Appropriating Antiquity for Modern Chinese Painting 9781501358371, 9781501358340, 9781501358357

Table of contents :
Cover
Halftitle page
Title page
Copyright page
Dedication
CONTENTS
ILLUSTRATIONS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CHAPTER ONE Introduction Jinshi in Modern Context
CHAPTER TWO From Evidential Learning to Antiquarian Art
2.1 Jinshixue and Cultural Landscape in the Lower Yangtze River
2.2 Illustrated Records of Investigating Steles
2.3 The Stele School and Re-evaluation of Bafenshu
2.4 A Revival of Pre-Tang Scripts and its Impact on Art
CHAPTER THREE Rubbing into Painting Transmedia Appropriation of New Scholarly Painting
3.1 New Look of Collectors’ Accumulated Antiquities
3.2 Dashou and Composite Rubbing
3.4 From Evidential Learning to Festive Offering
3.5 Prelude to Jinshi Art
CHAPTER FOUR From Deification to Quotidian Jinshiqi and the Four Accomplishments
4.1 Dimension of Mobility in Wartime
4.2 Life of Jinshi Objects after the Taiping Rebellions
4.3 Antiquarian Approaches to Seal Carving
4.4 New Brush Mode Derived from Northern Wei Calligraphy
4.5 Jinshi Characteristics in Painting
4.6 Archaeological Elements in Commercial Art and Popular Culture
CHAPTER FIVE Nature as Culture Historicizing of Antiquity and Translated Modernity
5.1 Evidential Learning and the Culture of Investigating Nature: From Bogu to Bowu
5.2 Tradition of Miscellaneous Painting
5.3 Illustrations of Local Resources
5.4 Natural History Paintings Made in China
5.5 Historification of Translated Modernity
5.6 Translating Bowu into National Essence
CHAPTER SIX Cultural Orthodoxy in the New Nation A Political Use of Jinshi
6.1 Another Role of Jinshi Society: Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society (1911–26)
6.2 Defining Literati Painting Through Jinshi: Society of the Virtuous (1912–42)
6.3 Reclaiming Cultural Identity: Society of Cang Jie Study (1916-c. 1941)
6.4 Jinshi Society as Museum or Art Market?
6.5 Political Use of Jinshi: Re-writing History with Archaic Models
CHAPTER SEVEN Conclusion Multiplicity and Modernity
NOTES
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX AND GLOSSARY
Plates

Citation preview

Appropriating Antiquity for Modern Chinese Painting

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Appropriating Antiquity for Modern Chinese Painting CHIA-LING YANG

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BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS Bloomsbury Publishing Inc 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in the United States of America 2023 Copyright © Chia-Ling Yang, 2023 For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xx constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design by Tjaša Krivec Cover image: Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand, 1837. Courtesy of Zhejiang Provincial Museum, China All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: HB: ePDF: eBook:

978-1-5013-5837-1 978-1-5013-5835-7 978-1-5013-5836-4

Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

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To my family

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CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ix Acknowledgements xx

1 Introduction: Jinshi in Modern Context

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2 From Evidential Learning to Antiquarian Art 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

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Jinshixue and Cultural Landscape in the Lower Yangtze River 10 Illustrated Records of Investigating Steles 15 The Stele School and Re-evaluation of Bafenshu 19 A Revival of Pre-Tang Scripts and its Impact on Art 48

3 Rubbing into Painting: Transmedia Appropriation of New Scholarly Painting 57 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

New Look of Collectors’ Accumulated Antiquities 58 Dashou and Composite Rubbing 63 Intertextual and Transmedia Approaches 74 From Evidential Learning to Festive Offering 78 Prelude to Jinshi Art 87

4 From Deification to Quotidian: Jinshiqi and the Four Accomplishments 89 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

Dimension of Mobility in Wartime 90 Life of Jinshi Objects after the Taiping Rebellions 98 Antiquarian Approaches to Seal Carving 103 New Brush Mode Derived from Northern Wei Calligraphy 113 Jinshi Characteristics in Painting 119 Archaeological Elements in Commercial Art and Popular Culture 133 vii

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5 Nature as Culture: Historicizing of Antiquity and Translated Modernity 145 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6

Evidential Learning and the Culture of Investigating Nature: From Bogu to Bowu 146 Tradition of Miscellaneous Painting 152 Illustrations of Local Resources 153 Natural History Paintings Made in China 155 Historification of Translated Modernity 158 Translating Bowu into National Essence 162

6 Cultural Orthodoxy in the New Nation: A Political Use of Jinshi 167 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5

Another Role of Jinshi Society: Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society (1911–26) 169 Defining Literati Painting Through Jinshi: Society of the Virtuous (1912–42) 179 Reclaiming Cultural Identity: Society of Cang Jie Study (1916–c. 1941) 184 Jinshi Society as Museum or Art Market? 190 Political Use of Jinshi: Re-writing History with Archaic Models 193

7 Conclusion: Multiplicity and Modernity Notes 207 Select Bibliography 253 Index and Glossary 281

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ILLUSTRATIONS

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Chen Zengwang, Stone Classics Studio, 1901. The leaf was added to the album Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Album leaf, ink and light colour on paper, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Photograph by the author. Huang Yi, Jiang Juxiang Obtaining the Stele, 1795. Carved images and inscription on bamboo armrest. 26 × 7.2 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. Jin Nong, Plum Blossoms, 1757. Leaf No. 6, album of 12 leaves, ink on paper, 25.4 × 29.8 cm, Metropolitan Museum API Access, New York. Jin Nong, Buddha, 1751. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 133 × 62.5 cm, Tianjin Museum. Photography by the author. (a) Ruan Yuan et al., section of rubbing of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803, detail. Handscroll, ink and colour on silk, rubbing on paper, 38 × 2,640 cm, National Library of China; (b) Zhou Zan, second section of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803. 24.9 × 72 cm, ink and colour on silk, National Library of China. Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture, 1836. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 27.2 × 264.4 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand, 1837. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 30.8 × 69.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Dashou, One Hundred Years, 1831. Hanging scroll, Rubbing and seal stamps on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Dashou, Festival Offerings by the Cloudy Window, 1847. Hanging scroll, composite rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 130.3 × 30.8 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Dashou, Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks, with monk Songxi’s inscription dated 1835. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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Gu Luo, Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut and Dashou, Master of the Small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot, 1830. Two carved images on the bamboo armrests and rubbings, ink on paper, 38.2 × 6.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Wu Changshi, Yao Weizu and Zhang Zhuo, Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers, 1885. Four hanging scrolls, rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 150.8 × 40.7 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. Fei Danxu, Zhang Xiong and Weng Luo, Peony and Raccoon Cat, 1843. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865. Seal, Qingtian stone, 4.8 × 4.8 × 5.3 cm, Jinmotang Foundation, Hong Kong. (left to right) Deng Shiru, Dizi zhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples), 1804. Detail of ‘Zhe’ (ᣈ), rubbing of the modelcopybook; Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865; The characters ‘Guqian weizhi’ (making a living by drumming) inscribed on dou jianfeng, the seal to certificate official document, Han dynasty. In Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin (Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity), c. 1862. Detail, leaf 4 of album 1, ink rubbing and red seal imports on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. Zhao Zhiqian, Old Pine Tree, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 176.5 × 96.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Zhao Zhiqian, Wisteria and Rock, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 122 × 40.5 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. Ren Xiong, Guo Pu, Sketch for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals, 1853. Original sketch, 48 leaves mounted into a book, ink on paper, 25 × 12 cm each, private collection. Image courtesy of China Guardian. (left to right, detail of robes) Ren Yi, Parting at Dongjin, 1868. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 34.1 × 135.8 cm, National Gallery of China, Beijing; Ren Yi, Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine, 1868. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 128.6 × 32.3 cm, Nanjing Museum; and Ren Yi and Hu Gongshou, Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight, 1877. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 130.9 × 48.5 cm, Shanghai Museum. Photograph by the author. Wu Changshi, Floral Paintings of Four Seasons, 1917. Four hanging scrolls, ink and colour on paper, 182 × 66 cm each, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author.

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Ren Yi, ‘Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone’ after the Poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao], 1881. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 170 × 38.8 cm, Liaoning Provincial Museum. 22 & 23 Ren Yi, Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes, 1878. Full image and the detail of panel 9, twelve panels, ink and colour on gold-foiled paper, 206.7 × 59.5 cm (each), Shanghai Artists’ Association. Image courtesy of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 24 & 25 Ren Xiong, Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes, undated. Full image and the detail of jade. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 162.3 × 86.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Image courtesy of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 26 Wu Dacheng, Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection, undated. Four hanging scrolls, ink and rubbing on paper, 87 × 39 cm each, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. Photograph by the author. 27 Zhao Zhiqian, Atypical Marine Species, 1861. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper. Colophon: 35.5 × 91.5 cm, painting: 35.5 × 223 cm. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 28 Nie Huang, Haicuo tu (Miscellaneous Marine Species), Volume 4, 1698. Album leaves, ink and colour on paper, 30.4 × 68 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. 29 Fistularia petimba, red cornet fish, c. 1826–31. Watercolour on paper, 58.4 × 46.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London. Photograph by the author. 30 Wang Zhen, Acquiring Rubbings, 1919. Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 31 Luo Zhenyu, Rubbing of the Inscribed Bronze Spoon, 1925. Album leaf, rubbing and ink on paper, 24 × 22 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 32 Photograph of Kusakabe Meikaku writing in ‘Curve-Wrist Technique’ after Bao Shichen’s theory on calligraphy, Hikone Castle Museum Open Access.

Figures 2.01 Huang Yi, Removing the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters, detail of Twelve Acquired Steles, 1775–93. Album of 12 leaves, ink and light colour on paper, 18 × 51.8 cm, Tianjin Museum. Photography by the author.

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2.02 Bamboo slips from Shuihudi of Yunmeng county, Hubei province, c. 239 BCE. Ink on bamboo slip, 23.1–27.8 cm high, 0.5–0.8 cm wide, Hubei Provincial Museum; detail of character xu. Photography by the author. 2.03 Qiang’s Eulogy and Prayer, rubbing of an inscription on a bronze basin, from mid-Western Zhou, late tenth century BCE, excavated from Fufeng, Shaanxi Province. The 12.5kg vessel is 16.2 cm high, with a diameter of 47.3 cm and a basin depth of 8.6 cm. It features two hundred and eighty-four characters arranged in eighteen columns. Baoji Municipal Museum. Detail of character wu. Photography by the author. 2.04 Classic of Way and Virtue-the Second Version, detail, Western Han. Ink on silk. The silk is 24 cm high with 169 columns of characters, each column 7–8 wide, Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 3, Changsha, Hunan Province. Hunan Provincial Museum. Detail of characters ke, fu, xiong and ye. Photography by the author. 2.05 Eight stroke types of the character Yong: (1) Ce (sideways; dot, tiny dash) (2) Le (bridle; horizontal and rightward stroke) (3) Nu (crossbow; vertical, downward stroke) (4) Ti (jump; hook) (5) Ce (horsewhip; lifting, flick up and rightwards) (6) Lue (passing lightly; bend, curve, concave left) (7) Zhuo (pecking; slant, falling leftwards) (8) Zhe (dismemberment; pressing forcefully, wavy and falling rightwards) 2.06 The Eight Trigrams, The Primordial. The ‘inverted brushwork’ method of ‘beginning with the direction of trigram gen and ending with the direction of trigram qian’. 2.07 Stele of Kong Xian, Ming dynasty rubbing. Ink on paper, 188 × 84 cm, 22 lines, 40 characters, National Museum of Scotland. 2.08 Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters, 117. Rubbing, 148.4 × 79.5 cm, former collection of Huang Yi, National History Museum. Open Data: https://content.teldap.tw/main/ dc_detail.php?dc_id=2389321. 2.09 Chen Zengwang, Stone Classics Studio, 1901. The leaf was added to the album Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Album leaf, ink and light colour on paper, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Photograph by the author.

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2.10 Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty, 175. Album of 27 leaves, ink on rubbing and ink and colour on painting, 229.2 × 11.8 cm and 22.4 × 12.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Photograph by the author. 2.11 Stele of Yiying, 153. The rubbings mounted as hanging scroll, 257 × 91.5 cm, National Palace Museum, Taipei. Open Data: https://theme.npm.edu.tw/opendata/DigitImageSets.aspx?s No=04024614&Key=^8^13&pageNo=1 2.12 Detail of characters of you, da, shu and wang in Stele of Taigong Wang, 289. Detail of rubbing, album of 13 leaves, ink on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 2.13 Huang Yi, Jiang Juxiang Obtaining the Stele, 1795. Carved images and inscription on bamboo armrest. 26 × 7.2 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 2.14 Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, detail, 276. Northern Song rubbing, rubbing mounted as album leaves, Palace Museum, Beijing. 2.15 Han Zemu, Stele of Sacrifice to the God of the Western Peak [Mt Hua], detail, 742. Rubbing, ink on paper, National Museum of Scotland. 2.16 Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, detail, 165 CE. Rubbing, album of 19 leaves, ink on paper, 22.25 × 12.8 cm, National Museum of Scotland. 2.17 Yan Zhenqing, Letter of Fighting for a Seat, 764. Detail of the character Lu. Copybook, ink on paper, National Museum of Scotland. 2.18 Stele of Zhang Menglong, 522. Detail of the character Lu. Ming dynasty rubbing, album of 36 leaves, ink on paper, 26.6 × 14.1 cm, National Museum of Scotland. 2.19 Photograph of inverted pickled vegetables hung up to dry, similar to the shape of daoji (‫ق‬㱰) brushwork. 2.20 Jin Nong, Calligraphy after Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak, detail, 1734. Album leaves, ink on paper, Palace Museum, Beijing. 2.21 Jin Nong, Calligraphy after the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak, Excerpt, detail, 1758. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 152 × 45 cm, Shanghai Museum. Photograph by the author. 2.22 Jin Nong, Plum Blossoms, 1757. Leaf No. 6, album of 12 leaves, ink on paper, 25.4 × 29.8 cm, Metropolitan Museum API Access, New York.

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2.23 Jin Nong, Buddha, 1751. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 133 × 62.5 cm, Tianjin Museum. Photography by the author. 3.01 Du Jin, Enjoying Antiquities, undated (c. 1368–1644). Hanging scrolls, ink and colour on silk, 126.1 × 187 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. 3.02 (a) Ruan Yuan et al., section of rubbing of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803, detail. Handscroll, ink and colour on silk, rubbing on paper, 38 × 2,640 cm, National Library of China; (b) Zhou Zan, second section of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803. 24.9 × 72 cm, ink and colour on silk, National Library of China. 3.03 Dashou, Dingtao ding of Western Han, 1839. Rubbing. Former collection of Qian Jingtang, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.04 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture, 1836. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 27.2 × 264.4 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.05 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand, 1837. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 30.8 × 69.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.06 Dai Xi, Appreciating the Seals, 1840. Detail of Album of Monk Dashou’s Collection of Sealing Clay (1839–40), ink and colour on paper, album leaf, 14.5 × 8.8 cm, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. Photograph by the author. 3.07 Dashou, One Hundred Years, 1831. Hanging scroll, Rubbing and seal stamps on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.08 Dashou, Festival Offerings by the Cloudy Window, 1847. Hanging scroll, composite rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 130.3 × 30.8 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.09 Dashou, Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks, with monk Songxi’s inscription dated 1835. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.10 Gu Luo, Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut and Dashou, Master of the small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot, 1830. Two carved Images on the Bamboo armests and rubbings, ink on paper, 38.2 × 6.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 3.11 Wu Changshi, Yao Weizu and Zhang Zhuo, Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers, 1885. Four hanging scrolls, rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 150.8 × 40.7 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.01 Fei Danxu, Zhang Xiong and Weng Luo, Peony and Raccoon Cat, 1843. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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4.02 Wu Changshi, Your Former Life was the Moon, 1909. Seal imprints, size unknown, Wu Changshi Memorial Museum. Photography by the author. 4.03 Zhao Zhiqian, Nurturing Life through Reciting Sutras, 1864. Seal imprints on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.04 Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity, c. 1862. Detail, leaf 19 of album 2, ink rubbing and red seal imprints on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.05 Ding Jing, The Monk Awarded the Purple Silk Garment, Reviving [Buddhism] in Mount Nanping, 1758. Seal imprint, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.06 Deng Shiru, Enjoy the Pursuit of Antiquity, undated. Seal, 2.3 × 2.2 × 6.9 cm, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author. 4.07 Zhao Zhiqian, Jihuan, 1857. Seal imprint, size and provenance unknown, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.08 Zhao Zhiqian, Wang Lüyuan, 1857. Seal imprint, size unknown, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.09 Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865. Seal, Qingtian stone, 4.8 × 4.8 × 5.3 cm, Jinmotang Foundation, Hong Kong. 4.10 (left to right). Deng Shiru, Dizi zhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples), 1804. Detail of ‘Zhe’ (ᣈ), rubbing of the modelcopybook; Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865; The characters ‘Guqian weizhi’ (making a living by drumming) inscribed on dou jianfeng, the seal to certificate official document, Han dynasty. In Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin (Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity), c. 1862. Detail, leaf 4 of album 1, ink rubbing and red seal imports on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.11 Zhao Zhiqian, Slave to Seals, undated. Seal imprint, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.12 Wu Changshi, Slave to Painting, 1886. Seal imprint, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.13 Zhao Zhiqian, Calligraphy after Zheng Xibo’s White Horse Valley for Dong Juexuan, 1883. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 167 × 95 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author.

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4.14 Zhao Zhiqian, After Fan Zhongfu’s Poem, Cave of Duke Cen of the Song Dynasty, 1858. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 116 4.15 Zhao Zhiqian, Title piece for Jiang Shi, Fuyutang shilu (Collection of Poems from the Studio of Drumming Instrument), 1862. Rare book, 18.5 × 12.4 cm. Auctioned by the China Guardian, 10–20 June 2018, Lot 2313. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 117 4.16 Zhao Zhiqian, Old Pine Tree, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 176.5 × 96.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 120 4.17 Zhao Zhiqian, Wisteria and Rock, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 122 × 40.5 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 121 4.18 Ren Xiong, Self-portrait, c. 1856. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 177.4 × 78.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 123 4.19 Li Tang, Moxibustion, undated. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 68.8 × 58.7 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. 124 4.20 Ren Xiong, Guo Pu, Sketch for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals, 1853. Original sketch, 48 leaves mounted into a book, ink on paper, 25 × 12 cm each, private collection. Image courtesy of China Guardian. 124 4.21 (left to right, detail of robes) Ren Yi, Parting at Dongjin, 1868. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 34.1 × 135.8 cm, National Gallery of China, Beijing; Ren Yi, Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine, 1868. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 128.6 × 32.3 cm, Nanjing Museum; and Ren Yi and Hu Gongshou, Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight, 1877. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 130.9 × 48.5 cm, Shanghai Museum. Photograph by the author. 126 4.22 Ren Yi, Portrait of Poverty-stricken Military Officer (Portrait of Wu Changshi), 1888. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 164.2 × 77.6 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 127 4.23 Wu Changshi, Plum Blossoms in Ink, 1894. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 131.5 × 64 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author. 129 4.24 Wu Changshi, Seven-Character Couplet after Shi Shimo’s Poem in Seal Script, 1894. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 150.5 × 29.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 130 4.25 Wu Changshi, Flavour in Solitude, 1903. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 108.5 × 32 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author. 131

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4.26 Wu Changshi, Floral Paintings of Four Seasons, 1917. Four hanging scrolls, ink and colour on paper, 182 × 66 cm each, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author. 4.27 Fei Danxu, Figures, 1845. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 177 × 65 cm, Duoyunxuan, Shanghai. Photograph by the author. 4.28 Ren Xiong, Figures, 1853. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 178.5 × 94.2 cm, Tianjin Museum of Fine Arts. Photograph by the author. 4.29 Qin Yuqi, Zhong Kui Obtaining the Tripod Ding, 1879. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 119.5 × 51.5 cm, Private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 4.30 Ren Xun, Worshipping Buddha in the Boudoir, 1878. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 114.2 × 32.5 cm, Nanjing Museum. Image Coutesey of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 4.31 Ren Yi, ‘Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone’ after the Poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao], 1881. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 170 × 38.8 cm, Liaoning Provincial Museum. 4.32 Ren Yi, Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes, 1878. Full image and the detail of panel 9, twelve panels, ink and colour on gold-foiled paper, 206.7 × 59.5 cm (each), Shanghai Artists’ Association. Image courtesy of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 4.33 Ren Xiong, Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes, undated. Full image and the detail of jade. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 162.3 × 86.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. Image courtesy of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 4.34 Wu Dacheng, Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection, undated. Four hanging scrolls, ink and rubbing on paper, 87 × 39 cm each, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. Photograph by the author. 5.01 Zhao Zhiqian, Atypical Marine Species, 1861. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper. Colophon: 35.5 × 91.5 cm, painting: 35.5 × 223 cm. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 5.02 Zhao Zhiqian, The First Version of Local Products from Wenzhou Ouzhong wuchantu juan, 1861. Ink and colour on paper, 35.6 × 290 cm, Rongbaozhai, Beijing. Photograph by the author.

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5.03 Nie Huang, Haicuo tu (Miscellaneous Marine Species), Volume 4, 1698. Album leaves, ink and colour on paper, 30.4 × 68 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. 5.04 Anonymous, Sixty-Seven Indigenous Products and Customs of Taiwan, c. 18th century. Detail. National Central Library Open Access, Taiwan. 5.05 Musa coccinea, scarlet banana, c. 1812–24. Watercolour on paper, 48.4 × 38.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London. Photograph by the author. 5.06 Fistularia petimba, red cornet fish, c. 1826–31. Watercolour on paper, 58.4 × 46.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London. Photograph by the author. 5.07 Cai Shou, (left) Loris, in Guocui xuebao, Juan 3 (1907: 9): 92. Shanghai Library; (right) Loris, in Richard Lydekker, The Royal Natural History (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 1894–6), Vol. 1, 228. 5.08 Cai Shou, Pristiophorus japonicus, Japanese sawshark, in Guocui xuebao, juan 4 (1908: 1): 100. 5.09 Comparisons of horseshoe crabs: (clockwise) Horseshoe Crab, in Li Shizhen, Bencao gangmu, 1593, juan xia zhi zhong, 56; Horseshoe Crab, c. 1826–31. Watercolour on paper, 59.3 × 47.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London; Cai Shou, Horseshoe Crab, in Guocui xuebao, juan 3 (1907: 7): 81; Limulus polyphemus, horseshoe crab, 1607. Woodcut print, 20.8 cm × 14 cm, in Wang Qi ed., Sancai tuhui, Juan 106. 6.01 Photograph taken at the gathering of the Shanghai Epigraphy, Painting and Calligraphy Society members, 1915, Guyi Garden in Nanxiang. Image Coutesey of Jiangxi People’s Publisher of Fine Art. 6.02 Wu Dacheng, Temple of Central Mountain, 1892, Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 6.03 Huang Yi, Temple of Central Mountain. Section from Investigating Steles in Mount Song and Luoyang, 24 double album leaves, ink and pale colour on paper, 17.5 × 50.8 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 6.04 Wang Zhen, Acquiring Rubbings, 1919. Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing.

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6.05 Gao Shixian, Inscription of Xixiasong, carved by Sun Gengguan on the ribs of a folding fan, 1940. Rubbing, ink on paper, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Hangzhou. Photograph by the author. 6.06 Photo of Society for Preservation of National Learning, 1906. Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Third from right, Huang Jie; fourth from right, Deng Shi. 6.07 Shezhou daguan (Grand View of Cathay), No. 1, 1913. 6.08 Luo Zhenyu, Rubbing of the Inscribed Bronze Spoon, 1925. Album leaf, rubbing and ink on paper, 24 × 22 cm, private collection. Image courtesy of the China Guardian, Beijing. 7.01 Jin Guisheng, Picking Chrysanthemums at the Xu Garden, in Dianshizhai huabao (Dianshizhai Illustrated News), the 19th day of the tenth month, 1888 (22 November 1888). (1/4). 7.02 Kusakabe Meikaku’s discussion with Yang Shoujin on calligraphic technique written on Duan Yucai’s ‘Comments on Brushwork’ (Duanshi shubifa), Japanese edition. 1888. 7.03 Photograph of Kusakabe Meikaku writing in ‘Curve-Wrist Technique’ after Bao Shichen’s theory on calligraphy, Hikone Castle Museum Open Access. 7.04 Wu Changshi, Calligraphy for Kusakabe Meikaku and his Wife’s Tombstone, 1922. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, Kyoto National Museum Colbase Open Data. 7.05 Seal Imprint: ‘There are many benefits of rearing pigs’; seal inscription: ‘Editorials, People’s Daily, 11th November 1959’. Fang Quji, Wu Putang and Shan Xiaotian, Yangzhu yinpu (Rearing Pigs: A Collection of Seals), 1960; 2015, 20. 7.06 Joint Seal Carving in Celebration of the Ninetieth Year of the Chinese Communist Party. From left to right (row 1): ‘Zhou Enlai’ by Wu Jingchu ੣䶌ࡍ, ‘Liu Shaoqi ࢹቁཷ’ by Han Huanfeng 七➕ጠ, ‘Deng Xiaoping 䝗ሿᒣ’ by Cai Yiqiang 㭑⇵ᕧ, ‘Hu Jintao 㜑䥖☔’ by Li Zuxi ᵾ⾆ᡢ; from left to right (row 2): ‘Li Dazhao ᵾབྷ䠇’ by Zhang Gengyuan ᕥ㙅Ⓚ, ‘Zhu De ᵡᗧ’ by Liu Yisi ࢹ᱃ᙍ, ‘Xu Xiangqian ᗀੁࡽ’ by Shen Chen ⊸⊸, and ‘Bo Yibo 㮴а⌒’ by Luo Guanglei 㖵‫⻺ݹ‬. 2011. Seal imprints, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. Photograph by the author.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to Roderick Whitfield for reading the final draft, and the anonymous peer reviewers for their valuable comments. I would like to thank Ross Fraser-Smith, April Peake, Ian Howe and the editorial team at Bloomsbury Academic, and colleagues and friends who helped me in sourcing materials and kindly providing their suggestions for the writing, especially Li-Heng Hsu, Aida Yuen Wong, Youngsook Pak, Jessica HarrisonHall, Yu-ping Luk, Eric Lefebvre, Michael Shih, Sabrina Rastelli, Rosina Buckland, Cheng-hua Wang, Hongxing Zhang, Puay-peng Ho, Marianne Wong, Viccy Colman, Richard Thomson, Wang Tao, Howard Yang, Joona Repo, Wei-cheng Lin, Nicole Chiang, Mia Liu, Yun-Chiahn Chen Sena, Natascha Gentz, Josh Yiu, Yu Hui, Kao Ming-yi, Lin Xiao, Liu Chen, Cheng Yu-chia, Lin Su-hsing, Pai Shih-ming, Chen Pingyuan, Xia Xiaohong, Wang Zi, Hu Ying, Liu Yangruxin and Tong Shenxiao. I would like to express my gratitude to the travel grants from the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland, the British Academy, the American Council of Learned Societies and the University of Edinburgh Research Fund for support for my fieldwork, and to the British Museum, British Library, Science Museum (London), Wellcome Library (London), National Museum of Scotland, National Library of Scotland, the Wou Lien-Pai Museum, Musée Cernuschi, Sinica Academia, the Chang Foundation Museum, Shanghai Museum, Zhejiang Provincial Museum, Liaoning Provincial Museum, Lüshun Museum, Palace Museum, China Guardian Auctions Co., Kyoto Museum, Kampo Museum, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Harvard University Museum and Libraries, Jinmotang Foundation and the Art Museum of the Chinese University of Hong Kong for access to their collections. I owe greatly to my family, to whom the book is dedicated.

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CHAPTER ONE

Introduction Jinshi in Modern Context

The pursuit of antiquity was important for scholarly artists as a means to construct their knowledge of history and cultural identity in late imperial China. Since the Opium War I (1839–42), when the country was in turmoil, amid great concern about the direction that modern Chinese painting should take, many prolific artists sought inspiration from Jinshixue (the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone) as a way to revitalize Chinese painting and the literati tradition. Searching for the public meaning of inventively reinforced private collecting activities, this book draws on modes of artistic creation to speak of an apposite use of antiquities through their imaginative links between ancient civilization and modern lives. It also addresses artistic exchanges between China and the West and how modernity was translated and appropriated at the turn of the twentieth century. By examining versatile trends within paintings in modern China, this book asks to what extent historical relics have been used to represent ethnic identity for modern Chinese art. Ultimately, could the antiquarian movement serve as a tool for rewriting art historiography in modern China? The character jin, metal, chiefly refers to bronze and metal ceremonial objects, but includes weapons, measures, coins, mirrors, musical instruments, cooking and drinking vessels, utensils and metal amulets, while shi suggests epigraphy, steles, carved images, sculpture, stone pillars inscribed with Buddhist scriptures, and inscribed stone-watchtowers.1 The binome jinshi appeared in various pre-Qin writings suggesting different meanings according to context. Owing to their materiality and how they were presented and used, the term jinshi often referred to mineral deposits or was associated with wealth and status;2 the term represented bells and chimes 1

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used in rituals,3 or symbolized one’s strength, strong character and incorruptible loyalty.4 It also referred to engraved inscriptions on bronze vessels and stones for commemoration, ceremonial purposes or as political eulogy, as first appeared in Mozi (480?–400? BCE): ‘The ancient sages and kings who wished to pass on their dao to their descendants would write on bamboo [strips] and silk, engrave [inscriptions] on bronze and stone, and carve [inscriptions] on vessels in order to pass on [their dao] to descendants, so that their descendants should take [their dao] as a model. ਔѻ㚆⦻ˈⅢۣަ䚃ᯬᖼцˈᱟ᭵ᴨᯬㄩᑋˈ䨔ᯬ䠁⸣ˈ⩒ᯬⴔⳲˈۣ䚪 ᖼцᆀᆛˈⅢᖼцᆀᆛ⌅ҏDŽ.’5 The function of jinshi inscriptions was to record history or important events, to pass on moral messages to later generations, and to glorify merits. Because of its important relation to history and the origin of the script system, the study of jinshi later became a subject area – Jinshixue. On the starting date for Jinshixue, Zhu Jianxin (1905–67) noted that intellectuals of the Han dynasty (202 BCE–220 CE) were already paying attention to historical accounts found on steles and incorporating them into their study of early history, rituals, rites and the Classics. Therefore, the starting point of Jinshixue should be from the Han dynasty. Other prolific scholars of the early twentieth century, for example Wang Guowei (1877– 1927) and Ma Heng (1881–1955), considered that Jinshixue only became a subject of learning after Zheng Qiao (1104–62) included Jinshixue as a specific discipline along with another nineteen areas of scholarship in his Tongzhi (Comprehensive Treatises, 1157). However, it is generally agreed that the study of jinshi was already flourishing by the Northern Song (960– 1127).6 Numerous publications on the topic, such as Liu Chang’s (1019–68) Xian Qin guqiji (Notes on Antiquities from the pre-Qin Period, 1063), Ouyang Xiu’s (1007–72) Jigu lu (Records on Collected Antiquities, 1063), Zeng Gong’s (1019–83) Yuanfeng leigao – Jinshilu (‘Record on Bronze and Stone Objects’ in Thematic Essays from the Yuanfeng Era [1078–1085]), Lü Dalin’s (1044–91) Kaogu tu (Illustrated Investigation of Antiquities, 1092), Zhao Mingcheng’s (1081–1129) Jinshi lu (Record of Bronze and Stone Objects), Wang Fu’s (1079–1126) Xuanhe bogutu (Catalogue of Antiquarian Studies in the Xuanhe era, 1107–1125), Xue Shanggong’s (act. twelfth century) Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanshi fatie (Model Inscriptions from Ritual Bronzes from Successive Dynasties, 1144) and ‘Jinshi lue’ in Tongzhi (‘Brief Account on Bronze and Stone Objects’ in Comprehensive Treatises, 1157) by Zheng Qiao represent a fervent interest in such learning among Song scholars.7 Since the detailed physical appearance, inscribed text, measurements and decorative designs are discussed carefully in their writings, Jinshixue is often translated as ‘antiquarian study’or ‘antiquarianism’. Through assembling and collecting objects, publishing, recording and reproducing their inscriptions, and through kaozheng (textual evidence) on inscribed materials, Song scholars were able to establish a unique study of antiquity.

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Antiquarian writing also had a profound impact on the study of History and the Classics; the cataloguing of antiquities provided inspiration for literary works, artistic production and historical writing. The government and intellectuals promoted the pursuit of antiquity to reconstruct a cultural identity and social orthodoxy during the transition between Northern and Southern Song (1127–1279).8 Such interest in studying ancient artefacts and ancient inscriptions gradually dwindled after the Southern Song. It was not until the seventeenth century that ancient learning and evidential textual research was revitalized with the aim of recovering verifications through ancient inscriptions and the Classics, and that it was again exercised enthusiastically by scholars and officials. As Gu Yanwu (1613–82) wrote in Jinshi wenzi jixu (Preface for Notes on Epigraphic Inscriptions): Since I was young, I began to search for ancient inscriptions on bronze and stone objects. But I could not understand them well until I read Jigulu by Master Ouyang [Xiu]. I began to realize that these inscriptions are not merely beautiful in their language, but can provide evidence for historical records, unveil the nature of the world and one’s inner emotion, fill gaps and correct our knowledge [of history and literature]. In twenty years of travelling the world, wherever I visit, in famous mountains, large towns, shrines and Buddhist temples, I would climb up perilous mountain peaks, investigate deep valleys, touch the fallen rocks, walk in deserted woods, strike crumbling walls and dilapidated houses, and clear away the earth with a trowel [to reach buried steles]. For those still readable, I would hand-copy them myself. Whenever I found something that others had not seen before, I was too excited to sleep.9 佈㠚ቁᱲˈণྭ䁚≲ਔӪ䠁⸣ѻ᮷ˈ㘼⥦н⭊䀓DŽ৺䆰ↀ䲭‫ޜ‬lj䳶ਔ 䤴NJˈѳ⸕ަһཊ㠷ਢᴨ⴨䅹᰾ˈਟԕ䰑ᒭ㺘ᗞˈ㼌䰅↓䃔ˈнն䗝㘠 ѻᐕ㘼ᐢDŽ∄Ҽॱᒤ䯃ˈઘ䙺ཙлˈᡰ㠣਽ኡǃᐘ䧞ǃ⾐ᔏǃխ㯽ѻ 䐑ˈ❑нሻ≲DŽⲫডጠˈ᧒ジ༁ˈᦛ㩭⸣DŽን㦂ΉˈՀ乩ීˈ⮊ᵭ༔ˈ ަਟ䆰㘵ˈᗵ᡻㠚ᢴ䤴ˈᗇа᮷⛪ࡽӪᡰᵚ㾻㘵ˈ䕂ௌ㘼нሀDŽ Gu’s study on jinshi mainly concerned materials located in Shandong and Shaanxi in north China. Walking out of his studio, Gu’s empirical approach to site visits and object study renewed the horizon of subsequent evidential research: that is to acquire knowledge in history through actual relics and visible remains in ruins, fields or temples. And Gu’s three key approaches – ‘prize originality’ (guichuang), ‘find extensive proofs’ (bozheng) and ‘attain practical use’ (zhiyong) – led him to be an eminent and influential scholar.10 Thus, stone steles with carved inscriptions were viewed as intellectual relics serving an erudite function. Gu’s major publications and Huang Zongxi’s (1610–95) Jinshi yaoli (Essential Examples of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions)

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set out fine examples of applying steles from the Northern region to their research in history and literature. As a result, the status of steles rose among scholars and collectors in the late imperial age.11 Considering why Gu Yanwu and many late Ming leftover subjects were so keen on the study of antiquities and textual evidence, Bai Qianshen has suggested that the visits to steles and ancient sites reflect the sentiment of yimin of the Ming (1368–1644), the people of a conquered nation, the leftover relics of the Ming.12 For them, steles were cultural relics representing the splendour of the past. Therefore, reading an inscription from a stele became a ritual to commemorate the bygone days and to assuage their dissatisfaction with being a conquered people. Starting from the eighteenth century, one often associates such activities in search of China’s classical past or cultural nostalgia with Manchu fulfilment of their political agenda through their rule over the Han Chinese intellectuals. Scholars also often consider that the period from late Ming to late Qing and the early Republican period should be viewed as a cultural entity, since intellectuals and leftover subjects shared a similar cultural identity during dynastic transitions; and there is a special projection in the case of late Qing scholars who often showed a particular affinity to the late Ming scholars in their writings.13 However, when we review the collecting activities and artistic trends of learned societies in the late Qing and early Republican era, we have to ask if the Qing leftover relics, yimin, had the same motivation when collecting antiquities and whether they shared a similar attitude toward antiquarian activities as the Ming loyalists. Can the artists’ pursuit of antiquity at the turn of the twentieth century represent aspects of their political stance? What was their view on the ‘past’ and ‘antiquity’, and how did this influence their repositioning of themselves in the dynastic transition to the modern era? To answer these questions, this book investigates how jinshi objects and ideas were represented as the shidai sichao, or zeitgeist (spirit of the time/ tide of the time). As Liang Qichao (1873–1929) put it, Evidential Learning, with its emphasis on using epigraphs on ancient bronze and stone, jinshi, as key proofs in support of their understanding of history and ancient civilizations, was formed in this way. While the Chinese writing system has been characterized by its evolving development, Qing dynasty (1644–1912) scholars such as Ruan Yuan (1764–1849), Bao Shichen (1775–1855) and Kang Youwei (1858–1927) also recognized the confusion over how script evolved after the clerical script, in the period from the end of Eastern Han (25–220) to the Northern Wei (384–534) and Jin (266–420) dynasties, when there were transitions between the clerical, standard and cursive scripts. A lack of convincing theoretical discussion in earlier scholarship also prevented scholars from reconstructing a reliable history of the script system and styles in calligraphy. To resolve issues with reading the Classics, the eighteenthand early nineteenth-century Qing scholars not only debated the authenticity of the ancient script in High Antiquity (guwen), they also paid much

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attention to the transition of scripts between late Eastern Han and Jin dynasties. The investigation on the discourse among Qing antiquarian scholars around the transformation of the clerical script (libian) in the development of the Chinese script system is the key. The crucial publications on calligraphy by Ruan, Bao and Kang constantly debated questions of script evolution; their study of steles from the Northern dynasties in the nineteenth century offered a ground for answering the questions. I argue that the nineteenth-century reinvestigation of the development of early scripts led to an influential revolution in calligraphic practice and aesthetics, which later offered a theoretical foundation for the Stele School of calligraphy and antiquarian art. Taking as examples the prolific artist Monk Dashou (1791–1858, known as Liuzhou) and his circle, whose native towns were in the provinces of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Chapter 3 aims to uncover their network in circulating antique objects and composite rubbings, and to further illuminate how ‘antiquity’ was seen as a representation of time and civilization, as well as the aesthetic criteria and inspiration for their creation of calligraphy and painting. It also investigates how composite rubbings merged with painting, in what way the new dimension and modes for literary subjects in painting were fashioned through their attachment to epigraphical studies, and how the trend of jinshi painting was firmly established after Dashou, and subsequently became a phenomenal genre in modern painting in Shanghai at the turn of the twentieth century. While the discussion on evidential studies and their impact on calligraphy has been addressed by existing scholarship, Chapter 4 examines the emerging fashions in painting, namely the jinshiqi (aura of bronze and stone) in artistic creations inspired by the Evidential Learning on stele and bronze inscriptions and which became the new ‘literati painting’ in the second half of the nineteenth century. This study discusses the artists who contributed to traditional painting by incorporating diverse brushwork and seal carving from pre-Qin to Northern Wei calligraphy found in archaeological sources. It is notable that Zhao Zhiqian’s (1829–84) aesthetic sense and antiquarian approach attracted much criticism from his contemporaries in the mid-nineteenth century, yet later were considered by the painters at the dawn of the modern era to be an exemplary representation of the continuity and innovation of the scholars’ ‘four accomplishments’: calligraphy, painting, poetry and seal carving. This study investigates how such appropriation of form and structure was modified into a painterly style, jinshi shuhua (painting and calligraphy in bronze and stone style), that became a popular expression in Chinese art. Chinese intellectual painters spoke to themes of nature’s profusion and envisioned assimilated social systems and conditions that would allow all to access it freely. Their understanding of beauty was linked to these ideas about the environment, sociopolitical ambience and collective orderliness. Chapter 5 looks at the way that cultural relics and narrative in the paintings,

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by contributing to the aesthetic inspiration, can be understood to have social connotation against a complicated historical background. The advocacy of ‘traditional’ culture by both the ongoing Evidential Learning and the antiquarian movement promoted by influential artists appear antithetical to European-inspired modernist movements. To problematize the communication and translation of historical ideology and modern order, this chapter examines the delicate situation of modern Chinese artists testing the balance between Western and Confucian learning through new translation terms since the late Qing. In seeking to tighten the focus and stimulate thinking about the role of translation within a specific linguistic realm and in particular in the field of art history and visual culture, this chapter investigates the unusual drawings of atypical ocean species and typical botany by both Chinese literati artists and Chinese export painting workshops commissioned by Western plant hunters (now in the collections of the British Museum, the Natural History Museum and the Royal Botanic Gardens in Kew and Edinburgh).14 While much attention has been paid to the drawings collected in Britain from the perspective of scientific art and Western collectors, these wonderful drawings require further research on the ‘knowing and making’ of their Chinese counterparts. This study investigates the collections in the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and the Siccawei Museum and its library in Shanghai established in 1868 by Pierre Marie Heude SJ (1836–1902), the author of Conchyliologie fluviatile de la province de Nanking et de la Chine centrale and Mémoires concernant l’histoire naturelle de l’empire chinois. Both collections were partially destroyed and removed from their original sites under the Chinese Communist policy in 1952, and have only recently reopened to scholars by appointment. Through ‘historicizing’ of new translations linguistically and visually from Japan and the West, this chapter examines how the drill of accumulating knowledge in bowu (broad learning about things) of Evidential Learning was adapted and transformed into the new science of natural history, as a series of linked cultural practices and a translation process in modern China. In turn, such a process has invited synergy between traditional Chinese Evidential Learning, the literary cosmos and the scientific investigation of nature in modern Chinese painting. At the dawn of the modern era, artists were asking ‘what is modern Chinese painting?’ Chapter 6 takes three major art groups as case studies to discuss the shifting identity of Chinese painters and their art activities at the turn of the twentieth century. This study probes the extent to which historical relics, Evidential Study and bronze and stone studies have been used to represent the ethnic identity or indigenous art of the Chinese. Could the painters of traditionalism in early twentieth-century Shanghai, for instance, be grouped and viewed as the same cultural entity? Did differences in their cultural identity affect artistic production, and their concept of ‘national painting’? Paying homage to tradition was a way to revive and renew art

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throughout the development of Chinese art. This chapter warns against over-generalizing antiquarian art as a by-product of regime change, since some Republican art societies were made up of people from different backgrounds and beliefs. The political use of antiquities reinforced the popular appeal of Chinese art and ultimately defined the essence of its modernity. The interactions between China and the West indeed reinforced the relevance of traditionalism in modern Chinese painting. However, this study will show that the National Chinese Painting Movement was a much more complex event than has been described in current scholarship, therefore it should be considered in a broader perspective and in the context of its close connection with the promotion in the first half of the twentieth century of National Learning (guoxue) and National Heritage (guogu) originating from earlier epigraphical studies of inscriptions on bronze and stone. The heated debates about defying National Learning affected the formation of the concept and direction of modern Chinese ink painting. The confusion between literati painting and national painting in existing scholarship has prevented us from a deeper understanding of the historiography of modern Chinese painting. The significant roles played by political powers and contemporary collectors will expand the scope of modern Chinese art to a larger picture, contributing to central intellectual debates in the art historiography of East Asia.

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CHAPTER TWO

From Evidential Learning to Antiquarian Art

Shidai sichao, or zeitgeist (spirit of a time/tide of a time), as Liang Qichao put it, was a striking term to describe the phenomenon created by certain trends or thoughts of a certain era; such trends or thoughts were provoked to suit the needs of a changing social environment. Like tides, these trends have ups and downs; they can be regarded as fashion, movement or social phenomena, and each period has its own intellectual trend, namely the Exegetical Study of Ancient and Modern Texts School (Jingu wenjing xue) in the Han dynasty, Buddhist Study (foxue) in the Sui (581–619) and Tang (618–907), Neo-Confucianism (lixue) of the Song and Ming, and Evidential Learning (kaozhengxue) in the Qing. The trend of certain thoughts was contributed by individuals through their collective activities. The Evidential Learning School, with its emphasis on using inscriptions on ancient bronze and stone, jinshi, as the key to its understanding of history and ancient civilizations, was formed in this way. With many scholars taking part, Evidential Learning later became the core erudition of Qing scholars and the zeitgeist of Qing intellectual culture.1 Considering how the Evidential Learning came to represent the spirit among intellectuals in the Lower Yangtze River area (Jiangnan), it is important to consider the cultural landscape, social activity and the publication of Jinshixue encouraged by the Evidential Learning at the turn of the nineteenth century. While Qing scholars tried to be acquainted with ancient culture and Classics through the investigations of inscribed bronze and stone objects, scholars also began to debate the ancient script system and the history of calligraphy revealed by those objects. Such a review led to the critical visualization and new aesthetic appreciation of early scripts in transitional 9

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styles. The great breakthroughs in calligraphy theory were made by Ruan Yuan, Bao Shichen and Kang Youwei, who strongly promoted the style of beixue (study of steles) from the pre-Tang steles. Their endorsement of inscribed steles provided a panoramic picture of calligraphy study, and challenged the principal trend of study of model-calligraphy-books (tiexue) which had catered to the palate of literati artists since the Song dynasty. Taking as the starting point for discussion paintings and writings of investigating steles composed by scholar-artists, it is essential to discuss the ways in which Evidential Learning invigorated the new practice and aesthetic theory in calligraphy and to further scrutinize the discourse among Qing scholars around the transformations between seal script (zhuanshu), clerical script (lishu) and bafenshu (the eight-tenths script) in the development of the Chinese script system since the Han dynasty. It is to argue that the scholars’ disputes and definitive treatises of bafenshu had radically transformed the traditional practice of calligraphy in the nineteenth century, and that their repositioning of early scripts into a modern interpretation later wielded a crucial influence beyond China. By examining the grounds for establishing the Stele School in calligraphy and scholarly art, the phenomenon that created the zeitgeist leading to a reform in modern Chinese intellectual culture and art historical reading could be better illuminated.

2.1 Jinshixue and Cultural Landscape in the Lower Yangtze River The development of Evidential Learning through inscriptions on bronze and stone reached its height in the Qing dynasty. According to Lu Jian’s (act. 1900–20) account in his manuscript Bibliography of the Epigraphic Study of Inscriptions on Bronze and Stone in the Qing Dynasty (Guochao jinshi shu jilue), there was a boom in Jinshixue publications in the second half of the eighteenth century emphasizing the aesthetic aspect of the development of calligraphy as seen on bronzes, steles and other ancient objects. It was not until the 1780s, when the inscriptions found on ancient bronzes and stone objects began to be regarded as significant means for the study of History and the Classics, that scholars began to search everywhere and make extensive collections of inscribed steles and objects.2 Liang Qichao concluded in his influential Overview of Scholarship in the Qing Dynasty (Qingdai xueshu gailun, 1920) that ‘jinshi study became an independent subject area in the Qing dynasty. Liang noted that Gu Yanwu’s (1613–82) Notes on Epigraphic Scripts (Jinshi wenzi ji) marked the beginning of this study: 䠁⸣ᆨѻ൘␵ԓ৸ᖚ❦ᡀа、ᆨҏDŽ㠚亗⚾↖㪇 lj䠁⸣᮷ᆇ䁈NJˈሖ⛪ᯟᆨ☛䀤DŽ  ’3 However, jinshi study had not yet been categorized as an independent subject at the time when Siku quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) was compiled in 1782. As noted

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later in ‘Imperially Commissioned General Index and Annotations to the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries’ (‘Qinding Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao’, 1798): Regarding the writings on bronze and stone, History of Sui and History of Tang had them under the heading ‘Small Learning’, and History of Song had them under ‘Contents’. Here we follow the Song example, listing them under the category of ‘Philosophy’, so as not to confuse them with the works of the ‘Classics’. 䠁⸣ѻ᮷ˈ䲻ୀljᘇNJ䱴ljሿᆨNJˈljᆻᘇNJѳ䱴ljⴞ䤴NJDŽӺ⭘ljᆻ ᘇNJѻֻˈіࡇ↔䮰DŽ㘼ࡕ⛪ᆀⴞˈн֯㠷㏃㉽⴨⏶✹DŽ Again: Editor’s Note: After the compilation of History of Sui [636], writings on calligraphy and painting were listed under ‘Contents’; yet items on calligraphy and painting were listed in the ‘Contents’ under ‘Philosophy, Arts category’ in the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries [1798]. Whilst the records on jinshi (inscriptions on bronze and stone) have not been specifically categorized, they were still listed in the ‘Contents’ but under ‘Philosophy,’ so these records would not be mixed with works of the Classics. This was because in the past, the ‘Contents’ was under ‘Classics’ to which [records on] jinshi were appended. Ṹˈlj䲻ᘇNJԕлⲶԕ⌅ᴨǃ਽⮛ࡇ‫ޕ‬ljⴞ䤴NJˈӺᴨ⮛ࡇ‫ޕ‬ljᆀ䜘 㰍㺃于NJˈᜏ䁈䔹䠁⸣㘵❑于ਟ↨ˈӽ‫ޕ‬ljⴞ䤴NJDŽ❦ࡕ⛪ᆀⴞˈн㠷 ㏃㉽⴨৳DŽ㫻ljⴞ䤴NJⲶ⛪㏃㉽֌ˈ䠁⸣ަ䱴ᓨҏDŽ4 The writings on jinshi studies have been listed in different categories for centuries. Whether they should be appended to ‘Classics’ or ‘Philosophy’, or be under the ‘Arts’ or ‘Contents’, was still disputed at the end of the eighteenth century. Not until Zhang Zhidong’s (1837–1909) book, The Q and A of Bibliography (Shumu dawen, 1875) was it stated that ‘jinshi study has become a specialized area. Following the model set by Zheng Jiaji (Zheng Qiao, 1104–62), it is now singled out as an independent subject, ‘䠁⸣ѻ ᆨˈӺ⛪ሸᇦˈ‫׍‬䝝཮┸˄䝝⁥˅ֻˈࡕࠪа䮰DŽ’, thereby confirming the categorization of jinshi study.5 Zhang listed jinshi study directly under ‘History’ and divided the sixty-seven jinshi publications over the centuries into four categories: ‘Content, Illustration, Text, and Meaning and Rules. ⴞ䤴ǃെ䊑ǃ᮷ᆇǃ㗙ֻ’. Among those publications, fifty-three works were distributed in the Qing dynasty (up to 1875 when Zhang sent this book to the printer). Forty-six scholars were listed by Zhang Zhidong as prolific scholars of Jinshixue; among them, forty were active in the Qing.6

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Jinshixue reached its zenith from the late Qianlong (1735–96) to Xianfeng (1851–61) eras; scholars from this period can roughly be divided into two groups by chronology. The scholars who were active in the Qianlong and Jiaqing (1796–1820) eras used the ancient objects and the inscriptions found on these relics to supplement their study of early Chinese history and civilization. There were two strands with this group of scholars: on one hand scholars were keen to faithfully reproduce the form and textual inscriptions through rubbings to help them identify the contents of the texts and associate them with early historical writing for Evidential Learning; on the other hand scholars turned to studying the development of the Chinese script system and were much taken by the aesthetics of inscriptions incised on bronze vessels from the High Antiquity and steles from the Han dynasty, which contributed to a cult of the Stele School in calligraphy and seal carving in the mid-nineteenth century. Subsequently, the second strand reached its height during the Daoguang (1821–50) and Xianfeng eras. The scholars of this time paid attention to the materiality and aesthetics of a wider range of pre-Tang objects. They tended to apply the stylistic characteristics from the Northern Dynasties steles to their creation of calligraphy, seal carving and painting. Such practice stirred a revival of the Stele School of calligraphy, as well as formulating an archaic taste for jinshi style in modern Chinese painting. Evidential Learning encouraged antique collecting and research. During the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras, several places served as hubs for antiquarian activities, namely: 1) Beijing; 2) Areas along the Yellow River and the Huai River in Shandong, Shaanxi and Henan provinces; 3) Yangzhou and Nanjing; 4) Suzhou, Wuxi and Changzhou; and 5) Hangzhou and nearby counties. Due to the mufu system (army aids and staff support-system to the government) which served as a provincial autonomy in Qing, scholars often worked as groups under the employment of regional governors. Bi Yuan (1730–97), Ruan Yuan and Xie Qikun (1737–1802), for instance, led several significant book projects.7 While statecraft studies and empirical approaches were adopted by these governors, compiling the official history texts and gazetteers, and the collecting and research of inscribed bronzes and steles in local regions became part of the process, offering supplementary material and evidential records to the required knowledge of world-ordering principles, political economy and history.8 Having served as Provincial Governor of Shaanxi (1773–9, 1780–4) and Henan (1785), General-Governor of Hubei, Hunan, Guangdong and Guangxi (1786–93, 1795–6), Provincial Governor of Shandong (1794) and Provincial Governor of Hunan (1796–7), Bi Yuan became the leader of jinshi study in north China. Several important epigraphical studies and book projects led by Bi were aimed at documenting and unearthing relics, and compiling local gazetteers. His contributions included Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Shaanxi (Guanzhong jinshiji, 1781), Record of

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Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Henan (Zhongzhou jinshiji, 1781), Study on Historical Writing (Shijikao, 1788, first 100 juan), Gazetteer of Hubei (Hubei tongzhi, 1794) and a Continuation to the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government (Xu Zizhi tongjian, 1797), while he also coedited Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong (Shanzuo jinshizhi, 1796) with Ruan Yuan. Bi Yuan also compiled the thirty-volume collectanea, Collected Writing from the Studio of Classical Teaching (Jingxuntang congshu, 1787), with the help of Xu Jian (1712–98), Cheng Jinfang (1718–84), Zhao Yi (1727–1814), Wang Wenzhi (1730–1802), Yan Changming (1731–87), Zhang Xun (act. 1759–80s), Zhang Xuecheng (1738–1801), Qian Bojung (1738–1812), Shao Jinhan (1743–96), Deng Shiru (1743–1805), Fang Zhengshu (act. 1727–1780s), Qian Dian (1744– 1806), Wang Zhong (1745–94), Wu Yi (1745–99), Duan Songling (1744– 1800), Zhu Wenzao (1735–1806), Huang Yi (1744–1802), Liang Yusheng (1712–92), Hong Liangji (1746–1809), Wang Fu (act. 1780s), Feng Minchang (1741–1806), Huang Jingren (1749–1783), Hu Qian (1753– 1806), Sun Xingyan (1753–1818), Yang Fangcan (1753–1815), Ling Tingkan (1857–09), Qian Yong (1759–1844), Zang Yong (act. 1780s), Yan Guan (act. 1860–90s, son of Yan Changming), Zhang Wanlin (1764–1833), Wang Chen (1720–97), Jiang Sheng (1721–99), Wu Tailai (?–1788), Wu Wenpu (act. 1780–1805), Zhuang Xin (1735–1818), Hu Liang (act. 1780s), Shi Shanchang (?–1830), Wu Zhao (1755–1811), Wan Chengji (1766– 1826), Ma Zonglian (?–1802), Zhang Fuchun (act. 1780s), Wu Shaoyu (act. 1780s) and Zhang Zhou (act. 1780–97).9 Although the collectanea and other book projects were mostly conducted in north China, the majority of scholars who contributed to Bi Yuan’s projects were from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui and Jiangxi Provinces. It is worth noting that the methodology of recording bronze and stone relics shifted from a more general survey across regions to discussions dedicated to specific regions, such as Shanxi, Henan and Shandong in Bi’s case. According to Rong Yuan’s (1899–1996) Index of ‘Jinshi’ Publications (Jinshi shumu lu), among one hundred and fifty-six books on jinshi studies of specific regions, only three were published before the Qing; and among two hundred and ninety-seven gazetteers which include a section of jinshi relics, only one was published prior to the Qing. It shows the growing interest in inspecting jinshi remains in greater detail and to identify particular characteristics of certain regions; such interests were also reflected in the composition of local gazetteers.10 Ruan Yuan, an influential leader in Jinshixue in the Lower Yangtze River in southern China, was a colleague of Bi Yuan.11 Ruan was credited for the publications of Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong (Shanzuo jinshizhi, 1796), Collection of Notes on Classics (Jingji zangu, 1798), Identifications in the Studio for Accumulating Antique Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods (Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi, 1804), Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Zhejiang (Liang Zhe jinshizhi,

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1805) and Addition to ‘Collection of Notes on Classics’ (Jingji zangu buyi, 1812), all concerned with epigraphical study. Among the forty-six scholars listed by Zhang Zhidong, twenty of them were associated or worked with Ruan Yuan, namely Weng Fanggang (1733–1818), Wang Chang (1724– 1806), Qian Daxin (1728–1804), Qian Dazhao (1744–1813), Zhu Wenzao (1735–1806), Zhu Weibi (1771–1840), Sun Xingyan (act. 1790–1800s), He Yuanxi (1766–1829), Hong Yixuan (1765–1837), Wu Yi (1745–99), Zhao Wei (1746–1825), Wu Dongfa (1747–1803), Wu Rongguang (1773–1843), Zhang Tingji (1768–1848), Li Fusun (1764–1843), Shen Tao (1789–1861), Feng Dengfu (1783–1841), Huang Yi (1744–1802), Shao Zhichun (act. 1780s) and Zhang Yanchang (1738–1814).12 Because of Ruan’s longevity, he also became acquainted with other antiquarians and artists in the midnineteenth century, including Xi Gang (1764–1803), Chen Yuzhong (1762– 1806), Qian Song (1807–60) and Chen Hongshou (1768–1822) of the Eight Masters of Seal Carving, Hangzhou. Monk Dashou made composite rubbings of ancient bronze vessels and objects for Ruan Yuan. The artists Gai Qi (1773–1828), Xu Weiren (1788–1853/4), Luo Pin (1733–99) and Fang Xun (1736–99) were active in his circle. We noticed that most of Ruan Yuan’s contacts were from the Jiangsu and Zhejiang areas of the Lower Yangtze River where the flourishing of jinshi study nurtured numerous scholars and artists at the time. Scholars often held different opinions about jinshi objects regarding their authenticity, the meaning of the inscribed texts, their use in scholarship and their aesthetic value, even when they worked jointly on the same book project. Qian Daxin considered the texts inscribed on the ancient relics as historical documents, so that jinshi objects could supplement the study of Histories. Weng Fanggang demanded that jinshi should be used to evidence the development of calligraphic forms and script systems.13 Weng’s approach, as seen in Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from East Guangdong (Yuedong jinshilue, 1771) and Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Western and Eastern  Han Dynasties (Liang Han jinshiji, 1789), to which he contributed, signified the increasing interest in appreciating the aesthetics of the inscriptions found on the ancient relics. Such appreciation also encouraged a formation of taste in applying the jinshi style in artistic creation. Active in Guangdong, Guangxi and Jiangxi in south China, Xie Qikun was the chief editor for gazetteers, Evidential Learning and history books, Gazetteer of Nanchang (Nanchang fuzhi, 1789), History of Western Wei (Xi Weishu, 1795), and Study on Historical Writing (Shijikao, 325 juan, 1802). He also edited a continuation of Bi Yuan’s project, Study on Small Learning (Xiaoxuekao, 1799), Gazetteer of Guangxi (Guangxi tongzhi, 1800) and Yuexi jinshi lue (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from West Guangdong, 1801). In addition to the scholars who assisted Ruan Yuan and Bi Yuan – for example, Zhang Xuecheng, Qian Dazhao, Yan Guan, Wu Yi,

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Ling Tingkan, Hu Qian, Fang Zhengshu, Shao Zhichun and Zhang Yanchang – other key scholars included Chen Lansen (1734–1804), Wang Wenyong (act. 1780s), Yuan Jun (1752–1806), Zhang Yanzeng (1763–1806) and Chen Shan (1753–1817).14 After the Daoguang period, the jinshi scholars spread out to south and west China, but the majority of their publications and activities continued to be centred in the Jiangnan region with its rooted literary tradition. After retiring from his military service in Burma and Yunnan, Wang Chang returned to Zhejiang and gathered over twenty scholars to edit the compendium, Jinshi cuibian (Compilation of Bronze and Stone Records, 1805), which consisted of one hundred and sixty chapters that documented the inscribed stone steles and bronze vessels from the past. Wu Rongguang (1773–1843), a native of Guangdong province and the governor of Hunan, edited Notes from Whiling Away the Summer of Xinchou Year (Xinchou xiaoxialu, 1841) and Notes on Bronze and Stone Collection at the Studio of Unstained Bamboo Skin (Yunqingguan jinshilu, 1842). He brought an impressive collection of rubbings and objects to Guangdong and encouraged scholarship and art in the south. It is notable that in the nineteenth century scholars from the Lower Yangtze River tended to travel more than before and were recruited as secretaries by influential scholar-politicians. The travels and gatherings of scholars enabled new discoveries of regional materials, as well as encouraging research networks and joint publications on these objects. Such joint publications not only provided the valuable resources of Evidential Learning that further helped scholars in establishing specialized areas of inquiry, but also became a dominant phenomenon of their culture, revealing a trend for people who held either political or cultural resources to wish to carry out their own publication projects, to fulfil their pursuit of Evidential Learning and the accompanying antiquarian activities, and to establish their own reputations and statesmanship.

2.2 Illustrated Records of Investigating Steles In addition to large projects, individual publications based on empirical approaches and fieldwork were also popular. The records of inscribed steles, rubbings and antique objects by individuals provided valuable information on regional differences and what was available in their time. Notable publications include Record of Bronze and Stele Inscriptions in Wulin [Hangzhou] (Wulin jinshiji, c. 1782) by Ding Jing; List of Inscriptions on Bronze and Stone Objects at Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island (Xiao penglaige jinshi wenzi, 1800) by Huang Yi; List of Steles Gathered from the World (Huanyu fangbeilu, 1802) by Sun Xingyan and Xing Shu (1759–1823); Notes on Investigations of Steles in Beijing and Tianjin (Ping

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Jin dubeiji, 1811) by Hong Yixuan; and Record of Precious Steles in Changshan [Hebei] (Changshan zhenshi zhi, 1842) by Shen Tao. Those primary resources were collected through actual site visits and provided scholars and artists with materials for studying pre-Tang steles. Some publications were accompanied by detailed explanations and other illustrated records, such as the paintings by Huang Yi. Recent scholarship has discussed the late eighteenth-century paintings on visiting steles, especially Huang Yi’s activities and their impact on fashionable trends within the Stele School in calligraphy.15 The chosen theme suggests another rise of social networking and forming of the intellectual circle drawn upon their shared antiquarian study and the lure of stele study. It is also noteworthy that the paintings of visiting steles tend to emphasize the ‘activity’ in a landscape setting rather than representing the actual content of the visited stele or the inscription carved on the collected antiquity. New themes of scholarly painting thus were created around such antiquarian activities, both outdoors and indoors. The subject of visiting steles had traditionally served as a documentation of the painter’s leisure pursuits since the mid-eighteenth century. Among all the painters of Evidential Learning, Huang Yi might be the best-known person for recording site visits in landscape painting. His illustrated records reveal Huang’s quest to see the actual inscribed texts rather than accept what had been documented in the historical account. Huang’s Obtaining a Stele at Mt Liangcheng (undated, Tianjin Municipal Museum of Art), Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan (1796, Palace Museum, Beijing), Visit to Steles in Mountains of Shandong (undated, Palace Museum, Beijing), Visiting Ancient Sites and Record of My Journey (1795, Palace Museum, Beijing) and the album of Twelve Acquired Steles (1775–93, Tianjin Museum) meticulously document his pursuit between 1774 and 1793 of stele inscriptions in various ancient cultural centres, including Luoyang, Mt Song in Henan, Mt Ziyuan of Jiaxiang county, Mt Tai and the Wuliang Shrines in Shandong province.16 His antiquarian activities were not limited to the excursions to the sites, but often involved relocating the steles or cleaning stones, or scholars sharing their appreciations of the new acquisitions in their dwellings. In the inscription of Removing the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters (Sangongshan yibei tu, Fig. 2.01) from one of the leaves of Twelve Acquired Steles, Huang Yi stated that his friend Yang Hezhou (act. eighteenth century) had discovered the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters (Si Sangongshan bei, 117), which consisted of a mix of inscribed clerical and seal scripts. After Huang received the rubbing of this stele from Yang in the thirty-ninth year of the Qianlong era (1774), he requested Wang Zhiqi (act. eighteenth century), the Governor of Yuanshi county of Hebei province, to remove the stele to the nearby Longhua Temple and place it next to the God of White Stone Stele (Beishi Shenjun bei, 183), the other surviving Han stele.

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FIGURE 2.01 Huang Yi, Removing the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters, detail of Twelve Acquired Steles, 1775–93. Album of 12 leaves, ink and light colour on paper, 18 × 51.8 cm, Tianjin Museum.

The painting depicts five labourers carrying this rather large stele on a mountain path towards the temple. Accompanying the picture is a long inscription explaining the actions taken after Yang’s discovery. Based on the opening inscription on the stele, Weng Fanggang dated it to the fourth year of the Yuanchu era of the Emperor An in the Eastern Han (117). For Weng and his contemporaries, the discovery of the Stele of Making Sacrifice to the Mt Three Masters was of great consequence: this stele best demonstrated the transitional style from the seal script to bafenshu in the Eastern Han dynasty. In another leaf of Elevating a Stele at the Jining Academy in the same album, Huang also recorded the removal of the Stele of Zheng Jixuan (Zheng Jixuan bei, 185).17 On seeing the stele had been partially buried outside the East Gate of the Jining Academy, Weng Fanggang urged Huang to hire workers to lift the stele above ground for a better preservation. The stele was relocated and stabilized by two stone columns inside the building of the Jining Academy. Huang also found over seventy characters on the lower part of the stele that had not previously been recorded.18 In addition to safeguarding the steles, the preservation activities also included the cleaning of objects. In Huang Yi’s Scrubbing a Stone in the Golden County Studio, he recorded the process of removing dirt from the surface of the stone in order to read the characters that had been concealed by mud for centuries.19 Finding original, hidden or abandoned steles in the rubble was a new sport for the Qing scholars. It is also notable that rubbings taken from the steles were soon circulated among their scholarly circles. Those rubbings were often cut and collaged onto album leaves or pasted on printed books for the convenience of studying. In the album leaf Celebrating the Acquisition of Steles at Little Penglai Immortal Pavilion Huang depicted scholars gathered in a dwelling enjoying drinks while looking at a rubbing of the fragmentary stele from the second year of the Xiping era of the Eastern Han (173).20 Another leaf, Receiving Rubbings from Fine

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Companions, portrayed Huang and a friend viewing the album of Five Rubbings from the Han and Wei (220–65) Dynasties which were given him by Wang Guyu (act. c. 1780s) and Zhang Yintang (act. c. 1751–84) in 1783 and 1785.21 Huang was surprised to find that these five rubbings had been mounted in the same album leaf format which suggested that these sheets given separately by different friends might have been dispersed from the same collection.22 Huang’s antiquarian activities also implied that rubbings were traded in the art market or passed on as gifts among the scholarly social network, hence rubbings themselves became the new objects of knowledge and became collectables. Through such circulation, rubbings of inscribed antiquities were in high demand, not only for acquiring knowledge through their textual content, but even more to be appreciated for the formal beauty of their calligraphy. Scenes of reading stele inscriptions outdoors had already been illustrated in the earlier period, for instance, Reading the Inscriptions on the Stele attributed to Li Cheng (919–967) and Wang Xiao (act. tenth century).23 The Ming painter, Zhang Feng (?–1661) also portrayed Reading the Stele Inscriptions in which his subject was reading the ancient inscription carved on a stele in a deserted field.24 Li Cheng’s painting was based on a historical story with a reference to literature.25 However, Zhang Feng’s work indicates solidarity evoked by changes in history and time while reading the ancient inscription on the stele. Different from earlier paintings in terms of subject matter and motivation, the Qing artists’ work obviously documented the scholars’ collective investigations inspired by the Evidential Learning of their time. Wang Xuehao’s (1754–1832) Entering the Mountains to Find Steles (1813) registered such a collective antiquarian activity. After failing the national examinations, Wang became the assistant to Military Minister Zhou Xingdai (1744–1809) and journeyed through Hebei, Shandong, Hunan and Shaanxi between 1790 and 1802. He stayed at Hanbi shanzhuang (Mountain Villa of Wintry Green) in Suzhou for over a decade. During his stay, he composed poems and paintings, sharing a passion for antiquity with Ruan Yuan, Chen Wenshu, Chen Hongshou and Zhang Tingji.26 Pan Zengying (1808–78), an enthusiastic antiquarian and historian, often shared his pursuit of archaic stele inscriptions with other artist-officials, including Zhao Zhiqian, Wu Dacheng (1835–1902), Wu Zheng (1878–1949) and Shen Tao.27 His Visiting Stele in Heshuo [Hebei and Shanxi Provinces] (c. 1846) was made for Shen Tao, the author of Record of Precious Steles in Changshan [Hebei] (Changhsan zhenshi zhi) and Inscriptions from Rubbings of Seals Collected in the Pavilion of Crimson Clouds (Jiangyunlou yin taben tici).28 According to the colophon written by Dong Guohua (1773–1850), this painting of the chosen theme was to praise Shen’s research on ancient steles and inscriptions as surpassing that of the Song dynasty antiquarian scholars, such as Zhao Mingcheng and Ouyang Xiu.

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While paintings of collectors’ activities became a new subject in scholarly painting, the influence of epigraphic study at the turn of the nineteenth century lay in the emergence of new themes and had yet to transform the painters’ style, technique and brushwork. The most significant and radical impact brought by the empirical approaches from studying steles was in fact on the aesthetics and technical training of Chinese calligraphy at this time.

2.3 The Stele School and Re-evaluation of Bafenshu During the Kangxi Emperor’s reign (1661–1722), there were three new trends in calligraphy which otherwise mostly followed its late Ming inheritance. The first trend was marked by an enhanced appreciation for the individualist, expressive and untrammelled styles associated with the artists Wang Duo (1592–1652), Fa Ruozhen (1613–96) and Ming loyalists like Fu Shan (1606–84), Zhu Da (1626–1705) and Song Cao (1620–1701). The second trend followed the calligraphy of Dong Qichang (1555–1636) and his Huating School (or Songjiang School), which was dominant and enjoyed great popularity under the patronage of the Kangxi Emperor. This style was venerated by Shen Quan (1624–84) and Zhang Zhao (1691–1745), and later developed into a model-style, guangeti (examination-hall style), for the national examinations. The third trend followed the late Ming calligraphers Zheng Fu (1622–93) and Zhu Yizun (1629–1709), who took inscriptions on steles as their source of learning. Inspired by Zheng and Zhu’s antiquarian approach, Yangzhou artists like Gao Fenghan (1683–c. 1749), Gao Xiang (1688–1753), Jin Nong (1687–1764) and Zheng Xie (1693–1765), and other calligraphers like Zhu Wenzhen (act. c. 1770s) and Zhu Min (act. c. 1720s) began to pay attention to the clerical script and bafenshu. Overwhelmed by these trends, calligraphers and painters advocated innovation within tradition. The new findings on steles and cultural relics led to a novel reading of calligraphy from pre-Tang steles. In the nineteenth century, four crucial publications were developed under such circumstances: Treatise on the Northern and Southern Schools of Calligraphy (Nanbei shupai lun, 1814) and Treatise on the Northern Steles and Southern Model-Calligraphy-Book (Beibei nantie lun, 1819), both by Ruan Yuan, The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art (Yizhou shuangji, 1848) by Bao Shichen, and Expanded Argumentation of ‘The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art’ (Guang Yizhou shuangji, 1889) by Kang Youwei. Their publications provided a theoretical basis for the Beipai (Stele School) and offered a model in calligraphic styles. More significantly, they also promoted beiti (stelescript style) of the Eastern Han and Northern Wei, as opposed to the Tiepai (Model-Calligraphy-Book School; Copybook School), which relied on studying ink works, often in the form of the letters of the two Wangs, Wang

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Xizhi (303–61) and Wang Xianzhi (344–86), and earlier masters of the Jin (265–420) tradition. The style of tie had been handed down in the form of model-calligraphy-book or calligraphy copybook since the Song dynasty. As noted by Mi Fu (1051–1107), who rejected the value of steles: ‘One should not learn from inscriptions carved on stone; even if you write it yourself and ask others to transcribe your calligraphy on stone, it would not be your own calligraphy anymore. Hence for studying calligraphy, one must learn from authentic, original writings. ⸣࡫нਟᆨˈն㠚ᴨ֯Ӫ࡫ѻˈᐢ䶎ᐡᴨҏDŽ ᭵ᗵ丸ⵏ䐑㿰ѻѳᗇDŽ’29 In contrast, the calligraphers of the Stele School turned to inscriptions on the bronze vessels, steles, clay seals, tomb epitaphs, bricks, tiles, sculptures in Buddhist grottos, and large-character calligraphy engraved on cliffs, and considered the calligraphy of these inscriptions to be more faithful to the early forms than the model-calligraphy-books. As Kang Youwei commented on the rise of the Stele School, The rise of the study of steles (beixue) is the result of the decline of the study of model-calligraphy-book (tiexue) as well as the thriving of epigraphic studies of inscriptions on bronze and stone. After the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras, the popularity of etymology reached its peak. Scholars collected and applied their collections of bronze and stone objects as a method to conduct empirical studies in ancient Classics and History. The more people researched on Evidential Learning, the more steles were unearthed . . . With the increase in the quantity of the excavated steles, scholarship also burgeoned. Consequently, the Stele School became a huge realm.30 ⻁ᆨѻ㠸ˈ҈ᑆᆨѻ༎ˈӖഐ䠁⸣ѻབྷⴋҏDŽҮహѻᖼˈሿᆨᴰⴋˈ䃷 㘵㧛н㯹䠁⸣ԕ⛪㘳㏃䅹ਢѻ䋷ˈሸ䮰ᩌ䕟ˈ㪇䘠ѻӪᰒཊˈࠪ൏ѻ⻁ Ӗⴋࠪ⻁ᰒཊˈ㘳䅹Ӗⴋˈᯬᱟ⻁ᆨ㭊⛪བྷ഻DŽ Kang further commented that there were five aspects that artists would find beneficial from restoring and assessing the steles. We must evaluate steles because even if we wish to appreciate the model books of calligraphy, those inscriptions have been damaged through repeated copying. The steles from the Tang dynasty have become so worn that we must turn to the steles from the Southern and Northern Dynasties. They are valued not for being ancient, but for the well-kept strokes of characters on the stone, which clearly conveyed the essence of their time and were easier for people to follow. This is the first point. The second point is that by restoring the steles, one can investigate the transition from the clerical to standard script. The third point is that steles could enable us to trace the script development. The fourth point is that while calligraphers appreciated that all the script styles co-existed in the Six

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Dynasties, Tang dynasty calligraphers emphasized the structural composition of characters, and Song writers concentrated on the fluid elegance of brushwork.. The final point is that the inscribed strokes on the steles fully preserved the elongated, forceful and edgy characteristics of the early writing. Such qualities had been lost in the extant writings of the Tang and Song dynasties.31 ӺᰕⅢሺᑆᆨˈࡷ㘫ѻᐢ༎ˈнᗇнሺ⻁DŽⅢቊୀ⻁ˈࡷ⼘ѻᐢ༎ˈн ᗇнሺইेᵍ⻁DŽሺѻ㘵䶎ԕަਔҏˈㅶ⮛ᆼྭˈ㋮⾎⍱䵢ˈ᱃ᯬ㠘 ᪩ˈаҏ˗ਟԕ㘳䳨ᾧѻ䆺ˈҼҏ˗ਟԕ㘳ᖼцѻⓀ⍱ˈйҏ˗ୀ䀰㎀ Ώǃᆻቊ᜿᝻ǃ‫ޝ‬ᵍ⻁਴億⮒‫ˈۉ‬ഋҏ˗ㅶ⌅㡂䮧࡫‫ˈޕ‬䳴ཷ䀂ࠪˈ䗾 ᧕нᲷˈሖ⛪ୀᆻѻᡰ❑ᴹˈӄҏDŽ The nineteenth-century calligraphers saw the stele-script style as the legitimate successor to the development of the Han and Wei calligraphy. Along with the Evidential Learning, the Qing scholars’ evaluation of inscribed antiquities challenged the dominance of tiexue in Chinese art. Considering why steles from north China have been highly promoted among the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scholars of Evidential Learning, it is important to look into issues that called for aesthetic transformations in calligraphy and art historiography. The intellectuals of the early Qing dynasty were divided into two circles: one group supported the Song School of Neo-Confucianism (Songxue) after the teaching of Cheng Hao (1032–85), Cheng Yi (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi (1130–1200). This was sponsored by the Qing government in order to rationalize the loyalty, order, duty and obedience for everyone to follow; and the other group of scholars rejected Neo-Confucianism in support of the ‘Han Learning’ (Hanxue) that was endorsed by the Ming loyalists, such as Gu Yanwu, who refused to serve the Manchus. They reacted against the abstract treatises on ‘Nature and Reason’ (xingli) and metaphysical elements of Neo-Confucianism, and returned to more practical subjects and learning of the pre-Tang eras with extensive evidence.32 Qing scholars such as Ruan Yuan and Bao Shichen who supported the Han Learning not only debated the authenticity of the versions of Classics through research on ancient script in High Antiquity (guwen), they also paid great attention to the transition of scripts between the late Eastern Han and Jin through primary evidences and actual objects. It is worth noting too that from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century, the scholarship on the evolution of Chinese script system had been advanced following the archaeological finds of oracle bones from the High Antiquity (Shanggu), the bronze inscriptions unearthed from Anyang, the inscriptions on bamboo or wooden slips from the Warring States and Han periods, and the sutra-style script (xiejingti) excavated from the Dunhuang Cave Temples and along the Silk Road. Nonetheless, at the time of Ruan Yuan and Bao Shichen, who supported the division of the Northern and the

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Southern Schools of calligraphy, they were not able to see those archaeological discoveries to establish a concrete theory on the evolution of script and writing. Steles, along with epigraphs, clay seals, carved tiles, inscribed bricks, coins and monumental inscriptions for stone gates and temples were used to form their research on the early script system. Bao Shichen firmly believed that ‘the methods of standard, running and cursive scripts of Youjun [Wang Xizhi] were derived from fen [bafenshu, a diversified calligraphy style] of the Han dynasty, ਣ䓽ⵏ㹼㥹⌅ˈⲶࠪ╒࠶, hence it is important to trace the evolution of the scripts from the Qin and Han dynasties onwards through actual steles and their rubbings in order to understand the characteristics of the seal script, clerical script and the bafenshu.33 To summarize, in the four crucial essays on calligraphy referred to earlier by Ruan Yuan, Bao Shichen and Kang Youwei, scholars of the late Qing have been reflecting in the main on two key questions on the evolution of scripts: first, how to distinguish the clerical script from bafenshu in the development of the Chinese script system during this transitional period; and second, how did the rediscovery of bafenshu encourage the examination of steles from the Northern Dynasties among Qing scholars? Their investigation into steles from the Han to the Northern Dynasties helped to answer the two questions; their analytical examination on pre-Tang calligraphy through the steles also helped later on in building a theoretical foundation for the Stele School of calligraphy. The following study also argues that it was the reinvestigation on bafenshu among the nineteenthcentury scholars that led to an influential revolution in calligraphy and scholarly art from the nineteenth century onwards. In discussing the development of the script system, the Qing scholars have accepted what Xu Shen (30–124) noted in his monumental publication, Shuowen jiezi (Explaining Pictographic Characters and Analysing Composite Characters): that by the Qin dynasty there were eight script styles: 1) the great-seal script (dazhuan, or zhouwen) of Emperor Xuan of the Western Zhou (841–782 BCE); 2) the small-seal script (xiaozhuan or Qin zhuan) created by Li Si (284–208 BCE); 3) the carved inscription for tallies or seals (kefu); 4) the winding insect- or bird-shaped script for banners or tallies (chongshu or niaoshu); 5) the crooked and elaborate script carved on seals (moyin or Qin xiwen); 6) the official script on horizontal inscribed boards (shushu); 7) the incised script on weapons and arc-shaped surfaces (shushu); and 8) the clerical script (lishu) created by Cheng Miao (act. c. 221–201 BCE).34 While the Chinese writing system had been characterized by its evolving development, the Qing scholars also recognized the confusion on how script evolved after the clerical script, when there were transitions between the clerical, standard and cursive scripts of the end of the Eastern Han, Northern Wei and Jin. A lack of convincing theoretical discussion in earlier scholarship also prevented scholars from reconstructing a reliable history of calligraphy.35 Under a quest for a better understanding of early

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scripts, the late Qing scholars brought up a raging debate around the versions of the Classics in different scripts. The first issue scholars encountered was the definition of bafenshu, a transitional style that appeared in the late Han dynasty. Whether the bafenshu script should be understood literally as ‘the eight-tenths style of script’, referring to its adaptation of the eight-tenths characteristics of the small-seal script and two-tenths features of the clerical script, or should be defined by characterizing its back-to-back form, like the character ‘ba’ (‫ )ޛ‬in which the strokes stretch and extend in opposite directions, left-falling and right-falling, it had caught the scholars’ attention. At the time of Ruan Yuan, Bao Shichen and Kang Youwei there were disagreements among scholars on what bafenshu was. Today, the discovery in 1975 of over 40,000 characters on 1,155 bamboo slips excavated in tomb number 11 at Shuihudi in Yunmeng county, Hubei province has convinced modern scholars that the clerical script must have evolved for a long time before the First Emperor of Qin united China; the excavation of inscribed wooden slips from Haojiaping in Qingchuan, Sichuan province in 1980, which featured a prototype clerical script of the Warring States period (fourth century BCE) further confirmed the credibility of such an opinion. These archaeological evidences disprove the statement in the historical accounts that Cheng Miao, a contemporary of the First Emperor, was the creator of clerical script.36 Detail of Fig. 2.02, Bamboo slips from Shuihudi of Yunmeng county

xu ᠼ

Detail of Fig. 2.03, Qiang’s Eulogy and Prayer

wu ᠺ

The clerical script could be divided into two stages: the clerical script used in the Warring States and Qin is known as the guli (former clerical script), as opposed to jinli (modern standard script; referring to kaishu, the standard script as it evolved from the clerical script). The example can be seen from the script on bamboo slips in Shuihudi, which showed some characteristics of the early clerical script. Comparing the character xu from Shuihudi (Fig. 2.02) with the character wu from the Qiang’s Eulogy and Prayer (Qiangpanming, Fig. 2.03), the structure of the Shuihudi scripts of the Qin dynasty more or less kept the form of the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, but the arc-shaped lines of the small-seal script were replaced by straight strokes in the reformed clerical script. In the early clerical script exemplified in the Shuihudi bamboo slips, the tip of the brush was pressed down to form a thicker stroke. A variety of thick, thin, weighty, elongated and tapering dots and strokes were adopted to present the changeable brushwork. The clerical script was easier to write

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FIGURE 2.02 Bamboo slips from Shuihudi of Yunmeng county, Hubei province, c. 239 BCE. Ink on bamboo slip, 23.1–27.8 cm high, 0.5–0.8 cm wide, Hubei Provincial Museum; detail of character xu.

and used by clerks, convicts and low-ranking officials in the Qin. It was gradually adopted in the writing of classical works, edicts, stone and bronze inscriptions. In the second stage, more attention was paid to a distinct balanced and structural feature of the clerical script in the Western Han dynasty. The use of varying space through certain brushwork, as shown in characters ke, fu, xiong and ye in the Classic of Way and Virtue–Second Version (Laozi yiben, Fig. 2.04), conveyed a forceful temperament created by ending with left- and right-downwardly widening and intensified brushstrokes.

