd al-Maqṣūd Samīr: al-Šawām fī Miṣr (Cairo: al-Hayʾa alMiṣrīya al-ʿĀmma li-l-Kitāb, 2003); Masʿūd Ḍāhir: al-Hiǧra al-lubnānīya ilā Miṣr. Hiǧrat al-Šawām (Beirut: al-Maktaba al-Šarqīya, 1986). See [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, pp. 178–179; Philipp: The Syrians in Egypt, pp. 60, 69; Stefan Reichmuth: “Mündlicher und literarischer Wissenstransfer in Ägypten im späten 18. / frühen 19. Jahrhundert—Arabische Gelehrte und ihr Zugang zu europäischer Naturwissenschaft,” in Buchkultur im Nahen Osten des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, eds. Tobias Heinzelmann and Henning Sievert (Bern et al.: Peter Lang, 2010), pp. 27– 52, here pp. 35–37; Boris Liebrenz: “The Library of Aḥmad al-Rabbāṭ. Books and their Audience in 12th to 13th/18th to 19th Century Syria,” in Marginal Perspectives on Early Modern Ottoman Culture. Missionaries, Travellers, Booksellers, eds. Ralf Elger and Ute Pietruschka (Halle/Saale: Zentrum für Interdisziplinäre Regionalstudien, 2013), pp. 17–59, here p. 49; Mikhāyil Mishāqa: Murder, Mayhem, Pillage, and Plunder. The History of the Lebanon in the 18th and 19th Centuries, transl. by Wheeler. M. Thackston, Jr. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), pp. 96–99; Baroness von Minutoli: Recollections of Egypt (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea and Carey, 1827), pp. 165–173. See also the chapter “Culture and Commerce” below. There seems to be no critical edition of this text. Yet a (partial?) edition and translation was prepared already in 1807 by Louis Langlès (1763–1824) as L’Odeur des fleurs dans les merveilles de l’ univers (Paris: Imprimérie Impériale, 1807), reprinted as part of Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale et autres bibliothèques 8, 1 (1810), pp. 1– 131. The passage on Damietta is found in the ms BnF Arabe 2207, fols. 85–87.

38

analysis

BnF Arabe 2207), reminiscence of his time there prompted the copyist, who, in 1005/1596, had been living in Damietta as a deputy judge, to supply extra verses of his own pen in the margin (BnF Arabe 2207, fol. 87). This was the only time he felt the urge to express his feelings in such a manner, testimony to the good impression the place left on him. Western visitors generally felt equally enchanted.58 The afore-mentioned Charles Meryon, physician in the entourage of Lady Hester Stanhope, recalled “the most amusing prospect of any city in Lower Egypt”.59 But it was not always paradisiacal for the people of Damietta. By contemporary accounts, the town was surrounded by a particularly dangerous hinterland, controlled by a coalition of lake-dwelling Bedouin and other independent-minded groups.60 It was so strictly outside the reach of the central authorities that Cole calls it “the lagoon kingdom of Hasan Tubar” with reference to one of its notorious strongmen.61 In this connection we may relate certain passages in the merchant letters that warn against travelling to Damietta due to the fragile security situation. In 1803 one writer arrived safely in the city just after it had been plundered (Letter 42). This certainly refers to the siege, occupation, and plunder of the city in July of that year by troops loyal to the Mamluk beys, who were constantly fighting for superiority with Ottoman authorities and Albanian troops in the aftermath of the French retreat. In this incident, notably, the house of of the eminent merchant Bāṣīlī Faḫr, whom we will encounter shortly as an important figure in the world of our letters, was said to have been plundered and he to have lost everything he owned.62 For foreign visitors at the turn of the 19th century, the city was also marked by the emergence of a European lifestyle, at least among its Christian inhabitants. In the Christian quarter, there were cafés and inns with a city square.63 But despite its outer beauty, a stay in Damietta was still seen as most unagreeable during the spring due to the nearby cultivation of rice which, with its standing water, provided a fertile breeding ground for mosquitoes and vermin.64 And Damietta was not generally considered a healthy place to live in. The Lebanese writer Miḫāʾīl Mišāqa, who lived in the city in his youth at the time that our let58 59 60 61 62 63 64

Some negative voices during years of neglect just prior to the years covered by our letters are cited by Crecelius: “Damiette in the Late Eighteenth Century,” p. 189. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 174. See the description, based on French observations, in Cole: Napoleon’s Egypt, pp. 162– 167. Cole: Napoleon’s Egypt, p. 166. Douin: L’ Égypte de 1802 à 1804, p. 57. Cole: Napoleon’s Egypt, p. 162. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 181.

analysis

39

ters were written, reports of the seasonal return of the plague, to which the local Christian and European communities regularly reacted by barricading themselves inside their houses. According to Mišāqa he would spend five months a year in such a state during his time in the city, a forced hiatus he put to good use studying but which we can imagine must have been a grave disruption to the trade on which this community relied. As we will see in a later section, the community of expatriate merchants was intellectually thriving. Yet, curiously, we find in our letters more than once the claim that Damietta had no doctor! This is even as we read Meryon writing of a Frankish “medical practitioner” living in the city65 and the Baroness Minutoli, a German noblewoman travelling Egypt in 1820, seeing a physician at the table of the merchant Bāsīlī Faḫr,66 both instances occurring at the time when our letters were written. We also hear of the place “El Usby” close by Damietta, “where the Christian merchants often go to recover their health when laboring under chronic maladies”,67 suggesting some health infrastructure. But the impression given in our letters that provisions were inadequate are supported by another contemporary witness, Miḫāʾīl Mišāqa, whose uncle Buṭrus ʿAnḥūrī was a merchant in Damietta and in 1814 returned to Dayr al-Qamar in Lebanon to have his daughter’s eyes treated. The reason for that sojourn was apparently because “at that time there were no reliable physicians in that country”.68 Views of what constituted a reliable physician may have differed on both sides of the sea. Most importantly for our merchants, of course, the city with its harbor was a great center of trade and had been the main connection between Egypt and the Syrian coast for centuries.69 This goes for the import and export of goods from the broader markets of the regions as well as the produce of the city’s rich agricultural hinterland. Carsten Niebuhr, the sole survivor of the great Danish expedition to Arabia, already remarked upon the great trade with rice, which was a main regional crop of the surrounding fields, in 1762.70 And rice mills were still “the main source of wealth” for the city according to Meryon in 1810.71 Although export to Europe was forbidden for most of the period, there was also 65 66 67 68 69

70 71

[Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 175. Minutoli: Recollections, p. 186. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope i, p. 181. Mishāqa: Murder, Mayhem, Pillage, and Plunder, p. 96. The situation in the 17th and 18th centuries is described in Molly Greene: Catholic Pirates and Greek Merchants. A Maritime History of the Mediterranean (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp. 126–127. Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien, vol. i, p. 65. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope i, p. 175.

40

analysis

a lively illegal trade in rice on French ships.72 Our merchants do not seem to have played a great part in this particular trade. Yet the general wealth it created was the rising tide that lifted their boats as well, even though these were more likely to be filled with textiles than rice. 3.2 Alexandria Another famous coastal harbor of Egypt, Alexandria, mostly appears on the periphery of our merchants’ world. In contemporary accounts, the city is described as a somewhat multicultural and international place. Consequently, Carsten Niebuhr had been impressed by the linguistic abilities of the population when he visited Alexandria a few decades before our corpus: “Here and nowhere else have I seen even born Muslims, who were able to speak Provençal, Danish, or Swedish, nearly as well as if they had been born in France, Denmark, or Sweden.”73 According to research by Daniel Panzac, at least a significant number among those Muslim merchants were not local Egyptians, but came from Anatolia and the Aegean islands.74 Most trade with Europe was conducted from Alexandria, rather as Damietta was the hub of trade with the Syrian coast. In the light of its role, Alexandria was also seat of the consul, usually a European, who had a subordinate vice-consul, usually a native, in Damietta. When the merchant Fransīs in Jerusalem was thoroughly disappointed by the conduct and inertia of Mīḫāʾīl Talamās, he suggested, as means of stirring his colleague into action, that he might otherwise lodge a complaint in Alexandria with the consul to threaten his companion (Letter 74). Since Miḫāʾīl was the vice-consul of Spain, posted in Damietta, this step by Fransīs would have carried real danger to his reputation. Another Fransīs, namely Fransīs Bernard Damyānī, at the same time merchant and consul in Damietta, appears to have spent more time in Alexandria than other merchants. His doing so, too, seems to have been related to the presence of the superior consuls in that city, among whom Fransīs was trying to settle some lawsuits (e.g. letter 53). In general, the economic fortunes of Alexandria are said to have eclipsed those of Damietta towards the end of the 18th century. During the years of our 72 73

74

Crecelius: “Damiette in the Late Eighteenth Century,” p. 187. Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien, vol. i, p. 52: “Ich habe hier, und sonst nirgends, auch geborne Mohammedaner angetroffen, die das Provensalische, das Dänische oder Schwedische fast so gut redeten als wenn sie in Frankreich, in Dänemark oder Schweden geboren wären.” Daniel Panzac: La caravane maritime. Marins européens et marchands ottomans en Méditerranée (1680–1830) (Paris: cnrs, 2004), p. 146 finds at least 40 per cent of the Muslim merchants with a background in these regions.

analysis

91

From the context it becomes clear that the father is in fact the writer of this letter and that he puts the exact words into his son’s mouth that the latter is to say to feign the ignorance both men actually do not have. But other than the context, nothing would have shown that the first person narrative was not in fact that of the writer. The same can also be seen in Letter 92, where a passage reads: ‫ ”اعطاني دهب لـكم الخواجه عيسا اعطاني دهب‬:‫حضر الى ترفنا الاخ انطون بواب وعرفنا ان‬ “٢ ‫ في‬٤ ‫ وايضا ًار باع فندقلي عـ‬٤٢ ١/٢ ‫ ـه‬٨ ١/٢ ‫ في‬٥ ‫مجر عـ‬ The brother Anṭūn Bawwāb arrived here and informed us thus: ‘The master ʿĪsā gave me gold for you, he gave me 5 Hungarian gold coins of 8 ½ (ġuruš) (which makes) 42 ½ (ġuruš) and also 4 Funduqlī quarters of 2 (ġuruš).’ Here the writer relays or pretends to relay the exact words that a certain man has used in talking to the writer. Again, only the context can reveal this interpretation, since the writer was obviously not informed by Anṭūn Bawwāb about what that same Anṭūn Bawwāb had just given him. Otherwise, the linguistic conventions of our letters would easily allow us to instead interpret the first occurrence of the verb aʿṭānī (he gave me) as referring to the preceding person Anṭūn Bawwāb as its subject and the second aʿṭānī also to the name preceding it. In this case we could easily have misread the meaning of this sentence as “The brother Anṭūn Bawwāb arrived here and informed us that he gave me gold for you. Master ʿĪsā gave me Hungarian gold (etc.)” Frequently the syntax of the letters is even more confusing than here, and without context we find ourselves unable to determinte which verbs, nouns, and pronouns refer to one another. This is not the least of the reasons for why this volume does not attempt to offer extensive translations of the documents presented herein. These grammatical, orthographic and stylistic features that characterize our corpus of Christian traders’ letters are very different from what we find in the letters by Muslim writers, who tend to attempt, if not always with complete success, a higher register. How much this was a conscious choice on the part of these Christian merchants can probably be gauged by the example of a letter that a Christian merchant, Buṭrus al-ʿĀqil, wrote to a Muslim partner in Jerusalem (Letter 95). Within our corpus, this particular letter sets itself apart due to its relatively fine script. It is therefore likely that Buṭrus engaged the service of a professional scribe to make this piece more pleasing to the eyes. This can be explained by the lack of familiarity between the two correspondents, whereas

92

analysis

most of the other letters in the corpus were exchanged between writers who basically were part of an extended family. The letter is not without grave mistakes (‫ هشم‬instead of ‫ )حشمة‬and irregularities (‫ تحة‬instead of ‫)تحت‬. But we also see an effort for refined language in syntax and vocabulary that differs from the rest of the corpus: thus we notice the correct bi-kull ḫayr instead of bi-kull ḫayran, which we often encounter when Christians write to each other. Likewise, the bi-ša’n in this letter instead of the prevalent variant min yum or minšān is remarkable. As this last example indicates, there are lexical features that set this corpus apart from the rest of the letters that are also preserved in Gotha and that are mostly written by Muslims in a network that comprises Egypt and the Hejaz. A particularly revealing example is the use of the word ḫāṭir, mostly with an appended personal pronoun as in e.g. ‫خاطركم‬. This is because so far it appears exclusively in the Christian corpus. But within this corpus the term ‫ على خاطرنا‬is also used by the Muslim writer Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī (Letter 6; fig. 19). Once the corpora of Gotha letters with predominantly Muslim writers oriented towards the Red Sea trade are edited, more research into the specific linguistic expressions of the different networks may provide further fruitful comparisons. These letters work not only on the textual level, they are also visual compositions that follow certain conventions that may be alien to us or that we need to decipher. There is a spatial awareness that seems to impose an end to a letter, that seems to demand a subscription at the end of a page even where a letter clearly goes on. Conversely, there seems to be something of a need for the marginal continuation. We find our writers break up in the middle of a sentence and write their signature when clearly there was no spatial requirement to break off the text and turn it. The effect this was supposed to create would likely have been the sense of there being too many greetings, thus too much affection in need of being expressed, to fit the confinement of a page’s surface. In this light, the absence of a marginal appendix might have been read as a sign of coldness or distance. Although not a matter of language, the particular appearance of these letters cannot be completely disassociated from its paleographic style and it is a factor in the interpretation of its language. In handwriting like that of Anṭūn Ḥaddād the ambiguities pile up and compound the deciphering of any word with a combined challenge of paleographical, lexicographical, and syntactical interpretation. The signs to denote one, two, or three points, or distinguish an undotted sīn from a dotted šīn, can look exactly the same. An isolated tā’ and nūn can also be indistinguishable. And furthermore, all these forms can also vary within one hand. Even if a letter is clearly distinguishable, it may have been exchanged for another one (as is routinely the case with ṣād for sīn, ḍād for dāl

analysis

93

or zāy or ẓā’, ṭā’ for tā’, as outlined above) with no apparent rhyme or reason to it. And the writer may equally just have made a simple mistake. Under these circumstances names of persons, products, and places are particularly hard to identify correctly. Throughout the larger corpus of all 1600 letters that are found in Gotha, including both Christian and Muslim communications and stretching over many decades from the middle of the 18th century through the turn of the 19th, the overall form appears as a coherent whole despite the regional peculiarities that have been outlined. At the same time, it is distinct from the usages of the Mamluk era letters. How do we explain the remarkable uniformity in form and formulary? Certainly, this could be reached through employing professional scribes whose job it was to know how a letter was to be formulated and how recurring themes needed to be expressed. But there is very little evidence in our corpus even for anyone other than the sender writing a letter on this person’s behalf. My own work with another type of source whose formulaic and linguistic expressions remain understudied, namely manuscript notes, and particularly the notes of owners, readers, and endowments, suggests that formularies could spread over vast expanses and across linguistic borders without the help of a standardized template. These small documents were never apparently discussed as texts in the literatures contemporary to their use or any specialized treatises, yet apart from some regional idiosyncracies and some developments over time we also find a remarkable unity of expression.190 Letters, on the other hand, are frequently the topic of literary works. Some authors or their followers have collected the refined correspondence they exchanged with friends and other writers and gathered them in dedicated works. Such was the case of the Damascene author ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Nābulusī (d. 1143/ 1731), who compiled his own collection of letters less than a century before our merchants.191 In terms of content, examples such as this are clearly not comparable to the letters in our corpus, since they are meant to express ideas and, even more, showcase literary skills. At the same time they served the men who published them to position themselves publicly within a network. Their clearly literary purpose does of course not mean that these letters were not actually sent.

190 191

See preliminary discussions of the source in Liebrenz: Die Rifāʿīya, pp. 20–34. ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Nābulusī: Wasāʾil al-taḥqīq wa-rasāʾil al-tawfīq, edited twice as Letters of a Sufi Scholar. The Correspondence of ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī (1641–1731), ed. Samer Akkach (Leiden: Brill, 2010) and Murāsalāt al-Nābulusī, ed. Bakrī ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn (Damascus: Nīniwa, 2010).

94

analysis

Apart from these specimens that could serve as practical examples for any reader to emulate, there are also works that offer a systematic guide to those wanting to write appropriately for any occasion. The classical tradition offers a long and illustrious line of such primers of an art that is called, in Arabic, inšāʾ.192 But are there also template books that help us understand the Arabic letters of the 18th century? Indeed, our merchants could have turned to such works to embellish their writing. Arguably the most prominent example from the Ottoman period was written by a Palestinian author, Marʿī b. Yūsuf alḤanbalī (d. 1030/1621), whose Badīʿ al-inšāʾ wa-l-ṣifāt wa-l-mukātabāt wa-l-murāsalāt is a template book as well as an historical account of letter writing. It was not only copied throughout the 18th century, it is also one of the very small number of books printed in both Cairo and Constantinople several times throughout the 19th.193 Here, the reader could find information in a systematic fashion on how to craft a letter in all its aspects from the address through the proper praise for different dignitaries to the closing greetings. Consistently, though, what we find in those literary examples and template books is not mirrored in the actual letters that do survive. We do not find in them the reflection, however stylized, of the actual practice that our merchant letters represent. They were apparently meant to be pieces of every-day literature in line with the elite tradition of exchanging poetry when the merchants wanted their letters to be effective means of communication. This becomes apparent when we look at the part of the letter that occupies most of Marʿī al-Ḥanbalī’s Badīʿ al-inšāʾ, namely the initial greeting formulae. After the address, the body of a letter usually starts with greetings of varying length and complexity. These are set in relation to the following part of the letter by a word or phrase that marks a temporal hierarchy. This is first and foremost the preposition baʿda (after), which is used already in the first Arabic letters preserved on papyrus, but which in the Ottoman-era letters has moved to the beginning of the text to mark the greetings as the part that comes before. As a further novelty, Ottoman-era letters use, as an alternative to baʿda, either ġibba, a synonym for this latter, or awwalan (first). The opening most often used in the Gotha letters outside the corpus of this volume consists of the simple phrase baʿda mazīd al-salām ʿalayhi wa-kaṯrat alašwāq ilayhi (after plentiful peace upon him and [offering] much longing for

192 193

Rudolf Veselý: “Die inšāʾ-Literatur,” in Grundriss der arabischen Philologie, vol. 3, ed. Wolfdietrich Fischer (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1992), pp. 188–208. Uncritical editions without editor in Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Būlāq Miṣr, 1242; Constantinople: Maṭbaʿat al-Ǧawāʾib (1874); Constantinople, 1299; and Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Maymunīya, 1309.

analysis

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him). But while it is used in this exact form throughout among the Muslim traders, it is in fact completely absent among the Christian ones. Here, the most used opening phrase is instead a slight variant of it that skips the salām and only says baʿda mazīd kaṯrat al-ašwāq. Although on the surface this is the slightest of variations, the fact that its usage is so closely congruent with confessional and regional lines of demarcation can hardly be considered a coincidence. Very often, our letters begin with ġibba ihdāʾ (‫ )غب اهدا‬or ġibba ʿarūḍ al-šawq (‫)غب عروض الشوق‬, both meaning “after offering longing (to see you)”. Forms of greetings that begin with ġibba ihdāʾ are indeed among those enumerated by Marʿī al-Ḥanbalī in his primer on epistolography.194 But here, in the hands of the educated stylist, they turn into excessively flourished constructions of poetic images. Alternatively, the letters can begin with the simple awwalan baʿda mazīd kaṯrat al-ašwāq (“firstly, after an exceeding abundance of longing to see you”) or, more commonly, the condensed version awwalan mazīd kaṯrat al-ašwāq ilā ru’yākum (“firstly, an exceeding abundance of longing to see you”). In effect, these examples point to the particular existence and general likelihood of imitation on the part of the letter writers. The question thus arises, what exactly was imitated? Was a primer like that of Marʿī al-Ḥanbalī in use? In my view, it would appear that an informal habit through regular usage and through the emulation of received letters is the likelier source of shared formularies. These were intensely practiced, to which many traces of exercises testify that have survived on Arabic manuscript books and that often go unnoticed (see figs. 13, 14, 15, and 16). People did not only recycle old letters to produce or repair books and bindings; prospective letter writers did also use title pages, wrappers, and margins to practice recurring formularies and draft communications before putting them on a precious page of blank paper, especially when those communications were addressed to dignitaries and superiors.

194

Marʿī al-Ḥanbalī: Badīʿ al-inšāʾ wa-l-ṣifāt wa-l-mukātabāt wa-l-murāsalāt (Cairo: Būlāq, 1242), pp. 10–15.

96

analysis

figure 13 Practice of a formal letter opening on the title page of ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3299, fol. 1r.

figure 14 Exercise of writing a formal letter in the margins of a book; ms Paris, BnF Arabe 4482, fol. 10r.

figure 15 Exercises of writing letters in the margins of a book; ms Damascus, al-Maǧmaʿ al-ʿIlmī 680, fols. 3v–4r.

analysis

97

98

analysis

figure 16 Draft of the greeting section of a letter, reused as a flyleaf in ms Paris, BnF Arabe 3474, fol. 138r.

analysis

11

99

Networks

An essential function of letter-writing was the actualization of networks that were otherwise little formalized. The merchant house, to the best of our knowledge, was not a chartered company with codified rules and officially circumscribed roles. The letters were the glue that held together friends, family, and partners when distance kept them apart and personal meetings were rare. Another such tool was evoked in writing numerous times in terms that may escape modern observers. This was the invocation of gift-giving as a common device to build personal credit, trust, and dependence. During the merchant’s absence, the strengthening of such reciprocal relations was then performed through sending household items free of charge or at least alluding to such practices. Such an epistolographic convention has already been observed in the Geniza letters of the India traders, that is those Jewish traders travelling to India and whose papers ended up in Cairo, in the 12th century. The following examples show variants of this very same theme that runs throughout our corpus with an established pedigree of nearly a millennium and a reach extending all the way from Egypt to India: ‫مع مهما يلزم لـكم من الاغراض عرفونا‬ ‫ومهما لزم لـكم من كافت الامور والاغراض عرفنا نفوز بقضاه على الراس ثم العين‬ ‫ومهما لزم لـكم من الغراض شرفونا نفوز بها على الراس واعين‬ ‫مع كافت ما يلزمكم شرفونا بهي حالا نفوز بقضاه على الراس وكم العين‬ ‫مهما لزمه لـكم من ااغراض والخدمة من الشام وعرفونا بمشرفة من يدكم لـكي نفوز‬ ‫بالقضى على الراس‬ Very similar terms have been extensively discussed by Elizabeth Lambourn for the Jewish Indian Ocean traders of the 12th century.195 In that previous case, the merchants were talking universally about ḥawāʾiǧ, while in our corpus the term ġarāḍ / aġrāḍ is used instead, generally meaning just “things” or “stuff”, but in both cases the meaning is that of household items. Yet the overall meaning can easily be overlooked as it is expressed obliquely, though of course understandable to anyone familiar with the conventions of these letters. First, the addressees are urged to report anything they needed (mahmā lazima lakum min al-ġarāḍ). Even more, the writer wants to be honored by such a request (šarrifūnā bi-hī or ʿarrifūnā bi-mušarrafa), a circuitous way of saying that he would not charge anything for the service. What we do not grasp from the letters alone is whether this was simply a convention of speech or whether the offer was actually meant to be taken up. Letter 22: Letter 55: Letter 59: Letter 60: Letter 186:

195

Elisabeth Lambourn: Abraham’s Luggage. A Social Life of Things in the Medieval Indian Ocean World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), pp. 70–103.

100

analysis

Networks are actually woven together by these fragile threads of language. In the absence of chartered companies in the fashion of the British Levant Company and others, the Ottoman world of merchants was based on different networks as Maurits van den Boogert, among others, has already pointed out. Yet, he also cautions that “family networks and international webs of coreligionists are generally difficult to trace for historians”.196 Nonetheless, in the following I will attempt to do just that within the Gotha corpus. 11.1 Family The foundational role family relations played for early modern commercial networks has often been noted.197 Trade relies on instruments of trust. This goes beyond the enforcement of legal norms and obligations through contractual means. Information, too, was a valuable commodity that needed to be entrusted among the partners. The establishment of such trust, so the theory goes, could more easily be achieved within a kinship group. A large part of our corpus consists of the letters exchanged between a father and a son, brothers, or cousins. In fact, virtually every letter addresses a brother, uncle, father, mother, or cousin. Some of the terms are those that are still used today to address strangers in a familiar voice, like uncle (ʿamm) for an older man, son (ibn) for a younger one, or brother (aḫī) for anyone approximately the same age or social standing. How confusing this usage was is exemplified by Letter 5, in which the sender Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān addresses Damyān Isṭifān as his son while at the same time calling himself Damyān’s “uncle” (ʿammukum). In another series of letters, we read Fransīs Talāmās writing about one Yūsuf who is going to Jaffa to welcome Fransīs’s sick brother Yaʿqūb. Yūsuf is first Fransīs’s brother (aḫīnā, Letter 42), and then his cousin (Ibn ḫālinā, Letter 43), and he may in fact have been neither. Yet, at other times the terminology is very specific and seemingly not open for interpretation: aḫū (brother) is still commonly used to address strangers, but šaqīq (brother from the same father and mother) would not be expected to be employed in the same manner unless there was a real family relation; abū (father) can be a term of reverence, but wālid seems

196

197

Maurits van den Boogert: “Ottoman Greeks in the Dutch Levant Trade: Collective Strategy and Individual Practice (c. 1750–1821),” in The Ottomans and Trade, eds. Kate Fleet and Ebru Boyar = Oriente Moderno 25 (2006), pp. 129–147, here p. 130. Richard Grassby: Kinship and Capitalism. Marriage, Family, and Business in the English Speaking World, 1580–1740 (Cambridge: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2001); Bregoli: “A Father’s Consolation”; Natalie Zemon Davis: “Religion and Capitalism Once Again? Jewish Merchant Culture in the Seventeenth Century,” Representations 59 (1997), pp. 56–84; Aslanian: From the Indian Ocean, pp. 166–200.

analysis

101

to be reserved for the actual progenitor; and ʿamm (paternal uncle) is a common address even for older strangers, yet ḫāl (maternal uncle) is not used in the same way today. And yet caution is in order: the language of familiar relations might substitute actual family ties in a surprising variety. The addresses and signatures employed in the merchant letters have deep roots in epistolographic and diplomatic conventions. Centuries earlier, for example, the Mamluk sultan in his exchanges with subordinates would express fictitious family bonds in his ʿalāma or autograph signature. When writing to a governor or viceroy (nāʾib) he could do so as “his father (wāliduhū)” or “his brother (aḫūhu)”, depending on the addressee’s rank.198 The creation of what Yosef Koby has called a “fictive kinship” in this high stratum of society that we can grasp in such expressions has been the subject of extensive discussion.199 Beyond the use of kinship terms, we frequently encounter what can be described as a familial tone, or even one of fatherly advice. Phrases such as “Be manly!” (‫ )كون رجال‬recur often. But here, too, it is not easy to ascribe deeper meaning. We may observe the constant switch between the familiar –ka and the reverential –kum as nothing more than another instance of constant inconsistency. It remains to be seen whether these practices could also be observed in a merchant network that relied less heavily on family trust such as the predominantly Muslim merchant houses that operated between Cairo and the Red Sea, or whether they were particular to this Christian and other similar networks. Any attempt to determine the exact relationships within our merchant network is hampered not only by the vagueness of many kinship terms, but also by the sheer fluidity of names in the early modern Middle East. People of some standing and lineage could juggle with different elements among the many parts of a name, as we have shown before when discussing the identities of the main protagonists in this corpus. Yūsuf was the son of Anṭūn from the Ḥaddād family. Therefore he is sometimes called Yūsuf b. Anṭūn, yet at other times simply Yūsuf Anṭūn. He also had the name Yūsuf Samʿān. And, since they came from and identified with Jerusalem, the family was also called alQudsī. Therefore, Yūsuf Anṭūn Qudsī was the same man as Yūsuf b. / walad

198

199

Alessandro Rizzo: “Three Mamluk Letters Concerning the Florentine Trade,” in Mamluk Cairo, a Crossroads for Embassies, eds. Frédéric Bauden and Malika Dekkiche (Leiden: Brill, 2019), pp. 782–797, here p. 790. Yosef Koby: “Usages of Kinship Terminology during the Mamluk Sultanate and the Notion of the ‘Mamlūk Family’,” in Developing Perspectives in Mamluk History: Essays in Honor of Amalia Levanoni, ed. Yuval Ben-Bassat (Leiden: Brill, 2017), pp. 16–75.

102

analysis

Anṭūn Ḥaddād and Yūsuf Samʿān Qudsī. Only the large number of letters in our corpus with the many overlapping variants of the same name allows us to identify these different forms with the same man. In the end, three main families emerge most prominently in the network, separate but interrelated and drawn together through shared origin and commercial cooperation: Ḥaddād, Isṭifān, and Damyān. Yet the Isṭifān family was also apparently a part of or intermarried with the Damyān clan, as we see in Letter 20 in which we find the full name Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Damyān of a man who in other letters is not called Damyān. As we have done at the beginning of this section, the familial network could be described as a strength because of its inherent trust and oversight. But if we are to believe the angry invectives of several letters, there were family members stationed in key markets who appear to have been at least as much of a burden as they were a help. The merchant Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān, constantly on the road along the Syrian and Egyptian coasts, is just as constantly the object of admonitions from a more senior merchant (senior in his commercial standing, not in age, that is), Fransīs. Alcohol, games, and an inappropriate inclination to play music with strangers are the scandalous ingredients of a lifestyle that Fransīs fears will bring the whole family into disrepute. And Fransīs was not the only one to worry about Yūsuf’s behavior. We also have the scolding letters that Anṭūn Ǧabbūr wrote to Yūsuf while the latter resided in Damietta (Letters 158–160). Anṭūn complains that Yūsuf’s wife and children had not received the financial support (ḫarǧīya) they were due. This also reminds us that, even when going to other shores, financial obligations could follow one just as much as emotional ones. Being a merchant often meant to leave one’s closest family behind, sometimes for long stretches of time. The letters themselves would not exist if this were not the case. And even though a merchant or apprentice would usually find a group of extended family, compatriots, co-religionists, or other networks to support him, the absence could be an emotional burden for him as well as the loved ones he left behind. In the end, Yūsuf Anṭūn’s example shows the limitations and challenges of a network that does not choose its members on the basis of competence. How many actors can a merchant network bear who drink and gamble and party their lives away while they neglect to pay for the subsistence of wife and children? How long does trust outweigh incompetence? 11.2 Community Not all the members of the different networks were related through family ties. The merchant community could also form around other cohesive bonds. These often remain unspoken, as a result of which it can be hard for the historian to

analysis

103

follow them. Above, we have already pointed out that the indiscriminate use of simple kinship terms such as brother, uncle, or even father, makes it hard to disentangle true family relations, and that such terms were meant at the same time to convey a sense of familiarity and trust within the network. We may find a substitution of family trust in an emphasized valuation of friendship. But while usage of the terms muḥibb (beloved) and ṣadīq (pl. aṣdiqāʾ, friend) would point to such an emphatic use of friendship ties, they are also widely used among family (e.g. as a standard part of the address and subscription formulae) and therefore an equally nebulous marker of linguistic network building. A common form of mercantile community-building happened around existing religious identities.200 In a pattern that is familiar throughout history, the self-recruitment of elites as well as the reliance on minorities for reasons of facilitated control could boost certain religious communities in perilous positions of power: Meryon observed that “Christians […] are everywhere the bankers and secretaries of the Turkish governors, the highest employment to which a Christian can rise”.201 In the latter half of the 18th century, the Russell brothers, serving as physicians for the English merchant colony in Aleppo, had reported from that city: “The sons of Christians in any tolerable circumstances, are taught to read and write the Arabic, […]; or they serve in quality of Scrivans, or agents to the Turkish merchants. They are more accustomed to travel with the caravans, than the Aleppeen Turks, but few in proportion leave their native town.”202 But the Christian identity of the merchants in our corpus was far from homogeneous. Since their specific creed was not in doubt among them, it was also not a topic of their correspondence and can only be deduced from occasional hints or scraps of outside information. Ḥannā Ṣaydaḥ (or Ṣīdaḥ, or Ṣaydah), according to many letters an intimate member of this network, and his family in Damascus are likely from the same family as “Jûszef Széïdahh (‫”)يوسف صيده‬ whom Seetzen describes as a Greek Catholic in Damascus.203 We also learn of members of this family as among the first to be established in Damietta around 1700, when they are also designated as Greek Catholic.204 Indeed, the Greek 200 201 202

203 204

For the Armenian networks, see Arslanian: From the Indian Ocean; for Jewish networks Bregoli: “ ‘Your Father’s Interests’ ” and eadem: “A Father’s Consolation”. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 198. Russell / Russell: The Natural History, vol. ii, p. 56; on the Christian communities of Aleppo and their role in commerce in general in the 18th century, see Masters: The Origins of Western Economic Dominance, pp. 90–105. Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien, vol. i, p. 294. Būlus Qarʾalī: Al-Sūrīyūn fī Miṣr, Vol. 1: ʿAhd al-mamālīk (Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Sūrīya, 1928), pp. 100, 129, 132.

104

analysis

Catholics are identified in the literature as the dominant group, both in terms of numbers and wealth, among the Syrian merchant diaspora in Egypt, alongside a much smaller Maronite element.205 And yet Bāṣīlī Faḫr, also not a letter writer in our corpus but often mentioned as a much respected partner, is known from other sources to have been a Greek Orthodox. Similarly, we find mention that Theodosius, a close partner in the business of the Ḥaddāds between Jerusalem and Damascus, is celebrating Christmas after the New Year, apparently according to the Orthodox calendar (Letter 10, baʿd ʿīd al-mīlād ʿindahum). But many of the merchants, the Ḥaddāds included, write about the Orthodox (Rūm) as a different group when they talk about their pilgrims or specific holidays (ʿinda l-Rūm). That, of course, does not tell us explicitly what church the respective writer would belong to himself. And the matter is even more complicated by the fact that for nearly every indigenous church there would at the time be a Catholic offshoot.206 Letter 4, written in Cairo by Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān, with its description of Coptic sufferings and invectives against the Syrian Orthodox (Rūm al-Šawāmm), might give the impression of being written by a Copt. Yet in Letter 104, Buṭrus Isṭifān writes to Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān, likely the son of the author of Letter 4, that the latter should teach a boy, Miḫāyīl, the Maronite mass every evening. Another merchant, Anṭūn, again likely the writer of Letter 4, had even made a book for that particular purpose. Therefore, the Isṭifān family appears to have been Maronite. The Damyān family, on the other hand, was said to be of Frankish descent and to have settled in the Levant only in recent generations.207 It would be unlikely, then, that they were Maronite and we can rather imagine them to be Roman Catholic. Even though few in number, there were definitely also Armenians among the merchants who wrote letters in this corpus. One of them was Qāzār Wartīt, prior of the Armenian Monastery in Jaffa. His Letter 169 speaks of intense cooperation with Bernard Damyānī in Damietta that involved mutual support of merchants as far afield as Cairo. Other mentions of him in Letters 131 and 153 testify to the great respect the Maronite Isṭifān family had for him, if only because his position at the head of an important institution in Jaffa where merchants would usually lodge made his friendship a valuable asset to be nurtured.

205 206 207

Greek Catholic and Maronite merchants are in the center of Qarʾalī: Al-Sūrīyūn fī Miṣr as well as Phillipp: The Syrians in Egypt. For a broad overview of the history of Christian communities in the region, see Masters: Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, pp. 190–192.

analysis

105

Although we have little explicit evidence to this effect, it is likely that many Christian merchant networks would have encompassed members of multiple different churches and rites.208 And the network was not restricted to other Christian merchants either. The Ḥaddād family from Jerusalem had partnerships with the Muslim sayyid Ḥamza in Damascus and, after this latter’s death, with his cousin Muḥammad. What those partnerships actually amounted to in legal terms is harder to say precisely. No written contracts for general partnerships are known and the practice was likely decided for each business venture anew. The letters are usually vague on these points, but also seem to imply some flexibility. Thus, in Letter 33, Anṭūn Ḥaddād advises his son Yūsuf on what to do when sayyid Muḥammad does not want to send cloth in either a šarika (partnership) or waʿda (promise, maybe promissory note?) agreement, implying that these latter are the basic forms of business cooperation. What stipulations either of them entailed, however, remains unspecified. There are other Muslims regularly mentioned in the letters, too, many of whom are called sayyid, although the exact meaning of this appellation in this context is not easy to pinpoint and may have been simply a general term of respect for Muslim partners. These relationships were apparently friendly, and even on occasion familial. Nonetheless, some writers were eager to emphasize the boundaries, certainly also out of an awareness of the precarious position a Christian could find himself in in the case of conflict. Thus, in Letter 39, Fransīs counts the taking of a loan of 20 ġuruš among Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān’s many missteps and he implores the merchant: “hopefully there is no other debt by you to any other Muslim”.209 And in Letter 73, the same writer chastises the same addressee not only for spending too much time playing the kamanǧa (stringed instrument, see fig. 17), but also, and more particularly, for doing it in the company of Muslims. While several Muslim merchants have a recurring and familial place in our Christian letter corpus, are even occasionally the writers and addressees of letters themselves, Jews play a much more marginal role. In fact, most of the time we read only of an anonymous “Jew” (al-yahūdī, Letters 54, 137, 166) or “the Jews” (al-yahūd, Letters 56, 75, 126, 134). The only four Jews named in our corpus are a certain Zaḫariyā in Damascus (Letters 13, 16), who is supposed to give Yūsuf Ḥaddād a bill of exchange; in Jaffa al-muʿallim Yūsuf Rāḥīl, who is appar-

208

209

For interconfessional relations in the region, see Lucette Valensi: “Inter-Communal Relations and Changes in Religious Affiliation in the Middle East (Seventeenth to Nineteenth Centuries),” Comparative Studies in Society and History 39 (1997), pp. 251–269, esp. pp. 255– 262; Masters: Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World. ‫انشا الله ما يكون عليك الى مسلمين غيره‬.

106

analysis

figure 17 A Jewish man playing the kamanǧa in Cairo; Cornelis de Bruyn: Voyage au Levant, c’est-àdire, dans les principaux endroits de l’ sie Mineure, dans les isles de Chio, Rhodes, & Chypre &c. De même que dans les plus considerables villes d’Egypte, de Syrie, et de la Terre Sainte (Paris: Guillaume Cavelier, 1714), p. 220.

ently the leader (nāsī) of the community there (Letter 77), and Ḥāyim Ibn Ḥāsīm (also Letter 77); and one Jalabert (Letter 75). Even when Jews remain unnamed, their role can be clear, and it is very often that of creditors (Letters 13, 16, 56, 166, 187). But the Jewish merchants also had their own caravan (qafl alyahūd; Letter 13), probably because of the special restrictions for travelling on the Sabbath, and the head of that caravan (muʿallim al-qafl) once transported a letter for Yūsuf Ḥaddād from Damascus to Jerusalem (Letter 15). On occasion relations between our traders with their Jewish associates—like also with their Muslim opposites—could be fraught. We perhaps find a possible expres-

analysis

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sion of different personal attitudes towards Jewish partners in Letter 75, written by Fransīs in Jerusalem to Yūsuf Tarǧumān, likely in Jaffa, and in which he disagrees with another merchant’s conduct: “Greet al-muʿallim Ǧirǧis al-Dādā and his brother al-muʿallim Quṣṭatīn and tell them to send me the crate of glass (qazāz) of Jalabert (?‫ )شلابرة‬the Jew and to tell me about its cost and the way he is obstructing (taʿwīquhu) the work of the Jews, which is not good since the Jews benefit him everywhere. Let him send the crate without excuse!” Another factor that bound the merchants in this network together was the fact that they were tied by a common homeland. Their Syrian descent, of course, was most accentuated in the Egyptian diaspora in Damietta. But even in places like Damascus and Aleppo, families from Jerusalem and Jaffa may have found themselves clinging to their neighbors from home. One last aspect that shaped community boundaries and connections was ethnic relations. If our merchants found fellow Christians in the European traders in Egypt and Syria, and even worked for European powers in consular capacities as dragomans or vice-consuls, they still maintained a distinct identity. One clear expression of this identity was the language they used. Our merchants wrote their letters among themselves in Arabic. But ethnic boundaries are more complicated than the use of language. The Damyānī or Ḍamyānī family in Jaffa, represented most prominently in our corpus by Bernard Damyān, consul in Damietta, was reportedly of Frankish descent. When in 1812 Meryon visited Anṭūn Damyānī in Jaffa, then British agent and patriarch of the family, he noted that Anṭūn was a first-generation Frankish immigrant.210 Still, the deep and active involvement in literary production in the Arabic language as a culturally cohesive force is exemplified in the Damietta translation circle as well as in the use of Arabic for their internal communication. Though they enjoyed Italian, French, or English literature, they wanted to read it in Arabic and even referred to themselves as Arabs. And regardless of whether by any definition they were European, Armenian, or Arab, or all of those things, they all used Arabic to communicate among themselves.

12

Trade and Goods

Letters transported the valuable commodities of news and information. But they often traveled alongside those very goods that these merchants set out to 210

[Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, pp. 190–192. It is difficult to identify this Antonio Damiani with any of our merchants. He is said to have been a widowed man in his sixties, father of a married son, and is vividly described by Meryon.