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FIGURE 2.03 Qiang’s Eulogy and Prayer, rubbing of an inscription on a bronze basin, from mid-Western Zhou, late tenth century BCE, excavated from Fufeng, Shaanxi Province. The 12.5kg vessel is 16.2 cm high, with a diameter of 47.3 cm and a basin depth of 8.6 cm. It features two hundred and eighty-four characters arranged in eighteen columns. Baoji Municipal Museum. Detail of character wu.

Detail of Fig. 2.04, Classic of Way and Virtue-the Second Version

ke ਟ

fu ཛ

xiong ‫ݴ‬

ye ҏ

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FIGURE 2.04 Classic of Way and Virtue-the Second Version, detail, Western Han. Ink on silk. The silk is 24 cm high with 169 columns of characters, each column 7–8 wide, Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 3, Changsha, Hunan Province. Hunan Provincial Museum. Detail of characters ke, fu, xiong and ye.

Many scholars considered that the technique of writing the clerical script had reached its peak in the Eastern Han dynasty. To date, most contemporary scholars often consider bafenshu as a type of clerical script ending with flared strokes as opposed to the former clerical script, or simply regard bafenshu as another name for the clerical script of the Eastern Han dynasty.37 Following Ruan Yuan, Bao Shichen and Kang Youwei’s opinion, it is possible to make a case that bafenshu is different from the clerical script mentioned above. Bafenshu, also known as bafen (the eight-tenths script) or fenshu (the fen style), was developed and used in the late Western Han and Eastern Han to its maturity in the Wei and Jin dynasties. It adopted the vertically elongated and the thinning brushwork at each end of the vertical stroke of the seal script, yet it also emphasized a pressing and edging angular structure that

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was identical to the clerical script; the stroke stretched in opposite directions to fall to the right and to the left as in the character ba. Prior to the Qing dynasty, there existed various notions concerning the creation of bafenshu: Bafen style in calligraphy was created by Cai Yong (132–92). As referenced in Notes on Calligraphy from Xuanhe Reign (Xuanhe shupu, 1119–25) Cai created the bafen script style by adopting two-tenths from the small-seal script created by Li Si, and eighttenths from the clerical script created by Cheng Miao. So the bafen style was created after the small-seal script and clerical script, hence it inherited characteristics from both its precursors.38 2 Bafenshu, another name for lishu, was the clerical script derived from the great-seal script and created by Cheng Miao, a low-ranking prison officer. According to Wei Xu’s (act. c. 943–961) Preface and Notes on Fifty-Six Types of Script (Wushiliu zhong shu bingxu), Cheng was once jailed by the First Emperor of Qin for ten years, hence lishu is also the short for tuli zhishu, meaning ‘the writing of a prisoner’.39 3 According to Xu Hao’s (703–82) Record on Ancient Calligraphy (Gujiji), the bafen style was invented after Li Si’s small-seal script and Cheng Miao’s clerical script by Wang Cizhong (act. 221–206 BCE) of the Qin dynasty. The representative steles of bafen style were Stele of Xiyue, Stele of Guanghe, Stele of Yin Hua and Stele of Feng Dun.40 4 According to Zhang Huaiguan (act. 724–60), the author of Judgement on Calligraphy (Shuduan), ‘The small-seal script reserved half of the characteristics of the ancient script in High Antiquity; bafen kept half of the characteristics of the small-seal script, and the clerical script in turn kept half of the characteristics of bafen. ሿ ㇶਔᖒˈ⥦ᆈަॺDŽ‫࠶ޛ‬ᐢ⑋ሿㇶѻॺˈ䳨৸⑋‫࠶ޛ‬ѻॺDŽ’ and ‘Bafen was a labour- and time-efficient version of the small-seal script; and the clerical script was a labour- and time-efficient version of bafen. ‫ࡷ࠶ޛ‬ሿㇶѻᦧˈ䳨Ӗ‫࠶ޛ‬ѻᦧDŽ’41 In Zhang’s opinion, bafenshu was derived from the small-seal script and used for writing essays and formal regulations, hence it was also named ‘script for composing constitutions’ (zhangcheng shu). In Zhang’s writing, bafenshu is what we call lishu (clerical script) today; and lishu refers to what we call the standard script (kaishu). That is why he listed the calligraphers who specialized in the clerical script, such as Han Zemu (act. c. 713–40) and Cai Youlin (act. c. 713–55), as ‘fenshu mingjia’ (masters of fen script); and masters of the standard script, for instance Yu Shinan (558–638), Chu Suiliang (596–658) and Ouyang Xun (557–641), as ‘lishu mingjia’ (masters of li script). 1

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The aforementioned texts reflect the confusion and disagreements concerning the terminology and definition of bafenshu as early as the eighth century. On whether bafen style was before or after the clerical script, Bao Shichen considered that clerical was the predecessor of bafen: Bafenshu was derived from the clerical script created by Cai Yong. The structure of the character ba is a back-to-back form; it suggests a tendency of stretching the writing horizontally in opposite directions. Since the Wei and Jin dynasties, people have followed the principles set by Cai Yong, later mixing bafen with the clerical script, to create what we called the zhenshu style (true-form script, standard script). That’s why from the Six Dynasties to Tang, the true-form script (standard script) was commonly called lishu, due to its association with the clerical script. However, people have mistakenly referred to ba as a numeral and have since the Song dynasty been confused by the division between bafen and clerical script . . . In brief, the clerical script and true-form script (standard script) shared the same substance; in terms of their structure, the clerical script is the source of bafen; and in terms of brushwork, bafen offered a foundation for establishing the true-form script (standard script).42 ৺ѝ䛾䆺䳨㘼֌‫࠶ޛ‬DŽ‫ˈޛ‬㛼ҏˈ䀰ަऒᐖਣ࠶ո⴨㛼❦ҏDŽ兿ᱹԕ ֶˈⲶۣѝ䛾ѻ⌅ࡷˈ৸ԕ‫ޕ࠶ޛ‬䳨ˈ࿻ᡀӺⵏᴨѻᖒDŽᱟԕ‫ޝ‬ᵍ㠣 ୀˈⲶちⵏᴨ⛪䳨ˈ㠚ୀӪ䃔ԕ‫⛪ޛ‬ᮨᆇˈ৺ᆻ䙲і␧࠶䳨ѻ ਽DŽ ᭵䳨ǃⵏ䴆⛪а億ˈ㘼䄆㎀ᆇˈࡷ䳨⛪࠶Ⓚˈ䄆⭘ㅶˈࡷ࠶ ⛪ⵏᵜҏDŽ In Bao Shichen’s view, the script system evolved from the clerical script, through bafenshu, to the true-form script (standard script). When people of later times viewed the standard script as an independent script style without knowing its derivation and connections to the clerical script and bafenshu, the method of writing the clerical script and bafenshu became lost. By analysing the characteristics of the Eastern Han and Northern Dynasties steles, Bao Shichen reinterpreted bafenshu as a term derived from the form of the character ‘ba ‫ – ’ޛ‬left-falling and right-falling, emphasizing a stretching tendency in opposite directions. Taking the ‘eight-strokes method of the character yong’ (yongzi bafa) (Fig. 2.05), for example, Bao continued to introduce divisions in technical treatment between the small-seal script, clerical script and bafenshu: On pressing a dot-stroke, a rounded brushstroke is applied in the smallseal script; and a flattened brushstroke is applied in bafenshu. In order to represent the transition from the rounded to the flattened brushworks of opposite tendency, the method of ce (slanting dot) should be applied when composing the clerical script . . . in bafen style a horizontal stroke

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FIGURE 2.05 Eight stroke types of the character Yong: (1) Ce (sideways; dot, tiny dash); (2) Le (bridle; horizontal and rightward stroke); (3) Nu (crossbow; vertical, downward stroke); (4) Ti (jump; hook); (5) Ce (horsewhip; lifting, flick up and rightwards); (6) Lue (passing lightly; bend, curve, concave left); (7) Zhuo (pecking; slant, falling leftwards); (8) Zhe (dismemberment; pressing forcefully, wavy and falling rightwards).

– le – is generally written without hiding its tip, but in the clerical script the ending tip must be hidden. People of later times who wrote horizontal strokes with plain-flowing and flattened brushwork misunderstood the method [of lishu].43 ཛ֌唎ऒˈ൘ㇶⲶൃㅶˈ൘࠶Ⲷᒣㅶˈᰒ䆺⛪䳨ˈൃᒣѻㅶDŽ億ऒн⴨ ‫ˈޕ‬᭵⽪ަ⌅ᴠ‫ڤ‬ҏDŽ৸࠶ᴨₛ⮛ཊн᭦䤂ˈӁं㘵ˈ⽪䳨⮛ѻ ᗵ᭦ҏDŽᖼӪ⛪ₛ⮛丶ㅶᒣ䙾ˈཡަ⌅⸓DŽ Bao further discussed how brushwork should be ‘begun in the direction of the gen trigram and should end in the direction of the qian trigram ࿻㢞㍲ Ү’ (Fig. 2.06) based on the sequence of The Eight Trigrams, The Primordial (Xiantian bagua), and how one should ‘upturn the brush tip to smooth out the brush on paper 䘶ㅶᒣ‫’ޕ‬.44 For writing a vertical stroke from the top down, the shaft of the brush should be inclined upwards towards the

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FIGURE 2.06 The Eight Trigrams, The Primordial. The ‘inverted brushwork’ method of ‘beginning with the direction of trigram gen and ending with the direction of trigram qian’.

direction of qian, against the tendency of going down; and as soon as the brush tip touches the paper, the shaft of the brush should be tilted in the opposite direction, then the brush itself will be smoothed out on the paper. Tilting the brush would fulfil the idea of ‘following the fen method of Han calligraphers, whose brushwork would always be smooth and abundant. ╒ Ӫ࠶⌅ˈ❑нᒣ┯’. In addition to his essays, Bao Shichen also composed twelve poems to provide examples of eminent calligraphers and works that characterized each script style in the canon of calligraphy history. Bao considered that the division between the clerical script and bafen began with Cao Yong, whose concocted bafen style was followed by the calligraphers Zhong Yao (151– 230) and Liang Hu (act. c. 168–208); Zhong best demonstrated Cai Yong’s resonance and rhymed movement (yun), and the forceful tendency of Liang’s brushwork (shi). Zhong’s Stele of Yiying (Yiying bei, also known as Han Luxiang Yiying zhi Kongzi miaozushi bei, 153; Fig. 2.11) and Liang’s Stele of Kong Xian (Kong Xian bei, also known as Weifeng Kong Xian si Kongzi bei or Kongzi miao bei, 221; Fig. 2.07) were the representatives of bafenshu at the end of the Eastern Han dynasty and were much admired by writers in the Northern Dynasties.

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FIGURE 2.07 Stele of Kong Xian, Ming dynasty rubbing. Ink on paper, 188 × 84 cm, 22 lines, 40 characters, National Museum of Scotland.

Detail of Fig. 2.07, Stele of Kong Xian Detail of Fig. 2.08, Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters

gao 儈

hu ᡦ

si ⽰

ji ㌰

zuo ֌

yuan ‫ݳ‬

In comparing the characters gao, hu, si, ji, zuo and yuan in Stele of Kong Xian (Detail of Fig. 2.07) with the same characters in the earlier Han stele, Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters (Si Sangongshan bei, 117; Fig. 2.08), the characters of the Stele of Kong Xian were characterized by the composed manner, compact structure and powerful strokes, which were pressed down with flattened startups and ended with slanting edge of the brush. The text of the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters was written in a combination of rounded and square-cornered structures with upright brush manner and liveliness; its style was between the seal and clerical scripts, such as was more commonly seen in bronze seals of the Han dynasty. Such style also raised a debate among scholars regarding its classification: is it the small-seal script, clerical script or bafenshu? How do we categorize ‘script in transitional style’? On this matter, we will refer to Kang Youwei’s view on ‘fen ࠶’ to resolve this issue later in the chapter.

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FIGURE 2.08 Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters, 117. Rubbing, 148.4 × 79.5 cm, former collection of Huang Yi, National History Museum.

It was notable that in Discussion on Calligraphy from Anwu (Anwu lunshu) and other writings Bao Shichen did not name actual examples of steles from the Han dynasty, and that his discussion was mainly based on the hundred and more rubbings of steles from the Southern and Northern dynasties he had collected. It might be due to the unavailability of rubbings and steles from the Han dynasty that he could not make comparisons. Bao could only judge Cai Yong’s bafen style from the extant works by Zhong You and Liang Hu to which he had access. The rubbings of the Stele of Yiying and Stele of Kong Xian had already been discussed in the Song and Ming dynasties in Record of Bronze and Stone (Jinshi lu) by Zhao Mingcheng and History of Bronze and Stone (Jinshishi) by Guo Zongchang (?–1652), but none of them analysed the calligraphy style of the inscriptions.45 Zhao Mingcheng only mentioned

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bafenshu three times throughout the book, in comments on Inscription on the Back of the Stele of Chen Zhonggong of the Han Dynasty (Han Chen Zhonggong beiyin, 169), on The Leftover Scripts of the Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty (Han Shijing yizi, 175–83) and on the Pictorial Stones at the Wu Family Shrine of the Han Dynasty (Han Wushi shishi shixiang) in his Record of Bronze and Stones. Zhao considered the first two to be works composed by Cai Yong. All three were written in small characters of bafenshu.46 It would be helpful to look into the remaining inscriptions of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty if they were to be considered as an authentic example of Cai Yong’s bafenshu. In Zhao’s opinion, he pointed out that previous scholarship, including the History of the Latter Han (Hou Hanshu, 445) by Fan Ye (398–445), confused the set of Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty with the Stone Steles of Classics Made in the Zhengshi Era of the Wei Dynasty (Zhengshi shijing, 241) written in three scripts (great-seal script, small-seal script and clerical script). Zhao further commented that due to the mixed use of different scripts, Cai Yong asked for the emperor’s support to construct a set of steles of the Six Classics in bafenshu in order to ‘correct and regulate the text of the Six Classics ↓ᇊ‫ޝ‬㏃᮷ᆇ’.47 The Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty by Cai Yong were damaged when Dong Zhuo (138–92) burned down Luoyang in the first year of the Chuping era of Emperor Xan in Eastern Han (190), and by the early Tang, the steles were already broken and randomly dispersed.48 In the Song dynasty, over one thousand characters of the inscription from the steles were recorded in Interpretation of Clerical Script (Lishi, 1166) by Hong Shi (1117–84). In 1777, Huang Yi was able to obtain rubbings of three fragments of the stone Classics containing 127 characters from Dong Shizhi (1740–1812). Only two versions of the rubbings were available in Huang’s time: the version formerly collected by Sun Chengze (1592–76); and the one in his own collection. Both rubbing versions are currently at the Palace Museum in Beijing. The original steles were mostly unavailable in the Qing dynasty. The fragments of the steles have been unearthed and are now held at the Luoyang Museum in Henan Province, Shangcheng Museum in Yanshi and the Forest of Stone Steles Museum in Xi’an.49 When Huang Yi first obtained the rubbings of the fragments of Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty, the three rubbings had been mounted together by Dong Shizhi on one piece of paper. Huang’s seals ‘Xiao penglaige’ (Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island) were cut into two halves on the last five leaves along with the inscriptions by Weng Fanggang. It is possible that Huang remounted the three rubbings onto a long handscroll and deliberately left plenty of space at the end to allow for many colophons by members of his antiquarian circle. Those who wrote inscriptions and colophons during the years 1777–1801 were Weng Fanggang, Jiang He (act. c. 1850–94), Ruan Yuan, Yu Pengnian (1756–c. 1798), Niu Shuyu (1760–1827), Yuan Tingdao (1764–1810), He Jin (act. c. 1729–78), Gu

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Guangqi (1766–1835), Qu Zhongrong (1769–1842), Chen Lügang (act. c. 1740–80s), Chen Chongben (act. c. 1760–80s), Zhu Yun (1729–81), Chen Zhuo (act. c. 1770s–1805), Xu Song (act. c. 1770s), Zheng Jitang (act. c. 1769–1894), Wu Xiqi (1746–1818), Wang Chang, Jiang Xun (1709–1786), Cheng Jinfang, Bi Yuan, Wu Yi, Qian Yong, Sun Xingyan, Lu Sheng (?–1821), He Daosheng (1766–1806), Sun Heng (act. c. 1760–80s), Fei Shiji (act. 1780s) and Xu Ting (?–1823). Huang generously allowed Weng Fanggang and Zhang Yanchang to make tracing copies for a woodblock-printed publication, Study on the Leftover Scripts of Stone Classics of the Han Dynasty (Han shijing canzi kao, 1778) to be distributed to a wider readership.50 In celebrating the acquisition of these treasured rubbings, Huang Yi composed Appreciating Rubbings at the Studio of Poetic Field, one of the album leaves of the Twelve Acquired Steles (1775–93). The leaf depicted scholars gathering at Weng Fanggang’s dwelling to study the rubbings and make comparisons between the versions in Huang Yi and Sun Chengze’s collections.51 After Huang Yi’s death, Shen Junchu (1832–73) acquired the Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Perhaps, by this time, the handscroll had been remounted as a set of album leaves, since in 1863 Shen asked Zhao Zhiqian (1829–84) to inscribe the label on the wooden cover of the album. In 1897, the album was acquired by Wan Zhongli (c. 1860–1907). When Wan obtained this album, he may have remounted it once more, this time into twenty-seven leaves, Wan kept the wood cover inscribed by Zhao Zhiqian and commissioned a portrait of Huang Yi from Shen Tang (1865–1921), after Yu Ji’s (1738–1823) Portrait of Huang Yi at the Age of Thirty-Six (1897).52 Shen Tang, known as Lianfang, was a pupil of Lu Hui (1851–1920) in the Shanghai School of Painting. He followed Yu’s delicate linear drawing technique for the sitter’s garment and rendered a moderate colouring, abbreviated contour lines and very light shadowing for the features of Huang’s face. In 1901, Wan also commissioned from Chen Zengwang (act. c. 1891–1910s) a portrait of himself, Master of Plumblossom Cliff [style-name of Wan Zhongli] at the Age of Forty-one and a painting of his Studio of the Stone Classics (1901, Fig. 2.09/Plate 1) in a landscape setting amidst plum blossoms. Both paintings were presented in plain-linear drawing technique (baimiao). In the portrait of Huang Yi, the seater held the ‘album’ in both hands facing the viewer directly; in the portrait of Wan Zhongli, the figure was holding his knees and seated next to a desk on which a bronze tripod ding, an oil lamp and an ‘album’ were displayed; and in the landscape painting of Wan’s studio, Wan sat in his study alone reading the ‘album’. The three images all emphasized the presence of the ‘album’ that contained the rubbings of the fragments of Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Wan Zhongli added the three paintings of collecting history into this precious ‘album’ and mounted them before Huang Yi’s frontispiece ‘Penglai suyue’ (Old Commitment from Immortal Land Penglai) in bafenshu in 1901.53 He

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FIGURE 2.09 Chen Zengwang, Stone Classics Studio, 1901. The leaf was added to the album Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Album leaf, ink and light colour on paper, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

also impressed many seals over all three rubbings in a possessive manner and also added inscriptions at the end of the album in 1897, 1898 and 1901. Duanfang (1861–1911) purchased this album around 1910 and invited Diaolo Hala Sengyun (1858–1931), Murca Tieliang (1863–1938), Xu Shichang (1855–1939) and Li Baoxun (1859–1915) to view it at his library Baohua’an (Studio of Splendid Treasure). Finally, Wanggiya [Wanyen] Hengyong (1881–1965) acquired the album in the 1930s before it went into the Palace Museum in Beijing in 1972. Wanyen Hengyong only impressed one seal, ‘Cunyuan jiuxian shi’ (A Wine Immortal in an Inch-wide Garden), along with a title piece on the new album cover, and asked Chen Baochen (1848–1935) to write a colophon on the nineteenth leaf of the album when he viewed it with Zhu Yifan (1861–1937) in 1930. The history of these rubbings suggests a changing fashion from mounting three rubbings on one piece of paper to a long handscroll with colophons by members of the antiquarian circle, and finally to cut and mount them as album leaves that were easier for viewing in the scholarly gathering; finally, in the late nineteenth century, collectors preferred to include a portrait or landscape painting associated with the rubbings into the album, as opposed to Huang Yi’s practice in the late eighteenth century of separating painting and rubbings.54

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Detail of Fig. 2.10, Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty

Detail of Fig. 2.11, Stele of Yiying

Detail of Fig. 2.07, Stele of Kong Xian

zi ᆀ

yu Ҿ

dao 䚃

cheng ᡀ

gu ᭵

dao 䚃

xiao ᆍ

yu Ҿ

dao 䚃

wuo ᡁ

xia 䚀

Huang agreed with Zhao Mingcheng’s opinion in his Xiao penglaige jinshimu (List of Bronze and Stone Objects at the Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island, 1800) that the Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty (Fig. 2.10, 175) were indeed bafenshu, and the characters, such as zi, yu, dao and wo (detail of Fig. 2.10), had

FIGURE 2.10 Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty, 175. Album of 27 leaves, ink on rubbing and ink and colour on painting, 229.2 × 11.8 cm and 22.4 × 12.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

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emphasized the stretched and thickened slanting strokes at the end to achieve the right- and left-forward vertical strokes, such as cheng, gu and dao (detail of Fig. 2.11) in Stele of Yiying and xiao, yu, dao and xia (detail of Fig. 2.07) in Stele of Kong Xian, which definitely showed an affinity to features of the Han steles of Classics, yet the Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty was more unrelenting, vigorous and free from restraint. If we agree that the Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty best represented the style of Cai Yong’s bafenshu, it is understandable why people confuse bafenshu with the clerical script, since the bafenshu took the appearance of the clerical script and set off the thicker, wedge-like strokes with great variations; and the shape of characters shifted from a vertical oblong to a horizontally squared form. Detail of Fig. 2.11, Stele of Yiying Detail of Fig. 2.12, Stele of Taigong Wang

you ᴹ

da བྷ

shu ᴨ

wang ⦻

FIGURE 2.11 Stele of Yiying, 153. The rubbings mounted as hanging scroll, 257 × 91.5 cm, National Palace Museum, Taipei.

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FIGURE 2.12 Detail of characters of you, da, shu and wang in Stele of Taigong Wang, 289. Detail of rubbing, album of 13 leaves, ink on paper, private collection.

Bao Shichen further commented that Stele of Madame Sun (Sun furen bei, also known as Rencheng taishou Sun furen Sunshi Stele, 272) and Stele of Taigong Wang (Taigong Wang bei, also known as Qi Taigong Lü Wang biao, 289; Fig. 2.12) of the Western Jin dynasty (266–316) epitomized the characteristics of bafen style which emphasized the ‘quzhe dundang ᴢᣈ乃 ᇅ’ (‘curve, turn-back, pause and flow with variable speed features of brushwork’), as seen in the characters you, da, shu and wang in the Stele of Yiying (detail of Fig. 2.11) and Stele of Taigong Wang (detail of Fig. 2.12). The end of the horizontal stroke (а) of the characters da and wang continued upward without folding back, and the left-downward stroke (ѯ) of the character you began with a flattened angular stroke on the top; these were the characteristics of pingbi (flattened brushstroke) emphasized by Bao Shichen. It seems that the clerical script consisted of unwavy, evenly composed strokes whose characteristics were akin to the small-seal script, but with an emphasis on the outwardly square-cornered and inwardly curled stroke at every turn of brushwork that set the clerical script apart from the seal script. The bafenshu presented a wavy rhythm and slanting tendency of the brushwork, and its body is composed with angular corners both outwardly and inwardly so that it was more expressive and dramatic than the poised, controlled and unvarying seal and clerical scripts. It is also worth noting that these two Western Jin steles, Stele of Madame Sun and Stele of Taigong Wang, had been lost for over a thousand years and were only rediscovered in the late eighteenth century, enabling scholars to make comparisons and to understand the evolution of bafenshu. The Stele

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of Taigong Wang had been broken into two halves, the upper part of the stele was discovered in 1786 and the lower section in 1791, both by Huang Yi. Huang made rubbings and distributed them to Wu Yi and Qian Daxin. He also documented the recovery of this stele in the painting Jin Stele (Jinbei) in the album of Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan (1796, Palace Museum, Beijing) in which workers were moving the two halves of the Stele of Taigong Wang to be placed together with the Stele of Fixing the Shrine of Taigong Lü Wang (Xiu Taigong Lü Wang cibei, 550) at the New Temple in the North Gate of Weihui County (now Ji County), Henan Province. Weng Fanggang and Yi Bingshou (1754–1815), who viewed the album with Luo Pin, Zhao Huiyu (act. late eighteenth century), Fang Kai (1816–79) and Jin Xuelian (1775–?) also wrote colophons on this album leaf. The Stele of Madame Sun was found in 1794 by Jiang Fengyi (known as Jiang Jüxiang, act. c. 1780–1800), the governor of Tai’an, in Mt Xinfu in Xintai County, Shandong province. Jiang shared the rubbings with his circle and Huang Yi transcribed the text, which was later published in Record of Metal and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong (Shanzuo jinshizhi, 1796) by Ruan Yuan.55 To commemorate such an exciting discovery of a rare stele dedicated to a woman, Huang Yi made a picture of Jiang Jüxiang Obtaining the Stele (Jiang Jüxiang debei tu) and carved the image onto a bamboo armrest (1795, Fig. 2.13/Plate 2). In the inscription carved at the back of the arm-rest, Huang recorded that the recovery of the Sun furen Stele confirmed the owner’s surname was Sun: it had for centuries been mistaken as Li, ever since the publication of the History of Jin (Jinshu, 648) in the Tang dynasty. Huang also commented on the rarity of this stele: not only was it dedicated to a woman but it was also the sole extant exemplar from the Jin dynasty that could be seen in the late eighteenth century. Emperor Wu of Wei (Cao Cao, 155–220) and Emperor Wu of Western Jin (Sima Yan, 236–90) banned the making of new steles in the tenth year of the Jian’an era (205) and in the fourth year of the Xianning era (278), respectively, in order to clear the hypocritical custom of erecting steles with phony inscriptions and having extravagant and wasteful funerals. Hence, the steles from the Wei and Western Jin dynasties were rarities, let alone a stele dedicated to a deceased female.56 After handling over 400 steles with an empirical approach, Huang Yi agreed with Bao Shichen’s view in his catalogue List of Bronze and Stone Objects at Little Penglai Immortal Pavilions that the style of Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters was the clerical script, and that the Stele of Kong Xian, Stele of Yiying, Stele of Madame Sun and Stele of Taigong Wang were composed in bafenshu. Huang’s opinion on the division between the clerical script and bafenshu had been largely decided by the tendency of stretched, variable brushwork, edgy angle and the wavy, fluid appearance of characters in the latter. Furthermore, in Huang Yi’s first volume of the catalogue, listing inscriptions on steles, tiles and bricks from the Three Dynasties to Wei, he categorized the rubbings by script types in chronological

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FIGURE 2.13 Huang Yi, Jiang Juxiang Obtaining the Stele, 1795. Carved images and inscription on bamboo armrest. 26 × 7.2 cm, private collection.

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order: there were only six steles and five tiles and bricks listed under the category of clerical script, while ninety-four inscriptions were listed under bafenshu. Although the Qing scholars were not able to see many extant inscriptions from Western Han steles, Huang and Bao obviously considered that there was a distinct division between the clerical script and bafenshu; both of them agreed that the two scripts had different features and coexisted in the latter Han dynasty. However, Bao and Huang’s writing focused more on the principles of brushwork and the appearance of scripts, and they did not quite explain why bafenshu adopted more characteristics of seal script than of clerical script, if it was developed after the clerical script. Sharing a similar view, Ruan Yuan also considered that Cai Yong created bafenshu after the clerical script. However, Ruan’s explanation of bafenshu was based on the literal meaning of bafen, ‘eight-tenths’, meaning that bafenshu had adopted 80 per cent of features from the seal script and 20 per cent from the clerical script. He regarded the steles and horizontal boards from the Southern and Northern dynasties as the best examples of bafenshu. In considering what the style of bafenshu was, Ruan suggested that Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven (Tianfa shenchanbei, 276; Fig. 2.14) of the Wu Kingdom (222–280) served as a suitable case: the 221 characters of the rubbing conveyed a combination of the seal script and

FIGURE 2.14 Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, detail, 276. Northern Song rubbing, rubbing mounted as album leaves, Palace Museum, Beijing.

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clerical script.57 To create a solid yet fervent spontaneity, each character emphasized angular tendency in brushwork and a broad, rectangular-shaped form outwardly. The feet of vertical strokes were elongated and narrowed downwards like hanging needles, akin to the character ba (eight). The needleshaped feet also showed an identical feature to the great-seal script; and the angular appearance formed by the flattened, sharp-edged horizontal strokes showed an affinity to the Eastern Han steles, such as the Stele of Kong Xian. To further evidence how bafenshu was conceived in the Tang dynasty, it was mentioned in Du Fu’s poem ‘A Song in Praise of Li Chao’s Calligraphy in Bafen and Small-seal Script’ (‘Li Chao bafen xiaozhen ge’) that there were three people good at bafenshu in the Kaiyuan era of Tang dynasty (713–41), namely Han Zemu, Cai Youlin and Li Chao (act. c. 713–41). Han Zemu’s work, Stele of Sacrifice to the God of the Western Peak (Ji Xiyueshen gaowen bei, 742; Fig. 2.15) paid homage to the inscribed Han steles, such as the inscription of the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua (Huashanmiao bei, 165; Fig. 2.16), which were well-balanced and firm under an imposing command. Each horizontal stroke followed the characteristics of the clerical script: the brush tip was pressed down heavily to form a thick dot and then moved right-wards to end with a prolonged slanting flick, which created a pozhe

FIGURE 2.15 Han Zemu, Stele of Sacrifice to the God of the Western Peak [Mt Hua], detail, 742. Rubbing, ink on paper, National Museum of Scotland.

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FIGURE 2.16 Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, detail, 165 CE. Rubbing, album of 19 leaves, ink on paper, 22.25 × 12.8 cm, National Museum of Scotland.

(wavy, right-slanting) effect.58 In Huang Yi and Bao Shichen’s view, the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua was a representative of bafenshu, however, features such as its tangential curve and flare-ended brushwork were not totally identical with the style of Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven or Stele of Sacrifice to the God of the Western Peak, which were also categorized as bafenshu by Ruan Yuan and the Tang calligraphers. It seemed that Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven made changes to the bafenshu of the late Eastern Han; in order to construct a more trend-setting bafen style that was supposed to fuse with great-seal script, small-seal script and clerical script, the calligrapher of Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven deliberately created a text in a heterogeneous manner. For instance, the perpendicular stroke – ti – was represented in this stele in four different forms: 1. Vertical stroke ending with suspended needle, as seen in great-seal script (details of Fig. 2.14)

di ᑍ

er 㘼

2. Left-downward curve with suspended needle, as seen in great-seal and small-seal scripts (details of Fig. 2.14) yue ᴸ 3. Extended left-downward curve, as seen in clerical script and bafen (details of Fig. 2.14)

yu Ҿ

ping ᒣ

4. Vertical stroke with dewdrop, as seen in bafen (details of Fig. 2.14)

xia л

zhong ѝ

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By mixing the old and current forms of characters from various periods, the whole steles looked visually striking, as if composed by an antiquariancalligrapher, whose knowledge and confidence had enabled him to comfortably adapt forms and traits of different scripts from one element to another in every stroke he created. No wonder the Qing scholars debated the script style and even the authenticity of the Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven. When the stele was burned in a fire and lost forever in 1805, its legacy was passed on through the rubbings and tracing copies.59 It is notable that the Stele of Making Sacrifice to the Mt Three Masters from Hebei and Stele of Shiwu, the Governor of Andu (Duguan shiwu canbei, 125) from Shandong were both among the six items categorized as the ‘clerical script’ in Huang Yi’s catalogue. The style of Stele of Making Sacrifice to the Mt Three Masters was in-between the small-seal script and the clerical script, as Yang Shoujing (1839–1915) commented: ‘Not seal script nor clerical, it is a style that covers both; not to mention its pure, archaic, forceful and magnanimous quality. 䶎ㇶ䶎䳨ˈ㫻ެ‫ޙ‬億㘼⛪ѻˈ㠣ަ㍄ਔ䚂৊ˈᴤ нᖵ䀰DŽ’.60 The Stele of Shiwu, the Governor of Andu adopted characteristics from the great-seal script and clerical script that combined both curved and angular brushwork within each character. The inscriptions on the two steles were not from the same system aesthetically, but both were registered under the clerical script. At this point, it seemed that clerical script could feature a style transitioning from the great-seal script or small-script to the clerical script; however, such ‘in-between styles’ could also fit the description of bafenshu, which combined and evolved from the characteristics of the seal script and clerical script. Hence Kang Youwei considered the Stele of Shiwu, the Governor of Andu as representative of bafenshu in the Western Han, disagreeing with Bao Shichen and Huang Yi’s categorization. In Kang Youwei’s opinion, fen (࠶) should refer to the extent of features derived from an earlier script, du (ᓖ), instead of to a particular type of script; and fen could be applied to any evolving form derived from its predecessors in any period. Kang took on Liu Xizai’s (1813–81) view that ‘the clerical script from the Han was bafen of the small-seal script; the smallseal script was bafen of the great-seal script; the standard script was bafen of the clerical script from the Han. ╒䳨ਟ⮦ሿㇶѻ‫ˈ࠶ޛ‬ᱟሿㇶӖབྷㇶѻ ‫↓ˈ࠶ޛ‬ᴨӖ╒䳨ѻ‫’࠶ޛ‬.61 He further analysed: There have been many theoretical debates [on bafen] since antiquity, and no concrete conclusions have yet been reached . . . All writings were called wen in ancient times, and there was no division between script styles such as small-seal script and clerical script; even the term, great-seal script, was not mentioned by scholars of the New Texts School in the Western Han dynasty. The script evolves with time and the appearance of a character varies. The new script style [of each period] kept eight-tenths of the characteristics of the old form, hence it is named bafen (eight-tenths) . . .

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According to Wu Chiuyan, the stone-drum script was the standard writing in Confucius’ time from which the small-seal script of the Qin dynasty kept eight-tenths of its form, so the Qin script is called the Qin fen. According to Cai Zhonglang [Cai Yong], the script in-between the smallseal script and clerical script without flicking and slanting tails was called the Western Han fen. Following Wang An and Zhang Huaihuan’s theory, the script ends with slanting brushwork in the Eastern Han dynasty was regarded as the Han fen. Cai Xizong and Liu Xizai considered the standard script to be jinfen, the fen of the present. Based on the definition drawn above, the delineation of bafen is clear. From now on we can sweep away the pseudo-names of the seal and clerical scripts.62 ৏䄨䃚ѻᾥ㍋ˈ㘼ਔӺ㧛㜭ᇊ㘵DŽਔ㘵ᴨնᴠ᮷ˈн→❑ㇶ䳨ѻ ਽ˈণ㉰਽Ӗн㾻ちᯬ㾯╒ˈ㫻Ӻᆨᇦᵜ❑ѻˈᜏᱲᱲ䕹䆺ˈᖒ億ቁ ⮠ˈᗇ㠺ᰕѻ‫ˈ࠶ޛ‬ഐԕ‫⛪࠶ޛ‬਽DŽ 㠚lj⸣啃NJ⛪ᆄᆀᱲ↓᮷ ཆˈ〖ㇶᗇ↓᮷ѻ‫ˈ࠶ޛ‬਽ᴠ〖࠶ˈ੮䛡㹽䃚ҏDŽ㾯╒❑᥁⌅ˈ㘼൘ㇶ 䳨ѻ䯃㘵ˈ਽ᴠ㾯╒࠶ˈ㭑ѝ䛾䃚ҏDŽᶡ╒ᴹ᥁⌅㘵ˈ⛪ᶡ╒࠶ˈ㑭ち ѻ⛪╒࠶ˈ⦻ᝄᕥᠧ⬈䃚ҏDŽᾧᴨ⛪Ӻ࠶ˈ㭑ᐼ㏌ǃࢹ⟉䔹䃚ҏDŽ‫࠶ޛ‬ ѻ䃚ᇊˈㇶǃ䳨‫ڭ‬਽ˈᗎ↔ਟᦳ䲔⸓DŽ Kang Youwei viewed the calligraphic style and script system as changing according to artistic trends, the political climate, dynastic changes and institutional organization. He regarded bian (change; reform; evolution) as a principle of nature since nothing is permanent. People had constantly anticipated ‘change’ in conceptual, visual, cultural and material aspects; the script followed such a rule and had been evolving constantly with time. In his view, the fen script in the Qin dynasty had a well-rounded shape, and the Han writers transformed it into squared and angular brushwork; and the Jin writers in turn transformed it to a rather curved form. The later artists took the inspirations of fen from different periods in order to create innovative styles of their own.63 Kang Youwei disagreed with Bao Shichen, who categorized the Han steles into the two main styles: one was represented by Stele of Yi Ying; the other was represented by the Stele of Kong Xian. Instead, Kang considered that there were innumerable different styles of the Han steles.64 Kang also criticized Ruan Yuan’s theory of the Northern and Southern divisions of calligraphy as being ill informed due to a lack of access to the works from the Southern dynasties in the early nineteenth century. In Kang’s view, calligraphy could be classified by artistic style and school, not simply categorized by geographical boundaries. The more steles from the Southern dynasties that were unearthed, the more they proved that Ruan Yuan’s theory was inappropriate.65 Kang also had high regard for Deng Shiru and Zhang Yuzhao (1823–96) as reformers of Chinese calligraphy who were not satisfied with guangeti, the dominant style of calligraphy based on model-copy books imposed on every student at the national

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examinations under Manchu rule. They created a rival of such models by finding inspiration from the inscriptions of ancient bronzes and pre-Tang stone steles.66 Being himself a supporter of the reform movement, Kang Youwei projected his political view onto his writing, firmly believing the reform movement would lead the Qing Empire to a modern era, as the Meiji Restoration had in Japan. Kang also venerated Bao Shichen’s research on calligraphy and further investigated the transition between scripts, and initiated the method of reverence of steles. Although Kang had a different opinion on bafen, his discussion still paid homage to Bao Shichen, who aimed not only at promoting the steles from the Qin to Han dynasties, but also those from the Southern dynasties (420–589) to the Sui dynasty. Their publications after the Xianfeng era (1850–61) signified a huge shift of numbers of their followers practising calligraphy after the steles of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, as opposed to the scholars of the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras who mainly focused on the stele-styles of the Han, Wei and Jin dynasties. At the turn of the nineteenth century, few steles from the Southern and Northern Dynasties had been unearthed. Ruan Yuan mentioned in his preface of Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong that he obtained over one thousand and three hundred rubbings of bronze inscriptions from the Three Dynasties, and his rubbings of steles were mainly from the Eastern Han dynasty. The rarity of steles from the Southern and Northern Dynasties was also evidenced in the List of Bronze and Stone Objects at Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island by Ruan’s contemporary antiquarian scholar Huang Yi, who listed nine inscriptions on bronze and stone from the Three Dynasties; ten steles from the Qin dynasty; 179 inscribed objects from the Han dynasty; nineteen inscribed steles and bricks from the Wei dynasty; and only five inscribed steles and bricks from the Wu Kingdom. Ruan Yuan was criticized for the bias in his knowledge that had affected his judgement in preferring the steles from the Northern Dynasties to those from the Southern dynasties. Nonetheless, Ruan Yuan made a strong point that without identifying the characteristics of bafenshu through studying the steles from the Han and the Northern Dynasties, one would not be able to see the inspiration behind Tang calligraphy. For instance, he considered the brushwork of Ouyang Xun (557–641), Chu Suiliang and Yan Zhenqing (709–85) all to have been learned from Northern Wei style, not from the two Wangs of the Southern dynasties. In his opinion, the forcefulness and fluid quality like molten gold in Yan Zhenqing’s Letter of Fighting for a Seat (Zhengzuowei gao, 764) in semicursive style received inspiration from Stele of Zhang Menglong (Zhang Menglong bei, 522) of the Northern Wei. The angular brush mode in the character lu in Yan’s writing (Fig. 2.17) was identical to the treatment of the same character in the Stele of Zhang Menglong (Fig. 2.18), in which the

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FIGURE 2.17 Yan Zhenqing, Letter of Fighting for a Seat, 764. Detail of the character Lu. Copybook, ink on paper, National Museum of Scotland.

FIGURE 2.18 Stele of Zhang Menglong, 522. Detail of the character Lu. Ming dynasty rubbing, album of 36 leaves, ink on paper, 26.6 × 14.1 cm, National Museum of Scotland.

Fig. 2.17, Detail of character Lu 冟, Letter of Fighting for a Seat

Fig. 2.18, Detail of character Lu 冟, Stele of Zhang Menglong

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horizontal lines were elongated and tilted, and the angular corner of the element tian (⭠) was forcefully written.67 Ruan Yuan’s contemporaries and later scholars supported this view. By the time Bao Shichen published his Anwu lunshu (Discourse on Calligraphy) in 1845, Bao was able to show a greater understanding on most of Northern Wei steles that were available to him and viewed the trends of script system in a broader context. Kang Youwei also stressed that with Bao Shichen’s promotion of the brush method inspired by steles in his The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art (Yizhou shuangji), many scholars and calligraphers were under his influence, and the study of stele-style of calligraphy reached its apogee thereafter.68

2.4 A Revival of Pre-Tang Scripts and its Impact on Art The rise of the Stele School was a stimulus to the mainstream of art from the late eighteenth century onwards. The obsession of scholars around the Lower Yangtze River with Evidential Learning gave new inspiration to calligraphy, seal carving and painting.69 Such emergence of the new aesthetic tastes were seen in works by Wang Shishen (1686–1759), Jin Nong, Zheng Xie, Gao Fenghan, Luo Pin and Gao Xiang of the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou (Yangzhou bagui), and Huang Yi, Ding Jing (1695–1765), Jiang Ren (1743–95), Xi Gang, Chen Yuzhong, Chen Hongshou, Zhao Zhichen (1781–1852) and Qian Song (1807–60), the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou (Xiling bajia). Among seven people ranked by Bao Shichen as best at fenshu in the Qing dynasty (up to 1845), Jin Nong was placed among the highest level of yipin (Classification of the Untrammelled) for his most radical and inventive approaches.70 By 1717, at the age of thirty, Jin Nong had already collected over 240 rubbings from the Han to the Tang under the influence of his teacher He Zhuo (1661–1722), an antique and rare book collector specializing in textual criticism, who was among the first calligraphers in the early Qing to recognize the significance of steles of the Northern Dynasties.71 In his Dongxin xiansheng ji and xuji (Collected Poems of Mr Dongxin, 1733 and Sequel of Collected Poems of Mr Dongxin, 1752), Jin often shared his passion for bronze and stone inscriptions with his artist friends, namely Wang Shishen, Zheng Xie, Gao Xiang, Ding Jing and Chen Hongshou, and eminent scholars on textual evidence study, such as Li He (1692–1752) and Hang Shijun (1696–1773). Enthused by his practice on Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, Jin began to apply the distinct brushwork, daoji (inverted pickled vegetables, Fig. 2.19), to his early work, such as Prose Poem for Wang Biaozhi (1725).72 Daoji technique was typically used in great-seal script and bafenshu: it was to stretch and taper the downward brushstrokes toward the end like inverted pickled leaf-vegetables hung out

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FIGURE 2.19 Photograph of inverted pickled vegetables hung up to dry, similar to the shape of daoji (‫ق‬㱰) brushwork.

FIGURE 2.20 Jin Nong, Calligraphy after Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak, detail, 1734. Album leaves, ink on paper, Palace Museum, Beijing.

to dry. In seeking a new interpretation of bafenshu, from the age of forty to seventy-two Jin Nong incessantly made copies (Fig. 2.20, Calligraphy after Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak, 1734) and revised his study of the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua from his Song dynasty rubbing.

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He invented a calligraphic style of his own by equalizing the thickness of each stroke like small-seal script, but the shape of his bafenshu characters was more squared than upright rectangular to offer a sense of integrated order.73 His long-term experiments in incorporating certain traits of the seal script into the bafenshu had led him to finally establish a unique calligraphic style, bafen kebi (thirsty bafen brushwork), in his seventies. Contemporary scholars often regarded such style as qishu (lacquer script) which in fact is a misunderstanding, because throughout Jin Nong’s own writing and the comments provided from his friends, students and critics, there was never a mention of ‘lacquer script’ during his time. In Jin’s calligraphy piece, Appearance is Not Withered and Innate is Growing Strong (Wai buku zhong pojian, 1757), the artist proudly stated: I began to write in ‘thirsty bafen’ style at the age of seventy: the Han and Wei people had not known such a method, nor did the calligraphers of the Tang, Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties. Although Zheng Fu from the Kangxi period was good at bafen, his style cannot be described as ‘thirsty bafen’. The followers of Zheng Fu were even more distant from such a style.74 Ҹᒤгॱ࿻֌⑤ㅶ‫╒ˈ࠶ޛ‬兿Ӫ❑↔⌅ˈୀˈᆻˈ‫ˈݳ‬᰾Ӗ❑↔⌅ҏDŽ ᓧ⟉䯃䠁䲥䝝㉐䴆᫵ᯟ億ˈнਟ䄲ѻ⑤ㅶ‫ˈ࠶ޛ‬㤕аᱲᆨ䝝㉐㘵ˈᴤн ਟ䄲ѻ⑤ㅶ‫࠶ޛ‬ҏDŽ Such an original style was derived from Jin Nong’s practice on bafen script in calligraphy and advocated by his use of daoji brushwork to its most extravagant form, so that the horizontal strokes were very thick in proportion to the vertical ones and the vertically bendable strokes were sweeping down in rigorous speed with a slender and pointed end. The evolved style of ‘thirsty bafen’ and the daoji technique were evident in his late work, Calligraphy after the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, The Western Peak, Excerpt (1758, Fig. 2.21). However, he was not content with the ‘thirsty bafen’ alone: Jin Nong also adapted the flying white technique (feibai) whose effect was caused by promptness of brush movement and scorched ink (jiaomo), so that the strokes were mottled with hollow voids in the middle creating a visual immediacy alike to the rubbings of the dilapidated stele-surface having withstood harsh weather in desolation for centuries. Looking beyond the model-copy books and rubbings of the stele inscriptions, Jin Nong exercised his own creative interpretation of bafenshu in both calligraphy and painting. Jin stated himself that he only began to paint ink bamboo when he was sixty, and applied his calligraphic brushwork onto painting the ink orchid, plum blossom, Buddhist deity and horse.75 In the Album of Plum Blossoms (1757, Fig. 2.22/Plate 3), the dots to represent the pistils and vine leaves were pressed down heavily and taken up quickly

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FIGURE 2.21 Jin Nong, Calligraphy after the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak, Excerpt, detail, 1758. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 152 × 45 cm, Shanghai Museum.

to form a triangular shape like the stroke ce in bafenshu, the outline of the flowers was conveyed by systematic nail-headed stroke as seen in the Northern Wei Steles, and the tree trunk was drawn in flying white brush mode. The painterly brushworks matched Jin’s own calligraphy in the inscription below. Jin Nong’s painting, Buddha (1751, Fig. 2.23/Plate 4), as the artist affirmed in the inscription, aimed to represent the carved images in

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FIGURE 2.22 Jin Nong, Plum Blossoms, 1757. Leaf No. 6, album of 12 leaves, ink on paper, 25.4 × 29.8 cm, Metropolitan Museum API Access, New York. the Longmen Buddhist caves, so that he painted the folds and outlines of the Buddha’s drapery with angular, elongated and sharp-edged lines of knife-cut effect. Jin Nong’s painting was much inspired from his research of steles and practice in calligraphic brushwork. Kang Youwei criticized Jin Nong and Zheng Xie that they sought ‘to adopt the brushwork of the clerical script, but fell short so that [their work] became eccentric. This was because they wished to transform it, without knowing transformation. ৳⭘䳨ㅶˈ❦ཡ ࡷᙚˈ↔Ⅲ䆺㘼н⸕䆺㘵’. Despite Kang’s stern comment (as he always did!), the Yangzhou painters were inspirational to later artists of the Stele School who sought to invest their appreciation of ancient steles into their brush mode in painting, leading to a new trend in the painting and calligraphy of the nineteenth century. Calligraphers such as Deng Shiru, Bao Shichen, Gui Fu (1736–1805) and Yi Bingshou (1754–1815) also contributed to the rise of the Stele School by restoring the aesthetics of inscribed pre-Tang steles, in particular seal script, stone-drum script (shiguwen) from the late Spring and Autumn Period and bafenshu.

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FIGURE 2.23 Jin Nong, Buddha, 1751. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 133 × 62.5 cm, Tianjin Museum.

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Deng Shiru, the teacher of Bao Shichen, started learning the seal script from the model-copybook after the Tang calligrapher Li Yangbing (active c. 713– 41). He was not satisfied with this method and moved to study the inscriptions on the steles. Deng was one of the first artists to apply the calligraphy of Stele of Making Sacrifice to the Mt Three Masters, a transitional script between the seal script and bafenshu, in his calligraphy and seal carving.76 Deng also found inspiration from the Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, characterized by their forceful energy, the inscriptions on the Watchtower of Kaimu Temple in Mt Song of Henan Province (dated 124, now lost) for its unspoiled nature and bluntness, and from the Stele of Mt Zhifu (Zhifu keshi) in Mt Yi of Shandong Province (dated 219, now lost) for its transcendent expression. Deng considered that by learning from the stone-drum script one could achieve smooth and free brushwork; the learning of the bronze inscriptions could help us understand the evolution of scripts; and the practice of calligraphy after the inscribed steles of the Qin and Han would enhance skill in writing varying script styles.77 On the achievement of Deng Shiru and his impact, Kang Youwei commented: Tingzhou [Yi Bingshou] specialized in bafen and applied the bafen technique to his writing of the standard script. He followed the characteristics of the calligraphy in the ‘Essay of Condolence on the Death of Bi Gan’ [by Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei, 494] and created his slender, relentless and unique style. The old master Huaining [Deng Shiru] was born at the right time. His work successfully embodied the seal and clerical scripts; and his clerical and standard scripts followed specifically the method of stele inscriptions of the Six Dynasties, which were archaic, exuberant, natural and unpretentious. Yi specialized in bafen and Deng in the clerical script; both of them opened the door of studying the stele-styles. To consider who established the Stele School, [I] must hold them in high esteem.78 ≰⍢㋮ᯬ‫ˈ࠶ޛ‬ԕަ‫ⵏ⛪࠶ޛ‬ᴨˈᑛԯlj਺∄ᒢ᮷NJˈⱖࣱ⦘㎅DŽᠧ⭟ а㘱ˈሖбᯟᴳˈᰒԕ䳶ㇶ䳨ѻབྷᡀˈަ䳨ᾧሸ⌅‫ޝ‬ᵍѻ⻁ˈਔ㤲⑮ ⁨ˈሖ㠷≰⍢࠶࠶ǃ䳨ѻ⋫ˈ㘼ஏ⻁⌅ѻ䮰DŽ䮻ኡ֌⾆ˈ‫᧘ݱ‬ҼᆀDŽ Aided by the promotion in Bao Shichen’s publications, there was a phenomenal growth in Stele School studies and calligraphy in the Northern Dynasties, and Northern Wei style became common from the 1840s. He Shaoji (1799–1873), Wu Xizai (1799–1870), Yang Xian (1819–96), Xu Sangeng (1826–90), Zhao Zhiqian (1829–84) and Wu Changshi (1844– 1927) successively expanded their learning from the pre-Qin steles to inscriptions on bronzes, ancient objects and those of the Northern Dynasties, contributing to this phenomenon in the antiquarian movement.

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Those Qing scholars travelled, collected, edited and wrote about jinshi relics they encountered. As Liang Qichao described it, the flourishing jinshi study was a zeitgeist, a phenomenon and a trend in Qing intellectual culture. To summarize the early development of the Stele School, at the time of Ruan Yuan and Deng Shiru in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the style of the two Wangs and the model-calligraphy-book were still dominant. In the first stage, artists began to explore the possibility of reviving the script styles from the bronze inscriptions and steles from the Qin, Han, Wei and Jin dynasties by applying the characteristics of stele-style to their colophons and calligraphic brushworks in painting. The second stage, from the midnineteenth century, saw a flourishing scholarship in the steles of the Southern and Northern dynasties; the Stele School along with the antiquarian activities and publications became a prime trend especially in the Lower Yangtze River. Such a trend was also reflected in artistic creation, collecting activities and the art market, which will be discussed further in the book.

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CHAPTER THREE

Rubbing into Painting Transmedia Appropriation of New Scholarly Painting

The most notable change in the early nineteenth century elite art was the shift from using stele inscriptions for Evidential Learning to appreciating the calligraphic aesthetics of the stele texts. In addition to studying the inscriptions on bronze vessels and steles, a growing interest in pre-Tang seals, coins, bricks, clay seals, tiles, Buddhist sculptures, weapons, ceremonial jade ornaments and tablets, bronze mirrors, objects for measurement and various types of ancient objects extended the scope of jinshi study, and nurtured a strong trend in studying and collecting antiques with an aesthetic approach and antiquarian connoisseurship. Such a phenomenon and taste inspired artistic production and created new themes and styles in the calligraphy, literary landscape painting and bird-and-flower paintings of the nineteenth century. The new technique of composite rubbing was used for textual study, and began to serve as an inspiration for the scholarly art at the turn of the nineteenth century. Interest in making rubbings of ancient inscribed objects and exchanging these rubbings for Evidential Learning had an impact lasting into the early twentieth century. The following chapter discusses the new modes of art derived from Evidential Study and antiquarian connoisseurship. It is possible to further investigate how such a new mode in painting implied a strong network among the scholars and collectorpatrons of antiquarian learning; jinshi was used as a way to form a collective culture of the elite and served as a tool for socializing and knowledge dissemination. It also investigates how rubbing merged with painting, in 57

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what way the new dimension and modes for literary subjects in painting were fashioned through their attachment to the metal and stone study, and how the trend of jinshi painting was firmly established after Dashou, and subsequently became a phenomenal genre in modern paintings in Shanghai at the turn of the twentieth century.

3.1 New Look of Collectors’ Accumulated Antiquities Regarding antiquities, Rong Geng (1894–1983) listed them as: 1) auspicious things; 2) valuables; and 3) cultural relics if there were incised scripts for research.1 As early as the Tang dynasty, scholars had already paid attention to antiquarian studies for their cultural significance. While ancient objects, especially bronze vessels were valuable and precious to find prior to the nineteenth century, publications on antiquarian studies can be categorized into three types in keeping a record of those ancient relics since the Song dynasty: the image-based catalogues which had pictures made with tracecopy drawings; the text-based index that listed the objects seen and known by the author in his contemporary time; and the text-based catalogue that identifies and studies the inscriptions incised on the ancient relics.2 Chinese scholars have been documenting their collection and appreciation of antique objects in illustrated publications and painting at least since the Song dynasty. For those image-based catalogues, before the invention of faithful image records, in order to catalogue the objects or to preserve their form either for collecting records or to circulate among interested scholars and collectors, the antiquarians often reproduced the form of an object via trace-copy drawing, mohui or moke (trace-copy carving) in their publications. In terms of painting, the recording of the antiques was often provided in a more liberal expression, without stressing complete accuracy or truthful representation of the objects. It is notable that in the nineteenth century, under a cult of Evidential Learning, scholarly paintings depicting their collected antiques in great precision began to appear which echoed their pursuit in research of the object with an empirical approach. The typical demonstration of one’s antique collection can be seen in Du Jin’s (act. 1465–1509) Enjoying Antiquities (Fig. 3.01). The unusual shape of this hanging scroll suggests that it might have originally been mounted as two screen-paintings. Portraying the figures and appreciating antiquities in fine, elegant brushwork, the depiction of zither, chess, bronze ritual vessels, porcelain and tortoise-shell box demonstrates not only the ‘Four Accomplishments’ of painting, calligraphy, music and chess, but also reflects the idealistic life of a learned scholar and the traditional mode derived from the literati culture since the Song dynasty.3 While Du Jin called himself

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FIGURE 3.01 Du Jin, Enjoying Antiquities, undated (c. 1368–1644). Hanging scrolls, ink and colour on silk, 126.1 x 187 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. gukuang (crazy for antiques), he also rationalized his act of collecting antiquities in the inscription: Enjoying antiquities was common before, to study them was a great ambition. By esteeming shapes and providing names, ritual and music are to be found within them. A day without ritual and music, and humanity would fall from grace. To perform and uphold them, this is what I have endeavoured. [Signed] Chengju, Du Jin. Inscribed together with ‘Painting of Enjoying Antiquities’ requested by Jian Mian, I have here sought resemblance beyond form. Giving voice to my intention, the viewers might comment correspondingly.4 ⧙ਔѳᑨˈঊѻᘇབྷˈቊ䊑ࡦ਽ˈ⿞′ᡰ൘DŽᰕ❑⿞′ˈӪ৽᝗❦ˈ֌ ѻ↓ѻDŽ੮ᴹᖵ✹DŽ₹ትᶌืˈḜ߅ᗥ⧙ਔെᒦ乼DŽҸࡷլ≲ᖒཆˈ᜿ ᢈ䀰㺘ˈ㿰㘵䪂ѻDŽ While moral concern is also found among Song antiquarians who were fretful about the likely association between the collecting of ancient objects that carried historical meaning and of collectable treasures for pleasure, since the late Ming, the close study of forms and functions of ancient objects, as well as recovering the principles of ancient rituals and music could be a realization of Confucian artistry.5 Following the traditional subject of wangu tu (Picture of Enjoying Antiquities) in Chinese painting, an image of scholars appreciating antiquities is arranged in a 2,640 cm-long scroll, entitled Studio for Accumulating Antiquities (1803, Fig. 3.02a/Plate 5), commissioned by Ruan Yuan in 1803.6

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(a)

(b)

FIGURE 3.02 (a) Ruan Yuan et al., section of rubbing of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803, detail. Handscroll, ink and colour on silk, rubbing on paper, 38 x 2,640 cm, National Library of China; (b) Zhou Zan, second section of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803. 24.9 x 72 cm, ink and colour on silk, National Library of China.

The long handscroll consists of three parts: the frontispiece, the painting and the catalogue of object drawings with added explanatory inscriptions. Instead of drawing by trace-copying the objects that have been used since the Song dynasty, this is the first extant scroll to combine the drawing and rubbings as a novel way of representing one’s collection of antique objects.

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It is noteworthy that one’s collection or catalogue of antiquities represented in the form of rubbings with added brushwork to enhance the threedimensional effect began to appear in the early nineteenth century in the subject of Enjoying Antiquities along with other scholarly painting. At the opening of this scroll, the eminent antiquarian scholar Weng Fanggang wrote ‘Jigu tu’ (Scroll of Accumulating Antiquities) on the first day of the sixth month in guihai year (1803). Mounted next to this inscription was the painting (Fig. 3.02b/Plate 5) by the Suzhou painter Zhou Zan (act. early nineteenth century), who portrayed Ruan Yuan in a red robe seated in the centre and accompanied by his adopted son Ruan Changsheng (before 1796–1833) standing by his side, and the scholar Zhu Weibi (1771–1840) seated opposite him. Zhu helped Ruan in editing the textual catalogue Identifications of Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods in the Studio for Accumulating Antiquities (Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi, 1804) based on Ruan’s collection.7 Traditionally, the setting for the subject of Enjoying Antiquities often aimed to characterize a scholarly journey: it could be at home, nestled in a corner of one’s dwelling, or it could be in an outdoor space such as a field or garden, or a landscape setting. For the purpose of showing the sitters’ progress on identifying inscriptions on antiquities, this painting was set in Ruan Yuan’s Studio for Accumulating Antiquities. The objects were displayed on four desks, ranging from bronze vessels, jade, ink stones, weapons, clay models and ancient bricks. While Ruan Changsheng and Zhu Weibi both held an object in their hand, Ruan Yuan rested his arms and had a bound set of blank sheets lying on the table in front of him. This rendering suggested how normally the sitters’ study activity was carried out during the production of the catalogue Jiguzhai zhongding kuanshi, which was published in 1804, a year after the completion of this painting. It also indicated that Ruan Yuan was a man of scholarly accomplishments, political power, wealth and social network: Ruan was exemplified not only as an owner and connoisseur of antiquities, but also as a prolific scholar and the main author of this most important publication in antiquarian study of his time. And on the twentieth day of the first month in guihai year (1803), Ruan Yuan turned forty.8 It might be possible that this portrait and the catalogue of his antique collection were assembled onto this long scroll in an impressive fashion to celebrate his own fortieth birthday. In the third section, instead of using the drawings to display his collection, this scroll assembled ninety-one rubbings made from bronze bells, tripods, mirror, basins, lamps, coins, weapons, drinking vessels, belt buckles, an iron box, bricks, Buddhist sculptures, ink stones and fish-shaped tallies, the remainder of the ninety-one being seal stamps from the Qin and Han dynasties. Most of Ruan’s selected objects in this catalogue bear inscriptions, and along with each rubbing was Ruan Yuan’s inscription explaining the incised script and identification of each object. It is notable that the inscribed

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(a)

(b)

FIGURE 3.03 Dashou, Dingtao ding of Western Han, 1839. Rubbing. Former collection of Qian Jingtang, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

antiques were more valuable and much appreciated by collectors, because these incised inscriptions were used to supplement and evidence the historical texts, therefore the carved inscriptions, often the record of historical events or commemorating of a certain person or incident, offer important information that might have gone missing in textual history, and enhance our understanding of the ancient culture. The choice of adopting rubbings instead of drawings was to give credibility and a sense of the truthful representation of antiquities. However, the rubbings appended to this scroll were not all made by the quanxing ta (composite rubbing) technique, and some may have provided faulty images. For instance, the fifteen incised characters on the lid of the Dingtao ding (Dingtao tripod) dated to the Han dynasty represented in the scroll of Accumulating Antiquities were laid in three lines. Nevertheless, in the drawing made by Zhu Weibi for the Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi and in the composite rubbing of the same object The Scroll of the Composite Rubbings of Dingtao Tripod of the Western Han (Fig. 3.03) made by Monk Dashou in 1839, the inscription was laid in two lines.9 Nevertheless in these three images, the fifteen characters are the same, reading ‘Yumi Taoling gongchu tongdou dingyi bingzhong shiyi jin 䲳咻䲦䲥‫ޡ‬ᔊ䢵ᯇ唾⳺і䟽ॱ аᯔ’ (The Dingtao tripod from Yumi made of bronze weighs 11 jin). The image on the Accumulating Antiquities scroll looks rather flat without showing the two handles on the lid, and the ‘rubbing’ of the Dingtao tripod mounted in this scroll is neither a composite rubbing nor a traced drawing faithfully made of the actual object. It is quite strange to see that the person

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who made the rubbing-like images did not even check with Zhu Weibi for his advice if there was no access to the original tripod, since Ruan Yuan deposited the Dingtao tripod in the Jiaoshan Temple in Zhenjiang while he was the Inspector-General (Xunfu) of Zhejiang Province in 1802.10 There is no seal or inscription to identify the maker of rubbing-images for the Accumulating Antiquities scroll. Besides, in most cases, only rubbings of inscriptions were mounted into this scroll; many were represented without the composite rubbing of the whole object, perhaps owing to their large size, or a lack of technique for making the composite rubbings. In Dashou’s inscription on The Scroll of the Composite Rubbings of Dingtao Tripod of the Western Han, he stated that in the end of summer of the nineteenth year of the Daoguang era (1839), on his return journey from the Yuan River, he went to Jiaoshan Temple to escape the heat. He then made the composite rubbing of the Dingtao tripod to pass the time. However, by carefully studying this tripod and the inscriptions on both its body and the lid that were better represented through the rubbings, he noticed that the inscription on the body of the tripod mentioned that the tripod weighs 10 jin, while the inscription on the lid states the weight is 11 jin. On this matter, Ruan Yuan has previously written ‘Study on the Dingtao Tripod in Temple Jiaoshan’ (1802) to note the difference in weight mentioned on the lid and the body of the tripod.11 Dashou further confirms that the lid and the body of the tripod don’t fit, yet they were both made for the same group of cooking vessels for Liu Kang (r. 41–22 BCE), the Duke Gong of Dingtao in Western Han. When Ruan’s long scroll and his publication were composed in 1803 and 1804, he and Dashou had not yet met (Dashou was only a fourteen or fifteen-year-old boy and Ruan was already an established scholar). The technique for making composite rubbing was not yet widely available at that time. Hence Rong Geng once criticized Ruan Yuan’s publication for its deficiency in using the unfaithful drawing and the wrong identification of objects in several cases.12 The advancement of the rubbing technique, especially the composite rubbing in Ruan Yuan’s later years, enabled scholars to depict their antiquarian pursuit faithfully and truthfully; in turn, it also enhanced the knowledge exchange among literary circles.

3.2 Dashou and Composite Rubbing Owing to the growing interests in antiquarian studies, between the late Qianlong and early Jiaqing periods of the Qing (1736–1820), the new technique of composite rubbings, quanxing ta, started to appear in the last

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years of the eighteenth century and later became widely used in scholarly circles.13 Composite rubbing is also called ‘full-form rubbings’ (quanxing taben), ‘three-dimensional rubbings’ (liti taben), ‘vessel-form rubbings’ (qixing taben) and ‘pictorial rubbings’ (tuxing taben).14 Apart from making layers of ink rubbings from inscriptions or pictures on actual stone tablets or bronze vessels, the rubbing maker would also modify the rubbing with added brushwork, or by cutting and piecing up fragments together so as to present a more stereoscopic structure of the object.15 In discussing the origin of composite rubbings, Xu Kang noted that the full-form rubbings were firstly perfected by Ma Fuyan (active c. 1796–1820) and that ‘[people] in Wumen [Suzhou] did not know how to make composite rubbings when they used a mallet to make a rubbing. Not until the beginning of the Daoguang era was Ma Fuyan of He (Jiaxing County) in Zhe (Zhejiang province) able to do it. ੣䮰Ἶᤃ䠁⸣ˈੁн䀓֌‫ޘ‬ᖒˈ䘘䚃‫ࡍݹ‬ᒤˈ⎉⿮ 俜‫ڵ‬ዙ㜭ѻ’.16 There is only one rubbing by Ma Fuyan with an inscription dated 1798 transcribed and recorded in the catalogue Fragments of Bronze and Stone (Jinshixie, 1876) as the earliest and sole surviving evidence of Ma’s work to date.17 However, in this same reference, Ma Fuyan and Monk Dashou were mentioned as the key figures who aided contemporary collectors and scholars in enhancing the technique of transmitting more accurately the appearance of the represented articles in the early development of composite rubbings from the late eighteenth century onwards.18 In considering how composite rubbing was embodied with painting, and later developed into a new type of painting, Dashou, Ma’s successor, should be regarded as an innovator who created this new form. Dashou was one of the first and best antiquarians, reputed for his full-body rubbing technique in the nineteenth century. His original surname was Yao, a monk-painter from Haining in Zhejiang province. His other self-styled names are Liuzhou, Qiuji and Wanfeng tuisou. He was famed for his connoisseurship in ancient steles and bronze vessels, and was later well regarded by Ruan Yuan as jinshiseng (monk of epigraphy) and jiunengseng (monk of nine competences) for his talent in calligraphy, painting and seal carving, the knowledge of ancient objects and his superb rubbing and bamboo-carving techniques.19 Dashou became a monk at the age of 17 (1807), residing in White Horse Temple under the teaching of Master Songxi (act.1790–1810s).20 In 1808 when the Education Minister of Hangzhou requested the White Horse Temple to burn their discarded documents in the temple’s incinerator, Dashou by chance spotted a Ming dynasty rubbing of a carved Han stone drum and two pictures of metal and stone objects among the unwanted papers, and immediately felt an affinity. From this incident, Dashou discovered that the Ming rubbing preserved many characters more than the nineteenth-century rubbings. He then began to show a keen interest in calligraphy, rubbings of steles and other objects, copybooks for calligraphers, carved inscriptions on Buddhist sculptures and ancient objects, seals and paintings.21

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According to Dashou’s autobiography, Register of Metal and Stone, Calligraphy and Painting in the Studio of Precious Simplicity (Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, preface dated 1851), ‘In the good old years whenever I travelled on foot, I made rubbings of carved stones in the midst of the barren hills and deep valleys myself; or if I saw bells, ding and other ceremonial bronze vessels at the collectors, I had to make composite rubbings of them. Hence the ancient system can be further investigated. ༟↢㹼㞣ᡰ 㠣ˈマኡ䚳䉧ѻѝˈ䙷ᴹ᪙ፆᗵ䓜㠚ᤃѻˈᡆᯬ䪁䌎ѻᇦᗇ㾻䦮唾ᖍಘˈ Ӗᗵᤃަ‫ޘ‬ᖒDŽᓦᒮਔӪѻࡦᓖਟ㘳㘼ウDŽ’.22 For the purpose of studying principles and social organizations of the past, the objects chosen for his composite rubbings had a wide range, including bronze music instruments, bronze cooking and drinking vessels, weapons, bricks and clay tiles and coins collected by him and his contemporary antiquarian friends. He was generous in sharing and giving away his collection to fellow scholars who appreciated antiquities. In return, scholars would allow Dashou to make rubbings of their collections and ask for his opinion.23 Through the introduction of Chen Wenshu (1771–1843 or 1775–1845,), a native of Hangzhou, it was in 1838 that Ruan Yuan and Dashou met in the Jiangnan area, and on this occasion Ruan Yuan wrote a poem praising Dashou’s talent in metal and stone study, which helped to enhance the fame of Dashou in the literary circle of the Lower Yangtze River.24 There is a record of three panels of calligraphy, inscribed with ‘Mozhuan’ (Polishing Bricks), ‘Mowang’ (Master of Ink) and ‘Yufo’ (Jade Buddha), praising Dashou’s collection and given by Ruan Yuan in 1838, to be hung on Dashou’s Pavilion of Great Vow Boat in Jingci Temple at Mount Nanping by the West Lake in Hangzhou.25 Strangely, Ruan Yuan’s chronology compiled by his students after Ruan’s death did not mention Dashou at all. And Ruan’s contact with other artists in Zhejiang and Beijing, and his contribution to having composite rubbings made for his collection, has been missing from his chronology. Perhaps it was more important for Ruan’s disciples to record Ruan’s political career and his scholarly contribution, instead of his contact with antiquarian art world. However, Ruan Yuan himself more than once mentioned the ‘Ten Contributions to Metal and Stone Study (Jinshi shishi)’ he achieved:26 Compilation of Record of Metal and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong, 1796. 2 Compilation of Record of Metal and Stone Inscriptions from Zhejiang (Liang Zhe jinshizhi, 1805). 3 Editing Identifications in the Studio for Accumulating Antique Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods. 4 Making two replicas of the bronze plate, Sanshi pan, a bronze ware of the late Western Zhou Dynasty (c. early ninth century BCE), with 1

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an inscription of 375 Chinese characters; one kept at the governmental library in Hangzhou, one in his own library. 5 Making two replicas of carved stone steles with 472 characters

6

7 8

9 10

based on a Northern Song rubbings of stone drums inscriptions, shiguwen, collected at Tianyige Library; replicas were sent to the governmental libraries in Hangzhou and Yangzhou. Discovery of the Western Han stele with inscription ‘Zhongdian di erba’ (The twenty-eighth [pillar?] of Central Hall) from the Tomb of Duke Li (Liwang zhong, 127 BCE). This was the second inscribed stone of Western Han that was known to Ruan Yuan’s time. Discovery of one hidden line of seal scripts from Qin stele in the field near Langyetai of Zhucheng in Shandong Province. Preserving the two large stone figurines of Han from further damage by the local farmers and relocating them at the Residence of Zhai Hao (?–1788) in Qufu, Shandong Province. Making a carved stele based on the rubbing of Stele of the Temple in Mt Hua of Eastern Han and replacing it at the local school in Beihu. Making two replicas of carved steles based on the fragments of seal scripts from Mount Tai and the Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven of the Wu Kingdom.

Ruan valued the extant works of rubbings of the steles and treasured them as the original. He also purposely commissioned the replicas based on the rubbings of ancient steles for circulation of knowledge and for preservation. In his four volumes of collected essays Yanjingshi ji (Studio of Studying Classics), Ruan Yuan dedicated the entire third volume on discussions of bronze and stone objects of what he collected or once saw, their aesthetics and historical studies. Listing the study of ancient antiquities among his other scholarly writing on Classics, his passion and high regard for those relics were apparent. Others of Ruan Yuan’s scholar-collector contacts, including Zhang Tingji (1768–1848), Cheng Zhenjia (act. 1792–1826), Wu Tingkang (1799– 1873?), Chen Jieqi (1813–84), Wu Rongguang (1773–1843) and Pan Zuyin (1830–90), also knew Dashou well. Wu Tingkang, a native of Tongcheng in Anhui, was talented in seal and clerical scripts and was known for his bamboo-carving technique. There was no record of when he first met Dashou; however, from Dashou’s account, one winter day of 1828 when Dashou obtained the rubbing of Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, Wu Tingkang immediately came to view it and borrowed the rubbing without ever returning it. It is telling of their close friendship which had already started before 1828, and Wu also shared a particular life-long passion for collecting ancient bricks with Dashou.27 Zhang Tingji was a native of Jiaxing, Zhejiang. After several unsuccessful attempts at passing the national examination, he retreated to his hometown and was known for

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his talent in calligraphy and antique collection. He built a library, Qingyige (Pavilion of Tranquil Manner), for his antique collection which was later destroyed during the Taiping Rebellion (1850–64). He was highly regarded by Ruan Yuan and has numerous publications on epigraphy and ancient objects, including Completed Work of Pavilion of Tranquil Manner (Qingyige quanji), Textual Research on Scripts from the Ancient Objects Collected in Pavilion of Tranquil Manner (Qingyige guqiwu shiwen) and Collection of Impressions of Seals from the Pavilion of Tranquil Manner (Qingyige yinpu).28 Zhang was invited to write colophons on Dashou’s rubbing of Huaisu’s calligraphy as early as 1832.29 Wu Rongguang was the governor in Zhejiang and began to patronize Dashou’s temple from 1835. He donated six hundred silver liang to help Dashou build a library at the Canglangting Temple in Suzhou.30 Wu also selected the best composite rubbings Dashou made in 1840 and edited them into his publication Yunqingguan jinshilu (Notes on Bronze and Stone Collection at the Studio of Unstained Bamboo Skin, 1842).31 Pan Zuyin, a native of Wu County of Jiangsu, served in the Imperial Academy and became the tutor for the emperor. In his leisure time, he was a keen collector of rare books, steles and other antiques. His publications includes Pangxi minzhai congshu (Book Series of Pangxi People’s Studio [Studio of Pan Zuyin]) and Pangulou yiqi kuanshi (Research on Inscriptions from Ancient Objects at Pavilion of Making Friends with the Ancient [Studio of Panzuyin]). Chen Jieqi was from a scholarly family in Wei County of Shandong. He received a jinshi degree in 1845 and served at Imperial Academy. Chen and Dashou first met in Beijing along with the eminent artist-scholars He Shaoji and Pan Zengshou (1810–83) in 1846 and began their friendships.32 After seeing so much corruption in the Qing court, he used his mother’s death as an excuse for early retirement in 1854 and began to devote his leisure time to textual evidence study and collecting ancient objects. He built a library called Wanyinlou (Pavilion of Ten Thousand Seals) and published extensively on his research into ancient scripts from bronzes, steles, jade, seals, clay modules and sculptures. Chen’s publications include Fuzhai cang qimu (Antique Collection of Fuzhai [Chen Jieqi], 1885) and Fengni kaolue shijuan (Ten Chapters on Examination of Sealing Clay, 1904). Chen and Pan Zuyin were praised as two of the most significant collectors of the early nineteenth century.33 The variety of antiques collected by those Jiangnan scholars suggested their keen interests and trends that were shared among Ruan Yuan, Dashou and their scholarly collector-friends from the Lower Yangtze River in the nineteenth century. Many of the surviving rubbings Dashou made for his contemporaries can be seen today, mainly in the Academia Sinica’s rubbing collection in Taipei (fifty-nine works), Shanghai Library (two works) and Zhejiang Provincial Museum (nine works).34 Among his collector-friends, Cheng Zhenjia had the longest friendship with Dashou over thirty years. Cheng Zhenjia was a scholar-collector from a wealthy salt merchant family in She County, Anhui.

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(a)

FIGURE 3.04 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture, 1836. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 27.2 x 264.4 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Cheng was famous for his ink-slab making and bronze object collection during the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods. Through the introduction of Wu Tingkang, Cheng and Dashou became friends in 1836.35 Under Cheng’s generosity and hospitality, Cheng constantly invited his monk friend to stay for long periods at his Mansion of Bronze and Stone Drum (Bieye tongguzhai) and allow Dashou to make rubbings of his lavish collection of antiquities, each in multiple copies for giving away to Dashou’s scholarly circle. It took Dashou many visits over six years between 1836 and 1842 to make composite rubbings of Cheng’s collection of more than one thousand ancient bronze vessels. Many inscriptions on the vessels were covered by verdigris that Dashou had to clean with needles.36 The selected rubbings were compiled onto four long handscrolls, on which Chen Jieqi commented in the colophon that making those composite rubbings had been technically demanding and time-consuming for Dashou. Because of the cult of collecting antiquities, there were many fakes that outnumbered the authentic relics, and it was indeed a shame that Cheng’s bronze collection was a mix of the counterfeit and the authentic, and many of the vessels bear no inscriptions. It was a task for people who were keen to pursue antiquities.37 One of the best examples of Dashou’s antiquarian activities was portrayed in the painting Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture (1836, Fig. 3.04/Plate 6) by Chen Geng (act. 1821–61). The story behind this work superlatively represented Dashou’s reputation in making composite rubbing of a three-dimensional object, as well as the connection between him, Cheng Zhenjia, Wu Tingkang and other antiquarian collectors in the Lower Yangtze River area. In this scroll, dated 1836, Chen Geng drew a sequence of images of Dashou paying homage to a four-sided Buddhist sculpture.38 With a clearly carved date and dedication, this sculpture collected by Dashou is dated to the fourth year of the Tianping era of Eastern Wei (537). In his red monkrobe, Dashou appears in this scroll four times bowing or making offerings

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(b)

from different directions to the four-sided sculpture, represented by two composite rubbings made by Dashou himself. Like an animation, the painting combines the rubbings and the sequence of Dashou in action and brought a new composition to Chinese painting. The inscription by Chen Geng reads: Monk Liuzhou [Dashou] obtained from the north suburb of Xin’an this Buddhist sculpture of the Six Dynasties. It shines like a jewel once polished. Liuzhou knew my deep admiration for this work, so he made a composite rubbing of this sculpture for me. I keep the rubbing in my Studio of Weisizhang as a secret treasure. There is nothing else I can give to repay [Liuzhou], therefore, I made this painting as a return of his gift. I hope this also shows my homage to this [Buddhist sculpture]. In the winter day of bingshen year (1836), Chen Geng, the native of Wujiang, recorded this at the Mount Huaping in ancient She county [of Anhui Province]. ‫ޝ‬㡏ऍ‫צ‬ᗇ‫ޝ‬ᵍ䙐‫ۿ‬ᯬᯠᆹे䛺ˈ〽࣐ᣲᤝࡷሦ‫ⴞྚݹ‬DŽҸヺច✹ˈഐ Ἶᩘሿᑵ㾻䋭DŽҸ⮦‫׋‬伺ᯬᵚ㉋иᇔ≨⛪〈ሦDŽ❦❑ԕ⛪๡ˈ᭵⛪ѻ֌ ᱟെԕㆄѻˈӖ㾻Ҹྭѻ␡ҏDŽᱲщ⭣ߜᰕˈ੣⊏䲣ᓊ䁈ᯬਔ↉㨟ቿኡ 哃DŽ Through the portrayal of Dashou paying homage to the four sides of this Buddhist sculpture, Chen also showed a great fondness for this work. The painter also gave the detail of how Dashou made rubbings for his circle who shared similar interests in antiquities. In this account, Dashou collected this object from his trip to Xin’an in Anhui province. In the sixteenth year of Daoguang (1836), Dashou travelled to Xin’an at the invitation of Cheng Zhenjia. Cheng had heard Dashou’s name and finally met him in person in Hangzhou through the introduction of Wu Tingkang. Cheng was impressed by Dashou’s technique in making composite rubbing, and eagerly invited Dashou to Xin’an where Cheng possessed many valuable ancient bronze vessels in his collection.39 On the fourth day of the fourth month of the same year, Cheng, Dashou and Chen Geng travelled to Xin’an together and arrived on the twentieth day of the same month. During Dashou’s stay in Cheng’s hometown, Dashou stayed in Ruyi Temple and often painted for the head monk. In Dashou’s own account, he recorded his discovery of this Eastern Wei Buddhist sculpture:

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At the Ruyi Temple, the head monk Chuanyi is proficient in Chinese medicine and his expression eloquent. Accidentally I discovered in the temple a stone sculpture covered in dust over one inch thick, after wiping it with my fingertips, it was made in the Tianping era of Eastern Wei dynasty. The inscription reads: ‘This Buddhist sculpture is commissioned by Jin Fengshou and Jin Yangcheng brothers in the sixth [month?] of the fourth year, Tianping era.’ There were four unrecognizable characters on top of this inscription. Seeing this Buddhist sculpture, I was too fond of it to put it down.40 㠣ྲ᜿ሪˈѫ‫ۣܗ‬ᤷ㋮ዀ哳㺃ˈ䃷䄆乇㰺㯹DŽ‫ڦ‬㾻֋าѝᴹ⸣䙐‫ۿ‬аˈ ഋ䶒ࠍລぽᐢ⳸ረˈᣲᤝ㿆ѻˈѳᶡ兿ཙᒣ䯃ᡰࡦ㘵DŽ᮷ᴠ˖ཙᒣഋᒤ ‫☐ޝ‬䶣䙒ਇ䶣ཞᡀ‫ݴ‬ᕏ䙐‫ۿ‬DŽަк৸ᴹഋᆇࡷ╛╦нਟ䆈⸓DŽⶩ↔ ᝋ㧛㜭䟻DŽ On Dashou’s departure, the head monk of Ruyi Temple gave this Buddhist sculpture to him as the remuneration for Dashou’s painting and calligraphy composed under the temple’s request during his stay in Xin’an.41 That is why Chen Geng, who travelled with Dashou, was familiar with this sculpture and later composed a painting for Dashou in the winter of the same year (1836). Dashou was most famous for making unidentified inscriptions or patterns visible and clear once an object was treated by him and transcribed onto xuan paper. During his visit to Cheng Zhenjia’s collection, Dashou made numerous rubbings for the owner, friends and himself. He also identified the inscriptions, dated the objects and conducted the Evidential Learning based on the carved scripts on objects. As shown in another painting by Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand (1837, Fig. 3.05/ Plate 7), Dashou was illustrated as a minimized figure giving all his attention to inspection of the Han dynasty goose-foot lamp stand (yanzu deng) in the

FIGURE 3.05 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand, 1837. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 30.8 x 69.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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first section, and cleaning the vessel and making the inscriptions visible on an upside-down lamp in the second section. Again, the painting was by Chen Geng and the Han lamp stand was represented by two composite rubbings made by Dashou himself.42 The composite rubbings of two different angles provided the useful information on the object. Such an animated composition also served as a delightful record that faithfully represented the antiquarian work Dashou (and his keen friends) carried out with the objects, perhaps on a daily basis at Cheng Zhejia’s collection. Dashou himself inscribed on the scroll that he made the composite rubbings of this unusual goose-foot lamp stand at Cheng Zhenjia’s study during his stay in Xin’an in 1836. The summer days were so unbearable and humid that he had to cancel the trip to Mount Huang; instead, he spent time indulging himself at Cheng Zhenjia’s home, handling the owner’s brilliant bronze collection. On seeing this lamp, he noticed the hidden incised text at the bottom of the lamp and began to poke the rusty surface with a needle to reveal the text. The unveiled inscription, as seen on the second composite rubbing in the painting, reads: ‘In the first year of Jingning era [of Western Han [33 BCE]), the craftsmen from Sigong Institute produced the goosefoot lamp stand for the court, each weighs 3 jin and 12 liang (2.25 kg). ㄏሗ ‫ݳ‬ᒤˈሪᐕᐕ䆧⛪‫ޗ‬㘵䙐䢵䳱䏣䩉ˈ䟽йᯔॱҼ‫ ޙ‬DŽ’ Hence Chen Geng painted this scroll to commemorate Dashou’s discovery of the hidden text. In 1871, Chen Jieqi noted in his study on Han lamp stands that there existed only four such special lamp stands in the form of a goose-foot unearthed, each incised with different dates ranging from late Western Han to Eastern Han:43 Jianzhao goose-foot lamp stand: dated to the third year of Jianzhao era in Western Han (38 BCE), collected by Xu Weiren (1788– 1853/4?). This lamp stand was formerly collected by Wang Chang (1724–1806) and Sun Xingyan (1753–1818). 2 Jingning goose-foot lamp stand: dated to the first year of Jingning era of Western Han (33 BCE), formerly collected by Cheng Zhenjia, was lost after the Taiping Rebellions. 3 Suihe goose-foot lamp stand: dated to the first year of Suihe era of Western Han (8 BCE), unearthed in Shanxi in 1870 and formerly collected by Su Zhaonian (antique dealer in Shanxi, ?–1871) before it was sold to Chen Jieqi.44 4 Yongyuan goose-foot lamp stand: dated to the second year of Yongyuan era of Eastern Han (90 CE), formerly collected by Qin Enfu (1760–1843) and Qin Yan (1792–1853). After the Taiping Rebellion, the Qin family home and collection were scattered.45 1

Among them, there were only two goose-foot lamp stands known to the world in Dashou’s time, the Jianzhao and Jingning ones. Dashou had seen

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both of them and made the composite rubbings under the request of their collectors, Xu Weiren and Cheng Zhenjia, in the 1830s and 1840s.46 On discovering the inscriptions on the Jingning lamp stand, Dashou also found that there was another official institute, ‘Sigong’, co-existing with ‘Kaogong’ and ‘Gonggong’ in Emperors Yuan (48–33 BCE) and Cheng’s (33–7 BCE) time in late Western Han, producing bronze vessels for the court. On discussing the meaning of ‘Sigong’, carved on this lamp stand, Dashou noted in his Register of Metal and Stone, Calligraphy and Painting in the Studio of Precious Simplicity that previous scholars did not know the existence of ‘Sigong’ and always considered this term a misreading of ‘Kaogong’. Dashou even mentioned that when he sent the composite rubbing of the Jingning lamp stand to Yang Xie (1781–1850), sharing his discovery, Yang teased Dashou for poking his needle too much, ruining the text and confusing ‘Kaogong’ with ‘Sigong’!47 Scholars prior to Dashou’s time had already questioned the identification of the problematic character, such as Wang Rongfu (1745–94) in his Shuxue (Notes on Learning, 1775).48 After the cleaning of the vessel, the composite rubbing made the inscription more readable, Dashou confirmed the characters on the Jingning lamp stand should be ‘Sigong’. Both ‘Sigong’ and ‘Kaogong’ existed in the Han dynasty system; the ‘Kaogong’ characters on the Jianzhao lamp stand and the ‘Sigong’ on the Jingning one referred to the official institution responsible for producing vessels for daily life and other handicrafts for the inner court in Qin and Western Han. Dashou’s identification of ‘Sigong characters’ was accepted by Chen Jieqi and later scholars, and is now further proved by recent archaeological findings, such as the ‘Sigong’ inscription on Han bamboo strips discovered in Zhangjiashan and on the incense burner executed in Maoling in Shaanxi, and the impression on the Qin dynasty seal clay from Xiangjiaxiang in Xi’an.49 It was demonstrated by Dashou and his circle that composite rubbing was useful for identifying ancient scripts, correcting mistakes in the written historical texts and providing further understanding and information on the ancient culture, language and governmental systems. However, due to the limited knowledge of archaeological material at Dashou’s time, sometimes scholars made mistakes. For instance, fengni (the sealing clay) was misidentified as yinfan (clay mould for bronze seal) in the mid-nineteenth century. As shown in the colophons of the Album of Monk Dashou’s Collection of Sealing Clay (1839–40), upon painting an album leaf of Appreciating the Seals (Fig. 3.06, 1840), Dai Xi (1801–60) and Dashou’s fellow scholars had doubts about whether the objects, such as the sealing clay ‘Huangshen yuezhang’ in Dashou’s collection, were authentic antiques of the Han dynasty.50 It was not until more sealing clays had been unearthed and researched that scholars such as Chen Jieqi and Luo Zhenyu (1866– 1940) were able to give the sealing clay a proper attribution.51

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FIGURE 3.06 Dai Xi, Appreciating the Seals, 1840. Detail of Album of Monk Dashou’s Collection of Sealing Clay (1839–40), ink and colour on paper, album leaf, 14.5 x 8.8 cm, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society.

The composite rubbing could be multiply produced and circulated between scholarly circles. Without possessing the actual object, one could still study the shape and the carved inscriptions. While connoisseurship was highly emphasized among the scholarly circle in their antique-collecting activities, the composite rubbing made from the actual object could reveal what was covered or provide more readable material. Unlike the trace-copy drawings that tended to replicate the original objects in the previous catalogues derived from Song scholars to the imperial catalogues made in the Qianlong era of the Qing, the composite rubbings offered the reader a more authentic way of studying the object. As Walter Benjamin pointed out, ‘the presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity’:

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rubbings were seen not as reproduction, but rather as an authentic representation of antiquities in a different form: even without obtaining the actual object, one can study the rubbings as if reading the real, the original.52

3.3 Intertextual and Transmedia Approaches What Dashou achieved was not only excellence in composite rubbing technique, but also a new creating mode for scholarly painting. The picture of painted seasonal flowers in composite rubbings of ancient vessels as well as installing numerous composite rubbings into one piece of paper in a montage-like style were novel to nineteenth-century Chinese art and later adopted by Shanghai School painters. On the fourth day of the fourth month in the twenty-sixth year of the Daoguang era (29 April 1846), Dashou made his first visit to the capital, Beijing, and stayed there for almost a year until the twenty-eighth day of the second month of the following year (13 April 1847).53 In his luggage there were the rather precious Jianzhao lamp stand borrowed from Xu Weiren, and Dashou’s proud work of composite rubbings to engage with the connoisseur circles in the city. Through the introduction of his painter-friend Wu Jun (act. c. 1830–40s), Dashou was able to meet Prince Ruimin (Asin Giro Yizhi, 1827–50) and showed him this precious goose-foot lamp stand, one of the two still extant from the Western Han unearthed at that time in China. On seeing this rare antique, the Prince asked Dashou to make the composite rubbing for him as a birthday gift to Prince Ding (Asin Giro Daiquan, 1795–1854). On the inscription added by Prince Ruimin on the scroll, he mentioned that this Jianzhao lamp stand had been recorded in Ruan Yuan’s Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi, to show the credibility and historical value of this vessel. As bronze vessels seemed to endure through time, he hoped this rubbing of the long-lasting metal and stone object would bring longevity to Prince Ding.54 The giving of rubbings of ancient relics was given a new significance in social life among intellectuals and aristocrats. Apart from making composite rubbings of such a valuable Han dynasty lamp stand, Dashou also presented other exquisite works he had made to impress the Prince and other high-ranking officials in the capital. Dashou wrote: ‘I brought with me the rubbings made previously, the One Hundred Flowers and One Thousand Years scrolls to the Prince Rui [Ruiming]. ԕ㠺 ᡰᤃljⲮ㣡NJǃljॳ↢NJ‫ޙ‬െˈᭌ৫䳘੸⪎䛨DŽ’55 The work One Thousand Years is now missing; however, Dashou once wrote about its creation and the inspiration he received for creating such complicated compositions as the One Thousand Years pictures: At my leisure time in the autumn [of 1832], following Qian Shunju’s [Qian Xuan, c. 1235– before 1307) method of jinhuidui (the assembly of

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treasures), I made rubbings of the small items of metal and stone from my own collection onto one piece of paper and mounted it as a hanging scroll. I made more than twenty scrolls of such and named them One Hundred Years and One Hundred Years for Birthday Wishes. Later at my kind teacher Master Songxi’s birthday, I made One Thousand Years on which I assembled one thousand various antique objects. Mr Ruan Wenda [Ruan Yuan] wrote an inscription for this piece, and many others wrote colophons all over the corners. They regarded this as an innovation that has not been created by any previous metal and stone artists.56 ᱟ⿻ሃ啻ཊᲷˈԕᡰ㯿䠁⸣ሿ૱ˈ᭸䥒㡌㠹䥖⚠ึ⌅ᤃᡀ・䔨ˈ਽ᴠ ljⲮ↢െNJˈࠑҼॱ佈ᑵˈ৸ᴠljⲮ↢⾍༭െNJDŽఓഐ᝸ᑛᶮⓚ㘱Ӫབྷ 㹽ѻឦˈ৸ᮈॳぞ਽ᴠljॳ↢െNJˈ䱞᮷䚄‫⛪ޜ‬ѻ䏻ˈаᱲ乼㘵䚺ᑵⲶ ⳸ˈԕ⛪ࢥ䠁⸣ᇦᡰᵚᴹDŽ As Dashou testified, it was Qian Xuan’s (c. 1235– before 1307) Jinhuidui that motivated his potpourri work of different rubbings. Jinhuidui, literally meaning ‘pile of fragmented brocade and ashes’, is a painting style that originated in the Yuan dynasty.57 From the surviving work of the Jinhuidui scroll by Qian Xuan, Qian drew the lotus, Chinese hibiscus, noble bottle tree, Chinese pear-leaved crabapple, paddy, radish, butterfly moth, ant, shrimp and edible tulips piling on top of each other.58 This painting appreciates a freehand movement, a natural spirit without being confined by orderliness, classification of things, neatness or rationality. The composition of cluttered objects in one image might have inspired Dashou’s work. Nowadays, the technique of compiling jinhuidui associated with bapo (eight broken painting), jizhen (painting the collected treasures) or jijinping (treasure-assembling screen) is a branch of traditional Chinese painting, popular in folk art, porcelain and snuff-bottle design of the late nineteenth century.59 Different from Qian Xuan’s Jinhuidui painting, which portrayed a collection of natural objects, the later jizhen or bapo paintings depicted fragments of old things, such as a piece of worn-out paper, wrinkled or burned remnants of ancient calligraphies, copies of a section of famous ancient paintings or worm-eaten pages from a rare book, painted in the frame set beforehand. The bapo aesthetics raised the value of incompleteness and enigmatic fragments of history. While such appreciation might be shared in Dashou’s work, however, the One Thousand Years and One Hundred Years are different from jinhuidui and bapo paintings in terms of technique and method: Dashou’s work demanded more advanced technique and elaborate planning since they consist of one hundred or one thousand rubbings of actual antique objects, not merely of painted images. To better understand the composition of One Thousand Years, we can try to sense what it might have been like through the only surviving piece of such theme by Dashou, One Hundred Years (Baisui tu, 1831, Fig. 3.07/Plate 8).

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FIGURE 3.07 Dashou, One Hundred Years, 1831. Hanging scroll, Rubbing and seal stamps on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

This work was formerly collected by Qian Jingtang (1907–83) and is now at the Zhejiang Provincial Museum. On a 60-inch tall xuan paper, eighty-six rubbings of small metal and stone objects are assembled in this One Hundred Years scroll. The objects made into rubbings were fragments of early Chinese history, including twenty-eight coins, one ink slab, one bronze seal with a carved inscription on the top, the partial detail of a bronze incense burner, a bowl, two carved inscriptions from vessels, two pieces of roof tiles, three ancient bricks, six carved stones, four ink stones, one inscription from a stone seal, and twenty-eight red seal stamps. The coins ranged from the Warring States to the Qing, and even included a 1 kopecks copper coin (1808), the Russian coin of Alexander I (1801–25). The creation built upon Dashou’s antique collection of various types, which also gave information on the content of collectable antiques among scholars of Dashou’s time. The roof tiles and bricks with incised characters were the new additions to late Qing collectors’ shopping list. Scholars had begun to pay attention to ancient roof tiles before Dashou’s time, in the late eighteenth century. Huang Yi was one of the first scholars to produce rubbings of thirty-seven roof tiles from the Qin and Han dynasties and

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edited them into four volumes of publication, Roof Tiles from the Qin and Han Dynasties Collected by Huang Yi of the Qing (Qing Huang Yi ji Qin Han wadang). He divided the roof tiles into three categories – tiles with pictorials, tiles with decorative patterns and tiles with textual patterns – and used the texts found on the tiles to study the development of seal script, clerical script and bafenshu.60 Wang Chang also edited thirty-three inscriptions on the roof tiles from the Han dynasty in his influential publication, Compilation of Bronze and Stone Records in 1805. The appearance of inscribed roof tiles and bricks suggested that the collecting of those objects became more common in Dashou’s time. For making the One Hundred Years, the rubbings were piled up in different directions with no particular order on the same sheet of paper.61 Dashou followed the basic principle by shifting the paper and rubbing parts of each object onto a single sheet. A frame was set beforehand, and Dashou then used the ink in various ways to manipulate the rubbing paper, later adding red seal stamps and brush lines to achieve the illusion of depth, intensity, yinyang effect (contrast between light and dark), and a threedimensional quality. The making of this scroll required great skill, patience and time. Apart from dedicating about twenty scrolls of such pictures to his teacher, Dashou also made several versions of One Hundred Years for his friends. On the two inscriptions by Dashou on this 1831 scroll, he first mentioned the ‘Picture of One Hundred Years. The rubbing was made in the winter of xinmao year of the Daoguang era (1831) at the Studio of Polishing Bricks into Mirrors in Wuling [now Hangzhou]. ljⲮ↢െNJˈ䚃‫ݹ‬䗋টߜᰕᤃҾ ↖᷇⼘⼊֌ㄏ䔂DŽ’. The second colophon was added later, which stated: ‘When [I] returned to Wu (Suzhou) from Nanxu (Zhenjiang) on the Zhongyuan Festival [the fifteenth day of the seventh month] of jihai year in the Daoguang era (1839), the rubbing of One Thousand Years was finally completed after five years working on it. Hence, I added these two poems, for Mr Meicen’s perusal. 䚃‫ݹ‬ᐡӕѝ‫ݳ‬ᰕˈᱲᗎইᗀഎ੣ˈ։᡻ᤃljॳ↢ െNJ䎺ӄᒤ㘼ᡀˈіᨀ↔Ҽ㎅ᴨˈཹⴹ዁‫⯷⮻⭏ݸ‬DŽ’. From these two inscriptions, we can confirm that the 1831 version of One Hundred Years was given to his friend Meicen in Suzhou; and between 1834 and 1839, the very scroll One Thousand Years, in celebrating the fiftieth birthday of his teacher, Master Monk Songxi, was completed after five years of hard labour. Although we don’t know if he made another version of One Thousand Years to present it to Prince Ruimin in 1846, or how many scrolls of this kind were produced during his lifetime, we can be sure that by the late 1830s Dashou had developed a unique, procedural image style that involved antiquarian knowledge, collecting pursuit and crafting skill. In recording one of the versions of One Hundred Years dedicated to Ruan Yuan, Xu Kang (act. 1850–90s) analysed the making method of this kind of rubbing in his Qianchen mengyinglu (Record of Reflections of the Past):

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[Dashou] once made a picture of ‘One Hundred Years’ for Ruan Yuan at the Jade Buddha Temple. He firstly sketched the outline of the character shou (longevity) in cursive style on a 6-chi (60 inches) sheet of xuan paper, and hammered the paper onto only a corner, the top, or the lower part of many different kinds of metal and stone objects to take rubbings within the outline of the shou character. Instead of making rubbings of the entirety of each object, the rubbings are laid as if they were piled up naturally to show the three-dimensional effect. In order to achieve this, Dashou had to take rubbings of each object individually; the paper had to change directions to take the rubbing in parts. The rubbing paper must have been sometimes dry and sometimes moist; after moving it five or six times, he could successfully obtain a finished presentation showing the disparate rubbings inside the outline. When this work was finally mounted, Dashou brought it to Wenda in Hanjiang of Jiangsu where Ruan was born and spent his retirement between 1838 and 1849. Ruan thoroughly admired this artful work and rewarded Dashou a hundred silver liang. This composition of rubbings became popular in the Lower Yangtze River; others such as female artist Li Jinhong (act. late nineteenth century) also copied Dashou’s technique.62 ᴮ൘⦹֋嗅⛪䱞᮷䚄‫֌ޜ‬ljⲮ↢െNJˈ‫ݸ‬ԕ‫ޝ‬ቪ⮻ᐘᑵˈཆᔃ㥹ᴨаབྷ ༭ᆇˈ޽ਆ䠁⸣ⲮぞἾᤃˈᡆа䀂ˈᡆкᡆлˈⲶ㜭н㾻‫ޘ‬億DŽ㪇㍉丸 ᱲᒩᱲ★ˈ᱃㠣ӄ‫ˈ⅑ޝ‬࿻ᗇ㭶һDŽ㼍⊐ᰒᡀˈᭌ㠣䛇⊏ˈ᮷䚄ᾥ䌎 ѻˈ䞜ԕⲮ䠁DŽ䲭⒆ᵾ䥖卫Ӗழᱟᢰˈࡷᗇѻ‫ޝ‬㡏㘵DŽ Although the surviving piece at the Zhejiang Provincial Museum is not the one mentioned in Xu Kang’s account dedicated to Ruan Yuan, we can still imagine its composition and visual arrangement from the extant version. While such works alluding to scholarly learning must have become popular among the elite class, it is noteworthy that such an artful arrangement of rubbings taken from versatile fragments of metal and stone of antiquity, like its named title, One Hundred Years or One Thousand Years, was treated as an auspicious image, epitomizing affluence and longevity in Dashou’s time. This established a new purpose for the bronze and stone rubbings.

3.4 From Evidential Learning to Festive Offering The other famous creative work Dashou brought to Beijing furthered the function of antiquities and gave rubbings a new art form: festive offering painting. This One Hundred Flowers (Baihua tu), created around 1844 and now lost, is referred to as Scroll of One Hundred Flowers in Twenty-Four Antique Vessels (Ershisi qi baihuajuan).63 As recorded in the diary of Guan

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Tingfeng (1797–1880), ‘Liuzhou showed me the rubbings taken from twentyfour various kinds of ceremonial vessels from Shang and Zhou, and asked his literary friends to add the painted flowers on top of the rubbings of the vessels. This was then entitled Scroll of One Hundred Flowers in TwentyFour Antique Vessels. ‫ޝ‬㡏㾻⽪ᡰᤃઘ〖ᖍಘࠑҼॱഋぞˈኜ䄨਽⍱㼌⮛䴌 㣡ᯬಘˈ਽ᴠljҼॱഋಘⲮ㣡ধNJDŽ’.64 Prince Yizhi also wrote a long poem to be added to the colophon, which had been kept in his Lexunli zhai shigao (Draft of Poems from the Studio of Searching for Principles with Joy). The scroll he described opened with plum blossoms in a long, dark, wintry night. Under a Bodhi tree there was a couch; the rubbings of odd and unusual inscriptions along with a display of antiquities from the Shang and Zhou were highlighted; the scented festive flowers were all over the handscroll. The scroll conveyed the ‘antiques of colour and aroma’ (guse guxiang) and the Prince felt that these frail hundred flowers would have had an everlasting life like metal and stone with this marvellous composition in Dashou’s scroll.65 Dashou’s paintings, showing a combination of painted seasonal flowers in the rubbings of antiques, were novel, with his transmedia approach and a technique that manipulated a new visual immediacy under the cult of Evidential Learning. However, the idea of this combination was derived from Bogu qinggong tu (Festival Offerings with Ancient Relics) or Bogu huahui tu (Floral Arrangement in Collected Ancient Relics). Considering how the subject was developed, the term bogu was derived from Zhang Heng’s (78–139) yanhao bogu (An elegant hobby of collecting ancient relics).66 Before the Ming dynasty, paintings of flowers and vases were often titled Pinghua tu (Flowers in Vase). The earliest examples of the subject included works by Huang Jucai (933–93) in the Xuanhe huapu (The Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era, 1120), namely Xiesheng jinping weihua tu (Peony and Gold Vase in True to Life Style), Hushi jinpen boge tu (Lake Tai Rock, Golden Flower Pot and Woodpigeons) and Mudan jinpen zhegu tu (Peony, Golden Flower Pot and Partridges).67 Nonetheless, the combination of flowers and containers did not appear in the Xuanhe huapu or other painting theories as an independent subject in the Song dynasty. Such subjects were later associated with festive celebration in the Ming period, and often entitled Qinggong tu (Floral Arrangement for Festive Display) or Suichao qinggong tu (Floral Arrangement for the New Year), as seen in Sun Kehong’s (1532–1611) Yunchuang qingwan tu (Appreciating Festive Display by the Cloudy Window, 1593, Capital Museum, Beijing).68 It was in the late Ming that the festive floral display began to be arranged in specific antique containers or bronze vessels in the setting of the scholar’s studio. Forming a new subject entitled Festival Offerings with Antiquities or Floral Arrangement in Ancient Relics, this new mode of floral painting subsequently gained popularity among Qing evidential scholars. Other examples can be seen in the extant work of the same type by Dashou, for instance Festival Offerings by the Cloudy Window (1847, Fig. 3.08/Plate 9) and Flowers Arranged in the Dou Vessel of Boshan of Western Zhou

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FIGURE 3.08 Dashou, Festival Offerings by the Cloudy Window, 1847. Hanging scroll, composite rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 130.3 x 30.8 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

(1827–28).69 Improvised from the popular Floral Arrangement in Ancient Relics, Dashou was one of the first artists who began to combine the composite rubbing of inscriptions and ancient bronze vases with flowers in ink and colour together into one painting. The seasonal flowers, such as camellias, plum blossoms and lingzhi, in freehand brushwork, added a cheerful colour to the serious scholarly composite rubbing which showed off the highly evaluated inscription incised on the bronze relics. Dashou’s treatment of marrying two types of media, the composite rubbing and the festive floral painting, were visually stunning and dynamic. This supple new style was much appreciated by his contemporaries and followers in Jiangnan.

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From Prince Yizhi’s other poem, we notice that apart from One Hundred Years and Scroll of One Hundred Flowers in Twenty-Four Antique Vessels, Dashou also presented to the Prince the scroll One Hundred and Eight Ancient Bricks.70 While the Scroll of One Hundred Flowers in Twenty-Four Antique Vessels and One Hundred and Eight Ancient Bricks have gone missing, Wang Yifeng suggests a similar composition might be found in the scroll Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks (Fig. 3.09/Plate 10), with Monk Songxi’s inscription dated 1835.71 In the early spring of 1835, the White Horse Temple where Dashou resided suffered from serious flooding, the heavy storms resulting in inflation of the cost of rice to the extent that Dashou could hardly support himself. At this time, Chen Luan (1786–1839), the Governor of Jiangsu, recommended Dashou to be the head monk at the Canglangting Temple in Suzhou. He also supported the Temple, along with other high-ranking officials, such as Wu Rongguang mentioned earlier in the chapter.72 It may be possible that this scroll of Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks, jointly made by Dashou and his close friends, was presented to Chen Luan to show Dashou’s deep appreciation under such circumstances. On this scroll Monk Songxi added the rocks, Chen Kanru (act. 1830s) drew the daffodils, and Ji Yuji (act. 1830s) painted the red plum blossoms on top of twelve composite rubbings of the ancient bricks provided by Dashou. Instead of bronze vessels or Buddhist stone sculptures, Dashou applied the rubbing of bricks, among which seven were inscribed with dates. The dates (from right to left) range from the first year of Taihe of Eastern Jin (366); the fifth year of Kang (Taikang era of Western Jin, 280–9, or Yuankang era of Western Jin, 291–9); Jianxing era (Jianxing era of Shu, 223–37; or Jianxing era of Western Jin, 313–17); the second year of the Yongning era of Western Jin (302); the fourth year of the Baozheng era of Wuyue State (929); the Tianping era of Eastern Wei (534–37); to the Xianping era of Northern Song (998–1003).73 The bricks are placed in vertical or horizontal positions, to show off the inscribed text, and there is no single direction in which the text should be read. Flowers and bricks placed close together far and near; such juxtaposition offered a natural interactivitity as if these objects were displayed in front of the viewer. The contrasting effect between the vibrant colours of the flowers in freehand brushwork, the arching and rhyming ink

FIGURE 3.09 Dashou, Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks, with monk Songxi’s inscription dated 1835. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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lines of the miniature trees, the delicate rendering of fine strokes on miniature landscape and scholarly rocks, and the fragmented and patchy tones on the marks of rubbing are dramatic, complex and visually exquisite. This is known to be one of the earliest composite rubbings made of ancient bricks alone (following the 1831 version of One Hundred Years, which included fragments of brick rubbing), and the earliest painting that combined brick rubbing and flower painting. These bricks were made for non-funerary buildings. The one at the centre (marked shi) has a much more elaborate impressed pattern.74 The brick inscribed with the Baozheng era, with geometric patterns on the right of the scroll, was acquired by Dashou in Lin’an in 1831; due to its dark colour, it was polished into the shape of an ink stone.75 The value of inscribed ancient bricks was noted as early as in Lishi (Interpretation of Clerical Script, 1166) by Hong Shi (1117–84) in the Song dynasty. However, it was not until the promotion of collectors Ruan Yuan, Zhang Tingji, Xie Qikun (1737–1802) and Zhang Yanchang (1738–1814) that the ancient bricks received more attention among intellectuals in Huzhou, Suzhou and Hangzhou during the Jiaqing era. Xie Qikun owned eight precious ancient bricks and named his study ‘Boat-Book Dwelling of Eight Bricks’ (Bazhuan shufang). Following the same fashion, Ruan Yuan named his study ‘Eight-Brick Hall of Citing Poetries’ (Bazhuan yinguan) upon the acquisition of the eight ancient bricks with inscribed dates, ranging from Huanglong (229–31), Wufeng (254–6), Yongji, Shushi, Tiance (275–6), Daxing (318–21), Xianhe (326–34) and Xingning (363–5). Ruan Yuan considered the study of ancient bricks was important because the bricks were inscribed with specific dates and often bore the names of their makers. The content of inscribed texts could provide information that had not been recorded in the official gazetteers. The styles of the inscribed characters from the Han to the Northern and Southern dynasties also evidenced the transition between the seal script, clerical script and bafenshu, which were missing from the module copybooks of calligraphy from the Eastern Jin (317–420).76 Ruan’s follower Zhang Tingji also recorded in his Qingyige tiba (Inscriptions of Pavilion of Decontaminated Manner) the shared enthusiasm for ancient bricks between Ruan Yuan, Dashou, Wu Kangfu and him.77 Zhang even noted the market price for ancient inscribed bricks and how their value would be assessed: the bricks with a specific inscribed date such as ‘the seventh year of the Yuankang era of Jin’ were priced at one silver liang; the ones with only two characters, ‘Yuankang’, was half the price; and the broken bricks with incomplete text ‘Dongyuan’ had an estimate of only twenty-eight wen.78 It is interesting to note that the price of the finest ancient brick is equivalent to the price for one dan (around 31 kg) of rice in Jiangsu province in 1832; in other words, these ancient bricks were quite affordable among the salaried officials and intellectuals, in comparison to ancient paintings and calligraphy.79

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Dashou and his contemporaries paid attention to ancient bricks not only for a sense of history revealed through the marked dates and texts, but also for their functional use as ink stones.80 Dashou stated that he collected over five hundred different types of ancient bricks and documented them in his publication Zhejiang zhuanlu (Record of Bricks Unearthed in Zhejiang Province).81 He also constantly composed poems for Wu Tingkang and Cheng Zhenjia to celebrate their new acquisition of ancient bricks. In the poem dedicated to Wu Tingkang, Dashou mentioned his research on the inscribed text and how much he enjoyed polishing the bricks into the ink stones and huacha, the containers for floral arrangement. He was proud of giving new functions to the ancient bricks. Friends of Dashou also requested fan paintings specifically on the subject of flowers and the rubbing of brickvases.82 On the brick ink stone Dashou created, he incised poetic inscriptions (mingwen) to venerate each brick he obtained.83 These were derived from the incised inscriptions on bronze vessels and valuable objects with special historical or commemorative associations. The newly developed zhuanyan ming (poetic inscription carved on brick ink stone) became very popular in literary circles in Dashou’s time. Dashou also noted that the ancient bricks were inexpensive and heavy in comparison to the bronze vessels. Cheng Zhenjia joked that Dashou’s passion for the bricks was peculiar and he could easily build a stove with the number of bricks he collected. While most people would consider bricks as worthless architectural material it would require a special eye to appreciate the value of ancient bricks and their incised texts.84 In the rare surviving portraits of Dashou, the two carved images on the bamboo armrests vividly represent Dashou as a monk who did not sit still for meditation or while citing the Buddhist sutra, but instead enjoyed walking everywhere on his bare feet day after day. When he returned to the temple, he would indulge himself in his study, researching the inscribed objects he collected on his travels. The carved images were derived from two paintings: the Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut was originally drawn by Gu Luo (1763-c.1837) and the Master of the Small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot by Dashou. Guo Yeyin (act. 1800–1820s), He Yuanxi (1766–1829) and Futang (surname and dates unknown) composed the poems, and Tang Yifen (1778–1853) and Fei Wenqu (act. 1800–1820s) transcribed the poems onto the colophons. Dashou must have appreciated such joint works so much that he transcribed these paintings and inscriptions onto the two bamboo armrests in 1830, to be viewed at any time in his study (Fig. 3.10/Plate 11). It showed Dashou’s hobby as well as his active role among the antiquarian and art circles in Hangzhou. In his Chronology, Yang Xian (1819–96) noted Dashou’s participation in the scholarly society, Jieshe (Society of Reconnaissance), which was established firstly between himself and monk Lianyi (act. 1850s), the head master of the Lingzhi Temple by the West Lake, Hangzhou, and in 1857 was handed over to Dashou in

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FIGURE 3.10 Gu Luo, Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut and Dashou, Master of the Small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot, 1830. Two carved Images on the Bamboo armrests and rubbings, ink on paper, 38.2 x 6.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

Jingci Temple. Yang and Dashou spent mornings and evenings exchanging scholarship and a year later he finished the forty volumes of Zhou Li mingwu zhidukao (Investigation on Systems and Naming of Things in the Rites of Zhou, 1858).85 Yang dedicated poems to Dashou and wrote a short biography of Dashou with fondness and sorrow: he remarked that soon after Dashou’s death, the Taiping Rebellions (1850–64) took over Hangzhou, the city was run down and his collection was mostly ruined.86 The numerous composite rubbings Dashou made continued to be circulated in Ruan Yuan, Wu Rongguang and Chen Jieqi’s publications; some

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rubbings were even collaged onto festive paintings by artists of the late nineteenth century. It was through the introduction of literary leaders, namely Yang Xian, Wu Tingkang and Zhang Xiong (1803–86), that the antiquarian mode of paintings and scholarly quest for history and cultural relics were adopted by subsequent artists active in Shanghai and nearby cities. Liu Deliu (1806–75), Ren Xiong (1823–57), Zhu Cheng (1826–1900), Zhao Zhiqian, Ren Xun (1835–93), Ren Bonian (1840–95), Wu Changshi and Huang Shiling (1849–1908) followed in Dashou’s footsteps in creating images that combined rubbing of antiques and flower painting. One of the earliest examples was found in Liu Deliu’s Paintings of Ancient Bricks, Flowers and Vegetables (1841), where seasonal flowers and vegetables were added to the rubbings of four inscribed bricks dating from the Yuankang era of the Western Jin (291–99) to the ninth year of the Xianchun era of the Southern Song (1269).87 Such new imagery served as a new year gift following the subject of festive offering, and was further brought into the genre of ‘bird-and-flower painting’. As seen in Zhu Cheng’s set of four scrolls of Paintings of Bronze Vessels and Flowers (1872), a juxtaposition of composite rubbings of various bronze vessels were displayed in four hanging scrolls.88 The exhibit of two vessels of different sizes and types in the foreground and background of each painting with added seasonal flowers in colours enriched the image with vivacity and cheerfulness. The highlight of rubbings of the incised inscriptions also gave a sense of the important historical value of those objects. Inspired by Dashou, the Shanghai followers improvised a new fashion of Chinese painting catering for both commercial purposes and their passion for antiquarian learning. The addition of composite rubbing into festive flower painting became an auspicious and much-welcomed subject, hence the presence of antiquity was given a new meaning beyond scholarly research. Notably, Wu Changshi was passionate about collecting ancient bricks as early as the 1870s under the influence of Wu Tingkang and Yang Xian. Yang Xian started his collection of bricks in 1840 and often asked his friends and clients to pay him with ancient bricks instead of money for the commission of his painting and calligraphy. Yang also noted that, from 1879, Wu Changshi and he spent much time together collecting bricks. Yang’s collected bricks ranged from the Han to the Three Kingdoms period; Wu Changshi could only afford the less valuable bricks of the Wu Kingdom due to his financial situation.89 Wu Changshi described this hobby as zhuanpi (addiction to bricks, 1888) and named his studio ‘Chanpixuan’ (Studio of Meditative Bricks, 1884) after obtaining a brick with the incised mark of the third year of the Yuankang era.90 Wu Changshi and his fellow artists not only made rubbings of bricks, but also mixed the rubbings of bricks, coins and a variety of bronze vessels together in their flower paintings. The set of Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers (1885, Fig. 3.11/Plate 12) is a fine example of the type. The composite rubbings of eight bricks, two types of coins and six bronze vessels were mounted onto

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(b)

(c)

(d)

FIGURE 3.11 Wu Changshi, Yao Weizu and Zhang Zhuo, Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers, 1885. Four hanging scrolls, rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 150.8 x 40.7 cm, private collection.

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the four scrolls with some finishing touches of ink lines and served as basins and vases for the floral arrangement. From the inscriptions, it was noted that the flowers were painted by Zhang Zhuo (act. 1880s) in Suzhou, the rubbings of the bronze vessels were made by Yao Weizu (act. 1880s), mainly from his own collection, and the rubbings of bricks were made by Wu Changhsi from his own collection. This joint work, conveying the auspicious connotation of jinshi tongshou (long, lifelike bronze and stone), was offered as a birthday gift to Yao Weizu’s cousin-in-law in the second month of the year yiyou (1885).91 The plum blossoms, daffodils, camellias, orchids, lilies, peonies, peach blossoms, chrysanthemums and lingzhi mushrooms found their home in the rubbings of the antique objects to showcase their cheerful characteristics of the four seasons. The rubbings of the marked characters on the bricks were deliberately presented to the audience in either a vertical or a horizontal position; each text on the brick was also transcribed and explained in the inscription next to each rubbing by Wu Changshi. The most remarkable aspect was that Wu Changshi purposely pressed a variety of seals next to each inscription and rubbing: the addition of red seal imprints showed off Wu’s seal carving skill in antiquarian style; in turn, the seal imprints themselves became part of the antiquarian subject. Compared to Dashou’s paintings of flowers in ancient objects, the composition by the latter artists was even more delightful, pleasing and visually appealing without losing its scholarly spirit.

3.5 Prelude to Jinshi Art Yun-Chiahn Chen Sena has observed that collecting antiquity, writing antiquity and appropriating antiquity were the three themes of antiquarian activities in the Song dynasty.92 Following Sena’s discussion, my study on the early establishment of the Stele School and jinshi art recognizes three distinct modes of painting that arose from the late eighteenth century, inspired by antiquarian activities: 1). The record of site visits exemplified into a new landscape type under the fashion of Evidential Learning; 2). The portraiture depicting the collectors and their antique collections in their studio; and 3). The embodiment of composite rubbing and painting as new literary play. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, the ancient relics were adapted as auspicious symbols to decorate flower painting and portraits; and the marriage of composite rubbing and flower painting was further developed by the Shanghai School into a new type of ‘New Year Offering’ and the birdand-flower painting that gradually became even more popular than the orthodox style of landscape painting in learned circles. The investigation shows how those new modes in painting derived and improvised by the scholars and artists in the Lower Yangtze River region in the nineteenth century had become a new identity for cultivated men in the late Qing.

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To date, extant studies on antiquarian trends in the Shanghai School only describe the merging of rubbings and flower painting as a reflection on the contemporary trend of Evidential Learning, without tracing back to where these visual representations of antiquities were derived from. The discussion of Dashou and his innovative combination of rubbing and painting into visual and textual play gives a fuller picture of the growing interest in epigraphy and the study of ancient objects at an earlier stage, and how such antiquarian studies inspired visual creativity. The different ancient materials represented in the portrait and flower paintings of Ruan Yuan and Dashou’s circle indicated a strong antique-collecting culture in the Lower Yangtze River and the kinds of objects that were available and had been recently unearthed. Nevertheless, the use of antiquity has been shifted by Dashou from a scholarly purpose derived from the textual evidence into a decorative element in artistic creation. Such practice ultimately changed the perception of Chinese intellectuals on preserving ancient relics, and the way they viewed the culture of the past at the dawn of modern era.

CHAPTER FOUR

From Deification to Quotidian Jinshiqi and the Four Accomplishments

Composite rubbings preserved the inscriptions incised or cast on the objects and the historical truth. Through the nexus of authenticity captured by the rubbing technique, the value of preserving scientific truth before the introduction of photography to China can indeed be carefully measured. On a different aspect, the emerging new tendency in painting – ‘jinshiqi’ (aura of bronze and stone) – a by-product of the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone (Jinshixue) – had reached the artists of the second half of the nineteenth century, yet this trend has received relatively little attention in recent scholarship. The term jinshiqi first appeared in Yang Yi’s Ink Forest of Shanghai (Haishang molin, 1919), a valuable index of artists in nineteenthcentury Shanghai. Yang considered ‘canggu’ (dynamic and ancient), ‘cangjin’ (dynamic and forceful) and ‘gumao’ (ancient and abundant) to be the characteristics of jinshiqi when he commented on the artists Qian Song (1807–60), Wei Zhusheng (act. c. 1860–80s) and Tu Zhaopeng (act. c. 1880s–1910s).1 These three artists all shared a keen interest in Evidential Learning. Their brushwork revealed a strong appreciation of the Stele School, and they were capable of painting, calligraphy, poetry and seal carving, the ‘Four Accomplishments’ (siquan).2 It is notable that while He Shaoji and the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou had been practising the ‘Four Accomplishments’ since the late eighteenth century, their brushwork and composition in painting did not show evidence of the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone, even though such 89

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study was evident in their calligraphy and seal carving. It was not until the second half of the nineteenth century that Zhao Zhiqian exercised and embodied the four arts after the style of the Stele School in his painting. Aided by his study of the calligraphy of the Northern Wei steles and Buddhist sculptures, Zhao’s painting began to convey the distinctive characteristics and strong personality of the jinshi style. Following Zhao’s approach, Wu Changshi gave the defining characteristics to jinshihua (painting infused with the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone) in modern China. In order to understand how the epigraphic study was appropriated and modified into a painterly style, jinshihua, this study poses two key questions: 1). How did the widened sphere of antiquarian activity bring about the transformation in calligraphy, painting and seal carving after the Opium Wars and the Taiping Rebellions which devastated the lives of many collectors and artists? And, 2). How did the ‘Four Accomplishments’ contribute to the formation of jinshihua? By viewing antiquarian activity as a post-traumatic therapy for artists who had suffered wars and lifethreatening experiences during the enforced diaspora, it is possible to reconnoitre the collective and individual expressions of artists under the devastated social and cultural circumstances after the Taiping Rebellions and foreign incursions in the Lower Yangtze River delta. The second question further addresses how a long-established inheritance of calligraphy and seal carving became new aesthetic fruits for artists who were themselves in favour of modern appreciation. The imbrication of artistic dynamics and socio-economics as a driving influence behind the formation of jinshihua in the process of becoming part of popular expression in modern Chinese art will be carefully contextualized.

4.1 Dimension of Mobility in Wartime In the first half of the nineteenth century, the affluent state offered a peaceful and comfortable circumstance for scholars in the Lower Yangtze River in their pursuit of antiquity and learning. As a result of their prosperity since the Kangxi era (1662–1722), in the early Daoguang era (1821–50) the provinces in south-east China were wealthy. Many literary societies were sponsored by provincial officials, merchants and local gentry. Between 1803 and 1828, for example, Li Yunjia (1766–1828) – the local governor of the south-east of Shanghai – hosted a series of ‘Elegant Gatherings for Calligraphy and Painting’ at the Wu Garden for more than 130 artists.3 Li also sponsored artists and commissioned works from them. Gai Qi’s (1774– 1829) famous rendition of Hongloumeng tuyong (Illustrated Dream of the Red Chambers, 1879), for instance, received Li’s patronage and was composed during the artist’s stay at the Wu Garden.4 In Hangzhou between

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1824 and 1835, Wang Yuansun (1789–1835) hosted the monthly gathering of the Dongxuan yinshe (Poetry Society of the Eastern Chamber) which was the foremost literary society, with seventy-six members. In the first half of the nineteenth century, as Shi Bohua (1835–90) commented, people were able to provide economic freedom for themselves; members of reputable families in particular could simply indulge themselves in writing and socializing with their friends without taking up jobs.5 Such a leisured atmosphere is seen in the printed volume of Dongxuan yinshe huaxiang (Portrait of the Poetry Society of the Eastern Chamber, 1876), originally painted by Fei Danxu (1802–50) in 1833, in which the twenty-seven adherent members enjoyed music, painting and discussion on Classics in their usual monthly gatherings at the Wang family garden.6 During this era, Chinese society was governed by an idealized Confucian view, yet all types of disorder and rebel identity began to grow rampantly in the seemingly prosperous mid-nineteenth century. Externally, the incursions of Western powers had caused a sense of distress and weakened people’s trust in the Qing government. The warfare at sea against the British was extended to inland fighting from Guangzhou to Zhoushan and Tianjin from June 1840. By May 1842, Ningpo, Hangzhou, Shaoxing, Zhenjiang, Shanghai and many cities along the Lower Yangtze River were war zones largely controlled by the British. The incident had exposed the cultural capital Nanjing to danger until the Treaty was negotiated and concessions of five treaty ports were signed, following the First Opium War (1839–42).7 While the tension of the situation was often conveyed in writing, it was rarely revealed in visual art. One curious example is the painting entitled Peony and Raccoon Cat (1843, Fig. 4.01/Plate 13) jointly composed by Fei Danxu (1802–50), Zhang Xiong (1803–86) and Weng Luo (1790–1849), on which Jiang Guangxu’s (1813–60) inscription dated 1843 indicateSd the distress brought by the First Opium War I in just four characters: ‘haifen shenjing ⎧≋⭊䆖’ (‘tensions extremely high on the coast’). This collaborative work was interrupted by the war due to the obstruction of coastal waterways; the raccoon cat was drawn in 1841 and the rest of the painting was completed two years later. However, the cheerful subject of flower and animal in pleasantly harmonized tonality did not convey any emotional anxiety concerning the foreign incursions, as if the artists were somehow disconnected from the turbulent time of the Qing Empire. Domestically, the growth of Chinese ‘national’ sentiment against the Manchu administration began to be revealed after the literary inquiry on Evidential Learning had reached its pinnacle in the early nineteenth century.8 Secret societies and rebel groups of various bearings sought to frustrate the Manchus. The White Lotus Rebellion (1796–1805) impaired the central administration’s financial capability. Following it nearly fifty years later was the Taiping Rebellion, which brought massive destruction from Guangxi to

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FIGURE 4.01 Fei Danxu, Zhang Xiong and Weng Luo, Peony and Raccoon Cat, 1843. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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the regions in the Yangtze River delta and heavily damaged Qing state power. In 1853, the Taiping Rebellion first took over Nanjing. The rebels came to Zhejiang for the eastern campaign under the leadership of Li Xiucheng (1823–64), devastated the Lake Tai area, Anji and Changxing in the autumn of 1859, and controlled Shaoxing in November 1861. In December of the same year, the Taiping army took over Ningbo and Hangzhou which meant the Jiangnan area – the hub of literary culture – was facing catastrophe.9 After the fall of these Jiangnan cities, many artists had to abandon their establishments and drifted to Shanghai’s foreign settlements and other unaffected places to seek protection. People lost their family due to famine and slaughter, and the struggle to survive was tough and distressing. One war followed another; the domestic upheavals impelled the central Manchu rule to renounce its policy and yielded greater freedom of action to the regional governors, most of whom were Han Chinese. The disruption of public and private art collections in the Lower Yangtze River was severe during the Taiping Rebellion. The important libraries, including the Tianyige Library in Ningpo, Wenlan’ge Library (Pavilion of Billowing Literature), Ding Bing’s (1832–99) Baqianjuanlou Library (Pavilion of Eight Thousand Books) and Wang Yuansun’s (1789–1835) family library Zhenqitang (Pavilion of Refreshing Beauty) in Hangzhou were destroyed by fire. Important collections of antiques, such as Monk Dashou’s Lütian’an (Green-Sky Hut) in Hangzhou, Zhang Tingji’s Qingyige (Pavilion of Tranquil Manner) in Jiaxing and Cheng Zhenjia’s Bieye tongguzhai (Mansion of Bronze and Stone Drum) in Shexian of Anhui discussed in Chapter 3 were mostly burned down. Guang Tingfen’s (1797– 1880) diary sorrowfully recorded the fate of Jiang Guangxu and his Biexiazhai (Studio of the Motivated Learner) collection: Jiang was a leading antiquarian-collector and a close contact of Ruan Yuan, Monk Dashou and Zhang Tingji. Soon after Jiang’s entire collection of over a hundred thousand books and numerous pieces of calligraphy, painting and antiques were smashed by the Taiping Rebellion in Haining of Zhejiang; he vomited blood and died in depression.10 Guan Tingfen further commented that after the Taiping troops raided Haining, the soldiers sent by the Qing government even targeted rich families and returned to rob them of their remaining property. Hence nine out of ten houses and shops were destroyed, and one could hardly find a place to settle; people were killed; young men were dragged away by the rebels and women were either kidnapped or committed suicide to avoid rape.11 In Hangzhou, people suffered from the shortage of food: six out of ten starved to death in the wars; and after the raid, half of the remainder died of the plague.12 Numerous lives of artists were shattered and art collections ended in misfortune during this cataclysm in what was once the most economically and culturally prosperous region. Among the elites depicted in Portrait of the Poetry Society of the Eastern Chamber, Tang Yifen (1778–1853), who

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was a master of the Changzhou School of Painting, committed suicide and drowned in the river when the Taiping troops entered Nanjing in 1853. Most of his family, including his wife Dong Wanzhen (1776–1851?), his son Tang Shouming (1802–46) and daughter Tang Jiaming (?–1853), who were famed for their artistic talent, also chose to end their lives in this disastrous period.13 Among the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou, Dai Xi (1801–60) drowned himself in a pond after losing a fight against the rebellion in Hangzhou in 1860. Seven members of Dai Xi’s family, including his grandmother, mother, siblings, nephew and daughter-in-law, committed suicide along with him.14 On the same occasion, Qian Song and five of his family members also committed suicide by taking poison.15 The monk-painter Xugu (1823–96), a native of Yangzhou, is said to have served in the army as an officer canjun fighting against the Taiping Rebellion. After the war, he was disturbed by intense feelings and became a monk, and was unwilling to mention his past to others.16 Numerous painters drifted from place to place and ended up in Shanghai. Ren Yi (known as Bonian, 1840–95) is said to have lost his father during the war when the Taiping troops invaded his hometown Shaoxing in 1861. The war not only destroyed his family but also, according to Ren Jin’s (1881–1936) ‘Remembering’, at the age of sixteen Ren Bonian was forced to work as a standard bearer for the Taiping army. Once, when Ren Jin was little and he drew a picture of two armies fighting, Ren Yi scolded him severely. Ren’s stressful wartime experiences meant that he could not bear to see any images of battles.17 Coming from the village of Anji of Zhejiang, Wu Changshi recalled that when he was seventeen he fled into the desolate mountains for two and half years, where skeletons piled up along the paths everywhere; there was no food, and even finding grass roots or bark was not easy. His fiancée stayed at a nearby village to look after the in-laws, and upon his return in 1862, when the conflict slightly eased, Wu’s mother pointed at an Osmanthus tree in the back yard and said to him, ‘That’s your fiancée buried there.’18 From then on he incessantly dreamt of having a reunion with his fiancée and such sentiments were expressed in many of his poems and personal seals.19 The seal Mingyue qianshen (Your Former Life was the Moon, 1909, Fig. 4.02) was carved in the great-seal script after still dreaming of his fiancée even thirty-seven years later. This line was derived from the Twenty-Four Classifications of Poetry (Ershisi shipin) by Sikong Tu (837–908), which was also adapted in Jin Nong’s poem ‘[I] finally realized that your former life was the moon ࿻⸕᰾ᴸᱟࡽ䓛’.20 In 1854 Qian Song, one of the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou, had carved a seal with the same legend Mingyue qianshen in clerical script after the style of a Han bronze seal.21 However, Wu Changshi’s treatment was different from Qian’s composition. Wu carved the four characters in seal script and his eighteencharacter inscription was engraved in standard script after Northern Wei style on one side of the seal body, both framed in grids; his fiancée’s figure

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FIGURE 4.02 Wu Changshi, Your Former Life was the Moon, 1909. Seal imprints, size unknown, Wu Changshi Memorial Museum.

was also carved on the other side. The arrangement of the text in a gridbased layout showed Wu’s affinity to the Qin and Han seals and seal clays, and the engraved figure and the long inscription on the seal body flaunted Wu’s homage to the Buddhist statues of the Northern Dynasties. Wu also named his dwelling ‘Fan jingwushi’ (Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds) to remind him of his painful wartime past. A sense of wretchedness and misery still haunted him in his late years. Sharing similar misfortune was the artist Zhao Zhiqian, who lost his family and was constantly driven further from home by the unsettling financial situations and wars. Born into a humble business family in Shaoxing, Zhao was able to enter the school when he was four, but in 1842, when he lost his mother, the family could no longer support his study, so Zhao taught himself by borrowing books from friends and neighbours.22 When he was seventeen, Zhao was fortunate to meet Shen Fucan (1779– 1850), a scholar with keen interests in bronze and stone studies. As Shen’s student, Zhao had access to his teacher’s rich collection of rubbings and rare

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books. He was inspired to develop his knowledge and aesthetic appreciation of ancient script forms found on the bronzes and stones, and applied them in his calligraphy and seal carving practices.23 Zhao Zhiqian received the xiucai and juren degrees in 1848 and 1859; however, for years he barely had enough food and only thin summer clothes to wear in cold winters.24 Like many scholars who received the official degrees in the late Qing, he was never awarded a proper, permanent position in the government owing to the corrupt and unstable political climate, and had to move constantly to where a job was provided. From about 1850, Zhao served for ten years as an administrator to Miu Zi (1807–60), a county governor in Zhejiang, in the fight against the Taiping Rebellion in Qüzhou and Changshan.25 After Miu was killed in a battle in the spring of 1860, Zhao left his post and moved back and forth between Wenzhou and Fuzhou for two years to find a living. In 1862, his wife and their second and third daughters passed away, but his hometown in Shaoxing was under such severe attack by the Taiping that he could not even cross the frontline for their funerals.26 His family collection, including an album of ten leaves by Li Gonglin (1049–1106) which had been held by the Zhao family for 191 years, was destroyed in the war.27 Plunged into deep sorrow, Zhao changed his name to Bei’an (Hut of Sadness) and vowed that he would not remarry.28 He carved the seal Bei’an (1862), referring to his state of mind, and the inscription ‘jiapo renwang ᇦ⹤Ӫӑ’ (home broken, family gone) carved on the side of this seal further marked his grief at his family’s heart-rending deaths.29 He also described in the inscription of the seal Shengfeng Yao Shun jun buren bianyongjue (Born in a time of Emperors Yao and Shun, I cannot bear to be separated by death, 1862) how the pain was so great that he lost the desire to live at the age of thirty-four, yet he had to stay alive due to the responsibility of looking after the remainder of his family.30 To pray for his deceased family, Zhao carved the seal Canjing yangnian (Nurturing Life through Reciting Sutras, 1864, Fig. 4.03), accompanied by an image of a Bodhisattva in relief on the side, after the style of Northern Wei Buddhist steles.31 It was the first time that an image was carved on the side of a seal stone to complement the text; this novel treatment was later adopted by Zhao’s followers. Zhao Zhiqian and Wu Changshi treated seal carving as autobiography: lament, emotion and memory prevailed starkly in the inscriptions carved on the side of small square personal seals, which the artists could carry around during their constant moves. Each individual’s life experience of drifting around hopelessly in the wars and the personal trauma of losing their homes and loved ones became a shared collective memory. However, other than in their writings and other inscriptions on seals and albums of rubbings, this tension and desolation did not prevail outwardly in other visual works and painting. The artists’ inner and physical worlds obviously had drastic breakdowns, which has made it even more curious for us to consider why

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FIGURE 4.03 Zhao Zhiqian, Nurturing Life through Reciting Sutras, 1864. Seal imprints on paper, private collection. such obliteration was not conveyed more perceptibly in their visual creativity. Or did the impact of trauma affect their artistic creation in ways that did not take the form of negative emotion, but were subtly transformed into incentives that impelled artists to find alternative expressions in art from within? Zhao more than once wrote about his disgust at the Taiping Rebellion’s destruction of cultural heritage in south-east China: Hong Xiuquan from Guang[xi] has brought distress to the south-east for over ten years. Wherever the rebels reached there was killing and robbery; the rebels’ loathing for the Classics and books led to the burning down or complete destruction of libraries and private collections. The rebels believed in their own god, hence they desecrated temples of other beliefs and scratched whatever steles and stone monuments they encountered. If scraping the surface were not enough to mutilate it, they would dismantle

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the whole stone. In the past, people devoted their wealth, time and effort to collect those valuable objects with meaningful inscriptions; now they have suddenly been shattered or reduced to ashes. Objects that survived are rare, only ten in a thousand.32 ㋥䋺⍚⿰‫ޘ‬ᬮᶡইॱᒤˈᡰ䙾ࣛ⇪ˈᜑ㏃㉽᮷ᆇˈ㾻㚊㯿㘵⚛ѻˈ⚛н 䏣をѻDŽфཹཨᮉˈ⇰ᔏᆷˈᗇ⻁⸣Ⲷ᫢ѻˈнਟ᫢ࢳѻˈ᫺⺾ѻDŽ ᱄Ӫㄝ䠁䥒ᰕ࣋ᴹѻˈԕ⛪བྷ᮷ཷሦ㘵ˈ丳࡫⚠⠬ˈᒨ㘼ᆈ㘵ˈॳ❑ ॱ✹DŽ The Taiping Rebellion also influenced the cultural ambience and collecting practice in the Yangtze River delta. Guan Tingfen considered that the changing collecting trend was because, ‘due to the Taiping Rebellion, the world tends to place greater value on material properties, such as gold and silk, and to treat painting and calligraphy rather lightly. Because a majority of the art collections in southeast China were destroyed by fire, who would be able to discuss the masterpieces of Song and Yuan paintings any more? 㠚ᇷҲԕֶˈцⲶ䟽䠁ᑋ㘼䌔ᴨ⮛ˈᶡই᭦㯿ॺ↨а⛜ˈ䃠ᗙ 䄆ᆻ‫ݳ‬਽䒏˛’33 On a different aspect, while the famous steles, painting and calligraphy collected in south China prior to the Taiping Rebellion were destroyed, the collectors were more inclined to collect bronze vessels, Buddhist sculptures, coins and other unearthed objects from the burials and ruins that were largely preserved in the north. It is notable that a wider range of antiquities were appreciated. Scholars and artists rapidly shifted their attention from the steles of the Han to those of the Northern Dynasties, in particular to the Northern Wei steles and Buddhist sculptures. The market value of the surviving rubbings of lost objects was soaring.

4.2 Life of Jinshi Objects after the Taiping Rebellions The incursion of French and British troops in the second Opium War led to the sack of the Summer Palace in 1860; nonetheless, Beijing in the north was relatively prosperous and vibrant in comparison to the distressed south. Intellectuals gathered to share their views on new acquisitions of antiques, and the demand for collecting art was as fervent as ever. While the Taiping Rebellion devastated the Yangtze River delta, many intellectuals like Zhao Zhiqian were still hopeful of gaining a more comfortable material life by securing an official job through the national examinations. Zhao journeyed to Beijing from Wenzhou via the sea route in the spring of 1863 to enter the national examinations, though he failed them all in two consecutive years. To provide himself with a basic living, he began to sell calligraphy and painting on a regular basis, and continued to carve seals for his scholarly

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friends. His calligraphy was much appreciated and even made good profits.34 After failing the examination four times, he spent one thousand seven hundred liang to obtain an official position by making a donation to the government (juanzi naguan). He was then awarded a position as the chief editor of the Gazetteer of Jiangxi (Jiangxi tongzhi) in Nanchang in 1872,35 for which he finally received a stable monthly salary of sixty silver liang.36 He was later assigned new jobs in 1881 and 1884 as Magistrate of Fengxin and Nancheng on the border between Jiangxi and Fujian to support the Qing army fighting against the French incursion in Fuzhou. Even with a secure job, the salary could not meet his monthly expenses of at least eighty to ninety liang, since he had to repay his debts and give numerous handouts and money to the bereaved at funerals to maintain a good social network among the local gentry.37 In his nineteen letters to a relative, Shu Nan (known as Meipu, act. c. 1870s), a pawnshop owner in Hangzhou with whom he frequently discussed private financial and family matters, Zhao was always worried about sourcing enough money to meet his own expenses and the requests from the larger family members back in his hometown in Shaoxing. Shu also arranged money transactions for Zhao from time to time.38 Zhao continued to take commissions for calligraphy, painting and writing epitaphs to cover these necessities. A piece of calligraphy for a Cantonese client could earn him twenty liang, a sum equivalent to a third of his monthly salary!39 However, for the first eight years in Nanchang he was too occupied by trivial administrative work to find time for reading.40 In a letter dated 1882 to Xu Jiren (act. c. 1860–80s), the Governor of Hangzhou, Zhao complained that too many people from Hangzhou were requesting paintings through Xu. He asked Xu to decline any further requests because he had neither the right mood nor inspiration for painting. He also moaned about the official residence being too small even to accommodate a large enough table for painting; the cramped space only allowed him to be a governor, not a painter, he complained.41 Throughout his life and until his burial in Hangzhou in 1884, Zhao Zhiqian was constantly in financial distress.42 Zhao’s unsettled circumstances were not unique, and many identical life experiences can be found among his peers and intellectuals. During these years of being a wanderer, Zhao Zhiqian made many contacts, including Ding Wenwei (1827–90, native of Zhejiang), He Cheng (act. 1850–88), Wei Xizeng (known as Jiasun, 1828–81), Shen Shuyong (know as Junchu, 1832– 73), Ren Xiong (known as Weichang, 1823–57), and fellow calligrapherofficials Zhou Baishan (1820–63), Hu Peixi (1813–88), Hu Shu (1825–72), Jiang Shi (1818–66), Wang Jinyu (act. c. 1840–70s), Dai Wang (1837–73) and Pan Zuyin (1830–90).43 Among them, Hu Shu, Shen Shuyong and Wei Xizeng became Zhao’s life-long friends, sharing his passion for calligraphy, seal carving, painting and Evidential Learning. The archive of Zhao Zhiqian’s letters to friends, colleagues and family provides valuable insights to understand the intellectual activities, artistic

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trends and dealings in antiquities in the late Qing. To date, five hundred and seventy-nine letters collected in public museums in China and seventy-four letters in collections in Japan have been identified.44 Often in these letters between Zhao and his friends, readers can easily detect their deep friendship: they discussed and swapped stones, seal imprints and rubbings with enthusiasm and exhilaration; temper, bad humour and even abrasive swearwords delivered in letters were only for close friends who knew each other well and would not take offence. Their letters also gave important accounts of the antique market and the regional differences of art prices. For instance, small Buddhist bronze sculptures dated in the Wuping era (570– 76) of the Northern Qi (550–77) and the Kaihuang era (581–600) of the Sui (581–619) would sell for two hundred silver liang. The price of a rubbing of the Stele of Ode of Praise to the Western Gorge (Xixiasong, 171) was eight silver liang. Thirty silver liang was asked for a rubbing of the Stele of Liu Xiong (Liu Xiong bei) on account of its rarity; and the album of rubbings of Stone Steles of the Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty formerly collected by Huang Yi with colophons by Weng Fanggang (discussed in Chapter 2) was valued at two hundred silver liang in Zhejiang in 1864; both rubbings were acquired by Shen Shuyong, from whom Zhao borrowed the rubbings and made copies.45 Zhao Zhiqian also collected and sold rubbings to earn extra income when cash was badly needed; for instance when Zhao’s servant stole all his money in the summer of 1866, he had to sell thirty-seven rubbings. With each rubbing reduced from thirty to sixteen silver liang, he could secure some quick cash to live on; and the rare rubbing of Tang Dynasty Tile with Inscription ‘Qi Ying’ (Tang Qi Ying wazaoxiang) was sold for twenty silver liang to Jiang Zhengpu (1813–81), one of the richest people in Hunan.46 To give an indication of how rubbings were appreciated, a letter from Zhao Zhiqian to Pan Zuyin includes a price list of various objects: Jun ware from Qingbi collection [of the Yuan artist Ni Zan (1301–74)]: twenty-two silver liang; seal stones: ten thousand copper wen; porcelain cup with pine and bamboo painting from the Yuan dynasty: five silver liang; mounting of paintings: twelve thousand copper wen; rare books from Baoming [eleven books in total]: twenty-five silver liang, for which I provide a detailed account separately.47 ␵䯏䡎ミҼॱҼ‫ˈޙ‬ঠ⸣ॱॳDŽ ᶮㄩ‫⬧ݳ‬ᶟӄ‫ˈޙ‬㼡⮛‫ॱޡ‬ҼॳDŽ ሦ਽ᴨ䃚ᇊ‫ޡ‬Ҽॱӄ‫ˈޙ‬ਖᴹ㍠ᑣDŽ Additionally, a Tang dynasty hand-copied sutra was sold for fifteen silver liang to Pan Zuyin through the dealing of Zhao Zhiqian in 1864. The information concerning market prices suggests that rubbings were valued the same or even much higher than authentic pieces of ancient calligraphy

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and antiquities.48 From over one hundred and fifteen letters from Zhao Zhiqian to Pan Zuyin, it seems that Zhao acted as an art dealer responsible for sourcing, authenticating and purchasing rare books and antiquities for Pan Zuyin, Shen Shuyong and fellow friends during the 1860s.49 The items Zhao sourced for other people were recorded in his books Extended Record of ‘Visiting Steles in the Whole World’ (Bu Huanyu fangbei lu, 1864), Alternative Written Characters from the Six Dynasties (Liuchao bieziji, 1864) and his seal catalogue Catalogue of Ancient Seals from the Bronze Drum Book Dwelling (Tonggu shutang jigu yinpu, 1863). In return for Zhao’s service and friendship, Pan Zuyin gave Zhao one hundred silver liang towards the expense of making a donation to receive an official position in the government in Jiangxi.50 It is also remarkable to find that artworks were being sold more expensively in the south than in Beijing. For instance, around 1864 in Beijing Zhao acquired a painting by Qian Du (1764–1845) for Pan Zuyin for which he charged only eight silver liang; it would have cost at least twenty in Hangzhou.51 Zhao also constantly mentioned that after the Taiping Rebellion the price for antiques in Zhejiang could be ten times more expensive than in Beijing.52 By displacing artists and art collections, the distress brought by war ultimately distinguished the artistic approaches in the twilight of the Qing Empire from those that had preceded them. Co-compiled by Zhao Zhiqian and his friends, the two albums of rubbings in Fu Yili’s (1827–98) collection entitled Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin (The Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity, c. 1862) served as exemplars of the changing content and widened sphere of antique collecting. The various colophons of scholars composed between the 1860s and 1880s indicate that Fu carried the two albums with him throughout his moves in Hebei, Hunan, Fujian, Guangdong and Zhejiang provinces. Gong Xianzeng (1841–85), a scholar of the Hanlin Academy, stated in the preface that the purpose of collating the two albums of rubbings was to pursue the scholarship exemplified by Lü Dalin’s Illustrated Investigation of Antiquities (Kaogu tu, 1092), Xue Shanggong’s (act. Twelfth century) Model Inscriptions from Ritual Bronzes from Successive Dynasties (Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanshi fatie, 1144) and Wang Fu’s (1079–1126) Catalogue of Antiquarian Studies in the Xuanhe Era (Xuanhe bogutu, 1107–25).53 These contributors considered the importance of bronze weapons, knife money, coins, measures, belts, architectural remains with incised characters, seal clays, Buddhist chimes and metal Buddhist sculptures, all of which had been somewhat neglected by earlier collectors and scholars. Gong also noted that their collected antiquities covered a greater variety and extended timeline, surpassing what had been studied by Zhao Mingcheng and Ouyang Xiu of the Song dynasty. On the first leaf of the rubbing of jümo (bronze bow fitting) from the late Zhou period, in his inscription in 1863 Hu Shu wrote that ‘this [jümo] I

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once saw was formerly collected in Cheng Zhenjia’s Xingutang (Hall of Trusting the Past) from my native town [in Anhui] . . . The antiquities Cheng [Zhenjia] collected were magnificent; this [jümo] was one of them.54 In the Taiping wars, Cheng’s collection was demolished. On seeing the rubbing of this object, I also mourn for my perished hometown. ↔Ӗ⛪੮䜹〻∿ؑ ਔาᡰ㯿ˈᴙᴮ㾻ѻ〻∿᭦㯿ਔಘ⭊ᇼˈ↔ަа㙁DŽ‫ޥ‬ѻ佈ˈ䴦㩭 ↶ⴑDŽⶩᤃᵜѻ⍱ۣˈᛢ᭵䜹ѻ␚௚DŽ’55 Hu first lamented the shattered collection of Cheng Zhenjia after the Taiping Rebellion; his long inscription continued to identify the incised characters on the object with a reference to Ruan Yuan’s study and another account in the Classics. The seal imprints in these two albums are intertwined with the rubbing and enhance its visual immediacy. For instance the seal imprints of ‘Zhao Zhiqian yin’ (Seal of Zhao Zhiqian), ‘Qian’ and ‘Jiasun shoutuo’ (Rubbing Made by [Wei] Jiasun’s Hand) carved by Zhao Zhiqian were intentionally stamped in the empty spaces of the rubbing of coins with the inscribed date ‘Daguan tongbao’ (1107–10, Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song) and relief in the centre. A collection of seals in various shapes was thoughtfully arranged to form a balanced, symmetrical impression around the rubbings of a Buddhist sculpture dated from the third year of the Kaihuang era of the Sui dynasty (583) (Fig. 4.04). Those seal imprints served as the ‘visual peritext’ that provided decoration to the determined social practice of antiquarian communities.56 It is worth noting that the juxtaposition of seals and rubbings represented a new trend in scholarly art. Derived from Evidential Learning,

FIGURE 4.04 Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity, c. 1862. Detail, leaf 19 of album 2, ink rubbing and red seal imprints on paper, private collection

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nineteenth-century antiquarian-artists, such as Deng Shiru and the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou, paid more attention to seal carving; their choice of styles of the scripts on the seals often paid homage to bronze seals and calligraphy from the Qin to Northern Dynasties. The seal played an important part in artistic composition, becoming part of the ‘Four Accomplishments’ along with painting, calligraphy and poetry.

4.3 Antiquarian Approaches to Seal Carving As noted in Zhao’s forty-eight letters to Wei Xizeng, Zhao often carved seals for Wei in exchange for rubbings and powdered tobacco for snuff taking; Wei also introduced friends who wished to have painting, calligraphy and seals made by Zhao.57 Zhao charged fifty qian per character in seal script and he took commissions of ten seals each time from Wei and their close contacts to gain extra income during the years of hardship in the early 1860s.58 Although the fee for carving a seal was rather small in comparison to calligraphy and painting, the numerous seals carved by Zhao Zhiqian that survive today indicate a high demand for Zhao’s seals and an established reputation before 1870. Wei Xizeng appreciated the seal art of Zhao Zhiqian so much that he compiled Zhao’s seal imprints into the catalogue Seal Imprints from the Hall of Two Golden Butterflies (Erjin dietang yinpu, 1864) and asked the renowned seal artist Wu Xizai to write the preface for this publication.59 The catalogue became an important source for studying Zhao’s seal art, since his early works were mostly destroyed in the wars. At the opening of the catalogue, Zhao Zhiqian wrote the title piece ‘Jiasun duoshi ぬᆛཊһ’ ([Wei] Jiasun is meddlesome) and a long inscription, which reads: Jiasun spent half of the year collecting my seal imprints, hand-copying poems and looking everywhere for my scattered work, to ensure that one day [my name as a seal carver] would not be forgotten or unnoticed. His kindness was profound. Nevertheless, my skill in seal carving, poetry and writing was a gift from Heaven to keep me alive; yet they are not the reasons why I was given a life in this world by my parents. These four characters are a forewarning to myself.60 ぬᆛㄝॺ䔹ᗳ࣋⛪ᡁ䳶ঠはˈᢴ䂙ˈ㫀ᮓỴ᮷ᆇˈ∄ᯬ᧙僬෻㜄ˈ᜿ࡷ ৊⸓DŽ❦Ԕᡁа⭏࡫ঠ䌖䂙ᆨ᮷ᆇˈപཙᡰԕ⍫ᡁˈ㘼ᯬᡁ⡦⇽⭏ᡁѻ ᜿བྷᛆ⸓DŽᴨഋᆇԕܶѻDŽ Hu Shu also pointed out that Zhao Zhiqian’s aim was to be a useful scholar with a political career; hence Zhao considered seal carving as literary play at leisure.61 That might be the reason why Zhao stopped carving seals

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when he was forty-four (1872), the year he left Beijing for a stable job in Jiangxi. For the next ten years, he did not pick up the seal-carving knife until Pan Zuyin asked him to carve the seal Cilantang (Hall of Awarded Orchid, 1882) to mark the honour when the Empress Dowager Cixi (1852–1908) twice awarded Pan the orchid paintings in 1882; this is known as the last seal Zhao Zhiqian made.62 With the elevated status of seal art, the function of seals was versatile: seals were used not only as practical devices, but also for commemorating special occasions and connoting one’s status, reputation and emotions. Although Zhao seemed to regard seal carving as an insignificant talent derived from his passion for antiquarian art and evidential studies, his short-lived career as a seal carver brought a refreshing breath to the seal art, and his technique has been influential on seal carvers from his time to the present day. Zhao stated that when he was young he studied the seal carving technique of Chen Hongshou and later noticed the weakness of his style.63 Inspired by his study of over three thousand imprints of ancient seals in his Catalogue of Ancient Seals from the Bronze Drum Book Dwelling (1863), Zhao Zhiqian designed numerous seals after the style of the Han and Northern Wei models. In the ‘Preface’ of Catalogue of Ancient Seals from the Bronze Drum Book Dwelling, Zhao Zhiqian noted that his study was based on Seals from the Western Pavilion Collection (Xiting yinzuan), Selected Bronze Seals from the Han Dynasty (Han tongyin xuan, 1825) by Guo Zhiting (active 1820–50s), Authenticated Ancient Seals from the Qiangshutang Collection (Qiangshutang jiancun guyin) by Gao Zhixi (1655–1719), and the album of rubbings made by Tong Yu (1721–82) of the Zhu family ancient seal collection in Beijing. Those collections of seal imprints from pre-Tang relics opened a new door for him in seal carving.64 Hu Shu also commented on Zhao’s approach to seal carving: ‘He first studied the style of Longhong [Ding Jing, 1695–1765] and later followed Wanbai’s [Deng Shiru, 1743–1805] approach. Hence Zhao was able to combine the Huipai [Anhui School of seal carving from Anhui represented by Deng Shiru] and the Zhepai [Zhejiang School of seal carving from Zhejiang represented by Ding Jing] in order to pursue the essence of the Qin and Han seals. ࡍሺ喽 ⌃ >бᮜ@ ᰒᆨᆼⲭ>䝗⸣ྲ@ˈᖼѳਸᗭ⎉‫ޙ‬⍮ˈ࣋䘭〖╒DŽ’65 Ding Jing and Chen Hongshou both came from Zhepai, and mainly used the qiedao (cutting blade) technique for seal carving: one holds the knife vertically upright, points the knife at one end of the stroke and cuts forward along the line. Strength was applied directly from wrist to knife to cut one line after another on the face of the stone without a pre-drafted sketch. Hence the strokes would be executed in a mixture of short and long cuts at variable speed during the movement. It emphasized a rhythmic and recurring action, which transmitted the strength of the wrist; each cut should connect naturally to the previous one.66 The visual effect of bramble and prickly strokes was amplified in the double-faced seal Cizi shamen, Nanping

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mingzhong (The Monk Awarded the Purple Silk Garment, Reviving [Buddhism] in Mt Nanping, 1758, Fig. 4.05) by Ding Jing.67 Each line appears with irregular edges so as to mimic the effect of wear in the carved inscriptions on ancient bronzes and steles. Such visual effects aimed to convey a strong indebtedness to the artists’ antiquarian learning and their gift of ingenious jinshi style. Proffering curved and fluent lines, Deng Shiru of Huipai (or Wanpai) applied the chongdao (brash blade) technique to his seal carving: by holding the knife sideways, the angled knife would be pushed into the stone speedily and unceasingly by the power of both wrist and fingertips. The engraved lines, as exemplified in Deng’s seal guhuan (Enjoy the Pursuit of Antiquity, undated, Fig. 4.06), are cleanly elongated, flowing, tense and stretched to represent suppleness and elasticity. Deng Shiru claimed ‘yin cong shu chu ঠᗎᴨࠪ’, emphasizing that the quality of the seal carving is judged by one’s knowledge of the ancient script system and his training in calligraphy.68 Familiar with both schools, Zhao Zhiqian produced two seals for Wang Lüyuan (act. 1830–50s): the seal Jihuan (Fig. 4.07, 1857) followed Deng’s

FIGURE 4.05 Ding Jing, The Monk Awarded the Purple Silk Garment, Reviving [Buddhism] in Mount Nanping, 1758. Seal imprint, private collection.

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FIGURE 4.06 Deng Shiru, Enjoy the Pursuit of Antiquity, undated. Seal, 2.3 x 2.2 x 6.9 cm, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Hangzhou. approach which is eloquent and lengthened; the other seal, Wang Lüyuan (Fig. 4.08, 1857), adopted the style of Zhejiang School masters Huang Yi and Jiang Ren, which represented a weighty structure through thickened strokes in imitation of Han bronze seals.69 Yet Zhao was inclined to emphasize the prickly strokes in seal carving, because he realized that ‘The marvellous characteristics of the bronze seals of the Han dynasty did not lie in their bramble effect but in their torrential forcefulness. ╒䢵ঠ࿉㲅ˈ н൘ᯁ俱㘼൘⑮৊DŽ’70 Zhao’s seal carving had benefited from his study of steles, but he also learned from other ancient seals, ‘yin nei qiu yin ঠ‫ޗ‬ ≲ঠ’, and found inspiration from other forms of antiquity, ‘yin wai qiu yin ঠཆ≲ঠ’.71 The latter approach coincides with the widened sphere of antiquity in Zhao’s time as he sought for inspirations for his seals from the stone drums, zhaoban (official announcement plates) and bronze weights of the Qin dynasty, bronze mirrors, lamps and bricks from the Han dynasty, and coins from the Six Dynasties to the Song dynasty.72 Such adaptation of diversified styles has earned Zhao a unique place in Chinese art history. Shen Shuyong praised Zhao for being the first ‘in six hundred years to create a new path for seal artists ⛪‫Ⲯޝ‬ᒤֶ⁵ঠᇦ・а䮰ᡦ’.73

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FIGURE 4.07 Zhao Zhiqian, Jihuan, 1857. Seal imprint, size and provenance unknown, private collection.