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trade with in the first place and that were thus the reason why the letters even came to be. Naturally, these goods were also a major theme in the writings of merchants. There were two principal ways of transporting goods available within the markets that our merchants plied: one was overland and the other by sea and, in Egypt, with a fluvial extension up the Nile. Between Egypt and Syria, both modes were available, and each had its attendant dangers. On land, the route through the Sinai to Gaza was teeming with Bedouins, and they are vividly described by those few voyagers who dared to take this path, like Ulrich Jasper Seetzen.211 The latter writer also reported a newly emerging transport route from Hebron through Gaza to Suez, established in the aftermath of the French occupation, in which the Arabs hired out their camels and thus had an interest to maintain safety.212 But although they were written during the same years as Seetzen’s account, this safety is not attested in our letters. On the contrary, our merchants definitely had their run-ins with these bedouins, called al-ʿarab or “Arabs” in the contemporary parlance, and such encounters occasionally cost them dear. In one instance, a party that had departed Damietta was robbed on the way to Palestine, so profoundly that one of the merchants, when he finally arrived in Jaffa, had to beg for some subsistence (Letter 86). And another letter only casually mentions a raid by Bedouins on a caravan of camels, not because this was unusual news, but simply because an item of sentimental value was stolen on this occasion (Letter 76). The sea, besides the many other dangers it held for men and merchandise, had its own brigands. And those must have been as menacing for our merchants as the Bedouins of the desert route were, since we can assume that much of the commerce between Damietta and the ports of Syria was conducted on ships. Strikingly, though, we do not explicitly hear of corsairs or pirates in our letters. Then again, there is a general silence on the intricacies of maritime trading, the business of chartering ships and cargo, the life on the sea. We do hear repeatedly that people and goods chose the path over water. But the ships themselves and their types are rarely mentioned. The only exception is the šaḫtūr (also šaḫṭūr), a small vessel serving the short distances along the Syrian coast and which we encounter five times. Mostly, however, the vessels employed were called by the generic term for ship (markab / marākib). Things like the hire of a sea-passage (karā al-baḥr, Letter 143) and certain captains are mentioned only in passing and with little explanatory detail. Likewise, the

211 212

Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien, vol. iii, pp. 3–104. Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien, vol. ii, pp. 50–51.

analysis

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nationality of the merchantmen used on the Egyptian and Syrian coast is not discussed. Of five captains, only one is named, likely to be read as Vincenzo, though in widely varying transcriptions (Letter 54: ‫قبطان فيشيسيو‬, Letter 56: ‫قبطان‬ ‫فنشيسيو‬, and Letter 60: ‫)قبطان فينشيسيو‬, and he tellingly turned out not to be a ship’s captain at all.213 Other researchers have suggested that European vessels gradually took control of coastal shipping throughout the 18th century, but the data for that is not conclusive.214 The preferable mode of overland transportation was the caravan (‫)قفل‬.215 Traveling as part of a caravan provided some protection from all kinds of dangers that could happen on the roads, and the above-mentioned highway robbers were certainly not the only ones. The most important caravans for our merchants were the pilgrimage caravans, which had their fixed schedule within the respective years of the Islamic and Christian calendar, and the caravan that connected Baghdad and Damascus and thus connected these two large markets. The products of the East from as far as India often came through this latter caravan by way of the port of Basra. But in the shadows of these massive movements of goods and people, which departed only once (the pilgrimage caravan) or twice (the Baghdad caravan) a year, there were also the much more numerous small-scale caravans conducted by camel-drivers (ǧam-

213

214

215

In Letter 54, he is mentioned together with the English consul in Alexandria. This solidifies an identification with one Captain Vincenzo, who is mentioned by an English traveler to Egypt in 1805 and 1806 (George Annesley Earl of Mountnorris: Voyages and Travels to India, vol. iii, pp. 427), yet who was apparently not an active captain in English service but had served several local Mamluks instead (ibid., p. 409) and thus serves as an interpreter for the English (ibid., p. 417). Shortly afterwards, he is described by Seetzen as “one of the detained British officers, Capt. Vincenzo, who for many years has been living among the Mamluks,” see Seetzen: Reisen, vol. iii, p. 207. The most detailed information is found in a letter by the agent in French service, Drovetti, upon Vincenzo’s arrival in Alexandria on an English vessel in October, 1803: “un certain Taberna, mieux connu en Égypte sous le nom de capitaine Vincenzo.” A Piemontese by birth, he had been a slave of ʿAlī Pasha, who in 1803 had been designated governor of Egypt, for more than twelve years. After that, he had fought with the Mamluk beys against the French, only to pass into English service after their withdrawal from Egypt. See Douin: L’ Égypte de 1802 à 1804, pp. 81–82, 105, 123. Masters: The Origins of Western Economic Dominance, pp. 101–103; Daniel Panzac: “Commerce et commerçants des ports du Liban Sud et de Palestine (1756–1787),”Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée 55–56 (1990), pp. 75–93, here pp. 87–88 on the other hand maintained that coastal shipping, unlike the long-distance trade, was still in the hands of Ottoman subjects. ʿAbd al-Karīm Rāfiq: “Qāfilat al-ḥaǧǧ al-šāmī,” in idem: Buḥūṯ fī l-tārīḫ al-iqtiṣādī wa-liǧtimāʿī li-Bilād al-Šām fī l-ʿaṣr al-ḥadīṯ (Damascus 1985); Abdul-Karim Rafeq: The Province of Damascus, 1723–1783 (Beirut: Khayats, 1966), pp. 52–76. Masters: The Origins of Western Economic Dominance, pp. 30–33, 111–115.

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māla) and muleteers (mukārīya) to connect the major and minor cities of the region. The mukārīs are much more commonly mentioned in our letters, and they could be hired as individual porters without the need to wait for a caravan to assemble. The way the caravans were assembled was probably not strictly regulated and depended on the immediate need, but between Damascus and Jerusalem a “caravan of the Jews” (qafl al-yahūd; Letter 13) is mentioned and was probably a regular undertaking. Since Jews had to observe different schedules due to their rest on the Sabbath, there were probably practical reasons for them to join together, but these caravans were certainly open for other merchants as well. On either route, the merchants write about a number of different ways to store and secure the cargo, be it in the bellies of the ships or on the backs of pack animals. One was the ṣandūq, which we can probably understand as boxes or crates rather than more massive coffers or chests. Such a crate can be seen on the 18th-century watercolour painting “Figure of a Merchant with a Crate Marked Caffee” used on the cover of the present book.216 This might seem a strange choice for a good that today comes transported in a jute sack so regularly that it has acquired iconographic quality. The ṣandūq could apparently contain anything one wished to send. Even though we do not read of coffee transported this way, there were walnuts (ǧawz, Letter 93), wax candles (Letter 16), money (Letter 33) and a kamanǧa (stringed instrument, Letter 143), all carried in some sort of ṣandūq. Often, though, the content of a crate is not specified. This is also the case with the following method. When soft items were bundled together, they were called bales (usually rizma and once farda). In our letters, these consist of kerchieves (manādīl, Letter 30), cut cloth (maqāṭiʿ, Letter 52), cotton robes (tiyāb, Letter 89), a pillow (miḫadda, Letter 143), cloth (qumāš, Letter 170), cotton (quṭn, Letter 186), in sum pretty much everything of a textile nature. Bundles of letters were also in general called rizma and they were included in bales of other items as well. There was a third method of packaging. When items did not come in bales, they were shipped in a buṣṭa. Since a contemporary dictionary registers the word as “ship, boarding”, busṭa might be understood here as the maritime equivalent of the ḥaml (load) that was carried by beasts of burden.217 But the context we encounter here does not support such an interpretation. We would 216 217

London, Victoria and Albert Museum: sd1307; see Charles Newton: Images of the Ottoman Empire (London: V&A Publications, 2007), p. 100. A. de Biberstein Kazimirsky: Dictionnaire Arabe-Français, Tome Premier (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1860), s.v. “‫بسطة‬: Navire, embarkation”.

analysis

111

expect that a buṣṭa, if it were generically designating the maritime way of transportation, could be specified as to the method of packaging, i.e. a buṣṭa of crates or bales. But this never happens. And Letter 16 makes clear that a buṣṭa was a physical body since it could be marked with numbers so that the recipient would be able to discern its content from an explanatory list attached to that letter. In our corpus at least, a buṣṭa always consisted of textiles and those were exclusively broadcloth (ǧūḫ, seen in Letters 12, 16, 17, 19, 26, 29, and 182). Among the goods that were transported in this fashion, the sources mention some items that are conspicuous by their rarity or absence in our letter corpus. For a group of traders that served the exchange of goods between Egypt and Syria, the most obvious lacuna must be that of rice. Rather remarkably, there is almost no reference to this basic staple, which is mentioned in only five letters throughout the entire Christian corpus.218 And while said letters attest in principle to the participation of our merchants in the rice trade, the amounts involved are mostly negligible. The silence is most notable from those merchants that operated in Damietta, since contemporary observers such as Meryon noted that rice-mills made up much of the wealth of this Egyptian port and its trade.219 Likewise, we find no reference to salt in our corpus. Again, this is even though Meryon observes the importance of this commodity when seeing around Damietta “some extensive salt tanks, from which Egypt and Syria are supplied with that useful condiment, and salt consequently formed an important article of export”.220 In the case of both rice and salt one wonders whether the monopolistic policies of certain powerful actors prevented most merchants from dealing with these staples. It may also be the case that, while our Christian merchants were surely generalists and handled everything from basic staples to petty household items, they had most of their business in other goods such as textiles. This is also likely why wheat and other grains played such a small role in the demands our merchants sent around. While Letter 109 attests to trade in beans and lentils imported from Damietta, foodstuffs in general take a backseat to other merchandise. By contrast, one article of a surprising visibility in our corpus are water pipes (‫)غليون‬.221 The consumption of tobacco (duḫḫān) was widespread in the 218

219 220 221

Letter 12 (inquiry about rice in Damascus), Letter 44 (to Damietta: it is no time to send rice), Letter 86 and 87 (4 ships from Damietta bring lots of rice, the price is down as a consequence, no other merchandise is available), 108 (2 qufa of rice will be sent to Jerusalem), 138 (4 irdabb of rice have been sent to Jerusalem). [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 175. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 178. From the context it is clear that the letters could not talk about the type of ship called

112

analysis

region.222 Furthermore, the plant was also cultivated in numerous regions of Greater Syria. And its use was not restricted to smoking in pipes and water pipes. We actually find even more references to snuff (zaʿūṭ is ubiquitous) and also occasionally to chewing tobacco (našūq, Letter 4) in our letters. The watercarrying bases of these water pipes were likely imported. But since the usual clay pipes could be rather intricately adorned, were produced in the region, and also formed an important market, it is likely that our merchants may have had a great interest in those, too.223 Another central item of everyday use that has disappeared from the general consciousness over time is wax (šamʿ), which was used for candles. These candles could be made from beeswax (šamʿ ʿasalī). Alternatively, when the letters specify their material, the candles are rather produced from animal fat (šamʿ dihnī, e.g. Letters 17, 175). While wax was thus in demand everywhere, when it is mentioned in the letters, it is more generally as a household item rather than an article of export. Letter 11 acquaints us with a major economic force of the market places of the Levant, one that might often go unnoticed because of its outwardly different nature. This letter mentions a ship from Izmir with 20 pilgrims and another coming via Cyprus with 120 Greek Orthodox (Rūm) and 30 Armenian pilgrims. These pilgrims were not simply in need for provisions of the soul. They were also consumers purchasing food, transport and lodging while en route for their spiritual destination. And they even brought with them commodities of their own for sale, notably cochineal (dūda)—for which, however, they demanded a price of 80 (presumably ġurš) while the local dyers were only willing to pay 75.

222

223

ġalyūn or galleon, on which see ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Nābulusī: al-Tuḥfa al-nābulusīya, ed. as Die Reise des ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Nābulusī, ed. Heribert Busse (Beirut: Orient-Institut, 2003), p. 70. For this ship in Egypt at the time see al-Ǧabartī: ʿAǧāʾib al-āṯār iii, p. 202. For earlier reactions, sometimes hostile, to tobacco see Berger: “Ein Herz wie ein trockener Schwamm. Laqānīs und Nābulusīs Schriften über den Tabakrauch,” Der Islam 78 (2004), pp. 249–293. On clay pipes produced in Jerusalem, see Seetzen: Reisen, vol. ii, p. 22. On pipes in late Ottoman Syria St John Simpson: “Late Ottoman Pipes From Jerusalem,” in Excavations by K.M. Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961–1967. Vol. v: Discoveries in Hellenistic to Ottoman Jerusalem Centenary, ed. K. Prag (London: Council for British Research in the Levant, 2008), pp. 433–446; Véronique François: “Objets du quotidian à Damas à l’époque ottoman,” in Damas médiévale et ottomane, eds. Mathieu Eychenne and Marianne Boqvist (Damascus and Beirut: Presses de l’ifpo, 2012) = Bulletin d’Études Orientales 61 (2012), pp. 475–506, here pp. 487–491; Lior Rauchberger: “Ottoman Clay Tobacco Pipes From the Seawall Excavations in Jaffa,” in The History and Archaeology of Jaffa 2, eds. Aaron A. Burke, Katherine Strange Burke, and Martin Peilstöcker (Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, 2017), pp. 249–269.

analysis

113

This latter example is just one of many letters that introduce the prospect of pilgrimage routes as commercial arteries. The economic significance for our merchants of pilgrimage—and particularly Christian pilgrimage—was immense.224 The British traveler Charles Meryon found an apt comparison to convey this: “The great fairs at Leipsic and Frankfort are not more essential to the commercial interests of the Continental Jews than is this pilgrimage to the trade of the Eastern Christians.”225 According to him, the merchants bought “precious gums, valuable medicinal drugs, herbs, &c.” and bartered for it “pearls, precious stones, stuffs, and the like”. In our letters, that economic force is palpable through the ubiquitous occurrence of the term zuwwār (pl. of zāʾir, pilgrim). Another indicator of the pilgrimage market are the many hosts (buršān) and crosses, but especially rosaries (masābīḥ) and beads (subaḥ) that are requested in large quantities from different places and which are occasionally discussed in detail. Thus, we hear at one point that beads with depictions of the cross and the child would sell best (Letter 91). In our corpus, the trade with these items is most eagerly discussed in the letters exchanged between the Naǧǧār and Mantūra families between Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Bethlehem.226 In Damascus, it was the Muslim pilgrimage caravan that, next to the Baghdad caravan, exerted its considerable influence on trade. Once a year it channeled scores of believers from the northern parts of the Ottoman Empire through the needle’s eye of Damascus. And many of those pilgrims would bring merchandise and money with them, in effect creating a seasonal market on the way. 12.1 Textiles Starting with the earliest documentation of merchant correspondence in Arabic on papyrus, we encounter prominently a specialized group of traders that dealt exclusively with cloth. A famous example are the 3rd/9th-century marchands d’étoffes of the Fayyoum oasis that Yūsuf Rāġib brought to light.227 In their days, Egypt was home to a large and export-oriented flax industry that also led to a strong local production of linen.228 Since then, cotton had been 224

225 226 227 228

For the infrastructure as well as devotional and artistic aspects of the Christian ḥaǧǧ during the Ottoman period (although largely in earlier times), see Nir Shafir: “In an Ottoman Holy Land: The Hajj and the Road from Damascus, 1500–1800,” History of Religions 60 (2020), pp. 1–36, here 22–31. [Meryon]: Travels of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. i, p. 199. On the production of these and other devotional items in these cities, see Seetzen: Reisen, vol. ii, pp. 22–23. Rāġib: Marchands d’ étoffes. See a succinct overview in Philip Mayerson: “The Role of Flax in Roman and Fatimid Egypt,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 56 (1997), pp. 201–207; Moshe Gil: “The Flax Trade

114

analysis

widely introduced and formed one of the most important exports not only of Egypt and Syria, but of the Ottoman Empire as a whole, mainly traded with the French through the port of Izmir, then known as Smyrna. Our merchants, on the other hand, were generalists and traded in a large variety of articles. One letter exemplifies the indiscriminate nature of this trade: “If you don’t find cloth (qumāš), take coffee!” (Letter 16). But overall, textiles in the form of finished garments, undyed cloth, and dyed fabrics are one of the dominant items of merchandise in this corpus. This business involved much more than the shipment of a certain item. Several crafts were attached to a variety of production processes and the question often arises as to which of them were done on a local level and which were imported ready-made. The fate of the textile industry and trade was of central importance for the local economies of both Syria and Egypt.229 In our letters, we encounter references to fabrics in a great variety of colors. There is a clear hint to the dyeing of cloth in the many mentions of cochineal (dūda), from which the dye carmine (Arab. qirmiz) was derived.230 At the time, this would most likely have been an import from South and Central America, where the insect was native, while attempts to harvest other variants of the animal elsewhere did not yield the same quality. But most of all it shows that the process of dyeing was still done in the region with imported rawmaterial, even though some of the cochineal may have been re-exported.231 The letters occasionally mention dyeing directly, such as in Letter 6, in which Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī, likely in Damascus, announces to his partner Yūsuf al-Ḥaddād in Jerusalem that he had a number of shawls of different provenance dyed (ṣabaġnā) locally. The color he chose was named ḥadīdī, likely a blue hue. Seetzen had reported at the time that there was in Jerusalem a workshop (Fabrik) employing twenty Christian workers who dyed a cotton cloth (Katun) exclusively with

229

230

231

in the Mediterranean in the Eleventh Century a.d. as Seen in Merchants’ Letters from the Cairo Geniza,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 63 (2004), pp. 81–96. On textile production and trade in Ottoman Syria and Egypt in the 18th century, see Raymond: Artisans et commerçants; Colette Establet et Jean-Paul Pascual: Des tissus et des hommes. Damas vers 1700 (Damascus: Institut Français du Proche-Orient, 2005). On dūda and its history, identified as crimson (al-qirmiz) imported from the Franks, see already in late 16th century Aleppo Kamāl al-Dīn: Ayyām Kamāl al-Dīn al-Ḥāʾik. Ḥalab fī awāḫir al-qarn al-ʿāšir / The Notebook of Kamāl al-Dīn the Weaver. Aleppine Notes from the End of the 10th Century, eds. Boris Liebrenz and Kristina Richardson (Beirut: OrientInstitut Beirut / Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021), p. 88; see also Niebuhr’s observations on its import to Egypt in 1762 in Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien, vol. i (1774), p. 146. On the dying of cloth in Jerusalem in the 17th and 18th centuries, see ʿAbd al-Ǧabbūrī: al-Quds fī l-ʿahd al-ʿuṯmānī, pp. 156–157.

analysis

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blue color.232 This focus on blue has likely to do with the regulations which limited the choice of color non-Muslims could display on their outer garments to black and blue. And in Letter 60 Fransīs Bernard Damyānī, likely in Alexandria, writes to Damietta that he intends to dye what appears to be certain green furs233 “in an unmatched quality (ġayr šikl)” in Alexandria if his family were to send him the pieces. But dyeing agents for other colors than carmine red do not appear to be specified in the corpus with the sole exception of the spare mention of indigo (nīl, all in the connected Letters 11, 175, 181 by Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son in Damascus).234 When talking about textile items, the merchants often refer to them generically as cloth (qumāš). But the letters also mention a number of particular fabrics, cloths, and garments. One of the more prominent is ǧūḫ or broadcloth, mentioned in 12 letters, once (Letter 12) with a specific brand name (‫ )كرونه‬that we will discuss shortly and a designation of origin (al-fransāwī). Broadcloth as a loosely woven wool cloth that was then milled and felted in order to shrink and become dense and weather resistant, was traditionally imported from England via the Levant Company, but by the turn of the 19th century came largely from France. As such, it was a less intricate fabric and less of a luxury item than one of practical value. But it could still be adorned with embroidery and it came in a variety of colors and in many degrees of fineness and quality. The aspect of colours is specifically adressed in Letter 13 when it talks about “rose-colored broadcloth (al-ǧūḫ alwardīya)”, Letter 16 that mentions a rose-colored and a “musk-colored (miskī)” variety, and Letter 26 which introduces a dark blue (kuḥlī) one. In Letter 13, Anṭūn Ḥaddād sends three different kinds of broadcloth (tlātat aškāl ǧūḫ) to his son in Damascus to test “their market” (in ʿamilta bāzārahum). Another fabric, of local production, was the alāǧa, a striped cotton and silk mixture. This fabric is mentioned in many letters, but virtually always in the correspondence between Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem and his son Yūsuf in Damascus.235 Indeed, the production of alāǧa is historically identified mostly with the northern parts of Syria, with Damascus and Aleppo as two major centers. Although alāǧa is a Turkish word, the beginning was sometimes interpreted as the Arabic article al- and left out (‫)اجه‬. Different variants “with Indian

232 233 234 235

Seetzen: Reisen, vol. ii, p. 21. The meaning is uncertain, but al-nāmūsīya al-ḫaḍra (‫ )الناموسية الخضرة‬could erroneously refer to ferrets (nims, pl. numūs). For the indigo plant al-wasma as a local product and its seeds as an export article see Seetzen: Reisen, vol. ii, pp. 163–164. The single exception is a letter addressed to Yūsuf while he was in Jerusalem, see Letter 21.

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analysis

weft (ġazal hindī)” and “with cotton (quṭnī)” are specified (Letter 10, which also contains a list with several varieties and their prices). The fabric was apparently also used to make hats and skull-caps (Letter 16). There are occasionally a number of finished items.236 Only two letters mention shirts (qumṣān). Eight letters order ʿabāya cloaks (‫ عباية‬or ‫)عبي‬, their color mostly specified as black, which usually came with the Baghdad caravan (e.g. Letters 10, 171) but also on occasion from Egypt (Letter 16). Headgear is one of the major items and traded in particularly high numbers. Letter 16 orders ṭarābīš as well as 50 ṭāqa made from alāǧa in a hindī style as well as 100 more ṭāqa of velvet (kamḫa) in 1216/1802. Moreover, different colors, sizes, and styles are specified in great detail. A year later, Letter 34 repeats nearly the same order. And Letter 176 even speaks of a shipment of 200 skull-caps. The qalbaq, which Niebuhr had described as the headgear of Christians and Tatars,237 is also mentioned several times, yet never as an item of trade and always as a personal possession. I must admit that I could not decipher all of the specific textile descriptions with the lexicographical means and specific textile studies at my disposal and I will have to leave it to specialists to identify precisely several of the items mentioned in this corpus. In some instances the reason would likely be that the names of foreign “brands” were transcribed. A recurring case is that of a fabric called variably ‫كورنا‬, ‫كورناه‬, or ‫كرونه‬.238 It comes in the variants or with the specifications ǧūḫ kūrnā and kūrnā ḫafīf. A bibliographical search online turns up a legal memoir, written in 1806 in Lyon, about one Jean-Elie Cornet, a specialist in lace.239 This text was written in defense of Cornet’s manufacture, which improved a technique of producing lace but was accused by another artisan in Lyon of unlawfully copying their machines and techniques. Are our letters referring to the otherwise forgotten French textiles of this man’s firm? If so, said firm would likely have exported more than one type of cloth, since lace and broadcloth (ǧūḫ) are incompatible in one item unless this was to mean a broadcloth that was adorned with lace. The French production, however, would fit the specific context of the textile trade of the time and also the description

236

237 238 239

The principal items of clothing mentioned in the letters, both as commodity and personal items, are the following: ،‫ شال‬،‫ جزمة‬،‫ زنار‬،‫عباية‬/‫ عبي‬،‫ مخدة‬،‫ جبة‬،‫ قميص‬،‫ قنباز‬،‫ مضر بية‬،‫بنش‬ ‫ طاقة‬،‫ مندلية‬،‫منديل‬. Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung, vol. i, p. 159: “eine hohe mit Baumwolle gefütterte oben mit Laken, unten aber mit Lämmerfell überzogene Mütze”. Letters 12 and 19. Mémoire pour Jean-Élie Cornet, Fabricant de Bas de soie, et d’étoffes fond dentelle en soie, vulgairement appelées Tulles, demaurant de Lyon (Lyon, 1806).

analysis

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of the ǧūḫ kūrnā as French (Letter 12). It is equally possible that the kind of fabric mainly produced by Jean-Elie Cornet is rendered in our letters by the word ‫بسن‬. This I interpret as bi-sann (with teeth), which I hold to be a translation of the French “dentelle” or “fond de dentelle” for lace. Silk was a major export commodity produced in the Mount Lebanon region and also found a thriving local market. Its cultivation and trade were greatly expanding under the emir Bašīr ii (r. 1788–1840).240 Yet we find very little mention of this commodity in our corpus, even though several merchants definitely traded in it. Thus, in Letter 10, Yūsuf al-Ḥaddād reports from Damascus to his father, likely in Jerusalem, that he has found no “good (ṭayyib)” silk, but otherwise the correspondence between the two mentions silk only once in a list appended to an undated letter from father to son. The only other occurrence comes when Buṭrus al-ʿĀqil, in Letter 95, demands the proceeds of a sale of silk, again from Jerusalem, but this time from a Muslim merchant. It may be that silk was mostly shipped in the form of finished goods such as girdles (zanānīr) and as part of cotton-silk blends such as alāǧa, and that the transport of the raw material was handled by other merchant networks. However, the basis for everyday clothing was of course not silk, but cotton.241 Just in the vicinity of Jerusalem, the region of Nablus was a main production center of cotton in all of Syria. And yet the most instances we can identify refer to quṭnī as a cotton cloth while they are mostly quiet about quṭn, the raw material itself. As with silk, the few mentions of cotton attest to the likelihood that our merchants mostly dealt with finished goods rather than the raw materials. As noted above, the identification of local production, foreign imports, and local end-manufacturing and embellishments are hard to trace. But it becomes clear that not only foreign imports, but also the different production centers in Syria and Egypt offered their own traditions that were not necessarily en vogue at all times. In search of a market for their respective products, the merchants had to navigate different regional tastes and styles. Thus, Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī, presumably in Damascus, wrote to his partner Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād in Jerusalem: We wished to send you a white maḍrabiyya of Indian weft for you to tailor in your place. But they informed us that the tailoring in your region will

240

241

For the overall economy of the region at the time, see Fruma Zachs: “Commerce and Merchants under Amīr Bašīr ii: From Market Town to Commercial Centre,” in The Ottomans and Trade, eds. Kate Fleet and Ebru Boyar = Oriente Moderno 25 (2006), pp. 51–63. A broad overview of cotton production, export, and manufacture is found in Doumani: Rediscovering Palestine, pp. 95–130.

118

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make the maḍrabiyya heavy (taqīla) while we want it very light, a tight fit. If you know that it would turn out light, tell us so that we may send it. We want the sewing to be twisted ( fatīl), and if it would only be heavy, tell us and we will have it sewn here with us.242 At the same time, this passage is indicative of another puzzling and recurring feature of this correspondence, namely the sheer banality of the objects discussed. Why would one send a single garment all the way from Damascus to Jerusalem or across the sea to Egypt to have it sewn if the same operation could be done at home? This is especially striking since al-Ḥalabī expressed concern that the outcome would not meet his demands. Where was the incentive to try anyway? Other orders, too, are often so specific and small that one is left wondering whether the numbers actually refer to larger units. In many letters, the merchants knew what they wanted and ordered specific varieties. Letter 16 lists many different kinds of headgear (ṭarbūš and ṭāqa) and details different variants of fabric, color, lining, and lacing to arrive at an astoundingly individualized shipment of wares despite the large numbers ordered in this request. If one was still unsure about the material, the merchants would apparently order smaller consignments to test quality and marketability before activating a larger order. Specimens are mentioned in Letter 27: “If they want to give you alāǧa, take from them a sample (ʿayyina) of 20 skullcaps (ṭāqa), of every variant (šakl) one cap. If they please us, we will write and order from them. The same with al-ḫwāǧa Niʿma: take samples, what we find most suitable we will take.” In Letter 9, we read of a request for red wool for which a prospective client wants samples for different dyeings; in Letter 37, cochnineal weighing 50 dirham are sent as a sample; and in Letter 125, a barrel of snuff (barmīl zaʿūṭ) is also sent in this manner. Even more organized is the setup that Fransīs Bernard Damyānī requested from his relatives in Damietta in Letter 60: “And also send the patterns and the rings which I took from his Excellency our cousin sinyūr Ǧuwānī, and if you please could send some patterns of flowers (min al-zuhūr) and write their price on each one of them on a paper. If we find a market for them (in ʿamilnā bāzaran), we will immediately inform his Excellency about it.” This is apparently the equivalent of a pattern book for patterned or embroidered cloth, each specimen labelled with its price for easy reference.

242

Letter 6, recto.

analysis

119

12.2 Coffee The immense social, cultural, and economic consequences on the Ottoman world of the introduction of coffee in the early 16th century is beyond doubt and has been repeatedly studied.243 By the time our merchants were trading in this commodity, the Yemen had lost its monopoly on production and coffee was cultivated in several colonial plantations of European powers. When our letters mention coffee, however, they do not specify which kind they meant. Unlike the fine-grained terminology for the description of textiles, coffee was simply coffee. But there are reasons to believe that when the merchants wrote about al-bann, what they meant was the Yemeni bean. Niebuhr had registered a decline in French imports of coffee and a resurgence of Yemeni coffee up to 1762,244 a result of wars and taxation, and one can imagine that the Napoleonic Wars during the time of our merchants had a similar effect. Four decades later, and during the very years that our merchant letter corpus was being written, Ulrich Jasper Seetzen records the following statistics from Aleppo, the northernmost node of our merchant network: According to him, Aleppo saw an annual import of 8000 bales of coffee. Of these, about 5000 were coming from Yemen via Mecca and Egypt, while 3000 bales originated from Muscat in Oman and were shipped to Basra, then overland via the Baghdad caravan.245 But, of course, the second variant was also Yemeni coffee, it simply took a different route. Our letters confirm that coffee, after arriving in Damascus, was traded southwards. Indeed, coffee arriving to Jerusalem came exclusively along this route. We find references to the bean exclusively in the correspondence between Anṭūn Ḥaddād and his son as well as some of their partners as they traded between Jerusalem and Damascus. It may be that the volumes coming from Yemen via ship to Egypt would only suffice for domestic consumption there and the export to Europe and Constantinople and that, in turn, the loads of the Baghdad caravan would suffice for all of Syria. Still, this is difficult to reconcile with Seet-

243

244 245

See the many contributions dealing with the Ottoman realms and commerce with the Ottoman Empire in Michel Tuchscherer (ed.): Le commerce du café avant l’ère des plantations coloniales (Cairo: Institut Français d’ Archéologie Orientale, 2001); on Egypt in the 16th and 17th century Hanna: Making Big Money, pp. 79–81; Egypt in the 18th century Raymond: Artisans et commerçants au Caire, pp. 82–84; on the Egyptian commerce mostly between Salonica and Rašīd Ginio: “When Coffee Brought About Wealth and Prestige”. See Niebuhr: Reisebeschreibung, vol. i, pp. 146–147. Niebuhr’s source was a French merchant. Ulrich Jasper Seetzen: Tagebuch des Aufenthalts in Aleppo 1803–1805, ed. Judith Zepter, with Carsten Walbiner (Hildesheim, Zurich, New York: Georg Olms, 2011), p. 176.

120

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zen’s testimony and we might simply expect fluctuating markets as well as different merchant networks that cared for the import of coffee beans from Egypt. In Letter 13, Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem demands coffee urgently from his son Yūsuf in Damascus, and in Letter 16 he asks for it again and furthermore urges him to send it before the arrival of the Baghdad caravan. The latter would likely have carried coffee, as described above and in line with Seetzen’s report, and would have ruined the price which, apparently at least several months after the last bi-annual Baghdad caravan and with stocks running low, must until then have been soaring in Jerusalem. And in his next letter, Letter 17, Anṭūn reports that the price of coffee had risen yet again. A little later, we get a sense of the large profits that the coffee trade could entail. At this point, Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Ḥaddād had apparently returned from Damascus to Jerusalem and Niʿmat Allāh Liyān urges him to use the proceeds he received from selling one load (ḥaml) of coffee to pay no less than a staggering 50 old gold coins (ḏahab ʿatīq) to his brother (Letter 21). But despite these prospects for considerable gain, the constant demand for it throughout the region without seasonal fluctuations, and although certain letters praise it as an article more lucrative even than textiles (e.g. Letter 182), nevertheless coffee appears in our corpus far less frequently than textiles do. 12.3 Payments and Credit Many of the commercial interests negotiated in the letters concern in fact not goods but money. This touches upon a central question for merchants throughout all ages: When physical money was only available as metal and therefore weighed heavy on transport; when it attracted robbers on dangerously insecure roads; finally, when it was suddenly needed by a travelling merchant whose funds were kept with a family member in another town—how could it be safely transferred over a distance? Doumani, in his study of the textile merchants of Nablus, has observed that they exported soap to Egypt, which could be sold there with much profit, then returned with Egyptian textiles.246 By purchasing goods at each end of the journey, traders were able to circumvent the problem of having to travel with cash. Our merchants, however, appear to have had no role whatsoever in the soap trade or any other similar scheme and completely relied on payments in specie and credit instead. The most straightforward way to dispatch money was by simply sending the actual coins. When that happened, this collection of coins was called a ṣurra

246

Doumani: Rediscovering Palestine, p. 71.

analysis

121

or purse. This meant no more than that the money was sent in specie and says nothing about its physical circumstances. Usually, using a ṣurra would likely have meant wrapping the coins, presumably in cloth or leather bags, but paper (qirṭās waraq)247 is also mentioned as a means to achieve this. The money could be stored as part of a larger shipment of goods, and in this case information could be expected in a letter as to where to find it.248 But not every ṣurra necessarily comprised money alone, and the lexical horizon of this word can extend to mean simply bag, bundle, or parcel. It appears that other items, such as cloth, could also be part of a purse. And written information on the money, a ledger (qāʾima), might also be included. When sending a purse, the exact composition of the coins it contained would be detailed in a letter (e.g. Letter 27) and a quittance (wuṣūl) was expected to attest to its safe arrival (e.g. Letter 29). The letters testify to a wide variety of coins that were circulating in the region. Very often, what was mentioned were abstract units of account, the ġuruš / quruš (the etymology of which can ultimately be traced back to the German silver piece Groschen), or dirham for generic silver and fals for generic copper money. The latter two in their plural forms darāhim (often spelled ḍarāhim) and fulūs usually stand in for the general concept of money. Thus, people who were owed money are called aṣḥāb al-ḍarāhim (e.g. Letter 180), masters of dirhams, not masters of debt. Of course, there was a general hierarchy between silver and copper, expressed when one merchant exclaims: “They take me for a man of dirhams but I have fulūs just like them!”249 Gold coins appear rarely and are sometimes called generically “gold (ḏahab)”. But many times it was important to specify the exact types of coins. The most important silver coins were collectively called riyāl (real) or quruš / ġuruš and then specified. The Austrian Marie Theresa thaler (Arabic: Abū Ṭāqa), usually figures only in the abbreviated form of ‫بطاقة‬.250 The Dutch Leeuwendaler, called asadī in Arabic, was the dominant foreign coin during the 17th century and is still widely referred to in our corpus. The zalaṭa, a heavier Ottoman silver coin introduced in the 1690s, also still played some role on the market.251 247 248 249 250

251

The context of this term makes it unlikely that paper-thin coined money called qirṭās fiḍḍa was meant here, although that possibility remains. Letter 12: “min dāḫil ġalāyin” or “within the water pipes,” i.e. in the same container as the pipes. Letter 75. This confusing abbreviation, which makes the word appear as though it were the Arabic biṭāqa (ticket, paper) prompted Wagner / Ahmed, “From Tuscany,” p. 403 to translate it as “riyyāls with a card”. According to the contemporary traveler Ulrich Jasper Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien, vol. iii, p. 19, the exchange rate was 100 zalaṭa for 75 quruš, which corresponds to the 1 1/3 zalaṭa

122

analysis

According to Seetzen’s testimony, the names of these coins varied regionally and might have been historical leftovers without relation to the original coins of the respective names.252 Gold coins were described as the Venetian (bunduqī, likely also funduqlī), the Austrian (maǧar), the Egyptian (miṣrī), and the Istanbuli (islāmbūlī). Lists of exchange rates or the contents of purses, such as that attached to Letter 36, display the full variety of circulating coinage. Changing qualities of coins of the same name meant that every coin had to be assessed not by its nominational value but by its actual metal content. Therefore, a general division between “old (ʿatīq or qadīm)” and “new (ǧadīd)” mintings was usual and meaningful: “You informed us that sayyid Ḥamza wants to give you alāǧa for a price of 14. Is this in old (ʿumla qadīma) or new mint (ʿumla ǧadīda)? If in new mint, do not accept!”253 For the merchants, the multitude of circulating coinage certainly made the exchange rates between specific coins in different places a key bit of information they need to know in order to successfully ply their trade. Therefore, a table of exchange rates was sometimes forwarded as part of a letter or requested by a writer. The available coins in one’s coffers would determine when an offer was particularly good, and equally could turn what looked like a bargain into a loss. “Make your calculations on the different rates of currency ( farq al-muʿāmala),” one merchant cautioned, “we heard the price of the riyāl was 123,”254 with the latter number likely referring to a theoretical money of account. In the absence of travelling merchants, visiting pilgrims could also function as a source of this kind of information, in one case relating the exchange rates in Izmir to Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem, who would pass on this information to his associate sayyid Ḥamza in Damascus.255 Determining which coinage precisely was being referred to could also be a source of confusion: “He demanded the 20 ġuruš from us, so we asked Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Murquṣ and he said: ‘It’s true that he is owed that, but I don’t know whether those twenty were zalaṭa or asadī.’ ”256 Yet although the Ottoman Empire had had a highly monetized economy throughout the reign over its Arabic provinces, minted money was not the only

252

253 254 255 256

per qirš asadī as found in court documents of the period by Wilkins: “Aspects of the Social Economic Structure,” p. 105, note 14. Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien, vol. ii, p. 289 about Mār Ilyās in the vicinity of Jerusalem: “They call the piaster in these quarters asadī, and the paras, 40 of which make a piaster, fiḍḍa or qiṭʿa. In Aleppo, they call the piaster qurš or ġuruš. But here that same word signifies a coin of 30 para, which is also called zalaṭa and which is very rarely seen.” Letter 16. Letter 13. Letter 11. Letter 39.

analysis

123

available means of payment. In many cases when money was discussed, the letters do not speak of sending a purse but instead mention the term būliṣa (pl. bawāliṣ; alternatively also būlīṣa, pl. bawālīṣ), a word not usually found in modern dictionaries of Arabic and neither in the classical sources and which therefore merits some discussion here. What is the būliṣa? There could be some confusion when the meaning is sought from an Arabic root. ‫ بولصة‬with its plural ‫ بوالص‬is found in the great disctionary Muḥīṭ al-Muḥīṭ by the Lebanese writer Buṭrus al-Bustānī (1819–1883), who aims to provide an abridgment and compilation of classical lexical sources but also occasionally registers neologisms from his present day. Thus, he offers both the explanation as a French word (namely: “police”) and the following: ‫و بولصة الشحن ورقة ي ُدرج بها كمية المشحون واسم الشاحن والمشحون اليه والمركب المشحون‬ ‫فيه واسم رئيسه ممضية منه‬. (“And the būliṣa of freight is a paper with which one registers the quantity of freight, the name of the one who ships and the one to whom the load is shipped, the name of the vessel and of its captain.”) This last explanation as a bill of lading would fit the commercial context of our corpus well and given the vagueness with which the letters often refer to the būliṣa, this might at first seem a likely explanation.257 In fact, however, in our letters the meaning is clearly that of a financial instrument. And the meaning of the root b-l-ṣ in dictionaries of modern Egyptian has acquired a meaning of “illegal” or “coerced”, already found in the 19th century. Two French lexicographers, Jean-Joseph Marcel (1776–1854) and later Albert de Biberstein-Kazimirski (1808–1887) have both: “‫ بلصة‬vexation, avanie”.258 Another dictionary of spoken Arabic offers: “Avanie (…) faite par un particulier à un autre, ‫)…( بلصه‬.”259 Therefore, again, it was initially tempting to see the constant references to amounts of būliṣa as bribes that were to be paid to officials as a natural part of the merchant’s life. But overall, the context of our letters does not always permit this interpretation. And Marcel, who made his first acquaintance with spoken Arabic in Napoleon’s Egyptian Expedition (1798–1801) right at the time our letters were written, and who praised the use of it first and foremost as the lingua franca of com257

258 259

This appeared just the more likely as bawāliṣ was indeed used in this sense in the court records of Damietta in the 18th century according to Ḥanafī’s study; see Saḥr ʿAlī Ḥanafī: al-ʿAlāqāt al-tiǧārīya bayna Miṣr wa-Bilād al-Šām al-kubrā fī l-qarn al-ṯāmin ʿašar (Cairo: al-Hayʾa al-miṣrīya al-ʿāmma li-l-kitāb, 2000), pp. 49–50. Wagner / Ahmed, “From Tuscany,” p. 403, also interpreted the term ‫ بلص‬which they encountered in their letter corpus as “an unusual plural form of būlīṣa ‘bill of lading’,” which in this context appears to be correct. Kazimirski: Dictionnaire Arabe-Français, Tome Premier, p. 160. J. Berggren: Guide français-arabe vulgaire des voyageurs et des francs en Syrie et en Égypte (Upsal: Leffler and Sebell, 1844), col. 82.

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analysis

merce,260 already has the right clue: “‫ بولصه‬boulisseh (en vulg.), certificat;— police;—lettre de change; (…)”.261 This is also confirmed in a mid-19th-century Arabic-Italian dictionary, written 1851 in Jaffa, which explains ‫ بوليصه‬as “Poliza, lettera di Cambio”.262 It is sufficiently clear from this that the būliṣa, likely deriving from the Italian polizza, in our letters was a bill of exchange rather than any of the other possible meanings of the time. Sending money in specie, after all, not only added to the cost of transport, but was also subject to the vagaries of the road. As one merchant excuses himself: “Concerning the money ( fulūs), we wanted to send it to you. But we were afraid of the road, because they took 40 quruš from Ibn Ṣabāt.”263 After working out what the būliṣa was in principle, we still need to establish how it worked precisely and practically. Credit instruments of later periods have already seen some research.264 And Mafalda Ade has particularly studied the būlīǧa / police as it was used by European merchants in their interactions with local counterparts later in the 19th century, when its use was already codified in accordance with French law.265 For an earlier period, Edhem Eldem has worked out the use of bills of exchange between Constantinople and Ottoman provinces in the 18th century.266 Working from European consular archives, he studied a network that was essentially one of European trading communities or nations. This network was premised on the fact that French trade in Constantinople generated a large cash surplus, which could be funneled to merchants in the provinces and used to acquire local merchandise. The regional traders could get the cash from local Ottoman officials who used the bills of exchange to dispatch the large amounts of tax money they were expected to send from the provinces to the central Ottoman Treasury.