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FIGURE 4.08 Zhao Zhiqian, Wang Lüyuan, 1857. Seal imprint, size unknown, private collection.

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FIGURE 4.09 Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865. Seal, Qingtian stone, 4.8 x 4.8 x 5.3 cm, Jinmotang Foundation, Hong Kong.

The seal Wei wudoumi zheyao (Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865, Fig. 4.09/Plate 14) marked Zhao Zhiqian’s maturity in seal art. Zhao applied Deng Shiru’s chongdao technique to carve this seal, hence the lines were eloquent and firm, conveying a sturdy balance between the curved and straight, and the sloping and upright poised strokes. He arched the straight lines of the character yao (㾱 [㞠]) on either side and joined them with the central body, hence the form was almost figural, like a

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man standing with limbs akimbo. The character zhe (ᣈ) on the same seal faithfully followed Deng’s composition in Dizizhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples, 1804, Fig. 4.10/Plate 15) in small-seal script.74 The multiple directions of carved marks are visible around the character mi (㊣), indicating that Zhao might have adapted the shuangdao (dual/multiple-direction carving) technique which was to carve out each stroke from a single direction and keep turning the seal stone during the process.75 There was no showy crumbliness to mimic the epigraphic effect and the characters were interconnected within a framed border, which utilized Zhao’s own appreciation of the Han seals. Although the style of the seal could be roughly categorized as small-seal script, the composition of these characters was inspired by various sources of antiquity with Zhao’s own creative touches. The character wei (⛪) of Zhao’s seal took its form from the inscribed characters, Guqian weizhi (making a living by drumming) (Fig. 4.10) on dou jianfeng, the seal to certify an official document of the Han, which he had seen in the first album of Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity (c. 1862).76 Zhao extended and slanted the downward strokes on the lower part of this character, echoing the needle-shaped feet of Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven (Fig. 2.14) of the Wu Kingdom. As noted by himself in the inscription on the seal stone, this work could be

FIGURE 4.10 (left to right). Deng Shiru, Dizi zhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples), 1804. Detail of ‘Zhe’ (ᣈ), rubbing of the model-copybook; Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865; The characters ‘Guqian weizhi’ (making a living by drumming) inscribed on dou jianfeng, the seal to certificate official document, Han dynasty. In Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin (Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity), c. 1862. Detail, leaf 4 of album 1, ink rubbing and red seal imports on paper, private collection.

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read as a satire of Zhao’s life against Tao Yuanming’s (365–427) famous statement of ‘not’ bowing to the superior in order to collect his scanty pay, when Tao resigned from his post as the Magistrate of Pengze. Wu Changshi saw Zhao’s influence on creating new contexts and designs for seal carving. To mark his own unsuccessful political career, Wu Changshi also carved the seal Qiguan xian Pengzeling wushiri (After Being Magistrate of Pengze for Fifty Days, Resignation was the First Choice, 1909) and three versions of the seal Yiyue Andongling (Magistrate of Andong County for One Month) around 1910 to pay tribute to Tao Yuanming and Zhao Zhiqian.77 In 1899, after being a Magistrate of Andong County in Jiangsu province for just one month, Wu Changshi could not stand the corruption and resigned from the post. Ten years later these seals were made to commemorate his determination to give up a political career. The inscription of the 1909 seal stated that Wu Changshi resigned from his official post in protest against the unprincipled officialdom after thirty days, which was shorter than Tao Yuanming’s record of being the Magistrate of Pengze for eighty days. The inscription also referenced Tao Yuanming’s reclusive garden of chrysanthemum, which reads: ‘It is not worth investing time on political career, upon my returning home in the autumn, the footpaths were covered by overgrown pine trees and chrysanthemums. ᇈ⭠ぞ〛н䏣≲ˈ↨ֶйᗁ ᶮ䷐⿻’. Wu declared his self-esteem and honesty through this allusion. The lines of the characters varied in density. The length and shape of each stroke lent a vigorous dimension to the viewer’s visual experience. Zhao Zhiqian once carved a seal Yinnü (Slave to Seals, undated, Fig. 4.11) for Wei Xizeng, joking that both Wei and Zhao were slaves to seals.78 To make a sarcastic statement about their own situations, Wu Changshi also carved the seal Huanü (Slave to Painting, 1886, Fig. 4.12) for Ren Yi after Zhao Zhiqian’s style: the artists had to sell their talent in painting in commercial way to earn a living!79 The character nü in small-seal script in Wu’s work is almost identical with that in Zhao’s composition; both seals were dedicated to their artist friends, delivering a self-deprecating humour. In addition, both artists also added poetic inscriptions on the side to enhance the readers’ feelings. The achievement of Zhao Zhiqian and his fellow artists was to give life and scholarly sophistication to seal carving. Inspired by the seal carvers of Hangzhou, Zhao Zhiqian treated seal stone as a form of antiquity and added long inscriptions on the side, mimicking the incised inscriptions mingwen on the bronze vessels which commemorated the event of making them. He carved these long inscriptions on the sides of seals in the standard script of the Northern Wei style. Such modification amplified his concept of ‘knife-cutting the inscriptions on the seal stone after the knife-cut characters from the Northern Wei steles ԕ࠰᪩࠰’.80 On these mingwen inscriptions on seals, Zhao Zhiqian and other late Qing seal carvers forthrightly recorded their personal experiences, addressed their friendship with the seal owners,

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FIGURE 4.11 Zhao Zhiqian, Slave to Seals, undated. Seal imprint, private collection.

projected their strong opinions on contemporary art trends and political situations, and conducted scholarly debates, as if they were writing a personal letter to the recipient through an intimate and almost invisible medium. By asserting mingwen as ‘peritext’ to the seals, it gives a selfexplanation as well as the space for further interpretation of artistic incentives.81 The treatment of adding personal and artful inscriptions to seals elevated the status of seal art to become part of the literary recreation. The practice of the ‘Four Accomplishments’ indeed enriched the scholarly expression in the paintings by the Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou. To acquire further a distinctive jinshiqi (aura of bronze and stone) in painting and to break away from the orthodox canon of the Four Wangs, an application of the personalized, forceful Northern Wei calligraphic brushwork to seals, calligraphy and painting was vital in this process of renovation.

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FIGURE 4.12 Wu Changshi, Slave to Painting, 1886. Seal imprint, private collection.

4.4 New Brush Mode Derived from Northern Wei Calligraphy Zhao’s seal carving has been widely regarded and achieved its maturity as early as 1864; his calligraphy only began to show significant changes in the mid-1860s. Pan Zuyin noted that when Zhao began to study script systems and semantics, he first approached the seal script, clerical script and bafen, gradually moved to the standard script in the Northern Wei style and then applied his learning in seal carving and calligraphy to painting.82 This shift also reflected a major development in the sources of learning for the Stele School in the second half of the nineteenth century. Kang Youwei considered that the greatest achievement of Zhao Zhiqian, Deng Shiru and Bao Shichen was to invigorate Chinese calligraphy by revisiting the style of the Six Dynasties steles.83 However, he could also be critical:

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Zhao Huishu [Zhao Zhiqian] formed his own style through his studies of the Northern Wei [calligraphy]. Nonetheless, his [writing] is weak due to a lack of energy. Following Zhao, many people adored and imitated the calligraphy style after the Northern Dynasties steles. Until now, their copies have been overly decadent and soft, like effeminate songs. This is the fault of Zhao Huishu. 䏉ᫍ਄ᆨे兿ˈӖ㠚ᡀᇦˈն≓億咻ᕡˈӺཙлཊ䀰े⻁ˈ㘼ⴑ⛪䶑䶑 ѻ丣ˈࡷ䏉ᫍ਄ѻ㖚ҏDŽ84 Kang’s criticism has been challenged by his contemporaries and considered inaccurate due to his limited access to Zhao’s later works. Zhao’s calligraphy, for instance Couplet for Pan Zuyin (1881), Couplet for Zhang Mingke (1882) and Calligraphy after Zheng Xibo’s White Horse Valley for Dong Juexuan (1883, Fig. 4.13), remodelled Northern Wei calligraphy in his own writing.85 In this work after Zheng Xibo, his brushwork emphasized the

FIGURE 4.13 Zhao Zhiqian, Calligraphy after Zheng Xibo’s White Horse Valley for Dong Juexuan, 1883. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 167 x 95 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou.

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sharp-edged knife-cut effect at every corner and every turn. Each stroke was evenly positioned, conveying a sense of the sturdily controlled and selfassured manner of the Northern Wei stele, yet the left- and right-slanting strokes retained a fluidity and transient quality derived from the bafenshu script. At the beginning of every stroke, Zhao applied the technique of rolling back the brush tip to hide the spiky dash, a technique that was indebted to the method of writing the seal script.86 Spontaneity was transmitted through a combination of fleeting strokes of full force and prickly strokes of the flying white effect (feibai). Zhao’s revision of Northern Wei calligraphy was neither decadent nor feeble as Kang had claimed. Zhao Zhiqian’s work also reflected his approach of revitalizing the running and standard scripts by combining the techniques he learned from various script systems seen on a wider range of antiquities. On his learning of calligraphy, Zhao stated in Zhang’an zashuo (Miscellanea from Zhang’an, 1861): Before I was twenty I wrote five hundred words a day following the modelcalligraphy book of Stele of Family Shrine [by Yan Zhenqing] and felt my effort was in vain. Hence, I acquired whatever ancient model-copy books were available and attempted to learn from them; still there was no gain. Not until I saw a dozen characters of Shangu’s (Huang Tingjian) large calligraphy, did I feel inspired. Later, I copied the Shimenming (Inscription on the Stone Gate, dated 509, in Shaanxi), the tendency of my brushwork immediately changed; I felt the vulgarity in my old writing gradually wear off. Even then, I still have not tried to learn Shangu’s style.87 ։൘Ҽॱ↢ࡽᆨljᇦᔏ⻁NJˈᰕማӄⲮᆇˈ❑ᡰᗇDŽ䙽≲ਔᑆⲶ⎹а 䙾ˈӖнᗇDŽᖼᯬа৻Ӫᇦ㾻ኡ䉧བྷᆇⵏ䐑→ॱ佈ˈ㤕ᴹᡰᛏDŽ‫ڦ‬㠘lj ⸣䮰䣈NJˈㅶऒ乃⮠ˈ㿪ᗎࡽ؇僘╨⼘╨৫DŽ❦։ᵚేᆨኡ䉧аᆇDŽ Zhao began his learning of standard script after the style of Tang master Yan Zhenqing (709–85). It was not until he found inspiration in Huang Tingjian’s (1045–1105) running script with its fluid movement and poignant temperament, and his final discovery of the elegant calligraphy of the Inscription on the Stone Gate of the Northern Wei dynasty, that he was able to utilize the brushwork and avoid all the vulgarities seen in his own earlier works. Traces of his learning from model-copy books of calligraphy was visible in his early work, Yue Zhongwuwang Huayan yuan ju (Poem of Temple of Avatamsaka Sutra by Duke Yue of Loyalty and Martial Art [Yue Fei, 1103– 42], undated).88 In this work the characters were in rectangular shape, showing fullness in each stroke, which is reminiscent of Yan’s style. This work indicated Zhao’s learning from the earlier master and his personal preference in the manner of intensity and strength, yet his individual characteristic has not yet been formed. The shift from model-copy books to steles became noticeable

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FIGURE 4.14 Zhao Zhiqian, After Fan Zhongfu’s Poem, Cave of Duke Cen of the Song Dynasty, 1858. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, private collection.

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only in his work Lin Song Cengongdong timing (After Fan Zhongfu’s Poem, Cave of Duke Cen of the Song Dynasty, 1858, Fig. 4.14). The characters were evenly proportioned giving a sense of modesty, gentleness and rational composition. The strokes are finely executed showing a carefully planned manner, however the tendency to shrink and raise the radical on the left and lowering the right, as in the characters xian ጤ and yu ௫, begins to indicate the effect of his learning of clerical script from the pre-Tang steles. One of the earliest examples of Zhao’s calligraphy in small-seal script after the style of the Qin stele to have survived was dated the third month of 1862, in the title piece that Zhao inscribed for Jiang Shi’s Fuyutang shilu (1862, Collection of Poems from the Studio of Drumming Instrument, Fig. 4.15), published when they were both in Fuzhou. Using centre-pointed brushwork, each stroke was vertically elongated in a highly controlled manner. A similar style is seen in the album Yishan Zhuanshu ce (Album of Calligraphy in Seal Script after the ‘Stone Carving in Mount Yi’, 1862) composed in the autumn of the same year for his student Qian Shi (1847–?),

FIGURE 4.15 Zhao Zhiqian, Title piece for Jiang Shi, Fuyutang shilu (Collection of Poems from the Studio of Drumming Instrument), 1862. Rare book, 18.5 x 12.4 cm. Auctioned by the China Guardian, 10–20 June 2018, Lot 2313.

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the son of Qian Song. In the inscription Zhao stated that the ‘Stone Carving of Mount Yi’ (219 BCE) was already lost during the Northern Wei period, and that what has been handed down to his time was a copy by Zheng Wenbao (953–1013), a rather faint and dull version. Deng Shiru, who understood the aesthetic and structural system of scripts through the steles, restored the essence of the pre-Tang script and reintroduced it to the artists in the nineteenth century. Zhao’s album of calligraphy was a study after Deng’s version. In Zhao Zhiqian’s opinion, Deng’s version was far superior and more authentic than Zheng Wenbao’s. He regarded Deng Shiru as the best seal script calligrapher of the Qing dynasty. He also followed Deng’s approach, saying that ‘every stroke of the Mountain Man’s [Deng’s] seal script came from his knowledge of clerical script ኡӪㇶᴨㅶㅶᗎ䳨ࠪ’ i.e. one must be skilled in the seal and clerical scripts before he could apply the brush method of the clerical script to the seal script, and that of the seal script to the standard script.89 By 1858–61, Zhao was showing his familiarity with the Northern Wei standard script, but his unreserved adherence to this style became more evident in both calligraphy and seal carving from the mid-1860s onwards. In preparing his publications Extended Record of ‘Visiting Steles in the Whole World’ and Alternative Written Characters from the Six Dynasties, Zhao Zhiqian noticed that steles from the Eastern Jin, Southern Qi and Southern Liang were rare in his time; there were only Stele of Cuan Longyan (Guanlongyan bei, 458) from the Song of Southern Dynasties, Stele of Zhang Menglong (522), two Buddhist dedicatory inscriptions of General Yang Dayan (500–8) and Wei Lingcang (undated) from the Longmen Grottos in Henan, and the Stele of Inscription on the Stone Gate (509) from Mt Tai of Shandong were available to him.90 He considered the latter as the most free-spirited and magnificent work from this period that was influential to the Tang masters, such as Ouyang Xun and Chu Suiliang, who were renowned for their small-character writing in standard script (xiaokai).91 An important account of Zhao’s shift to the Northern Wei style was recorded in a letter dated on the twenty-second day of the fifth month in 1865. In this letter to Hu Peixi, Zhao claimed that he finally understood the brush techniques discussed in Bao Shichen’s The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art (Yizhou shuangji): after studying the Stele of Zheng Wengong (511) of the Northern Wei, he comprehended the technique of juanfeng (curling back the brush tip); after seeing the calligraphy of Zhang Wanlin (1764–1833), he realized the technique of zhuanzhe, the way to turn the brush at every corner; upon seeing more than one hundred works by Deng Shiru, he acknowledged the techniques of dun (pause) and cuo (bend back). For more than five years Zhao had been puzzled by the phrase longtiao huwo (leaping dragon and crouching tiger) mentioned in Bao’s publication, and it was only when Yan Yanxiang (active 1830–60s), a former student of Bao Shichen, visited Zhao Zhiqian and demonstrated the latter’s calligraphy in person, that Zhao finally grasped the meaning of the phrase and applied such a

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tendency to writing ‘heng, shu, po, zhe ₛ䉾⌒⼄ (horizontal, vertical, leftfalling and right-falling) strokes.’92 This clarification explained how Zhao was able to accomplish his calligraphy through various sources and had finally found a way to practise the early, unspoiled standard and running scripts through the Northern Wei stele; Deng Shiru and other artists before Zhao’s time had not been able to achieve this. Although the purely textual steles from the Northern Dynasties were rare, the wealth of Buddhist sculptures from this period, as recorded in Zhao’s Extended Record of Visiting Steles in the Whole World, provided valuable resources of learning for artists after the Taiping Rebellion. Zhao’s interest in the Northern Dynasties was also indicated by his unpublished manuscript Notes on Bronze Buddhist Sculptures (Tongfuo ji), drafted in 1864.93 The album of Zhao’s former collection of Buddhist sculptures, Album of Rubbings of Bronze Buddhist Sculptures in the Bei’an [Zhao Zhiqian] Collection (Bei’an ji tongzaoxiang taben), listed twelve inscribed sculptures dated from the Northern Wei, Western Wei (535–57), Eastern Wei (534–50), Northern Qi (550–77), Sui (581–619) to the Tang dynasty (618–907).94 Zhao made rubbings of the front and back of the objects to ensure that the engraved inscriptions were reproduced and displayed visibly. At this time, a growing interest in the Northern Dynasties calligraphy was visible among Zhao’s circle and artists in the 1860s and 70s through the collecting of steles, Buddhist statues and epitaphs. Examples could be found not only in calligraphy, but also in the signatures and inscriptions on paintings by Ren Xiong, Yao Xie (1805–64), Zhou Xian (1820–75), Ren Xun (1835–93) and their follower Ren Yi. The passion for antiquity and the angular and forceful style of Northern Dynasties calligraphy was also introduced into painterly brushwork.

4.5 Jinshi Characteristics in Painting In Zhao Zhiqian’s Old Pine Tree (1872, Fig. 4.16/Plate 16), he stated that ‘In the past people have already applied the method of writing seal and clerical scripts to depict pine trees. I further this by adding the characteristics of cursive script; my intention is to position my work among the paintings by Guo Xi (c. 1020–90) and Ma Yuan (1160–1225). ԕㇶǃ䳨ᴨ⌅⮛ᶮˈ ਔӪཊᴹѻDŽ㥢ᴤ䯃ԕ㥹⌅ˈ᜿൘䜝⟉ǃ俜䚐ѻ䯃DŽ’ The tree is composed diagonally across the scroll, paying homage to Ma Yuan. Instead of showing the full image of the tree, Zhao depicted the trunk in a zoomed-in perspective. The spiky needles in thick ink are reminiscent of Guo Xi and Ma Yuan’s tough-looking pines. The curved strokes in variable shades created a tree texture that is animated in full movement. The twigs, composed with numerous short, interconnected broken strokes, create a rhythmic and exuberant expression. Zhao also used reversed brushwork to paint the tree branches from lower level to top at high speed and to create a flying white

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FIGURE 4.16 Zhao Zhiqian, Old Pine Tree, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 176.5 x 96.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

effect; such treatment prevailed in his practice of the ‘upturned brush’ (nibi) technique in calligraphy promoted by Bao Shichen.95 As Zhao himself indicated, the application of calligraphic brushwork to painting was not new, yet the flattened, forceful and vigorous brushwork characterized by the artist’s study of the Stele School enabled Zhao to break away from the past. Zhao Zhiqian explained that his own painting style was not easily appreciated by the general audience of his time, because he articulated and often mixed the styles of Chen Hongshou (1598–1652), Li Fangying (1695– 1755) and monk-painter Jichen (?–1800) in his work.96 Chen’s style is characterized by highly controlled yet embellished and mannerist brushwork showing the influence of early antiquity; Li was in favour of a blunt style which resulted in rather disordered and scruffy brushwork; and Monk Jichen was famed for his pseudo-characters in freehand mode. The three seemingly unrelated brush modes – controlled, muddled and professed pseudo-writing – were infused into Zhao’s pictorial treatment. Zhao preferred strong and contrasting colours inspired by the heavy colouring of

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Tang dynasty painting to complement his archaic calligraphic brushwork. As seen in his Wisteria and Rock (1872, Fig. 4.17/Plate 17), without showing the root and tree trunk, the wisteria blossoms in varying shades of purple stretch down graciously from the upper left, orchid leaves rise in disorderly fashion from the lower left, and the rock was partly depicted in freehand and at rapid speed on the right, creating a captivating composition of three colour blocks.97 Similar to the writing on the Northern Wei stele, the brushwork was intentionally flattened (bianbi). While the rectangular dots and angular lines were made by positioning the brush sideways to highlight

FIGURE 4.17 Zhao Zhiqian, Wisteria and Rock, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 122 x 40.5 cm, private collection.

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the texture of the rock, Zhao’s inscription and signature in two lines were fashioned as if inscribed on the rock itself. The red seal imprint on the midright diagonally echoes the red orchid flowers above it to the left. Such a combination of fused calligraphic brushwork and vibrant colouring fashioned a bold, strong, stylized and highly individualist expression. Sharing Zhao’s passion for the Northern Wei steles was Ren Xiong, for whom Zhao had a high regard. More than once Zhao remarked: ‘Since Ren Xiong passed away, I have no one to discuss painting with!’98 Ren Xiong, who might not be considered as an academic scholar in Evidential Learning, was in fact active in the antiquarian circle since he stayed with Zhou Xian and Yao Xie, both keen antiquarian collectors and artists. Ren Xiong was also friendly with the seal carvers when he resided in Hangzhou in the 1850s and he had seals made by Qian Song.99 However, Ren Xiong’s take on Northern Wei calligraphy was different from the scruffy appearance of Zhao’s calligraphy. Instead, his brushwork had angular turns at every corner, yet the lines were poised, well ordered and elongated, showing a blending flavour of the seal script. Ren Xiong’s Self-portrait (c. 1856, Fig. 4.18) has been well discussed in the current scholarship. The zigzag, angular brushstrokes and the shading along each counter line on the garment indicated Ren’s affinity to Chen Hongshou (1682–1756) and the Yangzhou painter Hua Yan’s (1682–1756) archaic brush modes. Such brushwork was traditionally regarded as dingtou shuwei miao (nail-head and rat’s-tail stroke), one of eighteen brush modes categorized in Zou Dezhong’s (act. c. sixteenth century) book Essential Reference on Painting (Huishi zhimeng, c. 1509).100 This type of brushwork was characterized by a slender and pointed brushwork in a highly articulated and controlled manner, and has been applied to lightly coloured figure paintings throughout the centuries since the Song dynasty. Such a brush mode can be seen as early as in Li Tang’s (c. 1170–after 1150) Moxibustion (Zhiai tu, Fig. 4.19), and was frequently applied in Hua Yan’s work. Hua’s Zhong Kui Enjoying Bamboo (1737) exemplified the traits of this stylized brushstroke.101 However, without colouring, Ren Xiong’s sketches for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals (Liexian jiupai, 1853) displayed a stronger calligraphic quality.102 In his depiction of Guo Pu (Fig. 4.20/Plate 18) of the late Western Jin (266–316), the brush mode on the garment looks similar to the ‘nail-head and rat’s tail’, but the technique Ren did was more of xie (writing) than miao (drawing): Li Tang’s and Hua Yan’s brushwork was softer and continuous; each stroke in Ren’s painting was separable from others, hence the counter lines of the garment were formed with broken and unconnected strokes.103 Commenting on Ren Xiong’s brushwork, Huang Binhong (1865–1955) considered that such a brush mode should be described as ‘tiehua yingou’ (as forceful and robust as metal; as soft and graceful as a silver hook), instead of ‘nail-head and rat’s tail’.104 The brush was pressed down to form the nail-shape at the beginning and

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FIGURE 4.18 Ren Xiong, Self-portrait, c. 1856. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 177.4 x 78.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

taken out lightly with a sharp pointed end for horizontal strokes; there were no pointed strokes and pauses when pressing down the brush, and when taking off the brush there were no broken or repressed strokes. Each character was formed by interrupted strokes based on the idea of no stroke being without a break since ‘each turn must be clean and clear ⇿ᣈᗵ▄␘’, a typical Northern Wei characteristic summarized by Bao Shichen.105 To echo Ren’s distinctive archaic manner presented in the illustrations, the colophons and postscripts by Yao Xie, Cao Xun (act. c. 1840–50s) and Ren Qi (?–1861) were all written after the Northern Wei style. The Stele School, and the calligraphy of the Northern Wei style in particular, encouraged strong, fervent and intense brushwork in pictorial production. While Zhao Zhiqian and Ren Xiong both infused a taste for the

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FIGURE 4.19 Li Tang, Moxibustion, undated. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 68.8 x 58.7 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei.

FIGURE 4.20 Ren Xiong, Guo Pu, Sketch for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals, 1853. Original sketch, 48 leaves mounted into a book, ink on paper, 25 x 12 cm each, private collection.

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calligraphy and seal carving of the Stele School into their work, Zhao Zhiqian’s application of the Northern Wei brushwork to develop a disordered and scruffy appearance encouraged a new mode in bird-andflower painting; and Ren Xiong’s twist of ‘nail-head and rat’s tail’ in energized Northern Wei calligraphy inspired a novel expression in figure painting and portraiture. The Shanghai School followers further developed versatile brush modes reflecting their antiquarian learning. Taking on the technique of the ‘nail-head and rat’s-tail’ stroke from Ren Xiong through his teacher Ren Xun was Ren Yi in his early learning. After seeing the works by Bada Shanren (also known as Zhu Da, 1626–1705) in Gao Yong’s (1850–1921) collection in 1878, Ren Yi began to experiment with the method of ‘xuanwan zhongfeng’, lifting his arm and using the brush tip in its central, upright position. Ren also used goat hair for his brush, which is softer in texture and more difficult to control when drawing the delicate details of reedy strokes.106 Those approaches were fondly embraced by Qing calligrapher-theorists such as Deng Shiru and Bao Shichen for their practice in seal and stone drum scripts.107 Ren Yi stated himself that his technique of painting employed ‘more or less the method of writing ᐞ䏣⮦ аþማÿᆇ’.108 Such a shift in brushwork could be seen in the detail of the Parting at Dongjin (1868), Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine (1868) and the Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight (1878, Fig. 4.21/Plate 19). The parched and elongated lines that slightly lacked strength in texture in the 1868 work were replaced by the energetic, intense and elastic strokes of the 1878 painting. The more forceful tendency of the brushwork presented in Ren’s later works was a result of his adoption of the calligraphy of the Northern Wei steles. It is said that Ren Yi had adopted the techniques of Western painting and pencil drawing into his portraiture in the 1880s and that he was inspired by the studio setting of early photography. Ren freely moved between the archaic brushwork and the fused Western-styled painting technique in his portraiture.109 In Ren’s Portrait of Wu Changshi Enjoying the Cool Shade of Banana Palms (undated), the composition of a bare-bellied figure in AN outdoor scene is reminiscent of Luo Pin’s Portrait of Jin Nong in His Afternoon Nap (1760).110 Ren Yi applied a few strokes and gentle touches of colour wash to suggest the features and wrinkles on the sitter’s face. The elaborated version of ‘nail-head and rat’s-tail’ strokes were applied to the folds of the sitter’s garment and to outline the ruched, thriving leaves; the banana palms were rendered in heavy colours of blue and green which were reminiscent of early landscape painting. Different from the archaic treatment, the sitter’s garment in Portrait for Poverty-stricken Military Officer (1888, Fig. 4.22) for Wu Changshi was reduced to pure colour wash. The technique was indebted to the ‘boneless’ (mogu) style of bird-and-flower painting, yet such an application was fresh in Chinese figure painting. The visual effect resembles that in Western watercolours. The facial features

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FIGURE 4.21 (left to right, detail of robes) Ren Yi, Parting at Dongjin, 1868. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 34.1 x 135.8 cm, National Gallery of China, Beijing; Ren Yi, Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine, 1868. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 128.6 x 32.3 cm, Nanjing Museum; and Ren Yi and Hu Gongshou, Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight, 1877. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 130.9 x 48.5 cm, Shanghai Museum.

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FIGURE 4.22 Ren Yi, Portrait of Poverty-stricken Military Officer (Portrait of Wu Changshi), 1888. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 164.2 x 77.6 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

were depicted with a few lines and shadowing to highlight the threedimensional appearance. While Ren Yi negotiated the two realms of traditional practice and foreign stimuli, his work manifested the modern expression nurtured from the Evidential Learning and reflected the situation of changing artistic trends in the Shanghai metropolis before the turn of the twentieth century. Ren Yi’s approach also encouraged Wu Changshi to apply his calligraphy and seal carving method to bird-and-flower painting. According to Zheng Yimei’s Xiaoyangqiu (The Gentle Autumn Sun, 1947): [Wu] Changshi learned painting from Bonian [Ren Yi] when Changshi was already fifty (1894). Bonian demonstrated the way of drawing plums and bamboo for Wu by using a few simple brushstrokes. Changshi brought the drawings home and spent all his time on imitating Bonian’s skill. After much practice, he brought his work for Bonian’s opinion.

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Bonian gave a look and thought the drawing of bamboo quite like his style, while the plums look very round and full. He then said to Changshi: ‘You are good at calligraphy, why don’t you apply the technique of writing zhou and zhuan scripts (great-seal and small-seal scripts) to flower drawing and the running script to tree trunks? There are always ways of painting by inventing and borrowing techniques.’ Since then, Changshi worked very hard on painting and came everyday to Bonian to talk about art theory.111 ᰼⻙ᆨ⮛ᯬ՟ᒤˈᱲ᰼⻙ᒤᐢӄॱ⸓DŽ՟ᒤ⛪ަማẵㄩˈሕሕᮨㅶԕ ⽪ѻDŽ᰼⻙ᭌ↨ˈᰕཅ㠘᪩ˈぽ㤕ᒢ㍉ˈ䃻՟ᒤ᭯ᇊDŽ㿆ѻˈࡷㄩᐞ ᗇᖒլˈẵࡷ㟳㞛བྷн于DŽ՟ᒤᴠ˖Njᆀᐕᴨˈн࿘ԕㇶ㉰ማ㣡ˈ㥹ᴨ ֌ᒩˈ䆺ॆ䋛䙊н䴓ᗇަ䁓ྗҏDŽnj ᰼⻙ᗎ↔֌⮛⭊औˈ⇿ᰕᗵ㠣՟ᒤ㲅䃷⮛⨶ Wu Changshi met Ren Yi in 1879. Their friendship was shown in the seal ‘Ren Qianqiu’ (Longevity to Ren) Wu carved for Ren in 1880.112 Wu Changshi had already painted birds and flowers before he was fifty (1894); an example can be seen in his Lotus in Ink in freehand brush mode dated 1886 in the collection of Zhejiang Provincial Museum.113 However, his painterly style in the late 1880s was still quite moderate, placid and uncharacteristic of personal traits. Wu Changshi’s experiment of merging the calligraphy in Stele School with painting, according to his own statement, had begun in 1891. In his Plum Blossoms in Ink (1894, Fig. 4.23), Wu Changshi was able to present the dashing, bold and hollow-centred brushwork that mimicked the sprinting quality of the running script after he ‘spent three years learning to paint plum blossoms’.114 It is notable that each petal was composed with a single circular stroke in moist ink. This technique is identical with Wu’s calligraphy presented in the Seven-Character Couplet after Shi Shimo’s Poem in Seal Script (1894, Fig. 4.24), dated in the same year. Wu’s treatment of flower painting is different from the traditional technique of applying the double-hook brushwork (shuanggou) to depict a petal of plum blossom where each petal was formed by two semicircular strokes: beginning from one point at the bottom, making a half circle from the right and left upwards, and ending at one same point on the top. Wu Changshi also applied his practice of stone-drum script (shiguwen) to his bird-and-flower painting. In the inscription on Favour in Solitude (1903, Fig. 4.25), Wu wrote that drawing this work was like trace-copying the stone-drum script. The brushwork on the long-arched back of the stool, and of the tree trunks and blossoms, was composed with the ‘upturned brush’ (nibi) technique introduced by Deng Shiru and Bao Shichen. Not content with the method of his predecessor, Wu Changshi created a technique of ‘sweeping the plum blossoms’ (saomei), brushing through the surface with thickened ink and thirsty brush mode (kubi jiaomo) at speed to simulate layers of twigs before applying another set of darker ink lines to the tree

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FIGURE 4.23 Wu Changshi, Plum Blossoms in Ink, 1894. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 131.5 x 64 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou.

trunks. As he himself described it in a poem, ‘Painting with a brush of worndown goat’s hair is like sweeping a white wall with a broom. Each petal is presented with one circular line as rounded as a lustrous pearl. 㖺∛⿯ྲฺ ⡶ᦳˈസ㣡乶乶᰾⨐ൃ’.115 In his later years, Wu Changshi further developed from Zhao’s technique of scruffy brushwork and established a new expression in bird-and-flower painting by combining his practice of a wide variety of epigraphy on bronze and stone antiquities and a greater freehand brush mode (da xieyi) derived from Chen Chun (1483–1544), Xu Wei (1521–93) and Bada Sharen. In the Floral Paintings of Four Seasons (1917, Fig. 4.26/Plate 20), he made no sketch before composing the seasonal flowers – camellia, lotus, chrysanthemum, daffodil and peony – in four large panels, each 182 cm in height. When Wu painted this set, he was already seventy-three years old. His maturity and confidence enabled him to apply bold, heavy patches of

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FIGURE 4.24 Wu Changshi, Seven-Character Couplet after Shi Shimo’s Poem in Seal Script, 1894. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 150.5 x 29.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

colour first to shape the flowers and leaves before adding the outlines. The lotus stems portrayed in moist, smooth, vertically lengthened lines with well-rounded ends were as gracious as his calligraphy in stone-drum script. In sharp contrast were the elongated ink washes which were bordered by double outlines in the manner of the forceful cursive script to depict the tree trunks of the camellia. The railing strokes of the fence next to the chrysanthemums was inclined towards the left, in a manner reminiscent of Wu’s characteristic writing style: Wu reformed the structure of the stonedrum script to a vertically oriented mode, hence the left part of radicals would be lower than the right; the strokes would be congested in the upper part of the characters and looser and longer in the lower part.116 The

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FIGURE 4.25 Wu Changshi, Flavour in Solitude, 1903. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 108.5 x 32 cm, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou.

diagonal composition gave a fluid movement to the subject. The soaring rocks that dominated the four images were rendered in rather subtle, lowkey and understated ink strokes; the rocks almost became the background support for the flowers fighting for the viewers’ attention. Wu Changshi, learning from Ren Bonian, was one of the first Shanghai School artists to adopt the ‘western red’ (yanghong) pigment, a slightly rosy and paler red pigment imported from Germany to Shanghai in the late nineteenth century.117 The pinkish colour of the western red on the camellias imparted

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FIGURE 4.26 Wu Changshi, Floral Paintings of Four Seasons, 1917. Four hanging scrolls, ink and colour on paper, 182 x 66 cm each, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou. a glowing mood to the spring scene, making an appealing winter contrast with the summer peonies portrayed in inflamed Chinese red. The decorative dots in vibrant blended colours below give a playful, cheerful attitude to the images. Two seals, in relief and intaglio, follow each long inscription on the upper part of the painting, to contrast with the larger seal on the opposite side at the bottom. In total, eight seals in stone-drum, seal and clerical scripts and the standard script of the Northern Wei style were impressed onto the four paintings, including Wu Jun zhiyin (Seal of Wu Jun), Wu Changshi, Wu Junqing yin (Seal of Wu Junqing), Junqing dali (Great Prosperity to Junqing), Changshi, Guiren limin (Villager of Guiren), Wujing tingzhang fan Wujingshi zhuren (Master of the Pavilion of Cooked Turnips, [also known as] Master of the Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds, 1879) and Xiong jiachen (As manly [as a rock], in the year of jiachen [1904]). His given name and self-styled names, the memory of his hometown in Guiren village, and his keen wish to lead a prosperous life were conveyed forthrightly through these seals. The seal Wujing tingzhang fan Jingwushi zhuren was to celebrate the creation in 1879 of the Garden of Overgrown Weeds (Wuyuan) that was associated with his deprived past during the Taiping Rebellion. The seal Xiong jiachen, engraved in great-seal script, was taken from the story of Pei Du (765–839) and Yu Wei’s (act. eighth century) ‘Ci jiachen’: Yu Wei, who had a great knowledge of plants, once identified a broken eucalyptus

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tree as ‘female’, hence he was nicknamed ‘female, born in the year of jiachen’. Wu Changshi adapted this story and altered the eucalyptus tree to rock, as he felt his knowledge of rocks was like Yu Wei’s of plants, hence he nicknamed himself as ‘manly as a rock’ in the jiachen year, when he was sixty-one years old.118 Such humour would earn him laughter from the learned circle who knew his hobby and literary prowess. Although the subject of seasonal flowers was traditional, the positioning of seal imprints was equally important in playing its role to introduce jinshiqi into painting. The combination of the archaic mode, literary pursuit and festive subjects also fashioned a different, dramatic, pleasing and strong visual intimacy that was much favoured by his audience across the elite and merchant classes. Following in the footsteps of Zhao Zhiqian, Ren Xiong, Ren Bonian and Wu Changshi, the combination of free spirit, reduced density of detailed strokes and animated calligraphic brushwork derived from the Stele School, and the adoption of heavy colouring and imported foreign pigments was much favoured by the Shanghai School. The representation of jinshiqi in late nineteenth-century painting was largely contributed by artists who practised early scripts from a greater variety of antiquities and who envisioned the ‘Four Accomplishments’ in painting, with an unstated appropriation of Western influence to cater for modern viewers living in the foreign settlements in Shanghai. Their innovative treatments led to a revival of two genres: figure painting and bird-and-flower painting. On a different aspect, artists of the Shanghai School began to present archaeological elements as motifs. The application of jinshi characteristics in commercial painting of popular subject matter brought new visual stimuli and tensions to the general audience. It also heralded a forthcoming period of great archaeological discoveries at the twilight of the empire.

4.6 Archaeological Elements in Commercial Art and Popular Culture A mindfulness of history disclosed itself through collecting and artistic production in the Song and Ming dynasties. Chuang Shen noted in his research that the late Qing painters in particular not only ‘introduced archaeological elements as motifs, but sometimes made them major themes’.119 The most common archaeological motif was the depiction of bronze vessels. Chuang identified the wheeled basin depicted in Ren Bonian’s Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes (1886, Nanjing Museum) as being identical to the pan (bronze basin) that functioned as a ewer for water from the Warring States (475–221 BCE), unearthed in 1957 at Wujin in Jiangsu province.120 In considering when and which artists began to adopt the archaeological motifs in figure painting, it is possible to investigate two works on the same

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FIGURE 4.27 Fei Danxu, Figures, 1845. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 177 x 65 cm, Duoyunxuan, Shanghai.

topic by Fei Danxu and Ren Xiong dated 1845 and 1853. The difference in representing the bronze wine vessel jue is visible in Fei Danxu (1845, Fig. 4.27) and Ren Xiong’s Figures (1853, Fig. 4.28) addressing the same theme of offering congratulations on an official promotion (jiaguan jinjue). Fei’s treatment of the vessel was sketchy and suggestive, while Ren Xiong vividly illustrated the bronze mirror and drinking vessel in colour to convey his understanding of antiquity. The jue wine vessel was also vividly illustrated in Ren Xun’s On the Occasion of Promotion (1876), on the same theme, indicating a new fashion of introducing archaeological motifs in the painting of popular subjects in the mid-nineteenth century.121 Such a treatment of merging the antiquarian pursuit and the auspicious subject matter was

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FIGURE 4.28 Ren Xiong, Figures, 1853. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 178.5 x 94.2 cm, Tianjin Museum of Fine Arts.

popular even beyond the Lower Yangtze River. One fine example was Zhong Kui Obtaining the Tripod Ding (1879, Fig. 4.29) by Qin Yuqi (act. c. 1870s), the Regional Inspector of Chang’an of Shaanxi province. It was a custom that on the fifth day of the fifth month in the Chinese lunar calendar, people would hang the image of Zhong Kui at the door to repel demons. While Zhong Kui was portrayed in red ink holding a tripod ding in this unusual composition, Qin dedicated this painting to the antiquarian Wang Yirong (1854–1900) with a wishful message that ‘by seeing the image of ding, one shall obtain the real ding shortly ަӪ⦢㾻ਔ唾ᗵᗇⵏ唾’. Wang also brought this painting to Wu Dacheng (1835–1902), who was stationed in Hebei in 1879, to add the characters deding (obtaining the tripod ding) in seal script after the textual catalogue Identifications of Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods in the Studio for Accumulating Antiquities (1804) based on Ruan Yuan’s marvellous bronze collection. It is remarkable that antiquities which had traditionally been associated with male literati portraiture and the scholar’s studio or to dignify court ladies’ study in early Qing were applied to the representations of female

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FIGURE 4.29 Qin Yuqi, Zhong Kui Obtaining the Tripod Ding, 1879. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 119.5 x 51.5 cm, Private collection.

figures, immortals and popular stories in the late nineteenth century.122 Ren Xiong, Ren Xun and Ren Bonian, who had access to antiquities through Yang Xian, Yao Xie and Zhou Xian’s collections, were among the first artists to use such motifs in popular figure painting. In Worshipping Buddha in the Boudoir (Fig. 4.30), Ren Xun portrayed his female sitter in a studio setting with a full display of antiquities, including auspicious plants arranged in the bronze vessels gu, dou and ding, a Buddhist sculpture enclosed by a tree stump, Bodhi leaves for transcribing sutras, a lacquer basin, books, scrolls, four panels of bird-and-flower painting, and porcelains. Although the sitter’s identity remains unknown, the painting indeed reflects the antiquarian trend in late Qing China when even the dwelling for a learned woman was decorated with a great variety of antiques and archaic objects. Ren Yi’s portrait of the famous female poet Li Qingzhao (1084–1155) includes a display of antiquities, indicating the antiquarian pursuits shared by Li and

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FIGURE 4.30 Ren Xun, Worshipping Buddha in the Boudoir, 1878. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 114.2 x 32.5 cm, Nanjing Museum. her husband Zhao Mingcheng. The painting, ‘Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone’, after the poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao] (1881, Fig. 4.31/Plate 21) depicted Li in a contemplative pose: she kneels on a stool with her hands leaning on an altar table, looking down as if she were thoughtfully composing a poem. The blossoms of the roseleaf raspberry are arranged in a large bronze zun wine vessel, decorated with taotie (mythical animal) and other motifs. The combination of the well-known poem and archaeological motifs was one that Ren’s audience could appreciate at the first glance.

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FIGURE 4.31 Ren Yi, ‘Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone’ after the Poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao], 1881. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 170 x 38.8 cm, Liaoning Provincial Museum.

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In addition to this innovative treatment of female portraiture, Ren Yi’s Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes (1878, Fig. 4.32/Plates 22 and 23) provides the most riveting example of a marriage between archaeological motifs and female figures in painting for a wider audience. In the panel of female musicians, a pipa is held by the lady with her back to us, and a guzheng played by the seated lady on the right, who is striking the invisible strings with a plectrum; the sound board is made of the tear-mottled xiangfei bamboo. The depiction of antiquities, including archaic jade pendants and bronze basin (pan), cooking vessel (gui), drinking vessel (zun) and musical instruments (biannao), is merged into the subject of the eight immortals: the Queen Mother of the West, female heavenly musicians and attendants. Fruit and flowers are arranged in the antique bronze vessels as decorative motifs, symbolizing longevity and auspiciousness. By merging the bronze antiquities into popular painting, pictures of a ‘collection of bronze objects’ (jijin 䳶䠁)

FIGURE 4.32 Ren Yi, Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes, 1878. Full image and the detail of panel 9, twelve panels, ink and colour on gold-foiled paper, 206.7 x 59.5 cm (each), Shanghai Artists’ Association.

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FIGURE 4.33 Ren Xiong, Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes, undated. Full image and the detail of jade. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 162.3 x 86.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. were referred to homophonically as paintings of ‘auspicious bronze objects’ (jijin ਹ䠁), and became fashionable in the painting of the Shanghai School. The artists not only portrayed the bronze vessels, but also added archaic jade ornaments in realistic manner to their figure painting. Ren Xiong’s version of Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes (undated, Fig. 4.33/Plates 24 and 25) paid tribute to Chen Hongshou’s painting of the same subject, but substituted a small bronze vase for the large porcelain vessel held in Chen’s painting.123 Ren’s version did not pay much attention to the patterns of the fabric so meticulously rendered by Chen, and instead introduced two sets of jade pendants similar to those dated from the Spring and Autumn Period (770–476 BCE), which consisted of jade discs (bi) in various sizes, rainbowshaped disc segments (heng), double-ring-shaped circular pendantS (yuan) and horn-shaped jade segments (ya).124 The depicted ya is identical to the horn-shaped jade segment ya with dragon incised pattern at the Palace Museum in Beijing. The segment was dated to the Spring and Autumn Period, 770–476 BCE (7.4cm (L), 1.5cm (W), 0.3cm (D).125 The depiction of heng is rather rare. There was no record of whether Ren Xiong was able to

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see a copy of Guyu tupu (Illustrated Catalogue of Ancient Jade) attributed to Long Dayuan (?–1168), which was republished in the Siku quanshu in 1779. Long’s record of over seven hundred pieces was considered the most comprehensive available publication of ancient jades. In comparison, Lü Dalin’s Illustrated Investigation of Antiquities recorded only eight entries on ancient jade. However, the 1779 edition of the Illustrated Catalogue of Ancient Jade recorded only two disc segment heng of the Han dynasty, one with an engraved swirling pattern and the other lotus-shaped. Neither provides a model for Ren Xiong’s painting. Ren’s inclusion of jade segments reflected a new fashion in antiquarian study in the late Qing. Wu Dacheng’s Investigation and Illustration of Ancient Jade displayed a fruitful result of the archaeology of jade. Wu Dacheng recorded that when he was stationed as a military officer in Henan and Hebei provinces between 1878 and 1880 he was able to obtain two pieces of rainbow-shaped jade heng in white and pale green dated to the pre-Qin period from Daliang, the Warring States period capital of the Wei (Liang) Kingdom from 365/339 BCE to 225 BCE.126 In addition to visiting steles in the field, sourcing archaeological objects was among the new exercises of the Evidential Learning scholars and collectors in the late nineteenth century. Instead of mounting them in the album leaves or handscrolls, Wu Dacheng presented the composite rubbings of a wide range of archaeological motifs with added long inscriptions in four panels of hanging scrolls, Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection (Fig. 4.34/Plate 26). Wu’s intention was to demonstrate the scholarly pursuit as well as the collector’s enjoyment in a format that can be displayed in the study or seen by many visitors in the lounge. A variety of jade objects, such as jade discs, half-moon-shaped segments (long), squared, hollow cylinders (cong), chisel-shaped ceremonial implements (gui), jade ornaments for the Staff of Authority (yujie) and forked jade blades (zhang) were listed along with the inscribed roof tiles, sculptures, bronze weapons, moulds for coins and bronze mirrors. The inclusion of archaeological motifs indicated the shifting interests of the Evidential Learning from bronze vessels, steles, Buddhist sculptures and inscribed bricks to a much wider range of antiquities in the late nineteenth century. The burial objects (mingqi) and inscribed oracle-bone inscriptions (jiagu wen) that were not yet considered to be collectables began to receive scholars’ attention. Such an appetite encouraged the budding antique market and scholars and dealers were keen to source objects through archaeological findings in the pre-Qin capitals and burial sites. For instance, in the winter of 1907, Luo Zhenyu discovered two ancient clay figurines in the Liulichang antique market in Beijing. The antique dealer considered those figurines as worthless burial objects from Henan province. But for Luo, these burial objects supplied evidence to research the culture, rituals, beliefs and material life of the past. Therefore, Luo gave a list of burial items recorded in Essential

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FIGURE 4.34 Wu Dacheng, Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection, undated. Four hanging scrolls, ink and rubbing on paper, 87 x 39 cm each, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. History of Tang (Tang huiyao) and asked the dealers to look out on his behalf for burial figurines from earlier times. From then on, dealers and collectors were encouraged to pay more attention to such burial objects and to appreciate their historical value.127 The oracle-bone inscriptions of the Shang dynasty, incised on either turtle shells (jia) or on the shoulder blades of oxen, goats and pigs (gu), represent the earliest known form of writing in China. Luo Zhenyu’s friends Liu E (1857–1909) and Wang Yirong were the first to collect the bones, which they discovered and rescued from being ground up for medical prescriptions by local pharmacists. The significance of oracle-bone inscriptions in early Chinese history was more widely recognized in 1898 after a large quantity of them was excavated at the Yinxu site in Anyang, Henan province. Scholars like Wang Guowei (1877–1927), Sun Yirang (1848–1908) and Luo Zhenyu

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were keen to interpret the oracle-bone inscriptions. Luo dated them to the latter part of the Shang period (c. 1600-c. 1050 BCE), before the time when greater- and small-seal scripts were formed. In order to understand the inscriptions, Luo Zhenyu asked his dealer friends, Zhu Jixian and Qiu Liangchen (both act. early twentieth century) to acquire oracle bones directly from Anyang. In just over a year, Luo had more than twenty thousand pieces of oracle bones. Study on Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Yin Shang (Yin Shang zhenbu wenzi kao, 1910), in response to enquiries from the Japanese sinologist, Hayashi Taisuke (1854–1922), was Luo Zhenyu’s first publication on oracle-bone inscriptions. As he noted, the new archaeological finds of oracle-bone scripts and burial objects from Han to Tang dynasties had enriched his knowledge on the early Chinese civilization and writing system.128 It also nourished artistic creation, for instance the calligraphy of the oracle-bone inscription in couplet format (duilian) for socializing, public display or festive celebration became a welcome addition to modern Chinese art. Couplets of this type were so popular that Luo Zhenyu even published Couplets in Yin Style (Yinxu wenzi yingtie), a model catalogue offered to the people who wished to learn to write calligraphy in the oracle-bone style.129 Existing scholarship on late nineteenth-century Chinese art, especially in the discussion of the Shanghai School of Painting, mainly addresses the impact of urban cultures in the treaty port and their contributions to art by incorporating innovations and technologies from Western painting, Japanese ukiyo-e prints, lithography and photography. It is crucial to study the emerging trend of the ‘Four Accomplishments’ with an indigenous and distinctive jinshiqi characteristic, originating from evidential scholarship and renewed within the art historical canon. Ideas and activities of this antiquarian approach were known to the Chinese scholar-artists of the nineteenth century as part of their native tradition. In their response to the Western modernity they were necessarily more under the influence of this tradition than of any other. The majority of the late nineteenth-century calligraphers mentioned in Yang Yi’s account were skilled in seal script, clerical script and standard script in stele-style.130 Numerous painters listed in Yang’s book had been inspired by their study of antique objects, or sought to renovate painterly brushwork with calligraphic manners of the Stele School and ancient inscriptions. The appropriation of antiquarian study in modern art has helped late nineteenth-century painting to reclaim its significance and uniqueness. Zhao Zhiqian and his followers’ antiquarian approaches to the ‘Four Accomplishments’ though heavily criticized by Kang Youwei, were later considered as fine exemplars by Huang Binhong who sought to revive Chinese ink painting.131 Huang Binhong considered that ‘The method for painting had been lost since the brushwork of the ancient people derived from the seal and clerical scripts. Hence the painting techniques of the masters of bronze and stone study are the superlative. 㫻㠚⮛⌅ཡۣˈਔӪ⭘ㅶˈᆈᯬㇶ䳨ˈ᭵⮛ㅶԕ䠁⸣ᇦ⛪к’ He listed

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works by Zhao Zhiqian, Zhou Xian, Qian Song, Ren Xiong, Wu Xizai, Hu Zhen (1817–62) and Zheng Wenzhuo (1856–1918) as ‘Jinshi shiwenjia 䠁⸣ 䂙᮷ᇦѻ⮛’ (Paintings by the Masters of Bronze and Stone Studies, Poetry and Calligraphy).132 Wan Qingli (1945–2017) argued that this aesthetic sense of jinshiqi derived from the adaptation of antiquarian learning into painting shows that the nineteenth century was not a period of decline.133 Britta Erickson has also noted that the juxtaposition in painting of opposites, derived from popular subject matter and elitist elements of epigraphic study, or between different forms, techniques and nature in art, could create tensions and new visual stimuli to the audience of the Shanghai School in the late nineteenth century.134 By contextualizing art within individuals’ biographical history and a broader sense of the shared memory among artists in changing social and economic conditions brought about by wars, the confluence of several circumstances that designate a break from the past in the art of the dawn of modern era could be better acknowledged.

CHAPTER FIVE

Nature as Culture Historicizing of Antiquity and Translated Modernity

Since the Daoguang and Xianfeng eras, the approaches to scholarship were amplified: scholars of Classics extended their scope to include inscriptions on bronze objects; historians paid attention to the Liao, Jin and Yuan dynasties; and geographers reached out to borderlands for their study. These areas that had not been endeavoured previously were then investigated. Following the specialized subject – Evidential Learning – of the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras, the scholars subsequently witnessed and rebelled against the changing world, aiming to revive the statecraft of Neo-Confucian principles (Jingshi theory) promoted by eminent scholars of the early Qing.1 䚃૨ԕ䱽ˈ⎲䕽〽䆺ˈ䀰㏃㘵৺䠁᮷ˈ㘳ਢ㘵ެ䚬䠁‫⋫ˈݳ‬ൠ⨶㘵 䙞ഋ㼄ˈउ⛪ࡽӪᡰн⛪ˈ䴆᢯Үహሸ䮰ѻᆨˈ❦Ӗ䘶ⶩц䆺ˈᴹ ഻ࡍ䄨㘱㏃цѻᘇDŽ WANG GUOWEI (1877–1927)

Chinese intellectual painters spoke to themes of nature’s profusion and envisioned assimilated social systems and conditions that would allow all to 145

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access them liberally. Their understanding of beauty was linked to these ideas about the environment, sociopolitical ambience and collective orderliness. This chapter looks at the way cultural relics and narratives in painting contributed to the aesthetic inspiration that can be understood to have had social connotations against the complicated historical background. Taking cultural production in treaty ports of Chinese coastal borders as an example, recent scholarship has questioned how the polarization of ‘indigenous tradition versus translated modernity’ was promoted in visual production in late Imperial China.2 What processes and strategies gave rise to Chinese advocacy of ‘tradition’ as a constitutive factor in the construction of a national Chinese art and art history? How were Western ideas and disciplines translated and adapted in the development of modern Chinese culture and art? Central to this is the position of artists and intellectuals in the cultural history from late imperial to early twentieth-century China, and in a wider context, as Lydia Liu has suggested, the post-war discourse on Asian art in the West which was ‘translingual’ and sought to understand its practice in terms drawn from the current North American and European discourses, such as individualism, ascetic modernism, spirituality and expressivity.3 In seeking to tighten the focus and stimulate thinking about the role of translation within the specific linguistic realms of bogu (study on ancient relics) and bowu (broad learning about things), it is necessary to question how late nineteenth-century artists and intellectuals corresponded to the indigenous antiquarian tradition at a time when Western scholarship and technologies were adapted in the field of art history and visual culture at the turn of the twentieth century. An eloquent case in point is Zhao Zhiqian’s painting of 1861 depicting atypical ocean species and distinctive botany from Wenzhou and how it went beyond the traditional literati subject and style of presentation.4 Addressing the characteristics and the changes brought about in the process of ‘interlingual, intercultural and intermedial translation’, it is possible to examine further the delicate situation of modern Chinese intellectuals testing the balance between Western and Confucian learning through new translation terms in the late Qing, and how modernday knowledge, natural history in particular, has been adapted into Chinese painting, and how this effort has invited synergy between the Evidential Learning, literary cosmos and scientific nature.5

5.1 Evidential Learning and the Culture of Investigating Nature: From Bogu to Bowu In 1861, Zhao Zhiqian composed Atypical Marine Species (Yiyu tu, Fig. 5.01a/Plate 27)6, depicting fifteen unusual-looking species from Wenzhou by the East China Sea. The handscroll consists of a long painting and a frontispiece inscribed by Hu Shu. The opening section is composed

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FIGURE 5.01a

FIGURE 5.01b

FIGURE 5.01c FIGURES 5.01a, 5.01b, 5.01c and 5.01d Zhao Zhiqian, Atypical Marine Species, 1861. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper. Colophon: 35.5 × 91.5 cm, painting: 35.5 × 223 cm.

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FIGURE 5.01d symmetrically with text that spreads from the upper edge to the bottom, whereas in the middle the juxtaposition of an Octopus vulgaris (the common octopus, zhangju) in grey, stretching its four pairs of arms above two brown Stichopus japonicas (Japanese spiky sea cucumber, shaxun), is marvellously positioned. The body of the sea cucumbers is cylindrical, surrounded by the tentacles. Next to it is a rather unnerving looking Potamotrygon motoro (ocellate river stingray, jinhong) with dark spots on its flat circular body and a tail that tapers to poisonous stingers near the tip of the tail. The stingray is lurking underneath and almost concealed by a large uniform grey-coloured Neophocaena phoconoides (finless porpoise, haixi, also known as haizhu) and a vicious-looking Pristiophorus japonicus (Japanese sawshark, jiansha [jusha]).7 The latter has a long and narrowly pointed snout which shelters a pair of Periophthalmus cantonensis (mud-skipper, lanhu, known as tantuyu) and two box-body fish of the family Ostraciidae (shaiziyu [a type of xiangtun]), named ‘dice fish’ by Zhao for its distinctive squared body enclosed by bones and the black and red spots all over its skin.8 Along the upper edge next to the pig-faced finless porpoise is a group of small and delicate species. A grotesque red-faced Dorippe crab (guixie [Guangong xie], Fig. 5.01b/Plate 27b)9 is followed by Orithyia sinica (tiger crab, huxie), Pollicipes mitelle (leaf barnacle; shijie or guijiao) and Gonodactylus chiragra (mantis shrimp, qinxia, Fig. 5.01c/Plate 27c) sitting beneath the bright red Fistularia petimba (red cornetfish, mabianyu) which has an elongated pipeshaped body spraying delicately, while, below, an open-mouthed Harpadon nehereus Hamilton (Bombay duck, chanyu) attempting to swallow the mantis shrimp, is flanked by Trachurus japonicus (Japanese horse mackerel, zhujiayu, known as tayu).10 Horizontal symmetry then gives way to diagonals with an enormous, vividly depicted Gymnura japonica (Japanese butterfly

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ray, yanhong, Fig. 5.01d/Plate 27d) in pale grey, seen in transverse view dominating the end section, followed by three colophons. Finally, Zhao’s inscription which reads ‘In the year of xinyou of the Xianfeng era [1861], Huishu [Zhao Zhiqian] saw many atypical marine species in his stay in eastern Zhejiang. Hence [he] made this painting aiming to offer a correct view on terminological study and to transmit the spirit [of the species] he saw.’ and a seal ‘Zhao shi Zhiqian’ (䏉∿ѻ䅉) of the artist trailed along the edge of the paper, frames the painting and brings it to an end. This scroll demonstrates the painter’s careful depiction of the physical peculiarities of atypical species. Zhao also noted in brief his identification of these uncommon species, their habitat, biology and fisheries based on textual reference and his own observation from life. Some of the species depicted in the Atypical Marine Species scroll, namely Fistularia petimba (Lac.p.de, 1803), Harpadon nehereus (Hamilton, 1822), Neophocaena phocaenoides (G. Cuvier, 1829), Potamotrygon motoro (Natterer in Müller & Henle, 1841), Trachurus japonicus (Temminck and Schlegel, 1844), Gymnura japonica (Temminck and Schlegel, 1850), Pristiophorus japonicus (Günther, 1870) and Stichopus japonicas (Théel, 1886), were only registered scientifically around Zhao’s time or even later.11 Shortly before this painting was composed, Zhao was out of work and desperately looking for a new position to support his family. With help from friends, he was appointed as advisor to the county magistrate of Rui’an in Wenzhou prefecture in the spring of 1861. Shaoxing, Zhao’s native town, lies inland around 330 kilometres west of Rui’an, and the humidity, natural resources and unfamiliar coastal landscape of the East China Sea dazzled the artist. The abundance of ants, poisonous snakes and rats, and the frequency of typhoons often featured as complaints in his letters and poems of this time.12 Many unusual animals, fish and plants were also accounted with detailed descriptions in Zhao’s Zhang’an zashuo (Miscellanea from Zhang’an, 1861). In addition to his writings, his fascination with nature was vividly presented in ink and colour as seen in Four Panels of Vegetation in Wenzhou (Ouzhong caomu siping, Tokyo National Museum) and The First Version of Local Products from Wenzhou (Ouzhong wuchantu juan diyiben, Fig. 5.02).13 Four Panels of Vegetation in Wenzhou was originally dedicated in the seventh month of 1861 to Chen Baoshan (1821–89), prefect of Yongjia in Zhejiang province. This work is presented in a set of four hanging scrolls, each with two paired plants with or without a rock; they are the purple Wisteria sinensis (Chinese wisteria; tenghua) and Ilex rotunda (holly; dingdong, known as tiedongqing); Euphorbia antiquorum (square cactus; xianrenzhang) and Nerium oleander (nerium; jiazhutao); Cycas revolute (sago palm; tieshu) and Rhododendron fortunei (Rhododendron; yunjin dujuan); and Musa coccinea (scarlet banana; jinlian baoxiang) and Agapanthus (African lily; baizilian). The painter adopted the traditional boneless technique, applying vivid colours directly on the painting without

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FIGURE 5.02 Zhao Zhiqian, The First Version of Local Products from Wenzhou Ouzhong wuchantu juan, 1861. Ink and colour on paper, 35.6 × 290 cm, Rongbaozhai, Beijing.

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linear outlines of the objects. All the plants are presented in part in diagonal composition and viewed in a zoomed-in scope where vibrant colours and blunt brushwork are mixed. However, as Zhao himself commented on the scroll: ‘No one painted cactus in the past. The ones from villages in Rui’an are two zhang tall (c. 6.66 meteres), their shapes are as strange as ghosts.’ Apart from wisteria, the other plants had rarely appeared in Chinese painting. He also noted that ‘I saw African lily and scarlet banana for the first time in Wenzhou,’ and observed that there was a sago palm about three hundred years old standing in front of the local Temple of the Guardian Deity of Rui’an. Zhao’s serious-minded attentiveness to local vegetation and species is also demonstrated in The First Version of Local Products of Wenzhou, painted in the tenth month of the same year for his poet friend Jiang Shi (1818–66). This painting is presented in a 290cm-long handscroll. The plants and species are also positioned in a staggered labyrinth, with eloquent, freehand brushwork and colour washes of varied tonality. The flora and fauna featured are (from right to left): Brassica juncea (Chinese mustard, qingjie), Stichopus japonicas, flower of Citrus maxima (pamelo flower, youhua), Tropaeolum majus (Indian cress; heye changchun or hanlian), Pollicipes mitelle, Hibiscus rosa-sinensis (Chinese hibiscus; fusang), Periophthalmus cantonensis, Bletilla striata (Chinese ground orchid; honglan, also known as ruolan), Trachurus japonicus, Ixora parviflora Vahl. (torch tree; zhuqiu, also known as shandan), Lycoris sprengeri (surprise lily; honglan shisuan), Musa coccinea (scarlet banana; jinlian baoxiang ), Agapanthus, Ficus sarmentosa Buch.-Ham. ex J. E. Sm. var. henryi (variant of fig tree; zhenzhulian), Eragrostis ferruginea (fengchicao), Rhododendron delavayi (Rhododendron; mayinghua), Fistularia petimba and Jasminum sambac (baozhu moli). All of the plants are commonly seen in Wenzhou and include species often used in local cuisine. Each plant and species bears a title and a short description of its scientific name or the nickname used by the locals. Zhuqiu and zhulan are harder to identify since these are casual names used by locals or by the owner. Zhao himself has to provide a note on the identification of these plants. The style of description of the three paintings followed the traditional compendium of natural studies, namely Bencao gangmu (Compendium of Materia Medica, 1593) by Li Shizhen (1518–93), Minzhong haicuo shu (Discussion on the Sea Life of the Fujian Region, 1596) by Tu Benjun (1542–1622), Haicuo tu (Miscellaneous Marine Species, Fig. 5.03/Plate 28) by Nie Huang (act. c. 1660–80s), and Zhiwu mingshi tukao (Facts and Illustrations of Plants, Treatise on the Names, 1848) by Wu Qijun (1789–1847), where classification was based on functionality or appearance and empirical remarks emerged along with recipes, verses, notes on the environment, economic values, medical prescriptions and folklore. Similar to those seen in most compendia and treatises, the naming of the species is combined with their dialect,

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FIGURE 5.03 Nie Huang, Haicuo tu (Miscellaneous Marine Species), Volume 4, 1698. Album leaves, ink and colour on paper, 30.4 × 68 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei. popular and scientific names, hence Zhao’s identification of jiansha, shaiziyu and guixie also created slight problems in their Latin nomenclature and confusion in classification today. The juxtaposition of unrelated aquatic creatures and botanical species and the mixture of contrasting styles, such as illusionistic display and candid three-dimensionality, might raise questions on whether Zhao drew them from life.14 He must have seen the real botanical and oceanic species, which motivated him to record them in drawings, in addition to his written notes and poems. For instance, the grotesque-faced carapace of Dorippe (guixie) and the odd box-shaped and fleshy lip of the Ostraciidae (shaiziyu) might look comical and alien if they were imaginary species, but they are actually identical to the real ones. Only through a close-up examination could one depict the delicate shape of Dorippe’s carapace.

5.2 Tradition of Miscellaneous Painting The use of juxtaposition in Atypical Marine Species is standard in zahua (painting of miscellaneous objects), a genre much favoured by traditional literati artists yet outside the major classification, depicting a collection of assorted objects in handscroll or album leaf format.15 Taking Zhang Chong’s (1525–79) Drawing of Miscellaneous Objects (1644, Shanghai Museum) for comparison: the mustard leaf, jellyfish, peony, rabbits and various kind of flowers are woven into a long handscroll in no particular order, with pale ink wash and finishing brush lines similarly applied to shape the vivid picture of a late summer garden. The plants and species presented here can also be

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identified with careful examination. The intention was to record the pleasure the author had from escaping the heat and humidity in the garden of a Buddhist temple, rather than making known the ‘types’ and ‘characteristics’ of the depicted objects. Unlike Atypical Marine Species, Zhang Chong did not intend his Drawing of Miscellaneous Objects to be a study of nature. On this point, Zhao stated that his own objective in painting the Atypical Marine Species was to ‘offer the correct view on terminological study’, and Zhao’s close friend Hu Shu also wrote at the beginning of the scroll that Zhao was enthusiastic about the ‘Study of World Ordering Principles’ (Jingshi zhixue), and that the purpose of this painting was not to show off his passion for exotic, uncommon things, but ‘to share a wider range of information and to amend the inventory [of words and things] ᔓ㾻㚎䋷㘳䀲ÿ. Hu Shu was himself a known naturalistic painter, calligrapher in Northern style and scholar of Chinese medicine and medical herbs. He was the author of Huangdi Neijing Suwen jiaoyi (Textual Research on the Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Medicine, Part I: Questions of Organic and Fundamental Nature, 1872) interpreting how the environment, way of life and the spirit all contribute to the quality of human existence.16 This long scroll of Atypical Marine Species, consisting of a 90 cm frontispiece inscribed by Hu and a 233 cm painted section by Zhao Zhiqian, was meant to be a presentation of scholarly interests in art and natural history, shared between Zhao Zhiqian and his intellectual circle. The sources listed in writing and colophons for Zhao’s research and identification of the depicted objects are Erya (Progress Towards Correctness), Guang qunfang pu (Expanded Catalogue of Fragrant Flowers, 1708), Guihai yuheng zhi (Remembrance of Local Costume and Products of Guilin, c. 1175), Rui’anxian zhi (Gazetteer of Rui’an County, 1808) and Nanyue zhi (Gazetteer of Southern Yue [Guangdong], fifth century). Based on the Chinese compendia (dictionaries), local gazetteers and knowledge transmitted orally from the inhabitants of Wenzhou, such descriptive paintings of nature can be seen as a crystallization of Zhao’s pursuit of Evidential Learning. While the link between Zhao’s motivation in painting unusual natural life forms and the fashionable Evidential Learning in the nineteenth century is apparent, I would suggest that the 1861 paintings also reflected a growing interest in natural history, which rehearsed the spirit of traditional bowu practice, yet ultimately transformed it into a modern science through translated texts and the activities of foreign naturalists in coastal China during this time.17

5.3 Illustrations of Local Resources Although finding Nature as inspiration for art has been a rooted practice in the world of Chinese intellectuals and artists, the unusual style and presentation of Zhao’s work raises the issue of the classification of Atypical Marine Species

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in Chinese art. Can it be categorized among Zhang Yanyuan’s (c.817-c. 877) ‘Pictures of dragon, fish and rivers’ or in the ‘Category of dragon and fish’ in the Xuanhe huapu (Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era, 1120) which listed mainly imaginary dragons, mythical sea animals, literary creatures or poetic depictions of aquatic species without regard to the objectives and intention of ‘naturalism’ claimed for Zhao’s work?18 Considering the classification of Atypical Marine Species, the way naturalistic objects were rendered in Zhao’s work is closer to eighteenthcentury genre painting, such as the Liushiqiliang caifeng tu (Sixty-Seven Indigenous Products and Customs of Taiwan, Fig. 5.04), in which Rhododendron delavayi was recorded under its popular name xiandanhua.19 Each gentle red ink stain encircled in darker red lines symbolizes the intricate petal assemblage of an ornately shaped blossom. And all the plants are partially displayed in a clustered space as if they are offered as a dish with inscriptions to explain what the ingredients were. Such genre paintings served a different purpose than zahua, and were often made or commissioned by local administrators who studied regional products and natural resources for practical use or in order to present them when they made reports during their administration of local regions. The practice of recording local resources in text could be traced back to Bowu zhi (Record of Broad Learning about Things) and Yiwu zhi (Records of Rarities), a particular subject in writing most popular in the late Han (the

FIGURE 5.04 Anonymous, Sixty-Seven Indigenous Products and Customs of Taiwan, c. 18th century. Detail. National Central Library Open Access, Taiwan.

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second and third centuries) and the Northern (386–581) and Southern dynasties (420–589), and which gradually died out in the early Northern Song (960–1127), recording natural resources, local products, folklore and the minorities and customs of border regions where different cultures merged.20 While later writings often incorporated some illustrative examples, these tended to concern specific subjects, including fish, crabs, mammals, flora, insects and birds. It is worth noting that studies on plants and animals, including Huyuan (Tiger Garden) by Wang Xideng (1535–1612); Minzhong lizhi tongpu (General Study on Lychees from Fujian, 1628) by Deng Qingcai (act. seventeenth century); Qinchong shu (Discussion on animals and insects, c. 1573–1620) by Yuan Da (act. late sixteenth century); She pu (Study on Snakes, c. 1697–1703); Zhu pu (Study on Bamboo) and Lizhi pu (Study on Lychees, 1780) by Chen Ding (act. late eighteenth century); and Yancao pu (Study on Tobacco, 1815) by Chen Zong (1731–89) are listed among studies on qiwu (tools and objects; cultural relics), namely Qu Zhongrong (1769– 1842), Ji guguanyin kao (Study on Collected Ancient Official Seals, 1831); Chengshi moyuan (Cheng’s Garden of Ink Cakes, 1605) by Cheng Junfang (c. 1573–1620); and Guquan hui (Study on Ancient Coins, 1864) by Li Zuoxian (1807–76) under the sub-category of scientific treatises (pulu) in the category of masters and philosophers (Zibu) in Siku quansu and Xuxiu Siku quanshu (Revised Continuation of Complete Library of the Four Treasuries). These works on studying natural history and antiquities were often regarded as sidelines to textual Evidential Learning.

5.4 Natural History Paintings Made in China Jesuits and foreign communities in coastal ports made significant contributions to the development of modern technology and natural science in China through trading, translation, publishing and education. Upon the arrival of Robert Morrison (1782–1834) and John Reeves (1774–1856) in south China in 1807 and 1812, members of the East India Company’s Factory at Canton were already dedicated to Herbarium activities and the study of flora and fauna. While expanding the Company’s library collection in natural history, Morrison at one point assembled around 800 volumes of Chinese medical works and interviewed Chinese doctors in order to research the materia medica. In the late 1820s, the British naturalists of the Factory also proposed setting up a ‘British Museum in China’ or a cabinet of curiosities that would encourage the Chinese to take an interest in Westernstyle natural history.21 British collectors were sent out from Kew Gardens and the Horticultural Society of London to hunt for new species of plants in Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, Guangdong, Hainan, Ningbo, Shanghai, Zhejiang, Manchuria, and central and western China. Their collecting

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missions also operated in India, Australia, America and Africa.22 As Fa-Ti Fan has pointed out, their activities reflect a ‘civilisation mission’ and they approached scientific enterprises, in the case of natural history, as a way to expand an informal empire.23 Among all the Western naturalists in China, John Reeves’s collecting practice stood out by way of combining scientific study and Chinese painting in a hybrid production of pictorial culture.24 He collected specimens and commissioned Chinese artists to portray plants and insects, fish and animals in detailed naturalistic style under his instruction.25 Reeves’s notebook shows that by June 1828 he had begun to commission drawings of fish, which became the biggest collection of its type, now collected in the Zoological Library of the Natural History Museum in London. Several Chinese export painters, namely Akut, Aham, Akew and Asung, and their workshops in Canton and Macao were employed to draw intricate images of nature on Western paper bearing watermarks dated from 1795 to 1831.26 Among them, Akew is notably a female painter who began to receive commissions from Reeves on 16 September 1828 at the latest.27 There are accordingly two types of paper used for painting: the thin Chinese paper made of mixed fibres on which the traditional Chinese pigments are laid down in thin wash without visible trace of underdrawing, and the creamcoloured thick English watercolour paper made from cotton rags, predominantly produced by the English firm of Whatman. The Whatman sheets were larger than the Chinese paper, measuring between 38 × 49 cm and 48 × 60 cm, and the paintings made on them show visible graphite underdrawing and thicker layers of colour wash. This type of drawing also presented the flower parts separately to assist in classification. Reeves’ Musa coccinea (scarlet banana, Fig. 5.05) is a typical example: its red flower was shown in magnification and each vein on the petals was drawn in fine lines with layers of light wash underneath. Comparing with Zhao Zhiqian’s scarlet banana in Four Panels of Vegetation in Wenzhou, both paintings indicate the special characteristics of the crimson flower, of which every petal was tipped with a drop of brilliant green; however, the Reeves drawing, although executed by a Chinese artist or artists in Canton, represented the subject with more precision as a synthesis of the Western approach to naturalistic drawing in combination with the Chinese painting technique. Such a mixture of artistic merit and scientific accuracy can be seen in Reeves’ Fistularia petimba (Fig. 5.06/Plate 29). The Cantonese painter paid great attention to diminutive details, especially the graphic depiction of jagged teeth and iridescent fish scales. In comparison to the same fish in the Atypical scroll by Zhao, the precision of the Reeves descriptive painting is indeed indebted to the European scientific drawing technique, while Zhao’s painting in blunt brushwork showed a greater interest in representing the characteristics of the fish. However, Zhao’s painting was not made as a reference to be used by any horticultural society to order living specimens

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FIGURE 5.05 Musa coccinea, scarlet banana, c. 1812–24. Watercolour on paper, 48.4 × 38.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London.

FIGURE 5.06 Fistularia petimba, red cornet fish, c. 1826–31. Watercolour on paper, 58.4 × 46.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London.

like the Reeves drawings. While both illustrations indicated the naturalistic colours, traits and appearance of the subjects, most of the Reeves drawings did not take account of the internal anatomy used in modern ichthyology or plant biology to classify specimens. Similar to Zhao’s work, most of the

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Reeves drawings bore the Chinese name of the specimens in Chinese calligraphy and some were accompanied by transliteration of their sound in Cantonese; no Latin names were inscribed on them.28 The Reeves drawings could serve as scientific documents through their greater precision as an aid to classification and identification in the Western tradition. Nevertheless, Zhao’s painting marked a naturalistic pictorial statement presenting art as a mode of enquiry, a ‘making’ and ‘knowing’ vernacular science of matter through Evidential Learning.29 Zhao Zhiqian’s subtle scientific approach shows that he had departed from the orthodox canon of a scholar painter, yet at the same time he justified himself as a scholarly painter, not a commercial artist or a compendium illustrator, by showing his intention of objectivity and formality, which are contextualized in his Evidential Learning. While Chinese scholar-painters were inclined to paint human pursuits or activities in natural subjects, Zhao Zhiqian’s edifying image of atypical ocean species itself is an atypical work in the canon of Chinese scholarly painting. The presentation of natural objects signifies that Zhao intended his painting to be an example of ‘knowledge transfer’. Such an approach began to be recurrent in his work after 1861 and was shared among his scholarly circle in the Lower Yangtze River who were enquiring into new scientific subjects through evidential scholarship in the late nineteenth century. The embedded ‘modernity’ and the influence of Western learning under a traditional guise are signs of the tension in the world of the Chinese elite before they entered a new era at the turn of the twentieth century.