260 261

262 263 264

265

266

J.J. Marcel: Dictionnaire français-arabe des dialectes vulgaires, 15th ed. (Paris: Maisonneuve Frères et Ch. Leclerc, 1885), pp. v–vii. This entry already features in Marcel’s original manuscript; see J.-J. Marcel: ‫القاموس الصغير‬ ‫ في لغة مصر والجزاير‬Dictionnaire Arabe-Francais des dialectes vulgaires africains (ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 5171), p. 598. ms Jerusalem, Monastery of St. Saviour, eap823/1/2/38, fol. 17r. Letter 83. On road safety see ʿAbd al-Ǧabbūrī: al-Quds, pp. 75, 87. See the discussion of credit instruments in Aleppo in the later 19th century in Mafalda Ade: Picknick mit den Paschas. Aleppo und die levantinische Handelsfirma Fratelli Poche (1853–1880) (Würzburg: Ergon, 2013), pp. 118–122. See Mafalda Ade: “L’innovation judiciaire dans l’ Empire ottoman: l’établissement d’un tribunal de commerce à Alep au milieu de xixe siècle,” in Aleppo and Its Hinterland in the Ottoman Period / Alep et sa province à l’ époque ottomane, eds. Stefan Winter and Mafalda Ade (Leiden: Brill, 2020), pp. 175–203, here pp. 184–190. See Edhem Eldem: French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century (Leiden / Boston / Cologne: Brill, 1999), pp. 113–147.

analysis

125

Our Arabic letters, by contrast, allow us to see how the instrument was used solely in the hands of local Ottoman merchants at an earlier date than was previously possible and under different legal circumstances. I do not know of any bills of exchange in Arabic from the period that I am dealing with here to have physically survived, except maybe for one of the letters in our corpus (Letter 7), which will be discussed below. Therefore, we do not know which form they could take, that is whether they were notarized or witnessed, whether courts were involved, what stipulations (such as the due date, the place, or the kind of currency) were spelled out. While our merchants, understandably, see no use in elaborating on a widespread and, one would assume, universally known practice in their letters, some passages nonetheless provide us with a few hints. In a passage in Letter 36, Yūsuf Ḥaddād complains to his father Anṭūn about having had to draw an enormous būliṣa of 800 ġuruš and he explains the reason for it thus: Now, we would not have drawn this būliṣa on you were it not for our dire situation! And if you cannot complete this business, take from the fixed amount267 and put down a pawn in it. The master268 who is not helpful in a dire situation is no master at all! Had you told us (before) to draw a būliṣa on you, we would not have done it.269 Here, we learn that a business associate, in this case the son, could draw a būliṣa on his father without the latter’s explicit consent or knowledge. It is likely that in such a network where merchants had to operate independently in different places, the travelling merchant was given the necessary power of attorney beforehand. We encounter another enlightening instance in Letter 48: Concerning your words ‘We will issue for you a būlīṣa of fifty ġuruš’, so that we can give them to my sister in law: Right now there is no one here to 267

268

269

It is not clear what al-maʿlūm (lit. known, fixed) signifies here. The word can take the meaning of “salary, remuneration,” but since here it is something out of which cash can be taken and replaced with a pawn, I would tentatively interpret it as a kind of communal purse of a merchant association or family. The word ṣāḥib can take a variety of disparate meanings. Among them, and very apt in the context of a merchant network, it could mean “associate”. I translate it here as “master” to reflect the imbalance of power between father and son.

‫والان ماه اخدنا هل بولصه عليكم الا في ديقتنا وان كان ما في تحت يدكم يكمل خدوا من المعلوم وحطوا‬ ‫عنده رهن والصاحب الذي ماه بنفع وقت الديق ما هو صاحب ولو انكم معرفنا اننا ناخد عليكم بولصه لم‬ ‫اخدنا‬.

126

analysis

cash in that money. And if we go to someone, he will want interest (murābaḥa). The best will be for you to send the money in a purse (wrapped in) two sheets of paper. We will then give her that money.270 This last quotation shows that the instrument was not universally available and depended on the willingness of someone to trade a bill of exchange for cash. Therefore, in our specific context the bill of exchange is not an order of payment to a named third party, as it is often described.271 Although it is not explicitly said here, the issue at heart can be described as trust: in this case, trust that credit extended to the son was going to be repaid by the father. But in the context of long-distance trade, it also meant trust that the money given out at one location would be repaid, likely to an associate of the person giving out the money, by an associate of the person receiving the money at a different location. As we learn from this example, getting money through a būliṣa was also not necessarily free of charge. Yet the fact that the writer fails to cash in this particular būliṣa because no one would do it without charging interest suggests that usually it would have been free or virtually free. But it could also mean that in this case the lenders of money felt it was too much of a risk and demanded a premium on top of the usual fee. Referring to the repayment of a būliṣa, one merchant expresses fear: “AlḤawrānī summons us for next Friday and we will see whether he will take money (darāhim), then we will pay the amount. But I fear that he will get two or three months more in interest.”272 This particular passage shows that there was a due date to repay the bill of exchange and that missing it would incur extra costs. According to Islamic legal theory this was forbidden, which gave rise to a number of circumventing legal ruses (ḥiyal), yet in practice the market worked with high rates of interest just the same. For the period, rates of 15 or 20 percent are commonly cited.273 In another contemporary source, the Islamic court records, this fact would have been concealed behind various legal fictions.274 270

‫واما قولـكم نضرب عليكم بوليصه بخمسين غرش لـكي ندفعهم الى مرة اخي والحال لم موجود حدا يدفعلنا‬ ‫واذا رحنا لعند حدا بده مرابحه بقا الانسب انك ترسلهم صرة قرطاسين ورق منسلمها اياهم‬.

271

See the discussion in Ade: Picknick mit den Paschas, pp. 119–120, where the police is described as such in her discussion of commerce in Aleppo in the second half of the 19th century. Letter 49. See Astrid Meier, “Looking for Credit in 18th Century Damascus: A Case from the Court Records,” dyntran Working Papers, n° 22, online edition, March 2017, available at: http://​ dyntran.hypotheses.org/1794 (last accessed August 15, 2020). A famously creative practice was to mask interest as a fictive sale of soap, see Abdul-Karim

272 273

274

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In the letters, however, merchants were very clear that business operated with interest and they call it such, namely fāʾida: “Miḫāyīl has to send us the money before the six months (has elapsed) because we took it ten for thirteen”,275 meaning that for every ten dirhams borrowed the merchant would have to pay back thirteen, amounting to a punitive interest rate of 30 percent. As much as interest was, thus, a routine part of the merchant life, it was often held up as an existential threat. “Because the interest is eating me up”276 is the dramatic way one merchant urged his partners to send the necessary money for him to repay his creditors. As already mentioned, there are examples of letters in our corpus which have as their sole purpose the payment of money to a third party. In one example (Letter 24), Ǧabbūr Zubayrī has taken 173 ¾ ġuruš from one Salmān al-Baġdādī and now wants his business partner in Jerusalem, Anṭūn Ḥaddād, to repay that sum to Salmān, deducting it from a debt of 200 ġuruš which Ǧabbūr still had with Anṭūn and which thus functioned like a bank account. Interestingly, Ǧabbūr also spells out why he chose this form of payment rather than requesting the money in cash from Anṭūn: as Anṭūn knew, the roads were in disorder (muḫarbaṭ) and sending cash therefore was unreliable. Functionally, such a letter could thus be called a payment order. Another letter, however, is tangentially called a būliṣa or bill of exchange. On the face of it, though, it, too, is simply a private communication, this time from a son to his father. It was written by Yūsuf, whom we later meet in the towns on the coast of Palestine or in Damietta, but who at this earlier point was stationed in Damascus, to his father Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem. But besides the usual respectful greetings, there is only one topic, namely Anṭūn’s stipulated payment of money that Yūsuf had taken from Ḥannā Niʿma, the carrier of the letter: Now, on this day I took and received from the venerated brother al-ḫwāǧa Ḥannā Niʿma of Ǧisr Šafar five hundred ġuruš of full value in Damascus (ṣāġ al-Šām). Half of that—for the sake of control—is two hundred and fifty of full value. It is asked of your eminence, the esteemed father, alḫwāǧa Anṭūn Ḥaddād, that you repay the mentioned sum in Jerusalem into the hand of the mentioned al-ḫwāǧa Ḥannā within five days after they make you aware of this letter. After paying the mentioned sum, take this our letter from him [Ḥannā].

275 276

Rafeq: “The Economic Organization of Cities in Ottoman Syria,” in The Urban Social History of the Middle East, 1750–1950, ed. Peter Sluglett (Cairo: University of Cairo Press, 2009), pp. 104–140, here pp. 131–134. Letter 73. Letter 45.

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This personal letter, by documenting the transaction and its stipulations as well as the necessity of it to change hands, became a financial document. And a postscript finally spells out its nature as a bill of exchange: This is correct: Change what is due to him by fifty ġuruš, so that the bill of exchange (būliṣa) is four hundred and fifty precisely. Interestingly, this document is only vaguely dated to the year 1216. This is probably due to the fact that the stipulated period of five days for paying out the money would start not on the day the letter was written, but when it was delivered to Anṭūn. It is also not notarized and, by formal aspects alone, is indistinguishable from a personal letter. We should probably not assume that this was the sole universal form that a būliṣa could take. For one, the familiarity between father and son (including the familiarity of his handwriting) would make other levels of identification superfluous in this case, but not necessarily in others. It is also clear from other letters that there were blank bills which their holders had to try to cash without knowing who would accept them. Those blank bills would have been useful in the reverse situation to the above case, namely if Anṭūn were not to guarantee for Yūsuf’s debt but wanted to send him money without having an account with a business partner at the place where his son was. Then he would have to assume a debt to whomever would accept that bill from his son, who could then send back the document to a business partner in Jerusalem, who would be able to take the cash from Anṭūn. It seems likely that young merchants like Yūsuf, when going abroad, would travel not with coffers of cash but rather with blank būliṣa documents like this stating that the merchant at the center of their network (the father in Yūsuf’s case) would automatically assume the debt the travelling merchant would take on in order to finance their business. Other forms of cashless money transfer were also practiced. In a letter written by Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem to his son Yūsuf in Damascus (Letter 16), a wuṣūl or quittance appears to fulfill that function. But this wuṣūl is not simply an order of payment, as it is usually translated,277 since it first involved Yūsuf taking the large sum of 1000 ġuruš from one Zaḫariyā in Damascus. Yūsuf should then give out a wuṣūl on that transaction so that his father Anṭūn could pay it. This is the same triangular arrangement as that of the būliṣa as we have 277

“Zahlungsanweisung” (payment order), see Werner Diem: Glossar zur arabischen Epistolographie nach ägyptischen Originaldokumenten des 7.–16. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, München, Boston: De Gruyter, 2017), p. 517.

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come to see it: the debt of one merchant against another in one place is paid by a third party in a different place. Was this merely a fusion or even confusion of legal terminology in unregulated territory owing to the fact that wuṣūl and būliṣa seem to have involved similar arrangements? Were the Arabic and the foreign term used interchangeably? Or were they indicative of real, if tiny differences that are not easily understood today? It needs to be stressed that there was no codified law regulating the use of such financial instruments and we must thus probably allow for some freedom of linguistic usage. Still, a surviving wuṣūl document from the 18th century (dated 1128/1716), reused to take notes in a manuscript book (fig. 18), appears as nothing but a list of debtors. It simply registers sums received ( fī yad) by one person from three distinct sources without mentioning the purpose of the payments other than a vague “for the clearance [of debt]” (ṣawb ḫalāṣ). If used within a būliṣa process, a wuṣūl document could thus likely only be part of a series of interrelated debt settlements. For much of the business conducted within a network of merchants with a high level of familiarity through intermarriage and partnerships, payment simply functioned as the routine accumulation and deduction of debt. A merchant named Yūsuf Adan spells this out in a Letter 22, addressed to Yūsuf Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Jerusalem on Ḏū l-Qaʿda 27, 1216 / March 31, 1802: If Yūsuf al-Ḥaddād purchases something on behalf of Yūsuf Adan, he is asked to deduct it from any outstanding debt he still owes (iḫṣamū ṯamanuhu min al-laḏī la-nā ṭarafakum). Money often existed in the books and was rarely exchanged in specie before a merchant’s death, the dissolution of a partnership, or the physical transfer of a business. Finally, it may be useful to look beyond the Christian merchant world. Within the letters analyzed in this volume, we find that the būliṣa was also used by Jewish merchants.278 At the same time we can already note from our preliminary investigations that the term is also found in the much vaster corpus of letters exchanged among Muslims that is also preserved in Gotha and which will be edited at a later point. However, although the būliṣa was thus not confined to one particular community, it was used apparently much less frequently among the Muslim merchants. In a future evaluation of the larger corpus it will have to be shown whether this discrepancy in frequency is reflect-

278

For the uses of the bill of exchange by Jews in Mediterranean trade and justifications for it, see Benjamin Arbel: “Mediterranean Jewish Diasporas and the Bill of Exchange Coping with a Foreign Financial Instrument (Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries),” in Union in Separation: Diasporic Groups and Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean (1100–1800), eds. Georg Christ et al. (Rome: Viella, 2015), pp. 527–542.

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figure 18 A quittance (wuṣūl) reused for note-taking in a book; ms Paris, BnF Arabe 4653, inserted between fols. 30 and 31.

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ive of other different attitudes to business and long-distance payments in the different trading regions the two corpora represent. Certainly, André Raymond, in analyzing the financial instruments of Cairo’s Muslim merchants, remarks that there was rarely recourse to the bill of exchange.279 The business of the Muslim merchants was directed from Cairo towards the Hedjaz and the Yemen and the safety of the roads and waterways could have played a different role here. And since Raymond used law court documents and not merchant letters, the būliṣa may simply not have surfaced in his source. Yet at this point, it is curious to remember that the Arab merchants of this time used an instrument and term that was obviously derived from the Italian, when historically the bill of exchange in the Mediterranean existed in Arabic from a very early period. It had then been called suftaǧa and ḥawāla in the documents and the practice was transferred to Italian merchants during the Middle Ages.280 To avoid cash transfers, there also existed the cheque (derived from the Arabic term ṣakk) as an order of payment, which also does not make an appearance in our corpus. 12.4 Following the Money: A Case Study of Debt But how did interregional payment, with the būliṣa as its central instrument, work in reality? In the following section, I will attempt to unpack the convoluted story of a būliṣa that pitted against each other the merchant Fransīs and another man, Yaʿqūb al-Ḥawrānī, whose role is not clearly defined, but whose tactics gave Fransīs a headache for the better part of a year. The reason why this episode can serve as such a fitting example is because the details (a precise sum and a name that features exclusively in connection with it) allow us to trace it precisely, unlike the many allusions to financial transactions that do not feature any background information. The recurrent need for Fransīs to vent his anger at a situation that seemed to go wrong at every step was a fortunate happenstance that helps us to reconstruct what was going on in greater detail than is usually possible. 279 280

Raymond: Artisans et commerçants, p. 228. See already Richard Grasshoff: Das Wechselrecht der Araber: Eine rechtsvergleichende Studie über die Herkunft des Wechsels (Berlin: Liebmann, 1899); Eliahu Ashtor: “Banking Instruments Between the Muslim East and the Christian West,” Journal of European Economic History 1 (1972), 553–573; Abraham L. Udovitch: “Bankers Without Banks: The Islamic World,” in The Dawn of Modern Banking (New Haven / London: 1979), pp. 255–273; Muhsin D. Yusuf: Economic Survey of Syria During the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (Berlin: Schwarz, 1985), 113–114. There is some dispute as to whether the suftaǧa can be called a real bill of exchange (which is, however, how it is usually translated), since in theory it could not be traded and was to be repaid in precisely the same money as when it was originally paid; see Ashtor: “Banking Instruments,” 572.

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The story is documented in ten letters addressed by Fransīs to Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān al-Qudsī between Šawwāl 7, 1218 (January 20, 1804), and Ramaḍān 3, 1219 (December 6, 1804) as well as a single undated answer by Yūsuf. The latter was actually the elder of the merchants, brother of Fransīs’s mother. Yet he was also clearly in an inferior position towards his nephew, constantly an object of scorn to Fransīs, who accuses this relative cum associate of wasting his time, spending too much time playing music (especially also with Muslims), drinking and smoking weed (kīf ), and generally making their house and family the object of ridicule through his unseemly behavior. Aside from this unequal power dynamic, the exact business relationship between these two men is not perfectly clear, beyond the fact that they belonged to the same “family” of merchants. What is conspicuous, though, is that it is Fransīs who constantly writes to Yūsuf and who appears to have inhabited the center of the merchant family network. What we do not get enough of is Yūsuf’s side of the story, except in the small precis of Yūsuf’s letters given occasionally by Fransīs and the single answer that is preserved of him, anonymous and undated. He is constantly written to, also by several other merchants and family members, but barely ever seems to write himself. In the background of these events is the untimely death of Fransīs’s brother Yaʿqūb, whose estate, especially a dilapidated house, had to be put into order by Fransīs with much expense of time and money, and which constituted a constant source of his complaints. Although it is not explicitly stated, this clearly happened in Jerusalem.281 Yūsuf, on the other hand, was stationed in Damietta at the beginning of this exchange, then gradually made his way back to Syria, probably at least in part as a reaction to military activities in the Nile delta and a plague outbreak in Damietta, whence he moved with his immediate family and some more distant relatives to Jaffa. A first hint of the things to come can be read on January 20, 1804 (Šawwāl 7, 1218), when Fransīs writes: “And the money (ḍarāhim) that you want to send in order to settle the debt (saddād) with al-Ḥawrānī, send them as fiḍḍa qarāṭīs282.”283 This is the first instance in our corpus that we hear of a man named al-Ḥawrānī. On the face of it, the process of sending some money is unremarkable and we might expect to never hear of it again once Yūsuf has fulfilled his obligation. 281

282 283

It is understood that Fransīs and al-Ḥawrānī were both in Jerusalem from the fact that one of their interactions is described as having taken place in the Dayr al-Arman there (Letter 57). The qirṭās was a small and thin (probably as thin as paper, hence the name) piece of minted silver. Letter 44.

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The story is rather a convoluted one, and only by following the trail of letters can we piece together what happened. It all starts to take shape at the end of 1218, or rather on April 10, 1804, when Fransīs mentions in a letter to Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān in Damietta that he is about to take a sum of money from his cousin (Ibn ʿamminā) Miḫāyīl with the intention of giving it to the man, alḤawrānī, we have just briefly encountered (Letter 48). As we will later learn, his full name was al-ḥaǧǧ Yaʿqūb al-Ḥawrānī, indicating that he had previously completed a pilgrimage, presumably to Jerusalem or some of the other holy sites in Palestine. The sum was considerable, 350 ġurūš to be precise,284 and the reason for Fransīs’s plan of paying it to a man whom we have not previously encountered in his letters but who was apparently well enough known that he did not need an introduction or a first name, was that this man was “dangling” (dāyir ʿalā) a būlīṣa in front of him. As is so often the case on these pages, the precise meaning of some terms is not completely clear. But al-Ḥawrānī’s “dangling” is likely evoking a threatening quality, a provocative show of legal force that the būliṣa implied. When taken together with Yūsuf’s outstanding money to al-Ḥawrānī, which we have seen in the previous paragraph, the following scenario takes shape: In Damietta, Yūsuf had indebted himself to Yaʿqūb al-Ḥawrānī with 350 ġuruš by means of a bill of exchange, a būlīṣa. Al-Ḥawrānī took the būlīṣa / bill back to Jerusalem and sought to cash it when it was due. As the head of the family or firm, Fransīs was obligated to settle the debt. To that end, Fransīs now wanted to take the money from Miḫāyīl Talamās. This Miḫāʾīl, as we learn in letters not related to this issue, was vice-consul of Spain in Damietta (e.g. Letter 72). And much like Yūsuf, he is accused by Fransīs of drinking and ruining the family name. Good men were evidently hard to come by in those days, too. But it all did not start here and a passage in a previous letter (Letter 46) can now be understood differently in light of the later one (Letter 48). Because we actually did encounter these 350 ġurūš, if not the man al-Ḥawrānī, before, when Fransīs had commented on Yūsuf’s proposal to collect that money from his cousin (that is, Miḫāʾīl Talāmās) already in February of 1804 (Letter 46). So much remains unsaid in these texts that it is necessary to take a step back and revisit earlier pieces every once in a while. Then Anṭūn had advised Yūsuf with some urgency to have an unnamed nephew send that money and another 200

284

Seetzen provides some contextual numbers with the annual salary of several employees at the Franciscan Monastery in Jerusalem, the region’s largest and richest such institution: its chief interpreter headed the list with 500 piasters per year, but the cooks (182 piasters for two), bakers (273 ¾ piasters for three of them), or the carpenter (182 ½ piasters) would not come close to this sum.

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ġurūš (the latter to pay for the masses for his deceased brother Yaʿqūb and other expenses) to Miḫāʾīl. So Fransīs’s original intention, namely that Yūsuf should send the money in a specific coinage, had changed and he was now obliged to receive the money from his cousin Miḫāʾīl through a financial arrangement that is not named here, but would later come to be revealed to be, again, a būliṣa. What is less clear is why Yūsuf had to be reminded that in order for Miḫāyīl to pay the sum he would have to send it first. But indeed, why would he? After all, is not the purpose of a bill of exchange that a third party would pay what the original debtor owed? It is likely that the answer to this riddle lies in the circumstances more than in the practice. Fransīs, pulled in all directions by unforeseen events such as the death of his brother, may simply have been unable to meet the financial demands he could otherwise have been expected to meet. If we are to believe his later letters, the Damocles sword of ruin was constantly hanging over his head in these days. Be that as it may, in the confusing web of financial obligations, one būliṣa had to be paid by means of another one and money from Yūsuf had to reach Miḫāyīl so that Fransīs could assume Yūsuf’s debt. That last step, however, would prove to be difficult. As becomes clear again in a letter from April 18, 1804, Miḫāʾīl could not simply pay out the money Fransīs wanted to take from him. Yūsuf had to transfer it through specific mechanisms and his attempts to do so continued to fail: “You transferred for us (inta ḥawwaltanā) so that we can take from our cousin Miḫāʾīl the three hundred and fifty. But until now we did not [= could not?] take a thing and al-Ḥawrānī is summoning us for next Friday.”285 It is not clear in which way ḥawwala simply represents the verbal expression of the būlīṣa process, retaining the connection to the Arabic exchange mechanism ḥawāla simply because the Italian term would have made an awkward verb in Arabic (bawlaṣa presents itself as a possible contender), or how this latter might have represented a different instrument. It could be that the ḥawāla alluded to here was not a credit instrument as the būlīṣa but an order of payment from an account Yūsuf had with Miḫāʾīl. Next we encounter al-Ḥawrānī nearly two months afterwards, on June 15, 1804 (Letter 57). In the meantime, Yūsuf had apparently been sick, but otherwise nothing seems to have developed at all. According to Fransīs’s recapitulation of Yūsuf’s most recent letter, Yūsuf was still urging him to take the 350 ġuruš from Miḫāyīl. And, again, Fransīs has to complain that he could not affect this payment from his cousin. Luckily for us, he now embarks on a lengthy discus-

285

Letter 49.

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sion of the intricate problems that lead to this stalemate. The reason was that Yūsuf had sent the būlīṣa via Fransīs’s eponymous nephew. That latter Fransīs, however, failed to pay it. Then ḫwāǧā Bāṣīlī Faḫr somehow returned or rejected (raǧǧaʿa) the būlīṣa. Fransīs was now obliged to search for coins (dirhams) to distribute (taḥrīr) them to the holders (aṣḥāb) of the būlīṣa. The ḫwāǧā Niqūlā al-Ḥašwa would then take a writing to ḫwāǧā Bāṣīlī testifying to the safe arrival and subsequent distribution of the money of the būlīṣa to him. Unfortunately, as much as this passage clears up some matters, it also allows a variety of possible readings and opens up a number of questions: Why is Bāṣīlī Faḫr, the most prominent of merchants between Jerusalem and Damietta, suddenly involved? What precisely is the tarǧīʿ he was effecting? Why are there several holders (aṣḥāb) of the bill of exchange? And why was the cousin Fransīs involved in the first place? Could Yūsuf not have sent the būlīṣa directly from Damietta to Miḫāyīl in Jerusalem? To attempt an answer to these questions must necessarily involve a degree of speculation. One possible solution is that Yūsuf simply did not have the money to pay Miḫāyīl, with whom he had no credit. He would have to get it and for that he turned to Bāṣīlī Faḫr, a fellow Jerusalemite who also usually resided in Damietta. A būlīṣa was issued that, as usual, would have to be repaid by a third party—in this case Fransīs’s nephew Fransīs, whose whereabouts we never learn. But this Fransīs, too, was unable to pay out the būlīṣa. Therefore, Bāṣīlī Faḫr could not get a quittance for the money and he had to rescind the amount he had forwarded to Yūsuf. As in modern banking terminology, the tarǧīʿ would then be a reimbursement, in this case of the money Bāṣīlī had lent Yūsuf. But Bāṣīlī, of course, would never have paid out the cash to Yūsuf. Rather, upon receiving the necessary documents about the payment from the cousin Fransīs, he would have sent on the quittance to Jerusalem, where this would have allowed Miḫāyīl to pay out the money to Fransīs. Finally, why the many aṣḥāb of the one bill of exchange (būlīṣa)? This appears to show that Bāṣīlī was representing not only his own money, but the interest of several parties who would put money into the financing of credit instruments, likely with the expectation of interest. In other words, Bāṣīlī Faḫr acted in this case as a bank. Was the būlīṣa not paid out by cousin Fransīs in effect a bounced cheque? Fransīs then attempts to clear up Yūsuf’s (and our) open questions about the complicated process to pay the 350 dirhams. Again, the most straightforward course of action would have been for Miḫāyīl to give the money to Fransīs who would pay it to al-Ḥawrānī. But, (of course, we are tempted to say), things were not actually that easy. Originally, Fransīs and Miḫāyīl wanted to go to Zaḫāriyā, whose role is not clear, to give the money to him. But now, since cousin Fransīs had not paid, plans had to change. In fact, Fransīs twice had to endure a public

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shaming (ǧursatayn) at the hands of al-Ḥawrānī, both times in a monastery. At the second such occasion, in the Dayr al-Arman, Fransīs urged al-Ḥawrānī to accompany him to one Niqūlā al-Ḥašwa, who had to explain the whole affair (sīra) to al-Ḥawrānī. Then Niqūlā assured him that he would travel to Damietta, pay the būlīṣa there, and send back a quittance (wuṣūl). With that document in hand they could procure another document, a tamassuk,286 which would then get them a ḥuǧǧa from Zaḫāriyā. At this point, the affair was nearly over. The tamassuk would also be split (minšaqqhu) and sent back to Yūsuf. This was apparently to be done by Miḫāyīl, who would bring the document back to Damietta and also would have to make sure that another quittance (wuṣūl) would document this step. Now, time was of the essence and literally money. Fransīs warned that, in addition to the interest ( fāʾida) incurred after a month, any additional delay would trigger even more interest. Yūsuf is therefore instructed to not let Miḫāʾīl stroll around and idly enjoy himself (which, of course, is exactly what was about to happen), but to make sure that the latter would not delay sending the quittance (wuṣūl) to Niqūlā al-Ḥašwa. Then, finally, could Fransīs be rid of the business as well as of al-Ḥawrānī. The letter ends with a lengthy study of Fransīs’s nephew of that same name and his many faults. It lists the by now familiar personal elements, his drinking, flamboyance, and piling up of new debt while neglecting to pay his old obligations. Clearly, the older Fransīs was fed up with a lot of things at this point. And he paints a dire picture of his own financial situation: there was an upcoming wedding; Ibn Būluṣ was coming from Acre with the intention to marry and for that reason wanted his outstanding 664 ġuruš, which was quite impossible for Fransīs to organize, as he could no longer pawn the sum, and nor did his Jewish business partner have the money, either; the yearly income (ʿalūfa) was not sufficient because there were no ships coming from Istanbul; finally, a house had collapsed and Fransīs needed to rebuild it. Fransīs would repeatedly express his desire to get rid of all these worldly affairs so that he could turn all his thoughts to his religion. But this particular affair was still far from over. Three weeks later, on Rabīʿ i 28, 1219 (July 7, 1804), Fransīs’s cousin Miḫāʾīl Talāmās had still not arrived 286

ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 3663, fols. 125v–134r contains a collection of official writings (petitions, letters, court records) from the 1160s and 1170s that appear to be based on original documents for their specific names (both Muslim and Christian), dates, prices, and witnesses mentioned. It comprises five examples of tamassuk. All take the form of an išhād or testimony, that is the subject of the document testifies to a fact against himself (ašhada linafsihi) and thus has it notarized. In terms of content, four acknowledge a price to be paid for diverse merchandise at a fixed date. A fifth example, however, registers the renting of half a village and neglects any details on payments.

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in Damietta. Very likely it was the political situation that caused the delay, as the letter also reports on army operations and the sacking of al-Manṣūra, a city in the hinterland of Damietta. This would have prevented a direct descent on Damietta. Al-Ḥawrānī, meanwhile, was still breathing down Fransīs’s neck (‫اندار‬ ‫)انتظر ورائي = وراي‬. But well-meaning friends had negotiated a stalling of three months and Miḫāʾīl was now intent to land in Alexandria and then to pay the 350 in Damietta. That moratorium of three months had long elapsed on Šaʿbān 11, 1219 (November 15, 1804) when, inexplicably, we read of a situation that had not changed even a bit (Letter 73). Although Yūsuf had left Damietta for Jaffa, Miḫāyīl was still on the Egyptian coast and so was the money Fransīs was so desperately waiting for. It is somewhere in between these two points that we can insert Yūsuf’s voice into the narrative for the first and only time. This is because an unsubscribed and undated letter that was addressed to Fransīs (Letter 154) can be identified as Yūsuf’s hand, and in it we find his vivid account of the disgraceful behavior of Miḫāʾīl during his stay in Damietta. In this letter, we find all the apprehensions of Fransīs confirmed and his advice impossible to apply. Apparently, Miḫāʾīl had come to Damietta from Alexandria guns blazing, boasting a document that he claimed gave him access to money that was outstanding with the dīwān (the region’s bureau of finances) and which we learn to be 500 ġuruš. On top of that he also told the consuls and merchants (bāzarkān) of the city that Fransīs Bernard would owe him no less than 1500 quruš. While this boastful behavior already made Yūsuf Tarǧumān uneasy, it quickly broke down catastrophically. In order to free the bill of exchange that he wanted to send back to Fransīs, Miḫāʾīl was faced with the fact that he needed first to pay the rent of 300 ġuruš asadī for a house of Fransīs in which Yūsuf lived. At this juncture, however, it became clear that Miḫāʾīl had, in fact, no money. But knowing that Fransīs’s sister Theresia had some cash, he went to her to ask her for it. Yet she only agreed to pay some of it under the stipulation that it was given as interest-free loan without due-date (qarḍan ḥasana), so that she could ask the money back at any time. To put preassure on her, Miḫāʾīl showed Theresia accounts that he said proved that her brother Fransīs owed him 1500 quruš and then apparently believed that she agreed to his terms. So he went to Bāṣīlī Faḫr, announcing that Theresia would pay the rent and likely expecting that Bāṣīlī would now simply issue the bill of exchange that he could send back to Fransīs. But Bāṣīlī suspected illegal doings and sent his chancellor to get Theresia’s approval directly from her mouth. As it turned out that Miḫāʾīl had mischaracterized her intentions, his financial plan collapsed like a house of cards. In a heated confrontation the next day, in fact the feast day of Miḫāʾīl’s patron saint, in Yūsuf’s house and with Bāṣīlī Faḫr present, Miḫāʾīl

138

analysis

erupted, threatening Yūsuf and Theresia verbally and physically, then left the house abruptly and settled in the house of Ḥannā Surūr, a very rich merchant and British consul in Damietta, turning more and more into the caricature of a lazy drunkard that Fransīs had actually painted of him previously. (One begins at this point to wonder whether anyone in this trade was sober.) And thus, the whole plan of financing the bill of exchange fell apart again. Yūsuf professes that he had wanted to settle the whole affair with Miḫāʾīl’s help, but was powerless in the face of such behavior. Returning forward again to Letter 73, with Yūsuf in Jaffa, Miḫāʾīl in Damietta and the money nowhere to be found, Fransīs recalls Yūsuf writing that he should find a security. Fransīs has to remind him that he had already pawned his house and wants to be done with the matter. Yūsuf Ibn Ḥannā Buṭrus also pressed for his money, and another pawn just would not do anyway. Fransīs therefore went to a friend to take on the 350 ġuruš as a loan with interest and pay them to al-Ḥawrānī to get rid of him and his slanderous talk. He was expecting the money that same day. Understandably, Fransīs minces no words when he puts the blame squarely on Miḫāʾīl who should have sent the money six months prior. Now Fransīs had to take it at 13 (ġuruš) for every 10, amounting to a staggering interest rate of 30 percent. But Fransīs was apparently desperate enough to accept such terms and resolved to pay Zaḫariyā and al-Ḥawrāni the next day, thus getting rid of the man who had exposed him in front of all the people. The reason for all this was Miḫāʾīl, and Fransīs was not prepared to let his cousin off the hook. Either he would send the money with the added interest or Fransīs would write to the consul of Alexandria and complain. Yet, one week later (Šaʿbān 18, 1219), Fransīs was still distressed and consumed by the business with al-ḥaǧǧ Yaʿqūb al-Ḥawrānī and had to suffer an afterblow of the affair. The money was now, finally, paid, although it had taken him great pains to find the cash, and even then only with an interest of 12 % for six months. He had given the creditor a surety with two documents (ḥuǧǧatayn) and that same evening paid the 350 ġuruš to Zaḫariyā in the absence of Yaʿqūb al-Ḥawrāni. He furthermore took steps towards publicly clearing his name when he met ḥaǧǧ Yaʿqūb at mass the next day in “our monastery” (dayrnā). There he handed over the documents (ḥuǧǧa and tamassuk) and read these out for respected people and all those attending in the monastery to hear. But at this moment something else dawned on him. Would Yūsuf b. Ḥannā Buṭrus287 not want to demand his own money now? Yet he had not done so, and Fransīs, growing suspicious, was wondering why. So that afternoon Fransīs went to

287

For this business see the previous letters Letter 46 (1218/10/24) and Letter 73 (1219/8/11).

analysis

139

visit Zaḫāriyā, who was ill at Mār Niqūlā, and who immediately handed Fransīs the pertinent documents (a ḥuǧǧa and tamassuk). When Fransīs read them at home, he found that the surety (a ḥiṣṣa, apparently a part of his house) was a dayn wafāʾ. The following letter (Letter 76) calls this by the more familiar term bayʿ wafāʾ, or deferred sale. This form of transaction is usually used in Islamic law to circumvent the payment of interest by selling a property, renting it from the new owner for a certain and often fixed period, and then buying it back with the rent paid in between those transactions serving as interest. Here, however, the interest constituted 3 ½ qīrāṭ (of the 24 qīrāṭ) of the house that was put up as surety, which his creditor would take possession of after four months while repaying the borrowed money was set to six months. Was this the scheme through which Fransīs secured the money to pay off al-Ḥawrānī? Why, then, was he so naïve as to not check the stipulations of the deal beforehand? We do not learn, but evidently Fransīs regards that this new blow is connected to the general mishandling of the al-Ḥawrānī affair. All of this suffering, for him, was because of the previous gullability of Yūsuf and particularly of Miḫāʾīl. So he wants Yūsuf to have Būluṣ (Yūsuf’s brother) write a letter and make Miḫāʾīl pay the 350 ġuruš to Fransīs together with the six months of interest. So much has his anger grown at this point that he resorts to threats: If Miḫāʾīl does not cooperate, Fransīs will complain with his consul in Alexandria (since Miḫāyīl served as Spanish vice-consul in Damietta, this would probably have been his superior) and otherwise thoroughly destroy his reputation even as far away as Istanbul. Two more parallel letters, written on the same day (Ramaḍān 3, 1219 / December 6, 1804) make clear that even after al-Ḥawrānī had been paid off, the issue was not settled and that the money still needed to be transferred at all costs. The interest was still accumulating and posed a grave danger if the money was not sent in time. For now, Fransīs could prevent confiscation of their house by al-Ḥawrānī, but it was a constant battle. The letters also describe the embarrassment suffered by Fransīs and, by extension, the whole family at the monastery, in his quarter, and in the coffee houses. The damage done to the house’s (bayt) finances and public standing was grave. Fransīs even demands to be sent a bottle of ink for he fears to be running out while venting his anger. We never learn what eventually happened to the house or when the matter of 350 ġuruš was finally laid to rest. But it seems that whenever one calamity was fixed, another one was already around the corner. Such, it would seem, was the life of a merchant. The examples shown in the previous chapter might at first suggest that negotiating a bill of exchange or būliṣa was a process that basically consisted of nothing more than writing a letter. This case study, on the other hand, has

140

analysis

shown it to be an at times complicated maneuver involving numerous parties and the exchange of several documents (besides the būliṣa, mention is made of the wuṣūl, tamassuk, and ḥuǧǧa) that were intricately interconnected, travels back and forth, and a need to carefully study the fine print of any written agreement. We also learn something about the value of 350 ġuruš. So large an amount was this that, according to Fransīs’s urgent complaints, it outright threatened to break his commercial existence. The tumultuous times could be cited to explain this: war, plague, and the interruption of shipments from Istanbul are mentioned while the business with al-Ḥawrānī was unfolding. At the same time, obligations from other parties kept weighing on Fransīs. Creditors like Ḥannā were lining up, there was the need to fix a crumbling house, and more than one upcoming wedding needed to be paid for. Somehow, all of this was achieved and business could go on. Was Fransīs, then, Jerusalem’s version of Scrooge McDuck, complaining about poverty in his sea of riches? The protracted maneuvering it took to produce just these 350 ġuruš suggests otherwise. While the dramatic language may thus have been an exaggeration, it might just as well be a reminder that the merchants we are encountering in this corpus were not of fairy-tale riches and they were living through tough times.

Edition

∵

Letter 1

143

Letter 1 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2838, no. 284. An unnamed monk to the abbot (abūnā al-rayyis) of a monastery, datable to after 1697. [This letter is similar in topic to the list ms orient. A 2838 / 282. Here, too, reference is made to the payments called ġafrīya.] The writer states that he has received the abbot’s previous letter asking him to appoint a representative (wakīl) to make his case in front of the congregation (maǧmaʿ). His answer is that his account and notebook will be his representative! They contain what he paid for in the name of the monastery during the term of abbot Rufāyīl. The writer particularly details the money he spent on a tour through Ramla, Acre, Nazareth, Ǧīnīn, Nablus, and Jerusalem on which the monk was sent by al-rayyis Bāldāṣār Kaldīrā and frā Ḍumyān in 1697 to accompany al-rayyis Sānṭūflūr. This trip cost 1200 ġuruš asadī in payments called ġafrīya,1 detailed in a notebook which he handed to the abbot Rufāyīl. That same year another 550 ġurš asadī were spent on another trip from Jerusalem to al-Ramla which the monk paid to Ibrāhīm b. Ḫiḍr because the abbot went by Nablus and not Ramla. This was paid in money and broadcloth (ǧūḫ). A further 500 ġurš asadī were spent as ġafrīya and payments (ḫidma) to the šayḫs of the Banī Ṣaʿb. Then 450 ġurš asadī in payments and baḫšīš to šayḫ alʿarab Muḥammad b. Rabāḥ. At the same time the monk spent 1000 ġurš asadī for Aṣlān bāša, the governor of Jerusalem, when the abbot, Samʿān al-Mārūnī, ʿĪduh Zalāṭa, and Yūsuf al-Naḥḥās came together to testify that [something unspecified] was a lie (šahadū ʿalayhi bi-l-zūr). The prior of the Greek Orthodox (wakīl al-Rūm) protected him from them. Also, when Aḥmad bāšā b. Ṣāliḥ bāša came to al-Ramla, they came out to meet him at Biʾr al-Zaybaq [a place at the gates of al-Ludd].

1 On the ġafar / ġafāra as an obligatory payment pilgrims were subjected to pay to their protective entourage comprised of local Bedouin and military, see ʿAbd al-Ǧabbūrī: al-Quds fī l-ʿahd al-ʿuṯmānī, p. 206; Seetzen: Reisen, vol. ii, p. 65 (Passagegeld).

‫‪144‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫الى حضرة ابونا الر يس المكرم‬ ‫الدي نعلم به حضرتكم هو ان مكتو بكم العز يز وصلني مع بركتك المقدسة وفهمنا مضمومنه ]كذا[ ومن‬ ‫جيهت ما دكرتم لي اني‬ ‫اوفق وكيل يقدم اقوالي وحقي للمجمع فارد جواب ذالك واقول ان وكيلي يكون حسابي ودفاتري‬ ‫مذكور يها‬ ‫الخرج الدي خرجته لاجل الدير في زمان الوكيل رفاييل فهدا هو حقي الدي طالبه في شر يعت‬ ‫حضرتك ومجمع‬ ‫الدير في الحساب المدكور سياتي تفشعوه واحده واحده بغير ان وصلني شي من الخرج المدكور خرجته‬ ‫لاجل الدير سوا الدي نفسره‬ ‫فاولا ًفي سنة ‪ ١٦٩٧‬في عشرة من شهر كانون الاول ودالك الخرج من يدي بامر الوكيل رفاييل فهو‬ ‫ان الر يس اسمه بالداصار‬ ‫كلديرا وفرا ضميان ارسلوني صحبت ست خياله فلاحين حتى ترافقو الر يس سانطوفلور واجيبه الى‬ ‫الرملة‬ ‫فلما وصلت الى عكا فالر يس المدكور لم فعل يجي معي للرملة بل توجه على الناصرة ومن الناصرة الى‬ ‫جينين والى النابلس الى القدس خرجت للغفر ية ومشايخ الفلاحين ـه ‪ ١٢٠٠‬غرش اسدي بموجب‬ ‫الدفتر‬ ‫الدي انا دفعته من يدي ليد الوكيل رفاييل ايضا فً ي دالك السنة لما نزلت من القدس الى الرملة اعطيط‬ ‫الى غفر يت الجرامنة دراهم وجوخ ـه ‪ 550‬اسدي ودالك بيد ابراهيم ابن خضر لان الر يس مرق‬ ‫من ضرب نابلس ولم يمرق من ضرب الرملة متل ما هو باين في دفتر الحساب الدي دفعته الى البادر‬ ‫رفاييل في دالك السنة السنة جرجت لجل الغفر ية ومشايخ بني صعب لاجل خدمة الر يس والوكيل‬ ‫و باقيت الرهبان بسبب انهم اجو على غير ضرب خمسماية غرش اسدي ـه ‪ ٥٠٠‬وايضا ًبخشيش الى‬ ‫شيخ‬ ‫العرب محمد ابن ر باح بسبب ان الر يس اجا على ضرب نابلس ـه ‪ ٤٥٠‬اسدي ايضا ًفي دالك الزمان‬ ‫اعطيت الى اصلان باشا باشة القدس الف غرش اسدي لما رفاييل المدكور وسمعان الماروني وعيده‬ ‫زلاطه و يوسف النحاس اجتمعو عليه وشهدو عليه بالزور و بسبب هده الشهادة الزور خرجت‬

‫‪145‬‬

‫‪Letter 2‬‬

‫للباشا الف غرش المدكورة ووكيل الروم كان يحميني منهم‬ ‫ايضا لً ما اجا احمد باشا ابن صالح باشا الرملة ووكلات الديوره اتوجهو بملاقاته في بير الز يبق‬

‫‪Letter 2‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2838, no. 282.‬‬ ‫‪Dated July 1764.‬‬ ‫‪A list of expenses incurred by monks during their travels in 1764.‬‬ ‫‪[The document is apparently by an administrator who presided over a maḫ‬‬‫‪zan that covered certain expenses, mostly travelers’ dues (called ġafar), rafq‬‬ ‫‪paid out to guides (mukārī) and the renting of beasts of burden. The monks‬‬ ‫‪must have come from many European countries as the payments were done‬‬ ‫‪in coordination with the Portuguese, Austrian and Neapolitan commission‬‬‫]‪ers.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫في بيا لً ما ارسلنا الرهبان السوارسه عاصبين دلك‬ ‫في حز يرا ً وفي تموز سنة ‪١٧٦٤‬‬ ‫فضة‬

‫زلطــــــــــة‬ ‫اول نقله راهب ‪ ١٢‬نفر اعطينا رفق العناو ية وغفرهم مع‬ ‫غفر العرب عنهكل راهب فضة ‪ ٢٠‬في يد المكاري قلانداو ية‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬

‫عنه غفر العناو ية في يد المكاري‬

‫‪٠٨‬‬

‫عنه غفرهم في يد المكاري‬

‫‪٠٠‬‬

‫وارسل الحاكم طال رفق السوارسه وغفرهم‬

‫‪١٨‬‬

‫هذ والمحاسرة مع الشاوش ارسلناهم لهو الرفق‬

‫ـ‬

‫‪٠١‬‬

‫والغفر عنه عنهكل نفر فضة ‪٣‬‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪٠٤‬‬

‫ايضا تً اني مرة راحو كمسار يت بورتوكال و بادرة‬ ‫اعطينا الرفق الى عيسى شيخ المكار ية والغفر متاع‬ ‫العناو ية والعرب عنه الرفق‬

‫‪146‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪٠٢‬‬

‫وعنه الغفر‬ ‫ورفق السوارسة وغفرهم مع المحاسرة تم في المخزن‬ ‫ايضا ًارسلنا خمس رهبان كمسار يت نابولي وغيرهم‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪٠٧‬‬

‫اعطينا رفقهم الى المكاري الى العناو ية‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪٠٣‬‬

‫وغفر عناو ية وعرب الى المكاري الشغار‬ ‫ورفق الساورسة والمحاسرة وغفرهم بقو عندنا في المخزن‬

‫‪١٥‬‬

‫اعطينا كري الدواب الى عيسى وقرضناه الى نقلت الحاىه‬ ‫زلطه‬ ‫‪١٥‬‬

‫‪verso‬‬ ‫في ‪ ٣‬اب ارسلنا تلاتت رهبان كمسار يت النمسا واعطينا‬ ‫الى العناو ية رفق زلطه ‪ ٤ ١/٢‬وغفر الى المكاري فضة ‪ ٦‬وكري الدواب‬ ‫وصلو من شيخ المكار يةكان ماخد سلف زلطه ‪ ١٥‬وصل زلطه ‪٩‬‬ ‫باقي عنده زلطه ‪ ٦‬الى غير مرة ورفق الساورسة والمحاسرة وغفرهم‬ ‫تعقب في المخزن مع الباقي وراح معهم مقدار واعطيناه زلطه ]‪[.‬‬ ‫في ‪ ١٨‬اب ارسلنا تمانيت رهبان كمسار يت بندقية وليكون‬ ‫زلطه و بالبر ية وفرا متيا واعطينا رفق العناو ية زلطه ‪ ١٢‬وغفرهم‬ ‫و‪٥‬‬

‫وكري الدوزاب زلطه ‪ ٢٤‬واستدينا من عيسى ابو عكر زلطه ‪٦‬‬

‫ما عاد لنا عليه شي وغفر الساوارسة والمحاسرة ورفقهم تم في المخزن‬ ‫ولما شرواح معهم الشاوش ومقدار من طرف الحاكم وتنين عناو ية‬ ‫ولما وصلو القر يةكان ابو صمره ومعه ثنين من جماعته ارسلهم فزعو‬ ‫السوارسة وحصلوهم في نطاف واخدو الرهبان‬ ‫دفعنا غفر ورفق السوارسة زلطه ‪ ٣١‬وغفر فضة ]‪ [..‬واجا حماد حرب المحسيري‬ ‫واعطيناه رفقه زلطه ‪ ١٥ ١/٢‬وغفر فضة ‪ ٣١‬وحكم طلوع رهبان فرا بلاس وكمساري‬ ‫اسبانيا واكم من راهب جملهكانو عشرة رهبان ارسلنا معاهم حماد‬ ‫حرب وتنين من طرف الحاكم واعطينا رفقهم وغفرهم الى المكاري الشر يف‬ ‫وراحو بالسلامة‬

147

Letter 3

Letter 3 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2838, no. 307. Dated 1787 in Bethlehem. This text, designated as the copy of a petition (daʿwat īrāḍ = īrād), chronicles the protracted and prolongued quarrels around the estate of Ǧurǧus Barbāra Abū Ḫalīl, deceased in Bethlehem in 1787. The partition of the estate between several members of Ǧurǧus’s family as well as his creditors is in dispute. After an initial regulation, in which all the deceased’s belongings were gathered on a square for all those with a claim to take from it, and in which the writer refrained from taking any action in order not to enrage the people, whom he describes as mad and drunk from this highly unusual procedure, he eventually came to Bethlehem to make his claims. The writer, apparently named Anṭūn, has to prove his relation with the deceased, and produces a paper that establishes it. Church authorities in Bethlehem, Jerusalem, ʿAyn Kārim, and an unnamed monastery are involved, since they have to document the degrees of relation through their baptismal records. The elders (iḫtiyārīyat) of the city as well as the elders of the dragomans2 in Jerusalem also play a part. Transcription ‫صورة دعوة ايراض في بيت لحم‬ ‫ تنيح في بيت لحم المرحوم‬1787 ‫ليس خافي جنابكم بان سنة‬ ‫جرجس بر باره ابن حياة عيسا ابو خليل والمذكور تنيح‬ ‫من غير خلف فاستحقت وراته الى اهله من ز يتون‬ ‫وتين وضار فانوجد ان مستحقين الورتة حنا ابو‬ ِ ‫خليل واخوه فرنسيس يستحقو النصف وابناء‬ ‫اسطفان المرحوم وماتيا ابن عمنا يعقوب و بطرس‬

2 Alternatively, this could refer to the Tarāǧima, a coalition of families tied by their relation to the Catholic mission in Bethlehem; see above fn. 46.

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫ابن عمنا عيسا يستحقو النصف فطلع قرابا وله معار يض‬ ‫لنا وادعا بان هوه له ُدين على هل مسكين الذي ماة‬ ‫ستت مايت غرش تحت هل رزق الموجود حتى احد يقدم‬ ‫يسده هل دين بعده يقدم الرزق للميدان في الوصط والذي‬ ‫بطلعله شي ياخده فقامت كل اهل بيت لحم انجنت من‬ ‫هل امر وسكرة من هل دعوة الباطلة نحن مضيعناة وتركنا‬ ‫الماهية حتى لا نقاتل ولا نعمل شر ونتلوة مع الرهبان بحيس‬ ‫حاطط ايده راهب اكراكام الى خاطر مرته وجوزها و بعده‬ ‫يحطونا في شيل وحط بين الرهبان فمضت تلاتت سناوات‬ ‫والرابعة بعده عام اول اجا الخـير في البراكة وخصاب حركنا نحن‬ ‫من هذه الطرف مع اهلنا حنا ابو خليل واخوه فرنسيس وطلبنا‬ ‫حقنا الذي اطعمه لنا ر بنا فطلبونا الى القسم فقمت انا شاورة‬ ‫حضرة وكيل العام فاعطانا الازن وخدة در بي وطلعت الى‬ ‫الى بيت لحم وفي بيت لحم انزلت عند فرنسيس ابو خليل في‬ ‫بيته لاجل نقدم محبه مع فرا باوله لان كده شارو علينا‬ ‫ناس من الجماعة بهده الطرف بعد ما وصلنا روحنا سلمنا‬ ‫على فرا باوله اول ليلة المذكور اعطانا على خاطرنا وصار‬ ‫اننا نتبع الجدور من عند الخوري والذي بطلعله شي بلحق‬ ‫يوخود حقيقيته واطلعنا من عنده على روحنا ومحبه وروحنا‬ ‫الى الخوري اترجيناه وصار انه يفتش كتاب المعمودية على‬ ‫الجدور و ينضر القرابةكيف يكون استحقاقها والخوري‬ ‫ترجانا بان نتمهل عليه خمس ستت ايام لان التفتيش بده‬ ‫طولة روح عرفناه ما في باس نحن بنقعد وكان فرا باوله‬ ‫اول ليلة عرفنا بان انا بعرف ان اليّء ِ شو ية دراهم عند‬ ‫جرجس بر باره المرحوم لاكن ما في باس انتو اتفقو في‬ ‫محبه واقسمو بينكم بلحق وانا الذي اليّء ِ بفوته منشان‬ ‫خاطركم فستكترنا بخـيره ولا ردنا نقوله لا زايد ولا ناقص‬

‫‪148‬‬

‫‪149‬‬ ‫ولا الك ولا مالك الاكتر الله خيرك وانتو دايما ًاصحاب‬ ‫الفضل والخـير واهل الرحمة وكلام اكتير كله متل هده‬ ‫‪left column‬‬ ‫ما لقينا الا تاني يوم تغير كلامه معانا و بديلعون في الكلام‬ ‫تالت يوم بينها بينها اشكره وقال لنا انا الى دراهم قر يب‬ ‫يا خمسماية يا ستت ماية لاكن الان انا لا ببينهم الا حتى تقسمو‬ ‫ما بينكم وما بطلعله شي لم بحط رجله في وما اعطاني‬ ‫قبلا شوغلي جاو بته يا ابونا انكان لك شي ما تبينه‬ ‫قبلا قال لا مشلا بعده قلتله ايضا بً لـكي يا ابونا هل‬ ‫ورات مالهم قدره يسدوك بفوتولك هل رزق بقا‬ ‫بينه قبلا انسب ما كان يكون معه في ذلك الوقت قلتله‬ ‫انا يا ابونا بحيس ان هدهكلامك بقا على هل راء ِ لم‬ ‫بسير قسم الانسب اني انا اقوم اروح بلا قسم بلا شي‬ ‫فقال لا انته اقسم و بعده انا بعود افتش على شغلي‬ ‫قلتله تاني ابونا كيف الذي اقسم و بعده اقوم احط‬ ‫افلوس انا جاية اشتري رزق مشترا في لحم واجي ابقا‬ ‫اقعد انطره انا يا ابونا ]…[ ما معي حتى اشتري‬ ‫رزق ولا معي فلوس اسد دين انا جاية اخود شي الذي‬ ‫قسامه لنا ر بنا بلحقيقة زي عوايد الناس قال بخاطرك‬ ‫انا من شغلي ما بفوت شي قلتله لا كان عن ازنك انا رايح‬ ‫قال بخاطرك مع السلامة واخد ضر به ركب هوه وفرنسيس‬ ‫ابو خليل وجبرايل وراحو الى ]بيت[ عين كار يم قمت انا‬ ‫قبل ما اجي للقدس جمعت كل خطيار يت التراجمة في‬ ‫اوضت الخوري واحضرة معهم عيسا حز بون وجبت حنا‬ ‫ابو خليل ونبهت عليه قدام الخوري وكل الحاضر ين بان لا‬ ‫معهم ازن لا يقسمو ولا يشيلو ولا يحطو غير بازننا وحضورنا‬

‫‪Letter 3‬‬

150

Edition

‫وشهدة عليهم عليهم وقمت جيت الى المدينة لما رجع‬ ‫فرا باوله من عين كار يم الى بيت لحم عاود رجع يقوم‬ ‫المشايخ والناس على حنا ابو خليل انه يقوم يقسم هوه‬ ‫واخوه هل رزق ما بينهم حتا ما كان يمكن معاهم قومنا نحن‬ ‫طرفنا ردينا شاورو الوكيل الـكبير واخدنا منه مكتوب‬ ‫الى فرا باوله بان ماله مقاراشة في شغل اولاد العرب فرا باوله‬ ‫رد جواب بانه هو ما هو مقار يش ونكر الحلة واترها‬ ‫وتاني يوم ارسل مكتوب مكتوب تاني من المشايخ الى الوكيل بانه‬ ‫هوه ما هو مقار يش انما انطون اجا الى هون وما كان‬ ‫يوجد قرابة بينه و بينهم عند الخوري ولا كان احد شهد له‬ ‫من اختيار يت بيت لحم ابنه بيستحق في الميراة فحالا ًانا اظهرة‬ ‫ورقت القرابة الذي معي بخط حنا ابو خليل يا سامي‬ ‫ار بعت اخوة ونسلهم فقال لنا الوكيل انته اتفاصل‬ ‫[ قلتله عن‬.]‫انته واهلك فرا باوله لم عادله ومقاراشـ‬ ‫ازنك انا راح اوكل وكيل فلاح مسلم شيخ سور باهيل‬

Letter 4 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2838, nos. 308 and 285. The two individual and unordered pieces can be joined based on their content. The second sheet is complete, but since the text starts in the middle of a sentence, there must have been a first folio. Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān, most likely in Cairo, to ḫwāǧa Buṭrus Čelebī. Dated 15.10.1208 = 16.5.1794. Anṭūn states that Abūnā Yaʿqūb has been deposed as wakīl and Abūnā Ṭādrūs has been installed in his stead. The latter has been in Alexandria for the past 30 to 40 days and is now preparing to come and take his position. For this occasion, the writer supports Yaʿqūb in settling the accounts (ḥisābāt) from his guardianship, including expenditures and incomes, masses, funerals, food, the monastery and the monks. Anṭūn describes in glowing terms the beneficial work of Yaʿqūb—including cooking copious meals and his solicitude in providing chewing tobacco (‫)نشوق‬

Letter 4

151

and tobacco (‫—)دخان‬and ascribes his deposition to an intrigue (ḥīla) that the monks “cooked up” (‫هده طبيخهم‬, ‫)طبخو هده الطبيخ‬. It appears that the wish of the monks, in concert with the consul Rossetti (Rūšītī),3 had been to install abūnā Ǧīzwālda in Yaʿqūb’s stead. But Ǧīzwālda swore not to set foot on their land (literally, he would not drink water from these lands again: ‫لم بقا يشرب من هذه البلاد‬ ‫ )ميه‬and moved to Aleppo. Then a large envelope (‫ )مغلف‬with letters arrived with the consul, but the monks did not want to open it before the new warden arrived. However, there was also a letter addressed to Yaʿqūb from Fra Gabriel, in which he was informed that he was awarded the wikāla of the monastery of Rašīd as well as the Spanish consulate there. Anṭūn rejoiced, but Yaʿqūb forcefully refused to go (‫ما بروح ولا‬ ‫)برجع لو عملوه سلطان‬, pointing out the dangers he would be in from the French, whom he had angered during his wardenship when he fought with them over the church and put up an apparently controversial picture (‫)صورة المرة القلمسونية‬ there. In the end he had given up the church to them, had barricaded the monastery and had gone to Cairo. Anṭūn then proceeds to detail the plight of Cairo’s Christians. He expresses his anger against the Syrian Orthodox (Rūm al-Shawāmm), complaining about their crimes and infighting and wishing wrath upon their heads. The matter at hand concerns five monk-priests and, according to the writer, should involve the consul of Spain. It is connected to the aformementioned conflict surrounding the monastery Dayr Miṣr, which the Spanish want to supply with Spanish monks. The five priests are reading the Psalms of David in secret. The governor Murād Bek had imprisoned and tortured two Christian secretaries of the Dīwān, muʿallim Niʿma Sīda and muʿallim Barakāt. One bought his freedom, the other was finally dragged to the water at Būlāq and nearly executed before intercession from a dignitary saved him. Some say this dignitary was the daughter of Ibrāhīm Bek, some that it was the influential Coptic secretary Ibrāhīm al-Ǧawharī. The writer deplores that the Christians did not try to save Barakāt and that his inner family (ḥarīm) was walking in vain from house to house seeking shelter. Newly appointed to the dīwān will be Ilyās ʿĀyida4 (probably replacing Barakāt). 3 Carlo Rossetti (1736–1820) was a Venetian merchant who, through a monopoly on the extraction and trade of natron, gained wealth, power, and presided over a merchant house based in Cairo. He was also representing several nations (Russia, France, England) as consul or in other capacities, as were his descendents. Seetzen: Reisen durch Syrien iii, pp. 162, 190; Qarʾalī: AlSūrīyūn fī Miṣr, vol. ii, p. 19 (consul of Austria and Russia); Elizabeth H. Shlala: “The de Rossetti Affair: Legal Pluralism and Levantine Identity at the Crossroads of Empires,”British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 43 (2016), pp. 40–55, esp. 43–44. 4 A letter of his to the Maronite priest in Damietta, Yūsuf Samʿānī, dated Ṣafar 21, 1207 / Octo-

152

Edition

After the release of Barakāt, massive payments (ǧarīma) are being levied on the Egyptian Christians—be they Syrian, Frank, or Copt—and the Jews. Finally, Anṭūn Isṭifān inquires about the fate of Fransīs al-Sāyiġ, who has been imprisoned. Throughout the letter, Anṭūn urges Buṭrus to keep everything he has confided in it confidential. [The identifiable Christian dignitaries mentioned in the text are Copts. The chronicler ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ǧabartī mentions the sympathy of the ruler Murād Bey towards Orthodox Syrian Christians (al-arwām) during the controversial project of building up an Egyptian war fleet,5 while according to this letter the same governor moves against Copts, indicating a possible connection. The political events described in this letter are not mentioned in the chronicle of al-Ǧabartī. They play out in a climate of political tension after the disaster of the pilgrimage caravan, which was robbed earlier that year by Bedouin, necessitating a costly mobilization of troops. But there was also a long-swelling dispute within the churches that escalated in these years, namely a struggle over the use of a room in the church of Damietta as well as the right for spiritual guidance of the Catholic community in the city, which was contested between the Maronites and the Roman-Catholics and within the Maronite church between the patriarch and the Maronite Aleppine Order of monks.6 Murād Bey used this struggle to close the church and then press large sums from the affected communities. It is not clear whether the report in this letter on the appointment as head of a monastery are connected to this episode in any way. In this letter, the merchant Anṭūn Isṭifān appears exclusively as a man concerned with the internal politics of the church and not as a merchant. The news from Būlāq indicate that the letter was sent from Cairo.]

ber 8, 1792, is edited in Qarʾalī: Al-Sūrīyūn fī Miṣr, vol. ii, pp. 12–13. He is here designated as a tax farmer (multazim al-muqāṭaʿa). The editor describes Ilyās as member of a Roman-Catholic family from Aleppo, but he is likely inferring this from the name only and does not give any sources for his claim. From the letter itself it only becomes clear that the writer was not a Maronite and was emotionally attached to the Roman-Catholic priest in Damietta on whose death he reports. 5 See Ǧabartī, ʿAǧāʾib, iii, p. 202. 6 See Qarʾalī: Al-Sūrīyūn fī Miṣr, vol. ii, pp. 7–23; Philipp: The Syrians.

‫‪153‬‬

‫‪Letter 4‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫‪Ms. orient. A 2838, no. 308‬‬ ‫ياهو‬ ‫اخونا العز يز خواجه بطرس چلبي دام مكراما ًومحروسا ًمن الله امين‬ ‫اعرف خوتكم الـكرامة بان نهار جمعة مبارك ليلة عيد‬ ‫وجود السليب المشرف له ُالسجود والاوقار والمجد‬ ‫حضرة مكاتبة من طرفكم لهذه الطرف في عزل ابونا‬ ‫يعقوب من المر يسة اعني الوكالة وموكلين‬ ‫عواضه واحد اختيار قديم يسما ابونا طادروس‬ ‫الان بقا له مدة تلاتون ار بعون يوم موجود في‬ ‫اسكاندر ية والان في نظرة قدومه لهده الطرف‬ ‫بقا يا عز يز على هده الشان نحن وحلنا تاني مع‬ ‫ابونا يعقوب في تكو ين وتجميع الحسابات لانه‬ ‫مقو يم يذبط كافت احساباته في طول مدة‬ ‫وكالته سبعة شهور من داخل وخاريج من‬ ‫قداديس اكبار من قداديس ازغار من جنازاة‬ ‫من مطبخ من مصروف دير ورهبان ومن جميعه‬ ‫و بقا لنا جمعه وحلانين معه ولم كنا نخلص‬ ‫ولا انشالله تعالى الخلاص على الله تعالى بلخير‬ ‫لان هده الخطرة قاصدنا بان يكون حسابه مذبوط‬ ‫طيب و يكون مجمل فضة و بعد الفضة ر يالات‬ ‫وقروش اسدي تلاتت انواع ومن كرم ر بنا‬ ‫وعونه تعالى ساير كل شي طيب ومذبوط‬ ‫وهو حضرة ابونا يعقوب مبصوط ومحظوظ‬ ‫في هذه الامر وخلاصه من هذه المحل والوضيفة‬ ‫والان بز يد حظهكل ما شاف صورة حساب مظبوط‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫على قد كيفه وخاطره لانه ميشلل بلكلية‬ ‫ر بنا يسطر طر يقته وطر يقتنا وطر يقة الجميع‬ ‫واما من يمنا نحن هده المادة قوي غمتنا يا اخي‬ ‫لاننا كنا عايشين معه بمليح بردي سالك‬ ‫علينا وسالـكين عليه ومسطور ين نحن واياه‬ ‫بستر ر بنا واما الذي جايه بعرفونا عنهم بانه‬ ‫ناشف قاشف اختيار ومشنك من جميعه‬ ‫حتى الرهبان شنكة منه بحيس انه هده‬ ‫طبيخهم هنه وروشيتي القنصل مع ابونا‬ ‫جيزوالضه طرفكم ولاكن الان ندمانين‬ ‫‪left column‬‬ ‫ولاكن لم بقا لها حيلة لانها فشلة في لحاهم‬ ‫هنه طبخو هده الطبيخ وكتبو الى القدس‬ ‫فظنو بان يقوم يحضر تاني لهده الطرف الى‬ ‫مرسيته ابونا جيزوالده ولاكن ما هن ظانين‬ ‫ان المذكور اظن على ما بلغني من قبل نصف‬ ‫الصيام المبارك بانه لم بقا يشرب من هده‬ ‫البلاد ميه و بلغني انه طلعله الامر يتوجه‬ ‫الى حلب واما الان بقولو الرهبان بانه بحيس‬ ‫لنه وكيل في وكيل نحن وكيلنا الحاضر طيب ونحن‬ ‫راضين منه ولاكن بعد ايش بعد ماخري‬ ‫القط في الطحين الان ابونا يعقوب بقول‬ ‫خير خير ين انا لم بقيت اقبل ولا بقعد ولا‬ ‫بقالي خلاص في هلبلاد على بعضها‬ ‫بحيس ان يااخي حقا ًابونا يعقوب لم‬ ‫كان ردي في حق رهبانهكان مدللهم ومكفكف‬

‫‪154‬‬

‫‪155‬‬ ‫عليهم زي الحلم الحنونهكساهم من جميع لوازمهم‬ ‫كان قايم لهم في جميع لوازمهم من جميعه لحد‬ ‫نشوقهم ودخانهم وكلشن كان و بعد انه‬ ‫دخل على الدير فار يغ رد ملاه وموانه من جميعه‬ ‫وكان كل يوم يطها لهم و يطبخلهم ار بعة‬ ‫اشكال خمست اشكال ولحد ستة وسبعة‬ ‫صفرةكل ان في‬ ‫ما عدا النقليات وفاكها بعد ال ُ‬ ‫اوانه الغاية من جميعه بحيس انه بلغني من قسس‬ ‫واعوام بان خلاف رواسه لم كانو سايقين هده‬ ‫المساق وابونا جيزوالده حتى النشوق قطعة عنهم‬ ‫في مدته بقا الذي يتنشق يجيب من كبسه والذي‬ ‫غدر يبطله واما هده مونهم من النشوق‬ ‫الحلابي والـكرفوه وهمه لم بطلعو عن شمت‬ ‫نشوق الغاية الان ندمانين وساير ين في بحر حيرة‬ ‫وفي فكرة عظيمة لانهم بخـبرو عن الوكيل الذي‬ ‫قادم بانه ناشف قوي والظاهر خمير لم في الذي‬ ‫كان مبشلل مبشلل برا ولم هم عارفين يطولوه والان‬ ‫مدخول يقوم فيهم وفي الدير كلواجب لم في الغاية‬ ‫ر بنا يعطينا خيرهم و يبعدنا عن شرهم لان حقا يً ااخي‬ ‫مقارفتهم قوي تعبه اسال الله المعونة والتدبير‬ ‫‪verso‬‬ ‫اسال الله تعالى المعونة والتدبير لان نحن كنا متسلين‬ ‫في ابونا يعقوب ولاكن الحال يا صبحان الله في بختنا‬ ‫وما نعلم كيف العمل يا اخونا لان ر با مالها فايدة‬ ‫ولا اشاره ولا من ز يد ولا من عبيد ولا من نطاط‬ ‫الحيط ما حد في هده الطرف لا في خير ولا رحمة‬

‫‪Letter 4‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫مالها فايدة غير تدبير ر بنا صبحانه وتعالى وستنا مر يم‬ ‫العضرة بقا على كل حال طالب المعونة والستر مع توب‬ ‫العافية من جودهم وكرمهم ببركة صالح دعاكم جميعكم‬ ‫غير ذلك اعرف خوتكم المكرامة ولاكن سرا ً وكذلك‬ ‫ارجوك بان كافت شرحي وكتبي تحفضوه في سركم‬ ‫لا تطلعو عليه مخلوق ولا الدبان الازرق غير حضرة‬ ‫الولدة المكرامة لان لبد بانه معلوم عندكم بان‬ ‫ما حد في خير غير ان فقط سوف قضروني كونو‬ ‫رجالهكما املي فيكم واحفضو السر واظن بان من هده‬ ‫القبيل فلا يقتضي الى خوتكم ز يادة شرح لمن مثلـكم‬ ‫وهو اعرفكم بان في هده المكاتيب بهده المرة في خبر ية‬ ‫تغير وكيل المر يسة وما سبق اجا مغلف اكبير‬ ‫تسليم القنصل ما عدا مكاتيب الر يس والرهبان‬ ‫ولتار يخه هده المغلف لم حد بعلم ايش في الظاهر‬ ‫بستنظرو الوكيل الر يس الجديد و بعده يظهروهم‬ ‫ولاكن مع جملة مكاتيب الر يس والرهبان حضر مكتوب‬ ‫الى الر يس ابونا يعقوب من فرا كبر يل وكيل يافا‬ ‫وفي مكتو به مكاتبة ومعرفة بان قادمة له ُمر يسة‬ ‫رشيد تاني وعليه قنصلية قنصلية اسبانيا في ثغر‬ ‫رشيد نحن حين بلغنا ذلك انحظينا قوي ونو ينا‬ ‫نكسح معه على رشيد ولاكن حضرة ابونا يعقوب‬ ‫بسلامته ما بي ليك ليك رشيد ما بروح ولا‬ ‫برجع لو عملوه سلطان لانه حاسب حساب العطب‬ ‫من الفرنساو ية بامر القتل على غفله لانه في حين‬ ‫مر يستهكشر له على سنانه وشنع معهم في‬ ‫المصاحبة على شان الـكنيسة وحططهم صورة‬

‫‪156‬‬

‫‪157‬‬

‫‪Letter 4‬‬

‫المرة القلمسونية‪ 7‬في الـكنيسة وقفل الدير‬ ‫وسيب لهم الـكنيسة وقام حضر الى مصر ٌ‬ ‫ثم الان اعرفكم تاني تحت كتمان السر كما افيد خوتكم‬ ‫بان لا تعرفو احدا ً في كافت ما اكتبه لـكم جملةكافية‬ ‫‪left column‬‬ ‫غير ان توخدو الاخبار الشافية بلمعروف و بكل رقة‬ ‫من بيت لونصه من فرنسيس ابن خالنا من لانه لم يخفاه‬ ‫شي لو كان من بيت خاله لونصه يا من ابونا جيزوالده‬ ‫لاني بفهم لم بخبي عنه شي الغاية من اين ما كان‬ ‫ولاكن ابدلو جهدكم بكل معروف ورقة ومن غير ما‬ ‫تعملو معكم شي خير من هده ولا يظهر منكم باني انا‬ ‫كاتب لـكم وزود معروفكم كفاية الان هو ان هنه‬ ‫في خبر سري بان قضايا امور دير مصر ٌ والـكنيسة‬ ‫ما جرا وما كان ما بين رهبان والشوام الروم الكاتولـكية‬ ‫انعرضتهكافت امورها الى اولجي اسبانيا‬ ‫الى اسلانبول والى دولة اسبانيا المحمية‬ ‫والحال الان الاستنظار في الجوابات الشافية من‬ ‫دولة اسبانيا المحمية والقول بان دير مصر ٌ‬ ‫قر يبا ًجاينه رهبان اسبانيولية وتوضع‬ ‫يدها على الدير اسبانيولية والبعض من الرهبان‬ ‫الذي بدها تحضر مسماين والبعض منهم بعرفهم‬ ‫اناولي معهم معرفة فانكان همه صحيح بقا هده‬ ‫لبد توخدو خباره على الحقيقة بكل معروف وتنظر‬ ‫كلامي لمن عرفتك في كتبي من سكاندر ية بانه بلغني‬

‫?‪7 Is this an adjective formed from the French name Clemenceau‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫ان فرا جوان لبيره حط يده في امور دير مصر ٌ ورد‬ ‫جواب في المجمع بانه الصنيورة والكنايس بهده‬ ‫الاقطار الشرقية مالها مالها بها تعلق لا كرسي‬ ‫راصولي ولا معلمين دمه ولا مجمع مقد ولا خلافه‬ ‫صنيورة الشرق ولا كنايس الشرق ما نوطا في‬ ‫القرانات المسيحية وتدبيرهم لهم لانهم همه هامينهم‬ ‫ومحافظينهم واتفقو كلهم على هده الراء ِ وكتبو‬ ‫واعرضو حضرتك جاو بتني بان هده الخـبر لم بدخل‬ ‫عقل ولا له ُاثار طرفكم بقا استخبر الان بمعروف‬ ‫واسترق الامور جاو بني بكل حقيقة من يم‬ ‫هده الطرف في اشاراةكتيرة الى اسبات ذلك ولاكن‬ ‫امر ين الذي اسبتولنا بز يادة الامر الاول تسيب‬ ‫دير مصر ٌ هلقدر زمان من غير ر يس متصرف كالعادة‬ ‫لانه هده امر ضد القاعدة والطر يقة تانيا ًفي صوم‬ ‫الـكبير حضر مكاتبه من دولة اسبانيا الى القنصل‬ ‫روشيتي بان تدير بالك على الرهبان وتدار يهم مثل‬ ‫‪Gotha orient. A 2838, no. 285‬‬ ‫‪recto‬‬ ‫وتدار يهم مثل ببو عينك واياك ثم اياك انه يبلغنا بانهم انها من‬ ‫بادنا امر لانك سوف تندم اعطي بالك لهم قد ما يمكنك وز يادة‬ ‫الى حين يدبر الله ومن هده المكاتبة روشيتي بلع ر يقه لان دايما ًهو‬ ‫حرفه مايل نواحي روم الشوام ام بسبب ان همه ساندينه وغرقان معهم‬ ‫في الديون الى فوق الشوشة وخاصتا ًمع يعقوب صوايا هده ما اقتضى‬ ‫تعر يفكم به و بقا نحن في نظرة جوابكم الشافي ولبد يحضر قنصل سبنيولي‬ ‫لهده الطرف يا من الرهبان يا بحضر واحد عامي ر بنا يقدم ما في الخـير‬ ‫الى الجميع من خصوص اخبار هده الطرف ما في شي يسر القلب لم في‬

‫‪158‬‬

‫‪159‬‬ ‫غير اسخام وغضب ناز يل على روس الشوام خساير وجرومات‬ ‫وشكايا و بكايا وضرب في بضهم ]كذا![ البعض وعمال بسحقو بعضهم البعض‬ ‫كمتل امنيت الفخار وهده شي كله من الغضب لانهم فاتو الحدود‬ ‫وعندنا خمست كوهانة من الرهبان المشرافة والخمسة مورسلين‬ ‫ما بتسمع من فمهم على الشوام الروم الكاتوليكيه غير الغضو بات‬ ‫والاعنات والحرومات وتتكتك سر امي وما شا كل ذلك ومن طرايق‬ ‫الـكهنوت وما عدا هدهكله بقا لهم نحو ستة شهور كل ليلتن‬ ‫الداعي اخيكم انطون‬ ‫اسطفان‬ ‫ترجمان‬ ‫هـ‬ ‫‪right margin‬‬ ‫في ‪ ١٥‬چوال سنة ‪١٢٠٨‬‬ ‫على الله بعدما يقولو طلبت العدرة عليها اشرف‬ ‫السلام بتقف الخمست كوهنة على الخمست هياكل‬ ‫الـكنيسه مدابح الرب العظيم و بتعمل لهم دوعا‬ ‫و بقرو لهم المزمور الماية وتمانية من مزامير‬ ‫النبي داود بقا اطلعو على هده المزمور‬ ‫سرا ً وتميزو هده الدعا واجعلو هده في‬ ‫سرا ً قطعا ًزي خلاف اموار لان هده سرا ً‬ ‫ما حد عنده خبره غيري انا السبب اني بفهم‬ ‫في ]‪ [. . . .‬اياكم ثم اياكم يطلع منكم وهده‬ ‫يا اخي وعمال الشوام ]‪ [..‬غير الشوام وكلمن‬ ‫كان ملتمس فيهم زي شخاخ ]‪[. . . . . . .‬‬ ‫الى ورا والجميع بهده الطرف على خراب من‬

‫‪Letter 4‬‬

‫‪160‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫غير عمار بينهم و بين ]‬

‫[ العمار الله‬

‫واعرفكم ايضا بً ان في ‪ ١٠‬ايار الجاري علينا‬ ‫سعادة امير الولاية مراض بيك‪ 8‬رما‬ ‫القبض على معلمين الديوان الجدد‬ ‫المعلم نعمة سيده والمعلم براكات‪ 9‬وحطهم‬ ‫تحة الضرب والاهانة المعلم نعمة سيده‬ ‫بات ليلة في الحبس وتاني يوم حط تمانية‬ ‫عشرة الاف ر يال وخرج من الحبس ولبس‬ ‫على الديوان تاني لوحده وخبر و بانهم‬ ‫ارسل البيك هجـين ورا لياس عايدة‬ ‫لـكي يلبسه مع نعمة على الديوان والان في‬ ‫نظرته‬ ‫‪top margin‬‬ ‫نرجع الى المعلم براكات استقام في الحبس ]‬

‫[ تلاتت‬

‫ايام وتلاتت ليالي وارتحا تحة النبوة مرتين وتالة يوم‬ ‫نهار التلاتة طلع الامر بانه ينزلوه البحر بعد الضهر اخدوه‬ ‫على بولاق ونزلوه البحر وكانت المطبوخية على قتله‬ ‫في البحر ولاكن اتاه البخت حالا ًاجاته شفاعة ناس‬ ‫بقولو الشفاعة من بنت ابراهيم بيك ناس بقول من ابراهيم‬

‫‪Died 4.12.1215/29.4.1801. He was at first among the major amīrs of his master Muḥammad‬‬ ‫‪Bek Abū Ḏahab, then after the latter’s death was made leader in his stead. He shared the‬‬ ‫‪power with Ibrāhīm Bek. Ǧabartī, ʿAǧāʾib al-āṯār, iii, pp. 200–205.‬‬ ‫‪This is likely the Barakāt who, described as a former Coptic secretary (min aʿyān katabat‬‬ ‫‪al-Qubṭ, muʿallim al-dīwān sābiqan), was eventually beheaded nine years after this letter,‬‬ ‫‪on 13.2.1217/15.6.1802, without the sources giving a reason for this; see al-Ǧabartī: ʿAǧāʾib‬‬ ‫‪al-āṯār, iii, 274. He is also mentioned in 1199 in another letter (Gotha orient. A 2840, no. 8,‬‬ ‫‪not part of this volume) by Aḥmad Sīda to Maḥmūd Ḥasan.‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

‫‪9‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪Letter 4‬‬

‫الجوهري‪ 10‬ما حد لسا محقق الغاية على كل حال ر بنا خلصه‬ ‫ونجاه من القتل حالا ًلحقه الى بولاق السراج باشي ونزل‬ ‫وراه الى البحر ورجعه بامر من البيك بانه يروح الى بيته‬ ‫لانه عفا عنه واجا الى بيته بعد المغرب وشفق ر بنا على‬ ‫ولاياه لان يا اخي في مدة التلاتت ايام وهو في الحبس‬ ‫تحة الضرب والاهانات ما حد احتركله من المسيحية اصل‬ ‫بقو مثله حر يمه داير ين يقعو و يقومو من مطرح الى‬ ‫مطرح والله تعالى الظاهر شفق عليهم وهده احوال مصر‬ ‫واحوال المسيحية الذي فيها وشي عرس من هده لا ينبغي شرحه والدعا‬ ‫بالخـير‬ ‫‪verso‬‬ ‫وجمعة تار يخه ارتحت جر يمه على نصراء مصر‬ ‫من جميعه اشوام وفرنج وقبط وعلى اليهود‬ ‫وعلى الجميع نحو الف كيس وز يادة وقايمة‬ ‫القيامة وناز يل الغضب والـكيبه ور بنا يسطر‬ ‫بقيت العواقب لان القول بان لياس عايدة‬ ‫قادم لهده الطرف بهده القرب ومتى بلغ‬ ‫لهده الطرف المر بوطية يلبسوه على الديوان‬ ‫مع نعمة سيده وهده في قدومه ولبسه على‬ ‫الديوان بده يحرق روحه وروح بقيت النصارة‬ ‫معاه و بدها تقوم قيامات في مصر غير هده‬ ‫القيامات ر بنا من كرامه يتحنن و يغيرهده‬ ‫الاحوال بغيرها و يفرجها من عنده بلخير‬

‫‪Died 11.1209 / 1795. Coptic secretary and head of the Coptic scribes (ra’īs al-kataba al-aqbāṭ‬‬ ‫‪bi-Miṣr). A man of unmatched influence first with Muḥammad Bek, then Ibrāhīm Bek.‬‬ ‫‪Ǧabartī, ʿAǧāʾib al-āṯār, vol. ii, ed. Moreh, pp. 314–315.‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

162

Edition

‫واعتمدو قولي في كتمان السر كما املي فيكم‬ ‫ومكاتيبكم لا تمنعوهم عنا بكافت ما يجد من‬ ‫الاخبار طرفكم اجمالا ًوتفصيلا ًوعرفوني‬ ‫قضيت القس فرنسيس السايغ وفعلته في‬ ‫الجنجلة وحبسته وكيف جرا في بلتفسير‬ ‫وكذلك عن خلافه والله تعالى يبقي حياتكم‬ ‫البقا الجميل و يجمعني في رو ياكم بكل خير في الوقة‬ ‫والمكان المرضي الى عزته وجلاله تعالى ولا‬ ‫يحتاج مني بزايد توصيه لـكم على حضرة‬ ‫الولدة المكرامة والاولاد المحروسين من الله‬ ‫ودايما تطمنولي عليكم في التفسير بكل‬ ‫حقيقة وعمركم يطول والدعا بلخير اخيكم‬ ‫انطون‬

Letter 5 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2838, no. 247. Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān to Damyān Isṭifān Tarǧumān in Jaffa. Dated 21.2.1212 = 15.8.1797. Throughout this letter, the sender Anṭūn Isṭifān Tarǧumān reproaches the addressee Damyān Isṭifān—whom he addresses as his son while at the same time calling himself Damyān’s “uncle” (ʿammukum)—for the haughty and aggressive style (ʿizzat nafs wa-ḫalq wa-ḥamāqa) of his previous letter. This may be the reason why this letter opens so abruptly, without the usual courteous greetings, with a formular that in other instances only starts the body of the letter or official writings, namely laysa ḫāfīkum. However, Anṭūn is willing to overlook the uncouthness of Damyān’s letter (literally, he will “put a grain of salt in his eyes”) for he would be shy in the eyes of God and the world to reply in kind. Anṭūn then proceeds to discuss a transfer of money (10 zalaṭa). [This may have been the source of the contention between the two.] Anṭūn Isṭifān has helped out with the payment while he at the same time deplores his financial

Letter 5

163

constraints (zanqa) and asks (ironically) about the nature of Damyān’s financial problems, that is why he has not taken care of this himself. Anṭūn counsels Damyān on how he should have acted and what he should have written instead of what he did write. The letter ends discussing the sending of small items: Damyān should send a container (tanka) belonging to Bayt Mitrī, so he can receive rosewater in it. He is to sell the water and share the profit. This letter is accompanied by sharp grapes (ḥiṣrim) in a bag. Damyān is asked to pay the bearer of the letter, a camel driver (ǧammāl), his fare. Transcription ‫بعونه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى اسكلة يافا يتسلم بيدي حضرة ولدنا‬ ‫الاعز الاكرم الخواجه دميان اسطفان ترجمان‬ ‫المكرم امانة بلخير‬ below the address, reversed ‫الرجا تدفع كرا الجمال ناقله فضة‬ ٥ recto ‫ولدنا الاعز الخواجه دميان دام بخـير امين‬ ‫ليس خافيكم بان وصلنا عز يز كتابكم المحرر منكم بعزة نفس‬ ‫وخلق وحماقة ولاكن على كل حال لو اني احط في عيوني در من‬ ‫ملح يكون حصو صامة واخجل اولان من الله و بعده من‬ ‫العالم لبد ما كان ر بي يقدرني على جوابكم وكتابتكم بحمق‬ ‫وعزة نفس وتعنيف زي دي ولاكن اذا ً وضعة الملح في‬ ‫في اعيوني اخاف يداركني العما واذ داركني العما على‬ ‫كل حال يتق عرق الحيا ومتى تق عرق الحيا من الانسان يضيع‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫ايضا ًمخافت الله اساله تعالى يسطرنا و يسطر الجميع‬ ‫بخيمت ستره واذ كان يا عاقل يا صاحب الفضل والمعروف‬ ‫الداعي عمكم‬ ‫انطون اسطفان‬ ‫ترجمان‬ ‫‪right margin‬‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ٢١‬صفر‬ ‫‪١٢١٢‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫انا من زنقتي حشت على فرنسيس ميكيل‬ ‫عشرة زولط حق صولبانه تعلقه شكل‬ ‫سلفه وعرفت بان العشرة زولط بقا‬ ‫حوالتهم عليّ وهو طرافي انشالله بعد‬ ‫كم يوم يسيرة يصلوك ايش زنقك‬ ‫انته الى كتابه زي دي يا لبيب فاذا ً‬ ‫كان زنقك مكتو به لـكم كان‬ ‫يلزمك تجاو به انا شيعت‬ ‫الى عمي انطون ولبد انه قر يبا ً‬ ‫يسرجلك في بتاعك و بعد‬ ‫كان يجب ترسل تستخبر‬ ‫مني كيف صورة الماره لم‬ ‫كان لازمك الى مكاتبه زي‬ ‫دي ولاكن دي جميعه لـكي‬ ‫يتم قول الله ما يخرج من‬

‫‪164‬‬

‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪Top margin‬‬ ‫الفم الا ما في القلب وهذه فضلـكم علينا عوض‬ ‫ما انتم ملتفتين صو بنا ومفتشين كما يجب‬ ‫عليكم بقا نظرا لً ذلك كده يلزمكم تو بخونا وتقلو‬ ‫قيمتنا في مكاتبتكم ولا باس يا ولدي هذه جميعه‬ ‫حتى لم تكذب الامثال الذي بقول ابن تيزك‬ ‫بو بزك كمان ولا باس هذه جزاء واقل من جزاء‬ ‫و يكون الجميع على اسم مجد الله الـكر يم ولاكن لـكي‬ ‫تتميزو اوموركم واصلـكم مكتو بكم تاني‬ ‫واوصلـكم جواب فرنسيس ميكيل وانظرو انكان كلام المذكور‬ ‫محوجكم الى مكاتبه زي في حقنا ولا تواخدني يا‬ ‫خواجه لان من المعلوم لمن بقع القضا بعر البصر‬ ‫نرجوكم السماح‬ ‫‪verso‬‬ ‫المراض منكم بان ترسلو التنكه بتوعة بيت متري بتوعة عام اول لـكي نرسل‬ ‫لـكم الماورد بتاعكم لان يحتمل تبيعه ونتصرف في حقهكما بقيتم دفيدونا والان‬ ‫في طر يقه واصلـكم الحصرم صحبة ناقله داخل كيس تعرفونا وصوله والله تعالى‬ ‫يحسن الخاتمة بلخير‬

‫‪Letter 5‬‬

166

Edition

Letter 6

figure 19a Letter 6

Letter 6

167

figure 19b Letter 6

Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 2. Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī to Yūsuf b. Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā in Jerusalem (Bayt al-Maqdis). Dated 11.11.1215 = 26.3.1801.