5.5 Historification of Translated Modernity Although mastery of scientific knowledge was not a high priority within the system of learning sanctioned by the Qing government and enshrined in China’s system of examinations for public office, scholars in the Jiangnan region of the Lower Yangtze River began to place natural history and other scientific studies within the classical tradition of ‘investigating things’ in the nineteenth century. The Jiangnan scholars with traditional Evidential Learning, John Fryer (1839–1928) wrote, no longer satisfied with the ordinary routine of Chinese studies, were ‘determined to push their investigations in a more useful and promising field by endeavouring to become acquainted with the great laws of nature, and to gather as much information as they possibly could respecting the various branches of science and art,’ and ‘without organizing themselves into a Society these aspirants for intellectual light used to have occasional meetings of an informal kind for mutual improvement, each person explaining any new facts or ideas he had acquired.30 The works of the early Jesuit fathers on mathematics, astronomy and kindred subjects were carefully read, as well as original

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native works.’31 In the late Qing, the ‘investigation of things’ essential to Evidential Learning was no longer seen as a reaction against Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism, or as a subject the Chinese elite were driven into to stay away from political affairs. Instead, it had come to embrace new approaches for acquiring knowledge, as a result of the changing world in which Chinese intellectuals dwelled.32 Inspired by the important translations by Protestant missionaries in the fields of mathematics, astronomy, medicine and natural history that appeared after 1850, Xu Shou (1818–84) and Hua Hengfang (1833–1902) joined the mathematician Li Shanlan (1811–82) and the reformist Wang Tao (1828– 97) in Shanghai, working at the Mohai shuguan (Inkstone Press) established by the London Missionary Society, and translating scientific books with the British Protestant missionaries, Alexander Wylie (1815–87), Alexander Williamson (1829–90) and Joseph Edkins (1821–1905).33 They contributed many scientific translations, including Augustus de Morgan’s Element of Algebra (1859), Elisa Loomis’s Elements of Analytical Geometry and of Differential and Integral Calculus (1859) and Lindley’s Botany (1859). Among these publications, Dr Benjamin Hobson’s (He Xin, 1816–73) five major compilations, Treatise on Physiology (1851), A New Account of Natural Philosophy (trans. Bowu xinbian, 1855), The First Lines of the Practice of Surgery in the West (1857), Treatise on Midwifery and Diseases of Children (1858) and Practice of Medicine and Materia Medica (1858) are fundamental studies, which remained standard works for decades and were translated into Japanese. These missionary science books, aiming to ‘aid in hastening the onward progress of civilization, and help the native mind to rise up from nature to nature’s God’, were significant in introducing contemporary Western methods of theorizing scientific subjects to the Chinese elite, especially in the areas of medicine, natural history and mathematics. These translations of the 1850s also marked the characteristics of Western translations in late nineteenth-century China as they did not replace the Chinese system of knowledge, but appeared as a compound of Eastern and Western learning through their carefully edited terminology. For instance, Daniel Jerome MacGowan’s (1814–93) Philosophical almanac (trans. Bowu tongshu, 1851) and Dr Benjamin Hobson’s A New Account of Natural Philosophy both borrowed the traditional Chinese scientific term bowu for their translated Chinese titles. However, MacGowan’s book mainly focuses on electrical phenomena, while Hobson’s text covers a wider range including physics, chemistry, astronomy, geography and zoology.34 As there were no appropriate categories of learning that resembled the framework for what we regard as natural history in pre-modern China, finding suitable translations was problematic.35 The term bowu was taken from Guo Pu’s (276–324) Erya zhu (Commentary on Erya): ‘ On clearing confusion through broad learning about things (bowu) and to provide identification of birds, animals and plants, no book is as nearly as good as

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Erya.’36 The traditional writings that followed Erya, exemplified by Zhang Hua’s (232–300) Bowu zhi (Record of Diverse Matters, c. 265–89), included empirical information concerning geography, natural resources, plants and animals, rarities and strange stories, local costumes and anthropological descriptions of race and societies. They provide broad accounts of seeing and being, aiming to present classification in nature, the order of things and the principles of human society. Not until the Chinese government, in the official paper of Qinding xietang zhangcheng (Imperial Regulations for Secondary School, 1902), defined bowu as a subject consisting of botany, zoology, physiology and mineralogy to be taught in schools, was the term bowu characterized as ‘natural sciences’. Following the Chinese translation, Japanese also adopted the same term bowu for the natural sciences as soon as Hobson’s text was translated into Japanese in 1859.37 Translation serves not only as a means to communicate and exchange ideas, but also as a medium for transmitting culture. The adaptation of bowu for natural sciences reflected the translators’ understanding of the traditional Chinese knowledge system of the natural world, and, for that matter, the scholars attempted to introduce novel Western learning through classical terms that were familiar to the Chinese readers. The historification of new terms through translation is found in many cases: the joint use of gewu (investigation of things) and qiongli (exhaustively mastering principles) for scientia, for instance, expressed the core concepts of different knowledge systems and provided common ground for intellectual encounters in late imperial China and modern Europe.38 Following this scheme, John Fryer’s influential Gezhi huibian (Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine) was the first scientific journal published in Shanghai in 1876 for promoting Western science. In Chinese the name of the journal meant ‘Compendium for investigating things and extending knowledge’, which took up the principle ‘to investigate the phenomena of nature in order to acquire knowledge 㠤⸕൘Ṭ⢙’ from the ‘Greater Learning’ of Liji (The Book of Rites). Such vigilant treatment in translation expressed a care for these scholars eager to study Western learning and technology, yet overlay these foreign subjects with native scholarship – investigating things and extending the knowledge acquired through Evidential Learning – enabling Chinese scholars to find roots for the new theories in Confucian society.39 In the second half of the nineteenth century, China faced the turmoil brought both by domestic tribal uprisings and the Taiping Rebellion and by the emergence of foreign powers.40 With the opening of treaty ports after 1843, the growing consciousness about the military importance of Western machinery and weapons motivated the Chinese intellectuals into paying more attention to empirical, practical knowledge in the natural sciences and Western technology, as they were obliged to through their roles in government. Following Wei Yuan’s (1794–1857) influential publication, Haiguo tuzhi (Illustrated Treatise on Maritime Countries, 1847), the stress

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on scientific imperialism meant that more scientific development and imperial expansion in certain contexts could be considered as collaborative components. In realizing the reality and the urgent need to negotiate with the outside world after the Arrow War (1856–60) when British and French troops took over Guangzhou and Tianjin, the Chinese government established a language school, Tongwen guan, in Beijing to train translators for governmental services. A printing plant was established in 1873 to publish the translations of foreign texts, which were distributed to local governors of different provinces. However, its impact was minimized by the small quantity of publications translated, for only twenty-six texts on Western institutions, history, science and international law were published over a period of forty years.41 In the south, the enthusiasm for Western learning was much greater. Zeng Guofan (1811–72) set up the Anqing junxiesuo (Anqing Arsenal) in 1861, and soon, with Li Hongzhang (1823– 1901), merged it with the language school Guangfangyan guang which opened in Shanghai in 1863, and gathered a group of foreign and Chinese scholars, including Li Shanlan, Xu Shou, Hua Hengfang, Xu Jianyin (1845– 1901), Shu Feng (1878–1912), Alexander Wylie, John Fryer, Daniel Jerome MacGowen and Young J. Allen (1836–1907), to establish the Jiangnan Arsenal, which consisted of departments to manufacture weapons and steamships, and a Translation Bureau to introduce Western scientific publications to Chinese readers.42 By 1880, 156 works had been translated by the Jiangnan zhizaojü (Jiangnan Arsenal), of which ninety-eight titles were published with a total of 31,111 copies disseminated domestically, and from 1881 to 1905, a further twenty-two translations were published.43 Based on Dong Xi xueshu lu (Account on Books of Eastern and Western Learning, 1899) by Xu Weize (1866–1922), natural sciences represented 29.8 per cent of 567 translated books between c. 1850 and 1899, the second most translated subject after the applied sciences.44 Liang Qichao also listed 645 translations that were available to him in his Xixue shumu biao (Bibliography and Critical Notes on Western Studies) published by Shiwubao (Current Affairs News, 1896–98) in Shanghai in October 1896, including eighty-six books translated prior to the Opium War I (1839–42), and 352 books translated afterwards, with 119 publications by the Chinese and eighty-eight new translations in press.45 Liang noted that, among all the translations, the Beijing government focused on military subjects, the Jiangnan Arsenal on scientific studies, and missionary institutions on medical science.46 Since social science and constitutional law had been comparatively neglected, yet were needed for political reform in China, he established Datong yishujü (Datong Translation Bureau) in 1897, which prioritized politics and science for translation, and translated works in Japanese before Western books.47 Shifting from the demand for military and scientific translations (73.6 per cent) since 1843 to a call for publications on politics and the Western civil service system in 1896, it indeed reflected a strong

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sentiment fuelled by China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), which also signified the upcoming claim for a Constitutional China and the 1898 Restoration.48 John Fryer commented: A strong tide of demand for Western learning has already begun to set in among the better classes of Chinese, who through the easy defeat of their nation are gradually becoming aware of their own gross ignorance of modern arts and sciences. My translations are being bought up as fast as they can be printed, and education conducted on Western principles is becoming the order of the day. It is for this tide that I have waited patiently year after year, and now it has begun to flow.49

5.6 Translating Bowu into National Essence As John Fryer observed in 1880, ‘The system of ignoring everything but the Four Books and the Five Classics at the Government examinations, which are the passports to the highest offices in the state, is not destined to last forever.’50 Toward the turn of the century, the call for Western learning and to modernize the nation was never more urgent. The empirical approach in many subject areas also changed the ambience of artistic presentation. In Kang Youwei’s opinion, painting which presented its subject accurately was valuable, and work in the blunt, sketchy mode less worthy. Therefore, he thought highly of Giuseppe Castiglione (1688–1766), who was an Italian Jesuit painter in the Qing court, and who first sought a harmonious union of Western drawing technique, perspective and Chinese media, to bring about a fresh, realistic visual effect in Chinese painting.51 Kang’s claim to harmonize Western technique with traditional media seems to coincide with Ernest Fenollosa’s (1853–1908) ‘The True Theory of Art’ (speech delivered on 14 May 1882), which provided ideological grounds for rising Japanese nationalism and for the pedagogical provision of a new ‘Japanese Painting’. Nihonga.52 Taking a similar approach to preserving national essence through modernizing traditional scholarship, Chinese scholars and artists began to seek a way of appropriating and incorporating Western learning into the Chinese knowledge system and making it seem their own. On 23 February 1905, Deng Shi (1877–1951), Huang Jie (1872–1935), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936) and Liu Shipei (1884–1919) established the Guoxue baocunhui (Society for Preservation of National Learning) in Shanghai, with the aim to ‘promote national learning and preserve the national essence of Chinese culture’. The group also began to publish an influential monthly bulletin, Guocui xuebao (National Essence Journal, 1905–12). Many well-respected scholars contributed to this academic publication in which politics, history,

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academic affairs, literature and social issues were addressed.53 Later, a special column on bowu was added, in which more than a hundred pieces of bowu painting on natural history of Chinese indigenous specimens (mammals in 1907, and birds, fish, plants and vegetables in 1908–11) were published.54 Along with rubbings, calligraphy and ink paintings of orthodox subjects, these bowu paintings amount to one sixth of the total number of artworks published, and were all made by Cai Shou (1879–1941), a calligrapher in archaic style and scholar of Evidential Learning, who had received a Western education under Father Joseph Ma Xiangbo SJ (1840– 1939) and teachers at the Aurora University (Shanghai, 1903–52, funded by the French Jesuits) in 1904 and who also contributed to the Guangzhou Illustrated News.55 As indicated by the editor of the National Essence Journal, Cai Shou studied Western natural history and researched domestic natural resources; in many of his drawings, such as Loris (Fig. 5.07), he simply copied the image (giving it a new setting more familiar to a Chinese reader) and referenced the texts from The Royal Natural History by Richard Lydekker (1849–1915), which showed his awareness of Western scholarship, perhaps from the Siccawei Museum and its library, opened in 1868, where

FIGURE 5.07 Cai Shou, (left) Loris, in Guocui xuebao, Juan 3 (1907: 9): 92. Shanghai Library; (right) Loris, in Richard Lydekker, The Royal Natural History (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 1894–6), Vol. 1, 228.

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the Aurora University was based.56 However, his drawing also suggested a classification problem, such as his mistaking jusha (Pristiophorus japonicus, Fig. 5.08) for jiansha just as Zhao Zhiqian had. Cai Shou also took up the empirical approach and observed the species live. For drawing the Limulus polyphemus (horseshoe crab; houyu), he kept a pair of horseshoe crabs in his garden for daily observation. The drawing is similar to what has been demonstrated in the Reeves collection, namely that both were able to present the internal organs of the specimen with precision.57 Comparatively, the illustrators of the same specimens for Sancai tuhui (The Illustrated Encyclopaedia, 1607) and Bencao gangmu composed the images without any idea of what they actually looked like (Fig. 5.09).58 Such illustrated catalogues emphasized textual description rather than illustrating scientific reality. Apart from the fabrication of nature, the original illustrations lost their definition through successive re-printings, therefore the Chinese compendia or illustrated catalogues of natural studies could hardly be realistic. Announcing the bowu paintings in the third issue of the National Essence Journal (1907), the Society for Preservation of National Learning noted that ‘Bowu and meishu (fine arts) are two special subjects representing the beauty and essence of Chinese culture, yet it is only through pictorial presentation that their value will be understood. This year, the Journal paid special attention in [selecting] precise, delicate and wonderful pictures with great sensitivity that would inspire patriotism.’59 At this point, painting on bowu and natural studies represented the indigenous nature of China and the

FIGURE 5.08 Cai Shou, Pristiophorus japonicus, Japanese sawshark, in Guocui xuebao, juan 4 (1908: 1): 100.

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FIGURE 5.09 Comparisons of horseshoe crabs: (clockwise) Horseshoe Crab, in Li Shizhen, Bencao gangmu, 1593, juan xia zhi zhong, 56; Horseshoe Crab, c. 1826– 31. Watercolour on paper, 59.3 × 47.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London; Cai Shou, Horseshoe Crab, in Guocui xuebao, juan 3 (1907: 7): 81; Limulus polyphemus, horseshoe crab, 1607. Woodcut print, 20.8 cm × 14 cm, in Wang Qi ed., Sancai tuhui, Juan 106.

balance between Western and Eastern scholarship, which were ultimately used for promoting nationalism and preserving the national essence. Such a transformation of bowu from a sideline of textual evidence study, an adapted translation for Western natural history, to the representation of China’s national essence, was also reflected in the way Yan Fu (1854–1921) introduced Thomas Henry Huxley’s (1825–95) Evolution and Ethics (1898).

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‘Struggle for existence, survival of the fittest, natural selection’, in Yan Fu’s view, which was shared by many others, did not refer only to the natural environment, but was also deeply concerned with manufacture and society, addressing the problem of how China could get out of the difficult circumstances it was in and survive.60 The translated terms adapted and used by scholars are significant in reflecting not just their understanding of the foreign subjects of the time, but also a means to communicate ideas to their readers under the limitations brought by different linguistic and cultural barriers in the nineteenth century. Reconsidering naturalistic descriptive painting in bowu and contextualization of translated natural science in the late Qing dynasty, it is possible to address the drill of ‘accumulating knowledge’ in bowu as a series of linked social, political and cultural practices and as a translation process in modern China. From Zhao Zhiqian to Cai Shou, the artists’ changing perception of bowu and the development of natural history painting enable us to reach a deeper insight into their motivation for collecting and publishing activities. The exploration of the visual system of imagination and elucidation embedded in translating and historification never ceases to stimulate, and is certainly living in a present tense.

CHAPTER SIX

Cultural Orthodoxy in the New Nation A Political Use of Jinshi

The rediscovery of antiquity through composite rubbing, seal carving and jinshi painting were not only for pure aesthetic appreciation, scholarly study or used to offer auspicious gifts for socializing in China at the turn of the twentieth century. In developing a new view of Chinese art that diverges from ‘the canon’ to explore what ‘the modern’ meant practically, the following discussion will consider the uses to which representation of antiquity and modes of antiquarian art were put by individuals and art groups. Traditional learning and jinshi study were used to make claims for the preservation of the National Essence of China, while at the same time creating a unique intellectual culture and social sphere. As discussed by Michel de Certeau in The Practice of Everyday Life, the social mode and ‘strategic’ model promoted by certain players and traditional communities could possibly be viewed as the exercises available to the common man for reclaiming his own autonomy from the pervasive forces of social class, politics, consumerism and culture.1 Recent scholarship has regarded Shanghai as the pivotal site of China’s emergent technological and intellectual modernity and as a metropolitan city of cultural pluralism and social change; artistic production in Shanghai and nearby cities in the Lower Yangtze River has thus become a source not only of information about artists’ education and class, but also about the artists’ ‘situations’. These reinforced the popular appeal of art in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and defined the modernity in Chinese painting and its versatile trends. The growth of fan shops and art associations marked 167

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the vigorous art activity and high density of artists in Shanghai in the late Qing. Thus, the flourishing economy, newspapers and open art market in the modern city attracted professional artists and consumers. Friendships, cultural ties and commercial interests were obviously intertwined within the gatherings in these places. After the First Opium War and the Taiping Rebellion, artists and intellectuals were drawn to Shanghai where, as described by Wang Tao, ‘while Jiangsu, Zhejiang and the south-east part of China are chaotic, Shanghai is richer than ever before. Numerous famous intellectuals guest-stay here to avoid intimidation; they discuss poetry over wine and more or less forget about the ravages of war. ⊏⎉ᶡইॺ໱❑а⡷ Ү␘൏ˈ㘼├к㑱㨟䚐䙮᱄ᰕDŽ䄨਽༛䚯ൠ㠣↔ֶ‫ڊ‬ሃ‫ˈޜ‬䌝䞂䄆䂙ˈᒮ ᘈ‫ޥ‬⠩DŽ’.2 Compared with other cities in late Qing China, the number of immigrant artists and art societies in Shanghai outnumbered those in Suzhou, Hangzhou and Beijing after 1842.3 At the turn of the twentieth century, as Beijing encountered growing domestic problems of administrative control, political upheavals and social order, people who earned their living by means of calligraphy and painting sooner or later again went to Shanghai, selling their work and residing in the city. Roderick Whitfield comments that Shanghai School painting ‘reveals a lively artistic scene in late nineteenthcentury Shanghai that is quite at odds with the conventional idea of a culture in decline at the end of the Qing dynasty’.4 It suggests issues we should discuss carefully: while Shanghai offered a more favourable milieu for artistic gatherings and the art market, what was the relationship between the changes in society and artistic directions? Would the development of art societies reflect certain fashions and thoughts of their time? How was the old model transformed into a new one to satisfy the new circumstances? It is worth noting that, around and after 1911, the founding of art societies increased rapidly in Shanghai, and ten out of twenty-one traditional art groups founded between the 1900s and 1930s specifically aimed to promote ‘jinshi shuhua’ (painting and calligraphy in bronze and stone style), including: 1 Shanghai Xiling yinshe (Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society Shanghai 2

3 4 5

Branch, 1904–), mixed membership and political views. Haishang tijinguan jinshi shuhuahui (Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society, 1911–26), mixed membership and political views. Zhenshe (Society of the Virtuous, 1912–42), mainly Republican supporters. Guangcang xuejiong (Society of Cang Jie Study, 1916–c.1941), mainly Qing loyalist members. Jinshi huabao she (Society of the Bronze and Stone Illustrated Journal, 1925–?), mixed membership and political views.

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Shanghai xunshe (Society of Conformism [Traditional Values] in Shanghai, 1925–c.1927), mixed membership and political views. Zhongguo jinshi shuhua yiguan xuehui (Society of Chinese Bronze and Stone, Calligraphy, Painting and Art-Views, 1926–9); it was renamed Zhongguo yishu xuehui (Society of Chinese Art) in 1929, mainly with Republican supporters. Guhua jinyu she (Society of Old Acquaintances and New Friends, 1926–30), mixed membership and political views. Hanzhiyou (Society of Wintry Friends, 1928–c. 1937), mixed membership and political views. Xuanhe yinshe (Society of Xuanhe Seal Studies, 1935–51), mixed membership and political views.5

Apart from operating commercial activities through art societies, which was one of the characteristics of art associations in nineteenth-century Shanghai, some art societies were established after the downfall of the Qing and began to admit members of similar political stance. As a result the elegant gathering was turned into a collective political activity, and their work and publications were produced to realize political claims or to represent certain views on current affairs and form groups with different political identities. To take the Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society (abbr. Tijinguan), Society of the Virtuous and Society of Cang Jie Study for example, these three societies were established during the time of dynastic transition and political turmoil between 1911 and 1916. With a mixed group of members from different backgrounds, Tijinguan represented the typical characteristics of a commercially oriented society; as for the latter two, the Society of the Virtuous was established by members who supported the Republicans, and the Society of Cang Jie Study attracted more scholars and artists who remained faithful to the late Qing and who would rather work for foreigners than for organizations or schools funded by the Republican government in the 1910s. Although all three societies aimed to promote jinshi, their varied political orientation and motivation resulted in a different culture and ambience within each society. The function of the elegant scholarly gathering had changed and it was remodelled into an innovative type of art business.

6.1 Another Role of Jinshi Society: Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society (1911–26) The Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society (Fig. 6.01) was one of the most active art societies in south China at the turn

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FIGURE 6.01 Photograph taken at the gathering of the Shanghai Epigraphy, Painting and Calligraphy Society members, 1915, Guyi Garden in Nanxiang.

of the new century. It was located in the Tea House of Elegant Gathering after Business in the Little Garden District (today Jiujiang Road ҍ⊏䐟), and was formerly known as Zhongguo shuhua yuanjiuhui (Society of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting Study), Shanghai shuhua yanjiuhui (Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Society) or as Xiaohuayuan shuhua yanjiuhui (Little Garden Calligraphy and Painting Society). First established in 1910 by Wang Xun (1846–1915) and Li Pingshu (1853–1927), it was reconstructed and renamed as the Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society in 1911. The first president and vice-president of the Tijinguan were Wang Xun and Ha Lin (1856–1934); after Wang’s death in 1915 Wu Changshi became president, and Wang Zhen (1867–1938) was invited to be joint vice-president with Ha Lin.6 The society moved several times. For a short period in 1924 it was relocated in Ningbo Road, sharing the space with Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society Shanghai Branch, and finally moved near Fuzhou Road and Zhejiang Road before the society was disbanded in 1926 owing to financial difficulties. The society attracted more than a hundred members, male and female, of different political stances and various backgrounds from all over China. The majority of members followed the Shanghai School tradition and had lived and worked in city before 1911 as professional artists, collectors or art dealers. Many members attended more than one society, for instance Wenming yaji shuhua hui (Civilized Elegant Gathering for Calligraphers and Painters, 1908–11) and Yuyuan shuhua shanhui (Yu Garden Charitable Association for Calligraphers and Painters, 1909-c. 1940s): among the key

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professional artist members of these societies are Wang Xun, Wu Changshi, Ha Lin, Li Pingshu, Wang Zhen and Chen Nian (1876–1970).7 Among the members, several individuals were famed for their multiple roles as artists, dealers, publishers, educators, compradors or entrepreneurs. Shen Heqing (act. 1880–1900s) was a female artist and the founder of Nüxue bao (Women’s News, 24 July–29 October 1898, twelve issues), the first newspaper edited and published by an all-female staff in China, coedited by Shen Heqing, Kang Tongwei (1879–1974), daughter of eminent scholar Kang Youwei, and Li Huixian (1869–1964), wife of philosopher Liang Qichao.8 As a publisher, political reformer and artist, Di Baoxian (1872–1941) was the founder of one of the most successful newspapers in Shanghai, Shibao (The Eastern Times, 1904–39) and of Funü shibao (The Women’s Eastern Times). In addition to his paper for political campaigning, he was also the founder of Youzheng shuju (Youzheng Book Company, 1904–43), which produced fine art books, including Jinshi huabao (Bronze and Stone Illustrated Journal, November 1925 – c. 1926, twelve issues), art catalogues and reproduction volumes of painting and calligraphy.9 Wang Zhen, the most famed student of Wu Changshi, was a successful businessman and a known comprador working for Nisshin Kisen Kabushiki Kaisha (Japanese-Qing Ferry Co. Ltd) since 1907. He was an intermediary between China and Japan and helped to establish Sino-Japanese artistic exchanges during the early twentieth century.10 The other most famous entrepreneur among all the members was Sheng Xuanhuai (1844–1916), who was the founder of Tianjin Beiyang xixue xuetang (Beiyang Western Study School in Tianjin; renamed Beiyang University, 1895) and of the Imperial Bank of China (1897), and was a successful entrepreneur in railways, postal communications and commercial banking. He was appointed as Head of the Board of Post and Communications in the Imperial cabinet of the Qing in 1911 just before the empire collapsed, and he chose to retire in Shanghai after that date, as did Sheng Xuanhuai, who also moved to Shanghai after the fall of the Qing to seek peace, protection and an alternative career, and who joined the Tijinguan society’s activities to continue a scholarly network and social life.11 Many former Qing officials including Chu Deyi (1871– 1942), Gu Xieguang (1875–1949), Li Ruiqing (1867–1920), Feng Xu (1842–1927), Zhu Xiaozang (1857–1931), Lu Hui (1851–1920), Zhao Shigang (1874–1945), Wang Qi (act. c. 1900–1930s), Shang Yanzhi (1869– 1962), Jin Rongjing (act c. 1910–20s) and Zeng Xi (1861–1930) also gathered in Shanghai after 1911. Following the tradition of art societies in nineteenth-century Shanghai, the art associations organized elegant gatherings and provided spaces for calligraphers and painters to meet and to collaborate. But these informal elegant gatherings turned into commercially oriented parties where managers were appointed to organize activities for the members and to function as agents taking commissions on behalf of the artists. The regular spaces

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provided by the associations also enabled their members to display new works, to exchange ideas between themselves, and to meet customers. The senior or more famous members would draft the pay rate for junior members or artists newly arrived in Shanghai, as a courtesy and service. They also publicized each member’s pay rate on the society’s publications or regulation books. The commercial environment changed the ambience of art societies: in the case of Tijinguan, the old form of elegant gathering was revised to meet the needs of a modern society. Similar to the Shanghai School painters, most members were immigrants to Shanghai from various backgrounds, resulting in great diversity in terms of artistic styles and trends. The frequent exchanges among artists and between them and collectors were evident in colophons and works. For instance, the leading members Wu Changshi and Wang Zhen often composed works under commercial commission or as non-profit scholarly gifts for their peer jinshi art devotees. The arising social networking and forming of intellectual circles drawn upon their shared antiquarian study was particularly evident in the Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy and Painting Society. It was popular in the late nineteenth century for artists to incorporate paintings of the chosen theme and actual rubbings of the inscriptions from the stele into their scrolls and albums. The album of Han Songshan Taishi shique ming (Eastern Han Inscription of the Watchtower Stele Outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song) rubbings, circulated among members of the Tijinguan, was one early example which combines a rubbing from the actual stele, colophons of comment and paintings together in an album.12 The rubbing was mounted into album leaves and firstly owned by Zheng Fu (1622–93), and later passed on via Xu Weiren (1788–1853/4), Wang Nan (act. c. 1820–60s) and Shen Shuyong to Zhang Zengxi (1875–1922) before it was collected in Shanghai tushu gongsi (Shanghai Book Company).13 When Shen Shuyong obtained the rubbing of Han Songshan Taishi shique ming in 1866, he described in a colophon how delighted he was after six years’ dreaming about having it since he first saw it. He subsequently shared his joy with other scholar friends. At Shen’s request, Yang Xian (1819–96) and Deng Shangxi (1795–1870) wrote the label on the cover of the album. Wu Xizai also authenticated the work with an inscription in clerical script: ‘Zhongyue Taishi shixue ming, Song taben, Rangzhi shu ѝᏭ⌠ᇔ⸣䰅䣈DŽᆻᤃᵜˈ䇃 ѻ㖢DŽ’ (Song dynasty rubbing of the inscription from the que or stone piers of the Grand Chamber in Central Peak [of Mount Song]) for the frontispiece to confirm that the rubbing had survived from the Song dynasty. The owner, Shen Shuyong, also added a series of colophons commenting on the rubbing and its inscription: he dated the original stele to the fifth year of Yuanchu of Eastern Han (118) based on the earliest account on the Mount Song que in Heshuo fanggu ji (Exploring the Ancient Sites North of the Yellow River,

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1363) by Guoluoluo Naxin (1309–68, a Mongol).14 Comparing previously recorded versions of this rubbing, the Ming yilao Gu Yanwu (1613–82) saw a rubbing with only eleven lines with nine characters each intact; the version seen by Huang Shujing (1682–1758) contained twenty-seven lines, yet with only thirty-nine characters undamaged; Shen’s version contains twenty-nine lines with one hundred and thirty-six characters identifiable. Shen’s version turns out to be an earlier rubbing made, as suggested by its previous owners Zheng Fu and Shen Shuyong, in the Song dynasty. If we compare Shen’s version with the rubbing of the same stele in the album of Inscription of the Watchtower Outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song of Eastern Han at the Palace Museum, Beijing, formerly collected by Huang Yi in the third month of jiayin year (1794), it is apparent that the characters in Shen’s rubbing are more distinct and well defined, indicating that the rubbing was made earlier. As well as dating the rubbing, Shen further transcribed the identified characters onto one leaf and collated the text with Bi Yuan’s Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Henan and Weng Fanggang’s Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Western and Eastern Han Dynasties. In his study of inscriptions, Shen also consulted Yu Yue (1821– 1907), one of the most well-regarded scholars on textual evidence study of his time, to identify characters via an exchange of letters. Two letters, one undated and the other dated in the jisi year (1869) from Yu Yue, investigating the origin and interpretation of the Han writing based on the chapter ‘Geographical Accounts’ in Historical Records of the Later Han Dynasty (Hou Hanshu. Dilizhi), were mounted and included in this album by Shen. Perhaps at the same time, in addition to his keen interest in Evidential Learning in regard to this album, Shen also asked Wu Dacheng, Shen’s brother-in-law, for a painting on visiting steles for this album.15 In Investigating Steles at Mount Song, Wu Dacheng illustrated the Kaiyuan Temple and the pagoda on the hilltop at the left, and the group of buildings of Songyang Shuyuan (Songyang Academy of Classical Learning) in the central plane, embraced in a natural setting of mountain and forest. If one is not paying attention to the inscription which reads ‘Investigating Steles at Mount Song – painted at Zhengzhai’s request. Dacheng. ᎙哃䁚⻁െ䝝啻 ㍒⮛ˈབྷ▲’, this work can be easily taken for a mere landscape painting. This is a scene of Wu’s own creation delivered with thin and dry brushwork. However, the caravan and the donkey before the forest in the centre plane reminds us of Huang Yi’s Investigating the Stele at Mount Ziyun (1793).16 In 1892, Wu Dacheng was invited to the ninetieth birthday celebration of Shen Shuyong’s mother. On this occasion, Shen Yuqing (son of Shen Shuyong, 1868–1902) presented to Wu this album with his old work Investigating Steles at Mount Song. Lamenting how fast time went by, Wu made another painting, ‘Zhongyue miao’ (Temple of Central Mountain, 1892, Fig. 6.02), to be added to this album for the family. On this 1892 painting he wrote: ‘Twenty years ago I did a painting [to complement the rubbing]. When

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FIGURE 6.02 Wu Dacheng, Temple of Central Mountain, 1892, Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company.

composing this addition, I remember Huang Xiaosong [Huang Yi] has a painting Temple of Central Mountain among his Investigating Steles series, so I made a copy of Huang’s work out of my memory, to be added to this rubbing album. ᴹ։Ҽॱᒤࡽᡰ֌аെˈᰕ៦哳ሿᶮLJ䁚⻁െLjѝᴹLJѝ ᏭᔏLjаᑰˈ㼌㠘ᯬᖼDŽ’ The scene of Wu’s Temple of Central Mountain is after Huang Yi’s composition of the same scene in the album Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan (c. 1796, Fig. 6.03).17 Wu even copied the colophon by Weng Fanggang originally inscribed in Huang Yi’s painting onto his work. As early as 1888, through Li Yuancheng (active 1870–90s), Wu Dacheng was able to see and make copies of the original set of twenty-four paintings of Investigating Steles in Mount Song and Luoyang by Huang Yi during his guest stay in Guangdong.18 As Wu wrote in this 1888 copy of Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan, he was so fond of Huang Yi’s work that whenever he came across a handscroll or album leaf by Huang, he would try to make a copy of it to keep in his own collection.19 It is possible that the painting Temple of Central Mountain composed in 1892 was based on the copy of Huang’s painting he made in 1888, therefore every word in the inscription and the detail in painting were faithfully reproduced. We can also see that this painting after Huang Yi’s style is rendered in bold and broader brushwork, which is different from the work Wu had previously done for this album.

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FIGURE 6.03 Huang Yi, Temple of Central Mountain. Section from Investigating Steles in Mount Song and Luoyang, 24 double album leaves, ink and pale colour on paper, 17.5 × 50.8 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

Finally, when the last recorded collector of the album, Zhang Zengxi, a well-off gentleman from Nanxun in Zhejiang Province, remounted the album with a new cover he asked Wu Changshi to write the title piece in the fourth month of the jiwei year (1919). Chu Deyi was invited to write colophons to honour Zhang’s new acquisition of this precious Song rubbing. Zhang also asked Wang Zhen for a painting, Acquiring Rubbings (Fig. 6.04/ Plate 30), in the summer of the same year, to be mounted at the back of the album. Departing from the traditional composition as seen in the earlier works by Huang Yi, Dai Xi, and Wu Dacheng, in which the subject ‘stele’ is rendered in a landscape setting with a bird’s-eye perspective and pale ink, Wang Zhen’s work emphasizes the collector’s action of studying the rubbing in his studio. In Wang’s painting, Zhang Zengxi is portrayed as an elderly man hunching his back and holding the rubbing with both hands. He concentrates so hard on reading the inscription on the rubbing that his face almost touches the paper. Piles of albums, books and scrolls on the desk demonstrate Zhang’s scholarly pursuit. In the left-hand corner of his studio, the planted lotus displayed on a tall stand is rendered with abundant, dense ink in freehand brushwork and boneless style, creating a potent blend of calligraphy with the edged and pointed Han stele manner inherited from Wu Changshi. It also gives a vivid account of the collector’s attentiveness to rubbing, displaying it not as a collectable thing but as an object of scholarship. The albums consisted of rubbings, painting, calligraphy and commentary on ideographs along with inscriptions recording various social events. The fashion of mounting rubbings and painting together also indicates a new

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FIGURE 6.04 Wang Zhen, Acquiring Rubbings, 1919. Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company. trend from the mid-Qing onwards, which began to reform the artistic presentation and gave birth to the new style of visual production in Shanghai. It is notable that Zhang Zengxi, coming from one of the wealthiest merchant families of Anhui, was the founder of Xunxi nüxiao (Xunxi Girls’ School), the first women’s school in Nanxun in Zhejiang province. He also supported Dr Sun Yat-sun’s Republican government.20 Chu Deyi, on the other hand, was involved in Songbin yinshe (Poetry Society by the Song River, 1913–25), whose members were Qing loyalists.21 People with different political identities seemed to get on well in the Tijinquan Society. Wu Changshi also carved a seal for Zhang Zengxi after the style of Han steles. The seal in relief reads: ‘Chu Deyi of Yuhang, Zhang Zengxi of Wuxing and Wu Changshi of Anji jointly authenticate this. 佈ᶝ⾷ᗧᖍ੣㠸ᕥ໎⟉ᆹਹ ੣᰼⻙਼ᱲሙᇊঠ)’. On the side of the seal, it bears a long inscription: Chake, the renowned connoisseur, recently acquired a Song rubbing from the Taishi cave of Mount Song. The writing is unadorned and elegant.

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Having more than ten characters that were not seen in other versions made this piece even more valuable. When Songchuang [Chu Deyi] and Laofou [Wu Changshi] were invited to view this, we were compelled by its ancient worshipfulness, and an abundant atmosphere flew in his study all day long. Chake ordered me to compose a poetic inscription for Acquiring Rubbings [painted by Wang Zhen], and to inscribe this on to the seal I carved to commemorate this scholarly occasion. In the past Zhao Wumen [Zhao Zhiqian, 1829–84] once made a seal on the subject of ‘joint authentication’ for Wei Jiasun [?–1881], Shen Junchu and Hu Ganbo [Hu Jue, 1840–1910]; this was a much-told story among artists. How could Chake resist humouring our predecessors a little while his great passion for antiquity is glaring? Three days before the Great Summer fest in year of yiwei (19 June 1919), the seventy-six-year-old Daoist Fou [Wu Changshi] records this while wiping off sweat at the Studio of Addiction in north Shanghai.22 ḕᇒ䪂ᇦˈ䘁ᗇ᎙䰅ཚᇔᆻᤃˈἾ㹏ਔ䳵ˈ㠷㘂㾻㘵ཊॱ佈ᆇˈ⮿䏣⧽ ሦDŽᱲ㾱ᶮデǃ㘱㕦䪂䌎ˈㄏཅ㿪ਔぶѻ䏓ˈ㠹ᇔ⳾❦DŽḕᇒኜ䌖Ǎᗇ ⻁െǎ䂙ˈᴤ⛪ᬜ᎙䰅乼ᆇֻ⋫⸣ˈᘇа䟽㘠໘㐓DŽ᱄䏉❑ᛦᴮ㠷兿ぬ ᆛǃ⊸൷ࡍǃ㜑⭈՟֌਼ᱲሙᇊঠˈаᱲۣ⛪㰍֣᷇䂡DŽḕᇒᗙਔˈྊ ᮒཊ䇃ࡽ䌒˛ᐡᵚབྷ᳁ㇰ‫ݸ‬йᰕ ˄ᒤᴸᰕ˅ˈгॱ‫ޝ‬ਏ㕦䚃Ӫ ᨞⊇䁈ᯬ├ेѻⲆᯟาDŽ The inscription makes reference to activities of the eminent artist of three perfections – painting, calligraphy and seal carving – Zhao Zhiqian and his circle, who contributed greatly to the fashion of epigraphic study in the midnineteenth century.23 It also gives details of the interaction and sharing of collectables between Wu’s contemporary artists and collectors. In addition to the inscriptions on carved seals and painting that demonstrate a trend towards collecting rubbings of steles and antiquities, other materials also reflect such a fashion. Some artists inscribed their passion for Han steles on the ribs of fans; for instance, one of the members, Gao Shixian, collected and inscribed the scripts after the stone stele Stele of Ode of Praise to the Western Gorge (Xixiasong) engraved in Wudu Prefecture of Gansu in Eastern Han dynasty (171), and had them carved by Sun Gengguan (active 1910–20s) on the framework of a folding fan (Fig. 6.05). Rubbings of the carved ribs were made to keep the memory, for knowledge exchange and as scholarly souvenirs. Numerous examples of inscriptions collected from ancient steles and bronze vessels, bronze knife money, sealing clay and tiles were carved onto folding fan ribs and transcribed into rubbings that suddenly became popular in the early twentieth century; many examples can still be found in the collection of the Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society today in Hangzhou.24 In late nineteenth-century Shanghai, the art societies would arrange elegant gatherings and provide opportunities for painters, calligraphers and

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FIGURE 6.05 Gao Shixian, Inscription of Xixiasong, carved by Sun Gengguan on the ribs of a folding fan, 1940. Rubbing, ink on paper, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Hangzhou.

seal carvers to meet and collaborate. Over time, such elegant gatherings were gradually used for commercial purposes: the manager of the society regularly hosted meetings for members, and received commissions or dealing fees from collectors and artists for business, and the society became a meeting place for artists and customers and for exhibiting original works. The senior artist members would draft price lists for new members and introduce them to their circle; the publications of the society openly

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advertised the price list of each member. Such jinshi society functioned like a guild for artists and collectors. As Wan Qingli commented, the Tijinguan Society signified a shift from the traditional elegant gathering of literati to a society for professional calligraphers and painters, and made a great impact on the way art societies operated in the early twentieth century.25

6.2 Defining Literati Painting Through Jinshi: Society of the Virtuous (1912–42) To escape being labelled as an anti-Qing revolutionary, Huang Binhong arrived in Shanghai from Anhui in 1907. With the help of two members of Guoxue baocunhui (Society for Preservation of National Learning, Fig. 6.06), Huang Jie (1873–1935) and Deng Shi (1877–1951), he was accommodated in the library of the Society and began to take part in editing Guocui xuebao, Guoxue congshu (Encyclopaedia of National Learning), Shenzhou guoguangji (National Glories of Cathay, 1908–12), Shenzhou daguan (Grand View of Cathay, 1913, Fig. 6.07) and the compendium Meishu congshu (Compendium of Art, 1919–36).26 In 1909, he attended the first gathering of Nanshe (The South Society) in Suzhou organized by Liu Yazi (1887–1958) and Chen Qubing (1874– 1933). Although it was a society promoting literature, Nanshe had a strong political orientation as fourteen of the seventeen founding members were revolutionaries from Tongmenghui (Chinese United League), the revolutionary party led by Sun Yatsen against the Qing government.27

FIGURE 6.06 Photo of Society for Preservation of National Learning, 1906. Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Third from right, Huang Jie, fourth from right, Deng Shi.

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FIGURE 6.07 Shezhou daguan (Grand View of Cathay), No. 1, 1913.

In addition to political activity, Huang also joined Zhongguo shuhua yanjiuhui (the forerunner of Tijinguan) in 1910, and continued to be an active member after it was renamed in 1911. Perhaps owing to the limits of what a commercial art society could achieve, Huang established the Society of the Virtuous with Xuan Zhe (1866–1942) on the second floor of Siming Bank between Ningbo Road and Jiangxi Road in Shanghai on 27 April 1912.28 Most of the members were contributors to Guocui xuebao, including Xu Quansun (act. c. 1900–1910s), Gao Qifeng (1889–1933), Pang Zeluan (1868–1916), Wang Renjun (1866–1913) and Pang Laichen (1864–1949).29 With the help of Huang Jie and Deng Erya (1884–1954), the Guangzhou Branch of Zhenshe (Society of the Virtuous, 1912–42) was also set up two days later to promote their political beliefs. In ‘Zheshe jianzhang’ (Handbook of the Society of the Virtuous) published in Shenzhou ribao (The National Herald, 28 April 1912), Huang described the society as ‘named to convey the spirit of sticking to the old practice and keep it going for a long way. ਆ㗙ᣡᆸีപˈᤱ㹼ѵ䚐’.30 With two recommendation letters from existing members, people who were interested in ancient calligraphy, jinshi study and painting, and those who were keen yet not seeking to make a profit through antique collecting were welcome to take part in the society. The joining fee was one yuan and annual fee was two

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yuan, and members met regularly from 1.00 pm to 5.00 pm every Saturday and Sunday. The ten categories of objects the Society aimed to promote were: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Ancient bronzes and jades with inscriptions. Authentic and old rubbings of steles and copybooks. Rare books. Scrolls of calligraphy and painting. Poems, colophons and inscriptions of art historical study. Pulu (chronology and manuals). Famous collectors’ notes, lists and catalogues. Contemporary writings. Works by reputable artists and craftsmen from ancient to modern times. Translations on researching antiquity, contributed and selected from members’ work and collections, played a major role in the society’s publications.31

While Huang felt that contemporary art and scholarship were in decline, this society aimed ‘to preserve national essence, advance fine art, and to ratify patriotism ‫؍‬ᆈ഻㋩ˈⲬ᰾㰍㺃ˈஏӪᝋ഻ѻᗳ’, and it should function as a museum the ones seen in advanced countries in Europe and North America.32 The categorization of objects for publication shows Huang’s understanding of what constitutes the study of calligraphy, painting and jinshi. As soon as he began to work for Guoxue baocunhui, Huang’s first article on seal studies, ‘Xu moyin’ (Study on Seal Carving) for Guocui xuebao, appeared in 1907 (nos. 30, 33, 38 and 39), and his first article on painting, ‘Binhong lunhua’ (Binhong’s Comments on Painting), appeared in nos. 45 and 48 of Guocui xuebao in 1909 under his given name Huang Zhi. Before he published articles on jinshi studies for the press in Shanghai, Huang was already known for his seal-carving skill and enthusiasm for the Northern School calligraphy style. As early as 1903, he had already compiled a book, Binhong jiyin cun (Seal Collection of Binhong), with a preface which is his earliest known dated manuscript. In this brief preface, he had already expressed his appreciation of ancient seals (no matter whether of bronze or stone) on which the carved characters revealed the origin of the script system and the development of ancient civilization. Therefore, in Huang’s view, these seals were as valuable as inscribed bronze tripods and bells.33 He also edited the available ancient seal imprints into the Guxi shiwen ce (Album of Ancient Seal Inscriptions, undated) with comments on dating, identification and explanations of these long-forgotten script forms.34 Paying great

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attention to ancient script, Huang considers the key to excellent painting to be through perfecting calligraphy with a wider exposure to art history and early materials, such as epigraphs and scripts found on seals and bronze. Such emphasis naturally led Huang Binhong to learn from the calligraphy of the pre-Tang masters. Growing up in Anhui, Huang and the locals were greatly influenced by their native townsmen Deng Shiru and Bao Shichen, who promoted the aesthetics of stele-style calligraphy of the pre-Tang. Deng Shiru of the Anhui School (Wanpai) and mid-Qing calligraphers took their model for seal script from Qin and Han, and Wu Changshi traced it back to the earlier seal script style modelled on the stone-drum steles (shiguwen). Following in the footsteps of Deng Shiru from the same native town, Huang Binhong preferred the style of incised or cast bronze inscriptions from the three dynasties of early China. He considered that Calligraphy and painting share the same origin. From the ancient time when speaking of method of painting, it is regarded to be similar to that of writing; inscriptions on bronze and stone objects are models of calligraphy. Considering the origin of calligraphy and painting, one must research the greater and lesser seal scripts and to explore the script style on ancient bells and ding tripods.35 ᴨ⮛਼ⓀDŽ㠚ֶ䀰⮛⌅㘵ˈ਼ᯬᴨ⌅ˈ䠁⸣᮷ᆇˈቔ⛪⌅ᴨᡰ⾆DŽ㘳ᴨ ⮛ѻᵜⓀˈᗵ⮦৳ウ㉰ㇶˈкリ䦮唾Ⅾᔿ. To excel in painting technique, Huang Binhong considered that one must be skilled not only in the stele and copybook-style calligraphy but also in the style of the ancient bronze-script from early China. In his categorization of painters, in an essay titled ‘Huajia pinge zhi quyi’ (Disparities in the Classification of Painters, 1929), he wrote that there are roughly three types of painting of ‘orthodox [Chinese] national painting’ (guohua zhengzong): The first type is wenren [scholarly or literati] painting, made by poets and writers, and people who study jinshi; the second type is famous painting, following the method of the Southern or Northern School of painting; the third type is master-painting which combines a variety of styles from painters of different schools without prejudice.36 аᴠ᮷Ӫ⮛ˈᴹ䂎ㄐᇦˈᴹ䠁⸣ᇦ˗Ҽᴠ਽ᇦ⮛ˈᴹইᇇ⌅ˈᴹेᇇ ⌅˗йᴠབྷᇦ⮛ˈᆨਆ⵮䮧ˈн࠶䮰ᡦDŽ In Huang’s opinion, what constitutes the style of ‘literati or scholarly painting’ depended on the background of artists; in other words, only the

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works that reveal lyrical quality by men of letters or those that convey the spirit of antiquarian study and are nurtured by jinshi study can be classified as literati painting. The idea of ‘literati painting’ was first formulated in the Northern Song and was prized above the academic painters later by Dong Qichang (1555– 1636). While traditionally the Song literati painters were mostly scholarofficials who aimed to reveal their inner characters and to communicate with nature through brushwork, and to harmonize artful form with poetry and philosophy, in the Ming, rather than pursuing a career in government, some literati chose to focus on their self-cultivation in painting and formed learned societies with their friends. Most painters would make an income from their work either by exchange or in the form of monetary gifts. Poets and painters overlapped, capturing the essence of Confucian ideology. If we consider the changing society and situation of Chinese artists since the late Ming, especially for those who were active as professional artists in Shanghai after the mid-nineteenth century, despite their scholarly identity, official titles or their learned background, most of the artists were professionals who supported their living by selling calligraphy and painting, earning money through writing for newspapers, serving as editors for publishers, offering lessons in painting and calligraphy, and even by offering their knowledge in antique connoisseurship as consultants; some of them became art dealers themselves. Therefore, Huang Binhong’s classification does not directly distinguish between professional and amateur artists, for a better justification for the artists living in modern China. By defining ‘literati’ painting through jinshi study that touches the core of elite culture, Huang aimed to emphasize that jinshi learning, especially practice in seal and clerical scripts, would supplement one’s mastery of calligraphy. Therefore, when applying calligraphic brushwork to painting, the outcome of the brushwork would be ‘shen hou chen yu’ (forceful, abundant, hefty and intricate), representing the essence of a scholarly art.37 In Huang’s view: ‘In the Daoguang and Xianfeng eras of Qing, the former dynasty, there was a revival of painting owing to the thriving study in jinshi ࡽ␵䚃૨䠁⸣ᆨⴋˈ㒚⮛ち⛪ᗙ㠸’; ‘The method of painting was restored during the Daoguang and Xianfeng eras, hence the method for brushwork was finally accomplished 䚃૨⮛ᆨᗙ㠸ˈ໘⌅࿻‫ ;’ۉ‬and ‘The study of jinshi was thriving during the Daoguang and Xianfeng era of Qing. By following the eminent exemplars of Ming and taking models from Northern Song, the painting [of this mid-Qing] got rid of the frail style of Loudong and Yushan Schools [of early Qing]. ␵䚃૨ѝ䠁⸣ᆨⴋˈ㒚һ⭡ ᰾ஏ䄨䌒кⓟेᆻˈаᦳၱᶡ㲎ኡḄ䶑ѻ㘂’.38 According to Huang, it was owing to the flourishing study of jinshi that painting from the mid-Qing onwards could be reinvigorated and pay homage to the true spirit of ‘literati’ painting.

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6.3 Reclaiming Cultural Identity: Society of Cang Jie Study (1916-c. 1941) In the spring of 1916, Ji Juemi (act. 1890–1930s) and Zou An (1864–1940) established the Society of Cang Jie Study under the sponsorship of the Jewish real-estate tycoon Silas Aaron Hardoon (1847–1931) in Hardoon Garden in the Western district of Shanghai. In contrast to the members of the Society of the Virtuous for their support of anti-Qing revolution and the Republicans, the members of the Society of Cang Jie Study were mainly former Qing officials or loyalists who wished to restore the Qing emperor. Chaired by Feng Xu, its key figures included Luo Zhenyu, Wang Guowei, Zhang Yansun (act. 1910–1920s), Li Hanqing (1870–1944) and Fei Shujie (act. 1910–1930s).39 Under the Society, there was an Art Academy holding meetings once a month, and a Museum of Antiquity organizing exhibitions twice a year in spring and autumn, and inviting famous collectors to have their collections displayed in the museum in Hardoon Garden. The membrs of the Society of Cang Jie Study were responsible for contributing essays and editing its publications. The bi-monthly journal Yishu congbian (Art Series, 1916–17) edited by Zou An was one of the most significant publications in ancient relics, distributed to more than 5,000 member-subscribers across China. Along with Xueshu congbian (Scholarship Series, 1916–17) edited by Wang Guowei, both series were later re-edited and expanded into twenty-four volumes of Guangcang xuejiong congshu, jialei (Compiled Publication of Society of Cang Jie Study, Category 1; known as Xueshu congshu) and yilei (Category 2; known as Yishu congshu). Although the title of this series was yishu (arts), it mainly covers jinshi study and the latest archaeological discoveries, for example: 1 Zou An. Zhou jinwen cun (Bronze Inscriptions of Zhou) and its buyi 2 3 4 5 6 7

(Supplement), 1916. Zou An. Haoli yizhen shibo (Supplement to Forgotten Essays from Haoli). Zou An. Yishu leizheng (Classification and Characteristics of Yishu [Arts]). Luo Zhenyu. Yinxu shuqi houbian (Documents from Yin Sites, Part II), 1916. Luo Zhenyu. Yinxu gu qiwu tulu (Catalogue of Ancient Objects from Yin Sites), 1916. Luo Zhenyu. Jinshi nixue (Catalogue of Small Bronze, Stone and Clay Objects), 1916. Luo Zhenyu. Gu qiwu fan tulu (Catalogue of Moulds for Ancient Objects), 1916.

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8

Luo Zhenyu. Yinwen cun (Inscriptions from the Yin [Shang] Dynasty), 1917.

9

Luo Zhenyu. Gu mingqi tulu (Catalogue of Ancient Burial Objects), 1916.

In addition to stele style, the scope of Jinshixue was once again expanded from steles, epigraphy and bronzes into wider varieties of subject area, resulting from groundbreaking findings of oracle inscriptions, inscribed bamboo strips and clay impressions of seals. The unearthed relics provided fresh support to evidence research and antiquarian study. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this traditional scholarship was further viewed as historical data and developed into a scientific and systematic study by scholars such as Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei. In terms of the content of yishu (art), the selection of objects for the essays and catalogues actually reflects what these scholars thought could best represent the artistic beauty and technique of object-making and thus constitutes the philosophy behind the characters yi and shu. Traditionally, the term yishu mostly refers to techniques and skills, rather than art-related subjects. The use of yishu here was closer to meishu, a new adaptation from the Japanese translation of ‘fine art’, which first appeared in Wang Guowei’s translation of Ethics in 1902 in China.40 It is also worth noting that the topics covered in this Art Series actually overlapped with the titles collected in Guoxue congkan (Journal of National Learning; 1910–12, 1914–15), which Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu established in Shanghai, for instance: 1 2

3

4

5

Luo Zhenyu, Yinxu shuqi qianbian (Documents from Yin Sites, Part I ), Shangyu Luo Zhenyu Yongmuyuan, 1912. Luo Zhenyu. Xichui shike houlu (Postscripts to Carved Stones from the Western borders of China), in Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei eds., Guoxue congkan, volume 7, Shanghai: Shangyu Luoshi, 1914. Luo Zhenyu. Gua Sha Caoshi xipu (Genealogy of the Cao family in Gua and Sha [Counties]), in Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei eds., Guoxue congkan, volume 11, Shanghai: Shangyu Luoshi, 1914. Luo Zhenyu. Sui Tang bing fu tulu (Catalogue of Sui and Tang Military Tallies), preface dated 1909, in Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei eds., Guoxue congkan, volume 1, Shanghai: Shangyu Luoshi, 1910. Huang Renheng (1876–1953), Shili jianchao (Brief Notes on Collected Stones), 1911, in Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei eds., Guoxue congkan, volume 2, Shanghai: Shangyu Luoshi, 1911.

While national learning was considered as a representation of the state and elite culture, by linking yishu (art) with national learning and the ‘nation’

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through their selection of articles and catalogues, the scholars of the Society of Cang Jie Study aimed to represent jinshi as national learning, in addition to its textual value. Jinshi directly referred to authenticating history through visual objects and inscriptions, and beyond the framework of textual evidence research it was becoming an ‘art historical’ study, with an objectivity and heritage that helped to reconstruct the nation and a culture in decline. Wang Guowei considered the greatest discoveries in cultural relics in modern China were: Classics from the walls in the Confucian Temple; bamboo strips from the Western borders; manuscripts and hand-copied sutras from Dunhuang; and the Imperial Archives of Yuan to Qing. Apart from the Classics from the Confucian Temple, the remainder of these ancient relics had been studied only since the late Qing. These objects were included in the category of jinshi study by scholars, which had a great impact on research into ancient civilization and other related subject areas.41 Luo Zhenyu and his fellow scholars engaged in Evidential Learning in the Classics, philology and history and used traditional learning as a demonstration of their cultural identity. Although modern scholars often regard Luo Zhenyu as a pioneer in Chinese archaeology and art history, Luo considered himself to be a Confucian scholar of textual research.42 The motivation for his collecting of bronze vessels and epigraphs of inscribed stones was not only for the aesthetic beauty of the objects themselves. Through the study of objects, his ultimate objective was to scrutinize the origins of the Chinese writing system and to close the gaps in recorded history with the newly discovered materials. For instance, Luo studied the inscribed bronze spoons and marked them as cutlery for consuming fish dating to the Zhou dynasty (Fig. 6.08/Plate 31). Therefore, most of the items (now in the Lüshun Museum) that Luo cherished deeply comprise incised inscriptions, examples of which are a Shang bronze ding marked ‘Fugui’ (handed over from Dengfeng Street in 1958); a Shang bronze zhi vessel marked ‘shoufu’ (handed over from Dengfeng Street in 1958); an Eastern Zhou bronze zheng bell marked ‘Ran’ (purchased in 1957); a Qin bronze weight quan (handed over from Dengfeng Street in Lüshun in 1958); and a Ming dynasty miniature hill carved from the root of a tree (handed over from Dengfeng Street in 1958), all of which have incised inscriptions.43 It was with ‘inscribed characters’ and their meaning and referred history that Luo Zhenyu was obsessed, not the mode, their formal style nor the techniques of making bronze vessels. Luo considered that it was his good fortune to be able to see the excavated oracle-bone inscriptions, Dunhuang manuscripts, and burial objects from the Han to Tang dynasties, that made it possible for him to surpass the scholars and epigraphers of the early Qing.44 The pioneering archaeological finds enriched his knowledge and offered primary resources for his research into the ancient Chinese civilization and writing system. Luo also applied the categorization method normally used in textual research to the study of

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FIGURE 6.08 Luo Zhenyu, Rubbing of the Inscribed Bronze Spoon, 1925. Album leaf, rubbing and ink on paper, 24 × 22 cm, private collection.

archaeology and objects. That is why, in his publications, objects such as bronze mirrors, burial objects (mingqi), official seals of the Sui and Tang, ink paste for sealing (fengni), tallies (fupai), paper banknotes and land deeds (diquan) were separately catalogued and researched according to their types and functions, not grouped by period or geography. Luo believed that research into ancient materials and civilization would offer people a measurement of current society; that the present day is a reflection of history. Therefore, people would understand the origin and value of culture, where they are from, the proper moral accomplishments, and be able to make judgements concerning individual conduct and society. His attitude towards archaeology thus carries a strong sense of ethical concepts and scholarly responsibility, and the same sentiment toward jinshi study was shared among colleagues in the Society of Cang Jie Study and many Qing loyalists and antiquarians in the early twentieth century. After the collapse of the Qing, many former officials and loyalists either lived abroad or arrived in Shanghai to escape from political turmoil and to seek a living in the cultural industry. On the seventh day of the tenth month in year renzi (1912), with the support of Kang Youwei, Shen Huanzang, Shen Zengzhi (1850–1922), Liang Dingfen (1859–1920) and Zhu Xiaozang celebrated the birthday of Confucius in the Shandong huiguan and set up Kongjiaohui (Confucian Association, 1912–37) in Shanghai. In Shen

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Zengzhi’s Preface for the Confucian Association Monthly (Kongjiaohui zashi), he mentioned that the motivation for setting up this society was ‘fear that the decline of Confucian study will bring the ruin of China ᠬབྷᮉѻሷ ӑ㘼ѝ഻ѻн‫؍‬ҏ’. In order to save the nation, the society aimed to ‘provide Confucian learning as method and to offer practical charitable aids to the society . . . [the teaching] combines Buddhist, Daoist, Christian and Muslim teachings into one, which originated in China and should be promoted to countries overseas in order to remedy [degenerated] conscience, sustain the nation, elevate Confucian teaching, and glorify China. ԕ䅋㘂ᆨ୿⛪億ˈԕ ᮁ☏⽮ᴳ⛪⭘ਸ䟻㘱㙦എ㘼਼↨ˈࢥ࿻ᯬ‫ޗ‬഻ˈ᧘ᔓҾཆ⌻ˈްԕᥭ ᮁӪᗳˈ㏝ᤱ഻䙻ˈབྷ᰼ᆄᆀѻᮉˈ㚯ᱝѝ഻ѻ‫ݹ‬DŽ’.45 It was believed and practised by Qing loyalists that to reconstruct the nation was to restore ‘tradition’. No matter whether it involved Confucian learning or study of ancient relics and Classics, the homage to ‘tradition’ was highly politicized and the study of ‘tradition’ was signified as national essence, a means to restore the order of society, and further protect the Chinese culture from being ruined during the dynastic transition when China was divided by external and internal powers. In the fall of 1921, therefore, the Qing loyalists established Yazhou xueshu yanjiuhui (Society of Asian Studies) and the Journal of Asian Studies edited by Wang Zonglin (1867–after 1922), Deng Yanyuan (act. 1890– 1920s) and Sun Deqian (1869–1935) in Shanghai. Members like Cao Yuanbi (1867–1953), Zhang Ertian (1874–1945), Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu were also key contributors to this publication. Originally the Society would meet up for lectures twice or three times monthly and it was intended that the journal would be published monthly, but later, owing to financial difficulties, it was published quarterly and publication ended shortly after the fourth issue in 1922.46 In Zhen Xiaoxu’s (1860–1938) diary entry dated 10 August 1923 he listed twenty Qing loyalists who jointly organized the Dongfang xuehui (The Eastern Society) in Shanghai. These people, led by Ke Fengsun (1850– 1933 or 1840–1934), include Luo Zhenyu, Wang Guowei, Zhu Xiaozang, Chen Sanli (1853–1937), Xu Naichang (1868–1936), Ye Erkai (1864– 1937?), Zheng Xiaoxu, Li Ru (act. 1910–20s), Chen Yi (b. 1837), Aisin Gioro Baoxi (1871–1942), Wang Jilie (1873–1952), Zhang Yu (1864–1934), Chen Zengju (1884–1943), Zhang Meiyi (1856–1924), Gu Hongming (1857–1923), Guwalgiya Jinliang (1878–1962), Tao Baolian (1862–1938), Wang Bingen (1845–1928) and Liu Chenggan (1882–1963). The Eastern Society also invited international sinologists Richard Wilhelm (German, 1873–1930) and Imanisi Ryu (Japanese, 1875–1932) to serve as board members. However, little has been recorded on this short-lived society. According to the manuscript of ‘Guidelines of the Eastern Society’ drafted by Luo Zhenyu and discovered in the collection of Lüshun Museum, Luo listed ten guidelines:

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1

189

The society aims to promote the study of the three-thousand-yearold culture of the East, including four major areas: philosophy, history, literature and art.

The headquarters of the society will be in Beijing and Tianjin, and branches will then be launched in every province. 3 Six areas of work for the society are: 2

A. Establish a library and museum to collect books and cultural relics. B. Organize lectures in order to promote academic study. C. Set up a printing plant to promote both ancient and modern scholarship; and publish its own academic journal. D. Host international scholars for academic exchanges. E. Set up a travel department. (detail is missing). F. Set up an archaeology department to excavate sites and famous ruins for antiquarian study. 4

5

6 7

8

The society plans to set up an Architecture Association in Beijing, and a library and a museum in Tianjin. Before they are built, we will have a preparatory office to run the necessary administrative work. The funding will be collected in two phases: each phase [we will raise] one million yuan. In phase 1, [we will] spend 200,000 yuan in building a convention centre, library and museum. Substance for library holding and museum collection will be 400,000 yuan, the rest will go to the savings account for interest; the monthly interests [earned from banking] will be used for subsidizing basic costs. The founding members will be responsible for fundraising. The society welcomes contributions from international communities. No restrictions on nationality of membership; whoever agrees with the rule of the society and are recommended by universities or higher education worldwide will be admitted to the society. The detailed rules will be established later. Once the society is established, staff will be employed. The tentative positions are: A. Chair and Vice Chair B. Secretary C. Accountant D. Administrator E. Translator F. Receptionist G. Household staff

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9 In addition to the staff listed in item 8, we will invite reputed

scholars, despite their nationalities, to the peer-review board for our publications. 10

[Blank].47

Apart from recruiting members from the fields of philosophy, history, literature and the arts, the society ran its own printing plant, museum, library and peer-review board. A considerable number of publications were brought out by the society and its members. Being Qing loyalists, Luo and his equals aspired to promote Eastern cultures and national Chinese learning globally. Through their international contacts, especially with scholars in Europe and Japan, their impact on establishing Sinology as a discipline was immeasurable.

6.4 Jinshi Society as Museum or Art Market? In 1912, Chaoran yinshe (Poetry Society of Transcending the Worldly) was also established in Shanghai. Members who attended the first meeting in Fan Yuan (Private Garden of Fan [Zengxiang], 1846–1931) were Qu Hongji (1850–1918), Liang Dingfen, Shen Zengzhi, Chen Sanli, Feng Xu, Fan Zengxiang, Shen Yuqing (1858–1918), Zhou Shumo (1860–1925), Chen Kuilong (1857–1948), Wang Naizheng (1861–1933) and Zhu Xiaozang. The membership overlapped between jinshi poetry and Confucian learning societies. But after the nineteenth meeting was held on 5 February 1914, half of the society members (including Zhou Shumo) went to serve the Republican government, and the poetry society Chaoran yinshe was disbanded. Like the Poetry Society of Transcending the Worldly, many non-profit art or literary societies in Shanghai did not survive long, especially when the economic situation became critical. Other jinshi societies appeared after the Society of Cang Jie Study and Society of the Virtuous began to be incorporated with the art market following the successful mode of Tijinguan in which the art society was a place for taking commissions and negotiating prices for artists and charging service fees from the sales. With a strong emphasis on the use of jinshi in developing one’s art, Huang Binhong regarded jinshi and ancient objects as cultural relics, therefore the art societies such as the Society of the Virtuous should host exhibitions and serve as a ‘museum space’, enabling people to exchange their studies, to display their collections and to accumulate knowledge. An article in Shenbao (1903) described exhibitions thus: ‘From elites down to the common folk (minshu), [exhibitions] are understood to be about strengthening and enriching [the nation], and not, as expected, about pleasuring the senses [literally, travelling through ear and eye інԕ ⛪㙣ⴞѻ⑨]’.48

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Between 1907 and 1937 during his stay in Shanghai, Huang Binhong also set up another Society of Chinese Bronze and Stone, Calligraphy, Painting and Art-Views at No. 309–2 in Weihai Road in 1926. His aim of preserving national essence, and the criteria for admissions for membership and for publication were similar to the handbook of the Society of the Virtuous, but this society provided a service to members to display and sell their own works, books and antique collections with a 10 per cent commission fee.49 Members were also allowed to publish their writing in the journal subsidized by the society, Yiguan huakan (Illustrated Journal of Art-Views, 1926, nos. 1–4) which was renamed as Yiguan zazhi (Journal of Art-Views), which published one issue only in 1927. It was resumed in 1929 and 1930 for six more monthly issues before being closed owing to financial difficulty.50 The exhibitions and object displays organized by art societies featured not just ideas but also cultural practice, yet at the same time could not avoid appropriating commercial interests. Inevitably, the exhibitions organized in the societies turned from display spaces into art markets. Although to begin with, in funding the Society of the Virtuous, Huang rejected the commercial dealing of antiquities, as discussed above Hong Zaixin suggests that Huang Binhong ultimately played a major role in antique dealing in Shanghai, and was the owner of Zhouguzhai antique shop from 1914.51 The same contradictory role was also found in Qing loyalists like Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu, and their dealing in antiquities with foreign buyers. In the early twentieth century, antique dealing was not a matter of poetic mood or refined interests, but was often related to the harsh reality that the jobless Qing imperial family and former officials had to face. In Aisin Gioro Baoxi’s seventeen letters to Luo Zhenyu, dated from 1912 to 1936, Baoxi clearly stated that he found himself in a woeful predicament after the fall of the Qing. As he could no longer afford to feed his family, he was selling his family art collections to survive. Yet it would be too embarrassing to sell it to friends or buyers he knew in China, and the price would be low. So he consequently asked Luo Zhenyu to sell them to Japanese collectors who would normally offer a better price and would appreciate various kinds of objects, from paintings, calligraphy, ancient coins and epigraphs to manuscripts and rare books.52 Taking the letter written on 15 October 1912 as an example, Baoxi made a list of paintings he asked Luo to sell for him: Shen Shitian (Shen Zhou, 1427–1509), Landscape, long handscroll, 220 yuan. Zhao Zigu (Zhao Mengjian, 1199–1264), Orchid, handscroll, 330 yuan. Wen Jia (1501–83), Immortal Land, small hanging scroll, 110 yuan. Wen Hengshan (Wen Zhengming, 1470–1559), Three Perfections, handscroll, 330 yuan.

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If [you wish to] keep them, the prices are as listed, [you can] pay me in Chinese currency. If not, the price for Zhao Zigu and Wen Hengshan’s scrolls would be eight hundred and forty Chinese yuan. If your Japanese friends wish to purchase them, the price could be reduced to seven hundred Chinese yuan.53 ⊸⸣⭠ኡ≤䮧ধҼⲮҼॱൃ 䏉ᆀപ㱝㣡ধйⲮйॱൃ ᮷హԉኡെሿᑵаⲮаॱൃ ᮷㺑ኡй㎅ধйⲮйॱൃ ൷‫ײ‬৏㖞ѻ‫ˈ⮉ྲˈܩ‬䃻᤹ѝᒓԈⅮਟҏDŽ䏉ǃ᮷Ҽধᇊ‫Ⲯޛܩ‬ഋ ॱൃDŽᰕ৻ྲ⮉ˈਟ⑋⛪ѝᒓгⲮൃDŽ The correspondence between Baoxi and Luo Zhenyu provides us with a moving picture of the uneasy situation of Baoxi, who had to trade his family collection for a living, and they also offer information on the different guide prices for works by famous Song and Ming painters to Chinese and Japanese buyers and an indication of what works were preferred by Japanese collectors at that time. Also, from a letter dated 24 September 1912, we learn that the commission fee Luo gained for each sold item was around 20 per cent of the sale price.54 Luo Zhenyu often kept the items he could afford and sold the rest of the objects he was entrusted with to his Japanese circle. According to the list of Luo’s own painting collection, we notice that Luo did indeed keep Zhao Zigu’s Orchid painting and Shen Zhou’s landscape painting sent to him by Baoxi in 1912.55 So we could assume that the sources of Luo Zhenyu’s art collection were not only from the antique shops in cities, but many of them, especially the most valuable ones, came directly from the family collections of his yilao friends. Even when Luo and Baoxi had both moved to Dalian and Lüshun, Baoxi still mentioned the hardships he had in life. The only way he could make a living was to sell his calligraphy and he continued to put on the market the remainder of his family collection, such as rare books, ancient coins and a precious silver necklace of the Eastern Han which he would never have consented to part with if he had not been so desperate.56 Baoxi also mentioned that other yilao, such as Dong Kang (1867–1942), Shixu (1852/3–1921), Yuan Lihuai (1875–1938), Wang Shouchen (act. c. 1910–20s) and Fang Ruo (1869–1954) were also selling antiques and rare books as a source of revenue. In Ke Fengsun’s twenty-three letters to Luo, we can also see similar difficulties in terms of finance and identity that Qing loyalists encountered during the time of changes.57 Because of Luo Zhenyu’s Japanese connections, Luo was able to trade art for his friends and for himself for money; yet his art dealing with the Japanese has often been criticized by historians and his

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patriotic contemporaries. Although he himself many times expressed the sadness and anguish of being too powerless to keep the cultural relics inside China, it was a difficult situation for him to wish to preserve heritage in Chinese hands yet at the same time be in want of money for his family and his poverty-stricken yilao friends.58

6.5 Political Use of Jinshi: Re-writing History with Archaic Models At the turn of the century, practitioners of traditional learning and jinshi study both claimed to be ‘Preserving the National Essence of China’, despite the different political stances they took. Some artists presented calligraphy as ‘historical artefact’, rather than exploring the technique of ancient calligraphy. At the same time, the function and format of the elegant gathering changed accordingly; the appreciation of visual materials had been shifted from painting to antique objects, excavated archaeological findings, and rubbings of steles or inscriptions incised on bronze vessels and mirrors, thus creating a unique intellectual culture and new social spheres. The jinshi study in ancient art objects incorporates Classics, history, and the origin and development of Chinese script system. From being a sideline to textual Evidential Learning in the seventeenth century, through appreciation of formal beauty and aesthetics in materiality in the nineteenth century, to authenticating history through archaeological discovery, and to the political use of jinshi to revive Chinese culture and restore a nation at the turn of twentieth century, the homage to tradition reveals facets of its time and context, its view on the history of objects and how objects represented history. Pivotal in all this were the intellectuals and artists who witnessed the collapse of the Qing and the unstable state power of the early Republican era, and whose advocacy of ‘traditional’ culture seemed antithetical to European-inspired modernist movements. By adopting the advanced collotype and half-tone technology for printing, Huang Binhong and other art publishers strived to make their reproductions equivalent to their originals.59 He wrote about the need for a reproduction technology that matches jinshi rubbings, not short-lived materials such as Ming wood blocks or late Qing lithography, as a means of transmitting pictures, and commented on the success of the Guocui xuebao in this regard. The other aforementioned societies all aimed to promote jinshi study through publications, yet their challenges lay in the effect of reproduction in printed two-dimensional materials. The task of reproducing the versatile range of materials and formats in Chinese art in the early twentieth century was not simply a quest for true-to-life representation of the objects, but also sought to ensure that through the process of replication the authority of artistic tradition and the art of ‘tradition’ could remain ‘forever ancient and

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forever new’.60 A transformation was produced in the subject when one assimilated the image, and there were two stages to the process of identity creation through identification: first, the assimilation of the image, and second, its transformation. The concept allows for the initial, externalized and conscious discovery of models – in this case, the calligraphic form – or the schematic formation of jinshi painting; followed, as a secondary result, by an internalized and subconscious transformation of personal identity. The choice of an archaic model thus became a form of rebellion. A return to the antique provides a national internalized source of refuge in a heritage that the invasion forces could not share. Paying homage to tradition was a way to revive and renew art throughout the development of Chinese art. This book warns against overgeneralizing Jinshixue as a by-product of regime change when some Republican jinshi societies were made up of people of different backgrounds and beliefs. The political use of jinshi reinforced the popular appeal of art at the turn of the twentieth century and ultimately defined the essence of its modernity and modern painting.

CHAPTER SEVEN

Conclusion Multiplicity and Modernity

The political sentiment at the collapse of the old Confucian orders in Asia had a direct impact on the preservation of traditional practices and the future of art in China and nearby countries against the challenges of emerging Western art, photography, film, architecture, graphic design and other visual media. How to find a balance while assessing modernity and reclaiming traditional culture became an urgent issue for intellectuals in the East. In investigating the ways the traditional elite culture and art transcended the time of change in modern China and beyond, scholars have been interested in the interlocking problems of how Chinese and Japanese intellectuals and artists became acquainted with each other, and whether they were influenced by those contacts in their works and shared similar anxieties. As a journalist, publisher, calligrapher, art patron and owner of the Western-style pharmacy Shanghai Rakuzendo¯ and its various branches throughout China that supported numerous Japanese politicians, intellectuals and drifters, Kishida Ginko¯ (1833–1905) was considered as the ‘tairiku ronin no ganso’ (the first Mainland venturer).1 On his third trip to China in 1880, when Kishida founded his business in Henan Road in Shanghai, Rakuzendo¯ was not only a Western pharmacy selling a range of medicine and goods, it was also a bookstore and a publishing house. With his multicoloured character in art dealing and controversial political roles, Kishida contributed to Japanese research on China and bridged communication between the two countries.2 In his Usun Nikki (Shanghai Diary), he recorded meetings with more than seventy Chinese.3 He was a close contact of famous intellectuals and news editors, such as Wang Tao, 195

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He Guisheng (1841–94) and Zhang Sigui (1816–88), who later became an assistant diplomat to the Japanese Ambassador He Ruzhang (1839–91) in 1876. Many of Kishida Ginko¯’s friends were prolific painters, such as Zhang Xiong, Ren Yi, Wu Changshi, Hu Gongshou (1823–86) and Yu Qianyun (act. c. 1880s), and well-known calligraphers, such as Yang Shoujing, Wei Zhusheng, Luo Zhenyu, Feng Yun (1844–1926), Chen Honggao (before 1850–1884), Wang Qinxian (act. c. 1870–80s), Chen Yunsheng (1820–84) and Sun Renpu (act. c. 1860–70s). Several of them later visited Japan and occasionally painted together while travelling abroad; they also represented the fusion of scholarly artists and professionals in the late Qing.4 Kishida’s active social life was constantly recorded in the newspapers. In the image of Picking Chrysanthemum at the Xu Garden (Fig. 7.01) published in Dianshizhai huabao (Dianshizhai Illustrated News) on 22 November 1888), Kishida stood in the middle; to his right was He Guisheng, the editor of Shenbao newspaper; to his left was his son; while the host Xu Jieyu (act. c. 1880–90s) was seated on a rock.5 Huang Xiexun (1851–1924), the author of Songnan mengyinglu (Account on a Dream Journey to Shanghai, 1883), also published a long article entitled ‘Parting at River in Spring’ to praise Kishida’s contribution to the Magnolia Poet Society (Yulan yinshe) and Sino-Japanese relations.6

FIGURE 7.01 Jin Guisheng, Picking Chrysanthemums at the Xu Garden, in Dianshizhai huabao (Dianshizhai Illustrated News), the 19th day of the tenth month, 1888 (22 November 1888). (1/4).

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As a capable calligrapher, Kishida Ginko¯ preferred the clerical script and the running script according to the few surviving calligraphic works by him. With his frequent visits to Shanghai between 1866 and 1898, his keen interest and awareness in the calligraphy of the Stele School was reflected in both his artistic circle and his art collection. The transcription from the famous stele Ko¯kuri Ko¯taio¯hi (Stele of Gwanggaeto the Great of Goguryeo; also known as Monument of the King of Korea, 414), currently in the collection of Tokyo National Museum, for instance, was formerly collected by Kishida Ginko¯.7 While the study of bronze and stone was fashionable in China, his choice of objects could have been under the influence of his Chinese circle, and such a special interest encouraged a renewal in Japanese calligraphy. Kishida’s informative knowledge of art collections in Japan also stimulated artistic development in China; for instance, Yang Shoujing (1839–1915) copied this set of Ko¯taio¯hi Steles and later published it into six scrolls in 1909, and Luo Zhenyu also did a solid study on the inscriptions of this stele in 1908.8 In turn, Yang Shoujing, who served as the assistant diplomat in Japan from 1880 to 1884, was the most influential figure who introduced the Stele School to the literary circle in Meiji Japan (1868–1912).9 As recorded in Matsuda Sekka’s (1823–81) diary on 17 and 21 July 1880, Yang invited him along with Iwaya Osamu (1834–1905) and Kusakabe Meikaku (1838– 1922), the most respected Japanese calligraphers, to view over 13,000 fine rubbings of the steles Yang brought over from China. They were impressed by Yang’s knowledge of Evidential Learning and eager to obtain the copies of Yang’s Jisu feiqingge pingbeiji (Criticism on Steles from the Pavilion of Exciting Activities and Swift Clarity, 1867) and Kaifa suyuan (In Search of the Origin of Standard Script) by Yang’s teacher Pan Cun (1817–93).10 Although Iwaya and Kusakabe were interested in steles and had established a calligraphy society before they met Yang Shoujing on 28 February 1879, it is notable that the Japanese calligraphers were able to access a large quantity of the Northern Wei calligraphy for the first time through Yang’s extensive collection.11 The diary of Matsuda Sekka (21 July 1880) detailed that the rubbings they viewed were mainly the Northern Wei and Tang steles. The Song dynasty rubbing of Letter of Fighting for a Seat (Zhengzuowei gao, 764) in semi-cursive style by Yan Zhenqing was divine; and Kusakabe borrowed four rubbings, including the Stele of Pei Jingmin (Pei Jingmin bei, 642) in the standard script which Yang recommended as the best among the Tang steles.12 They might have seen the clerical script, bafen and standard script, but are unlikely to have seen a great deal of seal script since the preHan and Han steles were rare. Yang also demonstrated the techniques of brushwork for Kusakabe and his Japanese friends, and the methods of writing the stele-style, such as zhongfeng (centred brush tip) and cangfeng (hiding the brush tip) described in Duan Yucai’s (1735–1815) ‘Shubi fa’ (Comments on Brushwork) (Fig. 7.02) and Bao Shichen’s ‘Shushu’

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FIGURE 7.02 Kusakabe Meikaku’s discussion with Yang Shoujin on calligraphic technique written on Duan Yucai’s ‘Comments on Brushwork’ (Duanshi shubifa), Japanese edition. 1888.

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(Comments on Calligraphy) were exemplified in detail through their numerous written discussions.13 Kusakabe followed Yang’s instruction and practised the ‘curve-wrist technique’ (huiwan fa, Fig. 7.03/Plate 32) after Bao Shichen’s theory on calligraphy. Kusakabe Meikaku was very much inspired by Yang Shoujing in the early 1880s and later visited Shanghai in 1891.14 From Kishida’s diary, Kusakabe consulted with Kishida for his opinion before his departure to China.15 Kusakabe Meikaku had intensive artistic exchanges with Wu Dacheng, Yang Xian, Wu Changshi, Yu Yue and Luo Zhenyu.16 Chen Nian, the disciple of Wu Changshi, once made a portrait based on a photograph of Kusakabe, on which Wu Changshi and Yang Shoujing wrote the colophons.17 Wu Changshi also frequently dedicated his paintings to Kusakabe Meikaku. Several extant works in Japanese collections show a strong link between Wu Changshi and Kusakabe Meikaku, such as Wu’s Plum, dated 1904, dedicated to Kusakabe Meikaku.18 Wu also wrote the calligraphy for Kusakabe Meikaku and his wife’s tombstone in 1922 (Fig. 7.04). People often compare Wu’s and Meikaku’s achievements in calligraphy, as the latter was highly regarded as a ‘Virtuous Calligrapher of the East Sea’ by his contemporaries in Japan.

FIGURE 7.03 Photograph of Kusakabe Meikaku writing in ‘Curve-Wrist Technique’ after Bao Shichen’s theory on calligraphy, Hikone Castle Museum Open Access.

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FIGURE 7.04 Wu Changshi, Calligraphy for Kusakabe Meikaku and his Wife’s Tombstone, 1922. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, Kyoto National Museum Colbase Open Data While Yang Shoujing mainly introduced the pre-Tang steles to his Japanese circle, the stone drum stele-script and the seal scripts on the bronze vessels were introduced by Wu Changshi, Yang Xian, Wu Dacheng, Yu Yue and Xu Sangeng to their Japanese visitors who came to Shanghai and Hangzhou to study calligraphy and seal carving. Based on Matsuda Sekka’s diary (17 and 21 July 1880) and Kusakabe Meikaku’s work, their learning about seal script did not happen in the 1880s but after Kusakabe visited Yu Yue, Wu Dacheng and Wu Changshi in 1890.19 Maruyama Daiu (1838– 1916) and Akiyama Hakugan (1864–1954) studied with Xu Sangeng, and both of them brought back Xu’s infamous technique of ‘dual/multipledirection seal carving’ (shuangdao) and calligraphy in seal script to their Japanese circle.20 Xu Sangeng’s recreation of Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven (276) given to Akiyama met a rave response in Tokyo.21 Some of the Chinese artists of jinshi style were even more celebrated in Japan than in their homeland. Nakamura Fusetsu (1868–1943) translated Kang Youwei’s influential text on the Stele School, Expanded Argumentation of ‘The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art’ (Guang Yizhou shuangji, 1889), for Japanese readers in 1914. Following in Kusakabe’s footsteps, Nakamura founded Ryu¯minkai

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(Society of the Slumbering Dragon, 1912–21) specifically to promote the Six Dynasty School in Calligraphy (Rikucho Shodo), aiming to revolutionize modern Japanese calligraphy against the practice of Chinese-style modelbook calligraphy (karayo).22 The appreciation for the Stele School reflected not only the adaptation of Evidential Learning in China but also the changing canon of Japanese taste in elite art. The introduction of epigraphic rubbings also offered a new aesthetic inspiration to the Japanese calligraphy, as well as the visual evidence to the Sinophone scholars in Japan. When the traditional elite learning and national identity were facing challenges from Western art and modern ideas, the East Asian artists’ choice of pursuing antiquarian art would beg for more attention in a comparative light in future scholarship. Studies on modern Chinese painting have linked the contemporary promotional movement of guoxue (national learning), guocui (national essence) and construction of historical relics – guogu – with the artistic movement at the turn of the twentieth century.23 Within China, nationalistic sentiments notably inhibit objective analysis of Sino-Japanese and SinoWestern cultural exchanges during the end of the Qing dynasty and throughout the Republican period: the fact that China was occupied by external and internal powers, including foreign countries and Chinese warlords, ensured that China at this time was not governed or united by one political body. The term ‘Chinese’ included an ethnic diversity driven by dynastic change, political belief, family background and education and profession, which suggests a ‘pluralism’ of many aspects in its time. The contemporary concept of ‘China’ as ‘one nation’ could be in debate; it was also hard to define what guohua (Chinese national painting) meant.24 Echoing the political phenomena and anxiety, the artists tended to take up their social roles by establishing new journals and participating in various movements and public engagements, in order to search for suitable directions for modern Chinese painting. After Kang Youwei put forward the idea of ‘retro for innovation’ (fugu wei gexin) in 1918, Chen Duxiu (1879–1942) and Lü Cheng (1896–1989) advocated ‘Art Revolution’ in the New Cultural Movement (mid-1910–1920s) that denied the orthodox school of the Four Wangs and instigated debates on cultural identity.25 Xu Beihong (1895– 1953) published the essay ‘Method of Reforming Chinese Painting’ in 1920, which commented negatively on the literati painting by the Four Masters of the Yuan as old-fashioned and dull; the Stele School as awkward and eccentric; and the Shanghai calendar posters as vulgar, appreciated only by people without knowledge of art.26 Chen Shizeng (1876–1923), one of the staunchest upholders of traditional painting and culture in general, also endorsed the practical value of graphic design over purposeless painting in his essay ‘Painting Came from its Practical Use’.27 Their claims in promotion of Western Realism and industrial art had aroused strong resistance from the traditionalists and nationalists.

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With the support of Xu Shichang (1855–1939), the president of the Beiyang government of 1919–1920, Jin Cheng (1878–1926) and Zhou Zhaoxiang (1880–1954) joined forces with Beijing painters to launch the Chinese Painting Research Association (Zhongguohua yanjiuhui), calling for ‘advocating elegance and preserving the quintessence of the country ᨀّ付䳵ˈ‫؍‬ᆈ഻㋩’.28 Jin Cheng also participated in the preparation of the Eastern Painting Association (Dongfang huihua xiehui) to promote Sino-Japanese art exchanges and held four Chinese–Japanese joint painting exhibitions. This northern painting group formed an important voice for traditional art until it was stopped by the Anti-Japanese War in 1937. At the same time, Gao Jianfu (1879–1951), who was promoting the New Chinese Painting in the South, found modern Japanese art as a model. Aida Yuen Wong in her research has pointed out the connection between Gao Jianfu’s broken brushwork in depicting the decaying ruins and his learning of Kang Youwei’s style after the Stele School of calligraphy. Such a distinctive manner and the desolate scenes he sketched from life symbolized the turmoil of wartime China in the first half of the twentieth century.29 With the examples of Nihongga (Japanese-style painting) and the Six Dynasties School of Calligraphy experimented on in Japan, the idea of creating a revolution in Chinese art by mediating between East and West and by restoring the cultural heritage were inviting options. Sharing a great concern over the direction that modern Chinese painting should take, many artists and intellectuals sought inspiration from indigenous epigraphic study. Huang Binhong claimed that Jinshixue was the cure to revitalize the Chinese painting and literati tradition in modern China.30 The use of history in the formation of Chinese ethnic identity in art and publications on ‘ancient’ artefacts were considered as ways to connect ancient and modern times, to present a historical continuity. Modernity is the age where the past no longer carries any certainty of evaluation, where individuals, having lost their traditional standards and values, must search for new grounds of human community as such . . . Only by reappropriating the past by means of what Arendt called ‘the deadly impact of new thoughts’ (Men in Dark Times, 201) can we hope to restore meaning to the present and throw some light on the contemporary situation.31 The course of ideological and sociopolitical change in modern China had to start with re-elucidation of Chinese heritage, rather than with its refusal and negation. With the introduction of the specialized subjects of archaeology, natural history, history, art and cultural studies, Jinshixue as a subject of traditional scholarship ironically diverged and was gradually diminished in the course of modernization. The zeitgeist, the spirit of the age, once created by the

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phenomenon of Jinshixue had become a faint reflection in the background of recent history. The distinctive jinshiqi elements in painting, calligraphy and seal carving had gone with the passing of Wu Changshi and Huang Binhong, who were excellent in the Four Accomplishments as well as knowledgeable in Evidential Learning. The most accomplished techniques of composite rubbing achieved in Dashou and Chen Jieqi’s work had died out. When carrying out the conservation and condition inspection of the two long hangscrolls of the Antique Collection of Kezhai [Wu Dacheng] (Kezhai jigu tu) at the de-installation of the exhibition ‘Treasures from Shanghai: Ancient Chinese Bronzes and Jades’, we were so impressed by the technique of the composite rubbings by Lu Hui in which there was no seam or any visible trace of the mounting of each individual rubbing that could be spotted even under the eagle eye of the most experienced conservator: it appeared as if all the rubbings on the scroll were made from a single sheet of paper, which we knew was impossible.32 Seeing the decay of Jinshixue in art, Sha Menghai (1900–92) pointed out that Jinshixue is the subject of scholarship, and seal carving the art of skill; when the contemporary seal carvers no longer study Jinshixue, they are mere artists, no longer scholar-artists.33 His critical observation marked the main division between the late Qing artists and the ones in the present day. It also brought out the challenges faced by artists in recent years who wished to retain their ‘literati identity’ but who have abandoned the core study of Jinshixue and have often become obsessed by politics or the art market. To exercise the policy of rearing pigs at the Great Leap Forward Movement (1958–1961), Yangzhu yinpu (Rearing Pigs: A Collection of Seals, 1960) was co-produced by Fang Quji (1922–2001), Wu Putang (1922–66) and Shan Xiaotian (1921–87) for political propaganda. The versatile styles in the album demonstrated the three artists’ knowledge of the seal art tradition. The texts of the seals, such as ‘send the strong and helpful cadre to lead rearing pigs’, ‘people of every profession should attend the Meetings of Rearing Pigs’, ‘one ton of pork equals five tons of steel’, ‘pigs are the best among the six domestic animals’, ‘There are many benefits of rearing pigs’ (Fig. 7.05) and ‘lazy people raise slim pigs’, mostly quoted from editorials in the mainstream newspapers or from Chairman Mao, bore no resemblance to the predecessors of seal art. This seal collection was initially designated to celebrate the success of ‘twenty million pregnant sows’; however, due to the changeable political climate and censorship, the album was never published and the names of the three artists remained obscure until 2015.34 While the memory of Mao might seem exhausted in the last century, the political implication in traditional art is as great as ever. In celebrating the ninetieth year of funding the Chinese Communist Party, the prolific seal artists in the Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society presented the seals, such as ‘power to the people’ in seal script by Mao Darong and ‘the glorious journey’ in clerical script by Liu Jiang, which loudly promoted the Party’s slogan. Seals like

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FIGURE 7.05 Seal Imprint: ‘There are many benefits of rearing pigs’; seal inscription: ‘Editorials, People’s Daily, 11th November 1959’. Fang Quji, Wu Putang and Shan Xiaotian, Yangzhu yinpu (Rearing Pigs: A Collection of Seals), 1960; 2015, 20. ‘Red Boat in the South Lake of Jiaxing’, ‘Xiangtan’, ‘Wujiang’, ‘Shanghai’, ‘Mt Jinggang’, ‘Anyuan’, ‘Chongqing’ and ‘Tiananmen Square’ all referred to the significant political incidents and battlefields for the Party. The images of the Party leaders on the seal reliefs (Fig. 7.06), including Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997) and Hu Jintao (1942–), cocontributed by eight seal engravers, reminded us that art and artists could hardly escape from their time and social conditions.35 The content of art, as well as style and technique, are to be appropriated constantly for purposes which convey a strong sense of a specific time and background. Addressing the key issues of ‘appropriating antiquity’ this book, taking the activities from the late Qing to the early Republican era as examples, has investigated from various viewpoints the formation of the jinshi phenomenon in art and its contribution to expanding the definition of yishu (art) from predominantly painting and calligraphy to the incorporation of other kinds of collectables, including steles, bronzes, archaeological motifs and historical fragments. The discussion of the Qing scholars’ appropriation of the early scripts in calligraphy and the use of composite rubbing as the transformative

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FIGURE 7.06 Joint Seal Carving in Celebration of the Ninetieth Year of the Chinese Communist Party. From left to right (row 1): ‘Zhou Enlai’ by Wu Jingchu ੣䶌ࡍ, ‘Liu Shaoqi ࢹቁཷ’ by Han Huanfeng 七➕ጠ, ‘Deng Xiaoping 䝗ሿᒣ’ by Cai Yiqiang 㭑⇵ᕧ, ‘Hu Jintao 㜑䥖☔’ by Li Zuxi ᵾ⾆ᡢ; from left to right (row 2): ‘Li Dazhao ᵾབྷ䠇’ by Zhang Gengyuan ᕥ㙅Ⓚ, ‘Zhu De ᵡᗧ’ by Liu Yisi ࢹ᱃ᙍ, ‘Xu Xiangqian ᗀੁࡽ’ by Shen Chen ⊸⊸, and ‘Bo Yibo 㮴а⌒’ by Luo Guanglei 㖵‫ݹ‬ ⻺. 2011. Seal imprints, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society.

model of knowledge offered the ground for replicating antiquities. While each individual’s life experience in the wars became a shared collective memory written into painting and seal carving, the artworks provided a biography of the objects of their time. This study has considered the reasons why the investigation of ‘broad learning’ became a marketable opportunity, and has contextualized how socioeconomics was an effective force behind the materialization and translation of Jinshixue. For some Qing loyalists, antiquarianism might have been just a pastime.36 But for many who were concerned about art and its history, the renewal of historical relics through Jinshixue-based art was chosen tactically to represent ethnic identity in the crisis of Chinese culture. In reflecting the rise and fall of Jinshixue in Chinese visual culture, it is hoped that the discussion in this book provides some useful insights that may help us to address certain problematic features of the modern age.

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1 Introduction: Jinshi in Modern Context 1 Zhu Jianxin, Jinshixue (The Epigraphic Study) (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930; 1958; Reprinted Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1995), 2–3. 2 ‘The emperors collected gems, the nobles collected bronze and stones, the bureaucrats stored livestock and the commoners stored silk and cotton fabrics. ཙᆀ㯿⨐⦹ˈ䄨‫ן‬㯿䠁⸣ˈབྷཛ㫴⣜俜ˈⲮဃ㯿ᐳᑋDŽ’. In Dai De, ‘Quanxue’ (An Exhortation to Learning), Dadai Liji (Collected Rituals of Dai the Elder), juan 7; Sibu congkan chubian, Vol. 49, Chapter 64, 17. http://ctext.org/library. pl?if=en&file=77372&page=17 (accessed on 25 June 2016). 3 ‘Using the bronze bell and chime stone as music instruments to make rich and splendid sound. 㘼ԕ䠁⸣िㄩѻ᰼བྷೲᓦ⛪′’, in Wei Zhao commented, ‘Chuyu shang’ (Chu Language, Part I), Guoyu, Chapter 17, edited in Sibu congkan chubian, Vol. 254, 55. http://ctext.org/library. pl?if=en&file=77611&page=55 (accessed on 25 June 2016). 4 Xunzi wrote that ‘If one works at carving sparingly, you will not make an impression even on a piece of rotten wood; if one works at carving steadfastly, even bronze and stone can be engraved. 䦕㘼㠽ѻˈᵭᵘнᣈDŽ䦕㘼н㠽ˈ 䠁⸣ਟ䨔, cited from ‘Quanxue pian shang’ (Book I: An Exhortation to Learning), The Xunzi, juan 1, 25. https://archive.org/details/06082256.cn/page/ n24/mode/2up?view=theater (accessed on 29 August 2019). 5 Mo Di, ‘Jian’ai xia’ (Universal Love II), in Mozi, juan 4 (Reprinted Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1965), 36. 6 See Wang Guowei, ‘Songdai zhi jinshixue’ (The Epigraphic Study in Song Dynasty), Jing’an wenji (Collected Essays of Jing’an-Wang Guowei) (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1905; Reprinted Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997), 208–13; Zhu Jianxin, Jinshixue, 4; Ma Heng, Fanjiangzhai jinshi conggao (Drafts on Bronze and Stone Studies of Fanjiang Studio) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 2; and Ma Wujiu (Ma Heng), Zhongguo jinshixue gaoyao (Outline of Epigraphic Study in China), lecture notes for Beijing University during 1910–20s (Reprinted Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1967), 3. 7 Wang Guowei, ‘Songdai zhi jinshixue,’ 208–12; Yun-Chiahn C. Sena, ‘Cataloguing Antiquity: A Comparative Study of the Kaogu tu and Bogu tu’, in Wu Hung, ed.. Reinventing the Past-Archaism and Antiquarian in Chinese Art and Visual Culture (Chicago: Art Media Resources, 2010), 200–28. 207

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8 Zhu Jianxin, Jinshixue, 4–12; Chen Fang-mei, ‘Jinxue, shike yu fatie chuantong de jiaohui-‘Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanshi fatie’ Song ta shiben canye de wenhuashi yiyi’ (Relating the Studies of Bronze, Stone and Model Calligraphy: A Cultural History of the Song Dynasty Model Inscriptions from Ritual Bronzes in History), Taida Journal of Art History, No. 24 (2008): 67–146; Hsu Ya-hwei, ‘Nan Song jinshi shoucang yu zhongxing qingjie’ (Antiquarian Trends in the Dynastic Revival of the Southern Song), Taida Journal of Art History, No. 31 (2011): 1–60; Cheng-Hua Wang, ‘Luo Zhenyu and the Formation of Qiwu and Qiwuxue in the First Decade of the Republican Era’, in Chia-Ling Yang and Roderick Whitfield, eds, Lost Generation: Luo Zhenyu, Qing Loyalists and the Formation of Modern Chinese Culture, (London: Saffron), 32–57. 9 Gu Yanwu, Jinshi wenzi jixu (Preface for Notes on Epigraphic Scripts), reprinted in Yingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu (Photocopy version of Complete Library of Four Branches of Treasuries, Wenyuange Edition) (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983, Vol. 683, 703. 10 Liang Qichao, Qingdai xueshu gailun (Overview of Scholarship in the Qing Dynasty) (1920; Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, 2008), Chapter 4, 12. 11 Discussion on Gu and Huang’s scholarly activity and life, see Willard J. Peterson, ‘The Life of Ku Yen-wu (1613–1682)’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, No. 28 (1968): 114–56 and No. 29 (1969): 201–47; Zhou Kezhen, Gu Yanwu nianpu (Chronological Biography of Gu Yanwu) (Suzhou: Suzhou daxue chubanshe, 1998); Xie Guozhen, Huang Lizhou nianpu (Chronological Biography of Huang Lizhou [Zongxi]) (Taipei: Wenhai chuban she, 1972). 12 Bai Qianshen, Fu Shan de shijie (Fu Shan’s World) (Taipei: Shitou chubanshe, 2005), 226–31. 13 Der-Wei Wang and Wei Shang, eds, Dynastic Crisis and Cultural Innovation: From the Late Ming to the Late Qing and Beyond (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2005), 3–9. 14 Incidentally, there are about 2,000 Chinese drawings in the Natural History Museum. Among them, there are paintings of fish, published in a small booklet by P. J. P. Whitehead, when he was a curator at the Museum. He and P. I. Edwards also published Chinese Natural History Drawings Selected from the Reeves Collection in the British Museum (Natural History) (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1974). John Reeves was Inspector of Tea in Canton until about 1825.

2 From Evidential Learning to Antiquarian Art 1

Liang Qichao, ‘Lun shidai sichao’ (Discussion on Zeitgeist), Qingdai xueshu gailun, Chapter 1, 1920. https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=405644 (accessed on 24 July 2016).

2

Lu Jian, Guochao jinshi shu jilue; cited in Tang Jianwei, Jinshi ruhua: Qing dai Dao Xian shiqi jinshi shuhua yanjiu (Jinshi into Painting: Study on Jinshi,

NOTES

209

Calligraphy and Painting in the Daoguang and Xianfeng Eras of the Qing) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2013), 71. 3 Liang Qichao, ‘Lun shidai sichao’, Qingdai xueshu gailun, Chapter 16. https:// ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=984417 (accessed on 24 July 2016) 4 Yong Rong, Ji Yun, et. Al. ‘Qinding Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao’ (Imperially Commissioned General Index and Annotations to the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries, 1798, juan 85, Shibu 41, Mulu lei 1. https://zh.wikisource.org/ wiki/ഋᓛ‫ޘ‬ᴨ㑭ⴞᨀ㾱ধ085 (accessed on 25 July 2016) 5 Zhang Zhidong, Shumu dawen (The Q and A of Bibliography), 1875, ed. Chen Juyuan (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1998), Shibu, Jinshi 13, line 497, 133; Kao Ming-I, ‘ “Jinshi kaoshi” – Jinshi zai Qingdai de xueshu fenlei yu Ruan Yuan ‘Nanbei shupai lun’ yanjiu’ (‘Evidence History with Jinshi’Categorisation of Jinshi in Qing Academic Writing, and Research on Ruan Yuan’s ‘Treatise on Southern and Northern Schools of Calligraphy), in Ruan Yuan yanjiu guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (International Conference Proceedings of the Conference on Ruan Yuan Studies), edited by Yangzhou Museum, Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2016), 364. 6 Ibid., Shumu dawen, lines 497–570, 133–42. 7 Shang Xiaoming, Xueren youmu yu Qingdai xueshu (Scholars as Private Secretaries and Qing Scholarship) (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 1999), 193–273. 8 Feng Tianyu and Huang Changyi, Wan Qing jingshi shixue (Statecraft and Empirical Studies of Late Qing) (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 2002), 46–123. 9 Shang Xiaoming, Xueren youmu yu Qingdai xueshu, 33. 10 Zhu Jianxin, Jinshixue, 43–4. 11 For Ruan Yuan’s biography, see Arthur Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing (1644–1912) (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943), Vol. 1 A–O, 399–402. 12 Ibid., appendix II, 275; Kao, ‘ “Jinshi kaoshi” ’, 365–6; Shang Xiaoming, ‘Ruan Yuan mufu’ (Private Secretaries of Ruan Yuan), Xueren youmu yu Qingdai xueshu (Scholars as Private Secretaries and Qing Scholarship) (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 1999), appendix 9, 283–95. 13 Shen Jin ed., Weng Fanggang tiba shouzha jilu (Collection of Colophons, Letters and Notes by Weng Fanggang). Guangxi: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2002), 514–9. 14 Tang Jianwei, Jinshi ruhua, 286–7. 15 On Huang Yi’s investigation of steles, see Li Wenlan, ‘Huang Yi fangbei tu yanjiu’ (Study on Huang Yi’s Visit to the Steles), MA Dissertation, Taipei University of Arts, 2007). On Huang Yi’s antiquarian activities, see Lillian Lan-Ying Tseng, ‘Retrieving the Past, Inventing the Memorable: Huang Yi’s Visit to the Song-Luo Monuments’, in Robert S. Nelson and Margaret Olin, eds, Monuments and Memory, Made and Unmade (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 37–58; Eileen Hsiang-Ling Hsu’s ‘Huang Yi’s Fangbei

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Painting’, Lillian Lan-Ying Tseng’s ‘Mediums and Messages: The Two Family Shrines and Cultural Production in Qing China’, Qianshen Bai’s ‘The Intellectual Legacy of Huang Yi and His Friends: Reflection on Some Issues Raised by Recarving China’s Past’ and Cary Y. Liu’s ‘The ‘Wu Family Shrines’ as a Recarving of the Past’, all edited in Gary Liu et al. eds, Rethinking Recarving: Ideas, Practices, and Problems of the ‘Wu Family Shrine’, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 237–58; 261–81; 287–337 and 20–51; Lu Huiwen, ‘Han bei tuhua chu wenzhang-cong Jining zhouxue de Han bei tan shiba shiji houqi de fangbei huodong’ (Han Steles at the Jining Prefectural School and Stele-Investigating Activities in the Late Eighteenth Century), Taida Journal of Art History 26 (2009): 37–92; Lu Huiwen, ‘Bei yu Tie de jiaohui – Qian Yong ‘Panyunge tie’ zai Qingdai shushizhong de yiyi’ (Model Calligraphy of Panyunge’ in the History of Qing Calligraphy), Taida Journal of Art History 31 (2011): 205–76, 324; Qin Ming, ed., Penglai suyue: Gugong cang Huang Yi Han Wei beike teji (Old Commitment from Immortal Land Penglai: Special Exhibition at the Palace Museum on the Steles and Carved Inscriptions from the Han and Wei dynasties formerly collected by Huang Yi) (Beijing: Forbidden City Press, 2010); and Wu Hung, A Story of Ruins: Presence and Absence in Chinese Art and Visual Culture (London: Reaction Books, 2012), 30–91. 16 Huang Yi, Obtaining a Stele at Mt Liangcheng, album leaf, ink and light colour on paper, 18 × 51.8 cm, Tianjin Municipal Museum of Art, see Zhang Shulan, ‘Qing Huang Yi Debei tu ce’ (Album of Acquired Steles in Huang Yi’s Collection, Qing Dynasty), Shoucangjia, 17; Huang Yi, Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan, 1796, album of twenty-four folded leaves, ink and colour on paper, 17.5 × 50.8 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing; Huang Yi, Visit to Steles in Mountains in Shandong, album of twenty leaves, ink and colour on paper, 16.4 × 50.8 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing; Huang Yi, Visiting Ancient Sites and Record of My Journey, 1795, album of twelve leaves, ink and colour on paper, Palace Museum, Beijing; and Huang Yi, Twelve Acquired Steles, 1775– 1793, album of twelve leaves, ink and light colour on paper, 18 × 51.8 cm, Tianjin Museum; Huang Yi, Visit to North River, 1778, album of ten leaves, ink and colour on paper, Shanghai Museum. All the paintings are accompanied by Huang’s detailed notes in very small characters. There are also two scrolls attributed to Huang Yi, Visit to Stele at Mt Ziyuan and the Handscroll of Visit to Stele at Mt Ziyuan painted after one of the album leaves of the same title in Huang’s Twelve Acquired Steles, 1775–93. After Huang Yi, Visit to Stele at Mt Ziyuan, hanging scroll, ink on paper, 60 × 30 cm, Huachen Auction House, Beijing. Auctions in 2006, RMB 8,000–12,000. This painting has seals, Yi ᱃ (in reflief), Jingzhi zhizhang 䶌㣍ѻㄐ (in uazhong), Cengcang Wushi Tihongguan ᴮ㯿↖∿乼㌵佘 (in uazhong), Wuxing ƶ Yun zhencang ੣㠸ƶ㆐⧽㯿 (in uazhong), and an inscription by Huang Yi which reads: ‘None of my previous visits has been as fruitful as my visit to Wuliang Shrine on the sixth day of the third month of year xinhai (1791), when I found so many steles. Therefore, I painted this for self-amusement. Qiu’an. 䗋ӕйᴸ‫ޝ‬ᰕ䁚↖∿⸣ᇔ⮛‫ۿ‬ᗇ⻁ѻཊ㧛䙾↔ᖩˈ െԕ㠚ௌDŽ⿻ᓥDŽ’

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17 Huang Yi, Elevating a Stele at the Jining Academy ☏ሗᆨᇞॷ⻁െ, detail of Twelve Acquired Steles, 1775–1793. Album of 12 leaves, ink and light colour on paper, 18 × 51.8 cm, Tianjin Museum. 18 Huang Yi, Song Luo fangbei riji (Diary of Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2018), 35. 19 Huang Yi, Scrubbing a Stone in the Golden County Studio 䠁䜹ࢄ⸣ᇔ. Detail of Twelve Acquired Steles. 20 Huang Yi, Celebrating the Acquisition of Steles at Little Penglai Immortal Pavilion ሿ㬜㨺䯓䋰⻁െ, 1793. Detail of Twelve Acquired Steles. 21 Huang Yi, Receiving Rubbings from Fine Companions 㢟৻䌸⻁െ. Detail of Twelve Acquired Steles. 22 Lu Huiwen, ‘Han bei tuhua chu wenzhang-cong Jining zhouxue de Han bei tan shiba shiji houqi de fangbei huodong’, 66–8. 23 Attr. To Li Cheng and Wang Xiao, Reading the Inscriptions on the Stele. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 162.3 × 104.9 cm, Osaka Municipal Museum. Li Cheng, a native of Yingqiu of Shandong Province, was regarded as one of three eminent painters in north China during the Five Dynasties and the Northern Song. The painting Reading the Inscriptions on the Stele was first recorded in Xuanhe huapu (Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era, 1120). In Zhou Mi’s account in his Yunyan guoyanlu (Notes on Paintings Seen), this work was also half destroyed, the part with a figure was missing. Therefore, the surviving work in Osaka Museum that is attributed to Li Cheng and Wang Xiao might be a copy. 24 Zhang Feng, Reading the Stele Inscriptions, 1635. Folded fan, ink and colour on paper, 16.6 × 50.1 cm, Suzhou Museum. Sun Diqiang, ‘Mingmo Qingchu Jinling huajia Zhang Feng renwuhua fengge fenxi jiqi uazhong yinyi sixiang yu yimin yishi zhi tanji’ (Discussion on the Ming Loyalists’ Sentiment and Solitary Confinement Conveyed through the Figure Paintings of Zhang Feng, a Master of the Nanjing School of Painting during the Late Ming to Early Qing), Yiyi fenzi, No. 19 (2012:12): 27–51. 25 It is the story from Shishuo xinyu: Cai Yong (133–192) once saw an inscription on a stele about the chastity of lady Cao E of the Han dynasty. With admiration for the brilliant ballad of her story, Cai then wrote an eightcharacter riddle on the back of the stele ‘huangjuan youfu waisun jijiu’, a phrase which can be decrypted to mean juemiao haoci (extremely clever and ingenious ballad). During the Three Kingdoms period, the Prime Minister Cao Cao (155–220) and his administrator Yang Xiu (175–219) passed by the stele. They saw the riddle written by Cai Yong. Yang immediately knew the answer, but Cao Cao did not get it. Not until they had ridden a further thirty miles did Cao Cao have the right answer for it. Cao then said to Yang Xiu that the difference between their intelligence was thirty miles! Although Yang was very bright, he was later killed by Cao Cao out of jealousy, suspicion and insecurity. See Liu Yiqing ed., ‘Jiewu’ (Quick-minded), Shishuo xinyu, chapter 11, 111–12. https://archive.org/details/06073484.cn/page/n110/mode/2up?view=theater (accessed 30 August 2016)

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26 Wang Xuehao, Entering the Mountains to Find Steles, 1813. Ink on silk, 30.5 × 40.5 cm, Kunluntang Art Gallery, China. On Wang Xuehao’s life and network, see Yu Jianliang, ‘Wang Xuehao shifeng jiqi tihuashi shang’ (The Poems and Poetic Inscriptions on the Paintings of Wang Xuehao, Part I), Kunluntang, No. 51 (2018: 2): 7–17. 27 The painter, Pan Zengying, was himself also an ardent collector of epigraphs, The friendship between Pan Zengying and Wu Dacheng is evidenced in the collaborated work, Album of Poems and Writing in the Midst of Plum Trees at the Floral River. See Wu Dacheng and Pan Zengying, Album of Poems and Writing in the Midst of Plum Trees at the Floral River (Huaxi banmei shiwen ce), 1862 . Four leaves, ink and colour on paper, sold for RMB 19,800 by Beijing Chengxuan Auction Company on 6 June 2006. 28 Pan Zengying, Visiting Steles in Heshuo, c. 1846. Handscroll, ink and colour on silk, 33.5 × 96 cm, Richard Fabian Collection. Source: Stephen Little, New Songs on Ancient Tunes, 19th–20th Century Chinese Painting and Calligraphy from the Richard Fabian Collection, plate 9. Shen Tao, Changshan zhenshi zhi (1842; 1966); Jiangyunlou yin taben tici (1850; 1989). 29 Mi Fu, ‘Mi Yuanzhang lunshu’ (Mi Yuanzhang’s [Mi Fu] Comments on Calligraphy), in Wang Ting, ed., Shufa cuiyan; in Huang Binhong and Deng Shi, eds., Meishu congshu (Compendium of of Art) (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1997), Vol. 2, 1269. 30 Kang Youwei, ‘Zunbei dier’ (Chapter Two: Value the Steles), Guang Yizhou shuangji (Expanded Argumentation of The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art) (1889; Taipei: Jinfeng Publishing, 1986), 69. 31 Ibid., 70. 32 Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 111–26. 33 Bao Shichen, ‘Shushu shang’ (Comments on Calligraphy, Part I), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shi, eds., Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 499. 34 See Xu Shen, Shuwen jiezi xu (Postface of Explaining Pictographic Characters and Analysing Composite Characters), in Zhang Yuanji, ed., Sibu congkan chubian, Vol. 69, 111. https://ctext.org/library.pl?if=gb&res=77351 (accessed on 7 November 2018). The author’s own English translation. A different English translation of the same text reads, ‘Qin writing had eight styles: the first was called large seal (dazhuan): the second, small seal (xiaozhuan): the third, tally engraving; the fourth, creature script; the fifth, copy stamp; the sixth, public official script; the seventh, spear script; the eighth, official script (lishu)’, for reference and comparison. See Timothy O’Neill, ‘Xu Shen’s Scholarly Agenda: A New Interpretation of the Postface of the Shuowen jiezi’, The Journal of American Oriental Society 133, No. 3 (July–September 2013), 434. 35 Ruan Yuan, ‘Nanbei shupai lun’ (Treatise on the Northern and Southern Schools of Calligraphy), reprinted in Yanjingshi ji (Studio of Studying Classics, 1814) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2016), Vol. 2, 2016, 591. 36 Anon., Shuihudi Qinmu zhujian (1978); Wang Jingxian, ‘An Asian Art Shines: Calligraphy from the Shang through the Han Dynasties’, in Ouyang Zhongshi

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et al., Chinese Calligraphy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 2008), 95 and 111. 37 Peter Charles Sturman considers bafen to be the late form of the clerical script ‘characterised by flexed and modulated strokes, including a broadly flaring type called the “breaking wave,” that reflect a growing interest in the expressive potential in the brush in the later half of the Han dynasty’, see Mi Fu: Style and the Art of Calligraphy in the Northern Song China (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997), 14. Wang Jingxian only mentioned that bafen (literally, eight divided) ‘showed a tendency for two strokes to stretch out in opposite directions. This may be why the clerical script at this particular stage was named bafen’. Thus, Wang considers bafenshu to have been a mature form of clerical script, see ‘An Asian Art Shines: Calligraphy from the Shang through the Han Dynasties’, in Ouyang Zhongshi et al., Chinese Calligraphy, 111. Xue Longchun also holds the same opinion that bafenshu is no different from the clerical script, see Xue Longchun, Zheng Fu yanjiu (Study of Zheng Fu) (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2007), 17. 38 Anon., ‘Bafenshu xulun’ (Introduction to Bafenshu), in Xuanhe shupu (Notes on Calligraphy from Xuanhe Reign), 1119–1125, juan 20, 117–18. https:// archive.org/details/06067732.cn/page/n116/mode/2up?view=theat (accessed on 17 October 2020). 39 Wei Xu, Wushiliu hong shu bingxu, lines 27–8. https://ctext.org/library. pl?if=gb&file=82700&page=11 (accessed on 12 November 2018). 40 Xu Hao, ‘Gujiji’ (Records on ancient calligraphy), in Zhang Yanyuan, Fashu yaolu, juan 3, line 80. https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=978026 (accessed on 12 November 2018). 41 Zhang Huaiguan, ‘Bafen’, Shuduan, juan shang. https://sou-yun.cn/ eBookIndex.aspx?kanripoId=KR3h0006_001&id=7860#page_1-1a (accessed on 7 November 2018). 42 Bao Shichen, ‘Lixia bitan’ (Notes from Lixia County [of Shandong Province]), Yizhou shuangji (The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art), juan 5, 1848; reprinted in Ye Pengfei, Ruan Yuan. Bao Shichen (Beijing: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003), 157. 43 Bao Shichen, ‘Shushu zhong’ (Comments on Calligraphy, Part II), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shi, eds., Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 501. 44 Ibid., 500–1. 45 Guo Zongchang, Jinshishi (History of Bronze and Stones), 1621–44 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987); Zhao Mingcheng, ‘Han Kongzi miao zhi zushi bei’ (Stele of Appointing the Historian at the Confucius Temple of the Han Dynasty; Stele of Yiying) and ‘Wei Kongzimiao bei’ (Stele of the Confucius Temple of the Wei; Stele of Kong Xian), Jinshilu (Record of Bronze and Stones), juan 2, lists 68 and 264, juan 15 and juan 20; edited in Qinding siku quanshu-shibu mululei (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries: Historical Writing – Index) (1795), Vol. 1, juan 2, lists 68 and 264; Vol. 3, juan 15, 2–3; and Vol. 4. Juan 20, 4. https://ctext.org/library.pl?if=gb&res=245 (accessed on 3 December 2018).

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46 Zhao Mingcheng, ‘Han Chen Zhonggong beiyin’ (Inscription on the Back of the Stele of Chen Zhonggong of the Han Dyansty), Jinshilu, juan 18, bawei 8, 7; ‘Han Shijing yizi’ (The Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty), Jinshilu, juan 16, bawei 6, 13–14; ‘Han Wushi shishi shixiang’ (Pictorial Stones at the Wu Family Shrine of the Han Dynasty), Jinshilu, juan 19, bawei 9, 10; in Qinding siku quanshu-shibu mululei (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries – Historical Writing – Index), Vol. 3, juan 16, bawei 6, 13–14 and Vol. 4, juan 18, bawei 8, 7 and juan 19, bawei 9, 10. Ibid., (accessed on 12 November 2018). 47 Zhao Mingcheng, ‘Han Shijing yizi’, Jinshilu, juan 16, bawei 6, 13–14. https:// archive.org/details/06049598.cn/page/n136 (accessed on 12 November 2018); in Qinding siku quanshu-shibu mululei, 1795, Vol. 3, juan 16, bawei 6, 13–14; Fan Ye, ‘Cai Yong liezhuan xia’ (Biography of Cai Yong, Second Part), Hou Hanshu, juan 90 xia, 61. https://archive.org/details/06064182.cn/page/n60/ mode/2up?view=theater (accessed on 3 December 2018). 48 Qin Ming, ed., Penglai suyue, 56. 49 More fragments of the steles were found in the twentieth century. One notable stele is preserved at the National Museum of China, Beijing; two steles at the National History Museum, Taipei. See also Luo Zhenyu, Han Xiping shijing canzi jilu (Collected Fragmentary Inscriptions of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty) (1918; Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2014.). 50 Weng Fanggang, Han shijing canzi kao (Study on the Leftover Scripts of Stone Classics of the Han Dynasty) (1778; Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1965). 51 Huang Yi, Appreciating Rubbings at the Studio of Poetic Field 䂙ຳ䔂䌎⻁െ, c. 1777. Detail of Twelve Acquired Steles, Tianjin Museum. 52 There is no record of how many leaves were remounted by Shen Junchu. However, the existing album contains twenty-four leaves, and presumably it keeps the same mounting from Wan Zhongli’s time. Yu Ji, Portrait of Huang Yi at the Age of Thirty-Six, 1777. Ink and light colour on paper, 78 × 40.5 cm, private collection. Auctioned by the Xiling Seal Society, autumn sale of 2013, lot 409. Detail of the album The Left-over Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Ink on album leaf, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 53 Shen Tang, Portrait of Huang Yi [after Yu Ji], 1897; Master of Plumblossom Cliff [style-name of Wan Zhongli] at the Age of Forty-one, 1901; and Chen Zengwang, Studio of Stone Classics, 1901. Three leaves were added to the album The Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Album leaves, ink and light colour on paper, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 54 For Huang Yi’s practice of separating painting and rubbings: in his series of painting on the theme of ‘Visiting Steles’ aforementioned, he did not mount the rubbing along with his paintings. It was in the nineteenth century that collectors and scholars tended to merge the painting and rubbing in one album or scroll.

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55 He Shaoji, ‘Jin Sun furen bei shuhao’ (Postscript to the Madame Sun Stele of Jin Dynasty), He Shaoji shiwen ji, Vol.1, 198. 56 Shen Yue, ‘Lizhi’ (Notes on Rituals), Songshu (History of Song Dynasty) (Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1975), juan 15, 407; Chen Wen-yi, ‘Cong chaoting dao defang: Yuandai qubei de shengxing yu yingyong changyu de zhuanyi’ (From Imperial Glory to Local Participation: The Role of ‘Steles of Appreciation for Departed Officials’ in the Mongol Yuan), Historical Inquiry, No. 54 (2014): 64. http://140.112.142.79/publish/pdfs/54/54_02.pdf (accessed on 22 November 2018). 57 Ruan Yuan, ‘Moke Tianfa shenchanbei ba’ (Postface of Tracing-copy of the Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven), Yanjingshi di sanji, 1814, juan 1; reprinted in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 600. 58 The original stone was destroyed in the Ming dynasty. Ruan Yuan obtained the Siming version of the rubbing ഋ᰾ᵜ and made copies for circulation. See Ruan Yuan, ‘Jinshi shishi’ (Ten Contributions to Epigraphy), juan 3; in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 646. 59 The original stone was destroyed in a fire in the tenth year of the Jiaqing era (1805). The tracing copy published by Ruan Yuan in 1814 was based on the old rubbings from the Yuan Family and the Bao Family collections. See Ruan Yuan, ‘Moke Tianfa shenchanbei ba’ (Postface of Tracing-copy of the Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven), Yanjingshi di sanji, juan 1; in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 600. 60 Yang Shoujing, Jisu feiqingge pingbeiji (Criticism on Steles from the Pavilion of Exciting Activities and Swift Clarity), 1867; in Xie Chengren, ed., Yang Shoujing ji (Collected Writings of Yang Shoujing) (Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1988), Vol. 8, 540. 61 Kang Youwei, ‘Fenbian diwu ࠶䆺ㅜӄ’ (Chapter Five: Evolution of Fen), Guang Yizhou shuangji (Expanded Argumentation of The Paired Oars of the Boat of Art) (1889; Taipei: Jinfeng Publishing, 1986), 116. 62 Ibid., 116–17. 63 Kang Youwei, ‘Shuofen diliu 䃚࠶ㅜ‫( ’ޝ‬Chapter Six: Analysis of Fen), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 130. 64 Kang Youwei, ‘Ben Han diqi ᵜ╒ㅜг’ (Chapter Seven: Restoring the Han Calligraphy), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 176–7. 65 Kang Youwei, ‘Baonan dijiu ሦইㅜҍ’ (Chapter Nine: Evaluate [Calligraphy from] the South), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 153. 66 Kang Youwei, ‘Shuofen diliu 䃚࠶ㅜ‫( ’ޝ‬Chapter Six: Analysis of Fen); ‘Lunshu jueju 䄆ᴨ㎅ਕㅜҼॱг’ (Chapter Twenty-Seven: Four-Line Poems on Calligraphy), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 131–3; 361. 67 Ruan Yuan, ‘Yan Lugong Zheng Zuoweitie ba’ (Postfact of Yan Lugong’s [Yan Zhenqing] Letter of fighting for seat), Yanjingshi di sanji, juan 1; reprinted in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 598–9. 68 Bao Shichen, ‘Anwu lunshu’ (Discourse on Calligraphy), Yao Jinyuan, ed., Zhijinzhai congshu (Book Series of Zhijinzhai Studio), 1884; reprinted in Yan

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Yiping, ed., Baibu congshu jicheng (Compilation of A Hundred Books Series) (Taipei: Yiwen yinshu guan, 1968), Vol. 77. Kang Youwei, ‘Zunbei dier ሺ⻁ㅜҼ’ (Chapter Two-Advocacy of Stele Style), in Guangyizhou xuangji, juan 1 (1891; 2006), 68–70; Hua Rende, ‘The History and Revival of Northern Wei Stele-Style Calligraphy’, in Cary Liu; Dora C. Y. Ching and Judith G. Smith, eds, Characters and Context in Chinese Calligraphy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Art Museum, 1999), 128. 69 Huang Dun, ‘Two Schools of Calligraphy Join Hands: Tiepai and Beipai in the Qing Dynasty’, in Ouyang Zhongshi and Wen C. Fong, eds, Chinese Calligraphy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press and Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2008), 350. 70 Bao Shichen, ‘Guochao shupin’ (Classification of Calligraphers in the Qing Dynasty), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shi, eds, Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 507. On yipin, see Susan Nelson, ‘I-p’in in Later Painting Criticism’, in Susan Bush and Christian F. Murck, Theories of the Arts in China (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 397–424. 71 Jin Nong, ‘ Yang Zhi Chen Zhang jianguo Dongxinzhai yuchu Han Tang taben erbai sishizhong gongguan ὺ⸕䲣ㄐ㾻䙾ߜᗳ啻Ҹࠪ╒ୀ䠁⸣ᩘᵜҼⲮഋॱぞ ‫ޡ‬㿰’ (Yang Zhi and Chen Zhang Visited Me at the Studio of Wintry Heart and Together We Viewed Two Hundred and Forty Rubbings of the Han and Tang Dynasties), Jin Nong ji, 6. His former collection included the rubbing album of Shang zunhao bei (Stele Recording the Appeal to Cao Pi to Ascend the Throne, 220), album of 29 leaves, 26.5 × 16.4 cm, rubbing of 27 leaves, rubbing panel size 23.7 × 14.3 cm, Shanghai Library. 72 Jin Nong, Prose Poem for Wang Biaozhi ⦻ᖚѻі䌖䔨, 1725. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 98.5 × 41.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 73 The Song dynasty rubbing of the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua is now in the collection of the Hong Kong Chinese University Museum. 74 Jin Nong, Appearance is Not Withered and Innate is Growing Strong ཆнᷟѝ 乇ี, 1757. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, Palace Museum, Beijing. 75 Jin Nong, ‘Dongxin xiansheng huazhu tiji zixu ߜᗳ‫⮛⭏ݸ‬ㄩ乼䁈㠚ᒿ’ (Preface, Inscriptions on Bamboo Paintings by Mr. Dongxin [Jin Nong]), 1748–50; edited in Jin Nong ji, 249; ‘Dongxin xiansheng huafo tiji zixu ߜᗳ‫ݸ‬ ⭏⮛֋乼䁈㠚ᒿ’ (Preface, Inscriptions on Buddhist Paintings by Mr. Dongxin [Jin Nong]), 1760; edited in Jin Nong ji, 282. 76 Yang Shoujing, ‘Jisu Feiqingge pingbei jin’ (Comments on Steles from the Pavilion of Inspiring White and Flying Purity), manuscript, c.1867; edited in Shike shiliao xinbian, Vol. 4–1; cited in Liu Zhengcheng, ed., Zhongguo shufa quanji. 77. Wu Changshi zuopin kaoshi (Compilation of Chinese Calligraphy, Series 77, Inscriptions of Works by Wu Changshi) (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2005), 261. 77 Wu Yu, ‘Wuanbai shanren zhuanshu shuanggo ji’ (Note on Tracing-copying the Seal Script by Wanbai Mountain Man) (Taipei: Mingwen shuju, 1990), 254–5. 78 Kang Youwei, ‘Zunbei dier’, Guang Yizhou shuangji, 68.

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3 Rubbing into Painting: Transmedia Appropriation of New Scholarly Painting 1 Rong Geng, ‘Songdai jijin shuji shuping’ (Comment on the Books of Auspicious Metal Study in Song dynasty), Xueshu yanjiu (1963: 6): 81. 2 Rong Geng, ‘Qingdai jijin shuji shuping (shang)’ (Comment on the Books of Auspicious Metal Study in Song Dynasty, Part I), Xueshu yanjiu (1962: 2): 48–62; and Rong Geng, ‘Qingdai jijin shuji shuping (xia)’, (1962: 3): 68–83. 3 Hsu Wen-Chin, ‘Wanwu sigu-you Du Jin “hongen” kan gudai de wenwu shoucang yu jianshang’ (Enjoying Antiquities, Thinking of the Ancient: A Study on Collecting Activity and Connoisseurship of Ancient Cultural Relics from Du Jin’s Enjoying Antiquities), The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art 104 (1991: 11): 22–9; Shih Shou-Chien, ‘Langdang zhi feng-Mingdai zhongqi Nanjing de baimiao renwuhua’ (The Dissipated Manner: Figure Painting in the Pai-miao Style in Mid-Ming Nanking), Taida Journal of art History 1 (1994): 39–61; Chiu Shih-Hua, ‘Ming Du Jin ‘Wangu tu’’ (Enjoying Antiquities by Painter Du Jin of the Ming Dynasty), The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art 350 (2012: 5): 70–76; James Cahill, Parting at the Shore: Chinese Painting of the Early and Middle Ming Dynasty, 1368– 1580 (New York: Weatherhill Inc., 1978), 154–6. 4 Translation by the National Palace Museum, see ‘In Pursuit of Antiquity: “Enjoying Antiquities” by the Ming Painter Du Jin’. http://www.npm.gov.tw/ exh101/du_jin/en/en_01.html (accessed on 12 November 2014). 5 Eric C. Mullis, ‘The Ethics of Confucian Artistry’, The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 65 (2007: 1): 99–107. 6 Study on Ruan Yuan and his antique collecting, see Eric Lefebvre, ‘L’Image des antiquités accumulées’ de Ruan Yuan: la hongentation d’une collection privée en Chine à l’époque pré-moderne,’Arts Asiatiques, No. 63 (2008): 61–72; Kao Ming-Yi, Jigu huanfa: Ruan Yuan (1765–1849) dui “Jinshixue” de tuidong yu xiangguan yingxiang’ (PhD Dissertation, National Taiwan University, 2010). 7 Zhou Zan was a native of Suzhou. He was well acquainted with Ruan Yuan when Ruan was the Xunfu (Inspector-General) of Zhejiang from 1799 to 1805 and from 1807 to 1809. The short biography of Ruan Changsheng did not provide his birth year, but he was awarded the second ranking of Imperial Studentship, whose family are high-ranking officials (Erpin yinsheng) in the beginning of Jiaqing era (1796–1819), so perhaps by 1796 he had already reached adulthood (the age of 20). Ruan Changsheng was adopted from a distant relative of Ruan Yuan after his first wife and daughter died. See ‘Ruan Yuan zhuan fu zi Changsheng deng’ (Biography of Ruan Yuan, His Son Changsheng and Others), in Zhang Jian, ed., Ruan Yuan nianpu (Chronology of Ruan Yuan) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006), appendix III, 255. Zhu Weibi was a metropolitan graduate (1805) who specialized in ancient scripts. He and Ruan Yuan met in Beijing in 1786 and co-edited the Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi (Identifications of Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods in the Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1804); see the second

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preface by Zhu Weibi, 1804, Vol. 1, 7–12 and Betty Peh-T’I Wei, Ruan Yuan 1764–1849: The Life and Work of a Major Scholar-Official in NineteenthCentury China before the Opium War (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006), 69, 215. 8 Zhang Jian, ed., ‘Leitang Anzhu diziji juan er 䴧ຈᓥѫᕏᆀ䁈ধҼÿ (Record by Disciple Host of Temple Thunder-Pond, Chapter 2), Ruan Yuan nianpu, 51. 9 Ruan Yuan, ‘Taoling ding’ (Tripod of Taoling, also known as the Dingtao Tripod), Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi (Identifications of Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods in the Studio for Accumulating Antiquities) (1804; Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937), Vol. 6, juan 9, 6–7, 58. The layout of inscriptions in the drawing by Zhu Weibi published in this catalogue is in two lines, the same as the rubbing of the same object made by Dashou. 10 Zhang Jian, ed., Ruan Yuan nianpu, 49. 11 See Ruan Yuan, Yanjingshi dierji (The Second Volume of Studio of Studying Classics), juan 7, 7–11; reprinted in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 1, 537–8. The group tombs of the imperial family of Duke Dingtao of Western Han were reported to have been robbed in 2003, and this led to further excavation in 2011. The location of Dingtao is in the south-west of Shandong province. See Pan Xiaoyuan, ‘Shandong Dingtao Lingsheng hu Hanmu muzhu shenfen yanjiu’ (Research on the Identity of the Ownership of an Han Tomb in Lake Lingshen in Dingtao, Shandong), Journal of Chifeng University (2014: 2): 22–4. 12 Rong Geng, ‘Songdai jijin shuji shuping xia’, 69–70. 13 Sang Shen, ‘Qingtongqi quanxingta jishu fazhan de fenqi yanjiu’ (Study on the Phases of Technological Development in Composite Rubbing of Bronze), Dongfang bowu 12 (2004: 3): 32–9. 14 Kenneth Starr, Black Tigers–A Grammar of Chinese Rubbings (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), 128. 15 My thanks to Li Bohua, Curator of the Bronze Department at Shanghai Museum, for demonstrating and introducing me to various rubbing techniques and models. 16 Xu Kang, Qianchen mengying lu (Record of Reflections of the Past) (1897; Beijing: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 2000), juan xia, 234; Starr, Black Tigers, 128–9. 17 The colophon by Ma Fuyan was dated the eighteenth day of the sixth month in wuxu year (1798), see Bao Changxi, ed., Jinshixie (Fragments of Bronze and Stone), 1876–77, in Shike shiliao xinbian (New Edition of Historical Materials Carved on Stone) (Taipei: Xinwenfeng, 1979), Vol. 1, 33; cited in Huang Binhong, ‘Honglu bisheng (xu): jinshi baisui tu’ (Additional Notes by the Hut of Rainbow: Picture of One Hundred Years (Made with) Metal and Stone Objects), Xueshu shijie, juan 2, Vol. 3 (1937): 19. Rong Geng commented that Ma Fuyan’s image published in Bao’s catalogue Fragments of Bronze and Stone was a depiction of a Han dynasty bowl for brushes, which is not exactly a composite rubbing. There is no single extant example of Ma’s composite rubbing. See Rong Geng, Shang Zhou yiqi tongkao, Vol. 2, 181; Starr, Black Tigers, 130.

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18 Thomas Lawton, ‘Rubbings of Chinese Bronzes,’ Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 67 (1995): 7–48. 19 Monk Dashou published Xiao Lutianan yincao (Poetic Songs of the Hut of Little Blue-Sky Studio [name of Famous Monk-Calligrapher Huaisu]), Shanye jinshishi (Poems for Recoding Events from the Mountains and Plains), and Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu (Register of Bronze and Stone, Calligraphy and Painting in the Studio of Precious Simplicity), preface by the author, dated 1851). On Monk Dashou’s biography, see Yu Jianhua, ed., Zhongguo meishujia renmin cidian (Dictionary of Names of Chinese Artists) (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1998), 1241; Guan Tingfen, ‘Nanping tuaisou zhuan’ (Biography of Hermit in Mt Nanping [Monk Dashou]), in Qian Yiji, ed., Qingdai beizhuan quanji (1608; Shanghai: Shanghai shudian yingyin chuban, 1988); Lu Yitian, ‘Liuzhou seng’ (Monk Liuzhou), Lenglu zashi, juan 4, 38. https://ia600805.us.archive.org/29/items/02096026.cn/02096026.cn.pdf (accessed on 26 November 2014). 20 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, 1851, Vol. 1, 1–2. http://www. cadal.zju.edu.cn/book/02021431/1/search@query=u%20ሦ㍐ᇔ䠁⸣ᴨ⮛㐘 ᒤ䤴%20,type=all,tag=,publisher=, 10/234 and 11/234 (accessed on 3 March 2016). 21 Ibid., Vol. 1, 3; 11/234. 22 Ibid., Vol. 1, preface; 7/234. 23 Ibid., 8/234. 24 On their meeting, see Zou Ping, ‘Jinshi ceng Liuzhou de pengyouquan: feibai weishu cangzhuan chengyin’ (Circle of Antiquarian-Monk Liuzhou: Writing Calligraphy with ‘Flying White’ Technique, Collecting Ancient Bricks as a Fine Hobby). Available online: http://www.baozang.com/news/n79302 (accessed on 22 September 2015). 25 Deng Zhicheng, ‘Dashou shoucang’ (Dashou’s Collection), Gudong xuji (Notes on Antiques and Cultural Objects, ser. 2), 1873, juan 1; Deng Rui, ed., Gudong suoji quanbian (Notes on Antiques and Cultural Objects, ser. 1–3) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), Vol. 2, 297. Considering Ruan Yuan’s official career and travels for his posts, Ruan Yuan built Wenxuanlou (Pavilion of Selection of Refined Literature) in 1805 in his hometown of Yangzhou; after serving in Zhejiang in the 1810s, he left Jiangnan for Guangzhou in 1817. Finally, after the Chinese New Year of 1833 he was able to make a return to Beijing briefly from his Guangzhou office, and then Ruan was again sent off to a new post in Yunnan in the sixth month of 1833. In 1835, he received a post in the Ministry of War in the capital Beijing. Owing to poor health, Ruan retired in 1838 and spent the rest of his life in Yangzhou. See Ruan Konghou, ed., ‘Leitang Anzhu diziji juan qi’ (Record by Disciple Host of Temple Thounder-Pond, Chapter 7), in Ruan Yuan nianpu, 177–91. 26 Ruan Yuan, ‘Jinshi shishi’; Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 645–6. 27 Dahsou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji (Collected Writing of Liuzhou) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2015), 40; Dashou dedicated several paintings in a combination of brick rubbings and

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floral painting to Wu Tingkang; see the poems in Dashou, Xiao Lutian’an yincao, juan 3; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 166–70. 28 On Zhang’s antique collecting activity, see Lu Yitian, ‘Zhang Jieyuan shi’(Poem of Zhang, the First-Placed Candidate in the Provincial ), Lenglu zashi (Anecdotes from a Cold Hut), juan 4, 38–9. https://ia600805.us.archive.org/29/ items/02096026.cn/02096026.cn.pdf (accessed on 26 November 2014). 29 Dahsou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu; in Sang Shen ed., Liuzhou ji, 48. 30 Ibid., 55, 65 and 67. 31 Ibid., 69. 32 Ibid., 87. 33 On Chen’s circle and scholarship, see Chen Jieqi, Fuzhai cang qimu (Antique Collection of Fuzhai [Chen Jieqi]) (1885; Taipei: Yiwen chubanshe 1966); Fuzhai chidu (Letters of Fuzhai [Chen Jieqi]) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1919; Taipei: Xinwenfeng chubanshe, 2006); Chen Jieqi xueshu sixiang ji chengjiu yantaohui lunwenji (Essays for Colloquium on Study of Chen Jieqi, His Scholarship, Idea and Achievements) (Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe, 2005); and Lu Mingjun, Fuzhai yanjiu (Study on Fuzhai [Chen Jieqi]) (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2004). 34 On the Academia Sinica’s collection, see http://140.109.18.74/dacs5/System/ Search/Search.jsp?QS=%B9F%A8%FC&log=CIDLog&CID=38615 (accessed on 23 October 2009); Wang Yifeng, Guzhuan huagong: Liuzhou yu shijiu shiji de xueshu he yishu (Flower Offering in Ancient Bricks: Liuzhou and the Nineteenth-century Scholarship and Art) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 2018), 241. 35 There is relatively little information about Cheng Zhenjia and his biography. On account of Cheng and Dashou’s friendship, it is mainly documented in Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, 59–61, 70, 72, 76–78, 80–82; Dashou, ‘Ti Mu’an Kongmu liushiqi sui xiaoying 乼ᵘᓥᆄⴞ‫ॱޝ‬г↢ሿᖡ’ (Inscription on the Portrait of Cheng Mu’an at the Age of Sixty-Seven), Xiao Lutian’an yincao, juan 2; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 145. 36 Dashou several times had long stays at Cheng’s home making composite rubbings from a selection of over a thousand bronze objects from the Three Dynasties between 1836 and 1842. Those rubbings were editing into a four-volume book, Mu’an cangqi mu. In return for Dashou’s favour, Cheng gave Dashou a valuable painting, Canglang tu (Pavilion of Surging Waves) by Tang Yin (1470–1524). See Dahsou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 59–61, 70, 72, 76–8, 80–82; and Liuzhou, ‘Shanye jishi shi, Xiao Lutian’an yincao, juan 4; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 200. 37 Chen Jieqi, ‘Ba Liuzhou shouta Cheng Mu’an cangqice 䏻‫ޝ‬㡏᡻ᤃ〻ᵘᓥ 㯿ಘ޺’ (Colophon of Copy of the Edited Volume of Dashou’s Hand-Made Rubbings of Cheng Mu’an’s [Cheng Zhenjia] Antique Collection), 1846; in Sang Shen ed., Liuzhou ji, 318. This copy was a gift from Dashou to Li Fang (act. 1820–50), the governor of Suzhou and Chen Jieqi’s uncle on his mother’s side. It is currently in the collection of Ito Shigeru (1946–) collection in Japan. See also Ito Shigeru, Yu¯ sumi shunju¯: Bokukei-shitsu kaneishi hijo¯ shu¯i

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221

(Journeying through Ink in Spring and Fall: Notes on the Metal and Stone Collection of Wood-Chicken Studio) (Tokyo: Nihon shu¯ji fukyu¯ kyo¯kai, 2002). 38 He Xiaoying, ‘‘Liu Zhou lifotu’ juan chenghua kao’ (Study on ‘Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture’), Dongfang bowu 27 (2008: 2): 96–102. 39 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. II, 1; 127/234 40 Ibid., Vol. II, 4; 133/234. 41 Ibid. 42 On 23 November 2009, there was one similar painting labelled as ‘The goose-foot lamp of the Jingning era in Han dynasty – Liuzhou cleaning the antique lamp stand’ attributed to Liuzhou and Chen Geng with an inscription by Dashou in 1850, sold for RMB 156,800 at China Guardian in Beijing, Cat. No. 3201. Handscroll, ink, colour and two rubbings on paper, 47.8 x 26 cm). However, if we compare the same characters, such as ‘deng 䩉’, ‘Mu’an ᵘᓥ’, ‘Yuepo ᴸ⌒’ and so on, the calligraphy style and the order of stroke of Liuzhou’s inscription in this auctioned version is quite different from the style in the Zhejiang Provincial Museum scroll; the inscription on the rubbing of the goose-foot lamp stand are blurred. There is no reason, if these rubbings were made by Liuzhou at the same time in 1836, that they would be so different in terms of quality. The style of figure painting was also distinct from Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand (1837) and Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture (1836) by Chen Geng at the Zhejiang Provincial Museum. I personally consider the work sold at China Guardian rather questionable. 43 Chen Jieqi, Fuzhai jinwen tishi (Fuzhai’s Study of Inscriptions Carved on Bronze) (manuscript, 1871; edited by Chen Jikui; Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2005), 113. 44 The work is at the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing. 45 In 1871, Chen Jieqi did not know if this lamp stand had survived after the Taiping Rebellions, or whether the Qin family still kept this vessel. There is one composite rubbing of this Yongyuan goose-foot lamp stand at the Academia Sinica (archive catalogue no.188501) in Taipei, on which there is a seal stamp of Li Zongtong (1895–1974). It is likely that this lamp stand survived the Taiping wars, yet the provenance of this bronze vessel remains unknown today. http://catalog.digitalarchives.tw/item/00/33/2f/b2.html (accessed on 30 November 2014). 46 Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 257–8. 47 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. II, 5; 135/234. 48 Ibid., 419. This lamp stand was collected by Wang Chang. 49 Zhangjiashan 247 hao Hanmu zhujian zhengli xiaozu, ed., Zhangjiashan Hanmu zhujian (ersiqi hao mu), 74; the bamboo strip no. 461, see Xianyang diqu wenguanhui and Maoling bowuguan, ‘Shaanxi Maoling yihao wumingzhong yihao congzangkeng de fajue’ (Discovery of the Anonymous Tomb No. 1 and the Group Burial Site No. 1 in Maoling, Shanxi), Wenwu (1982: 9): 16, pl. 58. See also Huang Shengzhang, ‘Sigong xinkao’ (New Study

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on ‘Sigong’), Kaogu (1983: 9), 831–833; Lu Defu, ‘Sigong xukao’ (Extended Study on ‘Sigong’), 1–13. http://www.gwz.fudan.edu.cn/SrcShow.asp?Src_ ID=1523 (accessed on 13 June 2019) 50 Dai Xi, Appreciating the Seals (Baoyintu), 1840. Detail of Album of Monk Dashou’s Collection of Sealing Clay (1839–40), ink and colour on paper, album leaf, 14.5 x 8.8 cm, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. 51 Chen Jieqi and Wu Shifen, Fengni kaolue shijuan (Ten Chapters on Examination of Sealing Clay) (Shanghai: Shanghai guqi chubanshe, 1995); Luo Zhenyu, Qi Lu fengni jicun (Collection of Clay Seals from Qi and Lu States) (Shangyu Luo Zhenyu Yongmuyuan, 1913). 52 Walter Benjamin, ‘The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’, in Hannah Arendt, ed., Illuminations, 3. https://web.mit.edu/allanmc/www/ benjamin.pdf (accessed on 13 June 2019). 53 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. II, 35–39; 195/234–205/234. 54 Aisin Giro Yizhi, inscription on the composite rubbing of the Jianzhao goose-feet lamp stand, 1847. The rubbing is currently housed at the National Library of China, Beijing. 55 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. II, 36; 197/234. 56 Ibid., Vol. I, 49–50; 105/234–107/234. 57 Wan Qingli, ‘Jinqu canzhen ruhuaping: cong “bapo” kan shidai bianqian’ (Collecting Broken Treasures for Painting: Seeing Social Development from ‘Eight Broken’ Painting), Rongbaozhai (2005: 2): 180–6. 58 Qian Xuan, Jinhuidui Painting, undated. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 27.2 x 119 cm, National Palace Museum, Taipei. http://catalog.digitalarchives. tw/item/00/31/ac/d2.html (accessed on 4 December 2014). 59 Ibid., 181; Nancy Berliner, ‘The “Eight Brokens”: Chinese Trompe-L’Oeil Painting,’ Orientations 23, (1992: 2): 61–70 and ‘Questions of Authorship in Bapo-Trompe L’Oeil in Twentieth-Century Shanghai’, Apollo (1998: 3): 17–22. 60 Huang Yi, Xiao penglaige jinshi wenzi (List of Inscriptions on Bronze and Stone Objects at Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island) (1800; Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2019). See also the four volumes of roof tiles, Qing Huang Yi ji Qin Han wadang (Roof Tiles from the Qin and Han Dynasties Collected by Huang Yi of the Qing), undated, Palace Museum, Beijing, in Qin Ming, ed., Penglai suyue: Gugong cang Huang Yi Han Wei beike teji (Old Commitment from Immortal Land Penglai: Special Exhibition at the Palace Museum on the Steles and Carved Inscriptions from the Han and Wei dynasties formerly collected by Huang Yi) (Beijing: Forbidden City Press, 2010), 66–9. 61 For detailed study on each object see Lu Yi, ‘Shijue de youxi-Liuzhou “Baisuitu’ shidu” (Visual Game: An Interpretation of “One Hundred Years” by Liuzhou), Dongfang bowu, No. 41, (2011: 4): 5–14. 62 Xu Kang, Qianchen mengying lu, 234; Starr, Black Tigers, 128–9. The English text is based on Starr’s translation with modification. 63 Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. II, 15; 155/234.

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64 Guan Tingfen, Guan Tingfen riji (Diary of Guan Shifeng), ed. Zhang Tingyin (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2013), 1148. 65 Aisin Giro Yizhi, ‘Ti Liuzhou heshang ‘Ershisi jieqi baihuatu’ 乼‫ޝ‬㡏઼ቊҼॱ ഋㇰ≓Ⲯ㣡െ’ (Colophon for ‘Scroll of One Hundred Festive and Seasonal Flowers in 24 [Antique Vessels]’), Lexunli zhai shigao (Draft of Poems from the Studio of Searching for Principles with Joy) (1869; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000), juan 7; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 319. 66 Zhang Heng, ‘Xijing fu’ (Prose-poem on the Western Capital), in Zhang Zhenze, ed., Zhang Heng shiwenji jiaozhu (Selected Poems and Essays of Zhang Heng) (Shanghai: Guji chubanshe, 2009), 19. 67 Xuanhe huapu, Vol. 4, juan 17, p. 8. My thanks to Pai Shih-Ming for suggesting this reference. 68 My thanks to Kao Ming-Yi for providing this reference and discussing with me why the subject of ‘Festival Offerings with Antiquities’ should be a Ming invention considering its social context and cultural ambience. 69 Wang Yifeng noted that there are two versions of Flowers Arranged in the Dou Vessel of Boshan of Western Zhou attributed to Dashou: one is in Zhejiang Provincial Museum, dated 1827–8; the other is in the collection of Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society. In both scrolls, Dashou made the composite rubbings of the bronze vessel in Cheng Zhenjia’s collection, and the inscriptions of both rubbings were placed upside down. Although the title of the scrolls suggested that Dashou and Cheng Zhenjia considered this object as a dou (䉶) bronze vessel (grain-serving vessel) based on the inscription which reads ‘Boshanfu zuo zundou wannian baoyong ՟ኡ⡦֌ሺ䉶㩜ᒤ‫( ’⭘؍‬The dou Vessel was made by Mr Boshan of the Western Zhou, to be treasured for ten thousand years), the object was in fact the lid of a hu vessel (༪㫻). Contemporary scholar Yu Shanying further studied the rubbing and confirmed that the object in Cheng Zhenjia’s collection must be a counterfeit, made by the Qing. It suggests that people were already forging antique bronzes in the Qing dynasty, and in Dashou’s time even they would be fooled by the counterfeits due to a lack of detailed knowledge of the history of bronze and its styles. Yu Shanyin, ‘Liuzhou ta Zhou Boshandou kao’ (Study on the rubbing of Dou Vessel of Boshan of Western Zhou by Liuzhou), unpublished manuscript; cited in Wang Yifeng, Guzhuan huagong: Liuzhou yu shijiu shiji de xueshu he yishu, 130–1. 70 Ibid., 319–20. 71 Wang Yifeng, ‘Liuzhou de 1846’ (Liuzhou in 1846), Diancang 264 (2014: 9): 130. 72 Dahsou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 55. 73 These bricks appeared to be Dashou’s favourite ones and he wrote a poem for each of them, see Xiao Lütian’an yincao, juan 3; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 166–173. 74 According to Wei-Cheng Lin, the architectural historian, he considered that these bricks were not made for burials, since they all bear dates, and one even has an inscription ‘wuchen zao’(made in the year wuchen). The date of a tomb was largely recorded in the epitaph only, not on the bricks made for tomb chambers.

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Those bricks look more like ones used for above-ground buildings, either secular or religious. Email discussion with Wei-cheng Lin on 9 January 2015. 75 An individual rubbing of this brick made by Dashou is in the rubbing collection at the Academia Sinica library. Also see Dashou, Baosushi jinshi shuhua biannianlu, Vol. I, 47; 101/234. 76 Ruan Yuan, ‘Jin Yonghe Taiyuan zhuanzi taben ba’ (Inscription on the Rubbing of Brick with Two Characters ‘Taiyuan’, Dated to the Yonghe Era of Jin), Yanjingshi disanji, juan 1; reprinted in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 602–3; ‘Wu Shushi zhuan’ (Brick with Characters ‘Shushi’ of Wu Kingdom), Yanjingshi disiji, juan 6; reprinted in Yanjingshi ji, Vol. 2, 843–4. 77 Zhang Tingji, inscription on the twenty-eighth day of the ninth month, renchen year of the Daoguang era [1832], Qingyige tiba, 1893; Mei Song, Daozai wapi, 17–19. 78 Mei Song, Daozai wapi, 30. 79 Qing Dynasty Grain Price Database hosted by the Sinica Academia, Taipei: http://mhdb.mh.sinica.edu.tw/foodprice/result.php?SWYear=1832&SWMonth =9&EWYear=1832&EWMonth=12&AreaIDSelect1=JS&AreaNextSelect1=a ll&AreaIDSelect2=ZL&AreaNextSelect2=all&Grain1=R1&Grain2=WO&ch art=1&ifContrast=none (accessed on 17 June 2020). 80 Li Zhewei, ‘Guya de antou zhenyuan: guzhuan ji guyan’ (The Elegant Display at the Desk: Ancient Bricks and Brick Ink Stone), Shoucang (2014: 9): 112–17. 81 Mei Song, Daozai wapi, 20. 82 Dashou, ‘Wei Wu Kangfu hua “zhuanpen gongshi” shan ⛪੣ᓧ⭛⮛⼊⳶ ‫⸣׋‬ᡷ’ (The Fan Painting of “Scholarly Rocks in Brick-basin” for Wu Kangfu [Wu Tingkang]); ‘Wei Muwong hua ‘zhuanpen gongshi’ shan ⛪ᵘ㗱⮛⼊⳶‫׋‬ ⸣ᡷণ⅑ࡽ丫’ (The Fan Painting of ‘Scholarly Rock in Brick-basin’ for Muwong [Cheng Zhenjia], poem composed using the previous rhyme), ‘Wei Wu Kangfu ta “guzhuan huagong” tu bingcheng change ⛪੣ᓧ⭛ᤃਔ⼊㣡‫׋‬ െіᡀ䮧ⅼ’ (Painting of “Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks” and Long Inscriptions for Wu Kangfu [Wu Tingkang]); and ‘Ciyun da Cheng Mu’an kongmu ⅑丫ㆄ〻ᵘᓥᆄⴞ’ (Poem in Response to Cheng Mu’an [Cheng Zhenjia] Using the same Rhyme), Xiao Lütian’an yincao, juan 3; in Sang Shen, ed., Liuzhou ji, 166, 167, 169 and 173. 83 Ibid., 166–73. 84 Dashou, ‘Ciyun da Cheng Mu’an kongmu’, in ibid., 173. 85 Yang Xian and Wang Xu, Yang Xian Miaosou nianpu, 1913; in Congshu jicheng xubian-Shibu (Additional Book Series of Collected Writings: History) (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1994; Beijing: Beijing Library Publishing, 2006), Vol. 37, 832–3. 86 Yang Xian, ‘Seng Liangyun Dashou zhuan’ (Biographies of Monk Liangyun and Monk Dashou), Chihongxuan wenxu, 1885; in ibid., Vol. 139, 548. 87 Liu Deliu, Paintings of Ancient Bricks, Flowers and Vegetables ঊਔ㣡ॹ䔨, 1841. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 116.5 x 25 cm, Gift of Beishantang, Collection of the Art Museum of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

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225

88 Zhu Cheng, Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels and Flowers ঊਔ㣡ॹഋọቿ, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 177.5 x 46.9 cm, Michael Shih Collection. 89 Wu Changshi first met Yang Xian in 1872 and became close after Yang retired in 1879 and resided in Suzhou, see Zhu Wanzhang, ‘Wu Changshi yu Yang Xian jiaoyou’ (Study on Friendship between Wu Changshi and Yang Xian), Kunluntang, No. 37, Vol. 3 (2013): 38–44; and Mei Song, Daozai wapi, 62–4. Wu Changshi made two seals, Kangfu ᓧ⡦ and Wu Tingkang yin ੣ᔧᓧঠ for Wu Tingkang in 1875 which suggests their acquaintance began before the seals were carved; see Mei Song, Daozai wapi, 43. 90 See Wu Changshi’s seal, Studio of Meditative Bricks ⿚⭃䔂, 1884. Shoushan stone, 4.1 cm (height). Stamp 3.3 cm (length) x 2.6 cm (width), Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 91 Xue Yongnian, ‘Jinshi quanxingta yu Folu boguhua’ (The Composite Painting and the Antiquarian Painting by Foulu [Wu Changshi]), Yugu weitu—Wu Changshi shuhua zhuanke xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (1). http://www.mam. gov.mo/MAM_WS/ShowFile.ashx?p=mam2013/pdf_ theses/635652157076124.pdf (accessed on 17 July 2019). 92 Yun-Chiahn Chen Sena, ‘Pursuing Antiquity: Chinese Antiquarianism from the Tenth to the Thirteenth Century’ (PhD Dissertation for History of Art, University of Chicago, 2007), xiii.

4 From Deification to Quotidian: Jinshiqi and the Four Accomplishments 1 Yang Yi, Haishang molin (Ink Forest of Shanghai) (1919; Taipei: Wenshizhe Publishing, 1988), lines 371, 475 and 531. It is notable that Qian Song was Zhao Zhiqian’s close contact; after Qian died in the Taiping Rebellion in Hangzhou, his second son Qian Shi (1847–?), the only survivor of the entire family, was taken up by Zhao Zhiqian as his sole tutee. Tu Zhaopeng was a close contact of Wu Changshi; Wu admired Tu very much, inviting him to be the tutor of Wu’s two sons and to live with the Wu family. Wei Zhusheng, famed for selling paintings in Japan, had an active social life with the celebrated Shanghai School painters Ren Yi and Chen Manshou. 2 The term ‘Four Accomplishments’ (siquan) is taken from Pan Tianshou’s theory on Chinese painting: ‘One does not need to achieve perfection in painting, calligraphy and poetry, but should be skilled in the “Four Accomplishments” (painting, calligraphy, poetry and seal carving) [to be a capable painter]. ⮛һ нᗵй㎅ն≲ഋ‫’ޘ‬. Pan Tianshou considered the ‘Four Accomplishments’ as an important quality for the modern Chinese painters, see Pan Tianshou, ‘Tingtiange huatan suibi 㚭ཙ䯓⮛䃷䳘ㅶ’ (Notes on Painting from the Pavilion of Listening to the Sky), Pantianshou tanyilu, 148–9. 3 Hu Xianghan, Shanghai xiaozhi (Annotated History of Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989), 23–4.

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4 Gai Qi’s Illustrated Dream of the Red Chambers was composed during his stay at Li Yunjia’s home in Shanghai under Li’s sponsorship. The printing was interrupted due to Li’s death: later, in 1879, the illustrations were collected and published by Huaipu jushi. See Zhou Weiping, ‘Lun Gaiqi “Hongloumeng yuyong” ’ (On Gaiqi’s Illustration of the Dream of the Red Chambers), Journal of Zhejiang Ocean University, No. 25 (2008:2 ): 56–9. 5 ‘Colophon by Shi Buhua’, Dongxuan yinshe huaxiang; reprinted in Fei Danxu ji, 195. 6 Ibid., 113–97. 7 Frederic Wakeman, Jr. ‘The Canton trade and the Opium War’, in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Vol. 10, Part I, 163–212. 8 Feng Tianyu and Huang Changyi, Wan Qing jingshi shixue, 124–57. 9 See Jonathan Spence, God’s Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan (London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1996), 278; Philip A. Kuhn, ‘The Taiping Rebellion,’ in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 10, Part I, 264–317. 10 Jiang Guangxu’s collection was destroyed on the fifth day of the eighth month in the tenth year of the Xianfeng era (1860); he became depressed and his health deteriorated, and he finally passed away on the twenty-third day of the eleventh month of the same year. See Guan Tingfen riji, Vol. 4, 1662, 1670 and 1673. 11 Ibid., 1600–75. 12 Ibid.,1700–1. 13 ‘Tang Yifen’, in Zhao Erxun et al., eds, Qingshigao (Draft of Qing History) (Reprinted Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1999), Vol. 12, juan 406, 9997. 14 Ibid., ‘Dai Xi’, Vol. 12, juan 406, 9996–7; ‘Dai Keheng qi Zhu’, Vol. 15, juan 517, 11712. 15 Ibid., ‘Qian Song’, Vol. 14, juan 500, 11379. 16 Yang Yi, Haishang molin, entry 609, juan 4, 11. 17 Chia-Ling Yang, New Wine in Old Bottles – The Art of Ren Bonian in Nineteenth-Century Shanghai (London: Eastern Art Publishing, 2007), 33–5. 18 See Wu Changshi, ‘Yixi ៦᱄’ (Remembrance) and ‘Ganmeng ᝏདྷ’ (Dream with Sentiment), Foulu shi 㕦ᔜ䂙 (Poems by Foulu [Wu Changshi]), 1893, juan 2, 8–9, in Ji Baocheng and He Chuanfang, eds, Qingdai shiwenji huibian (Compilation of Poems and Essays of Qing Dynasty), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2011), Vol. 757, 601–2. 19 Wu’s inscription was appended on the seal, ‘Fan jingwushi zhuren’ (Master of the Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds), carved at the age of thirty-six (1880) and the seal ‘Mingyue qianshen’ (Moon is Her Former Life) was dated in the year of jiyou (1909). See Wang Jiacheng, Wu Changshi zhuan (Biography of Wu Changshi) (Taipei: National Palace Museum Press, 1998),

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23–4, 154–6; and Wu Changshi yinpu (Seals of Wu Changshi) (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1998), 33. 20 Sikong Tu, ‘Qi. Xilian (г⍇䥺)’ (7. Neatness), Ershisi shipin. https://sou-yun. cn/eBookIndex.aspx?kanripoId=KR9a0004_000&id=14698 (accessed on 10 July 2019). Jin Nong, ‘Dongxin xiansheng huamei tiji ߜᗳ‫⮛⭏ݸ‬ẵ乼䁈’ (Inscriptions on Paintings of Plum Blossoms by Master Dongxin [Jin Nong]), Dongxin xiansheng zazhu ߜᗳ‫⭏ݸ‬䴌㪇 (Miscellaneous Writing of Jin Nong), undated; in Jin Nong ji (Collected Writing of Jin Nong) (2016), 275. Examples of characters allocated in grids can be seen in the seal clay Huangdi yinxi ⲷᑍ ঠ⫭ of the Qin and bronze seal Zicheng zhiyin ᆇюѻঠ of the Western Han; see Lin Jinzhong, Renshi shufa yishu – zhuanshu (Introduction to Calligraphy – the Seal Script) (Taipei: Yishu jiaoyuguan, 2010), Vol. 1, 16–27. 21 For Qian Song’s seal of Mingyue qianshen (Your Former Life Was the Moon, 1854), see Kobayashi Toan, Zhuanke quanji (5) Chen Yuzhong. Chen Hongshou. Zhao Zhichen. Qian Song. Ta (Complete Work of Seal Carving (5): Works by Chen Yuzhong, Chen Hongshou, Zhao Zhiqian, Qian Song and Others) (Tokyo: Nigensha, 2011), 151. 22 For Zhao’s biography, see Zhao Erchang, Zhao Zhiqian zhuzuo yu yanjiu ((Life and Writing of Zhao Zhiqian) (Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe, 2008); Wang Jiacheng, Zhao Zhiqian zhuan (Biography of Zhao Zhiqian) (Taipei: National History Museum, 2002); Wang Jingxian, Zhao Zhiqian (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998); Wu Chao-Jen, ‘Between Tradition and Modernity: Strange Fish of Different Species, Products of Wenzhou by Zhao Zhiqian (1829–1884) and Their Relationship to the Epigraphic Studies of Late Qing’ (PhD Dissertation, University of Kansas, 2002); Elizabeth Foard Bennett, ‘Chao Chih-Ch’ien, 1829–1884: A Late Nineteenth Century Chinese Artist, His Life, Calligraphy and Painting’ (PhD Dissertation, Yale University, 1983); Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu (Study of Zhao Zhiqian) (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2008), 33–106; Zou Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu (Chronology of Zhao Zhiqian). (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2003; reprint 2006). For Zhao’s own writing, see Dai Jiamiao ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji (Collected Writing of Zhao Zhiqian) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe,2015). 23 Zou Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 26. 24 Pan Zuyin, Xiankao Huishu fujun xinglue (Brief Biography of Our Late Father Huishu), 1884; edited in Bei’an shengmo (Ink Remains of the Hut of Sadness), juan 2 (Hangzhou: Xilin yinshe, 1918–28); Zou Tao ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 1. 25 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Miu Wuliegong shizhuang 㑶↖⛸‫ޜ‬һ⣰’ (Political Events in the Life of Miu [Zi], the Military Martyr); in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 1, 196–202. 26 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Wangfu Fan Jingyu shilue ӑ႖㤳ᮜ⦹һ⮕’ (Short Biography of Fan Jingyu, [My] Deceased Wife); in Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, , 95. 27 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Zixu 㠚ᒿ’ (Preface), Erjin dietang shuanggou Hanbei shizhong Ҽ䠁㶦า䴉䢔╒⻁ॱぞ (Filling-in Method with Double-hook Trace-copy after

228

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Ten Han Dynasty Steles from the Hall of Two Golden Butterflies), 1863; in Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 106. 28 Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu, Vol. 1, 51–52. 29 Zhao Zhiqian’s Hut of Sadness (Bei’an), 1862; in Fang Quji, Zhao Zhiqian yinpu (Seals of Zhao Zhiqian) (Shanghai: Shuhua chubanshe, 1979; 1999), 2. 30 This seal is recorded in Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8): Zhao Zhiqian, Xu Sangeng (Selected Works of Seal Carving from Dynasties of China (8): Zhao Zhiqian and Xu Sangeng) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007), 32. 31 Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 84 and 124. 32 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Zixu,’ Erjin dietang shuanggou Hanbei shizhong, 1863; in Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, ed. Zou Tao, 106. 33 Zhang Tingyin, ed., Guan Tingfen riji, Vol. 4, 1683. 34 Zhao journeyed to Beijing on the twenty-sixth day of the twelfth month in the first year of the Tongzhi era (4 February 1863). The original text reads: ‘At the beginning of the Tongzhi era, [I] journeyed to the capital Beijing by sea. My stay was extended, fortunately I could save up some money by selling my calligraphy. Hence, I had spare money to buy books and indulged myself in reading old rubbings. ਼⋫ࡍ‫ݳ‬㡚⎧‫ޕ‬Ӝᑛˈኒ䂖Ⲷ唌DŽἢ䚢䘶᯵ˈ➞ᆇ⛪ ㋫ˈᒨぽᮨ䠁ˈᗙ〽〽㖞ᴨˈ䪭ԕ᭵㍉DŽ’ See Zhao Zhiqian, þ=L[X㠚ᒿ’ (Preface), Yangshi qian qibai ershijiu hezhai congshu Ԡ㿆ॳгⲮҼॱҍ古啻਒ ᴨ (Compilation from the Studio of Looking Up to the [Sky] at the One Thousand Seven Hundred and Twenty-Nine Cranes), 1880; cited in Zao Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 2006, 102; full text see Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 1, 2015, 116–18. 35 Zhao Zhiqian needed one thousand seven hundred silver liang to purchase the official title in Jiangxi. Pan Zuyin was the first person with whom Zhao discussed this matter. Pan also helped Zhao to raise the money needed using his network. See Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Chen Baoshan, No. 12 㠤䲣ሦழؑ ᵝㅜॱҼ’, c. 1871; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 249–50. 36 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Shu Meipu, No. 12 㠤㡂ẵളؑᵝㅜॱҼ’, 1872; in ibid., 353. 37 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Pan Yu, No. 3 㠤█䚩ؑᵝㅜй’, 1876; ibid., 476. 38 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Shu Meipu, Nos. 1–19 㠤㡂ẵളؑᵝㅜа㠣ॱҍ’, c. 1872–3; in ibid., Vol. 2, 346–58. 39 Twenty silver liang was paid to commission a piece of calligraphy by Zhao Zhiqian. Zhao was happy to receive this commission from a Cantonese client and gave the fee to his eldest daughter who was in need. There was no further information about the identity of the Cantonese client. Recorded in a letter to Shu Meipu, dated on the twenty-fifth day of the second month in the year of guiyou (1873). See Zou Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 216. 40 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wang Yirong, No. 1 㠤⦻⇵῞ؑᵝㅜа’, 1879; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 343. 41 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Xu Jiren, No. 8 㠤䁡ᆓӱؑᵝㅜ‫’ޛ‬, 1882; ibid., 470.