168

Edition

There are columns of numbers of an account on the address side of the letter. Al-Ḥalabī informs al-Ḥaddād about the arrival of two letters. In those letters, Ḥaddād has asked for the delivery of Ḥims-made mandalīyāt and būšīyāt. Unable to find them, al-Ḥalabī is sending mandalīyāt of Baghdad instead. He has them as well as a white Kirmānī shawl colored. All is wrapped in a paper with Yūsuf’s name on it, put in the bale (rizma) of ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ al-Ṭabbāʿ and sent to Miḫāyil al-Naḥḥās in Jerusalem. In return, al-Ḥalabī wants al-Ḥaddād to send ṭūḫ. Muḥammad has received and wants to send two skull-caps (ṭāqa) from Aleppo, but awaits instructions from Yūsuf as to the size and form (iškāl) he wants. He will also send a dress called maḍrabīya (‫)مضر بيه‬,11 but is not sure that the tailoring in Jerusalem will conform to his region’s taste. The different styles of weaving and tastes in the regions are discussed. The list of requested items comprises an English watch (sāʿa), the preferred watch-maker is named (‫[ )جرجي بر بول‬but I could not identify this name].12 The specifics of the requested watch in size and material are very detailed. [The copious greetings betray an intimate relationship with the addressee’s extended family, including his mother. Despite this closeness on business and personal levels, this is the only letter by or to Muḥammad al-Ḥalabī to survive in the corpus. He may be identical to the “‫ ”سيد امحمد‬mentioned several times in other letters of Anṭūn Ḥaddād and his son.]

11 12

This would have to be a ‫مدر بية‬, “habit qui resemble à fermalîyyé, et qui est orné des cordons et des rubans”; Berggren: Guide français-arabe vulgaire, col. 800. According to Seetzen: Reisen iii, p. 362, the preferred English watches in Egypt were George Prior and George Charle. Could the name in the letter be read as Ǧurǧī Briyūl as an erroneous rendering of George Prior? More contemporary details on the local watchmakers are found in Seetzen: Tagebuch des Aufenthalts in Aleppo, 179–180: According to this, there were several watchmakers (Uhrmacher) in Aleppo. Seetzen has his watch repaired by an Armenian, who was said to be the best master in town and who charges 37 piasters. He had never seen a watch like Seetzen’s and estimates its value at 1500 piasters. “In der Levante ist die Zahl der Taschenuhren sehr gross, obgleich nicht so ansehnlich als in manchen Ländern von Europa. Man liebt die Uhren, die schwer sind, unter den ältern Uhren sind besonders die von einem englischen Fabrikanten Markwik in Ansehen.” Numbers have to be Arabic.

‫‪169‬‬

‫‪Letter 6‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة بيت المقدس المشرفة و يسلم‬ ‫ليد محبنا الخواجه يوسف ابن الخواجه‬ ‫انطون الحداد ابو موسى‬ ‫امانة مرسلة‬ ‫بالخـير ‪٨٦٤٢‬‬ ‫‪recto‬‬ ‫اعز الاصدقا والمحبين محبنا وعز يزنا الخواجه يوسف سلمه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫اولا مز يد كثرة الاشواق لرؤ ياكم بكل خير وعافية وان سالتم عنا‬ ‫فلله الحمد والمنة نهار تار يخه بغاية الصحة وكمال العافية والذي‬ ‫نعرفكم به لا عرفكم الله بمكروه هو انه قبل تار يخه وصلنا‬ ‫منكم اول مكتوب وثاني قراناهم وما فيهم فهمناه وحمدناه‬ ‫تعالى على صحة سلامتكم وذكرتم من جهة مندليات و بوشية‬ ‫حمصية فدورنا على بوشية حمصية مطلو بكم ما وجدنا‬ ‫اخذنا لـكم ار بع مندليات بغداديات سعر ‪ ٦ ١ / ٢‬واخذنا‬ ‫لـكم لفة شالهكرمانية بيضة طيبةكثير سعر ‪ ٢٠‬وصبغناها‬ ‫حديدي وصبغنا من المندليات عدد ‪ ٢‬حديدي واثنتين‬ ‫بيض كلهم فرد ثمن عنهم ‪..‬ـه ‪ ٤٦‬يكون معلومكم وذكرتم‬ ‫عن طاقتين بعرق يكون طيبات فلان ما فيه شي وعلي‬ ‫خاطرنا بعده يحضر لنا بضاعة من حلب نرسلـكم‬ ‫طاقتين يكون ملاح انما مرادنا تعرفونا عن طولهم‬ ‫اذرعة ‪ ٧‬او اذرعة ‪ ٨‬وعن اشكالهم وعرقهم كبير او صغير‬ ‫وكان مرادنا نرسلـكم مضر بيه بيضةكرموت غزل هندي‬ ‫تخيطوها بطرفكم ولـكن اخبرونا ان خياطة طرفكم بتصير‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫المضر بية تقيلة ونحن بدنا تكون خفيفة جدا لبس ضيق‬ ‫فانكان بتعرفوا انها بتصير خفيفة عرفونا حتى نرسلها‬ ‫بدنا تكون خياطتها فتيل وانكان ما بتصير الا تقيلة‬ ‫عرفونا نخيطها بطرفنا والمندليات والشالة حطيناهم‬ ‫داخل ورقة وكتبنا عليهم اسمكم وهم واصلينكم داخل‬ ‫رزمة عبد الفتاح الطباع المرسلة لطرفكم الى مخايل النحاس‬ ‫المراد تاخذوهم من عنده وارسلوا لنا عشر طوخ ملاح‬ ‫‪Second column‬‬ ‫وعرفونا ثمنهم وانكان بتلاقوا ساعة انكليز عال العال جرجي‬ ‫بر بول او غيره صو بها يكون طيب وتكون حلايلي طنبق‬ ‫لا تكون فضة او دهب خذوها ولو كان ثمنها زايد ما في‬ ‫باس لـكن تكون طيبةكثير شغل مضبوط ولا يكون‬ ‫كبيرةكتير ولا صغيرةكثير وانكان بتكون صغيرة وطيبة‬ ‫خذوها ما في باس وعرفونا ومهما تدم لـكم من الاعراض‬ ‫عرفونا ومز يد شوقنا الى والدكم واخوكم وخالـكم وتابعكم‬ ‫بترس و يوسف الاكتع والى والدتكم والاولاد جميع )…(‬ ‫العموم ومن هذا الطرف عمنا وابن عمنا يهدوكم الشوق‬ ‫ورقم والدعا في ‪ ١١‬ذي القعدة سنة ‪ ١٢١٥‬المحب‬ ‫المخلص لـكم‬ ‫السيد محمد‬ ‫الحلبي‬ ‫م‬ ‫والساعة على مهلـكم متى ما وجدتو خذوا لنا ساعة‬ ‫جديدة طيبة تم‬

‫‪170‬‬

‫‪171‬‬

‫‪Letter 7‬‬

‫‪Letter 7‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 79‬‬ ‫‪Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his father, Anṭūn Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā in Jerus‬‬‫‪alem.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 1216 = 14.5.1801–3.5.1802.‬‬ ‫‪The son, Yūsuf, asks his father, Anṭūn, to reimburse to a certain Ḥannā Niʿma‬‬ ‫‪in Jerusalem a sum of 500 ġuruš ṣāġ al-Šām which the latter has given to Yūsuf.‬‬ ‫‪The letter thus practically serves as a letter of exchange. And indeed, a post‬‬‫‪script corrects the amount by stating that the number should be changed to‬‬ ‫‪450 ġuruš, a sum which is now called a būliṣa (letter of exchange).‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة القدس الشر يف و يتسلم ليد جناب حضرة الوالد‬ ‫العز يز الاكرم الخواجه انطون حداد ابو موسى المكرم امانة مرسلة‬ ‫‪[small octagonal stamp on lower right side‬‬ ‫]‪list of expenses with names‬‬ ‫‪recto‬‬ ‫الخواجه انطون‬ ‫جناب حضرة والدنا العز يز الاكرم‬

‫سلمه الله تعالى امين‬

‫اولا بً عد مز يد كثرة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية ونعمة من كرم الباري تعالى جز يلة وافية‬ ‫فان سالتوا عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال الا على صحت سلامتكم التي هي غايت المراض من رب‬ ‫العباد والان فان سالتوا عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال الا على صحت سلامتكم والان انه يوم‬ ‫يوم تار يخه قبضة وتسلمة من الاخ العز يز المكرم الخواجه حنا نعمة من جسر شفر خمس ماية غرش‬ ‫صاغ الشام يوم تار يخه الذي نصفها حفظا ًالصح مايتين وخمسين صاغ فالمرجو من جناب الوالد‬ ‫العز يز الخواجه انطون حداد ان تدفع عوض المبلغ المذكور في القدس الشر يف بيد الخواجه‬

172

Edition

‫حنا المذكور بعد وقفوكم على مكتو بنا هذا بخمست ايام بعد دفع المبلغ المذكور تاخدوا‬ ١٢١٦ ‫في سنة‬

‫منه مكتو بنا هذا مزهر سلموا لنا على من عندكم والدعا‬ ‫الراجي دعاكم‬ ‫المقر بما فيه ولدكم‬ ‫يوسف ولد انطون حداد‬ ‫صح عاود لزم لهو خمسين غرش تكون البولصة ار بعة ماية‬ ‫وخمسين غرش لاه غير‬

Letter 8 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 76. Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son Yūsuf Samʿān in Nablus. Dated 8.8.1216 = 14.12.1801. Anṭūn states that he has paid a sum as subsistence (ḫarǧīya) to a woman (the mother of Theodosius) and asks his son whether her claim to it was correct. Anṭūn inquires whether a caravan (‫ )قفوله‬of mules or camels is expected and Yūsuf should inform him about it immediately. He also asks for the delivery of a few textile and clothing items (ṭāqa, kamḫa, baḫūrīyāt, ṭarābīš), whose specifications in color and ornament are detailed. The son is advised how to handle a letter by the wife of one Muḥammad aġā. He should hand it over to sayyid Ḥamza, who would know the addressee from a key in the letter. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى مدينت نابلس و بتسلم ليد حضرت ولدنا‬ ‫يوسف سمعان ولد انطون حداد امانة مرسلة‬ ‫بخـير‬

‫‪173‬‬

‫‪Letter 8‬‬

‫]‪[several computations‬‬ ‫‪recto‬‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا العز يز الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه يوم تار يخه غوا الي تضاصي والدته طلبت‬ ‫مني خرجية دفعت لها عرفني ان كان صحيح تدفع لها في ازن ابنها‬ ‫وعرفني واحد فلاح كان معكم في بيده اختوا قبل انشالله يكون في تمام‬ ‫ماه نقص عشرت ارطال وعرفني ان كان في قفوله جماله او مكار يه اي‬ ‫وقت بتتوجهوا حته يطمن خاطرنا عليكم اعطي بالك على حالك وكون‬ ‫رجال ومثل ما عرفتكم حالن ارسل حمل ارسل عشرت طاقت مثل الدي جابهم‬ ‫خالك تشبه مور كمخه مور السيد حمزة ما عنده من هل قماش وسطا شي‬ ‫خود من يده من ضاع حالن ارسالهم الدي عندي بعتهم لاه تقطع مكاتيب‬ ‫خود بخور يات حلبيات ⟩عـ ‪ ⟨٣‬كحلي خرزي ⟩عـ ‪ ⟨٢‬غامق لاه يكون نقشتهم على اخضر‬ ‫حضرت سيدك‪ 13‬وستك خوالك والدتكم اخيكم بسلموا عليكم مهما لزم‬ ‫عرفنا الدعا ارسل عينت طرابيش حالن‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ٨‬شعبان‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدك انطون‬ ‫واصلـكم مكتوب من حرمت الاغه امحمد اغاه‬ ‫هل مكتوب اعطيه الى سيد حمزة بيعرف صاحبه من داخل مكتوب مفتاح‬

‫‪A yā’ has been overwritten by a kāf.‬‬

‫‪13‬‬

174

Edition

Letter 9 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2840, no. 5. Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son Yūsuf Samʿān in Damascus. Dated 21.8.1216 = 27.12.1801. The father informs his son about the arrival of the latter’s two letters, delivered by the same man who also carries the present answer. He reports on how he spent Christmas (ʿīd mīlādihi) in Bethlehem (Bayt Laḥm) with the family and on the weather. Anṭūn asks for small quantities of uncolored wool (sūf ) and alāǧa. If problems occur, Yūsuf should return at once. If everything remains calm, he should stay put and await a letter from sayyid Ḥamza. A special courier (sāʿī) is advised if available when problems arise. Anṭūn asks for news on the transport of waterpipes (ġalāyin) to Nablus. It is emphasized that Yūsuf should not contradict sayyid Ḥamza. Anṭūn notes that contained herewith is a letter from sayyid Ḥusayn which Yūsuf should forward. Verso contains a short letter addressed to a more general audience of “brothers” in which the receipt of money (ġuruš) is acknowledged. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد حضرت ولدنا‬ ‫العز يز الخواجه يوسف سمعان ولد انطون حداد‬ ‫المكرم امانة مرسلة‬ Recto ‫كل سنة وانتم سالمين‬ ‫يوم عيد ميلاده‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا العز يز المعلم يوسف حرصه الله تعالى امين‬

‫‪175‬‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم اليكم هوه انه وصلنا مكاتيبكم عـ ‪ ٢‬صحبت حامل الحروف وفهمت‬ ‫شرحهم وحمدنا الباري تعالى على صحت سلامتكم عرفتونا انكم توجهتو يوم‬ ‫التنين نحن رحنا عملنا عيد في بيت لحم تحت اخيكم بطرس حنا اخوت لو يز‬ ‫انا ما قعد شوي نصف نهار يوم جمعهكان عيد لسبب ان وجدت طقص‬ ‫تغير ليلت سبت صار شته ونهار سبت كمان شتهكتير انشاله ماه‬ ‫يكون حصلـكم وحالن رحل الدي في نصيب متل عيسى )يوسفه( الموجود‬ ‫ارسل رطلين سوف احمر لاه يكون سباغ واحد بده اكم رطل فلاح بده‬ ‫عينة على قوله بياخد رطل قدسي سعر ستت ‪ ٦‬غروش اعمل حسابك‬ ‫ان كان ربح بنجوب في رطلين جيب اكم من الاجه خرج زوار ولدنا‬ ‫ان كان في تشو يش حالن ارجع ان كان ماه في تشو يش اقعد حته‬ ‫تشوف جواب امحبنا السيد حمزة ارسل مكتوب حنا اخيه لان اجاني‬ ‫مكتوب بعد نوجهكم ان موجود تشو يش اعطي بالك الى حالك‬ ‫متل ماه عرفتكم الدي بيرده سيد حمزة برسله انما تضاصي لاه تقارش‬ ‫الاجه باخد بضاعة شرقية حته ماه تخلطو سفله وان كان ر يص بيرصل‬ ‫ساعي مع الساعي ارسل مكتوب بلغنا خبر حمل سناديق غلاين وقع معكم‬ ‫في طر يق نابلس واعطي بالك على حالك كمان نكرر عليكم لاه تخالف‬ ‫كلام سيد حمزة ولاه تعاسر احد لان الدي جابه لنا مكتوب حكه‬ ‫معي كلام ان بدي اقسد ابنك عليك خلي تضاصي يرجع حالن‬ ‫مع اول ارسليه وكنوا في امحبه ومن عندنا يسلموا عليكم‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ٢١‬شعبان‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬

‫‪Letter 9‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Righthand margin‬‬ ‫وسلم على تضاصي خلي يكون رجال‬ ‫وترسل مكتوب الذي من السيد حسين الذي داخل‬ ‫طيه اقضي غرضه عاجلا ًقبل العيد ترسل جميع المطلوب‬ ‫مع كل من توجه لطرفنا حالا‬ ‫‪Verso‬‬ ‫جناب حضرة الاخوان العز يز الـكرام‬ ‫جناب حضرة الاخوان العز يز‬ ‫اولا بً عد مز يد كترة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير‬ ‫وعافيه ونعمه من كرم الباري تعالى جز يلة وافية‬ ‫فالان فان سالتوا عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال‬ ‫الا على صحت سلامتكم التي هي غايت المراض‬ ‫من رب العباد والان ومن خصوص الغرش‬ ‫وصلت الى طرفنا في السلامة والان من خصوص‬ ‫الذي عرفتنا عنه لساه باقي والسلام‬

‫‪176‬‬

177

Letter 10

Letter 10 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 23. Yūsuf Ḥaddād from Damascus to his father Anṭūn. No external address. Dated 28.8.1216 = 3.1.1802. Yūsuf informs his father about his arrival to Damascus in the company of Theodosius after a journey through bad weather. He has delivered the letters to sayyid Ḥamza. ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ has visited and talked with them about an upcoming large delivery of a bale (rizma) of unspecified content through the merchant Ǧabbūr Zubdī from Ḥannā Ṣīdaḥ. Yūsuf also provides information about the alaǧa cloth that sayyid Ḥamza has sold, the pertaining local prices, and the problems of currency exchange. Engaging in money-changing is currently not profitable. A second official order ( farmān) on the currency has arrived. Prices have dropped severely, also because of goods expected to come in with the caravan from Baghdad, which should arrive after Ramaḍān. Yūsuf has been unable to find good silk. Yūsuf will send what they find appropriate care of Theodosius. He asks for a purse (ṣurra) of 1000 ġuruš that he can use to cover expenses in the absence of Ḥamza who wants to go to where Anṭūn Ḥaddād is [likely Jerusalem] after the pilgrimage caravan leaves. Anṭūn is urged to sell whatever goods arrive, especially the ʿabāyas, since more are expected with the [Baghdad] caravan. Yūsuf is lodged in a monastery. The head of the monastery sends a letter to the wakīl. Yūsuf notes the dispatch of a load of goods (ḥaml) care of Maḥmūd alḤamūr. Appended is a list of all the goods that are arriving to Anṭūn with this letter. Transcription ‫كل عام وانتو اسلمين سنة مباركة‬ ‫جناب حضرة والدنا العز يز الاكرم الخواجه انطون حفظه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫اولا بعد مز يد كترة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية ونعمة من كرم الباري تعالى جز يلة‬ ‫وافية وان سالتوا عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال الا على صحة سلامتكم التي هي غاية مراض‬ ‫من رب العباد والان وصلنا الى الشام في السلام نهار السبت وصار علينا شتا من الـكسوة‬ ‫الى الشام نحو تلاتة ساعات والحمد لله طيبين مبسوطين في غاية نحن وتوضصي ونسال‬

‫‪178‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫منكم الدعا ومن والدتنا والان سلمنا المكاتيب الى السيد حمزة قال لنا ابقي الحساب‬ ‫)‪(..‬توره الى والدنا وجاه عندنا عبد الفتاح واحكا معنا ونحن قلنا على خاطركم بقا الان‬ ‫واصلك هل رزمه من تحت يد الخواجه جبور ز بدي وزن الفرد وفرده من حنا صيدح‬ ‫خمساه وتمنين رطل ‪ ٨٥‬سعر القنطار ـه ‪ ١٥ ١/٢‬ان شا الله ليدكم في السلامة وعلى الرزمة‬ ‫محرر والان واولدنا تسوقنا الدي واصلـكم من غيبة السيد حمزة يوم اننا وصلنا قال‬ ‫لنا من يم الاجه بزلت واليوم عمال ببيع الاجه بر بعة عشر غرش والدي بغزل هندي‬ ‫ـه ‪ ١٨‬والقطني ـه ‪ ٢٢‬فنحن اخدنا العجب فقمنا اخدنا هد الدي واصلـكم في غيبة من‬ ‫غير ماه يدري والان من يم العملة ما بتروح بزود ولا مصر ية الدي بحتوا عليه‬ ‫ان بده في العملة زود بخصروه و يوم تار يخه حضر فرمان تاني في العملة ان ما احد‬ ‫يقبضها بزودوا لان هبطت الاثمان عن الاول كتير الاجة الدي واصلتكم‬ ‫بقت ـه ‪ ١٦‬و بغزل هندي ـه ‪ ٢٠‬والقطني ـه ‪ ٢٦‬والان من يم البضاعة بغدادية‬ ‫هل يومين اجا خبر من الدي سبقوا جاية ماة حمل و بعد رمضان بحضر القفل‬ ‫ان شا الله تعالى بناخد شي على خاطر وشي طيب ومن يم الحر ير ما وجدنا‬ ‫طيب على خاطرنا وطبنا على شي طيب ان شا الله )بعداكم( من يوم بنرسل لـكم‬ ‫ومن يم توضصي بعد عيد الميلاد عندهم بحضر ونرسل صحبته الدي بنوجده‬ ‫مناسب والان فان كان بترسلوا لنا صرا‪ 14‬نحو الف غرش الخاطر خاطركم حتى‬ ‫ناخد شي علي قدر خاطرنا من غيبة سيد حمزة وقال لنا بده بحضر الى طرفكم‬ ‫بعد طلوع الحاج ومن يم الدي واصلـكم البضاعة صرفوها والعبي صرفوهم‬ ‫حالان ر بما يحضر عبي مع القفل لان الدي واصلتكم بقت تسوا العشرة ماية‬ ‫وعشر ين وقت انهم سمعوا ان بده يحضر رخوا يدهم باقي وسلمنا الصرا الى حنا‬ ‫صيدح وقوي نساون من قضيت العملة حكي كلام ما يلزم نحرر لـكم هل‬ ‫‪Lefthand column‬‬ ‫خطرا واكتر الناس قالت لنا هدا ما برسل شي غير ما يكون سالك في طرفه‬ ‫و بعه بيع غنا باقي نحن الان نازلين في الدير وساير لنا وجب من الرهبان‬

‫=صرة‪.‬‬

‫‪14‬‬

‫‪179‬‬

‫‪Letter 10‬‬

‫والر يس واصلك مكتوب الى جناب حضرة الوكيل باقي منا نقبل ايادي جناب‬ ‫والدتنا وسيدنا وستنا وعمنا ونسال منكم الدعا وسلموا لنا على الجميع‬ ‫كل واحد في اسمه والدعاى والحمل واصل صحبت محمود الحمور ان شا الله يدكم‬ ‫ونحن رسلنا لـكم هل رزمه من شا رمضان وعرفونا ان كان حضر زوار ام لا‬ ‫الراجي دعاكم‬ ‫محــــــــــــب‬ ‫ولدكم يوسف ولد انطون‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫في‬ ‫‪ ٢٨‬شعبان‬ ‫بيان علم الذي واصكم ]= واصلـكم[ مع سلامة الله تعالى في ‪ ٢٨‬شعبان سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫…ـه‬ ‫‪٢٤٥ .‬‬

‫عدد‬ ‫الاجهكساوي‬ ‫عال العال‬

‫‪١٢٨ .‬‬

‫الاجه بغزل هندي‬

‫‪٠١٨ ١⁄٢‬‬

‫الاجه درقلي‬ ‫علي ابيض‬

‫‪٠١٦ .‬‬

‫الاجه درقلي‬ ‫علي مور‬

‫‪٠٩٠ .‬‬

‫الاجه وسطيته‬ ‫طبت مصىح مر بعا‬

‫…ـه‬ ‫‪٤٩٧ ١⁄٢‬‬ ‫‪٠٤٨ .‬‬

‫الاجه وسط‬

‫)‪(..‬‬

‫‪180‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪٠٣٣ .‬‬

‫كرمسوت شامي‬

‫‪٢٦٦ ١⁄٢‬‬

‫قطني عال العال‬ ‫شغل روماني‬

‫‪٠٥١ .‬‬

‫قطني عال العال‬ ‫عين البلبل هندي‬

‫‪٠٩٤ .‬‬

‫عبي سود عال‬

‫‪٠١٨ .‬‬

‫عبي سعدونية‬

‫‪٠٢٠ .‬‬

‫وصلةكوازي مختمة‬

‫‪٠١٠ .‬‬

‫بوز شموطي‬ ‫عال العال‬

‫‪٠٠٩ .‬‬

‫بوز شموطي‬

‫‪٠٠٠ ٣⁄٤‬‬

‫حزم بوابه وقبان‬

‫…ـه‬ ‫‪١٠٤٩‬‬ ‫‪٣⁄٤‬‬

‫‪Verso‬‬ ‫يوسف خوري‬

‫مفيد في دفتر غليض‬

181

Letter 11

Letter 11 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 45Anṭūn Ḥaddād to sayyid Ḥamza, most likely to Damascus. Dated 1.9.1216 = 5.1.1802. Anṭūn Ḥaddād states that he has already written three letters in response to Ḥamza’s request for gold (presumably gold coins?). He wants to know precisely at what price he is to buy it since lately people from Egypt came with a certain price and Ḥaddād could purchase it if Ḥamza agrees. Ḥaddād hopes that Ḥamza has quickly sent his son Yūsuf on and sent with the latter the share (naṣīb, probably Anṭūn’s part of the profits). He has already warned not to let Theodosius stall them. The arrival of the caravan should not cause his son delay, because Anṭūn has heard frightening news from Damascus and is worried for his son. The ship from Izmir has arrived with pilgrims (zuwwār), having taken aboard Greek and Armenian pilgrims in Cyprus. They are bringing cochineal (dūda), asking for 80 [of an unspecified currency] while the tanners will only pay 75, and Anṭūn asks Ḥamza whether there is demand for that in his region. If the caravan from Baghdad arrives earlier, Ḥamza should send a bulk (duʿbūla).15 Sayyid ʿAbd al-Ġanī asks for Austrian gold coins. The letter contains information on exchange rates that the pilgrims bring from Izmir. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫حفظه الله امين‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة محبنا العز يز المكرم السيد حمزة المحترم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق لرو يا بكل خير وسلامة‬

15

It is tempting to interpret this term as a camel that Ḥamza should send once the caravan arrived, since we read in Kazimirski: “‫دِعب ِل‬: Chamelle grande et forte.” Yet of the four occurences of this word in the corpus, it is specified as “duʿbūlat nīl” (a bulk of indigo) the other three times (see Letters 12, 175, and 181). Therefore, al-Bustānī’s explanation of it in Muḥīṭ al-Muḥīṭ as a vernacular term (ʿinda l-ʿāmma) meaning kutla (block, bulk etc.) is fitting.

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫والمبدي لجنابكم قبل تار يخه رسلنا لـكم ثلاثة‬ ‫مكاتيب وعرفناكم عن مطلو بكم الدهب ان تعرفنا‬ ‫في اي سعر بخلصلـكم لان حضرت ناس من مصر‬ ‫وصرفوه سعر ‪ ٣١‬بقا انكان بخلصكم عرفنا‬ ‫وانشا الله تكونو شهلتو ولدنا يوسف وترسلو‬ ‫معاه الذي في النصيب وعرفتكم ان لا تخلو‬ ‫طوضوصي يتعوق لاجل تلحق رمضان ومعلوم‬ ‫عندنا انكان حضر قفل بغداد لم يتعوقو ولدنا‬ ‫لان بالنا مشغول عليه لسبب ان بلغنا في وهم‬ ‫وتشو يش بطرفكم فنرجوكم ان تعملو همه في‬ ‫تشهيلو حالا ًمكاتيب سابقا كافية مع منول‬ ‫مكتوب من تحت يد ابن سدر مكتو بين باقي‬ ‫مز يد شوقنا الى حضرت الوالد العز يز على‬ ‫ابن عمكم على انجالـكم ومن عندنا انجالنا‬ ‫بقبلو ايادي جميع الدعا حرر في غرت رمضان سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫حداد ابو‬ ‫موسى‬ ‫مطلوب الاجه تكون بشي خرج زوار اولاد بلد‬ ‫وان كان تضاصي برجع حالن انشالله بنرسل‬ ‫صحبته ثاني مرة مطلو بكم دهبا كبير او غيره الدعا‬ ‫‪Lefthand column‬‬ ‫حضر مركب ازمير حضر صحبته زوار عدد ‪ ٢٠‬مركب‬

‫‪182‬‬

183

Letter 12

٣٠ ‫ ارمن عدد‬١٢٠ ‫انزب في قبرص في زوار روم عدد‬ ‫ دباغين‬٨٠ ‫حضر مع زوار ازمير دودة طالبين‬ ‫ عرفنا ان كان لها طلب عندكم‬٧٥ ‫دفعو‬ ‫ان كان حضر قفل بغداد اجاك قبل ارسل دعبوله‬ ‫يكون ثمن مناسب سيد عبد الغني طالب‬ ‫دهبا بندقي مجر مجر بوه ناتجه الزوار ما يبيعوا‬ ‫ انكرس‬٨ ‫و يشتروا غير سعر الدهب بندقي‬ ٧ ١/٢ ‫ار يال بطاقة واقفين زار ازمير قالت‬ ‫ار يال في ازمير بندقي انكرس‬ ٧ ٣/٤ ٨ ١/٤

٣ ١/٢

Letter 12 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 60. Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son Yūsuf Samʿān in the monastery (Dayr) in Damascus. Dated 10.9.1216 = 14.1.1802. Anṭūn states that he has received his son’s letter. Prior to this he has also received a load (ḥaml) with a correct list (qāʾima) by ḫwāǧa Ḥannā. But although the bundle (rizma) contained broadcloth (ǧūḫ) in accordance with the list, the type of ǧūḫ was not how Anṭūn had expected it (his preferred type is called ‫ = كرونه‬Krone / Crone?) and he does not think it can be sold in his region (Jerusalem). The French ǧūḫ that a maternal uncle of Yūsuf’s has brought is still unpacked (bāqīya ʿalā kaytihi). Anṭūn has sent three letters to Beirut and several more to other addressees through different routes. Sayyid Ḥamza has refused to accept an account or a bill and Anṭūn wants to know what the reason for this is. In the past he has urged Ḥamza to keep all ledgers (qawāʾim) and report any dissatisfaction with a bill. Anṭūn wants to know if Ḥamza has taken the purse that he sent with the water pipes or whether it is still with Yūsuf. Other topics are the currency (muʿāmala) situation, the price of coffee, exchange rates, the price of rice, and the question of which textiles Yūsuf should buy once the Baghdad caravan arrives.

‫‪184‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Yūsuf receives herewith a letter intended for sayyid Ḥamza [probably Letter‬‬ ‫‪11]. If it pleases him, he should seal it and pass it on.‬‬ ‫‪The address side contains, as a postscript, an urgent plea to send caps (ṭar‬‬‫‪būš).‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد ولدنا يوسف‬ ‫سمعان ولد انطون حداد في دير امانة‬ ‫مرسلة‬ ‫ارسل طرابيش عاجلان‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى امين‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا العز يز المكرم الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه يوم تار يخىه وصلنا عز يز‬ ‫مكتو بكم وفهما ]كذا[ بما في وحمدنا الباري تعالى على صحت‬ ‫سلامتكم الدي انتو بخـير قبل تار يخه وصلني حمل وجميع‬ ‫الدي في قايمة في تمام مكتوب الخواجه حنا وصل رزمة‬ ‫الدي من عنده في تمام على موجب قايمته لاكن بصطة‬ ‫الجوخ الدي مرسلها ما هيه مثل الجوخ كرونه هل جوخ‬ ‫ما هوه سالك في طرفنا باعث على ثمنها عدد ‪ ١٠٢ ١/٢‬في طرفنا‬ ‫الجوخ الفرنساوي الدي جابه خالك سعر ‪ ٤ ١/٢‬في داكيش‬ ‫هداي باقيه على كيته الشال انت بتعرف باعواه زوار‬ ‫في نفض سعر ‪ ٤١‬توب لاكن نحن بنقبده‪ 16‬سعر ‪ ٤٣‬التوب‬

‫‪.‬نقبضه =‬

‫‪16‬‬

‫‪185‬‬ ‫انت بتعرف الجوخ كرونه الدي اخده دير سعر ‪ ٩٠‬بصطه‬ ‫وحق ار بعت بصطه باقي ثمنهم في دير الى بين ما يحضر‬ ‫الباقي انا حرت عوض مكتوب عدد ‪ ٣‬الى طرف بيروت الى‬ ‫حضرتهم ايضان مكتوب صحبت منول غنضورة مكتوب‬ ‫صحبت يوسف عيعي مكتوب في اسمك مكتوب الى سيد‬ ‫حمزة مكتوب صحبت ساعي قلاسي الى سيد حمزة من‬ ‫داخل مكتو به لـكم مكتوب ومعرفني بان سيد حمزة ماه‬ ‫رضي يقبل ورقت حساب قال لـكم بتوجه على القدس‬ ‫لازم تعرفني مليح لاي سبب ما اخد حساب واطلع في‬ ‫انا عرفته في كل مكاتيب اطلع على مكاتيب على‬ ‫قوايم ان عجبك هل حساب وان ما عجبكم خلي معك‬ ‫هل قوايم الى بين تحضر في سلامة الى محلـكم وعرفني‬ ‫الصرة الدي رسلتها على اسمه من داخل غلاين اخدها‬ ‫او باقيه معكم صرت حنا وصلته ومعرفني انه احكا معكم‬ ‫كتير لاي سبب ماه رديت لهو جواب لايق هداي‬ ‫المعاملة الدي انت بعت فيها انا بعت لما صارت هل‬ ‫معاملة احكي معه نحو شهر ين درج الر يال عبد‬ ‫حميد سعر ‪ ٧٥‬فقد الان بطل انا عرفت حنا من الان‬ ‫وساعد مثل ما دارجه المعاملة بترسل‬ ‫‪Lefthand column‬‬ ‫وماه عرفنا على اثمان البن الان سعر البن غروش ‪٦ ١/٢‬‬ ‫عندي خبر في طرفكم يسوا قنطار الشامي ـد ‪٣٤٠‬‬ ‫تحت زود نقص اعمل حسابكم سوق ايش خضر‬ ‫يسوا كده لان البن بتاخد الي وعده حاضر عندي‬ ‫صرة ـد ‪ ٢٥٠٠‬ان كان بتاخد البن ارسله حالن‬ ‫برسل صره الدي حاضرهكان عرفنا سيد حمزة‬

‫‪Letter 12‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫على ار يال بوز)نـ(ـي بروح بزايد ان كان صحيح‬ ‫عرفنا انشالله يكون تضاص طلع من الشام عرفنا‬ ‫ثمن ارز قنطار الشامي ايش حضر انت عرفتني‬ ‫ماه بتحضر غير ماه اجاه قفل بغداد ان كان‬ ‫قر يب يحضر قفل لاه تاخد البن الان خلي‬ ‫البن اخده الى بين ما يحضر قفل بغداد خوف‬ ‫لاه يحضر مع قفل بين ان كان المعلم حنا صديح‬ ‫بييجي صحبت قفل بني سوف ثمنه خود حقه حاضر‬ ‫خود مطلوب بزر صحن رفاع اكم من عبايه سود‬ ‫كافي الدي رسلتهم سعدونية عـ ‪ ٢٠‬هيه عـ ‪ ٢٠‬خود‬ ‫)سارقد( زغار وحطو شو يت الاجه عـ ‪ ١٠٠‬كساوي‬ ‫الاجه مثل الدي رسلتها طيه امر بعد يكون‬ ‫فيهم بسن على كوازي مضار عـ ‪ ٢٠‬قطني كافي‬ ‫الدي رسلته محازم سمنلي عـ ‪ ٢٠‬ان كان ما في‬ ‫صحن طيب خود على جادي اكم من مده من شان بزر‬ ‫صحن في ادر عـ ‪ ٢٠‬بغدادي اكم من ثوب بقت زنانير‬ ‫بخور يات كحلي كبار لاه يكون في شجر اخضر سدف‬ ‫قراصي الدي بتراه مناسب دعبولت نيل بركي‬ ‫ان كان لازمكم صرة يرسلها الي تحت يد جبور ز بيده‬ ‫او ان كان بيحضر قفل شامي يكون معرفه انا في استندار‬ ‫حضور تضاصي باقي جميع يسلموا عليكم وعرفنا ان كان‬ ‫صرفت صابون غلاين الدعا‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫مـحب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬ ‫حداد‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ١٠‬رمضان‬

‫‪186‬‬

187

Letter 13

١٢١٦ ‫واصلـكم مكتوب الى سيد حمزة‬ ‫اقراه ان عجبكم اختمه ادفعه‬

Letter 13 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2841, no. 12. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf in Damascus. Dated 12.9.1216 = 16.1.1802. Characterized as mulḥaq ḫabar. Anṭūn states that he has received the load and letters care of Ǧabbūr Zabīda and Ḥannā Ṣīdaḥ. He now places orders for textiles (alāǧa and quṭnīya in different kinds) from the lot (qisma) Yūsuf has received. Anṭūn provides information about coffee prices, and urgently requests Yūsuf to send him some care of the first caravan of the Jews to go out. He also asks for a bill of exchange (būliṣa) on a Jew named Zaḫariyā Farīsān (?) in Damascus. Anṭūn sends (specimens of) three kinds of broadcloth (ǧūḫ). If Yūsuf can find a market for them, he should inform his father, so that he can send the merchandise. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف ولد انطون حداد قدسي‬ ‫امانة مرسلة‬ Recto ‫ملحق خبر‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫الى حضرة ولدنا العز يز المكرم الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله امين‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه قبل تار يخه في ‪ ١٠‬رمضان‬ ‫حررت اوصول حمل المرسول من طرفكم المكاتيب الي‬ ‫تحت يد جبور ز بيده يرسلهم الى طرفكم ومكتو بكم‬ ‫من تحت يد الخواجه حنا صيدح وفي عن ما يغني الان‬ ‫طالبين من هل قسمة الدي واصلتكم قطنية ـ ‪ ٤‬ارسل من‬ ‫الاجه الدي مطو ية طيه امر بعد يكون فيها مسنن على مور‬ ‫على كحلي مفرخ على كوازي الدي ‪ ٤‬سعر ـه ‪ ٩‬طاقه‬ ‫ومن يم البن الان سعره زلطه ‪ ٩‬ان كان بتوجد قنطار ين‬ ‫او تلاتة ارسل حالا لاه تتعوق مع اول قفل اليهود‬ ‫طالبين بولصه على يهودي الدي في طرفكم زخر يا‬ ‫)فر يسان( يصلـكم لان لان يوم تار يخهكان نهار‬ ‫جمعة وطلعت مكار يه يوم سبت ونوكد عليكم في‬ ‫اخد البن عرفتكم عن ثمنه في طرفنا اعمل حسابكم في‬ ‫فرق المعاملة نحن سمعنا في سعر ار يال عـه ‪ ١٢٣‬البن‬ ‫ان قسم نصيب حالن خود ارسله قبل ماه يحضر قفل‬ ‫انا معرف الاخ الخواجه حنا صيدح ان لزمه بن يكون‬ ‫مساعد معكم الى بين ما ارسل بولصه على يد يهودي‬ ‫زخر يا الدي كان في طرفنا خود شو يت شقق الاجه‬ ‫فضلات ان كان وجدت قراصي سدف ارسلهم حالن‬ ‫ارسل حزمة الى حنا اخيكم باقي من عندنا جميع بسلموا‬ ‫عليكم الدي حرر في ‪ ١٢‬رمضان سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫محب‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫والدكم‬

‫‪188‬‬

189

Letter 14

‫واصلـكم تلاتت اشكال جوخ ان عملت‬ ٥ ١/٢ ‫بازارهم عرفني حته ارسلهم سعر ـ‬ (‫)حصد‬ ٥ Lefthand margin ‫سلم لنا على حضرت ابونا‬ ‫ر يص و باقيت ابهاتنا‬ ‫خطرت جاي حضرت الوكيل‬ ‫بيعطينا جواب مكاتيب‬ ‫من يم الجوخ الوردية‬ ‫ بناخد وردي ان وجدت‬17‫بغاده‬ ‫الدي بلايم الى طرفنا داكس على ورديه‬

Letter 14 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 48. Anṭūn Lūnṣa (‫ )لونصه‬to his nephew Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā alQudsī in Damascus in Dayr al-kabīr. Dated 13.9.1216 = 17.1.1802. The sender greets all the priests in the monastery by name, starting with the ra’īs, showing a deep familiarity between the merchants and the fathers. Yūsuf has in a previous letter, informed Anṭūn that he was currently selling water pipes (ġalāyin), but he failed to mention the price he sought. As Anṭūn previously told Yūsuf when Yūsuf was visiting, they had a shortage of water pipes, so he should make up his mind about the numbers and there might be a profit margin (‫ )زود‬in it. Yūsuf will receive a jug (qulla) with two ṣāqiṭs (?) and six keys (mafātīḥ) plus two in the way of the sawāqiṭ, all to be delivered to the merchant Yūsuf Zuġayb Abū Ǧurays.

17

Probably ‫بوغادة‬: potash, lye. Maybe a person. See Letter 19: ‫مع بغاده او غيره‬.

‫‪190‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة دمشق الشام و يتسلم ليد ابن الشقيقا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫الخواجا يوسف ولد انطون حداد ابو موسى القدسي في دير الـكبير المحترم‬ ‫اخونا ادفع كره سوا قطن الى كره حلبي‬ ‫كره فضه ‪١٥‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى‬

‫امين‬

‫حفظه الله‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ابن الشقيقا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق لرو ياكم بكل خير وسلامة وان سالتم عننا‬ ‫لله الحمد بكل خير وكل خاطرنا واشواقنا عندكم و)الباعة( لسنيوره‬ ‫هو انه وصلنا عز يز كتابكم وحمدناه تعالى بدوام سلامتكم وعرفتونا‬ ‫عن الغلاين انكم عمال تصرفوهم وانشا الله قر يبا بً ترسلونا‬ ‫قرع بضاعا بً ثمنهم فقوي مناسب ولاكن لم عرفتونا في اي‬ ‫ثمن عمال تصرفوهم واعطو بالـكم في العدد لان ر بما ان يكون‬ ‫فيهم زود لان كما عرفناكم وانتم بطرفنا انهم ناقصين علينا‬ ‫نحو ثلاثة ماية ر بما ان يكون يعقوب متوله غلطان بلعدد‬ ‫والا ًواصلـكم صحبت كرم قلة بداخلها صاقطين وستت‬ ‫مفاتيح وتنتين بنوع السواقط سلموهم الى عمنا الخواجا‬ ‫يوسف زغيب ابو جر يس وخدو ثمنهم منه ـه ‪ ١١‬غرش وشوفو‬ ‫ايش بتاخد و بثمن الغلاين حطوهم فوقهم وسلمولنا على الابا‬

‫‪191‬‬

‫‪Letter 15‬‬

‫المكرمين ابينا الر يس وابونا انطون وابونا كيتانو‪ 18‬ابونا فرنسيس وابونا‬ ‫صلواطور‪ 19‬وابونا يوسف اوتيت ومن عندنا والدكم ووالدتكم‬ ‫وسيدكم وستكم وجميع الذين مرسلين تسلمو عليهم بسلمون عليكم‬ ‫وسلم لنا على طيوضوصي وسلمو لنا على يوسف العشي وعلى جر يس‬ ‫وكيل خرج والسلام حرر في ‪ ١٣‬رمضا ًسنة ‪ ١٢١٦‬الداعي لـكم‬ ‫خالـكم انطون‬ ‫لونصه‬ ‫وفنا السلام الى العم العز يز المكرم ابو جر يس الخواجا‬ ‫يوسف زغيب وولاده المعلم جر يس وزخر يا‬ ‫و بقيت انجاله واهل بيتو والى الخواجا‬ ‫يوسف ابو ادا ً والى جميع من يسال عننا‬ ‫وحضرة العروس مرة خالـكم بتسلم عليكم‬ ‫و بدها منكم لما تحضرو بلسلامة تجيبو‬ ‫لها سلاماتيه ونعرفكم ان مرة جر يس‬ ‫شامان راسكم سالم واخد بنت راحيل‬ ‫انا عوضها حياتكم الباقي والسلام‬

‫‪Letter 15‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 38.‬‬ ‫‪No external adress. From Buṭrus to his brother Yūsuf [Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Dam‬‬‫‪ascus].‬‬ ‫‪Dated 14.9.1216 = 18.1.1802.‬‬ ‫‪The business content of this short letter is negligible (apples, two bīzas [?] that‬‬ ‫‪should be blue and baġdādī, a knife, ṭarbūš, a qaṣṣāra, inquiry about the sales of‬‬ ‫‪water pipes), and most of the text is given over to greetings and family events.‬‬ ‫‪Gaetano.‬‬ ‫‪Salvator.‬‬

‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬

‫‪192‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪There is a [somewhat puzzling] invective against Yūsuf’s sending of greetings‬‬ ‫‪from others to his uncles, [the precise background of which is unclear]. Yūsuf‬‬ ‫‪should refrain from acting thus because “they keep laughing at you”.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بعون الله تعالى‬ ‫جناب حضرة اخونا الاعز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف حفظه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫اولا بً عد مز يد كترة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية ونعمة من كرم الباري تعالى‬ ‫جز يلة وافية فان سالتم عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال الا على صحت سلامتكم‬ ‫التي هي غايت المراض من رب العباد وصلنا عز يز شرفتكم صحبت يهود معلم‬ ‫القفل واحد قبل يومين الدي صحبت الحمل قوي الحاج يسين بسيل علي النجاس‬ ‫قوام ارسله لا تكتر تفاح يا اخونا من يم البيزتين يكنو ازرق بغدادي بتفهم‬ ‫سكينة لاه تنساها وفر يسيس ]كذا![ يوسف اخو‬ ‫بقيت مطلو بنا ومن يم ال ّ‬ ‫لو يز بده طر بوش بردخسيس باين تنعشر غرش لا يكون لـكم فكرة‬ ‫علينا ابدان ومن يم الدي بعته الى خالك المكتوب قعدوا يتدحكوا‪ 20‬عليك‬ ‫لا تبقي تبعت سلام حدا في مكاتيب خوالك ولا غيره ولا عدت تبقي ترسل‬ ‫الا في مكتو بي سوا وخوالك وخلانك جميعا بسلموا عليكم ومز يد شوقنا على‬ ‫السيد حمزة وابنه عبد الله ومز يد شوقنا على احمد وجدكم وستكم بسلموا‬ ‫عليكم ومن يوسف ابن حنا بطرس واخوه بسلموا عليك خواته بسلموا‬ ‫عليك وحماتك وتر يسا بنت خالتكم بسكوال بسلموا يعقوب راحيل‬ ‫بسلم عليك واخوه انطون وفرنسيس والدتهم بسلموا عليك ومناو يل اسطفان‬ ‫بسلم عليكم هوه واهل بيته واسطفان بسلم عليكم لان نهار التنين توفا سهره‬ ‫انطون العرب‪ 21‬في غطاس الروم يعقوب متوله واخوه بولص وفرنسيس بسلموا‬

‫‪.‬يتضحكون =‬ ‫‪This death must have been a misinformation since we find Anṭūn al-ʿArab a few months‬‬ ‫‪later (13.8.1217) in a letter by the same sender to the same addressee, Letter 28 (Gotha ori‬‬‫‪ent. A 2837 / 58).‬‬

‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬

‫‪193‬‬ ‫عليكم وعرفني انكان في بيع على الغلاعين عرفني لانه بده يعقوب متوله بنحضر‬ ‫لطرفكم وابعت بارك الى سهرك يعقوب راحيل‬ ‫صار لـكم سهر جديد جر يس ابو السا)…(‬ ‫خطب على اخت يعقوب الـكبيرة‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫اخيكم بطرس‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫في‬ ‫‪ ١٤‬رمضان‬ ‫وعيسا ابن ابو عيسا بسلم‬ ‫عليكم واخوه حنا بسلم عليكم‬ ‫والدتكم وشقايقكم بسلموا عليكم‬ ‫وفرنسيس وحرمته و بنانه‬ ‫بسلموا عليكم ومن يم القصارة‬ ‫الذي باعت توصي جر يس‬ ‫رحنا الى طرفنا عليها‬ ‫شغل كتير ومن اليوم رمضان‬ ‫يتفهم الناس اهل بلادنا‬ ‫وحضرة جر يس بسلم‬ ‫عليكم ر بنا يور ينا وجهكم‬ ‫على خير الله يعلم ماه يترحموا‬ ‫من بالنا‬

‫‪Letter 15‬‬

194

Edition

Letter 16

figure 20a Letter 16

Letter 16

195

figure 20b Letter 16

Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2840, no. 3. From Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī in Damascus. The letter is written by two distinct hands. Date 15.9.1216 = 19.1.1802. Anṭūn states that he has previously sent, in reply (badal) to the letter [Yūsuf’s previous letter?], four “things” (šay = letters?), two care of sayyid Ḥamza and two care of ḫwāǧā Ḥannā. Yūsuf has reported that they had presented sayyid Ḥamza with the bill and that the latter told them not to put it in front of his father after he had refused to see it. Anṭūn hopes to send them a bill of exchange (būliṣa) soon. Yūsuf did not inform his father on the price of coffee. They should buy two qinṭār of it either from Ḥamza or, if he does not have any, should inform Ḥannā who might have some. But it needs to be sent before the arrival of the Baghdad caravan. The letter contains a demand for 10 raṭl of (‫)?سنبالج‬, because Yūsuf al-Aktaʿ brought some for 30 fiḍḍa, and if they could sell them with a profit of 5 fiḍḍa per raṭl that would be a good deal. Anṭūn reminds Yūsuf of previous orders for textiles (ṭarbūš should be chosen in slightly larger size, ṭāqa in several

196

Edition

variants). Anṭūn has sent some black ʿabāya with a special messenger (mukārī) Ḥusayn ʿAwnī. He cannot sell it himself since new consignments have arrived from Egypt and thereby brought the price down. Yūsuf will also receive two loads (buṣṭa) of broadcloth (ǧūḫ). If Karāma al-Ḥalabī, the dragoman of the pilgrims, has snuff, Yūsuf should buy and send it. An addition on the left margin reports of an expected delivery of velvet cloth (alāǧa kamḫa) from Jerusalem. Anṭūn inquires about the būliṣa for the Jew that he had previously asked about. Yūsuf should take 1000 ġuruš from Zaḫariyā in Damascus, if he has it. Yūsuf should then send a quittance / payment order (wuṣūl) so that Anṭūn can pay it. Every load (buṣṭa) will have a number on it; the numbers are given in the letter. On the verso, Anṭūn reports on ‫ سواقط‬/ ‫ صقاقيط‬that will arrive with the bearer of the letter, Karma Ḥalabī, and inquires whether an offer of alāǧa is counted in new or old (ǧadīd or qadīm) coins (only the latter should be accepted). He also reports on currency acquisition and a list of the contents of a coffer with specie sent to Yūsuf via Nablus with ʿAbd al-Ġanī Ṣabbāġ (Anṭūn paid the fare to Nablus, Yūsuf is to pay the rest). If Yūsuf does not find cloth, he should take coffee immediately without waiting for the Baghdad caravan. He should also bring wax. Anṭūn notes that he has heard rumors about unrest and urges his son to return home immediately. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يتسلم ليد حضرت‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف المكرم ابن انطون حداد قدسي‬ ‫امانة مرسلة بالخـير‬

‫‪197‬‬

‫‪Letter 16‬‬

‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى‬

‫امين‬

‫حفظه الله‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ولدنا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كترة الاشواق لرو ياكم بكل خير والتاني هو انه وصلنا‬ ‫عز يز مكتو بكم صحبةكرمه وفهمنا عافية وحمدنا الباري تعالى‬ ‫على صحت سلامتكم وقبل تار يخه رسلنالـكم بدل المكتوب‬ ‫ار بعة شي من تحت يد سيد حمزة وشي تحت يد الخواجه‬ ‫حنا ومعرفنا انكم احضرتم الحساب قدام سيد حمزة وقال‬ ‫لـكم ان لا تعرضوهم قدام والده بقا لاي ما قبل يشوف‬ ‫الحساب ولا والده يشوفه وعرفناكم انشالله قر يبا بً نرسل‬ ‫لـكم بولصه ولم انتم معرفينا عن ثمن البن بطرفكم لان الان‬ ‫بطرفنا سعر ستت ‪ ٦ ١/٢‬غروش ونصف الرطل بقا اعمل حسابكم‬ ‫فانكان بخلص خود قنطار ين ونحن معرفين سيد حمزة‬ ‫انكان في تحت يده تاخدو قنطار ين منه وانكان لم عنده‬ ‫معرفين الخواجا حنا ر بما يكون عنده خدو منه لاكن لازم‬ ‫ارساله قبل بوقت لاجل نصرفه قبل ان يحضر قفل بغداد‬ ‫وارسل لنا عشرة ارطال سنبالج لان يوسف الاكتع جاب‬ ‫معاه سعر الرطل فضة ‪ ٣٠‬اذا كان بزود خمسة فضة الرطل‬ ‫طرفكم بيكون فضة ‪ ٣٥‬ولا باس والذي عرفناكم عليه بلسابق‬ ‫كافي والطرابيش لا تنساهم نقيهم كبار شو يه لا يكونو‬ ‫مصطلحين ]‬

‫[‪ 22‬وخمسين طاقة الاجه تقليد هندي طيه‬

‫مر بعة متل الذي ارسلتهم و يكون منهم على كحلي بسن‬ ‫وعلى مور وغير شكال خرج زوار‪ 23‬الاجه طيه طو يلة‬ ‫‪A word crossed out.‬‬ ‫‪The hand changes after here.‬‬

‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫كافي مايت طاقة يكون فيها كمخة مور كحلي على هل‬ ‫قسم الدي واصلتكم قطني كافي عـ ‪ ٤‬على عبته الدي‬ ‫مرسلها من داخل مكتوب حنا صيده واصلـكم مكتوب‬ ‫‪Lefthand margin‬‬ ‫⟩يسلم عليك بقدس ابو فاوق الاجهكمخهكوازي‬ ‫ارسل عـ ‪ ٢‬حته يشوف ثمن حطو فرق عمله⟨‬ ‫رسلته صحبت مكاري اسمه حسين عوني مكتوب في‬ ‫اسم حنا صيدح اكم من ثوب )سيت( بغدادي خود عبي سود‬ ‫لاه باقينا ناخد لسا ما بعنا ولاه وحده لان حضر من‬ ‫مصر كتير باعوا العبايه سعر ـ ‪ ١٠‬خود سعدونيه لميه الان‬ ‫واصلـكم بصطتين جوخ واحده وردي وحده مسكي‬ ‫ان كان ماه ينباعوا في نفض داكس عليهم مع احد‬ ‫من بغداد لا في الدي يسلك في طرفنا اوفي شال‬ ‫قد اوفي عبي الدي بتراه مناسب سعر دراع ـ ‪٥ ١/٢‬‬ ‫البصطين الجوخ في تسليم كرامه الحلبي ترجمان‬ ‫زوار ان كان بيعطيكم زعوطو حلبي خده ارسله‬ ‫صحبته شافطو الى يوسف زغيب سلم عليهكتير سلام‬ ‫وارسل لنا مشلتين شاميت يكنوا طيبين ومن عندنا جميع‬ ‫يسلموا عليكم يا ولدنا كون رجال في مسواف لاه تتكل‬ ‫على ناس الاجه تكون على كوازي اكم من طاقهكمخه‬ ‫مور من الاجه خفيفه يكون فيها كمخ كحلي مور فسيه‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬ ‫حداد‬

‫‪198‬‬

‫‪199‬‬

‫‪Letter 16‬‬

‫عرفتكم على بولصه على يهود في استندار‬ ‫جواب من يهودي الدي في طرفكم زخر يا ان‬ ‫كان بتقوف عليه عنده دراهم خود منه الف غرش‬ ‫اعطي اوصول انا بدفعها حاضره خلي احد من محبين بروح‬ ‫معكم عنده فرنسيس ابن انطون‬ ‫احكا معي اني احرر لـكم‬ ‫الصرة واصلتكم‬ ‫بعد تار يخه‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ١٥‬رمضان‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫محرر على كل بصطه نمره‬ ‫وردي‬

‫مسكي‬

‫نمرت‬

‫نمرت‬

‫عـ‬

‫عـ‬ ‫‪٢١‬‬

‫‪٢١‬‬

‫)اول( عـ عـ ادرع‬ ‫‪٢٩ ٣/٤‬‬

‫‪٢٩ ٣/٤‬‬

‫لباد اشمع لباد خيش كل بصطه انشالله ان ماه صح‬ ‫احمر‬ ‫البولصه بنصلـكم صرة صحبت سيد عبد الغني صباغ‬ ‫دهب عتيق بوزلي‬ ‫عـ‬ ‫][‬

‫عـ‬ ‫][‬

‫ارسل قطني معداه المسنن سبع سلاطين‬ ‫عـ‬ ‫‪٣‬‬

‫‪200‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Verso‬‬ ‫ولدنا واصلـكم سواقطو صحبت كرمه‬ ‫حلبي حامل الحروف صاحب هل صقاقيط‬ ‫بدفع فـ ‪ ٥‬ىـد ‪ ١‬كره وان كان يلزمك دراهم‬ ‫كرمه بياخد من زوار بيدفع نحو ـ ‪٥٠٠‬‬ ‫ان لزمكم اكتر خود اعطي بالـكم في مسواف‬ ‫اطلع مخلو صره من دهب معرفين ان بده‬ ‫سيد حمزة يعطيكم الاجه سعر ـ ‪ ١٤‬عملة قديمة‬ ‫اوفي عملة جديدة ان كان عملة جديدة‬ ‫لاه تقبل ان كان في صرة الدي معكم على‬ ‫اسمه خود بزايد بناقص عملة قديمة‬ ‫الان واصلـكم بصطتين الجوخ في تسليم سيد‬ ‫عبد الغني صباغ انا دفعت كرة الى نابلس‬ ‫انت ادفع من نابلس الى طرفكم ر بنا يفوق معك‬ ‫بيان على صره الدي واصلتكم من تحت يد‬ ‫السيد عبد الغني صباغ‬ ‫ـه‬ ‫‪ ٠٦٣٠‬دهب بندقي‬

‫عـ‬ ‫‪٧٠‬‬

‫‪..‬‬

‫‪ ٠٠٨٧‬انكرس‬

‫‪١٠‬‬

‫‪ ٠٠٠٧‬فندقلي‬

‫‪٠١‬‬

‫‪ ٠١٢٠‬محبوب اس‬

‫‪٢٤‬‬

‫ـ‬ ‫‪ ٠٨٣٩‬برزلي‬ ‫‪٠١٧٥‬‬ ‫ـــــــــ‬ ‫‪١٠١٤‬‬

‫عـ‬ ‫‪٧٠‬‬

‫‪..‬‬

‫‪201‬‬ ‫سلمنا صره مكتوب في يد سيد عبد‬ ‫الغني ليلت سيل في بيته‬ ‫ومن يم الجوخ باقي عندنا ما اتوجه ضهر‬ ‫مع اول من يحضر الى طرفنا بترسله الى جبور‬ ‫ز بيده ولدنا بلغنا خبر ان في تشو يش‬ ‫احضر حالن لان التشو يش امنا ماه‬ ‫دخل اسباطو بيكتر ان ما وجدت‬ ‫قماش خود بن اعمل حسابكم ان كان‬ ‫بيقف قنطار قدسي على ـ ‪ ٦٥٠‬جيب‬ ‫بن لاه تستندر قفل بغداد احضر حالن‬ ‫جيب رطلين شمع دهني كل وحده نصف‬ ‫وقيه وتلت وقيه في سندوق‬ ‫ولدنا في ناس صرفت دهب عتيق ـ ‪٧ ٣/٤‬‬

‫‪Letter 16‬‬

202

Edition

Letter 17

figure 21a Letter 17

Letter 17

figure 21ab Letter 17

203

204

Edition

Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 57. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā al-Qudsī to his son Yūsuf in Damascus. Dated 18.9.1216 = 22.1.1802. Anṭūn states that he has received Yūsuf’s previous letter and answered it care of Karma al-Ḥalabī. He wanted to send two loads (buṣṭayn) of broadcloth (ǧūḫ) for Yūsuf to sell but did not find someone to transport them, so they remained with him. Now he sends a purse (ṣurra) with ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Ṣabbāġ. Otherwise everything has been said in the previous letters. There follows a reminder that the paper for writing (more likely for Yūsuf to send as an item of merchandise than for him to use) should be smoothed (‫)مسقول = مصقول‬. Other goods (named ‫ )صواقط‬to Yūsuf Zuġayb were also delayed because of transport shortages, and will be sent with the cloth. Anṭūn notes that folded inside the letter (‫ )داخل طيو‬is a ledger. [It does not appear to be extant.] Anṭūn reports in a postscript that the price of coffee (bann) has risen from the price given in the previous letter. Yūsuf should buy coffee and send it before the Baghdad caravan arrives. Transcription ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة دمشق الشام و يتسلم ليد ولدنا العز يز‬ ‫المكرم الخواجا يوسف ولد انطون حداد ابو موسى‬ ‫القدسي امانة مرسلة‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫حفظه الله امين‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ولدنا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق لرو ياكم بكل خير والثاني هو انه وصلنا‬ ‫عز يز مكتو بكم وفهمنا جميع ما ذكرتم وردينا لـكم الجواب صحبة‬ ‫كرمه الحلبي و به افهمناكم عن الجميع وضبينا لـكم بصطين‬ ‫جوخ لاجل تصرفوهم بطرفكم لاكن لم وجدنا ضهر ان‬

‫‪205‬‬

‫‪Letter 17‬‬

‫يحملهم فلزم ان نبقيهم بطرفنا لما نوجد ضهر نتر]سلهم[ والان‬ ‫واصلـكم صرة صحبت سيدي السيد عبد الغني الصباغ‬ ‫ليدكم بلسلامة وعملها جانبه فبقا ما يلزم ان نعيد‬ ‫عليكم الشرح لان المكاتيب السابقا كافية والمكتوب‬ ‫صحبت كرمه الان بهكفاية عن اعادة الشرح هذا وجب‬ ‫شرحه وسلمو لنا على الاب الاكرم ابونا كليمنتي و بقية الابا‬ ‫كل واحد بسمه وعلى جميع المحبين وعلى طيوضوصي وحضرة‬ ‫والدتكم واخوانكم وشقايقكم بسلمون عليكم وحضر سيدكم‬ ‫وستكم والبناة خالاتكم جميع بسلمون عليكم و بعرفكم سيدكم‬ ‫لا تنسو الورق الى الـكتبة يكون مسقول‪ 24‬على وجه وحضرو‬ ‫اخوالـكم بسلمو عليكم وخالـكم انطون بعرفكم ان تتسلمو على‬ ‫المعلم يوسف زغيب وتعرفو ان الصواقط الذي عرفه‬ ‫عنهم حاضراة والاكن لسبب ان لم في ضهر تعوقو بعد تار يخه‬ ‫يصلوكم مع الجوخ والدعه‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ١٨‬رمضا ًالمبارك سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫الداعي لـكم‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬ ‫حداد ابو‬ ‫موسى‬ ‫واصلـكم القايمة داخل طيو ونوكد عليكم من يم البن كما‬ ‫عرفنا في مكتوب كرمه ولاكن الان سعر ‪ ٧‬الرطل‬ ‫و بمكتوب كرمه عرفناكم انه سعر ـه ‪ ٦ ١/٢‬بقا انكان‬ ‫متل ما عرفتكم سعر ر يال ‪ ٢٣‬خودو انكان بيكون لحد‬ ‫تلاتين ر يال خود لانه سعر ـه ‪ ٧‬غروش الرطل‬

‫‪.‬مصقول =‬

‫‪24‬‬

206

Edition

‫بطرفنا وان اخده ارسله حالا ًقبل ان يحضر قفل‬ ً ‫بغداد لاجل نعرف نصرفه حالا‬

Letter 18 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 41. Damyān walad ḫūrī Mitrī Faraǧ to Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Damascus. Dated 28.9.1216 = 1.2.1802. The address side shows traces of an octagonal seal impression and secondary pen exercises of greeting formulae. A note above the beginning of the text states that this letter includes another one to be forewarded to the sender’s son, wherever he may be. The even greater service would be to bring the son back to his father. Damyān thanks Yūsuf for news about Damyān’s son Bašāra. He asks Yūsuf to give Bašāra money if he needs it. This is a matter that the the writer has discussed with the addressee’s father, who himself should write about it. Yūsuf’s father (i.e. Anṭūn) has arrived. Transcription ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد‬ ‫الاخ الاعز الاكرم الخواجا يوسف‬ ‫ولد المعلم انطون حداد امانه‬ ‫صاحب البولصة في خمست مايت غرش‬ ‫الخواجه حنا نعمة من جسر شغر‬ ‫ـــــــــه‬ ٤٥٠ ‫ـــــــــــه‬ ٣٧٥

‫والثانية دهب عتيق‬ ٢٢ ١/٢

‫عدد‬

‫‪207‬‬ ‫‪٥٣‬‬

‫‪Letter 18‬‬

‫ـــــــــــه‬

‫ودهب مجر ‪٤٦‬‬

‫‪٣٩٧ ١/٢‬‬

‫]‪[further computations without text‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫وداخل مكتو بكم مكتوب تدفعه‬ ‫الى البلد الذي ولدنا فيها‬ ‫وان كملت جميلك تحضره معك‬ ‫الى طرفنا ر بنا لا يور يكم رو ية‬ ‫جناب حضرة اخونا المكرم المعلم يوسف دام مكرما ًوسالما ًامين‬ ‫غب اهدا كثرة الاشواق الوافرة اليكم بكل خيرا ً وعافية ونعمة‬ ‫من الباري تعالى جز يلة وافية والمبدي اليكم ان في ابرك وقت‬ ‫وساعة حضر لنا مكتو بكم وفهمنا مضمونه وحمدنا الله الذي انتم‬ ‫بخـير فلا زلتم به و يا اخونا كثر الله خيركم ودام فضلـكم ولا زلتم‬ ‫ضاعتم ور بنا تعالى يحرسكم و يخليكم لوالدكم ونحن حقا ًشكرنا‬ ‫فضلـكم واحسانكم الذي انبيتونا عن ولدنا نحمده تعالى والله يبشركم‬ ‫بكل خير و بكل سرور ولا ير يكم ولا مكروه ولا ضرورة ونشوف وجهكم‬ ‫بخـير وسلامة وان كان يا اخونا ولدنا بشارة يحتاج و يلزم له‬ ‫دراهم تعطيه ونحن قلنا الى حضرة والدكم يكتب لـكم عن ذلك‬ ‫ان شا تعالى ما جزا المليح الا بالمليح وهذا الغرض عندنا‬ ‫بالف دمتم والدعا حرر في ‪ ١‬شباط سنة ‪١٨٠٢‬‬ ‫المحب المخلص‬ ‫دميان ولد‬

208

Edition

‫خوري متري‬ ‫فرج‬ ‫وحضر والدكم وهو بخـير‬ ‫داعي لـكم وكذلك‬ ‫اخوكم يسلم عليكم‬ ‫ومنا نهدي الدعا‬ ‫والسلام الوافر الى‬ ‫ولدنا بشارة‬ ‫الله تعالى يهنيك كمثل‬ ‫ما ارسلت وهنيتنا‬ ‫بولدنا انت والمعلم‬ ‫ثاوضوسي‬

Letter 19 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 63. The address side contains a list. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf in Damascus. Dated 1.10.1216 = 4.2.1802. Anṭūn states that he has been thinking about his son because of the intense snow they witnessed at home. He has sent a coffer (ṣurra) of dirhams with ʿAbd al-Ġanī Sabbāġ. Said coffer contains the profit or interest ( fāʾida) of the past 90 days and a ledger. Other letters have been sent through ʿĪʿī mukārī (the messenger) and Ǧabbūr Matūl (?). The letter mainly discusses orders of and information on several textiles and their current prices. Anṭūn is requesting cloth of the type ‫كورنا‬, as Ḥannā again failed to find the right one [as he had already done in Letter 12, where the cloth was written differently as ‫]كرونه‬. If it is available in Beirut, a sample should be sent to be dyed. The load (buṣṭa) previously sent was not like the light type (‫ )كورنا خفيف‬which had fetched a good price. Anṭūn has received notice from two partners (Ǧabbūr Zabīda and Ḥannā al-Mulāʿibī) that they will sell gold or golden jewellery (dahabāt) if Anṭūn (in

‫‪209‬‬

‫‪Letter 19‬‬

‫‪return) has some cloth (alāǧa). He asks his son whether he has any news about‬‬ ‫‪this matter, and wants to think it over.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫يجوز درسايم الى دير ابو خليل حامل الحروف‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد ولدنا‬ ‫الخواجه يوسف ولد انطون حداد قدسي‬ ‫امانة مرسلة‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫الله امين‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا العز يز المكرم الخواجه يوسف حرصه‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انهكل خاطرنا عندكم لسبب‬ ‫الشتة الثلج الدي صار عندنا ثاني يوم عيد مار‬ ‫بولص في ‪ ٢١‬رمضان طلع بير ايوب‪ 25‬يوم تار يخه‬ ‫هللنا همكم لاه احد يكون في طر يق قبل عيد مار‬ ‫بولص تلاتت ايام سلمنا السيد عبد الغني سباغ‬ ‫صرة مكتوب هل صرة من دراهم فايدة الدي انكتبت‬ ‫علينا الى تسعين يوم مكتوب وفي مكتوب دليل قايمة‬ ‫اعطي بالك على مسواف بتعرف ان هل دراهم علي‬ ‫في فايدة صحبت عيعى مكاري مكتوب على يد‬

‫‪A place near Jerusalem.‬‬

‫‪25‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫جبور متول مكتوب انشالله يكون وصلت صرة بصطين‬ ‫الجوخ بعت دراع في طرفنا ـه ‪ ٦ ١/٢‬ـ ‪ ٦ ٣/٤‬وهل جوخ‬ ‫من زمري ر بنا يستدعنا انت بيع في معرفتكم الجوخ‬ ‫ان كان في داكيس عبي او صحن مع بغاده او غيره‬ ‫كرمه دليل الدي معه مكتوب جابه زعوت حلبي‬ ‫خده عرفهكيف يبيع والدنا خلي يعرفكم كيف سعر‬ ‫رطل حلبي عبي سود لاه ترسل الدي رسلتهم‬ ‫باقيات انت معرفني سعر ‪ ٩ ١/٢‬سوف حموله فرق عمله‬ ‫زود عني ـ ‪ ١٠ ١/٢‬ما احد كان يدفع انما الاجهكساوي‬ ‫ر بما نعرف تتحارف على ر بع فرس ناقس صرفي‬ ‫نقليه هندي كمان اتحارف بعت منهم عـ ‪ ٤‬سعر ‪١٢‬‬ ‫ارسل عـ ‪ ٣٠‬طاقة يكنوا على كوازي بسن وفيهم‬ ‫كحلي بسن ومور خرج زوار البسوطي سموطي‬ ‫كمان غاليات الدي اجونا في صيف ارخص ان كان‬ ‫في هل اثمان كافي الى لفايف مع لباد اسمعان‬ ‫ماه عرفنا الخواجه حنا ان كان حرر على جوخ كورناه‬ ‫ان كان في موجود في بيروت يرسل الشكل موجود‬ ‫لان لازم على ]م[ سباغ بصطة الدي رسلها ما هيه‬ ‫مثل كورنا خفيف ما كان الوكيل ياخد ها ثمن غالي‬ ‫‪Second column‬‬ ‫ومعرفني ان بدك بولصة انا رسلت صرة مع سيد‬ ‫عبد الغني بصطتين الجوخ سيد حمزة جابه صحبتكم‬ ‫ر بما بيجيب معه حصت بضاعةكافي انت جيب‬ ‫من بواقي بضاعة بغدادي ان وجدت صحن فوطو‬ ‫رفيع جيب بزايد عشرة ان لزمك دراهم جوخ‬ ‫خمست مايت غرش اكتر لاه تاخد ومز يد شوقنا‬

‫‪210‬‬

‫‪211‬‬

‫‪Letter 20‬‬

‫الى الحاج صالح والد سيد حمزة على مذكور‬ ‫سيد حمزة على ابن عمه سيد امحمد على من يسال‬ ‫عنا كل وحد في اسمه على الاخ نعمة اليان‬ ‫وولاده ومن عندنا يسلموا على نعمة وجميع‬ ‫من عندنا والدتكم خواتكم وستك خالتكم اجاني‬ ‫ازن نفصل تفاصيل الدي عندنا الى عروس‬ ‫واصلـكم قسمتين قطني كل قسمة دراعين ان وجدت‬ ‫شقق قطن ار بعت او خمست ادرع جيب اكم من‬ ‫شققه بلزموه من شان خوتك الدعا‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدي انطون‬ ‫حداد‬ ‫حرر في غرت شوال‬ ‫‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫ولدنا اجاني مكتوب من جبور ز بيده‬ ‫حنا الملاعبي نباع الدهبات ان ابقاه‬ ‫عندنا الاجت عـ ‪ ٣‬المذكور عندك خبر انه جاب الاجت‬ ‫انا ماه عندي خبر سوف افتكر‬

‫‪Letter 20‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 56.‬‬ ‫‪Isṭifān Anṭūn Isṭifān Damyān to Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Damascus.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 11.1216 = 5.3.–3.4.1802.‬‬ ‫‪Isṭifān expresses his apology for not writing more often. He explains that the‬‬ ‫‪reason for this is that the couriers (mukārī and ǧammāl) in Jaffa and al-Ramla‬‬

‫‪212‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪are unlike those in Damascus and those the writer knows failed to inform him‬‬ ‫‪that the addressee’s brother, to whom he had previously sent a letter, had writ‬‬‫‪ten.‬‬ ‫‪Isṭifān also apologizes for his bad handwriting.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى دمشق الشام و يحضر‬ ‫و يتسلم ليد حضرة اخونا الاعز‬ ‫الاكرم الخوجه يوسف ولد انطون‬ ‫حداد المكرم امانة‬ ‫مرسلة بلخير‬ ‫يكون‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫جناب حضرة الاخ الاعز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف المكرم سلمه الله تعالى وابقاه ولم شملنا بر باه عن‬ ‫قر يب غير بعيد امين‬ ‫غب عروض الشوق الوافر مع الدعا المتكاتر الى مشاهدة نور وجهكم البهية بكل خيرا ً‬ ‫ورفاهية ونعمة من قبل الباري تعالى جز يلة وافية ثما المعروض هوه المفروض‬ ‫بين اياديكم الـكرام اولا ًالسوال عن عز يز خاطركم والتاني ان تفضلتم وعننا سالتم‬ ‫فلله تعالى الحمد لم نسل الا عن صحت سلامتكم الذي هي غايت المراض من رب‬ ‫العباد وحليم ر بنا لم صعبان علينا سوا فراقكم ومعرفنا من يم قلت المكاتيب‬ ‫يا اخينا سابق بقا مراضنا نرسل لـكم كتاب ولاكن يا عز يز معلومكم بان الشام‬ ‫لم هي مثل يافا او الرملة مكار يه وجماله الذي نعرفهم لم عرفنا حضرة اخيكم‬ ‫الخواجه بطرس انه يرسل لنا ارسلنا لـكم كتاب سابق ضمن مكتوب اخيكم‬ ‫ان شالله يكون بلغ اياديكم والرجا من حضرتكم يا عز يز بان دائما ًتخلونا في فكركم‬ ‫من يم المكاتيب لاجل اهلهم اننا عليكم لان كل قلبنا وفكرنا عندكم‬

‫‪213‬‬ ‫وصعبانة علينا قوي فرقتكم الله بيعرف ولاكن نرجوا ر بنا وايلهنا‬ ‫راجي )…( دعاكم‬ ‫اخيكم اسطفان‬ ‫انطون اسطفان‬ ‫دميان‬ ‫حرر في الحجة‬ ‫سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫بان يردكم سالمين و ير ينا وجهكم بكل خير وجبر‬ ‫خاطر وو يخضر ما بين اياديكم ببركت من قال‬ ‫يا كر يم وستنا مر يم و بجميع القدسين امين ثما ان‬ ‫وحضروا شقايقنا بقبلون اياديكم ومن عندكم‬ ‫ابناي عمنا يوسف مناو ييل ومر يم وفرنسيسكا‬ ‫بسلمون عليكم كثير السلام واخيكم خواجه‬ ‫بطرس بسلم عليكم وانطون ابن راحييل‬ ‫بسلم عليكم ولجميع من عندنا الاهالي‬ ‫والمحبين بسلمون عليكم و يا اخينا لا تنسونا‬ ‫المشرافات لاجل اطماننا عليكم ونحنا‬ ‫دايما ًانتوا في بالنا كمثل ما معرفنا‬ ‫في مشرفك بان في الشطعات والـكيفيات‬ ‫نجي في فكركم كذلك انتوا في فكرنا في‬ ‫كل وقت وخاصتا ًفي هذا الصيام‬ ‫ومنزكركم في الاماكن المقدسة والله‬ ‫تعالى يحفظ حياتكم دمتم بالخـير‬ ‫اخينا يوسف حضر ابن القاترجي‬ ‫جر يس بسلم عليكم وابن الشيخ‬

‫‪Letter 20‬‬

214

Edition

‫صالح قراقع بسلم عليكم‬ ‫و يا اخينا من يم الخط لا توخدنا‬ ‫لان خطنا عاطل ومعكوس‬ ‫لا يكون من اخده من طرفكم ولا‬ ‫تقطعوا مكاتيبكم منا والدعا‬ ‫بالخـير‬

Letter 21 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 73. Niʿmat Allāh Liyān to Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn al-Ḥaddād in Jerusalem. Dated 25.11.1216 = 29.3.1802. Niʿmat Allāh expresses the hope that Yūsuf has returned home (ilā al-waṭan, i.e. Jerusalem). He asks Yūsuf to deliver, upon his arrival, shoes to Abū Ilyās Yūsuf Naḫla, for which he should take a quittance and send it back to Niʿmat Allāh. Yūsuf, remembering the services previously rendered by Niʿmat Allāh, should also be so kind as to use the profits from selling a load of coffee to give 50 ʿatīq gold coins to Abū Ilyās Yūsuf Naḫla and then give the rest to the writer’s brother Niqūlā Liyān. Transcription ‫بعونه تعالى‬ ‫يصل لمحروست القدس الشر يف يسلم ليد ولدنا العز يز المكرم الخواجه‬ (…) ‫يوسف ابن الخواجه انطون الحداد الاكرم امانة مرسلة‬ ٢ ‫عند الزاير الاجه عدد‬ ١ ‫ايضا زاير عدد‬ ‫عند ضلالة‬ ٢ ‫الاجه عدد‬

‫‪215‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ولدنا العز يز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف المحترم حفظه الله تعالى‬ ‫اولا ًمز يد كثرة الاشواق لرو ياكم السعيدة بكل خيرا ً وعافية‬ ‫وهو انه حقا يً ا عز يز لقد اوحشتمونا وانستم والدكم‬ ‫العز يز المكرم المرجو تبلغوه مز يد سلامنا وتهنيه في‬ ‫اجتماع شملـكم ر بنا لا يفرق بينكم وانشا الله تكونوا معرفينا‬ ‫في مكتو به من وصولـكم بالسلامة الى الوطن كما صارة المفارقة‬ ‫وانشالله لحـين وصوله تكونوا دفعتم الى الاخ العز يز الخواجه‬ ‫ابو لياس يوسف نخله البو بجه وتاخذوا منه وصول وترسلوه‬ ‫لنا والان معرفتيه بعد وصول هذا ليدكم بتسعة ايام يقبض‬ ‫منكم خمسين ذهب عتيق مرجوكم ذلك واذا حصلت قبل‬ ‫الدعوة بتكونوا عملتم جميل لان نحن عرفناكم كيف ما جاب‬ ‫ثمن البن تسهلوه فالمرجو تصفوا الحمل البن والقرش‬ ‫وتدفعوا من اصله الخمسين ذهب و بعد عندنا الذي تبقا‬ ‫تدفعوه الى ابن اخينا الخواجه نقولا ليان ولا مواخذة بذلك‬ ‫خدمه بخدم و بلغ مز يد سلامي الى سيدكم عمنا العز يز سنيور‬ ‫لونصه والى اخوانكم وشقايقكم العزاز والى والدتكم المكرمة‬ ‫والى اخونا الشماس تيودوسي والى كل من يلوز بكم والى اخونا‬ ‫الشيخ فرنسيس ومن هذا الطرف اولادنا مع والدتهم يسلمون‬ ‫عليكم وادعى ‪ ٢٥‬ذلقعدة سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫مخلص عمكم‬ ‫نعمت الله‬ ‫ليان‬ ‫م‬

‫‪Letter 21‬‬

‫‪216‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Letter 22‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 62.‬‬ ‫‪Yūsuf Adan to Yūsuf al-Ḥaddād in Jerusalem.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 27.11.1216 = 31.3.1802.‬‬ ‫‪Yūsuf Adan asks Yūsuf al-Ḥaddād to keep in mind his requests for jewelery‬‬ ‫‪(dahabāt) and wax (šamʿ). But he should not send either if he does not like‬‬ ‫‪them, or if he finds them to be expensive or of insufficient quality. If Yūsuf al‬‬‫‪Ḥaddād purchases something on behalf of Yūsuf Adan, he is asked to deduct it‬‬ ‫‪from any outstanding debt he still owes.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى القدس الشر يف و يسلم ليد الاخ العز يز المكرم‬ ‫الخواجه يوسف الحداد المكرم امانة‬ ‫‪In the corner, exercise of an address to a dignitary:‬‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة اخونا العز يز وعلى الاكرم المحترم‬ ‫عين السادات ⟩الساده⟨ الـكرام ⟩محـىر⟨ حضرة سيدي‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة الاخ العز يز المكرم الخواجه يوسف سلمه الله تعالى‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق الى رو ياكم السعيدة بكل خير وعافية وان تفضلتم‬ ‫وجزتم بالسوال عنا فاننا لله تعالى مز يد الحمد بغايت الصحة والعافية‬ ‫الذي نرجو من الله دوامها لـكم و بعده نعرفكم معرفين خالـكم على مقطع‬ ‫بيتي شغل الدهبات نرجوكم يكون فوق خاطركم انكان هو ام جنابكم‬ ‫بحيس يكون دفيع وانكان ما تلقوا على خاطركم او غالي لا ترسلوا‬ ‫والشمع الذي موصيتكم عليه من شانتا كذلك ان ما اتوجد شي عالي‬ ‫لا ترسلوا مع مهما يلزم لـكم من الاغراض عرفونا و يلقوا سلامنا الى‬

217

Letter 23

‫حضرة والدكم المكرم والدتكم جميع من يلوز بجنابكم ومن عندنا والدتنا‬ ‫واخينا يسلمون عليكم وحضرة الاب الياس يهديكم البركة والسلام‬ ٣‫ و‬٢ ‫وعمتنا شبينتكم وشر يكنا يوسف ببلغوكم مز يد السلام وانا‬ ‫ودمتم والدعا‬ ‫محب مخلص‬ ً ‫يوسف ادا‬ ١٢١٦ ‫ ذلقعدة سنة‬٢٧ ‫في‬ ‫وانكان تاخذوا لنا شي اخصموا ثمنه من‬ ‫الذي لنا طرفكم وان بقي لـكم شي عرفونا‬ ‫ تحت سقف اخيكم‬٢٩ ‫وتحت الذي لنا باقي ـه‬ ٢ ١/٢ ‫مخاييل ـه‬ ‫ـه‬ ‫ في يد بطرس‬١٥

Letter 23 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 80. Ǧabbūr Zubayrī26 to Anṭūn Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā in Jerusalem. Dated 13.12.1216 = 16.4.1802. Anṭūn is asked to pay 10 piasters as financial obligation (‫ )غروش خرجية‬to Ǧabbūr’s son Yaʿqūb as the latter is traveling to Anṭūn in Jerusalem. Ǧabbūr has previously given two gold coins worth 60 piasters to Anṭūn’s son. Ǧabbūr also asks that Anṭūn send a coffer (ṣurra) with the wakīl of Dayr al-Nāṣira monastery who will pass through Jerusalem soon. Ǧabbūr needs the money urgently because he is financially constrained (maznūq).