NOTES

229

42 Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu, Vol. 1, 87–106. 43 Ibid., 40. 44 Five hundred and seventy-nine letters are collected at Zhejiang Provincial Museum, Yunnan Provincial Museum, Liaoning Provincial Museum and the Luoyang Museum; see ibid., 243–546. Seventy-four letters are in private collections in Japan, see Chen Zhenlian, ed., Riben cang Zhao Zhiqian jinshi shuhua jingxuan (Selection of Zhao Zhiqian’s Bronze and Stone Art, Calligraphy and Painting in Japanese Collection) (Hangzhou: Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, 2008), 5, 62–6, 69, 81–98, 100, 103–19, 130–2 and 170–287. Letters that have appeared in auction sales in recent years are not included in this discussion. 45 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wei Xizeng, No. 27 㠤兿䥛ᴮؑᵝㅜҼॱг’, 1864; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 272–73. 46 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wei Xizeng, No. 36–38 㠤兿䥛ᴮؑᵝㅜйॱ‫ޝ‬㠣й ॱ‫’ޛ‬, 1866; Ibid., 281–4. 47 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Pan Boyin, No. 41 㠤 █՟ᇵؑᵝㅜഋॱа’, c. 1864; ibid., 318–19. The original letters are in the collection of Rongbaozhai, Beijing. Originally, one silver liang was equivalent to one thousand wen, as regulated by the Qing government. During the Xianfeng era, after the first Opium War and the Taiping Rebellion, due to inflation and a lack of Chinese silver, one silver liang was roughly equivalent to two thousand wen. To give a sense of living expenses, 600g of salt cost 5 wen in the early Qing, and 40–50 wen after the first Opium War. See Zhang Yan, Qingdai jingji jianzhi, 204–9, 218 and 229. 48 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Pan Boyin, No. 54 㠤█՟ᇵؑᵝㅜӄॱഋ’, c. 1864; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 323. 49 In the preface of Bu Huanyu fangbei lu (Extended Record of Visiting Steles in the Whole World) dated 1864, Zhao mentioned that he benefited from Pan Zuyin and Shen Junchu’s collections; the rubbing maker Fang Kezhong (act. c. 1860s) from Jiangyin of Jiangsu province gave him a great help in collecting the rubbings and information; and Zhao owed a great debt to Shen Junchu during the preparation of this book; Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 126. 50 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Chen Baoshan, No. 12 㠤䲣ሦழؑᵝㅜॱҼ’, c. 1871; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 249–50. 51 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Pan Boyin, No. 71 㠤█՟ᇵؑᵝㅜгॱа’, c. 1864; ibid., 327. 52 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Shen Shuyong, No. 44 㠤⊸⁩䨎ؑᵝㅜഋॱഋ’, 1865; ibid., 304. 53 Chen Zhenlian, ed., Riben cang Zhao Zhiqian jinshi shuhua jingxuan, 336–7. 54 On study of jumo, see Li Jiahao, ‘Xu jumo mingwen yanjiu’ (Study of Inscription on Bronze Bow Fitting), in Guwenzi yu gudaishi (Ancient Script and Ancient History) (Taipei: History and Language Research Institute, Academia Sinica), 189–212. Thanks to Roderick Whitfield for suggesting this reference and the translation of jumo.

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55 Ibid., 338. 56 Craig Clunas considers that we should see seal imprints as peritext of the calligraphy piece, see Screen of Kings: Royal Art and Power in Ming China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press, 2013), 90. 57 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wei Xizeng, No. 9’; in ‘Bei’an shuzha jicun’, Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 2, 260. 58 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wei Xizeng, No. 19’; ibid., 266. One silver liang was equivalent to 100 qian in 1867. So Zhao charged 50 qian (0.5 silver liang) per character for seal carving; for ten seals of four characters each, Zhao could earn around twenty silver liang. However, in the 1870s, the exchange rate between liang and qian was very unstable. This is just a reference guide for comparison with prices for other objects. On currency exchange information, see Zhang Yan, Qingdai jingji jianzhi, 214. 59 Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 137. 60 Ibid., 111. 61 Hu Shu, ‘Xu’ (Preface), Erjin dietang yinpu (1864); cited in Zou Tao, Zhongguo shufa quanji di 71 juan Qingdai Zhao Zhiqian (Compilation of Chinese Calligraphy Series 71, Zhao Zhiqian of Qing Dynasty) (Beijing: Rongbaozhai chubanshe, 2004), 19. 62 Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 292. 63 Ibid., 254. 64 The preface is cited in Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu, Vol. 1, 264. 65 Hu Shu, ‘Xu’ (Preface), Erjin dietang shuanggou Hanbei shizhong, 1863; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 4, 1256. 66 On seal carving techniques of chongdao and qiedao, see Dai Jiamiao, Deng Shiru jingdian yinzuo jifa jiexi (Analysis on Technique in Seal Carving by Deng Shiru) (Chongqing: Chingqing chubanshe, 2006), 63–6. 67 Kobayashi Toan, Zhuanke quanji 4 Zhongguo (Qing): Ding Jing, Jiang Ren, Huang Yi, Xi Gang (Tokyo: Nigensha, 2001), 41. 68 Dai Jiamiao, Deng Shiru jingdian yinzuo jifa jiexi, 24–9; Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, ed., Xiling yinshe cangpinji (Collection of Xiling Seal Society) (Hangzhou: Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, 2003), 199. Many contemporary studies interpret Deng’s claim as ‘seal carving should derive from the practice of calligraphy’; however, it does not make sense in the case of Deng Shiru and Zhao Zhiqian. Shu here could also refer to shufa (method of writing; calligraphy) or liushu (six scripts of writing; script system). The rise of seal carving, showing homage to Han and pre-Han seal scripts, was largely indebted to their Evidential Learning; only when they understood the origin and development of the script system could they apply their knowledge to the composition of seal scripts on the stone. 69 Zhao Zhiqian, Jihuan and Wang Lüyuan seals, 1857; in Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8), 11.

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231

70 Zhao Zhiqian, He Chuanshu yin օۣ⍉ঠ (Seal of He Chuanshu), 1857; ibid., 12. 71 Shu Wenyang, Zhao Zhiqian jingdian yinzuo jifa jiexi (Analysis on the Typical Techniques of Zhao Zhiqian’s Seal Carving) (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 2006), 25–40. 72 For seals after the style of stone drum script (shiguwen), see Zhao Zhiqian, Shen Shuyong yin ⊸⁩䨎ঠ (Seal of Shen Shuyong [Shen Junchu]), undated; after the style of the Han bronze mirrors, see Shen Junchu shoucangyin ⊸൷ࡍ ᭦㯿ঠ (Seal of Shen Junchu’s Collection) and Shenshi jijin yaoshi ⊸∿ਹ䠁′ ⸣ (Bronze and Stone Collections of Mr Shen [Junchu]), both undated; after Han bronze lamps, see Songjiang Shen Shuyong kaocang yinji ᶮ⊏⊸⁩䨎㘳㯿 ঠ䁈 (Seals of A Native of Songjiang, Shen Shuyong and His Investigation on Bronze and Stones), 1863; after the style of coins from Six Dynasties, see the seal Zhao Huishu 䏉ᫍ਄, 1864; after the style of zhaoban (official announcement plates) of the Qin dynasty, see Jingshan suode jinshi ㄏኡᡰᗇ䠁 ⸣ (Collected Bronze and Stones of Jingshan [He Cheng]), 1866. In Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8), 66, 70, 72, 88, 91 and 95. 73 Shen Shuyong’s inscription on the seal ‘Songjiang Shen Shuyong kaocang yinji’, 1863; ibid., 66. 74 Ban Zhiming, ed., Deng Shiru Dizizhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples by Deng Shiru) (Harbin: Helongjiang chubanshe, 2005). 75 This technique was demonstrated for me by modern seal carvers. 76 For the plate, see Chen Zhenlian, ed., Riben cang Zhao Zhiqian jinshi shuhua jingxuan, 340. 77 Wu Changshi, Resign Fifty Days Earlier than the Magistrate of Pengze [Tao Yuanming] Ỵᇈ‫ݸ‬ᖝ◔Ԕӄॱᰕ, 1909. Red legend, square-shaped seal, Tianhuang stone, stamp 2.6 cm x 2.6 cm; Magistrate of Andong for One Month аᴸᆹᶡԔ, undated. Red legend, square-shaped seal, Tianhuang stone, stamp 2.3 x 2.3 cm. Both are collected at Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Hangzhou. 78 Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8), 54. 79 Wu Changshi yinpu (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1998), 69. 80 Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu, Vol. 1, 305. 81 On peritext (or paratext), see also Gerard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 82 Pan Zuyin, Xiankao Huishu fujun xinglue, 1884; in Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 1 83 Kang Youwei, ‘Bei Tang di 12 ঁୀㅜॱҼ’ (Overlooking Tang, Chapter Twelve), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 202–3. 84 Kang Youwei, ‘Shuxue di 23 䘠ᆨㅜҼॱй’ (Comments on Learning, Chapter 23), ibid., 312. 85 Zou Tao, Zhongguo shufa quanji di 71 juan Qingdai Zhao Zhiqian, 13.

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86 Bao Shichen, ‘Shushu shang’ (Comments on calligraphy, Part I), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shih, eds, Meishu congshu, , Vol. 1, 499. 87 Zhao Zhiqian, Zhang’an zashuo (Miscellanea from Zhang’an) (1861; Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1989); in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 4, 1170. 88 Qi Yuan, ed., Zhao Zhiqian shuhua biannian tumu (Compilation of Calligraphy and Painting by Zhao Zhiqian in Chronological Order) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), Vol. 2, Plate 1. 89 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Deng Shiru shu Sima Wengong [ju]jia [za]yi ba 䝗⸣ྲᴨਨ俜ⓛ ‫>ޜ‬ት@ᇦ>䴌@ܰ䏻’ (Colophon for Deng Shiru’s Calligraphy after the ‘At-Home Etiquette and Manners’ inscription by Sima Guang [1019–1086]); in Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 1, 135. 90 Both inscriptions are in the Guyang cave at Longmen; see Amy McNair, Donors of Longmen: Faith, Politics and Patronage in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Sculpture (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press, 2007), 22–30. 91 Zhao Zhiqian, Zhang’an zashuo; in Dai Jiamiao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 4, 1167. 92 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Hu Peixi No. 2 㠤㜑ษ㌫ؑᵝㅜҼ’, 1865; ibid., Vol. 2, 418. 93 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Letters to Wei Xizeng, No. 26 㠤兿䥛ᴮؑᵝㅜҼॱ‫’ޝ‬, 1864; Ibid., Vol. 2, 272. The manuscript is now lost. However, Zhao Zhiqian carved a seal Da cibeifu བྷ᝸ᛢ⡦ (The Great Compassionate One) with an inscription ‘Nanwu Amituofo ই❑䱯ᕼ䱰֋ˈማ䢵֋䁈ѻঠ’ (Amitabha Buddha. Seal for the time when I composed the Notes on Bronze Buddhist Sculptures), to commemorate the time he was composing the manuscript. For an illustration of this seal see Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8), 32. Zou Tao, ed., Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 34. 94 Album of Rubbings of Bronze Buddhist Sculptures in the Bei’an [Zhao Zhiqian] Collection ᛢⴛ䳶䢵䙐䊑ᤃᵜ, c. 1860s. Wood cover with inscribed titles and detail of leaf no. 3, album of fourteen leaves, 14 x 20 cm, Tong Yanfang collection. For plates of the whole album, see Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, ed., Jinshi yongnian – jinshi tapian jingpinzhan tulu (Longevity of Bronze and Stone) (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2008), 62–8. 95 Bao Shichen, ‘Shushu zhong’ (Comments on calligraphy, Part II), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shi, eds, Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 500–1. 96 Zhao Zhiqian’s colophon in the Album of Twelve Leaves of Flower Painting for Yuanqing ⛪‫ݳ‬য֌㣡ॹ޺ॱҼ䮻, 1859, ink and colour on paper, 22.4 x 31.5 cm, Shanghai Museum; also cited in Zou Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 65. 97 Chen Zhenlian, ed., Riben cang Zhao Zhiqian jinshi shuhua jingxuan, 312. 98 Zhao Zhiqian, ‘Ti shuhuo huahui ce 乼㭜᷌㣡ॹ޺’ (Inscription on the Album of Vegetables and Flowers), Zhao Zhiqian ji, Vol. 1, 2015, 193. See also Zhao Zhiqian’s colophon in the Album of Twelve Leaves of Flower Painting for Yuanqing, 1859, ink and colour on paper, 22.4 x 31.5 cm, Shanghai Museum.

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99 Qian Song’s seal Ren Xiong zhiyin (Seal of Ren Xiong) in prickly-edged small-seal script was made in 1857 in Hangzhou. See Kobayashi Toan, Zhuanke quanji (5), 166. 100 Wang Hehe, ‘Zhongguo gudai renwuhua “shibamiao” gainian de lishi yanjin yu huashi yiyi’ (‘The Significance and Historical Development of “Eighteen Brush Modes” in Early Chinese Figure Painting’). PhD Dissertation, Central Academy of Fine Art, 2010, 78–9. 101 Hua Yan, Zhong Kui Enjoying Bamboo, 1737. Tianjin Museum. 102 Ren Xiong, original sketches for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals, 1853; see University Museum and Art Gallery, ed., Liexian jiupai (Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals) (Hong Kong: University Museum and Art Gallery, The University of Hong Kong, 2006). 103 Ibid., Vol. 2, 33. 104 The phrase ‘tiehua yingou’ is derived from Ouyang Xun’s ‘Yongbilun ⭘ㅶ䄆’ (Discussion on Calligraphy Techniques); Huang Binhong, ‘Jin shushinian huazhe ping’, Dongfang zazhi, Vol. 27, No. 1 (1930), 155; in Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Binhong wenji – shuhua bian shang (Collected Essays of Huang Binhong) (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1999), 480. 105 Bao Shichen, ‘Lixia bitan’ (Notes from Lixia County [of Shandong Province]), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shih, eds, Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 504. 106 Yang Yi, Haishang molin, line 423. 107 Bao Shichen, ‘Shushu shang’ (Comments on calligraphy, Part I), Anwu lunshu, in Huang Binhong and Deng Shih, eds, Meishu congshu, Vol. 1, 498. 108 Wu Xin, Shanghaixian xuzhi, chapter 21. For a discussion of this technique, see also Chia-Ling Yang, New Wine in Old Bottles, 45–6. 109 Yang, New Wine in Old Bottles, 127–63. 110 Ren Yi, Portrait of Wu Changshi Enjoying the Cool Shade of Banana Palms, undated. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 129.5 x 58.9 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. Richard Vinograd, Boundaries of the Self: Chinese Portraits, 1600–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 130–55. 111 Zheng Yimei, Xiaoyangqiu, 2; English translation is quoted from Yang, New Wine in Old Bottles, 42–3. 112 Wu Changshi’s son, Wu Dongmai, mentioned that his father and Ren Bonian were already good friends in 1879. However, there was no further evidence on when they first met. My research on Ren Bonian’s seals led to the discovery that Wu Changshi must have met Ren Bonian before he carved the seal ‘Ren Qianqiu’ in 1880. See Chia-Ling Yang, ‘Ren Bonian yongyin yanjiu’ (Study on Ren Bonian’s Seals), in Huameng Shanghai: Ren Bonian de bimo shijie (Painted Dream of Shanghai: The Ink World of Ren Bonian) (Taipei: Diancang Publishing, 2011), 252. 113 Wu Changshi had already painted birds-and-flowers before he was fifty. The example can be seen in his Lotus in Ink, 1886, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 98.5 x 46.1 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

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114 This inscription, implying that he had begun to paint plum blossoms with a ‘new method’, suggests that it might have been in the early 1890s that Wu began to establish the jinshi style in his painting. 115 Wu Changshi, inscription on Ink Plum Blossoms, 1906; see Ding Xiyuan, Wu Changshi (Hangzhou: Xiling Engravers’ Society, 2004), 66. 116 Ibid., 26. 117 Wu Changshi’s student Pan Tianshou noted that Wu learned from Ren Bonian how to use the western red pigment. See Xu Jianrong, Pan Tianshou yishu suibi (Pan Tianshou’s Notes on Art) (Shanghai: Wenyi chubanshe, 2001), 112. 118 Zhu Kui, ‘Ci Jiachen’ (female, born in the year of jiachen), Xiexuelu, line 17 (https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter=751891, accessed on 7 February 2021); Wu Changshi, inscription on the seal Xiong jiachen, 1904, 2.9 x 2.9 cm, Wu Chao collection (Wu family collection). 119 Chuang Shen. ‘Archaeology in Late Qing Dynasty Painting.’ Ars Orientalis 24 (1994): 83–104. 120 Ibid., 86–7. 121 Ren Xun, On the Occasion of Promotion, 1876. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 146.5 x 80.5 cm, Tianjin Museum. See Haishang si Ren jingpin, Vol. 2, 66. 122 See Chen Mei, ‘Appreciating Antiquity by the Hand Warmer ഽ⡀ঊਔ’, in the Album of Outing in the Autumn Moon ᴸᴬ␵䙺െ޺, 1738. Leaf of 11/12, ink and colour on silk, 37 x 31.8 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. 123 Chen Hongshou, Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes (also known as Female Immortals), undated. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 173.2 x 97.1 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing. For the illustration, see Zhongguo Mingchao minghua jianshang – renwuhua (Study of Famous Painting from the Ming Dynasty) (Changsha: Palisades China Press, 2009), Pl. 68. 124 Long Dayuan, ed., Guyu tupu (Illustrated Catalogue of Ancient Jade), Song dynasty; in Siku quanshu, Zibu, Vol. 53, 9–12; Harvard University Library Digital Edition, Vol. 9, 131–135. https://ctext.org/library. pl?if=gb&file=142032&page=135 (accessed on 2 July 2019). 125 The horn-shaped jade segment ya with dragon incised pattern (⦹㲪喽㌻⋆⢉) at the Palace Museum in Beijing. For the plate, see https://www.dpm.org.cn/ collection/jade/229294.html (accessed on 8 Februrary 2021). 126 Wu Dacheng, Guyu tukao (Investigation and Illustration of Ancient Jade), 1889; Du Bin, ed., Wu Dacheng Guyu tukao, (Investigation and Illustration of Ancient Jade by Wu Dacheng) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003), 6, 367–9. 127 Luo Zhenyu, Jilu bian (Autobiography of Luo Zhenyu), in Luo Xuetang xiansheng quanji (Complete Works of Mr Luo Zuetang) (Taipei: Datong shuju, 1868–72), series 5:1, 32–3; Yang and Whitfield, eds, Lost Generation, 250. 128 Luo Zhenyu, Jilu bian, series 5:1, 33.

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129 Luo Zhenyu, Yinxu wenzi yingtie (Couplets in Yin Style) (Liaoning: Shangyu Luo Zhenyu Yi’antang, 1921); Yang and Whitfield, eds., Lost Generation, 290. 130 In Yang Yi’s account, numerous painters of the late Qing, including Qu Yingshao ⷯ៹㍩ (line 176), Wu Xun ੣⍥ (line 216), Jiang Jie 㭓ㇰ (line 218), Jin Xi 䠁⟉ (line 232), Yao Xie ည⠞ (line 338), Zhou Xian ઘ䯁 (line 353), Zhao Zhiqian 䏉ѻ䅉 (line 352), Hu Zhen 㜑䴷 (line 372), Mo Youzhi 㧛ᴹ㣍 (line 382), He Shaoji օ㍩ส (line 383), Wu Yun ੣䴢 (line 390), Yang Xian ὺጤ (line 394), Ren Yi ԫ乔 (line 421), Chen Yunsheng 䲣‫( ॷݱ‬line 425), Zhang Xiong ᕥ➺ (line 431), Yan Xinhou ೤ؑ৊ (line 517), Wu Dacheng ੣བྷ▲ (line 519), Huang Shanshou (line 589), Huang Jun 哳ᛷ (line 661), Jin Cheng 䠁෾ (line 674), He Weipu օ㏝⁨ (664), Kong Xuan ᆄᇓ (line 672), Wu Changshi ੣᰼⻙ (line 678) and Wu Yu ੣㛢 (line 678), and calligraphers Yu Yue ؎ (393), Xu Sangeng ᗀйᓊ (line 474), Mao Chengji ∋᢯ส (line 484), Fei Nianci 䋫ᘥ᝸ (line 494), Xu Weikun ᗀᜏ䥅 (line 498), Lu Zonggan 䲨ᇇῖ (line 540), Shi Wei (line 545), Pan Zhiwan █ᘇ㩜 (line 542), Zhang Du ᕥᓖ (line 550), Wang Xu ⊚➖ (line 551), Shen Rujin ⊸⊍⪮ (line 558), Zhang Xingfu ᕥ㹼ᆊ (line 559), Li Ruiqing ᵾ⪎␵ (line 638), Gao Yong 儈 䛅 (line 639), Kang Youwei ᓧᴹ⛪ (line 677), Zhang Zuyi ᕥ⾆㘬 (line 579), 䝝᮷❟ (line 586), Monk Fenglaiyi 匣ֶܰ (line 611), Zhang Huandou ᕥ➕ᯇ (line 645), Li Zhongyu ᵾ䩈⧿ (line 647), Wu Chen ੣⩋ (line 656), Huang Jun 哳‫( ׺‬line 661), were recorded specifically to have been inspired by their interests in seal script, stele school of calligraphy and jinshi collection of epigraphs and stone antiquities. See Yang Yi, Haishang molin, lines 303–691. 131 Kang Youwei commented that ‘Zhao Huishu [Zhao Zhiqian] formed his own style through his studies of the Northern Wei [calligraphy]. Nonetheless, his [writing] is weak due to a lack of energy. Following Zhao, many people adore and imitated the calligraphy style after the Northern Dynasties steles, up till now, their copies are too decadent and soft like effeminate songs. That’s the fault of Zhao Huishu. 䏉ᫍ਄ᆨे兿ˈӖ㠚ᡀᇦˈն≓億咻ᕡˈӺཙлཊ䀰े ⻁ˈ㘼ⴑ⛪䶑䶑ѻ丣ˈࡷ䏉ᫍ਄ѻ㖚ҏDŽ’. This will be discussed further in the next chapter. See Kang Youwei, ‘Shuxue di 23 䘠ᆨㅜҼॱй’ (Comments on Learning, Chapter Twenty-Three), Guang Yizhou shuangji, 312. Huang considered that there was a revival of painting owing to the thriving study in jinshi in the Daoguang and Xianfeng eras, see Long Rui and Mei Mosheng, eds, Shuangxing huiying – Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong ceye, xinzha, shigao zuopinji (Dual Shining Stars: Album Leaves, Letters, Poems and Manuscripts of Qi Baishi and Huang Binhong) (Beijing: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006), 200, letter 21. 132 Huang Binhong, ‘Jin shushinian huazhe ping’ (Comment on the Painters of Recent Decades), Sanliujiu huabao, No. 22, Vol. 12 (1943): 16. 133 Wan Qingli, Bingfei shuairuo de bainian: shijiu shiji Zhongguo huihuashi (It Was Not a Century in Decline: Nineteenth-Century History of Chinese Painting) (Taipei: Xiongshi meishu chubanshe, 2005). 134 Britta Lee Erickson, ‘Patronage and Production in the Nineteenth-century Shanghai Region: Ren Xiong (1823–1857) and His Sponsors’ (PhD Thesis for History of Art, Stanford University, 1997), 8.

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5 Nature as Culture: Historicizing of Antiquity and Translated Modernity 1 Wang Guowei, ‘Shen Yi’an shangshu qishi shou xu ⊸҉ᓥ‫⭏ݸ‬гॱ༭ᒿ’ (Preface to the Celebration of Seventieth Birthday of Shen Yi’an [Shen Zengzhi]), 1919; in Fu Jie, ed., Wang Guowei lunxue ji (Collected Essays by Wang Guowei) (Kunming: Yunnan People’s Publisher, 2007), 486. 2 Leo Ou-fan Lee, ‘The Cultural Construction of Modernity in Urban Shanghai: Some Preliminary Explorations’, in Wen-Hsin Yeh, ed., Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond (Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 2000), 31–61; Q. Edward Wang, ‘Beyond East and West: Antiquarianism, Evidential Learning, and Global Trends in Historical Study’, Journal of World History 19.4 (2008): 489–519. 3 Lydia H. Liu, ‘Translingual Practice: The Discourse of Individualism between China and the West’, Positions 1 (Spring 1993): 160–93; Lydia H. Liu, ed., Tokens of Exchange: The Problem of Translation in Global Circulations (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000). 4 Zhang Xiaozhuang, Zhao Zhiqian yanjiu, 44; Zou Tao, Zhao Zhiqian nianpu, 73. On Zhao Zhiqian’s art and its association with Evidential Learning, see also Chapter 4. 5 Francesco Pellizzi, ‘Art Historical and Anthropological Translation: Some Notes and Recollections’, Art in Translation 4 (2012: 3): 9–16. 6 Wu Chao-jen translated Yiyu as ‘Strange Fish of Different Species’ in the title of his PhD thesis. I consider the word yi refers not only to ‘strange’, but also to ‘atypical’; and yu in classical Chinese refers to a wider range of aquatic invertebrates, including sea mammals, shellfish and other sea life. In the colophon, Zhao described these yu as haiwu ⎧⢙ (oceanic species), not freshwater or river, therefore a closer translation for yu should be ‘marine/ oceanic species’, not just ‘fish’. The Atypical Marine Species (Yiyu tu), dated 1861, was in a private collection in Japan, and was auctioned on 30 December 2011 by Xiling Yinshe Auction Company, selling for RMB 11,500,000 to a Chinese collector. The scroll was auctioned again for RMB 23,500,000 in the spring sale of 2017 by China Guardian, Beijing. This painting is so far the most expensive work of Zhao Zhiqian ever sold. The painting was formerly collected by Lin Xiongguang (1898–1971), and had been exhibited in Osaka Museum in 1972. The scroll bears six seals of Liu Shiheng (1874–1926), all carved by Wu Changshi; two seals by Xu Zijing (?-1917), two seals by Lin Xiongguang, and an unidentified collector’s seal. I would like to thank Ms Hu Ying, the senior manager of painting and calligraphy at the China Guardian, and the Chinese collector of the scroll, who wishes to remain anonymous, for allowing me to study this handscroll closely and for providing the photo credits. 7 It was mistranslated jiansha (ࢽ出) as ‘sword shark’ in a previous study (Wu, ‘Between Tradition and Modernity’, 52). Jiansha is Mitsukurina owstoni (goblin shark), a type of rare prehistoric shark, first discovered in Japan in

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1898. Comparing the Mitsukurina owstoni with Zhao’s so-called jiansha, they are not the same type of shark. Based on Zhao’s description and the image in this painting, what Zhao Zhiqian saw might be the Japanese sawshark which is commonly seen in the East Sea and Yellow Sea and known in Chinese as jusha (䤨出). Zhao must have named the sawshark as ‘sword-shark’ according to its characteristic long, sword-like nose and spiky teeth. D. S. Jordan, ‘Description of A Species of Fish (Mitsukurina owstoni) from Japan, the Type of A Distinct Family of Lamnoid Sharks’, Proceedings of the California Academy of Sciences (Series 3, Zoology), No. 1 (1898): 199–202, pl. 11–12; G. Glenn, R. Parsons, Jr. Walter Ingram, and Ralph Havard, ‘First Record of the Goblin Shark Mitsukurina owstoni, Jordan (Family Mitsukurinidae) in the Gulf of Mexico’, Southeastern Naturalist 1 (2002: 2), 189–92; Ph. F. von Siebold, ed., ‘Pristiophorus Cirratus’, Fauna Japonica (Pisces Description, 1833–1850), 305, Pl. CXXXVII. 8 Shaziyu should not be translated literally as ‘Dice Fish’ (Wu, ‘Between Tradition and Modernity’, 38 and 52). According to Zhao’s description and painting, the body of the fish is near pale grey with black dots. It is a type of bony fish and is inedible. It is more like a type of boxfish, perhaps similar to Ostracion nasus (shortnose boxfish) or of Ostraciidae family. See K. Matsuura, ‘Ostraciidae. Boxfishes’, in K. E. Carpenter and V. Niem, eds, FAO Species Identification Guide for Fishery Purposes. The Living Marine Resources of the Western Central Pacific, Vol. 6, Bony fish part 4 (Labridae to Latimeriidae), estuarine crocodiles (Rome: FAO, 2001), 3948–51. http://www.fao.org/ docrep/009/x2401e/x2401e00.htm (accessed on 15 June 2012). 9 The heavily sculptured carapace and red-brown body of this crab look like an authoritative red-faced General Guan Yu (c. 160/162–219), therefore this type of crab is nicknamed by the Chinese as Guangong xie and bawang xie, but the Wenzhou locals also called it guixie (ghost-faced crab), as inscribed by Zhao Zhiqian. Nowadays, guixie (family Tymolus) and Guangong xie (family Dorippe) belong to two different families. Wu Chao-jen translated literally as ghost-faced crab (family Tymolus), but the one portrayed here indeed belongs to the family Dorippe, the Guangong xie. For identification of Dorippe and on sea life in East China Sea, see Y. Zheng et al., Biological Resources and the Environment in the East China Sea (Shanghai: Scientific Technology Publishing of Shanghai, 2003), 835; X. Chen et al., ‘Structural Characteristics of Crab Communities in Offshore Waters of Mid-Southern East China Sea’, Chinese Journal of Applied Ecology 20 (October 2009): 2527–34. Dorippe granulate, Dorippe callida and Dorippe japonica are all native to the East China Sea, breeding in spring and summer. 10 The character ‘chan 齅’ does not exist in the Kangxi Dictionary, but is still used by the Wenzhou locals today. Zhao apparently adopted the local usage. The correct name for this type of fish is ≤▪, also known as xiachan 㶖▪, often served deep fried or boiled with soup in Wenzhou cuisine. ‘Shuichan’, Wenzhouren (2010: 11): np. http://mall.cnki.net/magazine/Article/ WZLW201011042.htm (accessed on 3 March 2012). 11 J. Qu, Z. Xu, Q. Long, L. Wang, X. Shen et al., Global International Waters Assessment: East China Sea (Sweden: The Global International Waters

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Assessment), Annex VII, 77–80; M. Amano, ‘Finless Porpoise – Neophocaena Phocaenoides’, in W. F. Perrin, B. Würsig and J. G. M. Thewissen, eds, Encyclopedia of Marine Mammals, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam: Academic Press, 2009), 437–9; Temmtnck and Schlegel, ‘Caranx Trachurus Japonicus,’ 1844, in Ph.F. von Siebold, ed., Fauna Japonica, Pisces Descriptio (1833–50), 109–110, P1. LIX, Fig. 1; H. Ishihara, Y. Wang and C.H. Jeong, Gymnura Japonica (2009), in IUCN 2012. IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. www. iucnredlist.org (accessed on 15 June 2012). 12 Zhao Zhiqian, Zhang’an zashuo 19 and 22. 13 Four Panels of Vegetation in Wenzhou Zhao Zhiqian, 1861. Ink and colour on paper, 133 × 31.5 cm each, Tokyo National Museum. It was formally collected by Kawai Senro (1871–1945), a student of the great Shanghai calligrapher and painter Wu Changshi. The First Version of Local Products of Wenzhou (1861) is collected in Rongbaozhai in Beijing. Scholars have suggested that Zhao Zhiqian might have planned a series of paintings on local products, but somehow only the first version exists. Wu Chao-jen, ‘Zhao Zhiqian 1861 nian de sanjian zuopin: Yiyu tu, Ouzhong wuchantu juan, Ouzhong caomu siping – Jinshi Huapai yu Haipai guishu zhi shangque’, in Liao Guiying, ed., Shibian, xingxiang, liufeng – Zhongguo jindai huihua 1796–1949 (Turmoil, Representation and Trends – Modern Chinese Painting, 1796–1949) (Taipei: The Chang Foundation, 2008), 451–69. 14 Considering the juxtaposition of aquatic creatures and botanic species, Wu Chao-jen suggests that Zhao drew the objects partly from his observation, and partly on the basis of textual descriptions from other previous pictorial sources, such as Wu Qijun, Zhiwu mingshi tukao (Facts and Illustrations of Plants, Treatise on the Names) (Shanxi Taiyuan, 1848). Available at China– America Digital Academic Library: https://archive.org/details/02095453.cn (accessed on 24 July 2019).). Wu Chao-jen, ‘Between Tradition and Modernity’, 74. 15 Deng Chun (fl.1127–67) was the first to categorize ‘xiaojing zahua’ (painting of miscellaneous small scenes) as one of eight classifications in Chinese painting, see Huaji, juan 6. 16 Li Huaizhi, ‘Dui Hu Shu, Yu Yue jiaogu Suwen de yanjiu’ (Textual Study on Questions of Organic and Fundamental Nature collated by Hu Shu and Yu Yue) (MA Dissertation, Shandong University of Traditional Chinese Medicine, 2002). 17 In Wu Chao-jen’s ‘Between Tradition and Modernity’, abstract and 35, he linked Zhao’s 1861 paintings with Evidential Learning mainly on the basis that this type of work ‘signifies a major step towards actualizing evidential research in a pictorial form’ and he states that Zhao’s works were ‘rooted in the Chinese tradition of evidential research instead of foreign influence’. My chapter further investigates the impact of Western learning and translation on Chinese intellectuals of the late nineteenth century. 18 For a discussion of representative flower and insect painting from an earlier period, see Roderick Whitfield, Fascination of Nature: Plants and Insects in Chinese Painting and Ceramics of the Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368) (Seoul:

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Yekyong Publications, 1993). On classification of painting, see Zhang Yanyuan, Lidai minghua ji, juan 3 (Records of Famous Painters of All Dynasties) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963), 76–82. Zhang included ‘Paintings of dragons, fish and rivers 喽冊⋣െ’, ‘Paintings of lingzhi and medicinal herbs 䵸㣍ᵜ㥹െ’ and ‘Paintings of herbs ᵜ㥹െ’ in the category of ‘Paintings of transmitting secrets from the ancients 䘠ਔѻ⾅⮛⧽െ’. Xuanhe huapu classified the imperial painting collection into ten categories: ‘Buddhist and Daoist 䚃䟻’, ‘Figures Ӫ⢙’, ‘Court subjects ᇞᇔ’, ‘Foreign subjects ⮚᯿’, ‘Landscape ኡ≤’, ‘Dragon and fish 喽冊’, ‘Wild and domestic animals ⮌⦨’, ‘Flower and bird 㣡匕’, ‘Ink bamboo ໘ㄩ’ and ‘Vegetables 㭜㨌’. 19 He Jinxun, ‘Liushiqi liangzhong ‘caifeng tu’ ji ‘tukao’ zhi guanxi kaocha’, 53–70. Images are available online: http://67art.tnu.edu.tw/ebooks (accessed on 8 August 2019). 20 Liu Weiyi, Han Tang fanzhi jiyi (Collection of Lost Gazetteers from Han to Tang) (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1997). 21 Robert Morrison, Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison, comp. Eliza Morrison, vol. 2 (London: Longman, Orme, Brown, and Longmans, 1839), 427; Rogério Miguel Puga, ‘The British Museum of Macao (1829– 1834) and its Contribution to Nineteenth-Century British Natural Science’, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society (Third Series), Vol. 22, Issue 3–4 (October 2012): 575–86. 22 Fa-ti Fan, British Naturalists in Qing China–Science, Empire and Cultural Encounter (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 2004), 163–5; Judith Magee, Images of Nature: Chinese Art and the Reeve Collection (London: Natural History Museum, 2011), 13 and Art and Nature: Three Centuries of Natural History Art from Around the World (London: Greystone Books, 2010), 146–9. 23 Fa-ti Fan, ‘Science in Cultural Borderlands: Methodological Reflections on the Study of Science, European Imperialism, and Cultural Encounter’, East Asian Science, Technology, and Society: An International Journal 1, No. 2 (2008): 213–31; ‘Science in a Chinese Entrepôt: British Naturalists and Their Chinese Associates in Old Canton’, Osiris 18 (2003): 60–78; ‘Science and Informal Empire: Victorian Naturalists in China’, British Journal for the History of Science 36 (2003): 1–26; ‘Hybrid Discourse and Textual Practice: Sinology and Natural History in the Nineteenth Century’, History of Science 38 (2000): 25–56. 24 Peter James Palmer Whitehead and Phyllis Irene Edwards, Chinese Natural History Drawings Selected from the Reeves Collection in the British Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1974); Magee, Art and Nature, 146–9 and Images of Nature, 4–13. 25 The Natural History Museum collection includes 481 fish drawings, 481 animal drawings and 911 drawings of plants and insects; in addition, about 900 drawings of plants are collected in the Lindley Library of the Royal Horticultural Society in London. P. J. P. Whitehead, ‘The Reeves Collection of Chinese Fish Drawings’, Bulletin of The British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series 3, No. 7, (1969): 196; Kate Bailey, ‘The Reeves Collection of Chinese Botanical Drawings’, Botanical Art (December 2010): 218–25.

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26 Magee, Images of Nature, 11; however, Aam should be Aham. See J. Reeves, ‘Autograph Lists of the Water-Colour Drawings of Chinese Fish: Painted for Him by Native Artists at Macao and Canton in 1828–29, with Some Lists of the Subjects in Chinese: Appended is a Manuscript by J. R. Morrison Giving the English Translation of the Chinese Names, with Notes and Observations Concerning the Fish’ and ‘List of the Numbers of John Reeves’ Drawings of Chinese and Japanese Fishes with the Corresponding Pages and Names of John Richardson’s Report on the Ichthyology of the Seas of China and Japan (1846) and the Corresponding Pages and Names of the British Museum Catalogues: (Fishes, Vols. 1–8). April 1910’; both unpublished manuscripts, Natural History Museum Library, London. 27 In page 48 of Reeves’ ‘Autograph lists of the water-colour drawings of Chinese fish’ manuscript, she was referred to as ‘Miss Akew’ and had continued working intensively for John Reeves throughout 1828–9. My thanks to Roderick Whitfield for pointing this out when we read through this manuscript together at the Natural History Library, London. 28 Bailey, ‘The Reeves Collection of Chinese Botanical Drawings’, 219 and 222. 29 Pamela H. Smith, ‘Art, Science, and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe’, Isis 97 (2006): 83–100. 30 David Wright, ‘Careers in Western Science in Nineteenth-Century China: Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin’, JRAS , 3rd Series, Vol. 5, Issue 1 (1995): 55. 31 John Fryer, ‘An Account of the Department for the Translation of Foreign Books at the Kiangnan Arsenal’, North China Herald (29 Jan 1880): 77; Wright, ‘Careers in Western Science in Nineteenth-Century China’, 56. 32 Yu Yingshi, ‘Qingdai sixiangshi de yige xin gieshi’ (A New Interpretation on the Intellectual History of the Qing), in Lishi yu sixiang, 121–56. 33 Zhang Zigao and Yang Gen, ‘Xu Shou fuzi nianpu’ (Chronology of Xu Shou and His Sons) (1981), 55–61; Li Yan, ‘Li Shanlan nianpu’ (Chronology of Li Shanlan), 1625–1652; ‘Writings of Wang Tao’ [excerpts], in Ssu-yu Teng and John K. Fairbank, China’s Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839–1923 (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1954), 137–42; Paul A. Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T’ao and Reform in Late Ch’ing China (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1975); Paul A. Cohen, ‘Joseph Edkins’ in Gerald H. Anderson, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions (Michigan and Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1998), 194–5; Xiong Yuezhi, ed., Wan Qing xinxue shumu tiyao (List of Books on Western Learning in Late Qing) (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2007). 34 Wright, ‘Careers in Western Science in Nineteenth-Century China’, 56. 35 Benjamin A. Elman, A Cultural History of Modern Science in China (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 2006), 14. 36 Guo Pu, Erya zhu (Commentary on Erya), preface; Reprinted in Li Xueqin, ed., Erya zhushu (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1999), juan 1, 3–4. 37 Examples of bowu studies by Chinese scholars include Yu Heyin, Bowuxue jiaokeshu (Textbook of Natural History) (Shanghai: Like shushe, 1902); Du

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Jiutian, Bowuxue dayi (Essence of Natural History) (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan,1907). The Chinese version of Hobson’s A New Account of Natural Philosophy was translated into Japanese using the same title in 1859. A vast number of texts on natural history, such as the influential Shinpen hakubutsu kyo¯kasho (New Edition of Textbook of Natural History) (Tokyo: Maruzen Co. Ltd 1898) and Kinsei hakubutsu kyo¯kasho (Textbook of Recent Natural Study) (Tokyo: Kaiseikan, 1903), were edited by Fujii Kenjiro (1866– 1952) for teaching. Shinpen hakubutsu kyo¯kasho was later translated into Chinese by Fan Bingqing (1877–1929) and published in Shanghai in 1901. The Japanese translation of Hobson’s 1855 text was published in Tokyo in 1859. See Gu Xueguang, ed., Yishu jingyan lu (Records on the Available Translated Books) (Hangzhou: Jinjia shihao lou, 1934), juan 6; reprinted Xiong Yuezhi, ed., Wan Qing xinxue shumu tiyao, 319. 38 Elman, A Cultural History of Modern Science in China, 25–6. 39 John Fryer, Gezhi huibian, Shanghai, 1876.2–1878.3 (monthly); 1880.4– 1882.1 (monthly); 1890–1892 (quarterly). 40 The tribal uprisings in China during this period include the Nian Rebellion (1851–68), the Miao Uprising (1855–72), Panthay Rebellion (1856–73) and Dungan Revolts (1862–77). Jonathan D. Spence, The Search For Modern China (New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1990), 170–93; David G. Atwill, The Chinese Sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity, and the Panthay Rebellion in Southwest China, 1856–1873 (Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press, 2006); Ho-dong Kim, Holy War in China: the Muslim Rebellion and State in Chinese Central Asia, 1864–1877 (Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press, 2004). On foreign occupation, see John King Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of the Treaty Ports, 1842–1854 (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1953) and Stephen Platt, Imperial Twilight: The Opium War and the End of China’s Last Golden Age (London: Atlantic Books, 2018). 41 Tsuen-Hsuin Tsien, ‘Western Impact on China through Translation’, The Journal of Asian Studies 13, No. 3 (1954): 316. 42 David Wright, Translating Science: The Transmission of Western Chemistry Into Late Imperial China, 1840–1900 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2000), 239. 43 Wei Yungong, Jiangnan zhizaojü ji (An Account of the Jiangnan Arsenal) (Shanghai: Wenbao shuju, 1905), 2/15–22; Tsien, ‘Western Impact on China through Translation’, 317. 44 Quoted in Tsien, ibid., 315, Table III. Figures refer to books only and exclude works by Chinese authors and translated articles in periodicals. 45 John Fryer, An Account of the Department for the Translation of Foreign Books at the Kiangnan Arsenal, Shanghai, with Various Lists of Publications in the Chinese Language (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1880); Reprinted from the North-China Herald (29 January 1880). 46 Liang Qichao, ‘Xixue shumu biao xuli 㾯ᆨᴨⴞ㺘ᮈֻ’ (Preface to Bibliography and Critical Notes on Western Studies), 1896; Reprinted in Yinbingshi heji–Yinbingshi wenji zhi er, 1.1, 123.

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47 Liang Qichao, ‘Datong yishujü xuli བྷ਼䆟ᴨተᮈֻ’ (Preface and Notes to the Works Published by Datong Translation Bureau), 1897; Reprinted in Yinbingshi heji–Yinbingshi wenji zhi er (Collected Works of Liang Qichao: Collected Essays of Liang Qichao 2) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1936), 1.2, 57. 48 Zheng Dahua, ‘Lun Minguo shiqi xixue dongjian de tedian’ (Discussion on Characteristics of Western Learning in China in the Republican era), ). Zhongzhou xuekan 5 (2002) 118–23. 49 John Fryer, ‘Letter to President Martin Kellogg, May 22, 1895’, Regents’ Records, CU-1, Box 25:1, University Archives, University of California, Berkeley; Doris Szi Chun, ‘John Fryer, the First Agassiz Professor of Oriental Languages and Literature, Berkeley’, Chronicle of the University of California (Fall 2005): 7. 50 Fryer, An Account of the Department for the Translation of Foreign Books at the Kiangnan Arsenal, 18. 51 Kang Youwei, Preface of Wanmucaotang cang Zhongguo huamu (List of Paintings in the collection of Thatched Hut of Ten-thousand Trees), 1917; Reprinted in Jiang Guilin, ed., Wanmucaotang cang Zhongguo huamu (Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1977), 94. 52 E. Fenollosa, ‘Bijutsu shinsetsu’ (‘The True Theory of Art’), 1882; in Aoki Shigeru and Sakai Tadayasu, eds, Nihon kindai shiso¯ taikei: bijutsu 17 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1989), 35–65. 53 Yu-jen Liu, ‘Publishing Chinese Art: Issues of Cultural Reproduction in China, 1905–1918’ (PhD Dissertation, University of Oxford, 2011). 54 Cheng Meibao, ‘Copying Knowledge: The Source Materials of the Natural Historical Drawings Published in Guocui xuebao and the Printing Technology Involved’, Journal of Sun Yat-sun University (Social Science), Vol. 49 (2009): 95–109; Tze-ki Hon, ‘National Essence, National Learning, and Culture: Historical Writings in Guocui xuebao, Xueheng, and Guoxue jikan’, Historiography East and West 1 (September 2003): 242–86. 55 Tan Yuese, ‘Cai Shou yu Nanshe zhusheyou’ (Cai Shou and the other Members of the Society of the South), edited in Jiangsu wenshi ziliao xuanji (Selected Historical and Literary Materials of Jiangsu), Vol. 8 (1982): 202–5. 56 Cheng Meibao, ‘Copying Knowledge’, 99; Richard Lydekker, The Royal Natural History (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 1894–6), Vol. 1, 229. 57 Cai Shou, ‘Houyu tu’, Guocui xuebao, juan 3 (1907: 7): 81; Magee, Images of Nature, 94. 58 ‘Houyu’, in Wang Qi, ed., Sancai tuhui (The Illustrated Encyclopaedia) (1607; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002), juan 106; ‘Houyu’ in Li Shizhen, Bencao gangmu ((Compendium of Materia Medica) (1593; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), juan xia zhi hong, 56. 59 Anon., ‘Guoxue baocunhui baogao di shihao: Guocui xuebao tianru bowu meishu tuhua zhi tece’ (Society for Preservation of National Learning Report No. 10: Special Addition of Natural History Painting and Fine Arts in National Essence Journal), Guocui xuebao, juan 3 (1907: 8): 236–7.

NOTES

243

60 Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press), 98–112; ChanLiang Wu, ‘An Analysis of Yen Fu’s Idea of “Wu-Ching T’ien-Tse”: A Comparison of Yen Fu and Western Masters’ Evolutionary Theories’, Humanitas Taiwanica 56 (2002) 69–74.

6 Cultural Orthodoxy in the New Nation: A Political Use of Jinshi 1 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall. 3rd ed. (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2011), 40–8. 2 Wang Tao, Yingruan zazhi (Miscellany on Shanghai) (Shanghai, 1875; Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1969), juan 6, 165. 3 Huang Ke, ‘Qingmo Shanghai jinshi shuhuajia de jieshe huodong’ (Art Societies and Activities of Jinshi Painters in Late Qing Shanghai), Duoyun No. 12 (1987): 141–7; Xu Changming, ed., Shanghai meishuzhi (Record of Arts in Shanghai). Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2004), 18–19; Chia-Ling Yang, New Wine in Old Bottles, 41–57. 4 Roderick Whitfield, ‘Preface’, in Anita Chung, ed., Chinese Paintings from Shanghai Museum 1851–1911 (Edinburgh: National Museum of Scotland, 2000), 1. 5 Xu Changming, ed., Shanghai meishuzhi, 14, 18–19, 263–79. 6 Ibid., 14. 7 Other members include Ding Baoshu бሦᴨ (1866–1936), Ding Ren бӱ (1879–1949), Fei Yan 䋫⺟ (1879–1937), Feng Jiong 俞䘕 (1882–1954), Gao Shifeng 儈ᱲ䊀 (1876–1960), Gao Shixian 儈ᱲ亟 (1878–1952), He Tianjian 䋰ཙ‫( ڕ‬1891–1977), Huang Shanshou 哳ኡ༭ (1855–1919), Ni Tian ٚ⭠, Qian Shoutie 䥒ⱖ䩥 (1897–1967), Tang Xiong ୀ➺ (1892–after 1926), Tong Danian ㄕབྷᒤ (1873–1954), Wu Zheng ੣ᗥ (1878–1949), Wu Dongmai ੣ᶡ䚱 (Son of Wu Changshi, 1885–1963), Wu Yin ੣䳡 (1867– 1922), Wang Chuantao ⦻ۣ❈ (Son of Wang Zhen), Wang Geyi ⦻њ㈳ (1897–1988), Wu Fufan ੣⒆ᐶ (1894–1968), Yao Jingying ညᲟ♋ (1867/75– 1961), Yu Deqi ։ᗧኪ, Ye Zhenjia 㩹ᥟᇦ (?–1926), Yi Ru ᱃ᆪ (1872–1941), Yu Yuan ؎৏ (1874–1922), Zhao Yunhuo 䏉䴢༁ (1874–1955), Zhao Yunfang 䏉䴢㡛 and Zhu Zongyuan 䄨ᇇ‫( ݳ‬1874–1932), Shen Heqing ⊸઼য (act. 1880–1900s) and Di Baoxian ⣴㩶䌒 (1872–1941). 8 Li Kanghua, Manhua lao Shanghai zhishi jieceng (Casual Writing on Intellectuals in Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2003); Nuxue bao, No. 1 (24 July 1898), Nanjing Library; Pang Guang, ‘Zhongguo diyi nubaoren-Kang Tongwei’ (The First Female Journal Editor in China-Kang Tongwei), Guangdong shizhi-Shichuang 4 (2008): 56–7. 9 Joan Evangeline Judge, Print and Politics: Shibao (The Eastern Times) and the Formation of the Public Sphere in Late Qing China, 1904–1911 (Stanford, Ca. : Stanford University Press, 1996); Fan Muhan, ed., Zhongguo yinshua jindai

244

NOTES

shi (chugao) ((History of Printing and Publishing in Modern China) 1st ed. (Beijing: Yinshua gongye chubanshe, 1995), 273–5. 10 Hsing-Yuan Tsao, ‘A Forgotten Celebrity: Wang Zhen (1867–1938), Businessman, Philanthropist, and Artist’, in Ju-I Chou, ed, Art at the Close of China’s Empire (Arizona: Phøebus Occasional Papers in Art History, 1998), 94–109. 11 Xia Dongyuan, ed., Sheng Xuanhuai nianpu changbian (Chronology of Sheng Xuanhuai) (Shanghai: Shanghai Jiaotong daxue chubanshe, 2004), Vol. 2, 927 and 962. 12 Rubbing of the Eastern Han Inscription of the Watchtower Outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song ╒᎙ኡཚᇔ⸣䰅䣈, Song dynasty rubbing of the Han stele. Rubbing on paper, mounted as album leaves, each 31 × 34 cm, formerly owned by Shen Shuyong, collection of Shanghai Book Company. 13 In addition to the colophons recording ownership, there are several collectors’ seals throughout the album, mainly Zheng Fu zhi yin 䝝㉐ѻঠ (Seal of Zheng Fu) and Gukou nong 䉧ਓ䗢 (Famer of the valley) of Zheng Fu; Shen Shuyong ⊸⁩䨎, Junchu suode Qin Han Liuchao wenzi ൷ࡍᡰᗇ〖╒‫ޝ‬ᵍ᮷ᆇ (Scripts from Qin, Han and Six Dynasties from Junchu’s [Shen Shuyong] collection), Shen ⊸, Shuyong zhiyin ⁩䨎ѻঠ (Seal of [Shen] Shuyong), Junchu shending ൷ ࡍሙ䀲 (Studied by Junchu [Shen Shuyong]) and Zhengzhai 䝝啻 (Studio name of Shen Shuyong) of Shen Shuyong; Xu Zishan miqie yin ᗀ㍛⧺〈㇗ঠ (Seal of Zheng Zishan’s secret cabinet), Xu yin Weiren ᗀঠ⑝ӱ (Seal of Xu Weiren) and Zishan ㍛⧺ (Seal of Xu Weiren); Ren fu Tang ԫ⡦า (Elderly man Rentang), Wang Rentang fu jiancang shike zhizhang ⦻ԫา⡦䪂㯿⸣࡫ѻㄐ (Seal of Wang Rentang, the elderly man, on collected carved stones) and Wang Nan zhiyin ⦻ᾐ ѻঠ (Seal of Wang Nan). I did not find the seal by Zhang Zengxi; however, according to Wu Changshi, Wang Zhen, Wu Dacheng and Chu Deyi’s colophons, this album was surely collected by Zhang Zengxi between 1892 and 1919. 14 ‘Miaonan you shuangshi, quewai shiren yidui, queshang duo jike, Hou Han Andi Yuanchu nian jian ᔏইᴹ䴉⸣ˈ䰅ཆ⸣Ӫаሽˈ䰅кཊ䁈࡫ˈᖼ╒ᆹᑍ ‫ࡍݳ‬ᒤᔪDŽ’ (Two stones are on the south of the temple and outside the que are a pair of stone figures. There are inscriptions on the que which were erected during the Yuanchu era of Emperor An of the Eastern Han.). Guoluoluo Naxin, Heshuo fanggu ji (Searching for Antiquities Along the Yellow River in North China), juan xia, n.p. http://www.saohua.com/shuku/lidaibiji/ lidaibiji160.htm (accessed on 23 March 2014). 15 On the friendship between Wu Dacheng and Shen Shuyong, see Li Jun, ‘Wu Dacheng jiaoyou xinzheng’ (‘New Study on Circle of Wu Dacheng’) (PhD Dissertation, Shanghai Fudan University, 2011), 69–84. Li suggests that Wu painted Investigating Steles at the Mount Song for Shen Shuyong in 1869, but there is no direct evidence for this dating as Wu’s painting bears no date, only a short inscription stating that it was composed on request from Zhengzhai [Shen Shuyong]. 16 Wu Dacheng, Investigating Steles at Mount Song, c. 1866–72. Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company. Huang Yi,

NOTES

245

Investigating the Stele at the Mount Ziyun, detail of Twelve Acquired Steles, 1772–1793, Tianjin Museum. See Zhongguo gudai shuhua tumu, Vol. 10, 215–217. 17 Huang Yi, Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan, 1796, 24 album leaves with facing inscriptions, each double leaf 17.4 × 50.8, Palace Museum, Beijing, see Zhongguo gudai shuhua tumu, Vol. 23, 234–6. For his writing, see Song Luo fangbei riji. Other studies on Huang Yi’s investigation of steles, see note 15 to Chapter 2. 18 There is also a collector’s seal Lijin Li Yijun pingsheng zhenshang ࡙⍕ᵾ䋭䳻 ᒣ⭏ⵏ䌎 affixed at the end of Huang Yi’s album of Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan, Palace Museum, Beijing. Huang Yi’s album was owned by Weng Fanggang, Yi Bingshou, and then Li Yijun in the late nineteenth century. 19 Wu Dacheng, Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan after Huang Yi, 1888. 19 album leaves, ink on paper, 24.9 × 15.6 cm, formerly collected by Matsumaru To¯gyo (1901–75). Plates are published in Suzuki Kei, ed., Chu¯goku kaiga so¯go¯ zuroku, Vol. 4, 512–13. 20 Zheng Weirong, ‘Shizhen shenshang yu defang jiaoyu jindaihua zhuanxing: yi Nanxunzhen wei zhongxin’ (The Gentry-Merchants and Modernization of Local Education: The Case of Nanxun County), Zhejiang shehui kexue (Journal of Zhejiang Social Science), No. 4 (2019): 144–60. 21 Zha Ziyang, ‘Minguo ciren jituan kaolue’ (Investigation on the Poet Society in Republican Period), Wenyi pinglun No. 10 (2012): 145. 22 Dai Shanqing, Wu Changshi yinying (Seal Imprints of Wu Changshi) (Beijing: Beijing guangbo xueyuan chubanshe, 1992), 462; Chen Yingchang, ‘Wu Changshi zhuanke de yinwai qiuyin yanjiu’ (Study on Wu Changshi’s Seal Works and His Pursuits Beyond Seal Carving), Mingdao xueshu luntan, No. 6 (2010):155. 23 Zhao Zhiqian, Seal of Jixi hu Shu, Chuansha Shen Shuyong, Renhe Wei Xizeng, Kuiji Zhao Zhiqian tongshi shendingyin 㑮䉯㜑▽ᐍ⋉⊸⁩䨎ӱ઼兿䥛 ᴮᴳね䏉ѻ䅉਼ᱲሙᇊঠ (Seal of Joint Authentication from Hu Shu of Jixi, Shen Shuyong of Chuansha, Wei Xizeng of Renhe and Zhao Zhiqian of Kuiji), 1863. Plate see Zhongguo lidai zhuanke jihui (8), 58–9. 24 Many examples can be found in the catalogues edited by the Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, Jinshi yongnian (2008) and Jinshi zhiyun-Xiling yinshe cang Chen Hongshou, Zhao Zhiqian, Wu Changshi huahui ceye ji wenfang qingwan tapian xuan (2005). 25 Wan Qingli, Bingfei shuairuo de bainian, 128. 26 Chen Zhenlian, ed., Shengshi jiancang jicong – Huang Binhong zhuanji, tuxiang, wenxian (Series on Splendid Collections: Special Issue on Huang Binhong, Images and Documentations). Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007), 108–9. 27 Zheng Yimei, ‘Nanshe sheyou xingshilu’ (Member List of Nanshe), Nanshe congtan (Informal Notes on Nanshe) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1981), appendix 1, 579–80.

246

NOTES

28 Xu Changming, ed., Shanghai meishuzhi, 18, 267 and 268. 29 Ibid., 37. Many members were authors of books on jinshi study: Pang Zeluan, Chuta weiduanben Sui Yuangongji furen muzhi (Earliest, Unbroken Rubbing of Epitaph of Madame Ji, Wife of Yuan Gong from Sui Dynasty) (Shanghai: Shenzhou guoguang she, 1909); Wang Renjun, Dunhuang shishi zhenji lu (Collection of Rubbings from the Dunhuang Cave) (Shanghai: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1909); Pang Yuanji, Xuzhai minghua lu (Record of Famous Paintings from the Private Collection of Xuzhai [Pang Yuanji]) (Shanghai: Shangyouxuan, 1909). 30 Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Binhong wenji – shuhua bian shang (Collected Essays of Huang Binhong). Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1999), 45. 31 Huang Binhong, ‘Zheshe jianzhang’, Shenzhou ribao (28 April 1912). 32 Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Binhong wenji – shuhua bian shang, 45–6. 33 The manuscript of Seal Collection of Binhong ☡㲩䳶ঠᆈ dated 1903 is in the collection of Anhui Provincial Museum; his preface is edited in Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Binhong wenji – jishi bian, 231. 34 Huang Binhong, Draft of Album of Ancient Seal Inscriptions ਔ⫭䟻᮷޺, undated. Seal imprints and calligraphy on paper, 21 × 22cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. 35 Huang Binhong, ‘Jinwen zhulu 䠁᮷㪇䤴’ (Study on Bronze Inscriptions); in Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Bonhong wenji-jishi bian, 492. 36 Huang Binhong, ‘Huajia pinge zhi quyi’ (Disparities in the Classification of Painters), Meizhan, No. 1 (1929); in Wang Zhongxiu, ed., Huang Binhong wenji – shuhua bian shang, 466. 37 Ibid., 466. 38 Huang Binhong, Letter to Gu Fei 㠷亗伋, undated. Ink on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum. See Long Rui and Mei Mosheng, eds, Shuangxing huiying, 200, letter 21. 39 On Guangcang xuejiong, see Li Enji ᵾᚙ㑮, ‘Ailiyuan: Haishang de migong ᝋ‫ൂݧ‬ü⎧кⲴ䘧ᇛ’ (Aili Garden: A Maze from Shanghai), Ailiyuan mengying lu ᝋ‫ൂݧ‬དྷᖡ䤴 (Record of Dream Shadows from Aili Garden), cited in Xu Changming, ed., Shanghai meishuzhi, 64 and 65. 40 Lin Xiaozhao, ‘Wan Qing ‘meishu gainian de zaoqi shuru’ (The Introduction of ‘Fine Art’ to the Late Qing Literature, Xueshu yanjiu Vol. 12 (2009): 93–101. 41 See Wang Guowei, ‘Zuijin Ersanshi Nian Zhongguo Xinfaxian Zhi Xuewen’, in Jing’an Wenji (Collected Essays of Jing’an-Wang Guowei) (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1905; Shengyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997), 203–7. 42 Luo Zhenyu, Jilu bian (Autobiography of Luo Zhenyu) edited into Luo Xuetang xiansheng quanji (Complete Works of Mr Luo Zuetang) (Taipei: Datong shuju, 1868–72), series 5:1, 33–5. See also Shih-Ming Pai, ‘ “Returning to the Classics, Trusting the Ancient”: Luo Zhenyu’s Exploration of Traditional Chinese Identity in Modern China’, in Yang and Whitfield, eds, Lost Generation, 74–97.

NOTES

247

43 For more examples and illustrations, see Lüshun Museum, ed., Lüshun Bowuguan (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2004), 17–47, 143. 44 Luo Zhenyu, Jilu bian, in Luo Xuetang xiansheng quanji, series 5:1, 33. 45 Chen Huanzhang, ‘Kongjiaohui xu’ (Preface of the Confucian Association Monthly), Kongjiaohui zazhi, No. 1, Vol. 1 (February 1913): 1; Zhang Songzhi, ‘Kongjiaohui shimo huikao’ (Investigation on Development of the Confucian Association), Wenshizhe, 55–72. 46 Luo Huijin, ‘ “Yazhou xueshu zazhi” kan minchu yimin de wenhua qingxiang’ (Cultural Identity of Qing Loyalists in Republican Era, as seen in Journal of Asian Studies), Wuhan University Journal (Humanity Sciences) 61 (2008): 218–23. 47 Wang Ruo, ‘Xinfaxian Luo Zhenyu “Dongfang xuehui jian” shougaoba’ (Newly Discovered Manuscript ‘The Eastern Society Guidelines’ by Luo Zhenyu), Zhonghua dushu bao (20 August 2008), n.p. My thanks to Wang Ruo for sending me this reference (author’s version, unedited). 48 Anon., ‘Bolanhui kao’ (Discussion on Exhibition), Shenbao (13 March 1903): 1. 49 Huang Binhong, ‘Zhongguo jinshi shuhua yiguan xuehui jianzhang’ (Handbook for the Society of Chinese Bronze and Stone, Calligraphy, Painting and Art-views), Yiguan huakan, No. 3 (1926): 2; Wang Zhongxiu, Huang Binhong wenji – shuhua bian shang, 276–8, 299–30. 50 Ibid., 295. 51 Hong Zaixin, ‘Guwan jiaoyi zhong de yishu lixiang – Huang Binhong, Wu Changshi yu “Zhongguo minghua-Shi Deni cangpin yingben” shimo kaolüe’, Meishu yanjiu, No. 4 (2001): 39–48 and No. 1 (2002): 40–3. 52 Fang Xuehui and Wang Yu, ‘Baoxi zhi Luo Zhenyu xinzha shiqi tong’ (Seventeen Letters from Baoxi to Luo Zhenyu), Wenxian jikan 2 (April 2002), 243–54. See also Luo Zhenyu’s Letters to Baoxi about the Business of Chinese Art in Japan, c. 1910s. Detail, album of 30 leaves, ink on paper, 29 × 19 cm, Private Collection. Auctioned by Xiling Engravers’ Society Auction House, 15–17 December 2018, Lot 2610. 53 Ibid., letter number 7 (15 October, 1912), ‘Baoxi zhi Luo Zhenyu xinzha shiqi tong’, 249. 54 Ibid., letter number 4 (24 September, 1912), ‘Baoxi zhi Luo Zhenyu xinzha shiqi tong’, 245. 55 Luo Zhenyu, Chenhanlou suocang shuhua mulu, edited by Luo Fuyi in Zhensong laoren yigao bingji (Leftover Work of the Old Man of Virtuous Pine [Luo Zhenyu]) (1947; Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1996), Vol. 3, series 3:2, 29 (for Zhao Zigu’s Orchid painting); 32 (for Shen Zhou’s landscape handscroll). 56 Fang Xuehui and Wang Yu, letter number 16 (12 September, 1936) ‘Baoxi zhi Luo Zhenyu xinzha shiqi tong’, 253. 57 Fang Xuehui and Wang Yu, ‘Ke Shaowen zhi Luo Zhenyu shouzha ershisan tong’ (Twenty-three Letters from Ke Shaowen to Luo Zhenyu), Wenxian Jikan (January 2001): 221–38.

248

NOTES

58 Luo Zhenyu, Jilu bian; in Luo Xuetang xiansheng quanji, Series 5:1, 24; Chia-Ling Yang, ‘Deciphering Antiquity into Modernity: The Cultural Identity of Luo Zhenyu and the Qing Loyalists in Manzhouguo’, in Yang and Whitfield, eds, Lost Generation, 172–209. 59 Examples can be found on Guocui xuebao, Vol. 29, 1/20/GX33; reprinted in (Taipei, 5: 3763–68); Shenzhou daguan, No. 8 (1913): 16. Discussion on printing technology used in Guocui xuebao, see Yu-jen Liu, ‘Publishing Chinese Art’. 60 Wen C. Fong, ‘Why Chinese Painting is History’, The Art Bulletin 85 (2003: 2): 262.

7 Conclusion: Multiplicity and Modernity 1 Eto Shinkichi, ‘Chugoku kakumei to Nihonjin, Kishida Ginko¯ no baai’ (Chinese Revolution and Japanese, the case of Kishida Ginko¯), in Miwa Kimitada, ed., Nihon no shakai bunkashi (The Social Cultural History of Japan) (Tokyo: Ko¯dansha, 1974), Vol. 7, 216. For several valuable biographies on Kishida Ginko¯, see Eto, ibid., 222–58; Joshua A. Fogel, ‘Japanese Traveler to Shanghai in the 1860s’, paper for the Historiography and Japanese Consciousness of Value and Norms International Symposium in North America (2001). Kishida Ginko¯ left Yokohama on 18 October 1866, arriving in Shanghai on the 23rd. After the printing was finished, Kishida left Shanghai for Hong Kong on 17 May 1867 and was back in Japan on 1 June 1867. See Kishida Ginko¯, Usun Nikki (Shanghai Diary) and Wang Baoping, ‘Yibai duonian qian yige ribenren de Shanghai shouji – Antian Yinxiang de Wusong riji’ (A Diary of a Japanese in Shanghai from Some Hundred Years Ago – Kishida Ginko¯’s Usun Nikki), in Wang Yong, ed., Zhongguo jiangnan: xunyi riben wenhua de yuanliu (The South of the Yangtze River of China: Tracing the Origin of Japanese Culture) (Beijing: Dangdai zhongguo chubanshe, 1996), 207–25. 2 To¯a Do¯bunkai comp., Taishi kaikoroku (A Record of Looking Back on China) (Tokyo: Hara shobo¯, 1968), Vol. II, 1–12; Douglas Reynolds, ‘Prelude to Imperialism: Japanese Research, Reconnaissance, and Trade in Late Qing China’, in Yue-Him Tam, ed., Sino-Japanese Cultural Interchange: The Economic and Intellectual Aspects (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1985), 136–8; Sugiura Tadashi, Kishida Ginko¯: Shiryo¯ kara mita sono issho¯ (Kishida Ginko¯: A Life Seen through Documents) (Tokyo: Kyuko shoin, 1996). 3 Kishida Ginko¯ had a habit of writing diaries, and there are several surviving volumes of his diaries (dates in lunar calendar): (1) Itchuu nikki (1 January–5 February 1865); in Shakai oyobi kokka, nos. 228–9 (1935); (2) Yokohama ibun (24 June 1864, 25 October 1865, 29 August 1866 and 14 June 1869), recording his business in Yokohama; in Shakai oyobi kokka, no. 182 (1931); (3) Usun nikki, 4 volumes (1 December 1866–4 April 1867), recording his trip to Shanghai. The original diary consisted of six volumes; only volumes 3, 5 and

NOTES

249

6 survived the bombing and fire in 1945; in Shakai oyobi kokka, nos. 183–237 (1931–5); (4) Wa matsu to (15 September–8 October 1867), recording the contemporary society and politics; in Shakai oyobi kokka, nos. 219–20 (1934); (5) Kisei nikki (1–30 March; 1–4 April; 19 May–6 June 1871), recording his visit to his hometown; Shakai oyobi kokka, no. 235 (1935); and (6) Ginko¯ nikki (1 January–26 February 1890), recording his social relations and family life; in Asakura Haruhiko, ed., Kindai Nihon gakugei siryou so¯sho, (Tokyo: Kohokusha, 1982). 4 Kishida also published Chen Yunsheng’s Renzhai huasheng (Painting of Renzhai) in a Japanese edition in 1882. See Asano hinbun, Meiji 15 (1882): 4.4; see Tadashi Sugiura, Kishida Ginko¯: Shiryo kara mita sono issho, no. 8, 395. 5 Jin Guisheng, ‘Xuyuan caijutu’ (Picking Chrysanthemums at the Xu Garden), in Dianshizhai huabao, 22 November 1888. 6 Shenbao, 10 and 16 March 1889. ¯ hi’ (Monument of the King of 7 Ko¯kuri Ko¯taio¯hi is also known as ‘Ko¯kaido O Korea) in Japanese and Gaojuli guangtu kaitujing ping’an Haotaiwang bei (Stele of Gwanggaeto the Great of Goguryeo) in Chinese. The traced copy of the stele made in around 1881–3 was formerly owned by Kishida Ginko¯ and sold to the National Tokyo Museum in 1886. The stele was erected in 414 CE ¯ Kengun, Ko¯taio¯hi no kenkyu in Gian County, Jilin Province, China. See O (Kyoto: Yu¯konsha, 1984); exhibition at the National Tokyo Museum, 3 August to 3 October 2004. 8 Luo Zhenyu’s article was published in Guocui xuebao 4 (1908): 10; Yang Shoujing’s publications are collected in Fu Sinian Memorial Library in Sinica Academia, Taipei. 9 Rosina Buckland, Painting Nature for the Nation: Taki Katei and the Challenges to Sinophile Culture in Meiji Japan (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 55–7. 10 Shana Brown, ‘Antiquarianism and Sino-Japanese Rivalry: Yang Shoujing in Meiji Japan’, in Joshua Fogel, ed., The Role of Japan in Modern Chinese Art (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), 81–2. 11 Kusakabe Meikaku oral transcription, Ihara Ungai, ed., Meikaku sensei so¯wa (Talks of Mr Meikaku) (Tokyo: Sho¯bundo¯, 1925); Huang Ya-yi, Riben jindai zhuanke fazhan de zhaoji – Qingmo Minchu Zhong Ri zhuanke jiaoliu de kaocha, 61–63. Available online: https://hdl.handle.net/11296/u57bre (accessed on 1 August 2019). 12 The diary is cited in Chen Zhenlian, ‘Zhao Zhiqian Riben shourongshi zongkao’ (Study on the Acceptance of Zhao Zhiqian’s Art in Japan), in Riben cang Zhao Zhiqian jinshi shuhua jingxuan (Selection of Zhao Zhiqian’s Bronze and Stone Art, Calligraphy and Painting in Japanese Collection) (Hangzhou: Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, 2008), 404–5. 13 Aoyama Yukiko, ‘A Reinvestigation on Stele School Introduced to Japan by Yang Shoujing: Kusakabe Meikaku’s Idea of Calligraphy as Visual Communication Media’, Journal of Cultural Studies in Body, Design, Media, Music and Text 3 (2004: 2): 85–101. http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/

250

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repository/81002840.pdf (accessed on 20 October 2020); Nakamura Shiro¯, ‘Ryu¯minkai kenkyu¯ hatsu sagu—ho¯ko¯ suru Rikucho¯ shodo¯ o megutte—’ (An Initial Study of the Ryu¯minkai: On the Vacillations of the Six Dynasties School of Calligraphy), Shogaku shodoushi 26 (2016): 31–43. Available online: https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/shogakushodoshi/2016/26/2016_31/_pdf/char/ja (accessed on 2 August 2019). 14 Horie Tomohiko, ‘Meiji, Sho¯wa, Taisho no sho’ (Calligraphy from Meiji, Sho¯wa and Taisho periods), in Kawakita Michiaki and Horie Tomohiko, eds, Bunjinga to sho (Literati Painting and Calligraphy) (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1979), 178–9. 15 See Ginko¯ Nikki, the fourth day of the first month, the twenty-fourth year of Meiji, 1891. 16 Li Qing, ed., Dongying yimo – jindai Zhong Ri wenhua jiaoliu xi jian shiliao jizhu (Leftover Ink of The Eastern Sea – Rare Historical Records on Cultural Exchange Between China and Japan in Recent Centuries) (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1999), 81–96. 17 Wang Xiaoqiu, Jindai Zhong Ri wenhua jiaoliushi (Sino-Japanese Cultural Interactions in Recent Centuries) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000), 250–1. 18 See Aoyama San’u, ed., Wu Changshi no ga to sen (Paintings and Colophons of Wu Changshi) (Tokyo: Nigensha, 1976), plate 18. 19 Shana Brown considered that the clerical and seal scripts were introduced to the Japanese calligraphers by Yang Shoujing; see Brown, ‘Antiquarianism and Sino-Japanese Rivalry’, 81. However, the evidence shows that their learning on seal script happened after Kusakabe visited Yu Yue, Wu Dacheng and Wu Changshi and brought it to Japan in 1890. 20 Maruyama Daiu studied in China from 1878 to 1891; Akiyama Hakugan (1864–1954) studied with Xu Sangeng from 1886 to 1890. See Chen Zhenlian, ‘Zhao Zhiqian Riben shourongshi zongkao’, 406. 21 For Xu’s followers and their influence, see Yushin Calligraphy Association, Jo Sankou to Nitchuu no shohou kouryuu: Akiyama Hakugan, Nishikawa Shundou, Shosei Nakamura Rantai o chuushin toshite (Xu Sangeng and Japanese-Sino Exchanges in Calligraphy: Akiyama Hakugan, Nishikawa Shundou and the Focus on the Beginning of Nakamura Rantai) (Tokyo: Mitsumura Book Publishing, 2011). 22 Aida Yuen Wong, ‘Reforming Calligraphy in Modern Japan: The Six Dynasties School and Nakamura Fusetsu’s Chinese ‘Stele’ Style’, in Joshua A. Fogel, ed. The Role of Japan in Modern Chinese Art, 131–53. 23 Axel Schneider, ‘Between Dao and History: Two Chinese Historians in Search of a Modern Identity for China’, History and Theory 35, No. 4 (Dec. 1996): 54–73; ‘Bridging the Gap: Attempts at Constructing a “New” HistoricalCultural Identity in the PRC’, East Asian History, Vol. 22 (Dec. 2001): 129–44; ‘Nation, History and Ethics: The Choices of Post-imperial Chinese Historiography’, in Brian Moloughney and Peter Zarrow, eds, Transforming History: The Making of a Modern Academic Discipline in Twentieth-Century China (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2012), 271–302.

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24 Studies on guohua and debates on Chinese national painting, see Aida Yuen Wong, Parting the Mist: Discovering Japan and the Rise of National-Style Painting in Modern China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006); Lawrence Schneider, ‘National Essence and the New Intelligentsia’ and Martin Bernal, ‘Liu Shi-P’ei and National Essence,’ in Charlotte Furth, ed., The Limits of Change: Essays on Conservative Alternatives in Republican China (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1976), 57–89 and 90–112; Julia Andrews, ‘Traditional Painting in New China: Guohua and the Anti-Rightist Campaign,’ Journal of Asian Studies 49, No. 3 (August 1990): 555–9; Pedith Chan, ‘The Institutionalization and Legitimatization of Guohua: Art Societies in Republican Shanghai’, Modern China 39, Issue 5 (September 2013): 541–70. 25 Chen Duxiu and Lü Cheng, ‘Tongxin: Meishu geming ‘ (Letter Communication: Art Revolution), Xinqingnian, No. 1, juan 6 (15 January 1919): 84–6; Lang Shaojun, ed., Ershi shiji Zhongguo meishu wenxuan (Selected Essays on Twentieth-century Chinese Art) (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1999), 26–8. 26 Xu Beihong, ‘Zhongguohua gailianglun’ (Method of Reforming Chinese Painting), Beijing Daxue rikan (23–25 May 1918); reprinted in Huixue zazhi, Vol. 1 (June 1920): 12–16. 27 Chen Shizeng, ‘Huihua yuanyu shiyongshuo’ (Painting Came from its Practical Use), Huixue zazhi, Vol. 1 (June 1920): 17–19. 28 The Chinese Painting Research Association was later restructured as the Lake Society (Hushe) in 1927. 29 Aida Yuen Wong, ‘Gao Jianfu shuhua de canpomei yu beixue de guanxi’ (Relationship between Gao Jianfu’s Aesthetic of Dilapidation in Painting and Calligraphy and the Stele School), in Chen Ruilin and Wei Chenghong, eds, Guohua fuhuo yundong yu Guangdong Zhonguohua: guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (Guangdong Chinese Painting in the Resurrection Movement of Chinese Painting: Proceedings of the International Conference) (Guangzhou: Lingnan meishu chubanshe, 2017), vol. 2, 356–68. 30 Huang Binhong, ‘Zhenshe jianzhang’ (Handbook of the Society of the Virtuous), Shenzhou ribao, 28 April 1912. See also Jason C. Kuo, Transforming Traditions in Modern Chinese Painting: Huang Pin-Hung’s Late Work (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2004), 21–44. 31 Maurizio Passerin d’Entreves, ‘Hannah Arendt’, in Edward N. Zalta, ed., The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2019 edition). Available online: https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2019/entries/arendt/ (accessed on 2 August 2019). 32 My thanks to Clarissa von Spee and Mary Ginsberg for inviting me to inspect the handscrolls closely with the conservation team at the de-installation of the exhibition ‘Treasures from Shanghai: Ancient Chinese Bronzes and Jades’, The British Museum, 30 January–27 March 2009. Exhibition catalogue, see Jessica Rawson, ed., Treasures from Shanghai: Ancient Chinese Bronzes and Jades (London: The British Museum Press, 2009). Full illustration of the two handscrolls, see Zhou Ya ed., Kezhai jigu tu ((Antique Collection of Kezhai [Wu Dacheng]) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2012).

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33 Chen Zhenlian, ‘ ‘Jinshixue’ yanjiu de dangdai yiyi yu women de zuoyong’ (The Significance and Founction in Studying Epigraphy in the Present Time), in Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, ed., Jinshi yongnian − jinshi tapian jingpinzhan tulu (Longevity of Bronze and Stone – Exhibition Catalogue of Selected Works of Rubbings of Bronze and Stone) (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 2008), 233. 34 Fang Quji, Wu Putang and Shan Xiaotian, Yangzhu yinpu (Rearing Pigs: A Collection of Seals) (Shanghai: Wenhua chubanshe, 2015). 35 Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society, ‘Selection of hundred seals in celebrating the funding of ninetieth year of the Chinese Communist Party’, Xiling yinshe, Vol. 32 (2011): 26–30. 36 Shana J. Brown, Pastimes: From Art and Antiquarianism to Modern Chinese Historiography (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2011).