26

Or is this in fact Zubaydī and a variant of the name that is written ‫( جبور ز بيده‬Letters 12, 13, 16, 19, 30, 94, 184) or ‫( جبور ز بدي‬Letter 10) in other letters?

‫‪218‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل لمحروسة القدس الشر يف ليد اخينا الخواجة انطون حداد ابو موسى‬ ‫المحترم امانة‬ ‫مرسلة‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫حضرة الاخ العز يز الخواجة انطون المكرم حفضه الله تعالى‬ ‫بعد الشوق اعرض لديكم نرجوكم تدفعوا الى ولدنا يعقوب عشرة‬ ‫غروش خرجية لانه توجه لطرفكم نرجوكم لا تعوقوا عليه وقيدوهم‬ ‫علينا وتقدم عرفنا خوتكم اننا دفعنا الدهبين الى ولدكم‬ ‫عنهما ستين غرش ونعيد عليكم بقدوم الفصح المجيد احياكم‬ ‫الله تعالى وابقاكم الى امثال امثاله وجنابكم الصحة والعافية انتم واولادكم‬ ‫وحضروا من عندنا اولادنا يقبلون اياديكم والله تعالى )…(‬ ‫كم دعا‬ ‫جبور‬ ‫ز بيري‬ ‫في ‪ ١٣‬الحجة سنة ‪١٢١٦‬‬ ‫ونرجوكم ترسلوا لنا صرة صحبة وكيل دير الناصرة‬ ‫لانه بعد العيد بيومين يحضر لطرفكم نرجوكم لازم‬ ‫ارسال صرة لاني مزنوق جدا ً‬

‫‪219‬‬

‫‪Letter 24‬‬

‫‪Letter 24‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 81.‬‬ ‫‪Ǧabbūr Zubayrī to Anṭūn Ḥaddād Abū Mūsā in Jerusalem.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 23.1.1217 = 26.5.1802.‬‬ ‫‪Ǧabbūr asks Anṭūn to pay out 172 ¾ piasters to a certain ḥāǧǧ Salmān al‬‬‫‪Baġdādī as he is coming to Jerusalem, drawing from 200 piasters Ǧabbūr still‬‬ ‫‪has outstanding from Anṭūn. Ǧabbūr has taken this amount from Salmān‬‬ ‫‪because he wants to receive a payment in his home region since, as Anṭūn‬‬ ‫‪knows, the roads are in disorder.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل لمحروسة القدس الشر يف ليد حضرة الاخ العز يز الخواجه انطون‬ ‫حداد ابو موسى‬ ‫المكرم‬ ‫امانة‬ ‫المطـ⟩ـلـ⟨ـوب‬ ‫‪ ..‬سعر‬ ‫‪١٧٢ ٣/٤‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫حضرة الاخ العز يز الخواجه انطون المكرم حفضه الله تعالى‬ ‫بعد مز يد الشوق نخـبر خوتكم بوصوله تدفعوا عن دفعنا الى جناب سيدي الامجد‬ ‫الحاج سلمان البغدادي ‪ ..‬ـه ‪ ١٧٢ ٣/٤‬ماية وثلاثة وسبعين غرش الا ر بع لاننا‬ ‫قبضناهم بطرفنا المراد لا تعوقو عليه لان ولدنا اخبرنا ان معكم لنا مايتين‬ ‫غرش صرة المرجو من جنابكم مهما دفعتم لجناب سيدي ز يادة نقبضها هنا‬ ‫لان معلومكم الطر يق مخر بط يكون معلومكم دمتم ‪ ٢٣‬محرم سنة ‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫كم دعا‬

220

Edition

‫جبور‬ ‫ز بيري‬

Letter 25 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 20. Theodosius al-Muwah to Niʿmat Allāh Ilyān / Liyān in Damascus, residing in Ḫān al-Gumruk. Dated 9.8.1217 = 5.12.1802. Theodosius informs Niʿma that the cochineal (dūda) has been impossible to sell where he presently is [likely Jerusalem]. He had to mix it with other cochineal to find buyers. Another item ready to be shipped can probably be identified as woolen garments (‫)البشوة = البشوت؟‬. Theodosius can send them to whomever Niʿma specifies or sell them and give the money to someone to be named by Niʿma. Transcription ‫بمنه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروسة دمشق الشام و يتسلم ليد جناب‬ ‫حضرة عمنا العز يز المكرم الخواجا نعمة‬ ‫ليان المحترم في خان الكمرك‬ ‫امانه مرسله‬ Recto ‫تعالى‬ ‫حفظه الله امين‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة عمنا العز يز المكرم الخواجا نعمة المحترم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كترة الاشواق لرو ياكم بكل خير وان سالتم‬ ‫عننا لله الحمد بكل خير وخاطرنا عند جنابكم‬

‫‪221‬‬

‫‪Letter 25‬‬

‫ونعرفكم بخصوص الدودة الذي طرفنا حقا ً‬ ‫يا عم العز يز بسعر ـه ‪ ٤٥‬لم كان احد ياخدها ونحن‬ ‫بعناها الى اتنين وحياة العيش والمليح‬ ‫الذي اكلناه من بيتكم ان لم عرفنا نسرفها الّا لما‬ ‫خل ّطناها بدودة من عند معلمنا لان بعنا منها‬ ‫وحدها و بيرجعوها علينا وعلم ثمنها غرش فـ ‪ ٥‬ـ ‪١١٤‬‬ ‫دفعناهم الى الخواجا يوسف نخله السلفيتي وميت‬ ‫الف جهد لما سرفناها في سعر ـه ‪ ٤٧‬حين‬ ‫هو اسم الرب لا يسير لـكم فكره بذلك من يم‬ ‫البشوة‪ 27‬حاضراة عندنا وحقا ًلم وصلو الا مهر ياة‬ ‫وان ردتم عرفنا لمين نسلمهم بنسلمهم وان عرفنا نصرفهم‬ ‫بندفع تمنهم لمن تر يدوه ومز يد سلامنا الى ولدكم‬ ‫الخواجا مخاييل وعلى بقية انجالـكم المحروسين وحضر‬ ‫معلمنا وولاده بسلمون عليكم وكاتبه ابن معلمنا انطون‬ ‫بقبل اياديكم و بسلم على اولادكم والدعه‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫طيوضوصي‬ ‫الموه‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ٩‬شعبان سنة ‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫بيا ًعلم الدوده الذي لجنابكم اقـه ـه ‪ ٢‬درهم ـه ‪١٧٥‬‬ ‫ـه‬ ‫‪١١٤ ٥‬‬

‫‪= Hind / Badawi, p. 77: bišt pl. bušūt: “woolen overgarment of various types, worn‬بشوت؟‬ ‫‪by men”.‬‬

‫‪27‬‬

222

Edition

Letter 26 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 65. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf Samʿān in Damascus. Dated 10.8.1217 = 6.12.1802. Anṭūn states that he has received his son’s previous letter dated Šaʿbān 7 [and apparently not preserved in our collection] in which Yūsuf informed him about his safe arrival in Nablus. Yūsuf could not find Ibn Ṭūqān to collect 23 outstanding piasters for Sulaymān Qaṭīna and his father advises him on how best to proceed, preferably sending orders to someone else, for example Ǧabbūr [likely Zabīda], to do the job and collect the money later. Anṭūn states that he has sent via Ǧabbūr a letter to Yaʿqūb with an enclosed ledger by Muḥammad Bazīzat. Yūsuf should send broadcloth (ǧūḫ). He should also not let the people laugh at him. And he should not buy much from sayyid Ḥamza. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يسلم‬ ‫ليد حضرت ولدنا يوسف سمعان ولد‬ ‫انطون حداد قدسي امانة مرسلة‬ ‫بلخير‬ Below the address, turned on its head: ‫محمد ابن حمدان المرعشي‬ ٢ ١/٢ ‫من سله ـه‬

‫‪223‬‬

‫‪Letter 26‬‬

‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا العز يز الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله امين‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه وصلني مكتو بكم لمحرر في ‪ ٧‬شعبان‬ ‫عرفتني في وصولـكم الى نابلس في سلامة ومعرفني‬ ‫من يم مكتوب الدي من سيد سليمان قطينة الى‬ ‫ابن طوقان ما وجته حته تقبض منه ‪ ٢٣‬غرش‬ ‫ان كان خليت مكتوب عند احد وصيتهم يقبضوا‬ ‫منه ان كان مكتوب باقي معكم ارسله الى احد‬ ‫او الى جبور افهمه انه يقبض ‪ ٢٣‬غرش يخليهم‬ ‫عنده الى حين ما تحضر ان كان خليته عند‬ ‫احد عملت مليح قبل تار يخه رسلت مكتوب‬ ‫من تحت يد جبور من داخله مكتوب الى رفيقو‬ ‫في ورقت خراج الى يعقوب قايمة من يد سيد‬ ‫امحمد بز يزت الدي بيقطع عقلك اتسوقه‪/‬انسوفه الدي‬ ‫في قايمة ارسل بصطت الجوخ كحلي ان كان ماه‬ ‫اتسرف فيها حته تلحق رمضان ولدنا اعطي‬ ‫بالك على مسواف لاه تخلي ناس تتحك‪ 28‬عليك‬ ‫ولاه تتكل على احد مثل عام دور من يم سيد‬ ‫حمزة تغني قسم على خاطرك اعطي بالك‬ ‫على خمارت ر بنا يسهل امرك طول بالك من‬ ‫يم سيد حمزة لاه تشتري الاه ]عـ‪.‬ـا[ عدلك في‬ ‫طولت روح باقي جميع من عندنا يسلموا عليكم‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ١٠‬شعبان‬

‫ضحك =‬ ‫?ت ّ‬

‫‪28‬‬

224

Edition

١٢١٧ ‫سنة‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫حداد‬

Letter 27 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 46. Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his unnamed son, presumably Yūsuf Samʿān, in Damascus. No address. Dated 13.8.1217 = 9.12.1802. Anṭūn notes that his son has previously sent a letter, dated 9 Šaʿbān [therefore not extant in our collection] about monks who have been injured. They have since safely arrived with the father. One stayed behind and is recovering at the son’s location (i.e. Damascus). The son and the people around him should be careful only to travel with a good caravan for safety. Anṭūn alludes to the bad news that has arrived about sayyid Ḥamza; Anṭūn asked Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī, who has confirmed their veracity. The son should go to Ḥamza’s father, but ahould be careful not to talk to him about it and if asked about letters (makātīb) he should say: “We have none”. Ḥamza’s letters should be given to Muḥammad and Yūsuf should tell him that he has had no information that Ḥamza had died. If Ḥamza’s old bills are demanded, he should tell them that he has no information on that but that Anṭūn sent them the ledgers (qawāʾim) and old bills at the beginning of the year. The letter turns to the topic of Ḥamza’s outstanding debts. Ḥamza’s daftar needs to be brought to distinguish between the debts held in common between Anṭūn and Ḥamza, and those which Ḥamza had held by himself. If the son needs money, he could turn to ʿAbd al-Ġanī Ṣabbāġ, who still has 800 ġuruš in outstanding payments with Anṭūn. There then follow requests for šawāṭir according to the ledger. The sons of Ṣīdaḥ should be informed that clothes called al-ṭūṣilī are still available in Nablus. If offered, the son should purchase cloth (alāǧa) and 20 caps (ṭāqa) of

‫‪225‬‬

‫‪Letter 27‬‬

‫‪every kind so that Anṭūn can decide whether to order more. Anṭūn announces‬‬ ‫‪the arrival of coffers (ṣurra), in one of which is a confidential list (qāʾima) which‬‬ ‫‪should be the authoritative one; and the son should not talk about this with the‬‬ ‫‪“old man” (ḫityār) [probably a position in the monastery where the son usually‬‬ ‫‪resides]. The other coffer, sent with Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī, contains coins which are then‬‬ ‫‪listed.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫حفظه الله امين‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ولدنا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد الشوق اليكم بكل خير والثاني هو انه وصلنا‬ ‫مكتو بكم المحرر في ‪ ٩‬شعبان وعرفتونا بخصوص الرهبا ً‬ ‫المجرحين ولاكن وصلو لطرفنا بلسلامة والواحد‬ ‫باقي في طرفكم ر بنا يشفي لاكن انتم اعطو بالـكم لا‬ ‫تروحو الا صحبة قفل طيب و يكون عمدة وعرفتونا‬ ‫بخصوص السيد حمزة فقوي حصل لنا غم عظيم ولاكن‬ ‫هذا حكم ر بنا ونحن ايضا ًاخدنا السؤال من يوسف‬ ‫العيعي فقال لنا انه صحيح فبقا انتم لا تعملو ان‬ ‫معكم خبر بلشام بل روحو عند والده سلمو عليه‬ ‫وقبل ان تسلمو عليه استخبرو وان طلب منكم‬ ‫مكاتيب عرفوه ان لم معنا ولا تكلمو والده‬ ‫شي ومهما تكلم معكم لا تردو عليه انتم سلمو مكاتيب‬ ‫سيد حمزة الى امحمد وعرفوه ان لم معنا خبر انه‬ ‫توفا ولا تجعل مقارشة غير مع محمد وان طلبو‬ ‫منكم الحساب القديم عرفهم اني لم معي خبر لاكن‬ ‫والدنا ارسل له القوايم والحساب القديم عام‬ ‫اول ولاكن في منه ديون عند الناس هو‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫داينهم بزنه وله ايضان غير ديون عند اولاد عبد‬ ‫النبي الشماسرا له وحده مقيدين بدفتره بقا‬ ‫لازم ان يحضر واحد من طرفهم لاجل ان يحصل‬ ‫⟩نحن لنا ماه خرجنا ]‪⟨[..‬‬ ‫‪Left column‬‬ ‫الديون الذي لنا وله والدي له وحده بدفتره وان‬ ‫لم حضر احد لم بتحصل شي وانكا ًمحمد يعمل مليح بجيب‬ ‫له حمل ام حملين الدي ⟩ير يده⟨ يقصض باب الله على هل زوار‬ ‫و بخلص هل ديون الذي عند الناس والدين‬ ‫المخصوص للسيد حمزة محرر بدفتره وان كان محمد‬ ‫بر يد يعطيك المطلوب سداد و يكون محمد عوض‬ ‫سيد حمزة وان صار نصيب وحضر لطرفنا بتقابل‬ ‫نحن واياه وان تقلوّ عليك بطلب ضراهم ام قالو‬ ‫ان لم عندنا ضراهم روح لعند السيد عبد الغني صباغ‬ ‫وعرفو ان والدنا له عنده انوف من ‪ ٨٠٠‬غرش‬ ‫ما عدا البضاعة الباقية الذي قامها علينا ولنا‬ ‫باقيه والسيد عبد الغني انفجر على الحساب‬ ‫والثمنماية المحررة اعلاه فرق عمله وان كان محمد بيعطيك‬ ‫بضاعة لا تاخد غير على خاطركم ومن يم الشواطر‬ ‫خود على موجب القايمة ⟩الوله⟨ ومن يم الثياب الطوصلي‬ ‫عرف اولاد صيدح انهم باقياة في نابلوس وعرفهم‬ ‫ان حضر لنا مكاتيب من الخواجا حنا صيدح ومعرفهم‬ ‫ان اولاد عمنا بقضو غرضكم وانكا بً ر يدو يعطوكم الاجه‬ ‫خدو منهم عينة عشر ين طاقة من كل شكل طاقة فان عجبنا‬ ‫بنرسل نطلب منهم وكذلك من الخواجه نعمة خدو عينة‬ ‫الذي بنوجده انسب بناخد منه‬

‫‪226‬‬

‫‪227‬‬

‫‪Letter 27‬‬

‫حرر في ‪ ١٣‬شعبان‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬ ‫حداد والدكم‬ ‫‪Verso‬‬ ‫اعطي بالك على سدف‬ ‫مرات ‪ ٣‬الى بزر خارقات قوي‬ ‫بزر موصلي ‪ ١٠‬او من ديار بكر الى بزر خارقات‬ ‫من داخل صرة في قايمة محرر لاه نعمد الاه‬ ‫بهي لا تحكي مع الختيار شي‬ ‫واصلـكم صرة صحبت يوسف العيعي‬ ‫ــــــــ‬

‫ــــــــــــ‬ ‫‪ ١٢٣ / ٢‬ار يال عامود‬ ‫‪٠٠٧‬‬ ‫‪٠٠٦‬‬ ‫‪٠٢٠‬‬

‫‪٣٧‬‬

‫فندقلي‬ ‫ار باع )…( ‪١‬‬ ‫ار يال عامود‬

‫‪٠١‬‬ ‫‪٠٣‬‬ ‫‪٠٦‬‬

‫ــــــــــ‬ ‫‪١٥٦ /٢‬‬ ‫‪٠١٦‬‬ ‫‪٠٠٥ ٢‬‬ ‫‪١٧٧ /٤‬‬ ‫‪٠٣٢‬‬

‫دهب امطب نقد انكر عـ ‪٢‬‬ ‫ار يال عامود عـ ‪(…) ١‬‬ ‫عـ )‪(. . . . . . . .‬‬ ‫‪٩‬‬

‫‪228‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫حرر في شعبان‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫انكرس ـ ‪ ٣‬بز بد كل واحد فيرطوص فهي او في ‪ ٨‬او في ‪٨ ١/٤‬‬ ‫اليوم النكرس في ‪ ٧ ١/٢‬في ‪ ٧ / ٥‬بندقلي في ‪ ٨ ١/٢‬ار يال ـ ‪٣ / ٥‬‬

‫‪Letter 28‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 58.‬‬ ‫‪Buṭrus to Yūsuf walad Anṭūn [Ḥaddād] al-Qudsī in Damascus.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 13.8.1217 = 9.12.1802.‬‬ ‫‪Buṭrus notes that Yūsuf has not responded to a previous letter. He gives some‬‬ ‫‪information on the shipment of camphor (kāfūr). He furthermore notes re‬‬‫‪quests by Yaʿqūb al-ʿArab for jallab and rhubarb concentrate for immediate‬‬ ‫‪shipment.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بعون تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يتسلم ليد‬ ‫جناب حضرة اخونا الاعز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف‬ ‫ولد الخواجه انطون القدسي‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة اخونا الاعز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف حفظه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫اولان مز يد كترة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية والتاني‬ ‫هو انه ارسلنا لـكم مكتوب ما وصلنا جوابه والان ما هو‬ ‫حق منك والان نعرفك من يم الكافور ارسله و يعقوب‬ ‫العرب بوصيك على وقيت جلبا وعلى وقيت رب الروند‬ ‫لا تنساهم ارسلهم حالان وسلم على الخواجه يعقوب متوله‬

‫‪229‬‬ ‫بسلموا عليك خواتك وخلانك وحماتك بتسلم‬ ‫فرنسيسكا بتسلم عليك والدعا باقي‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫اخيكم بطرس‬ ‫م‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫في شعبان‬ ‫‪١٣‬‬ ‫وسلمو لنا على الخواجه يوسف‬ ‫ازغيب وسلم على الخواجه جر يس‬ ‫وسلم على الخواجه زخر يا‬ ‫والكافور لاه تنساه اخدنا الوقية‬ ‫في سعر ‪ ٦‬انكان بتعرف فخدها بنقص تمن‬

‫‪Letter 28‬‬

230

Edition

Letter 29

figure 22 Letter 29

Letter 29

231

Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 66. Anṭūn [Ḥaddād] to his son Yūsuf in Damascus. Two different hands. Dated 24.8.1217 = 18.12.1802. The address side contains a list of expenses for shipments and lodging on the way between Jerusalem and Damascus. Anṭūn states that he has previously sent four letters through different carriers (three via Ǧabbūr and one via Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī). Al-ʿĪʿī has also transported a coffer with 233 ¼ piasters, but Anṭūn never received a quittance for them and wonders whether they reached his son or whether they may have been directed to Ramla. Yūsuf should inquire about it and report to his father. A new letter has just arrived from the son in which he explains his delays due to little caravan traffic. Anṭūn has sent another letter through sayyid Muḥammad Kawkaš while the present one reaches the son inside a letter to sayyid ʿAbd al-Ġanī ǧalabī alSabbāġ. Anṭūn has informed ʿAbd al-Ġanī al-Sabbāġ [presumably in the aforementioned letter] that he should support Yūsuf. ʿAbd al-Ġanī should offer support also if people were to demand the bill / account for [the deceased] sayyid Ḥamza, because ʿAbd al-Ġanī has seen all the bills (ǧamīʿ ḥisābinā). Muḥammad [presumably the deceased’s cousin] should take care of settling outstanding payments (‫)بقضي لـكم غرض سداد‬. If he fails to do so, ʿAbd al-Ġanī should. Yūsuf should deliver a letter of [the deceased] sayyid Ḥamza to his cousin sayyid Muḥammad. If they demand Ḥamza’s bill from Yūsuf, he should say that “this bill is not that bill” (‫)هذا الحساب غير هل حساب‬, [i.e. the bill they want]. If Muḥammad agreed, he can give broadcloth (ǧūḫ, as a payment?), and Yūsuf should take it. Then Muḥammad would take the place of Ḥamza in their business ( yakūn maʿnā miṯl mā kān al-sayyid Ḥamza). But Yūsuf should remind him of the debt and the need for him to appear in person to clear it. If the caravan arrives Yūsuf should take 10 Baghdad blankets (liḥaf ). If not, then Anṭūn may send to Acre for them. There is demand from sayyid Šākir who is also in Damascus and who would not ask Yūsuf if there were no need (‫لو لاه‬ ‫)عازه ماه طالبك‬. [The changing hand at the end of the letter likely indicates that the father used a scribe. Was he dictating at first, then taking up the reed himself in the end?]

‫‪232‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يتسلم‬ ‫ليد ولدنا يوسف المكرم امانة مرسلة‬ ‫ـه‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬

‫كرا من القدس الى نابلس‬

‫‪٣‬‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪١١‬‬

‫كرا من نابلس الى شام مركوب فرص‬

‫‪٥‬‬

‫‪٣/٤‬‬

‫‪٠٠٠‬‬

‫زواده‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪٠٢‬‬

‫مصروف‬

‫‪٨‬‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪٠١‬‬

‫عتالة في نابلس‬

‫‪٦‬‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪٠٠‬‬

‫بوابة‬

‫‪٠١‬‬

‫كرا اوضا‬

‫‪٠٥‬‬

‫غفر وفرق في خان عيون التجار‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪٠١‬‬

‫غفر في جنين وفي الجسر‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪١٥‬‬

‫ثمن صحارة‬

‫‪٢‬‬

‫‪٥٧‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬ ‫‪٧‬‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪١‬‬

‫‪١/٢‬‬

‫‪١٧٣‬‬

‫‪٣/٤‬‬

‫‪٤٨٣‬‬

‫‪١/٤‬‬

‫‪٦٥٧‬‬

‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى‬

‫حفظه الله امين‬

‫‪٠٠‬‬

‫الى النجار‬

‫‪١٢٦‬‬

‫اكرا من نابلس الى الشام قناطير عدد ‪ ٣ ١/٢‬طـ ‪١١‬‬

‫ثمن غلاين الف ‪ ٠٠‬عدد ‪١٢٩‬‬

‫‪233‬‬ ‫الى جناب حضرت ولدنا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير والثاني هو انه‬ ‫قبل تار يخه رسلنا لـكم ثلاثت مكاتيب من تحت يد جبور‬ ‫ومكتوب صحبت يوسف العيعي يوفي عن ما‬ ‫يغني عن اعادة الشرح وصحبته صرة غرش ‪٢٣٣ / ٧‬‬ ‫ولاكن لتار يخه لم وصلنا وصولها فبقا لم نعلم‬ ‫انكان توجه لطرفكم ام توجه الى الرملة فلازم‬ ‫ان تستخبرو عنه وتعرفونا والان وصلنا مكتو بكم‬ ‫الذي معرفنا به عن عاقتكم من قلت القفولة‬ ‫وارسلنا لـكم مكتوب من تحت يد سيد محمد كوكش‬ ‫والان واصلـكم هل مكتوب من تحت يد و بداخل‬ ‫مكتوب السيد عبد الغني چلبي السباغ وانا‬ ‫معرف السيد عبد الغني انه يكون معين معكم‬ ‫فان طلبو منكم حساب السيد حمزة لان السيد‬ ‫عبد الغني اطلع على جميع حسابنا بقا انكان‬ ‫محمد بقضي لـكم غرض سداد وان لم قضى غرضكم‬ ‫عرفو السيد عبد الغني يقضي غرضكم ولم لنا بركة‬ ‫غير القدم ونرجوكم ان تخلصو شغلـكم حالا ًوعرفو‬ ‫السيد عبد الغني انكان ير يد يعطيكم شي وان كان‬ ‫‪Left column‬‬ ‫لم بيعطيكم على خاطره وانشا الله يكون حضر قفل‬ ‫بغداد وسلم على من عندكم ومن عندنا يسلمو عليكم‬ ‫والدعى حرر في ‪ ٢٤‬شعبان سنة ‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫ومكتوب سيد حمزة الذي معكم سلموه الى سيد‬ ‫محمد ابن عمه وان طلبو منكم حسابه عرفه ان هذا‬

‫‪Letter 29‬‬

234

Edition

‫الحساب غير هل حساب لم يعرف وان رضي بعطيك‬ ‫بصطة الجوخ خدها وان لم رضي على كيته وان‬ ‫رضي سيد محمد يكون معنا مثل ما كان السيد حمزة‬ ‫سداد وان لم رضي الخاطر خاطره ولاكن عرفه‬ ‫من يم الديون لازم انه يحضر لاجل يخلصهم والدعى‬ [here the hand changes:] ‫ على احمد‬١٠ ‫ان كان بيحضر قفل خود لحف بغدادي عـ‬ ‫الجميع يسلموا عليكم يوسف عيعي ان كان ماه حضر‬ ‫الى طرفكم عرفني ر بما اتوجه على عكا‬ ‫سيد شاكر الان في الشام طالبه‬ ‫ غرش لو لاه عازه ماه طالبك‬٣٥ ‫في ـه‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬

Letter 30 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 78. The letter bears an early numbering in pencil “no. 3”, later changed with ink to “5”. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād in Nablus or, if he was absent, to Damascus. Dated 5.9.1217 = 30.12.1802. The letter is designated as “mulḥaq ḫabar”. Anṭūn notes that the bearer of this letter, Aḫū Ḥusayn Ḥawārī, came to him without a letter from Yūsuf. He also notes that he has not received an answer to several previous letters and outlines in detail the different routes through which he has tried to channel the correspondence. Anṭūn notes that around 700 Greek Orthodox (Rūm) pilgrims have arrived from Ramla. Anṭūn wants to investigate with ʿAbd al-Ġanī Sabbāġ whether loads of merchandise could be sent with the pilgrims (ḫarǧ zuwwār) if Muḥammad Kawkaš does not send things. The son should keep this to himself (lā

Letter 30

235

taḥkī ilā aḥad). Yūsuf is to send samples of different skull-caps (ṭāqa) for his father to check the quality of their respective cloth. When the caravan arrives, Yūsuf should make his purchases according to the list (qāʾima) that was previously sent and not take what does not please him (‫)الدي ما بيصير عقلك لاه تاخد‬. Anṭūn has inquired about the coffer which Yūsuf had sent through the “fraud” (mulāʿibī) Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī and found it came to Damascus via Acre with a bundle of letters and containing what was taken from Ibn Ṭūqān. If he needs a letter of exchange (būliṣa), Yūsuf should not take more than 300 worth. In a postscript Anṭūn acknowledges the receipt of a letter dated 29 Šaʿbān [evidently not preserved in our collection]. He will send kerchieves (manādīl) with the same man, Muḥammad Kawkaš, who has brought the letter. Again, as regards the letter of sayyid Ḥamza, Yūsuf should only speak to Ḥamza’s cousin Muḥammad, ignore the father, and plead ignorance about any other bills. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى مدينت نابلس و يتسلم ليد‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف ولد انطون حداد‬ ‫قدسي امانة مرسلة وان كان في‬ ‫خارج يصل الى دمشق الشام‬ Recto ‫ملحق خبر‬ ‫ولدنا الخواجه يوسف حضر حامل الحروف اخو حسين حواري‬ ‫وماه اجاني مكتوب من يدكم انا في سابق رسلت معه مكتوب‬ ‫الى سيد امحمد كوكش من داخله مكتوب لـكم وثاني يوم‬ ‫رسلت مكتوب صحبت الدي جاب راهب مجروح مكتوب‬ ‫الى سيد امحمد كوكش في اسم سيد عبد الغني سباغ وفي‬ ‫مكتوب لـكم مكتوب صحبت مزكور من داخل مكاتيب سيدك‬ ‫تحت يد جبور ز بيده اجاه جواب الى سيدك فلاح‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫من بيرة رهبان الدي حضرت ثاني مرة مع زعبي‬ ‫ماه رسلت معهم مكتوب انما وصلني مكتوب محرر‬ ‫انهار الحد لاكن ماه انت معرفني ان كان وصولـكم‬ ‫مكاتيب الدي من تحت يد سيد امحمد كوكش ومكتوب‬ ‫جبور مكتوب سيد عبد الغني سباغ لا]‪ ..‬في[ شرح‬ ‫زايد انه يحكي معكم ازاه تعلق على حساب ان كان ماه‬ ‫يبعطكم امحمد شي انا معرف عبد الغني ان كان بيعرف‬ ‫يعمل حمل خرج زوار لان زوار روم حضرت من طرف‬ ‫رملة نحو صار ـ ‪ ٧٠٠‬لاه تحكي الى احد خود من نعمة‬ ‫عشر ين طاقة حته نشوف القسم الثمان خود من انطون‬ ‫رفاييل اولاد سادةكمان عشر ين طاقة حته نشوف الدي‬ ‫بيفرق قماشته انت اتشواف من قماش مر بع من عند‬ ‫ز بونك العور يكنوا بسن ان حضر قفل بغداد انت‬ ‫بتعرف مطلوب القايمة الدي رسلتها )بثامن( بز يزت‬ ‫الدي ما بيصير عقلك لاه تاخد ايضان الصرة الدي‬ ‫رسلتها صحبت هل ملاعبي العيعي يوسف استخبرت‬ ‫عنه توجه من عكا الى شام صحبته مغلف مكاتيب‬ ‫الصرة ــــــــــه ‪ ٢٣٣ ١/٤‬معداه الدي اختهم من ابن‬ ‫طوقان ان لزمكم بولصة ـ ‪ ٣٠٠‬خود اكتر لاه‬ ‫والدك انطون‬ ‫حداد‬ ‫‪Top margin‬‬ ‫وصلنا مكتو بكم محرر‬ ‫في ‪ ٢٩‬شعبان من تحت يد‬ ‫سيد امحمد كوكس الان‬ ‫معرفكم اعطي مكتوب‬

‫‪236‬‬

‫‪237‬‬ ‫الى امحمد وقله ماه‬ ‫عندي خبر غير حساب‬ ‫سوى هداه من يم‬ ‫يوسف عيعي توجه‬ ‫على الشام من عكا‬ ‫من يم سالت كشمير‬ ‫سوف شغلك مع امحمد‬ ‫ان وجدت منه سلوك‬ ‫اعطيه وان ما وجدت‬ ‫سلوك قله لساه‬ ‫لنا حمل في نابلس‬ ‫من داخلهم‬ ‫‪Second column‬‬ ‫ساعت تار يخه معمول غيره من شان‬ ‫سنة جديدةكل عام وانتوا سالمين‬ ‫عمالين )يخيوزه( صواني الـ]ـصوف[‬ ‫بدي احطها في بيتك الان واصلـكم‬ ‫مناديل من تحت يد السيد امحمد‬ ‫كوكس ان رضي بتشرف فيهم يرسل‬ ‫لنا فيهم ثياب سد وان ماه رضي‬ ‫يعطيهم الى سيد امحمد فلقطجي‬ ‫يتشرف فيهم يرسل لنا ثياب مقصور‬ ‫انت معرفني الى مين تعطي مكتوب‬ ‫سيد حمزة اعطيه الى سيد امحمد‬ ‫ابن عمه مهما احكا والده خلي‬ ‫يحكي انت احكي مع امحمد غير‬

‫‪Letter 30‬‬

238

Edition

‫هل حساب لم يعرف مناديل تداو ير‬ ‫ بناقص عن‬٦٢ ‫عـ … في سعر فـه‬ ‫راس مالهم انت بتعرف يكون مسواف‬ ‫ثوب فرطي جميع من عندنا بسلموا‬ ‫ رمضان‬٥ ‫حرر في‬

‫عليكم فـ‬ ١٢١٧ ‫سنة‬

١١ ‫رزمت مناديل سنف عـ‬ ٩٨ ‫تداو ير ـ‬

Letter 31 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 75. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī in Nablus or, if he had left, in Damascus. Dated 10.9.1217 = 4.1.1803. The letter is named “mulḥaq ḫabar”. Anṭūn discusses a box announced in a previous “large” letter as well as another that was sent more recently, containing maʿmūl. He lists cloths and garments that were sent and also requests others with instructions as to who should receive them. He observes that shops where he is currently staying [presumably Jerusalem] remain closed during Ramaḍān for lack of customers. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى مدينت نابلس و يتسلم ليد حضرت‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف ابن انطون حداد قدسي‬

‫‪239‬‬ ‫وان كان في خارج يصل الى دمشق الشام‬ ‫امانة مرسلة‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫ملحق خبر‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف في مكتوب كبير معرفكم بان واصلـكم علبة‬ ‫مبرومة بعده تعرف عملنا ثاني علبة في داخلها‬ ‫معمول ان كان بتفتح افتح علبة مبرومة علبة طو يلة‬ ‫ابيضها اطره تتشرف في هذه علبتين صحبت ابن دركل‬ ‫من يم الوصلات عرفتني بان بدك ترسلهم ماه جابوا‬ ‫غير ـ ‪ ٨٠‬اتشرف فيهم ارسل لنا عشرت تياب بطاقة‬ ‫الباقي اعطيه الى جبور فوق الحساب الدي عقده عند حنا ـ ‪١٣‬‬ ‫رسلنا رزمت مناديل تداو ير عـ ‪ ٩٨‬في اسم سيد امحمد‬ ‫كوكس ان رضي بتشرف فيهم يرسل لنا تياب في حق الدي‬ ‫ينباع وان ما رضي اعطيهم الى سيد امحمد القلطقجي بتشرف‬ ‫فيهم يرسل بطاقة العلبة طو يلة لفيت شال عنابي على‬ ‫علبة من شان )ليل( امخيطي بقا نحن في استندر جواب‬ ‫اوصول علب باقي الدعا حرر في ‪ ١٠‬رمضان سنة ‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدك‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫كان بدي ارسل كتابة لاكن لا بد اختي اشتري‬ ‫من طرفكم اسمع مني‬

‫‪Letter 31‬‬

240

Edition

Lefthand margin ‫متادبا‬/‫الدي صحبته منادي‬ ‫ببراوي اخد ابو عبد‬ ‫قطني لاه تجيبه الاه‬ ‫خرج نصاره قلم رفيع‬ ‫اكم من واحد مور اصفر‬ ‫في رمضان ماه احد‬ ‫فتح دكان من هل‬ ‫ز بونات هنه‬

Letter 32 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 70. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī in Damascus. Dated 12.9.1217 = 6.1.1803. The letter is named “mulḥaq ḫabar”. Anṭūn notes that people from Nablus are saying that a caravan is on the way, not knowing whether it will be one made up of camels or other pack animals. He gives some additional information about the two afore-mentioned boxes previously mentioned, sent via Ibn Darkal. He states that he has sent two boxes with shawls and dried fruits for the New Year, but they were delayed at ʿAyn Kārim. Yūsuf should not delay any information on an arriving caravan of pack animals. He should receive a lot (qisma, here a physical unit of merchandise) from sayyid Ḥamza. A postscript gives information on alāǧa cloth and coffee. Here, Anṭūn also reports that Yūsuf ʿĪʿī brought information on Yūsuf, whom he had seen at Ǧubb Yūsuf, and the ʿalāmat mandīl (the sign of the kerchief), which is still with him.29 There are specifications on the exact coins for a būliṣa that Yūsuf should get. He should also get another 100 caps (ṭāqa) since many pilgrims have come.

29

The meaning of this is uncertain to me. It is also menationed in the following letter, orient. A 2837 / 68 (21.9.1217), while 2837 / 72 (28.9.1217) only speaks of mandīl. All three letters

‫‪241‬‬

‫‪Letter 32‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام‬ ‫و يسلم ليد ولدنا يوسف ولد انطون‬ ‫حداد قدسي امانة مرسلة‬ ‫‪,‬غلاين انطون ‪,‬غلاين حسين ‪Computations on the side, listing numbers and prices for‬‬ ‫‪.‬غلاين حلبي ‪and‬‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫ملحق خبر يوم عيد غطاس‬ ‫ولدنا يوسف حررت هل مكتوب حضرت ناس من نابلس‬ ‫اخبرت بان قفل توجه ما تعلم جماله او بغاله لان نحن‬ ‫مسكنا مع ابن دركل وحتطه اسمه عبد قادر‬ ‫اعطيته مكتوب في عن ماه يغني شرح علبتين واحدة مبرومة‬ ‫واحدة طو يلة طو يلة ملفوف شال عنابي فيهم يمش‪30‬‬ ‫من راس سنة لاكن تعوق عين كارم او شفت بغاله‬ ‫عرفنا في وصولهم حالن لاه تنعوق واصلـكم قسمة من سيد‬ ‫حمزة خود عـ ‪ ٥‬جيب مسنن على مور على كحلي خبرج ]كذا![‪31‬‬ ‫زوار الدعا حرر في ‪ ١٢‬رمضان سنة ‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫والدك‬

‫”‪relate to the same episode. Therefore, it would appear that the mandīl itself was the “sign‬‬ ‫‪and it might be that a certain kerchief was used as authentication or to convey certain‬‬ ‫‪nonverbal messages.‬‬ ‫‪ “nuts and raisins (especially as ingredi‬ياميش ‪Turkish yemiş: dried fruit. Hinds / Badawi:‬‬‫‪ents for sweets) sold during Ramadan.” Maybe here we have a similar Christian custom for‬‬ ‫?‪the New Year‬‬ ‫‪.‬خرج زوار ‪From parallel formulations it should be:‬‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫‪31‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫انطون‬ ‫الاجهكسبه من قماش بطرس في ‪١١‬‬ ‫من يم البن لسا ما اخد امتا ما طلب كماشري‪/‬كماسري بياخد‬ ‫حضر الي في راس سنة تقطى‪/‬تقطو‬ ‫ولدنا يوم تار يخه يوسف عيعي‬ ‫حضر الى بيت جايب منكم علامة‬ ‫منديل وهو باقي معه شافكم عند‬ ‫جب يوسف عرفني بان صرة عند‬ ‫)سر‪/‬شو‪/‬شد( منه مكتوب حررت هل سطر ين‬ ‫لاجل اطمان على ما لحقوق كان‬ ‫مراض ارسل صرة ـ ‪ ٣٠٠‬لاقيت‬ ‫النسب تاخد بولصة لان طر بو‬ ‫ماىه على شوي من طرفنا خود‬ ‫بولصة ار يال عامود ـ ‪ ٣ /‬فـه ‪٥‬‬ ‫بطاقة ـ ‪ ٣ / ٥‬عتيق ـ ‪ ٨ / ٥‬انكرش ـ ‪٧ / ٥‬‬ ‫بيصلـكم مكتوب لـكم الى سيد امحمد‬ ‫مع العيعي خود بزاير مايت طاقة لان‬ ‫زوار كتير الاجت اخوك انبات ـ ‪١٥ ١٤ ١/٢‬‬ ‫ان كان سيد امحمد بيعطيك خود‬ ‫في سعر ـ ‪ ١٤ ١/٢‬ـ ‪ ١٤ ٣/٤‬وان كان شركة تكون‬ ‫بناقص يوم راس سنة عند روم حرر‬

‫‪242‬‬

Letter 33

243

Letter 33 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 68. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī in Damascus. Dated 21.9.1217 = 15.1.1803. The letter is named “mulḥaq ḫabar”. Anṭūn recounts his previous letter of eight days ago with which he sent, care of Ibn Darkal, two boxes with dried fruit and nuts ( yemiş) and is waiting for news of Yūsuf meeting a caravan with their beasts of burden (duwābunā) that has gone to Nablus with two boxes of shawls. Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī has seen Yūsuf Ḥaddād in Ǧubb Yūsuf and taken the “sign of the kerchief” (ʿalāmat mandīl) from him. Anṭūn inquires about a coffer of kerchieves. A letter to sayyid Muḥammad, nephew of the late sayyid Ḥamza, and advice on how to deal with him. Yūsuf should not do like last year when the best cloth vanished, and should be alert to put away any cloth (qumāš) he buys and not leave it visibly with someone. The letter contains an order of some caps (ṭāqa). Instructions on what to do if sayyid Muḥammad were unwilling or not to give cloth in a partnership (šarika) or a waʿda agreement. If he wants a šarika partnership then he should be shown the debt of sayyid Ḥamza. If Yūsuf accepts this, he should seal the letter (maktūb, [certainly referring to another letter appended to this one]) and give it to sayyid Muḥammad. He should buy coffee, the price of which has dropped, and cloaks (ʿabāya) if the Baghdad caravan does not arrive. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام‬ ‫و يسلم ليد ولدنا الخواجه يوسف‬ ‫ولد انطون حداد قدسي امانة‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪244‬‬

‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫ملحق خبر‬ ‫ولدنا الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله تعالى امين‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه قبل تار يخه في ‪ ٨‬ايام رسلنا لـكم مكتوب‬ ‫علبتين صحبت ابن دركل من داخلهم يمش من راس سنة ونحن‬ ‫استندرنا منكم مكتوب على توجهكم قفلي ابن دركل بيتوجه مع‬ ‫دوابنا في نابلس سلمته علبتين وحده ملفوف في شال احمر‬ ‫ثانيه مبورمة يوم تار يخه حضر يوسف العيعي يوم راس‬ ‫سنة عند روم وعرفنا انه شافكم في جب يوسف اخد منكم علامة‬ ‫منديل وهو باقي معه الان صرة الدي مع عيعي يوسف يوم تار يخه‬ ‫رسلت مكتوب من تحت يد كوكش عرفنا على لوصول صرت مناديل‬ ‫عرفني على صرت مناديل وصلته مكتوب لـكم رسله صرة ابقاها في‬ ‫بيته لان مكتوب في عن ماه يغني الان واصلـكم الى سيد امحمد ابن‬ ‫اخو سيد حمزة‪ 32‬مرحوم انا معرفه عن مطلوب ان كان ماشين معك‬ ‫في محبه اقراه مكتوب اقراه مكتوب شوف ازرتم اعطيه مكتوب‬ ‫وان كان هوه معطيكم وجه خلي مكتوب معكم شوف اولاد صايدح‬ ‫قماش نعمة اليان قماش سيد عبد الغني صباغ اعطي بالـكم‬ ‫على فصيلة الوعدة الى بعد عيد نصارة ان اخدت من احد شي فتح عينكم‬ ‫لاه تعمل مثل عام الدي فات افضل قماش حطه في مطرح لاه‬ ‫تخلي باين عند احد جيب اكم من طاقة طيه مر بعة من العور‬ ‫على ابيض قليل كحلي مور كوازي‬ ‫والدك‬ ‫انطون‬

‫‪This is clearly the same person that is usually referred to not as the neqhew, but the cousin‬‬ ‫‪) of the late sayyid Ḥamza.‬ابن عمه(‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫‪245‬‬ ‫حرر في ‪ ٢١‬رمضان‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫وان كان سيد امحمد ماه بده يعطي‬ ‫قماش على شركة ولاه الى وعده لاه‬ ‫تقارشه ان ماه عطاه على الوعده‬ ‫الى بعد عيد نصارة وان كان بده‬ ‫شركة قله مثل عادة معتادة امتا‬ ‫ماه اشترح الوقت بتعمل عقد شركة‬ ‫بيحضر يشوف كمان دين الدي‬ ‫الى سيد حمزة الدي في دفترنا‬ ‫ابو علي عنده ـ ‪ ٩٥‬غرش ماهكان‬ ‫يعطي جرن سيرج وغيرهكزالك‬ ‫قاسم بيك ابن صالح بيك ترجمان‬ ‫عنده ـ ‪ ١٩٥‬عند ابن وفه علمي ـ ‪٤٥٠‬‬ ‫وفي غيره ان عجبكم هل مكتوب‬ ‫اختمه سلمه الى سيد امحمد عمه‬ ‫لاه تنعرف ان وجدت بولصة‬ ‫خود البن نزل ثمنه باقي عندنا ـ ‪٦٠٠‬‬ ‫وسلم على الاخوان الخواجه يوسف‬ ‫زغيب اولاده على من يسال عنا‬ ‫من عندنا جميع يسلموا عليكم وان‬ ‫كان قفل بغدادي ما بيحضر هل‬ ‫ايام في سفر وصي امحمد غزال‬ ‫امتا ما حضر قفل بتشوف عبي غيره‬ ‫مثل قايمة انت بتشوف كيف كلامهم‬

‫‪Letter 33‬‬

‫‪246‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫وا]‪[.‬ـكم نشكره ازرتم اعطيها الى‬ ‫امحمد‬ ‫مكتوب الى الاخوان حالن‬ ‫ارساله مرسلة من تحت يد جر يس‬ ‫سرس وان كان اولاد‬ ‫صيداح في خارج ادفع‬ ‫الى ر يص‪ 33‬خود اوصول خلي‬ ‫احد يرسل مكاتيب‬ ‫الى جبل‬ ‫جيب اكم من مكنسة‬ ‫حلبيات اس‬ ‫الصرة الدي مع يوسف‬ ‫العيعي قلي حطيتها في‬ ‫سندوقه عند حرمته مكتوب‬ ‫خود معكم من اولاد زغيب‬ ‫اطلب صرة في كيس قديم مكتوب‬ ‫خود بولصة ـ ‪ ٦٠٠‬اكتر لاه تاخد‬

‫‪Letter 34‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 72.‬‬ ‫‪Anṭūn Ḥaddād to his son Yūsuf in Damascus.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 28.9.1217 = 22.1.1803.‬‬ ‫‪The letter is named “mulḥaq ḫabar”.‬‬ ‫‪Anṭūn lists the previous letters that he has sent since receiving Yūsuf’s last let‬‬‫‪ter from Ramaḍān, and the channels that he has used to send them. He notes‬‬

‫‪.‬رئيس =‬

‫‪33‬‬

Letter 34

247

that Karma has returned half the alāǧa cloth. He also notes that Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī has arrived with a kerchief (mandīl) from Yūsuf Ḥaddād whom he had seen on the road in Ǧubb Yūsuf (see the previous two letters). Upon hearing this, Anṭūn immediately asks al-ʿĪʿī about the coffer (ṣurra) and the amount of money in it; in response, al-ʿĪʿī relates that he had informed Yūsuf Ḥaddād about it and Anṭūn hopes that Yūsuf went to his house to take it. Yūsuf should take a letter of exchange (būliṣa) of 600 [presumably ġuruš] and once the Baghdad caravan arrives raise it to 1000. The letter contains demands for cloths and garments. The letter also offers information on different currencies and their value. Anṭūn informs Yūsuf on the sale of cochineal (dūda) and inquires about their market price this year. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام‬ ‫و يسلم ليد حضرت ولدنا يوسف‬ ‫ولد انطون حداد امانة مرسلة‬ ‫بالخـير‬ Recto ‫ملحق خبر‬ ‫الدي نعرف ولدنا يوسف بان بعد ماه توجهتوا من نابلس‬ ‫مكتوب محرر في رمضان رسلته الى سيد محمد مكتوب‬ ‫ رمضان رمضان رسلته صحبت كرمه حلبي دليل‬٢٤ ‫في‬ ‫منهم مكتوب الى امحمد غزاله من يم عمه سيد صالح في‬ ‫عن ما يغني مكتوب الى اولاد صايدح رفيل انطون‬ ‫ جميع من داخل مغلف‬٢ ‫مكتوب الى حنا صيده شاكر عـ‬ ‫صحبت كرمه مكتوب غيره من تحت يد سيد امحمد كوكش‬ ‫ رمضان مع غزاله وهل مكتوب مكتوب كرمه‬٢٧ ‫محرر في‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫فرد نص قسم الاجه هل مكتوب صحبت حامل الحروف‬ ‫يوسف العيعي لانه نعرف عندنا انا كل تفر يطي‬ ‫في مكاتيب على صرة لانه لما حضر جايب منديل من يدك‬ ‫شافكم في طر يق حالن سالته على صرة قال في بيت قدرها ـــــــــــه ‪٢٣٣ ١/٤ ٧‬‬ ‫في سندوق انشالله تكون رحت الى بيته اختها لانه‬ ‫قلي انا حكيت مع يوسف عرفته يروح ياخد صرة مكتوب‬ ‫الان يا ولدنا ان كان متشوف في صرة حبل علبه الخوجه‬ ‫يوسف زغيب السيد امحمد غزاله ان كان صلح اعطي‬ ‫بالـكم على مسواف على فصيله خود بولصه ـه ‪ ٦٠٠‬ان حضر‬ ‫قفل بغدادي كمل على ـه ‪ ١٠٠٠‬اعطي بالك على مسواف‬ ‫القسم خرج زوار خود من صرتي طيه مر بعه من عند العور‬ ‫طاقة عـ ‪ ٢٠‬اكم من كمخه مور فشبه كحلي ـ ‪ ٣‬كمخه عر يضة‬ ‫العادة ـ ‪ ٥‬كحلي مور ـ ‪ ١٠‬كمخ وان كان بيكون صلح‬ ‫مع امحمد غزاله عمل نقي مايت طاقة خرج زوار‬ ‫اكم من طاقة مثل الدي جابهم اخوك طيه مر بعه‬ ‫قلم رفيع على اخضر فستقي لاه تجيب انت سيد‬ ‫عارفين انا محرر الى اولاد صيدح ان كان‬ ‫عندهم قسم خرج زاير خود مايت طاقة‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدكم انطون‬ ‫‪Left column‬‬ ‫الى وعدت ار بعت اشهرا تفصيله على سعر‬ ‫عملة الدي في قدس حررت لـكم على عملة‬ ‫ار يال ـ ‪ ٣ ١/٤ ٥‬عامود بندقي ـ ‪ ٨ ١/٤ ٥‬انكرس جديد ـ ‪٧ ١/٤‬‬ ‫قديم ‪) ٦ ١/٤ ٥‬المفسق‪/‬المنشف( قرش ـ ‪ ١ ١/٤‬اباقي عادة‬

‫‪248‬‬

Letter 35

249 ‫الخواجه حنا صيداح باعت عنبات على‬ ‫بيع دوه ]كذا[ احكي الى اولاد عمهكيف كان‬ ‫هل سنة مبيع دودهكل يوم في سعر احكي‬ ‫الى اخوان باعت ابن عمهم ⟩عبان⟨ على سوق‬ ‫طوصلي عرفهم انه باقي عند جبور انا ما رايته‬ ‫الدي بتاخده ارسل شي ورد شي انا في‬ ‫استندار جوابكم باقي الدعا ساعت عله‬ ‫ رمضان‬٢٨ ‫حرر في‬ ١٢١٧ ‫سنة‬

Letter 35 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 69. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī in Damascus. Dated 3.10.1217 = 27.1.1803 with an appendix dated 8.10.1217 = 1.2.1803. The letter is named “mulḥaq ḫabar”. Anṭūn notes that he has barely gone outside because of the cold. He provides information on the letters he previously sent. A letter which had previously been announced to come via Karma was taken back again and sent care of Yūsuf al-ʿĪʿī instead, since Karma did not travel before them. Commerce was scarce during Ramaḍān as all the shops were closed and no customers came except for the pilgrims (zuwwār)—among them Orthodox—who have a demand for sashes (zanānīr). Anṭūn outlines the conditions of a būliṣa of 1000 or even 1200 ġuruš which he would like Yūsuf to take if he found one. Yūsuf is urged to immediately send a lot (qism) since his brother has no profit. No news on a chest in Nablus. Instructions on which goods to procure at which price, figuring in the possible arrival of the Baghdad caravan. After ending the core letter, Anṭūn receives Yūsuf’s letter of Ramaḍān 23, in which the son reports that he has taken the coffer from Yūsuf’s [= al-ʿĪʿī] house, and in response to this letter he now adds an appendix. He reports about a letter he has received from Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ, which reveals that, after some

‫‪250‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫!‪speculation in previous letters, the death of sayyid Ḥamza is finally confirmed‬‬ ‫‪Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ wants Ḥamza’s bills, apparently covering a period of three‬‬ ‫‪years, and Anṭūn insists that in order to collect them Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ must‬‬ ‫‪appear in person.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يسلم ليد‬ ‫حضرت ولدنا الخواجه يوسف ولد انطون‬ ‫حداد ]حد[اد قدسي امانة مرسلة‬ ‫‪Beneath the address, turned on its head:‬‬ ‫وسلم على ر يص وعرفه وصل مكتو به‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫ملحق خبر‬ ‫تعالى‬ ‫الى حضرت ولدنا الخواجه يوسف حرصه الله امين‬ ‫الدي نبديه اليكم هوه انه يوم تار يخه لله الحمد‬ ‫نحن جميع بخـير لاه يكون لـكم فكرة سبب قلت‬ ‫خروجي من برد قبل تار يخيه ار بعت ايام رسلت‬ ‫صحبت يوسف العيعي مكتوب مغلف الدي عرفتكم‬ ‫انه صحبت كرمه اخته مته رسلته مع يوسف عيعي‬ ‫لسا كرمه ماه صافر قبلهم مكتوب من تحت سيد‬ ‫امحمد كوس‪ 34‬جميع محررت في رمضان في هل‬

‫‪.‬كوكس =‬

‫‪34‬‬

‫‪251‬‬ ‫شهر ما بعت سوى الاجه عـ ‪ ٣‬قطن عـ ‪ ٢‬لان هل‬ ‫ز بونات انت بتعرفهم ما احد فتح دكان انما‬ ‫زوار فيهم بركة روم عرفني ان كان ر بنا جبر‬ ‫في غلاين وان كان امحمد لهو خاطر يرجع‬ ‫زنانير عـ ‪ ٤‬لان في زوار طلبتهم عرفتكم في مكاتيب‬ ‫سابقة ان وجدت بولصة ــــــــــ ‪ ١٠٠٠‬غرش خود ان‬ ‫الان عملة عامود ـ ‪ ٣ / ٥‬ار يال مثله بندقي ـ ‪٨ / ٥‬‬ ‫مجر ً ـ ‪ ٧ / ٥‬في صرافة زوار في بيع بدهم اكتر‬ ‫وان كان بتوجد بضاعة قرطة سالـكة في طرفنا‬ ‫خود بولصة ـه ‪ ١٢٠٠‬موجود ـه ‪ ١٠٠٠‬منها الان دير‬ ‫لسا ما )اخد بقا( الان باعته خليلية قنطار سعر ـ ‪٦٠٠‬‬ ‫وان اخدت بوالص بعد اوصولهم الى طرفنا وعدة‬ ‫اباب عـ ‪ ٢٠‬عرفتكم عرضو مكتوب عـ ‪ ٥‬اعطي بالـكم‬ ‫على مسواف على قسم احضر حالن لان اخوك ماه‬ ‫منه فايدة الى دكان لسا سنديق الدي في نابلس‬ ‫ماه احد رسل شي عرفتكم على مدات عـ ‪ ٣‬الى يزر‬ ‫يكنوا خارفات وان قفل بغداد بيحضر جيب‬ ‫صحن عدد ‪ ١٠‬يكون خارف وفي اعلاه من صحن ادركم ـ ‪٢٢‬‬ ‫خاصه برم ان وجدت رفيعه خود ـ ‪٤‬‬ ‫‪Left column‬‬ ‫ان كان في مثل الدي جابهم اخيكم ادر عـ ‪ ٢٨‬على‬ ‫بادي باين ‪ ٢٥ ٢٤‬جيب ار بعت انباب ان كان‬ ‫يحضر قفل بغداد من دكنجية غالي غير مرة لاه‬ ‫تجيب رفيعه شال عجمي مثل الدي رسلتهم من نابلس‬ ‫باين عـ ‪ ٣‬عـ ‪ ٢٠‬غروش من كبار عـ ‪ ١٠‬كحلي كوازي )بزنفاقي(‬ ‫طيبات عجميات ـ ‪ ١٠٠‬بابت )وقد( ‪ ١٥‬كبار عـ ‪ ٣٠‬باين ‪ ١/٤‬ـ ‪١‬‬

‫‪Letter 35‬‬

‫‪252‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫حرر في ‪ ٣‬شوال‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫والدك‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫وسلم على الاخ يوسف زغيب اولاده‬ ‫على نعمة اليان اولاده على من يسال عنا‬ ‫ساعت عجلة‬ ‫و بعد تار يخه حضر مكتو بكم محرر في ‪ ٢٣‬رمضان‬ ‫وعرفتونا اختوا صرة من بيت يوسف رسلت صحبته‬ ‫مكتو بين فيهم كتابه ايضان وصلني مكتوب الحاج‬ ‫صالح امحمد ومعرفني عن سيد حمزة انه توفه ر بنا‬ ‫بصبرهم ومعرفني ان بده الحساب انا عرفته ان‬ ‫حساب من عام الدي رسلته مع ولدنا يوسف وقول‬ ‫الى امحمد انت معك خبر انه رسل حساب من عام صحبتي‬ ‫الان معرفيه لازم حضور امحمد بعد ما تفتح يافا‬ ‫الان ما في نتيجة مع احد ومعرفهم ان اراضوا شركة‬ ‫سد وان اراضوا رسليه سد يفتشوا على قوايم حساب‬ ‫الان وحدي ما في راس يعمل حساب ثلاثت سنوات‬ ‫لازم حضور امحمد من شان غيره حساب الديون‬ ‫الدي الى مرحوم‬

‫حرر في ‪ ٨‬شوال‬

253

Letter 36

Letter 36 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2840, no. 152. No external address. Yūsuf [Ḥaddād in Damascus] to his father Anṭūn Yūsuf. Dated 9.10.1217 = 2.2.1803. On recto computations and apparently writing exercises of letter formulae (many times addressed to‫الخواجه انطون‬, and one addressed to a certain Dāġiṣtānī ‫)داغصتاني‬. The letter dated Ramaḍān 11 has arrived. [The fact that it was also dated at the Orthodox New Year (ʿīd ra’s al-sana ʿinda l-Rūm) could likely mean that Yūsuf is referring to Letter 32, which is dated Ramaḍān 12, but also to the Orthododox New Year, which indeed fell on Ramaḍān 12. Yet the content he is referring to does not match.] Yūsuf notes that in an earlier letter Anṭūn has informed him about the arrival of many pilgrims. In reponse, Yūsuf now orders 100 more caps (ṭāqa) since he does not have enough money to buy 150. He notes that he has had to take a bill of exchange (būliṣa) of 800 ġuruš on Anṭūn from the Armenians alMaqdisī Esteban and Maqdisī Baġtaṣār. He later explains that he did this only on account of his financial constraints (‫)الا في ديقتنا‬. He wants to enter into a šarika partnership with Šākir al-Sabbāġ. Verso contains a list of expenses ordered by currency, persons, services and products. Transcription Recto ‫جناب حضرة والدنا العز يز الاكرم انطون يوسف ادامه الله امين تعالى‬ ‫اولا بً عد مز يد كترة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية ونعمة من كرم باري‬ ‫تعالى جز يلة وافية فان سالتوا عنا لله الحمد بخـير ولا نسال الا على صحت‬ ‫سلامتكم التي هي غاية المراض من رب العباد والان وصلنا عز يز مكتو بكم‬ ‫ رمضان وزاكر ين انه محرر في عيد راس السنة عند الروم‬١١ ‫المحرر في‬ ‫ومعرفينا انه حضر زاير الى طرفكم كترو ناخد بزايد ماية طاقة لان الغرش الدي‬ ‫معنا ماه يجيب ماية وخمسين والان التزمنا اخدنا عليكم بولصه بتماني ماية‬ ‫ من المقدسي استبان ومقدسي بغتصار ارمن وارفعوهم لهم والان تاني‬٨٠٠ ‫غرش ـه‬

‫‪254‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫يوم ونحن بدنا يطلع سبطنا عن الناس ولا يلزم نحو دلك غير شرح ومن خصوص سيد‬ ‫محمد قال لنا شركه لم يشارك بده يعطينا على رمتنا والزي بطلع عندنا نعطيه‬ ‫اياه والزي بتعقب علينا بعد عيدنا نرسله لهو ونحن بدنا )بشبك( من غير محل‬ ‫ونحن نعرف شغلنا والان ماه اخدنا هل بولصه عليكم الا في ديقتنا وان كان‬ ‫ما في تحت يدكم يكمل خدوا من المعلوم وحطوا عنده رهن والصاحب الذي ماه‬ ‫بنفع وقت الديق ما هو صاحب ولو انكم معرفنا اننا ناخد عليكم بولصه لم اخدنا وكان‬ ‫مراضنا نشارك شاكر السباغ لا كز به ناس نصحتنا ما هو لازم ونحن ان شا‬ ‫الله تعالى بعد الحاج نحضر في النخمين لم بتسوي عند المرفع ونحن قوي منداقين‬ ‫في قعدتنا في هل تعو يق هيك النصيب باسلموا لنا على الجميع‬ ‫الراجي دعاكم‬ ‫ولدكم يوسف‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫في سنة‬ ‫‪ ٩‬شوال‬ ‫‪Verso‬‬ ‫ـــــــــه‬

‫ر يال عامود وطاقة‬

‫‪١٠٢١ ١/٢ ٧‬‬ ‫‪٠٥٢٠‬‬

‫اسلامبولي‬

‫‪٠٣٣٤ ١/٤‬‬

‫فندقلي‬

‫‪٠٠١١‬‬

‫مجر ونصف‬

‫‪٠٠٢٨‬‬

‫دهب كبير‬

‫‪٠٠٨٠‬‬

‫مسخص‬

‫‪٠٠٦٤‬‬

‫مصري‬

‫‪١٨ ١/٤ ٥‬‬

‫ر يال عبد الحميد‬

‫‪255‬‬ ‫‪٠٠٠٢ ١/٢‬‬

‫‪Letter 36‬‬

‫غروش عبد الحميد‬

‫‪..‬ـه‬ ‫‪٢٠٥٤ ١/٢ ٢‬‬ ‫‪٠٠١٩ ١/٢‬‬

‫حق سناديق زوار عـد ‪٣‬‬

‫‪٠٠١٨‬‬

‫كرا الى نابلس تلاتة احمال وحمار‬

‫‪٠٠٤٠‬‬

‫دهب اسلامبولي عـد ‪٨‬‬

‫‪٠٠١٩‬‬

‫بياض‬

‫‪٠٠٠٥‬‬

‫مصاري‬

‫‪٠٠٠٥ ٣/٤‬‬

‫دهب مصري ور بع فندقلي‬

‫‪٣٣٣ ١/٤ ٤‬‬

‫)صرا حضرة( صحبت يوسف العيعي ونحن في الشام‬

‫‪٠٠٩٣‬‬

‫اخدنا بولصه من الحاج حسين ابن حقوم‬

‫ــــــــــــــــه‬ ‫‪٢٥٨٨ ٦‬‬ ‫‪٠٤٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٠٢٦٤‬‬ ‫‪٠١٠٠‬‬ ‫‪٠٢٨٠‬‬ ‫‪٠٠٨٤ ١/٢‬‬ ‫‪٠١٢٨‬‬ ‫ــــــــــــــه‬ ‫‪٣٨٤٤ ١/٢ ٦‬‬

256

Edition

Letter 37

figure 23a Letter 37

Letter 37

figure 23b Letter 37

257

258

Edition

Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 71. Anṭūn Ḥaddād Qudsī to his son Yūsuf in Damascus. The hand changes midletter. Dated 11.10.1217 = 4.2.1803. Address page contains information on cochineal (dūda) which Anṭūn has sold and the price for which his client wants to buy more from Damascus. Yūsuf’s previous letter, dated Ramaḍān 29, has arrived (it is not preserved in our collection). Anṭūn, just the day before, had sent his son a bundle of letters with sayyid Muḥammad Kawkaš addressed to al-ḥāǧǧ Ṣāliḥ al-Ḥalabī Abū Ḥamza,35 whose own letter had reached Anṭūn on Šawwāl 8 and to which Anṭūn had immediately responded. Anṭūn has learned from Abū Ḥamza’s letter that Yūsuf’s ‫ )?( لسا‬remains unfinished, and that Muḥammad has postponed it until after Ramaḍān together with other things that Yūsuf had not told Anṭūn. He has learned from Yūsuf that the two boxes (ʿulbatayn) have arrived whereas the Baghdad caravan has not arrived yet. There follow instructions for Yūsuf to bring several items (jallab, rhubarb paste) to his uncle Yaʿqūb ʿArab. The wife of Muḥammad aġā (mentioned already in the previous year, see Letter 8) says that her brother would know about the tamassuk accounting (ḥisāb al-tamassuk) and Yūsuf should let him do the account. More information on the prices at which to buy several commodities (tobacco, coffee, ṭarbūš, and other unnamed items) and that Yūsuf should take a bill of exchange (būliṣa) from the pilgrims (zuwwār) if available. Anṭūn is sending 50 dirham of cochineal care of the bearer of this letter, Tannūs Fransīs Ǧabbūr. Transcription ‫تعالى‬ ‫بعون الله‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و يسلم‬ ‫ليد ولدنا الخواجه يوسف ولد انطون‬

35

Given that the deceased merchant sayyid Ḥamza’s father was called Ṣāliḥ (see Letter 19), Ṣāliḥ al-Ḥalabī is likely this man.

‫‪259‬‬

‫‪Letter 37‬‬

‫حداد قدسي امانة مرسلة‬ ‫بالخـير‬ ‫]‪[Beneath the address, turned on its head:‬‬ ‫ولدنا بعد ماه فصلنا دوده رضي بعد عشر ين‬ ‫يوم الى بين ماه يحضر جواب من الشام اجت‬ ‫تاناس زادت قرش كل ا]حده[ ا‪.‬ـه بدها تاخدها‬ ‫على يد برغاكي‪ 36‬عاود راضاه تكون على كيسنا‬ ‫دفعت حقها على حسابه ـ ‪ ٧٢‬الغير بده‬ ‫ياخدها بزود قرش واصلـكم خمسين درهم‬ ‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫تعالى‬

‫امين‬

‫حفظه الله‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة ولدنا العز يز المكرم‬ ‫بعد مز يد كثرة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير والثاني وصلنا‬ ‫عز يز مكتو بكم الذي صحبت الدليل محرر في ‪٢٩‬‬ ‫رمضا ًومكتوب الدير دفعناه وقبل تار يخه‬ ‫بيوم رسلنا لـكم مغلف من تحت يد سيد محمد كوكش‬ ‫ولـكم به مكتوب والمغلف بسم الحاج صالح‬ ‫الحلبي ابو حمزة ومكتوب ابو حمزة وصلنا في ‪٨‬‬ ‫شوال و بيومها حررة له جوابه وارسلتو تحت‬ ‫يد محمد كوكش ومعرفنا ان لساك لم خلصت‬ ‫والسيد محمد صب ّرك الى بعد عيد رمضان‬ ‫بر بعت ايام ولم عرفتنا انكان اخدة من الغير‬ ‫شي ولا عرفتنا اي شي تسرقت وعرفتنا‬ ‫‪See Burġākī walad Miḫāyīl Tādrus in Letter 178.‬‬

‫‪36‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪260‬‬

‫ان وصلوكم العلبتين وعرفتنا ان قفل بغداد‬ ‫لم حضر لتار يخه ولاكن وصي سيد محمد على المطلوب‬ ‫وهو يرسل لنا ونرجوكم تجيبو صحبتكم الى عمكم‬ ‫يعقوب عرب وقيت جلابا ونصف وقيت رب‬ ‫روند‪ 37‬ولدنا جيب نصف وقيت روناد يكون جديد‬ ‫اكتر قلبه لاه يكون مشوش من يم حرمت امحمد‬ ‫اغا قالت اخيها بيعرف في حساب التمسك )بنبي(‬ ‫مزكوراه ماخود مني ـ ‪ ٣٢‬خلي يحاسب اخيها‬ ‫ونحن الى الان ماه خرجنا لسا )رجيح(‬ ‫قوم تعالى لاه نتعوق‬ ‫والدك‬ ‫انطون‬ ‫حداد‬ ‫‪Left column‬‬ ‫ومن عندنا جميع يسلموا عليكم فـ لاه يكو ]كذا[ لـكم فكر‬ ‫وفي مكتوب غير هداه مثل هل مكتوب محرر في ‪٨‬‬ ‫شوال تحت يد سيد امحمد كوكش من داخل مكتوب الحاج‬ ‫صالح وفي كفاية مكتو بكم مكتو به ومن يم نزل ثمنه‬ ‫اهل خليل جايت كتير سعر ـ ‪ ٦٠٠‬ـ ‪ ٦ ١/٤‬و ـ ‪٦‬‬ ‫موجود في هل ثمن ما يخلص الدي عرفتني ـه ‪٤٣٠‬‬ ‫ولدنا اخدنا من يوسف كنوعه ـه ‪ ١٣٠‬و)نحن‪/‬تحت( الي‬ ‫حاملين الحروف حليبه موسى فرنسيس ر باطوا جبر‬ ‫امحمد غزال جبره قله دفعت لهم خمسين ـ ‪٥٠‬‬ ‫غرش يقبضها منهم سيد امحمد غزال من ثمن تنباك‬

‫‪After this word the handwriting changes from that of a scribe to Anṭūn Ḥaddād’s much‬‬ ‫‪less legible own.‬‬

‫‪37‬‬

‫‪261‬‬

‫‪Letter 38‬‬

‫الدي على كنوعه تعقب معي ـ ‪ ٧٠‬سبعين ان كان‬ ‫بتوجد بولصه مع زوار خود ادفع الى سيد امحمد‬ ‫كماله سبعين حرر في ‪ ١١‬شوال سنة ‪ ١٢١٧‬وان كان في طرابيش‬ ‫كلبوس باين الورقة ـ ‪ ٧‬او ـ ‪ ٨ ١/٢‬جيب ـ ‪ ١٠‬اولا خدهم‬ ‫وان كان البن بنزل ثمنه على سعر ـ ‪ ٤٠٠‬تحت مصروفه‬ ‫معداهكره‬ ‫الان واصلـكم دوده عينة خمسين درهم صحبت حامل‬ ‫الحروف تنوس فرنسيس جبور قله شوفوا عينة ان‬ ‫عجبتكم سعر ـه ‪ ٧٢‬القه حالن عرفوني اخدت الوعدة‬ ‫الى عشر ين الفصيلة صارت في ‪ ١٣‬شوال‬

‫‪Letter 38‬‬ ‫‪Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 74.‬‬ ‫‪Buṭrus to [his brother?] Yūsuf walad Anṭūn Abū Mūsā [Ḥaddād] in Damascus.‬‬ ‫‪Dated 11.10.1217 = 4.2.1803.‬‬ ‫‪The address side contains pencil writing (by Seetzen?): “nach Damask 19”.‬‬ ‫‪Another number in ink, 4, crossed out in pencil.‬‬ ‫قصاب ‪A pilgrim (zāʾir) has commissioned Buṭrus with 10 cambric satchels (?:‬‬ ‫‪). A post-script says that al-muʿallim Burġākī has arrived and likewise or‬كرز‬‫‪dered 10 satchels. The rest of the message consists of greetings. Buṭrus apolo‬‬‫‪gizes for writing in haste.‬‬ ‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫بعونه تعالى‬ ‫يصل الى محروست دمشق الشام و بتسلم ليد جناب حضرة اخونا الاعز‬ ‫الاكرم الخواجه يوسف ولد الخواجه انطون ابو موسى امانة‬ ‫بالخـير‬

‫‪262‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Recto‬‬ ‫بعون الله تعالى‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة اخونا الاعز الاكرم الخواجه يوسف حفظه الله تعالى‬ ‫اولان مز يد كثرة الاشواق اليكم بكل خير وعافية والثاني هو انه وصلنا عز يز‬ ‫مكتو بكم وفهمنا بما فيه وحمدنا الباري تعالى على صحت سلامتكم التي هي غايت‬ ‫المراد من رب العباد والان نعرفك على ان واحد زاير وصينا على عشر عـ ‪١٠‬‬ ‫قصاب كرز يكنوا سادا ما فيهم عقد لازم ارسالهم حالان ومز يد شوقنا‬ ‫الى محمد غزال ومز يد شوقنا الى عبد الله ]‪ [..‬وسلامنا الى الخواجه يوسف ازغيب‬ ‫وسلم على الخواجه جر يس وعلى الخواجه زخر يا وسلم لنا على من عندكم ومن عندنا‬ ‫الجميع يسلم عليكم وسلم على الخواجه يعقوب متوله والدته واوخته‪ 38‬يسلموا عليكم‬ ‫مخلص‬ ‫محب‬ ‫اخيكم بطرس‬ ‫م‬ ‫ساعت عجلة‬ ‫‪١٢١٧‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫‪ ٢٩‬القعدة‬ ‫اخونا نعرفك على ان حضر المعلم برغاكي يسلم عليكم‬ ‫و بده عشر قصاب كرز ]الى[‬ ‫وحضر تضوصي بسلم عليكم وسلموا على الخواجه‬ ‫يوسف زغيب وعلى اولاده‬

‫‪.‬أخته =‬

‫‪38‬‬

Letter 39

263

Letter 39 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 22. Fransīs to Abū Anṭūn [Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān], likely in [Beirut]. No external address. Dated 23.3.1218 = 13.7.1803. The previous letter with news on Abū Anṭūn’s safe arrival in Beirut has arrived. Fransīs is negatively surprised by this itinerary, and to learn that Abū Anṭūn could spend his days with no apparent benefit when he knows about all the money he owes. He does not know what Abū Anṭūn wants to do nor where he wants to stay. Ḫalīl’s brother Ǧūda came to Fransīs and demanded 20 ġurš that Abū Anṭūn owed Ḫalīl. Thirty days later Ḫalīl showed up himself. The fact was corroborated by Yūsuf Ibn Anṭūn Murquṣ, yet he did not know whether it were 20 zalaṭa or asadī. Fransīs had Ǧūda put his name on a quittance or payment order (wuṣūl)39 and wants Abū Anṭūn to pay the 20 ġurš in secret. He also hopes that Abū Anṭūn will not be indebted to other Muslims aside from Ḫalīl. Fransīs asks Abū Anṭūn to explain himself about his plans. Abū Anṭūn should not act in a fashion similar to muʿallim Būluṣ,40 who went to Cyprus and then the šayḫ Yūsuf wanted a maktūb (presumably about outstanding debt), which had Fransīs deeply worried. Abū Anṭūn should think about his situation, cool his head, then extract himself from all the embarrassment (taʿtīr) he is in. He loves the kamanǧa (stringed instrument) and ostentation (akābirīya) too much. In a postscript, Fransīs confirms that he actually secretly paid 20 asadī to Ḫalīl Ǧūda, so Abū Anṭūn should not worry. Fransīs’s brother Yaʿqūb will go to Damietta; Fransīs is concerned about this, because Yaʿqūb is sick and Fransīs would rather he came to visit him [i.e. in Jerusalem], where he could be shown to a doctor.

39

40

Wuṣūl pl. wuṣūlāt usually has the meaning of “Empfangsbestätigung, Quittung” (quittance), but also “Zahlungsanweisung” (payment order), which is preferable here; see Diem: Glossar, 517. This would be Fransīs’s brother Būluṣ Ṭalāmās.

‫‪264‬‬

‫‪Edition‬‬

‫‪Transcription‬‬ ‫الى جناب حضرة اخينا العز يز المكرم ابو انطون الاكرم حرسه الله تعالى وابقاه امين‬ ‫بعد مز يد كترة الاشواق لرو ياكم السعيد بكل خيرا ً وسلامة والمعروض لخوتكم‬ ‫هو ان ‪ .‬وصلنا عز يز مكتو بكم صحبة الاسطنبولي ابن )طحـچـه‪/‬طيجه‪ /‬طمـچـه( واتطمنا على وصولـكم‬ ‫الى بيروت بلسلام وانا متعجب بمشواركم هذا وعمال تودر‪ 41‬ايامكم بلفارغ‬ ‫ووراك بيت وداخل شتا و بتعرف الضراهم المطلو بة منك وهل دوار اما بتخلصك‬ ‫انته صافرت وخليتنا بفكره عليك وشوه الدي بدك تعمله ماننا‬ ‫عارفين و ين بدك تستقر ماننا عارفين اجانا جوده وخبرنا ان اخوه‬ ‫خليل له عندك عشر ين غرش بعد تلاتين يوم اجانا خليل بلرقا‬ ‫وطلب مننا العشر ين غرش سالنا يوسف ابن انطون مرقص قال صحيح‬ ‫له عنده لاكن ما اعلم هم عشر ين زلطة ام اسدي طلبت من اخوه جوده‬ ‫يحط اسمه في ورقة الوصول ووصار يعمللي وصول بشهادة اخوه‬ ‫و بدنا تدفعله بلسر عشر ين غرش انشا الله ما يكون عليك الى مسلمين غيره‬ ‫المراد تخـبرنا شوه بدك تعمل وو ين بدك تروح ما تعمل متل المعلم بولص‬ ‫الداعي اخيكم‬ ‫محب‬ ‫فرنسيس‬ ‫‪Righthand margin‬‬ ‫‪١٨٠٣‬‬ ‫في‬ ‫‪ ١٣‬ايلول‬ ‫اجا الى قبرص والشيخ يوسف طلب منه‬ ‫مكتوب ايلي ما كتب قسطنتين الدادا‬ ‫?تدور =‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫‪265‬‬ ‫اجا مسودة منه لان طلب منه مكتوب‬ ‫كمان ما كان يعطيه لاكن هدينا عمالين‬ ‫نحط هموم في قلبنا لحل دينه‬ ‫قلنالك تحكي مع بطرس يوسف‬ ‫انجق تفكر بحالك فمع كل‬ ‫هدا فتحملـكم الى ان يبرد راسكم‬ ‫من كل التعتير الدي انتم‬ ‫فيه ومانكم واعين لحالـكم‬ ‫انتبه الكمنجة عاجبتك وهدا‬ ‫الاكابر ية عاجبته والمو يه‬ ‫سبحت من تحتنا كلنا‬ ‫الله يرشد طرقكم و يجـبر خاطركم‬ ‫والله يفرجكم عليي والدعا‬ ‫صح اننا دفعنا الى سيد‬ ‫خليل جوده عشر ين غرش ‪٢٠‬‬ ‫اسدي بلسر لا يكون لـكم‬ ‫فكرة اتاني مكتوب من‬ ‫ابن اختي انه مرسل )شبر(‬ ‫يجيب اخته واخي يعقوب‬ ‫‪Top margin‬‬ ‫الى دمياط وانا ما لي خاطر برواح اخي لدمياط اولا بسبب‬ ‫تشو يشه تانيا ًقصدي يحضر لعندنا نشوفه نور يه للحكيم‬ ‫وسلم لنا على بنت اختي كتير السلام وسلم لنا على اختي من‬ ‫عندنا الجميع داعين لـكم وسلمون عليكم وانطون و بسكوال ماتيا‬ ‫ومار يا تر يسا بقبلو اياديكم والدعا‬

‫‪Letter 39‬‬

266

Edition

Letter 40 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 25. Fransīs likely to [Abū Anṭūn Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān] in Jaffa. The address and part of the upper text is lost, as is the end of the marginal additions. Dated 13.4.1218 = 2.8.1803. Fransīs commiserates with the recipient’s grief and affliction and asks him to reflect and turn to God. If Yūsuf has got any news about Fransīs’s nephew going to the mountain, he should write to her [probably meaning to Fransīs’s sister, the mother of the nephew in question]. The nephew should either stay home with his sister or take her along. Fransīs is worried about his brother [i.e. Yaʿqūb] because of his illness abroad (bi-l-ġurba) and wants Yūsuf to write a letter to him to persuade him to come to Fransīs. [The letter puts some emphasis on admonishing Yūsuf against drinking alcohol while on the road (bi-l-ġurba), and the tone and wording, fragmentary in this case, are similar to the slightly later Letter 41. Other later admonitions found in Letter 48 and Letter 44 pick up the same thread.] Transcription ] ‫الجناب حضرة‬ ‫بعد مز يد كـ]ـثـ[ـرة الاشواق لرو ياكم السعيد بكل خيرا ً وسلامة والمعروض ]بيدكـ[ـم‬ ‫الـكرام هو ان بابرك وقت وايحن ساعا ورد علينا عز يز مكتو بكم‬ ‫وانصر ينا بوصولـكم الى يافا بسلامة نشكر الله على انعامه وحقق اننا‬ ‫نرحب في هم وغم شديد على همكم وغمكم لان غمكم بغمنا المراد منك انك‬ ‫تفتح عينك الى السبب الله تعالى في اوسع كرمه يفتحلك ابواب الرزق‬ ‫و يحـنن عليك كل قلب قاسي وسهّل اشغالك و يسعدك الله و يسر‬ ‫[ـدك علينا مجبور الخاطر امين اللهم امين‬..]‫عنك شغل الناس و‬ ‫المراد انكان اخدت خبر عن ابن اختي توجه الجبل تخـبرها وتحرر منك‬ ‫مكتوب الى اخي يعقوب يقوم يحضر من كل بد لا عاد يقعد وابن اختي‬ ‫يقعد عند اخته يا يجيبها معه لان يعقوب تشو يشه بلغر بةكافيه‬

‫‪267‬‬ ‫كتابك واصلك صحبت جرجيس اشبك ضمنه سلمنا على الجميع من طرفكم‬ ‫والجميع بيسلمون عليكم لا تفكر في الاولاد ولا في والدتهم لانهم لله الحمد مبسوطين‬ ‫)‪ (. . . . .‬دعاكم‬ ‫الداعي اخيكم‬ ‫فرنسيس‬ ‫‪١٨٠٤‬‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫‪ ٢‬اب‬ ‫انطون طابو عينيه وراح الى الاىىـ]‬ ‫لا تهمل همهم مرة اخي محـترسة عليهم ]بحسب‬ ‫العاده وهمه جميعهم يقبلو اياديكم‬ ‫المراد تخـبرنا شوه بتعمل كا]‬ ‫وان يكون فيه سبب تسبب فيه ]‬ ‫لا تود]‪ [.‬ايامك و]‬ ‫]‪]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .‬‬ ‫السلام والهزي الـ]‬ ‫اصحا من الشرب في الغر بة‬ ‫راس الـ]‪ [. . . . .‬الناس بوجهـ]‬ ‫ما يحكو بل بقفاك يحكو‬ ‫الغر بة بترجل الرجال الدي‬ ‫بحط قلبه مع الله و بتدعـ]‬ ‫على سداد مال الناس انته‬ ‫شفت اصهارك وشقيقتهم‬ ‫‪ [. . . . . . . . .‬عليك ولا همه‬

‫‪Letter 40‬‬

268

Edition

‫[ ىر يدوك‬. . . . . . . . . . ....................

Letter 41 Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Ms. orient. A 2837, no. 26. Fransīs to Abū Anṭūn [Yūsuf Anṭūn Tarǧumān al-Qudsī] in Acre. Dated 29.4.1218 = 18.8.1803. Abū Anṭūn’s letter has arrived with news of his arrival in Acre with the intention of continuing onward to Nazareth for a pilgrimage (ziyāra). Afterwards he wants to go to Beirut. Fransīs is confused at this news because he had heard that Yūsuf Andriyā would accompany Abū Anṭūn’s group. People are guessing that Abū Anṭūn may continue to Izmir (‫)زمير‬. But, Fransīs warns, Abū Anṭūn has to moderate his drinking! [See also Letter 44.] Especially in foreign lands, where no-one will be there to take care of him should he fall sick. While away, Abū Anṭūn will be the flag (‫ )راية