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280

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Aisin Gioro Baoxi ᝋᯠ㿪㖵ሦ⟉ 188, 191 Akiyama Hakugan ⿻ኡ⻗෾ 200, 250, 277 Anji ᆹਹ 93, 94, 176 Anqing junxiesuo ᆹឦ䓽Ỡᡰ (Anqing Arsenal) 161 Anwu lunshu ᆹ੣䄆ᴨ (Discussion on Calligraphy from Anwu) 32, 48, 212, 213, 215, 216, 232, 233, 254 Anyang ᆹ䲭 21, 142, 143, 221, Anyuan ᆹⓀ 204 Asin Giro Daiquan ᝋᯠ㿪㖵ᡤ䣃, known as Prince Ding ᇊ㿚⦻ 74 Asin Giro Yizhi ᝋᯠ㿪㖵྅䂼, known as Prince Ruimin ⪎᭿䜑⦻ 74, 79, 223 ba ‫( ޛ‬eight) 23, 28, 42 Bada Shanren ‫ޛ‬བྷኡӪ, known as Zhu Da ᵡ㙧 125 bafen kebi ‫⑤࠶ޛ‬ㅶ (thirsty bafen brushwork) 50 bafen ‫( ࠶ޛ‬the eight-tenths script), see also bafenshu ‫࠶ޛ‬ᴨ and fenshu ࠶ᴨ 19, 22, 26–9, 30, 38, 41–6, 50, 54, 113, 197, 213, 277 Bafenshu ‫࠶ޛ‬ᴨ (the eight-tenths script), see also bafen ‫ ࠶ޛ‬and fenshu ࠶ᴨ 7, 10, 17, 19, 22, 23, 26–8, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37–9, 41–4, 46, 48–52, 54, 77, 82, 115, 213, 253 Baihua tu Ⲯ㣡െ (One Hundred Flowers) 74, 78, 79, 81, 223 baimiao ⲭ᧿ (plain-linear drawing technique) 34, 217, 270

Baisui tu Ⲯ↢െ (One Hundred Years) 9, 75–8, 81, 218, 222, 260, 264, 270 baizilian Ⲯᆀ㬞 (Agapanthus; African lily) 149, 151 Bao Shichen वц㠓 4, 10, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 30, 32, 38, 39, 43–6, 48, 52, 54, 113, 118, 120, 123, 125, 128, 182, 197, 199, 212, 215, 216, 232, 233, 254, 277 Baohua’an ሦ㨟ⴛ (Studio of Splendid Treasure) 35 baozhu moli ሦ⨐㤹㦹 (Jasminum sambac) 151, 156 bapo ‫( ⹤ޛ‬eight broken painting) 75, 222, 254, 271 Baqianjuanlou ‫ॳޛ‬ধ⁃ (Pavilion of Eight Thousand Books) 93 bawang xie 䵨⦻㸩 (Dorippe crab) 148, 237 Bazhuan shufang ‫⼊ޛ‬ᴨ㡛 (Boat-Book Dwelling of Eight Bricks) 82 Bazhuan yinguan ‫⼊ޛ‬੏佘 (EightBrick Hall of Citing Poetries) 82 Bei’an ᛢⴛ (Hut of Sadness) 96, 119, 227, 228, 230, 232, 266 Bei’an ji tongzaoxiang taben ᛢⴛ䳶䢵 䙐䊑ᤃᵜ (Album of Rubbings of Bronze Buddhist Sculptures in the Bei’an [Zhao Zhiqian] Collection) 119 Beibei nantie lun े⻁ইᑆ䄆 (Treatise on the Northern Steles and Southern Model-CalligraphyBook) 19 Beihe jiyou tu े⋣䁈䙺െ (Visit to North River) 210 Beihu े⒆ (North Lake) 66 281

282

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Beipai ⻁⍮ (Stele School) 5, 10, 12, 16, 19, 20, 22, 48, 52, 54, 55, 87, 89, 90, 113, 120, 123, 125, 128, 133, 143, 197, 200–2, 216, 235, 249, 251, 253, 274 Beishi Shenjun bei ⲭ⸣⾎ੋ⻁ (God of White Stone Stele) 16 Beisong Xianping ेᆻ૨ᒣ (Xianping era of Northern Song) 81 beiti ⻁億 (stele-script style) 19, 21 beixue ⻁ᆨ (study of steles) 5, 10, 20, 106, 251, 274, Beiyang े⌻ 171, 202 Bencao gangmu ᵜ㥹㏡ⴞ (Compendium of Materia Medica) 151, 164, 165, 242, 263 Bi Yuan ⮒⊵ (1730–1797) 12–14, 34, 173 bi ⫗ (jade discs) 140, 141 bian 䆺 (change; reform; evolution) 45 bianbi ᡱㅶ (flattened brushwork) 121 biannao 㐘䨳 (musical instruments) 139 Biexiazhai ࡕл啻 (Studio of the Motivated Learner) 93 Bieye tongguzhai ࡕᾝ䢵啃啻 (Mansion of Bronze and Stone Drum) 68, 93 “Binhong lunhua ☡㲩䄆⮛” (Binhong’s Comments on Painting) 181 bogu ঊਔ (study on ancient relics) 79, 146 Bogu huahui tu ঊਔ㣡ॹെ (Floral Arrangement in Collected Ancient Relics; Paintings of Ancient Bricks, Flowers and Vegetables) 79, 85, 224 Bogu qinggong tu ঊਔ␵‫׋‬െ (Festival Offerings with Ancient Relics) 79 bowu ঊ⢙ (broad learning about things) 6, 146, 153, 159, 160, 162–6, 240, 242, 253 Bowuxue ঊ⢙ᆨ (Study of Natural History) 240 Bowu tongshu ঊ⢙䙊ᴨ (Philosophical almanac) 159 Bowu xinbian ঊ⢙ᯠ㐘 (A New Account of Natural Philosophy) 159, 241

Bowu zhi ঊ⢙ᘇ (Record of Broad Learning about Things) 154 Bowu zhi ঊ⢙䂼 (Record of Diverse Matters) 160 bozheng ঊ䅹 (find extensive proofs) 3 Bu Huanyu fangbei lu 㼌ሠᆷ䁚⻁䤴 (Extended Record of Visiting Steles in the Whole World) 119, 229 buyi 㼌䚪 (supplement) 184 Cai Shou 㭑ᆸ 163–6, 242, 255, 270 Cai Yong 㭑䛅 27, 28, 30, 32, 33, 37, 41, 45, 211, 214, 258 Cai Youlin 㭑ᴹ䝠 27, 42 cangfeng 㯿䤂 (hiding the brush tip) 197 canggu 㫬ਔ (dynamic and ancient) 89 cangjin 㫬ࣱ (dynamic and forceful) 89 Canglangting Temple ⓴⎚ӝሪ 67, 81 Canglang tu ⓴⎚െ (Pavilion of Surging Waves) 220 Canjing yangnian ⑼㏃伺ᒤ (Nurturing Life through Reciting Sutras) 96 canjun ৳䓽 (military officer) 94 Cao E ᴩၕ 211 Cao Xun ᴩዻ 123, Cao Yuanbi ᴩ‫ݳ‬ᕬ 188 Chang’an cishi 䮧ᆹࡪਢ (Regional Inspector of Chang’an) 135 Changshan ᑨኡ 96 Changshan zhenshi zhi ᑨኡ䋎⸣ᘇ (Record of Precious Steles in Changshan [Hebei]) 16, 18, 212, 269 Changxing 䮧㠸 93 Changzhou ᑨᐎ 12 Changzhou huapai ᑨᐎ⮛⍮ (Changzhou School of Painting) 94 Chanpixuan ⿚⭃䔂 (Studio of Meditative Bricks) 85, 225 chanyu 齅冊 [chanyu ▪冊] (Harpadon nehereus Hamilton; Bombay duck) 148, 149 Chaoran yinshe 䎵❦੏⽮ (Poetry Society of Transcending the Worldly) 190

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Chen Baochen 䲣ሦ⩋ 35 Chen Baoshan 䲣ሦழ, see also Chen Ziyu 䲣ᆀ佈 149, 228, 229 Chen Chongben 䲣ጷᵜ 34 Chen Chun 䲣␣ 129 Chen Ding 䲣唾 155 Chen Duxiu 䲣⦘⿰ 201, 251, 255 Chen Geng 䲣ᓊ 68–71, 221 Chen Honggao 䲣卫䃕 196 Chen Hongshou 䲣⍚㏜ 120, 140, 234 Chen Hongshou 䲣卫༭ 14, 18, 48, 104, 227, 245, 262, 275 Chen Jieqi 䲣ӻ⾪ 66–8, 71, 72, 84, 203, 220–2, 255, 264 Chen Kanru 䲣ൾྲ 81 Chen Kuilong 䲣ང喽 190 Chen Lansen 䲣㱝἞ 15 Chen Luan 䲣䪮 81 Chen Lügang 䲣ੲ㏡ 34 Chen Nian 䲣ᒤ 171, 199 Chen Qubing 䲣৫⯵ 179 Chen Sanli 䲣й・ 188, 190 Chen Shan 䲣劓 15 Chen Shizeng 䲣ᑛᴮ 201, 251, 256 Chen Wenshu 䲣᮷䘠 18, 65 Chen Yi 䲣⇵ 188 Chen Yunsheng 䲣‫ ॷݱ‬196, 235, 249 Chen Yuzhong 䲣䊛䩈 14, 48, 227, 262 Chen Zengju 䲣ᴮ⸙ 188 Chen Zengwang 䲣ᴮᵋ 35, 214 Chen Zhuo 䲣❟ 34 Chen Ziyu 䲣ᆀ佈 see Chen Baoshan 149, 228, 229 Chen Zong 䲣⩞ 155 cheng ᡀ 36, 37 Cheng Hao 〻井 21 Cheng Jinfang 〻ᱹ㣣 13, 34 Cheng Junfang 〻ੋᡯ 155 Cheng Miao 〻䚸 22, 23, 27 Cheng Yi 〻乔 21 Cheng Zhenjia 〻ᥟ⭢ 66–72, 83, 93, 102, 220, 223, 224 Chengshi moyuan 〻∿໘㤁 (Cheng’s Garden of Ink Cakes) 155 chi ੾ 78 chongdao 㺍࠰ (brash blade) 105, 109, 230

283

chongshu 㸢ᴨ (the winding insectshaped script for banners or tallies) 22 Chu Deyi 㽊ᗧᖍ 171, 175–7, 244 Chu Suiliang 㽊䙲㢟 28, 46, 118 Chu Zhongrong ⷯѝⓦ 155 Chunjiang songbie tu ᱕⊏䘱ࡕെ (Parting at River in Spring) 196 Ci jiachen 䳼⭢䗠 132, 133, 234, 279 Cilantang 䌌㱝า (Hall of Awarded Orchid) 104 Cixi ᝸⿗ (Empress Dowager Cixi) 104 Cizi shamen, Nanping mingzhong 䌌㍛⋉䮰ˈইቿ᰾ѝ (The Monk Awarded the Purple Silk Garment, Reviving [Buddhism] in Mt Nanping) 105 cong ⩞ (hollow cylinder) 141 Cuan Longyan bei ⡘喽乿⻁ (Stele of Cuan Longyan) 118 Cunyuan jiuxian shi ረൂ䞂ԉ∿ (A Wine Immortal in an Inch-wide Garden) 35 cuo ᥛ (bend back) 118 da xieyi བྷማ᜿ (greater freehand brush mode) 129 da བྷ 37, 38 Daguan tongbao བྷ㿰䙊ሦ 102 Daxue བྷᆨ (Greater Learning) 160 Dai Keheng qi Zhu ᡤਟᙶ࿫ᵡ (Zhu, wife of Dai Keheng [Dai Xi]) 226 Dai Wang ᡤᵋ 99 Dai Xi ᡤ⟉ 72, 73, 94, 175, 222, 226 Dailu fangbei tu ዡ哃䁚⻁െ (Visit to Steles in Mountains of Shandong) 16 Daliang བྷằ 141 dao 䚃 36, 37 Daoguang 䚃‫( ݹ‬1836–1850) 12, 15, 63, 64, 69, 74, 77, 90, 145, 183, 209, 224, 235, 270 daoji ‫ق‬㱰 (brushwork; inverted pickled vegetables) 48–50 Dashou 䚄ਇ, known as Liuzhou ‫ޝ‬㡏 5, 14, 58, 62–72, 74–85, 88, 93,

284

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

203, 218–24, 257, 259, 264, 268, 273, 277–9 Datong yishuju བྷ਼䆟ᴨተ (Datong Translation Bureau) 161, 242 Daxing era བྷ㠸 82 Dayuanchuan lou བྷ予㡩⁃ (Pavilion of Great Vow Boat) 65 dazhuan བྷㇶ (great-seal script), see also zhouwen ㉰᮷ 22, 212 Debei shier tu ᗇ⻁ॱҼെ (Twelve Acquired Steles) 16, 17, 34, 210, 211, 245 Debei tu ᗇ⻁െ (Acquiring Rubbings) 175–7 Deng Chun 䝗Ὧ 238, 257 Deng Erya 䝗⡮䳵 180 Deng Qingcai 䝗ឦᇰ 155 Deng Shangxi 䝗ቊ⫭ 172 Deng Shi 䝗ሖ 162, 179, 212, 213, 216, 233, 254, 260, 266 Deng Shiru 䝗⸣ྲ 13, 45, 46, 54, 55, 103–6, 109, 110, 113, 118, 119, 125, 128, 182, 216, 230–2, 254, 257 Deng Xiaoping 䝗ሿᒣ 204 Deng Yanyuan 䝗ᖕ䚐 188 Di Baoxian ⣴㩶䌒 171, 243 Diaolo Hala Sengyun ཊ㖵⢩ॷ‫ݱ‬ 35 Ding Bing бщ 93 Ding Jing бᮜ 15, 48, 104, 105, 230 Ding Wenwei б᮷㭊 99 ding 唾 (tri-pot; bronze vessels) 135, 136, 182, 186 dingdong бߜ (Ilex rotunda; holly) 149 Dingtao ding ᇊ䲦唾 (Dingtao tripod) 62, 63, 218, 266, 268 Dingtao Gongwang ᇊ䲦‫ޡ‬᚝ ⦻ (Duke Gong of Dingtao) 63 dingtou shuwei miao 䠈九啐ቮ᧿ (nail-head and rat’s-tail stroke) 122, 125 diquan ൠࡨ (paper banknotes and land deeds) 187 Dizizhi ᕏᆀ㚧 (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples) 110, 231, 254 Dong Guohua 㪓഻㨟 18

Dong Kang 㪓ᓧ 192 Dong Qichang 㪓ަ᰼ 19, 183 Dong Wanzhen 㪓⩜䋎 94 Dong Xi xueshu lu ᶡ㾯ᆨᴨ䤴 (Account on Books of Eastern and Western Learning) 161 Dong Shizhi 㪓⸣㣍 33 Dong Zhuo 㪓ঃ 33 Dongfang huihuahui ᶡᯩ㒚⮛঄ᴳ (The Eastern Painting Association) 202 Dongfang xuehui ᶡᯩᆨᴳ (The Eastern Society) 188, 247 Donghai shusheng ᶡ⎧ᴨ㚆 (Virtuous Calligrapher of the East Sea) 199 Donghan Xiandi chuping ᶡ╒⦫ᑍࡍ ᒣ (Chuping era of Emperor Xan in Eastern Han) 33 Dongjin huabie tu ᶡ⍕䂡ࡕെ (Parting at Dongjin) 125, 126 Dongjin Taihe ᶡᱹ⌠઼ (Taihe era of Eastern Jin) 81 Dongwei Tianping ᶡ兿ཙᒣ (Tianping era of Eastern Wei) 69, 70, 81 Dongxin xiansheng ji and xuji ߜᗳ‫ݸ‬ ⭏䳶 (Collected Poems of Mr Dongxin [Jin Nong]) 48 Dongxin xiansheng xuji ߜᗳ‫⭏ݸ‬㒼䳶 (Sequel of Collected Poem of Mr Dongxin [Jin Nong]) 48 Dongxuan yinshe ᶡ䔂੏⽮ (Poetry Society of the Eastern Chamber) 91, 226 Dongxuan yinshe huaxiang ᶡ䔂੏⽮ ⮛‫( ۿ‬Portrait of the Poetry Society of the Eastern Chamber) 91, 226 Dongyuan 㪓‫ ݳ‬82 dou jianfeng ᯇ⃒ሱ (the seal to certify an official document of the Han) 110 dou 䉶 (bronze vessel) 136, 223 Du Jin ᶌ㨛 58, 59, 217, 256, 260 du ᓖ (extent) 44 Duan Songling ⇥ᶮ㤃 13 Duan Yucai ⇥⦹㻱 197, 198 Duanfang ㄟᯩ 35

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Dubei keshi tu 䆰⻁バ⸣െ (Reading the Inscriptions on the Stele) 18, 211 Dubei tu 䆰⻁െ (Reading the Stele Inscriptions) 18, 211 Duguan shiwu canbei 䜭ᇈᱟ੮⇈⻁ (Stele of Shiwu, the Governor of Andu) 44 duilian ሽ㚟 (couplet format) 143 dun 乃 (pause) 38, 118 Dunhuang ᮖ❼ 21, 186, 246, 272 Eastern Jin ᶡᱹ 81, 82 Emperor Wu of Wei 兿↖ᑍ 39 Emperor Wu of Western Jin 㾯ᱹ↖ᑍ 39 Emperor Xuan of the Western Zhou 㾯ઘᇓ⦻ 22 Emperors Yuan of Han ╒‫ݳ‬ᑍ 72 Erjin dietang yinpu Ҽ䠁㶦าঠ䆌 (Seal Imprints from the Hall of Two Golden Butterflies) 103, 230 Erpin yinsheng Ҽ૱ᔅ⭏ (the second ranking of Imperial Studentship whose family are high-ranking officials) 217 Ershisi qi baihuajuan ҼॱഋಘⲮ㣡ধ (Scroll of One Hundred Flowers in Twenty-Four Antique Vessels) 78, 79, 81 Ershisi shipin Ҽॱഋ䂙૱ (TwentyFour Classifications of Poetry) 94, 227, 270 Erya ⡮䳵 (Progress Towards Correctness) 153, 159, 160, 240, 259 Fa Ruozhen ⌅㤕ⵏ 19 Fan jingwushi 伟㧱㮚ᇔ (Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds) 95, 132, 226 Fan jingwushi zhuren 伟㧱㮚ᇔѫӪ (Master of the Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds) 132, 226 Fan Ye 㤳⟱ 33, 214, 258 Fan Yuan ›ൂ (Private Garden of Fan [Zengxiang] ›໎⾕) 190

285

Fang Kai ᯩᾧ 39 Fang Kezhong ᯩਟѝ 229 Fang Quji ᯩ৫⯮ 203, 204, 228, 252, 258 Fang Ruo ᯩ㤕 192 Fang Xun ᯩ➿ 14 Fang Zhengshu ᯩ↓▽ 13, 15 Fanggu jiyou tu 䁚ਔ㌰⑨െ (Visiting Ancient Sites and Record of My Journey) 16, 210 Fei Danxu 䋫ѩᰝ 91, 92, 134, 226, 258 Fei Shiji 䋫༛⼟ 34 Fei Shujie 䋫ᚅⲶ 184 Fei Wenqu 䋫୿㱗 83 feibai 伋ⲭ (flying white effect) 50, 51, 115, 119, 219, 279 fen ࠶ 22, 27, 30, 31, 44, 45, 215 Feng Dengfu 俞ⲫᓌ 14 Feng Minchang 俞᭿᰼ 13 Feng Xu 俞➖ 171, 184, 190 Feng Yun 俞◀ 196 fengchicao 付Ⱔ㥹 (Eragrostis ferruginea) 151 fengni ሱ⌕ (ink paste for sealing; sealing clay) 67, 72, 73, 177, 187, 222, 255, 265 Fengxin ཹᯠ 99 ‘fenshu mingjia ࠶ᴨ਽ᇦ’ (masters of fen script) 28 fenshu ࠶ᴨ (the fen style), see also bafen ‫ ࠶ޛ‬and bafenshu ‫࠶ޛ‬ᴨ 26, 48 Foxue ֋ᆨ (Buddhist Study) 9 Fu Shan ‫ڵ‬ኡ 19, 208, 254 Fu Yili ‫ڵ‬ԕ⿞ 101 fu ཛ 26 fugu wei gexin ᗙਔ⛪䶙ᯠ (retro for innovation) 201 Fugui qimao tu ᇼ䋤㘶㘴െ (Peony and Raccoon Cat) 91, 92 Fugui ⡦Ⲩ 186 Fung Dun bei 俞ᮖ⻁ (Stele of Feng Dun) 27 Funü shibao ႖ྣᱲ๡ (The Women’s Eastern Times) 171 fupai ㅖ⡼ (tallies) 22, 61, 185, 187

286

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

fusang ᢦẁ (Pollicipes mitelle, Hibiscus rosa-sinensis) 75, 151 Futang 㣮า 83 Fuyutang shilu Կᮄา䂙䤴 (Collection of Poems from the Studio of Drumming Instrument) 117 Fuzhou ⾿ᐎ 96, 99, 117 Fuzhou Road ⾿ᐎ䐟 170 Gai Qi ᭩⩖ 14, 90, 226 gao 儈 31 Gao Fenghan 儈匣㘠 19, 48 Gao Jianfu 儈ࢽ⡦ 202, 251, 274 Gao Qifeng 儈ཷጠ 180 Gao Xiang 儈㘄 19, 48 Gao Yong 儈䛅, known as Yongzhi 䛅 ѻ 125, 235 Gao Yong ershibasui xiaoxiang 儈䛅Ҽ ॱ‫↢ޛ‬ሿ䊑 (Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight) 125, 126 Gao Zhixi 儈ѻ偡 104 Geji douyao kaihao yangzhu dahui ਴ ㍊䜭㾱䮻ྭ伺䊜བྷᴳ (People of Every Profession Should Attend the Meetings of Rearing Pigs) 203 gewu Ṭ⢙ (investigation of things) 159, 160 Gezhi huibian Ṭ㠤ᖉ㐘 (Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine) 160, 241, 258 Gongwang ‫ޡ‬᚝ ⦻ (Duke Gong), see Dingtao Gongwang 63 Gong Xianzeng 嗄亟ᴮ 101 Gonggong ‫ޡ‬ᐕ 72 gu ᭵ 36, 37 gu 䀊 (bronze vessels) 136 gu 僘 (shoulder blades of ox, goat and pig) 142 Gu Guangqi 亗ᔓ൫ 34 Gu Hongming 䗌卫䣈 188 Gu Luo 亗⍋ 83, 84 Gu mingqi tulu ਔ᰾ಘെ䤴 (Catalogue of Ancient Burial Objects) 185 Gu qiwu fan tulu ਔಘ⢙ㇴെ䤴 (Catalogue of Moulds for Ancient Objects) 184 Gu Xieguang 亗⠞‫ ݹ‬171

Gu Yanwu 亗⚾↖ 3, 4, 10, 21, 173, 208, 259, 279, Gua Sha Caoshi xipu ⬌⋉ᴩ∿㌫䆌 (Genealogy of the Cao family in Gua and Sha [Counties]) 185 Guan Tingfeng ㇑ᓝ㣜 79 Guan Yu 䰌㗭 237 Guang qunfang pu ᔓ㗔㣣䆌 (Expanded Catalogue of Fragrant Flowers) 153 Guangcang xuejiong ᔓ‫ع‬ᆨト (Society of Cang Jie Study) 168, 169, 184, 186, 187, 190 Guangcang xuejiong congshu, jialei ᔓ‫ع‬ᆨト਒ᴨ⭢于 (Compiled Publication of Society of Cang Jie Study, Category 1; known as Xueshu congshu ᆨ㺃਒ᴨ) 184 Guangdong ᔓᶡ 12, 14, 15, 101, 155, 174 guangeti 佘䯓億 (examination-hall style of calligraphy) 19 Guangfangyan guang ᔓᯩ䀰佘 161 Guanghe bei ‫( ⻁઼ݹ‬Stele of Guanghe) 27 Guanghui de licheng ‫ݹ‬䕍Ⲵ↧〻 (The Glorious Journey) 203 Guangong xie 䰌‫ޜ‬㸩, see bawang xie 148, 237 Guangxi ᔓ㾯 12, 14, 91 Guangxi tongzhi ᔓ㾯䙊ᘇ (Gazetteer of Guangxi) 14 Guangzhou shishi huabao ᔓᐎᱲһ⮛ ๡ (Guangzhou Illustrated News) 163 Guangzhou ᔓᐎ 91, 161, 180, 219 Guanlongyan bei ⡘喽乿⻁ (Stele of Cuan Longyan) 118 Guanzhong jinshiji 䰌ѝ䠁⸣䁈 (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Shaanxi) 12 guhuan ਔ↑ (Enjoy the Pursuit of Antiquity) 105, 106 Guhua jinyu she ਔ↑Ӻ䴘⽮ (Society of Old Acquaintances and New Friends) 169 Gui Fu Ṳ俕 52

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

gui ൝ (chisel-shaped ceremonial implement) 141 gui ㈻ (cooking vessel) 139 guichuang 䋤ࢥ (prize originality) 3 guihai year Ⲩӕ 61, 153 Guihai yuheng zhi Ṳ⎧㲎㺑ᘇ (Remembrance of Local Costume and Products of Guilin) 153 guijiao 嗌㞣 (Pollicipes mitelle; leaf barnacle) 148 Guilin Ṳ᷇ 153 Guiren limin ↨ӱ䟼≁ (Villager of Guiren) 132 guixie 公㸩 (red-faced Dorippe crab), see bawang xie 148 Guizhong lifo tu 䯘ѝ⿞֋െ (Worshipping Buddha in the Boudoir) 136, 137 Gujiji ਔ䒏䁈 (Record on Ancient Calligraphy) 27 gukuang ਔ⣲ (crazy for antiques) 59 guli ਔ䳨 (former clerical script) 23 gumao ਔ㤲 (ancient and abundant) 89 Guo Pu 䜝⫎ 122, 124, 159, 240, 259 Guo Xi 䜝⟉ 119 Guo Yeyin 䜝㩹ᇵ 83 Guo Zhiting 䜝→ӝ 104 Guo Zongchang 䜝ᇇ᰼ 32, 213, 259 Guochao jinshi shu jilue ഻ᵍ䠁⸣ ᴨ㌰⮕ (Bibliography of the Epigraphic Study of Inscriptions on Bronze and Stone in the Qing Dynasty) 10, 208 guocui ഻㋩ (national essence) 201 guogu ഻᭵ (construction of historical relics) 7, 201 guohua zhengzong ഻⮛↓ᇇ (orthodox [Chinese] national painting) 182 guohua ഻⮛ (national painting) 201 Guoluoluo Naxin 䜝೹⍋㌽ᯠ 173, 244, 259 guoxue ഻ᆨ (National Learning) 201 Guoxue baocunhui ഻ᆨ‫؍‬ᆈᴳ (Society for Preservation of National Learning) 162, 164, 179, 181, 242, 253, Guoxue congkan ഻ᆨ਒࠺ (Journal of National Learning) 185

287

Guoxue congshu ഻ᆨ਒ᴨ (Encyclopaedia of National Learning) 179 Guqian weizhi 啃䥒⛪㚧 (Making a Living by Drumming) 110 Guquan hui ਔ⋹य़ (Study on Ancient Coins) 155 guse guxiang ਔ㢢ਔ俉 (antiques of colour and aroma) 79 Gusong tu ਔᶮെ (Old Pine Tree) 119, 120 Guwalgiya Jinliang ⬌⡮֣䠁ằ 188 guwen ਔ᮷ (ancient script in High Antiquity) 4, 21 Guxi shiwen ce ਔ⫭䟻᮷޺ (Album of Ancient Seal Inscriptions) 181, 246 guzheng ਔㆿ (zither) 58 Guzhuan huagong ਔ⼊㨟‫( ׋‬Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks) 81, 224 Ha Lin ૸哏 170 Haicuo tu ⎧䥟െ (Miscellaneous Marine Species) 151, 152 Haiguo tuzhi ⎧഻െᘇ (Illustrated Treatise on Maritime Countries) 160 Haining ⎧ሗ 64, 93 Haishang tijinguan jinshi shuhuahui ⎧к乼㾏佘䠁⸣ᴨ⮛ᴳ (Shanghai Tijinguan Epigraphy, Calligraphy, and Painting Society) 168, 169, 170, 172 haixi ⎧䊘 (Neophocaena phoconoides; finless porpoise) 148, 238, 253 haizhu ⎧䊜, see haixi 148, 238, 253 Han Chen Zhonggong beiyin ╒䲣Ԣᕃ ⻁䲠 (Inscription on the Back of the Stele of Chen Zhonggong of the Han Dynasty) 33, 214 Han Shijing yizi ╒⸣㏃䚪ᆇ (The Leftover Scripts of the Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty) 33, 214 Han Songshan Taishi shique ming ╒᎙ኡཚᇔ⸣䰅䣈 (Inscription of the Watchtower Stele Outside

288

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

the Grand Chamber of Mount Song of Eastern Han) 172 Han tongyin xuan ╒䢵ঠ䚨 (Selected Bronze Seals from the Han Dynasty) 104 Han Wei wubei ╒兿ӄ⻁ (Five Rubbings from the Han and Wei Dynasties) 18 Han Wushi shishi shixiang ╒↖∿⸣ᇔ ⸣‫( ۿ‬Pictorial Stones at the Wu Family Shrine of the Han Dynasty) 33, 214 Han Zemu 七᫷ᵘ 27, 42 Hanbi shanzhuang ሂ⻗ኡ㦺 (Mountain Villa of Wintry Green) 18 Hang Shijun ᶝ༛倯 48 Hanjiang 䛇⊏ 78 hanlian ᰡ㬞 (Tropaeolum majus; Indian cress) 151 Hanlinyuan 㘠᷇䲒 (The Hanlin Academy) 101 Hanxue ╒ᆨ (Neo-Confucianism in support of the Han Dynasty learning) 21 Hanzhiyou ሂѻ৻ (Society of Wintry Friends) 169 Haojiaping, Qingchuan 䶂ᐍ䜍ᇦක 23 Haoli yizhen shibo 㫯䟼䚪⧽᤮㼌 (Supplement to Forgotten Essays from Haoli) 184 Hayashi Taisuke ᷇⌠䕄 143 He Cheng օ▲ 99 He Daosheng օ䚃⭏ 34 He Guisheng օṲㅉ 196 He Jin օ䥖 33 He Ruzhang օྲ⪻ 196 He Shaoji օ㍩ส 54, 67, 89, 215, 235, 259 He Shuo fangbei tu ⋣ᵄ䁚⻁െ (Visiting Stele in Heshuo [Hebei and Shanxi Provinces], ca. 1846) 18 He Xin ਸؑ (Dr. Benjamin Hobson) 159, 160, 241 He Yuanxi օ‫ݳ‬䥛 14, 83 He Zhuo օ❟ 48 heng ₛ (horizontal) 29, 119

heng ⨙ (rainbow-shaped disc segments) 140 heng, shu, po, zhe ₛ䉾⌒⼄ (horizontal, vertical, left-falling and right-falling strokes) 119 heye changchun 㦧㩹䮧᱕ see hanlian 151 Hong Liangji ⍚Ӟਹ 13 Hong Shi ⍚䚙 33 Hong Yixuan ⍚乔❺ 14, 16 honglan shisuan ㌵㯽⸣㫌 (Lycoris sprengeri; surprise lily) 151 honglan ㌵㱝 (Bletilla striata; Chinese ground orchid) 151 Hongloumeng tuyong ㌵⁃དྷെિ (Illustrated Dream of the Red Chambers) 90, 226 hongyu 冏冊 (Musa coccinea; stingray) 148 Hou Hanshu ᖼ╒ᴨ (History of the Latter Han) 33, 173, 214, 258 houyu 劏冊 (Limulus polyphemus; horseshoe crab) 164, 165, 242, 255 Hu Gongshou 㜑‫ޜ‬༭ 126, 196 Hu Jintao 㜑䥖☔ 204, 205 Hu Liang 㜑䟿 13 Hu Peixi 㜑ษ㌫ 99, 118, 232 Hu Qian 㜑㲄 13, 15 Hu Shu 㜑▽ 99, 101, 103, 104, 146, 153, 230, 238, 245, 263 Hu Zhen 㜑䴷 144, 235 hu ᡦ 31 Hua Hengfang 㨟㰵㣣 159 Hua Yan 㨟௖ 122, 233 huacha 㣡ᨂ (the containers for floral arrangement) 83 Huai River ␞⋣ 12 Huaipu jushi ␞⎖ት༛ 226 Huang Binhong 哳䌃㲩 122, 143, 179, 182, 183, 190, 191, 193, 202, 203, 212, 213, 216, 218, 232, 233, 235, 245–7, 251, 254, 256, 260, 261, 264, 266, 273 Huang Jie 哳ㇰ 162, 179, 180, Huang Jingren 哳Ჟӱ 13 Huang Jucai 哳ትᇰ 79 Huang Renheng 哴ԫᚂ 185

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Huang Shujing 哳਄⫕ 173 Huang Tingjian 哳ᓝี 115 Huang Xiexun 哳঄ດ 196 Huang Yi 哳᱃ 13–17, 32–5, 39, 40, 43, 44, 46, 48, 76, 77, 100, 106, 173–5, 209–11, 214, 222, 230, 244, 245, 260–3, 267, 271, 278, Huang Zhi 哳䌚, see also Huang Binhong 哳䌃㲩 181 Huang Zongxi 哳ᇇ㗢 3 Huangdi Neijing Suwen jiaoyi 哳ᑍ‫ޗ‬ ㏃㍐୿ṑ㗙 (Textual Research on the Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Medicine, Part I: Questions of Organic and Fundamental Nature) 153 Huanghe 哳⋣ (Yellow River) 12 huangjuan youfu waisun jijiu 哳㎩ᒬ႖ ཆᆛ㱰㠬 211 Huanglong era 哳喽 82 Huangshen yuezhang 哳⾎䎺ㄐ 72 Huanü ⮛ྤ (Slave to Painting) 111, 113 Huanyu fangbeilu ሠᆷ䁚⻁䤴 (List of Steles Gathered from the World) 15 Huashanmiao bei 㨟ኡᔏ⻁ (Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua) 42, 43, 49–51, 216 Huatingpai 㨟ӝ⍮ (Huating School of Painting), see also Songjiangpai ᶮ⊏⍮ 19 Huaxi banmei shiwen ce 㣡ⓚդẵ䂙 ᮷޺ (Album of Poems and Writing in the Midst of Plum Trees at the Floral River) 212 Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin 㨟ᔦᒤᇔ ਹ䠁ሿ૱ (The Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity) 101, 110 Hubei tongzhi ⒆े䙊ᘇ (Gazetteer of Hubei) 13 Huipai ᗭ⍮ (Anhui School of Seal Carving), see also Wanpai Ⳇ⍮ 104, 105 Huishi zhimeng 㒚һᤷ㫉 (Essential Reference on Painting) 122 huiwan fa 䘤㞅⌅ (curve-wrist technique) 199

289

Hunan ⒆ই 12, 15, 18, 26, 100, 101 Hushi jinpen boge tu ⒆⸣䠁⳶厃卯െ (Lake Tai Rock, Golden Flower Pot and Woodpigeons) 79 huxie 㱾㸩 (Orithyia sinica; tiger crab) 148 Huyuan 㱾㤁 (Tiger Garden) 155 Huzhou ⒆ᐎ 82 Imanisi Ryu Ӻ㾯喽 188 Ito Shigeru Ժ㰔⓻ 220, 261 Iwaya Osamu ᏼ䉧‫ ؞‬197 Ji guguanyin kao 䳶ਔᇈঠ㘳 (Study on Collected Ancient Official Seals) 155 Ji Juemi လ㿪ᕼ 184 Ji Xiyueshen gaowen bei ⾝㾯Ꮽ⾎੺ ᮷⻁ (Stele of Sacrifice to the God of Western Peak) 42 Ji Yuji 䀸冊䀸 81 ji ㌰ 31 jia ⭢ (turtle shells) 142 jiagu wen ⭢僘᮷ (oracle bone inscriptions) 141–3, 186 Jian’an era ᔪᆹ 39 Jiang Fengyi ⊏匣ᖎ 39 Jiang Guangxu 㭓‫ ➖ݹ‬91, 93, 226 Jiang He 㭓઼ 33 Jiang Jüxiang ⊏〜俉, see also Jiang Fengyi 39, 40 Jiang Jüxiang debei tu ⊏〜俉ᗇ⻁െ (Jiang Jüxiang Obtaining the Stele) 39 Jiang Ren 㭓ӱ 48, 106, 230, 262 Jiang Sheng ⊏㚢 13 Jiang Shi ⊏⒌, also known as Jiang Taoshu ⊏ᕒ਄ 99, 117, 151 Jiang Xun ⊏ᙲ 34 Jiangyin ⊏䲠 229 Jiang Zhengpu 㭓ᗥ㫢 100 Jiangnan ⊏ই (Lower Yangzi River area) 9, 15, 65, 67, 80, 93, 158, 219 Jiangnan zhizaojü ⊏ই㼭䙐ተ (Jiangnan Arsenal) 161, 241 Jiangxi tongzhi ⊏㾯䙊ᘇ (Gazetteer of Jiangxi) 99

290

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

jiansha ࢽ出 (Mitsukurina owstoni; goblin shark) 148, 152, 164, 236, 237, 259 Jianxing ᔪ㠸 81 Jianzhao ᔪᱝ 71, 72, 74, 222 Jianzhao yanzudeng ᔪᱝ䳱䏣䩉 (Jianzhao goose-foot lamp stand) 71, 72, 74, 222 jiaomo ❖໘ (scorched ink) 50 Jiaoshan Temple in Zhenjiang 䧞⊏❖ ኡሪ 63 Jiaoyin naliang 㭹㭝㌽⏬ (Portrait of Wu Changshi Enjoying the Cool Shade of Banana Palms) 125, 233 Jiaqing era హឦ 12, 20, 46, 63, 68, 82, 145, 215, 217 jiaguan jinjue ࣐ᇈᱹ⡥ (offering congratulations on an official promotion) 134 Jiasun shoutuo ぬᆛ᡻ᤃ (Rubbing Made by [Wei] Jiasun’s Hand) 102 Jiaxiang county హ⾕㑓 16 Jiaxing Nanhu hongchuan హ㠸ই⒆㌵ 㡩 (Red Boat in the South Lake of Jiaxing) 204 jiayin year ⭢ᇵ 173 jiazhutao ཮ㄩṳ (Nerium oleander) 149 Jichen ᇴລ 120 Jielin Xiyue Huashanmiao bei ㇰ㠘㾯 Ꮽ㨟ኡᔏ⻁ (Calligraphy after the Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, The Western Peak, Excerpt) 50, 51 Jieshe 䀓⽮ (Society of Reconnaissance) 83, 243, 261 Jigu lu 䳶ਔ䤴 (Records on Collected Antiquities) 2, 3 Jigu tu ぽਔെ (Scroll of Accumulating Antiquities) 61, 62 Jiguzhai tu ぽਔ啻െ (Studio for Accumulating Antiquities) 59–61 Jiguzhai zhongding yiqi kuanshi ぽਔ 啻䩈唾ᖎಘⅮ䆈 (Identifications in the Studio for Accumulating Antique Inscriptions on Bronze Bells and Tripods) 13, 61, 62, 65, 74, 135, 217, 218, 268

jin ᯔ (0.6048 kg) 71 Jin Cheng 䠁෾ 202, 235 Jin Dongxin wushui tu 䠁ߜᗳॸⶑെ (Portrait of Jin Nong in His Afternoon Nap) 125 Jin Guisheng 䠁Ṳ⭏ 196, 249 Jin Nong 䠁䗢 19, 48–53, 94, 125, 216, 217, 261 Jin Rongjing 䠁㫹䨑 171 Jin Xuelian 䠁ᆨ㬞 39 Jinbei ᱹ⻁ (Jin Stele) 39 jihai year ᐡӕᒤ 77 jijin ਹ䠁 (auspicious bronze objects) 140 jijin 䳶䠁 (collection of bronze objects) 139 jijinping 䳶䥖ቿ (treasure-assembling screen) 75 Jingci Temple at Mount Nanping ইቿኡ␘᝸ሪ 65, 84 Jinggangshan Ӆዑኡ (Mt Jinggang) 204 Jingji zangu ㏃㉽㒲䁱 (Collection of Notes on Classics) 13 Jingji zangu buyi ㏃㉽㒲䁱㼌䚪 (Addition to Collection of Notes on Classics) 14 Jingning era ㄏሗ 71, 221 Jingning yanzudeng ㄏሗ䳱䏣䩉 (Jingning goose-foot lamp stand) 71 Jingshi zhixue ㏃цѻᆨ (Study of World Ordering Principles) 153 Jingu wenjing xue Ӻਔ᮷㏃ᆨ (Exegetical Study of Ancient and Modern Texts School) 9 Jingxuntang congshu ㏃䁃า਒ᴨ (Collected Writing from the Studio of Classical Teaching) 13 jinhong 䥖冏 (Potamotrygon motoro; ocellate river stingray) 148 Jinhuidui 䥖⚠ึ (the assembly of treasures) 74, 75, 222 Jining xuegong ☏ሗᆨᇞ (Jining Academy) 17, 211 Jining xuegong shengbei tu ☏ሗᆨᇞॷ ⻁െ (Elevating a Stele at the Jining Academy) 17, 211

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

jinli Ӻ䳨 (modern standard script; referring to kaishu ᾧᴨ, the standard script as it evolved from the clerical script) 23 jinlian baoxiang 䠁㬞ሦ⴨ (Musa coccinea; scarlet banana) 149, 151, 156, 157 jinshi 䙢༛ (the highest degree of the Imperial Examination) 67 jinshi 䠁⸣ (bronze and stone object; epigraph) 1–6, 9–14, 55, 57, 58, 87, 90, 105, 133, 167, 169, 172, 181, 182–4, 186, 187, 190, 193, 194, 200, 204 Jinshi cuibian 䠁⸣㨳㐘 (Compilation of Bronze and Stone Records) 15, 77 Jinshi huabao 䠁⸣⮛๡ (Bronze and Stone Illustrated Journal) 168, 171 Jinshi huabao she 䠁⸣⮛๡⽮ (Society of the Bronze and Stone Illustrated Journal) 168 jinshi jita 䠁⸣䳶ᤃ (Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection) 141, 142 Jinshi lu 䠁⸣䤴 (Record of Bronze and Stone Objects) 2, 32 Jinshi lue 䠁⸣⮕ (Brief Account on Bronze and Stone Objects) 2 Jinshi nixue 䠁⸣⌕ኁ (Catalogue of Small Bronze, Stone and Clay Objects) 184 Jinshi shishi 䠁⸣ॱһ (Ten Contributions to Metal and Stone Study) 65, 215, 219, 268 jinshi shuhua 䠁⸣ᴨ⮛ (painting and calligraphy in bronze and stone style) 168 Jinshi shumu lu 䠁⸣ᴨⴞ䤴 (Index of ‘Jinshi’ Publications) 13 jinshi tongshou 䠁⸣਼༭ (long life like bronze and stone) 87 Jinshi yaoli 䠁⸣㾱ֻ (Essential Examples of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions) 3 jinshihua 䠁⸣⮛ (painting infused with the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone) 90

291

jinshiqi 䠁⸣≓ (aura of bronze and stone) 89, 112, 133, 143, 144, 203 jinshiseng 䠁⸣‫( ܗ‬monk of epigraphy) 64 Jinshishi 䠁⸣ਢ (History of Bronze and Stone) 32, 213, 219, 259 Jinshixie 䠁⸣ኁ (Fragments of Metal and Stone) 64, 218, 254 Jinshixue 䠁⸣ᆨ (the epigraphic study of inscriptions on bronze and stone) 1, 2, 9–13, 89, 185, 194, 202, 203, 205, 207–9, 217, 252, 256, 262, 265, 272, 279 Jinshu ᱹᴨ (History of Jin) 39 Jinxiang tishishi 䠁䜹ࢄ⸣ᇔ (Scrubbing a Stone in the Golden County Studio) 17, 211 jiunengseng ҍ㜭‫( ܗ‬monk of nine competences) 64 jizhen 䳶⧽ (painting the collected treasures) 75 juanfeng ধ䤂 (curling back the brush tip) 118 juanzi naguan ᦀ䋢㌽ᇈ (obtain an official position by making a donation to the government) 99 jue ⡥ (bronze wine vessel) 134 juemiao haoci ㎅࿉ྭ䗝 (extremely clever and ingenious ballad) 211 jümo 䐍ᵛ (bronze bow fitting) 101, 102, 229, 263 Junqing dali ‫׺‬যབྷ࡙ (Great Prosperity to Junqing) 132 juren 㠹Ӫ (people who passed the provincial examination) 96 jusha 䤨出 (Pristiophorus japonicus; Japanese sawshark) 148, 164, 237 Kaifa suyuan ᾧ⌅ⓟⓀ (In Search of the Origin of Standard Script) 197 Kaihuang era 䮻ⲷ 100, 102 Kaimu shique 䮻⇽⸣䰅 (Watchtower of Kaimu Temple) 54 kaishu ᾧᴨ (standard script) 20, 23, 27, 28, 44, 45, 54, 94, 111, 113, 115, 118, 132, 143, 197

292

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Kaiyuan era 䮻‫ ݳ‬42 Kaiyuan Temple 䮻‫ݳ‬ሪ 173 Kang Tongwei ᓧ਼㮷 171, 243, 266 Kang Youwei ᓧᴹ⛪ 4, 10, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 31, 44–6, 48, 52, 54, 113, 143, 162, 171, 187, 200–2, 212, 215, 216, 231, 235, 242, 246, 274 Kangwu ᓧӄ (the fifth year of Taikang era of Western Jin) 81 Kaogong 㘳ᐕ 72, 271 Kaogu tu 㘳ਔെ (Illustrated Investigation of Antiquities) 2, 101, 141, 207, 269 kaozheng 㘳䅹 (textual evidence) 2, 4, 48, 67, 88, 165, 173, 186 kaozhengxue 㘳䅹ᆨ (Evidential Learning) 4–6, 9–12, 14–16, 18, 20, 21, 48, 57, 58, 70, 79, 87–9, 91, 99, 102, 122, 127, 141, 145, 146, 153, 155, 158–60, 163, 173, 186, 193, 197, 201, 203, 230, 236, 238, 263, 272, karayo ୀ⁓ (Chinese style model-book calligraphy) 201 Kawai Senro ⋣Ӆ㥳ᔜ 238 ke ਟ 25, 26 Ke Fengsun ḟ匣ᆛ, also known as Ke Shaowen 188, 192, 247, 258 kefu ࡫ㅖ (the carved inscription for tallies or seals) 22 Kishida Gink |የ⭠੏俉 195, 197, 248, 249, 262, 270, 272 Ko¯kuri Ko¯taio¯hi 儈ት哇ྭཚ⦻⻁ (Stele of Gwanggaeto the Great of Goguryeo), known as Gaojuli guangtu kaijing ping’an Haotaiwang bei 儈ት哇ᔓ൏䮻൏ ຳᒣᆹྭཚ⦻⻁ 197, 249 Kong Xian bei ᆄ㗘⻁ (Stele of Kong Xian), also known as Weifeng Kong Xian si Kongzi bei 兿ሱᆄ 㗘⽰ᆄᆀ⻁ or Kongzi miao bei ᆄᆀᔏ⻁ 30–2, 36, 37, 39, 42, 45, 213 Kongjiaohui ᆄᮉᴳ (Confucian Association) 187, 247, 255, 278

Kongjiaohui zazhi ᆄᮉᴳ䴌䂼 (Confucian Association Monthly) 188, 247, 255 kubi jiaomo ᷟㅶ❖໘ (thickened ink and thirsty brush mode) 128 Kusakabe Meikaku ᰕл䜘匤古 197–200, 249, 253 lanhou ᠦ⥤ (Loris) 163 Langyetai ⨵䛚㠪 66 lanhu 䯼㜑 (Periophthalmus cantonensis; mud-skipper) 148 Laozi yiben 㘱ᆀ҉ᵜ (Classic of Way and Virtue–Second Version) 25 Lengqu tu ߧ䏓െ (Favour in Solitude) 128 Li Baoxun ᵾ㩶ᙲ 35 Li Chao ᵾ▞ 42 Li Chao bafen xiaozhen ge ᵾ▞‫࠶ޛ‬ሿ ㇶⅼ (A Song in Praise of Li Chao’s Calligraphy in Bafen and Small-seal Script) 42 Li Cheng ᵾᡀ 18, 211 Li Fang ᵾᯩ 220 Li Fangying ᵾᯩ㟪 120 Li Fusun ᵾᇼᆛ 14 Li Gonglin ᵾ‫ޜ‬哏 96 Li Hanqing ᵾ╒䶂 184 Li He ৢ及 48 Li Hongzhang ᵾ卫ㄐ 161 Li Huixian ᵾ㮉ԉ 171 Li Jinhong ᵾ䥖卫 78 Li Pingshu ᵾᒣᴨ 170, 171 Li Qingzhao ᵾ␵➗, known as Yi’an ᱃ᆹ 136, 137, 138 Li Ru ᵾᆪ 188 Li Ruiqing ᵾ⪎␵ 171, 235 Li Shanlan ᵾழ㱝 159, 161, 240, 263 Li Shizhen ᵾᱲ⧽ 151, 165, 242 Li Si ᵾᯟ 22, 27 Li Tang ᵾୀ 122, 124 Li Xiucheng ᵾ⿰ᡀ 93 Li Yangbing ᵾ䲭ߠ 54 Li Yi’an tumi chunqu tu ᵾ᱃ᆹ䞤䟮᱕ ৫െ (Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone” after the Poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao]) 137, 138

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Li Yuancheng ᵾ䚐䗠 174 Li Yunjia ᵾ㆐హ 90, 226 Li Zongtong ᵾᇇ‫ ׇ‬221 Li Zuoxian ᵾր䌒 155 Liang Hu ằ厐 30 Liang Dingfen ằ唾㣜 187, 190 Liang Han jinshiji ‫╒ޙ‬䠁⸣䁈 (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Western and Eastern Han Dynasties) 14, 173 Liang Qichao ằஏ䎵 4, 10, 55, 161, 171, 208, 241, 242, 263 Liang Yusheng ằ⦹㒙 13 Liang Zhe jinshizhi ‫⎉ޙ‬䠁⸣ᘇ (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Zhejiang) liang ‫( ޙ‬37.8 grams) 67, 71,78, 82, 99–101, 228–30 Liangchengshan debei tu ‫ޙ‬෾ኡᗇ⻁െ (Obtaining a Stele at Mt Liangcheng) 16, 210 Liangqianwan tou huaiyun de muzhu ‫ॳޙ‬㩜九ᠧᆅⲴ⇽䊜 (Twenty Million Pregnant Sow) 203 Liangyou zengbei tu 㢟৻䌸⻁െ (Receiving Rubbings from Fine Companions) 211 Lianyi 㬞㺓 (the head master of the Lingzhi Temple) 83 libian 䳨䆺 (transformation of the clerical script) 5 Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanshi fatie ↧ԓ䩈唾ᖍಘⅮ䆈⌅ᑆ (Model Inscriptions from Ritual Bronzes from Successive Dynasties) 2, 101, 208, 255 Liexian jiupai ࡇ‫ۺ‬䞂⡼ (Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals) 122, 124, 233, 271 Liji ⿞䁈 (Book of Rites) 160, 207, 258 Lin Song Cengongdong timing 㠘>㤳 Ԣ⭛@ᆻ዁‫ޜ‬⍎乼਽ (After Fan Zhongfu’s Poem, Cave of Duke Cen of the Song Dynasty) 116, 117 Lin Xiongguang ᷇➺‫ ݹ‬236 Lin Xiyue Huashanmiao bece 㠘㾯Ꮽ 㨟ኡᔏ⻁޺ (Calligraphy after

293

Stele for the Temple of Mt Hua, the Western Peak) 49 Lin’an 㠘ᆹ 82 Ling Tingkan ߼ᔧ๚ 13, 15 Lishi 䳨䟻 (Interpretation of Clerical Script) 33, 82 lishu 䳨ᴨ (clerical script) 4, 5, 10, 22, 27–31, 33, 37–9, 41–5, 52, 54, 66, 77, 82, 94, 113, 117–19, 132, 143, 172, 183, 197, 203, 213, 212 lishu mingjia 䳨ᴨ਽ᇦÿ (masters of li script) 28 liti taben ・億ᤃᵜ (three-dimensional rubbings) 64 Liu Chang ࢹᮎ 2 Liu Chenggan ࢹ᢯ᒩ 188 Liu Deliu ࢹᗧ‫ ޝ‬85, 224 Liu E ࢹ及 142 Liu Jiang ࢹ⊏ 203 Liu Kang ࢹᓧ 63 Liu Shiheng ࢹц⨙ 236 Liu Shipei ࢹᑛษ 162 Liu Xiong bei ࢹ➺⻁ (Stele of Liu Xiong) 100 Liu Xizai ࢹ⟉䔹 44, 45 Liu Yazi ḣӎᆀ 179 Liuchao bieziji ‫ޝ‬ᵍࡕᆇ䁈 (Alternative Written Characters from the Six Dynasties) 101, 118 Liulichang ⨹⪳ᔐ (antique market in Beijing) 141 Liushiqiliang caifeng tu ‫ॱޝ‬г‫ޙ‬䟷 付െ (Sixty-Seven Indigenous Products and Customs of Taiwan) 154, 259 Liuzhou lifo tu ‫ޝ‬㡏⿞֋െ (Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture) 68, 221, 259 Liuzhou tiding tu ‫ޝ‬㡏ࢄ䩉െ (Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand) Liwang zhong ৢ⦻ຊ (Tomb of Duke Li) 66 Lixue ⨶ᆨ (Neo-Confucianism) 9, 21, 159 Lizhi pu 㦄᷍䆌 (Study on Lychees) 155

294

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

long ⫿ (half-moon-shaped segments) 141 Long Dayuan 喽བྷ␥ 141, 234, 264 Longhua Temple 喽ॆሪ 18 Longmen 喽䮰 52, 118, 232, 265 longtiao huwo 喽䐣㱾㠕 (leaping dragon and crouching tiger) 118 Lü Cheng ੲ▲ 201, 251, 255 Lü Dalin ੲབྷ㠘 2, 101, 141 Lu 冟 (Shandong) 46, 47 Lu Hui 䲨ᚒ 34, 171, 203 Lu Jian 冟ี 10, 208 Lu Sheng 䲨㒙 34 Luo Pin 㖵㚈 14, 39, 48, 125 Luo Zhenyu 㖵ᥟ⦹ 72, 141–3, 184–8, 191, 192, 196, 197, 199, 208, 214, 222, 234, 235, 246–9, 258, 265, 266, 272, 273, 276 Luoyang ⍋䲭 16, 33, 39, 174, 175, 210, 211, 229, 245, 261 Lütian’an ㏐ཙᓥ (Green-Sky Hut) 93, 220, 223, 224 Ma Fuyan 俜‫ڵ‬ዙ, also known as Ma Qifeng 俜䎧匣 64, 218 Ma Heng 俜㺑 2, 207, 265 Ma Xiangbo SJ 俜⴨՟ 163 Ma Yuan 俜䚐 119 Ma Zonglian 俜ᇇ⪹ 13 mabianyu 俜䷝冊 (Fistularia petimba; red cornetfish) 148 Magu xianshou 哫ခ⦫༭ (Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes) 133, 140, 234 Mao Darong 㤵བྷᇩ 203 Maoling 㤲䲥 72, 221, 275 Maruyama Daiu ޶ኡབྷ䗲 200, 250 Matsuda Sekka ᶮ⭠䴚ḟ 197, 200 Matsumaru To¯gyo ᶮѨᶡ冊 245 mayinghua 俜㓃㣡 (Rhododendron delavayi) 149, 151, 154 Meihua tuce ẵ㣡െ޺ (Album of Plum Blossoms) 50, 52 meishu 㖾㺃 (fine arts) 164, 185 Meishu congshu 㖾㺃਒ᴨ (Compendium of Art) 179, 212, 213, 216, 232, 233, 254, 260, 266

Mi Fu ㊣㣮 20, 212, 213, 266, 270 miao ᧿ (drawing) 122 mingqi ᰾ಘ (burial objects) 141, 185, 187 mingwen 䣈᮷ (inscription on bronze or seal) 83, 111, 112 Mingyue qianshen ᰾ᴸࡽ䓛 (Your Former Life was the Moon/ Moon was Her Former Life) 94, 226, 227 minshu ≁ᓦ (common folk) 190 Minzhong haicuo shu 䯙ѝ⎧䥟⮿ (Discussion on the Sea Life of the Fujian Region) 151, 271 Minzhong lizhi tongpu 䯙ѝ㦄᷍䙊䆌 (General Study on Lychees from Fujian) 155 Miu Zi 㑶ể 96 mogu ⋂僘 (boneless) 125 Mohai shuguan ໘⎧ᴨ佘 (Inkstone Press) 159 Mohe tu ໘㦧െ (Lotus in Ink) 128, 233 mohui ᪩㒚 (trace-copy drawing) 58 moke ᪩࡫ (trace-copy carving) 58 Momei tuzhou ໘ẵെ䔨 (Plum Blossoms in Ink) 128, 129 Mowang ໘⦻ (Master of Ink) 65 moyin ᪩ঠ (the crooked and elaborate script carved on seals), see also Qin xiwen 〖⫭᮷ 22 Mozhuan ⼘⼊ (Polishing Bricks) 65 Mozi ໘ᆀ 2, 207, 266 Mr Meicen ⴹ዁‫ ⭏ݸ‬77 Mt Song of Henan Province ⋣ই᎙ኡ 54 Mt Tai ⌠ኡ 16, 118 Mt Xinfu in Xintai County, Shandong Province ኡᶡᯠ⌠ᯠ⭛ 39 Mt Yi of Shandong Province ኡᶡᏗኡ 54 Mt Ziyuan ㍛䴢ኡ 16, 210 Mu’an cangqi mu ᵘᓥ㯿ಘⴞ (Mu’an’s [Cheng Zhenjia] Antique Collection) 220 Mudan jinpen zhegu tu ⢑ѩ䠁⳶吃卓 െ (Peony, Golden Flower Pot and Partridges) 79

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

295

mufu system ᒅᓌࡦᓖ (army aids and staff support-system to the government) 12, 209 Murca Tieliang ぶ⡮ሏ䩥㢟 35

Ouzhong wuchantu juan diyiben ⬼ѝ⢙⭒െধㅜаᵜ (The First Version of Local Products from Wenzhou) 149, 150

Nakamura Fusetsu ѝᶁнᣈ 200, 250, 274 Nanbei shupai lun ইेᴨ⍮䄆 (Treatise on the Northern and Southern Schools of Calligraphy) 19, 209, 212, 268, Nanchang fuzhi ই᰼ᓌᘇ (Gazetteer of Nanchang) 14 Nancheng ই෾ 99 Nanshe ই⽮ (The South Society) 179, 242, 245, 270, 279 Nansong Xianchun ইᆻ૨␣ (Xianchun era of Southern Song) 85 Nanxu ইᗀ 77 Nanxun ই▟ 175, 176, 245, 278, 279 Nanyue zhi ই䎺ᘇ (Gazetteer of Southern Yue [Guangdong]) 153 niaoshu 匕ᴨ (the winding bird-shaped script for banners or tallies) 22 nibi 䘶ㅶ (upturned brush) 120, 128 Nie Huang 㚦⫌ 151, 152 Nihongga ᰕᵜ⭫ (Japanese style painting) 202 Ningbo Road ሗ⌒䐟 170, 180 Nisshin Kisen Kabushiki Kaisha ᰕ␵ ⊭㡩Ṛᔿᴳ⽮ (Japanese-Qing Ferry Co. Ltd) 171 Niu Shuyu 䡅⁩⦹ 33 Northern Qi े啺 100, 119 Northern Wei े兿 4, 5, 19, 22, 46, 48, 51, 54, 90, 94, 96, 98, 104, 111–15, 118, 119, 121–3, 125, 132, 197, 216, 235, 260 Nüxue bao ྣᆨ๡ (Women’s News) 171, 243

Pai qiangyouli de ganbu longdao yangzhu ⍮ᕧᴹ࣋Ⲵᒩ䜘么ሾ 伺䊜 (Send the Strong and Helpful Cadre to Lead Rearing Pigs) 203 Pan Cun █ᆈ 197 Pan Zengshou █ᴮ㏜ 67 Pan Zengying █ᴮ⪙ 18, 212 Pan Zuyin █⾆㭝 66, 67, 99–101, 104, 113, 114, 227–9, 231, 266 pan ⴔ (bronze basin) 24, 25, 133, 139 Pang Laichen 嗀㨺㠓 180 Pang Zeluan 嗀◔䪮 180, 246, 267 Pangulou yiqi kuanshi ᬰਔ⁃ᖍಘⅮ䆈 (Research on Inscriptions from Ancient Objects at Pavilion of Making Friends with the Ancient [Studio of Panzuyin]) 67 Pangxi minzhai congshu ⓲ௌ≁啻਒ᴨ (Book Series of Pangxi People’s Studio [Studio of Pan Zuyin]) 67 Pei Du 㼤ᓖ 132 Pei Jingmin bei 㼤䨑≁⻁ (Stele of Pei Jingmin) 197 Penglai suyue 㬜㨺ᇯ㌴ (Old Commitment from Immortal Land Penglai) 34, 210, 214, 222, 267 Pengze ᖝ◔ 111, 231 Ping Jin dubeiji ᒣ⍕䆰⻁䁈 (Notes on Investigations of Steles in Beijing and Tianjin) 15 pingbi ᒣㅶ (flattened brushstroke) 38 Pinghua tu ⬦㣡െ (Flowers in Vase) 79 pipa ⩥⩦ (four stringed Chinese music instrument) 139 po ⌒ (left-falling) 119 pozhe ⌒⼄ (wavy, right-slanting) 42 Prince Ding ᇊ㿚⦻, known as Asin Giro Daiquan ᝋᯠ㿪㖵ᡤ䣃 74 Prince Ruimin ⪎᭿䜑⦻, known as Asin Giro Yizhi ᝋᯠ㿪㖵྅䂼 74, 77

Ouyang Xiu ↀ䲭‫ ؞‬2, 18, 101 Ouyang Xun ↀ䲭䂒 28, 46, 118, 233 Ouzhong caomu siping ⬼ѝ㥹ᵘഋቿ (Four Panels of Vegetation in Wenzhou) 149, 156, 238

296

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

pulu 䆌䤴 (scientific treatises; chronology and manuals) 155, 181 Qian Bojung 䥒՟ซ 13 Qian Daxin 䥒བྷ᱅ 14, 39 Qian Dazhao 䥒བྷᱝ 14 Qian Dian 䥒ඛ 13 Qian Du 䥒ᶌ 101 Qian Jingtang 䥒䨑ຈ 62, 76 Qian Shi 䥒ᔿ 117, 225 Qian Shunju 䥒㡌㠹, known as Qian Xuan 䥒䚨 74, 75, 222 Qian Song 䥒ᶮ 14, 48, 89, 94, 118, 122, 144, 225–7, 233, 262 Qian Yong 䥒⌣ 13, 34, 210, 264 Qianchen mengyinglu ࡽລདྷᖡ䤴 (Record of Reflections of the Past) 77, 218, 276 Qiangpanming ໫ⴔ䣈 (Qiang’s Eulogy and Prayer) 23–5 Qiangshutang jiancun guyin ᕧᚅา䪂 ᆈਔঠ (Authenticated Ancient Seals from the Qiangshutang Collection) 104 Qianlong era Ү䲶 12, 16, 20, 46, 63, 73, 145 Qiansui tu ॳ↢െ (One Thousand Years) 74, 75, 77, 78 qiedao ࠷࠰ (cutting blade) 104, 230 Qiguan xian Pengzeling wushiri Ỵᇈ ‫ݸ‬ᖝ◔Ԕӄॱᰕ (After Being Magistrate of Pengze for Fifty Days, Resignation was the First Choice) 111 Qin Enfu 〖ᚙᗙ 71 Qin xiwen 〖⫭᮷ (the crooked and elaborate script carved on seals), see also moyin ᪩ঠ 22 Qin Yan 〖ᐈ 71 Qin Yuqi 〖∃哂 135, 136 Qin zhuan 〖ㇶ (small-seal script) 22 Qinchong shu ⿭㸢䘠 (Discussion on animals and insects) 155 Qin quan 〖℺ (Qin bronze weight) 186 Qinding Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao Ⅽᇊഋᓛ‫ޘ‬ᴨ㑭ⴞᨀ㾱

(Imperially Commissioned General Index and Annotations to the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) 11, 209, 277 Qinding xietang zhangcheng Ⅽᇊѝᆨ าㄐ〻 (Imperial Regulations for Secondary School) 160 Qing Huang Yi ji Qin Han wadang ␵哳᱃䳶〖╒⬖⮦ (Roof Tiles from the Qin and Han Dynasties Collected by Huang Yi of the Qing) 76, 77, 222 Qinggong tu ␵‫׋‬െ (Floral Arrangement for Festive Display) 79 qingjie 䶂㣕 (Brassica juncea; Chinese mustard) 151 Qingyige ␵ܰ䯓 (Pavilion of Tranquil Manner) 67, 93 Qingyige guqiwu shiwen ␵ܰ䯓ਔಘ⢙ 䟻᮷ (Textual Research on Scripts from the Ancient Objects Collected in Pavilion of Tranquil Manner) 67 Qingyige quanji ␵ܰ䯓‫ޘ‬䳶 (Completed Work of Pavilion of Tranquil Manner) 67 Qingyige tiba ␵ܰ䯓乼䏻 (Inscriptions of Pavilion of Decontaminated Manner) 82, 224, 278 Qingyige yinpu ␵ܰ䯓ঠ䆌 (Collection of Impressions of Seals from the Pavilion of Tranquil Manner) 67 qinxia ⩤㶖 (Gonodactylus chiragra; mantis shrimp) 148 qiongli マ⨶ (exhaustively mastering principles) 160 qishu ┶ᴨ (lacquer script) 50 Qiu Liangchen ⿻㢟㠓 143 qiwu ಘ⢙ (tools and objects; cultural relics) 155 qixing taben ಘᖒᤃᵜ (vessel-form rubbings) 64 quanxing ta ‫ޘ‬ᖒᤃ (composite rubbing) 62, 63 quanxing taben ‫ޘ‬රᤃᵜ (full-form rubbings) 64

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Qufu ᴢ䱌 66 Qu Hongji ⷯ卫⿘ 190 Qu Zhongrong ⷯѝⓦ 34, 155 Qunxian zhushou tu 㗔ԉ⾍༭െ (Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes) 139 “quzhe dundang ᴢᣈ乃ᇅ” (“curve, turn-back, pause and flow with variable speed features of brushwork”) 38 Qüzhou 㺒ᐎ 96 Rakuzendo¯ ′ழา 195 Ran ޹ 186 Ren Jin ԫ㨛 94 Ren Qi ԫ⏷ 123 Ren Qianqiu ԫॳ⿻ (Longevity to Ren [Yi]) 128, 233 Ren Xiong ԫ➺ 85, 99, 199, 122–5, 133–6, 140, 141, 144, 233, 235, 257 Ren Xiong zhiyin ԫ➺ѻঠ (Seal of Ren Xiong) 233 Ren Xun ԫ㯠 85, 234, 119, 125, 134, 136, 137 Ren Yi ԫ乔, known as Ren Bonian ԫ՟ᒤ 85, 94, 111, 125–8, 131, 133, 136, 138, 139, 196, 225, 226, 233–5, 276 Renlan zhu bupang Ӫᠦ䊜н㜆 (Lazy People Raise Slim Pigs) 203 Richard Wilhelm ሹ⿞䌒 188 Rikucho Shodo ‫ޝ‬ᵍᴨ䚃 (Six Dynasty School in Calligraphy) 201 Rong Geng ᇩᓊ 58, 63, 217, 218, 268 Rong Yuan ᇩ჋ 13 Ruan Changsheng 䱞ᑨ⭏ 61, 217 Ruan Yuan 䱞‫ ݳ‬4, 10, 12–14, 18, 19, 21–3, 26, 33, 39, 41, 43, 45, 46, 48, 55, 59–62, 64–7, 74, 75, 77, 78, 82, 84, 88, 93, 102, 135, 209, 212, 213, 215, 217–19, 224, 268, 273, 277, 278 Rui’anxian zhi ⪎ᆹ㑓ᘇ (Gazetteer of Rui’an County) 153 ruolan ㇜㱝 see honglan 151

297

Rushan fangbei tu ‫ޕ‬ኡ䁚⻁െ (Entering the Mountains to Find Steles) 212 Ruyi si ྲ᜿ሪ (Ruyi Temple) 69 Ryu¯minkai 喽ⵐՊ (Society of the Slumbering Dragon) 201 Sancai tuhui й᡽െᴳ (The Illustrated Encyclopaedia) 164, 165, 242, 272 Sangongshan yibei tu й‫ޜ‬ኡ〫⻁െ (Removing the Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters) 16, 17 Sanshi pan ᮓ∿ⴔ 65 saomei ᦳẵ (brushwork of sweeping the plum blossoms) 128 Sha Fu sanshijiusui xiaoxiang ⋉俕й ॱҍ↢ሿ䊑 (Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine) 125, 126 Sha Menghai ⋉ᆏ⎧ 203 Shaanxi 䲍㾯 3, 12, 18, 24, 72, 115, 135 shaiziyu 僠ᆀ冊 (Ostraciidae; boxfish) 148, 152, 237, 265 Shan Xiaotian ௞᳹ཙ203, 204, 252, 258 shandan ኡѩ (Ixora parviflora Vahl, torch tree) see also zhuqiu 151 Shandong ኡᶡ 3, 12, 13, 16, 18, 39, 44, 46, 54, 65–7, 118 Shandong huiguan ኡᶡᴳ佘 187 Shang period ୶ᵍ 143 Shang Yanzhi ୶䀰ᘇ 171 Shanggu кਔ (High Antiquity) 21 Shanghai к⎧ 58, 85, 89–91, 93, 94, 127, 131, 133, 155, 159, 161–3, 167–72, 176, 177, 180, 181, 183, 185, 187, 188, 190, 191, 195–7, 199–201, 203, 204 Shanghai shuhua yanjiuhui к⎧ᴨ⮛⹄ ウᴳ (Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Society) 170 Shanghai Xiling yinshe к⎧㾯⌐ঠ⽮ (Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society Shanghai Branch) 168, 170

298

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Shanghai xunshe к⎧ᐭ⽮ (Society of Conformism [Traditional Values] in Shanghai) 169 Shangyu Luo Zhenyu Yongmuyuan к㲎㖵ᥟ⦹≨ចൂ 185, 222, 265 Shangyu Luoshi к㲎㖵∿ 185 Shang zunhao bei кሺ㲏⻁ (Stele Recording the Appeal to Cao Pi to Ascend the Throne) 216 Shanye jinshishi ኡ䟾㌰һ䂙 (Poems for Recoding Events from the Mountains and Plains) 219 Shanzuo jinshizhi ኡᐖ䠁⸣ᘇ (Record of Metal and Stone Inscriptions from Shandong) 13, 39 Shao Jinhan 䛥ᱹ⏥ 13 Shao Zhichun 䛥ᘇ㍄ 14 Shaoxing ㍩㠸 91, 93–5, 99, 149 shaxun ⋉౰ (Stichopus japonicas; Japanese spiky sea cucumber) 148 She pu 㳷䆌 (Study on Snakes) 155 Shen Fucan ⊸ᗙ㋢ 95 Shen Heqing ⊸઼য 171, 243 Shen Quan ⊸㥳 19 Shen Shuyong ⊸⁩䨎, known as Shen Junchu ⊸൷ࡍ 34, 99–101, 106, 172, 173, 177, 214, 229, 231, 244, 245, Shen Tang ⊸ຈ, known as Shen Lianfang ⊸㬞㡛 34 Shen Tao ⊸☔, known as Shen Paolu ⊸िᔜ 14, 16, 18, 212, 269, Shen Yuqing ⊸∃ឦ 173 Shen Zengzhi ⊸ᴮἽ 187, 190, 236 Sheng Xuanhuai ⴋᇓᠧ 171, 244, 275 Shengfeng Yao Shun jun buren bianyongjue ⭏䙒๟㡌ੋнᗽ‫ׯ‬ ≨䁓 (Born in a Time of Emperors Yao and Shun, I Cannot Bear to be Separated by Death) 96 “shen hou chen yu ␡৊⊹兡” (forceful, abundant, hefty and intricate) 183 Shenzhou daguan ⾎ᐎབྷ㿰 (Grand View of Cathay) 179, 180, 248

Shenzhou guoguangji ⾎ᐎ഻‫ݹ‬䳶 (National Glories of Cathay) 179 Shenzhou ribao ⾎ᐎᰕ๡ (The National Herald) 180 Shexian ↉㑓 93 Shi Bohua ᯭ㼌㨟 91 Shi Shanchang ਢழ䮧 13 shi ऒ (forceful tendency) 30 Shibao ᱲ๡ (The Eastern Times) 171, 243, 261 shidai sichao ᱲԓᙍ▞ (Zeitgeist; spirit of a time; tide of a time) 4, 9, 208, 209 shiguwen ⸣啃᮷ (stone-drum script) 52, 66, 128, 182, 231 shijie ⸣⹍, see guijiao 148 Shijikao ਢ㉽㘳 (Study on Historical Writing, 1788; by Bi Yuan) 13 Shijikao ਢ㉽㘳 (Study on Historical Writing, 1802; by Xie Qikun) 14 Shijingxuan shangbei tu 䂙ຳ䔂䌎⻁െ (Appreciating Rubbings at the Studio of Poetic Field) 34, 214 Shili jianchao ⸣↧㉑䡄 (Brief Notes on Collected Stones) 185 Shimenming ⸣䮰䣈 115 Shiwubao ᱲउ๡ (Current Affairs News) 161 Shixu ц㒼 192 shou ༭ (longevity) 78 shoufu ᆸ႖ 186 shu ᴨ 37 shu 䉾 (vertical) 29, 119 Shu Feng 㡂匣 161 Shu Nan 㡂ḏ, known as Meipu ẵള 99 shuangdao 䴉࠰ (dual/multipledirection blade) 110, 200 shuanggou 䴉䢔 (double-hook brushwork) 128 Shubi fa 䘠ㅶ⌅ (Comments on Brushwork) 197 Shuihudi of Yunmeng county, Hubei Province ⒆ेⴱ䴢དྷ㑓෾䰌ⶑ 㱾ൠ 23, 24

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Shuowen jiezi 䃚᮷䀓ᆇ (Explaining Pictographic Characters and Analysing Composite Characters) 22 Shushi 㴰ᑛ 82, 224, 268 shushu ⇣ᴨ (the incised script on weapons and arc-shaped surfaces) 22 shushu 㖢ᴨ (the official script on horizontal inscribed boards) 22 Shushu 䘠ᴨ (Comments on Calligraphy) 197, 212, 213, 232, 254 Shuxue 䘠ᆨ (Notes on Learning) 72 si ⽰ 31 Si Sangongshan bei ⽰й‫ޜ‬ኡ⻁ (Stele of Making Sacrifice to Mt Three Masters) 16, 17, 31, 32, 39, Siccawei Museum ᗀᇦय़ঊ⢙䲒 6, 163 Sigong ሪᐕ 71, 72, 221, 222, 261, 264 Siji huahui tuping ഋᆓ㣡ॹെቿ (Floral Paintings of Four Seasons) 129, 132 Sikong Tu ਨオെ 94, 227, 270 Siku quanshu ഋᓛ‫ޘ‬ᴨ (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) 10, 11 Silas Aaron Hardoon ૸਼ 184 Siming Bank ഋ᰾䢰㹼 180 siquan ഋ‫( ޘ‬Four Accomplishments) 89, 225 Song Cao ᆻᴩ 19 Song Luo Fangbei tu ᎙⍋䁚⻁െ (Investigating Steles in Luoyang and Songshan) 39, 174, 210, 211, 245, 261 Songbin yinshe ␎☡੏⽮ (Poetry Society by the Song River) 176 Songjiang songbie tu ␎⊏䘱ࡕെ (Parting at River in Spring) 196 Songjiangpai ᶮ⊏⍮ (Songjiang School of Painting), see also Huatingpai 㨟ӝ⍮ 19 Songlu fangbei tu ᎙哃䁚⻁െ (Investigating Steles at the Mount Song) 244 Songxi ᶮⓚ 64, 75, 77, 81,

299

Songxue ᆻᆨ (Song School of Neo-Confucianism) 21 Songyang Shuyuan ᎙䲭ᴨ䲒 (Songyang Academy of Classical Learning) 173 Su Zhaonian 㰷‫ݶ‬ᒤ 71 Suanhanwei xiang 䞨ሂሹ‫( ۿ‬Portrait for Poverty-stricken Military Officer [Wu Changshi]) 125 Sui Tang bing fu tulu 䲻ୀ‫ޥ‬ㅖെ䤴 (Catalogue of Sui and Tang Military Tallies) 185 Sui 䲻 9, 11, 46, 100, 102, 119, 185, 187 Suichao qinggong tu ↢ᵍ␵‫׋‬െ (Floral Arrangement for the New Year) 79 Suihe yanzudeng ㎿઼䳱䏣䩉 (Suihe goose-foot lamp stand) 71 Sun Chengze ᆛ᢯◔ 33, 34 Sun Deqian ᆛᗧ䅉 188 Sun furen bei ᆛཛӪ⻁ (Stele of Madame Sun), also known as Rencheng taishou Sun furen Sunshi Stele ԫ෾ཚᆸᆛཛӪᆛ ∿⻁ 38, 39 Sun Gengguan ᆛᴤ䋛 177, 178 Sun Heng ᆛ㺑 34 Sun Kehong ᆛ‫ݻ‬ᕈ 79 Sun Renpu ᆛӱള 196 Sun Xingyan ᆛᱏ㹽 13, 15, 34, 71 Sun Yirang ᆛ䂂䇃 142 Tai’an ⌠ᆹ 39 Taigong Wang bei ཚ‫ޜ‬ᵋ⻁ (Stele of Taigong Wang, 289), also known as Qi Taigong Lü Wang biao 啺ཚ‫ޜ‬ੲᵋ㺘 37–9 Taihu ཚ⒆ (Lake Tai) 79, 93 Taiping tianguo ཚᒣཙ഻ (Taiping Rebellions) 71, 84, 90, 221 tairiku ronin no ganso བྷ䲨⎚Ӫѻ‫⾆ݳ‬ (the first Mainland venturer) 195 Tang huiyao ୀᴳ㾱 (Essential History of Tang) 141, 142 Tang Jiaming ⒟హ਽ 94 Tang Qi Ying wazaoxiang ୀ⽱㤡⬖䙐 䊑 (Tang Dynasty Tile with Inscription “Qi Ying”) 100

300

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Tang Shouming ⒟㏜਽ 94 Tang Yifen ⒟䋭⊮ 83, 93, 226 Tang ୀ 20, 39, 42, 58, 100, 119, 121 Tang Yin ୀᇵ 220 tantuyu ᕸງ冊, see lanhu 148 Tao Baolian 䲦㩶ᓹ 188 Taoling ding 䲦䲥唾 (Tripod of Taoling, also known as the Dingtao Tripod) 218 Tao Yuanming 䲦␥᰾ 111, 231 taotie 侅佞 (mythical animal) 137 tayu ᩘ冊 (Trachurus japonicas; Japanese horse mackerel), see zhujiayu 148 tenghua 㰔㣡 (Wisteria sinensis; Chinese wisteria) 149 Tengshi tu 㰔⸣െ (Wisteria and Rock) 121 Bailianjiao zhiluan ⲭ㬞ᮉѻҲ (The White Lotus Rebellion) 91 ti 䏟 (perpendicular stroke) 43 tian ⭠ 48 Tiance ཙ޺ 82 Tianfa shenchanbei ཙⲬ⾎䇆⻁ (Stele of the Divine Prognostication Sent from Heaven, or Stele on Heavenly Augury) 41, 43, 44, 48, 54, 66, 110, 200, 215, 268 Tianjin Beiyang xixue xuetang ཙ⍕े ⌻㾯ᆨᆨา (Beiyang Western Study School in Tianjin; renamed Beiyang University) 171 Tianyige Library ཙа䯓 66, 93 tiedongqing 䩥ߜ䶂, see dingdong 149 tiehua yingou 䩥⮛䢰䢔 (as forceful and robust as metal; as soft and graceful as a silver hook) 122, 233 Tiepai ᑆ⍮ (Model-Calligraphy-Book School; Copybook School) 19, 216, 261 tieshu 䩥⁩ (Cycas revolute; sago palm) 149 tiexue ᑆᆨ (study of modelcalligraphy-book) 10, 20, 21 Tong Yu ㄕ䡪 104 Tongcheng Ẁ෾ 66

Tongfuo ji 䢵֋䁈 (Notes on Bronze Buddhist Sculptures) 119 Tonggu shutang jigu yinpu 䢵啃ᴨา䳶 ਔঠ䆌 (Catalogue of Ancient Seals from the Bronze Drum Book Dwelling) 101, 104 Tongmenghui ਼ⴏᴳ (Chinese United League) 179 Tongwen guan ਼᮷佘 161 Tongzhi 䙊ᘇ (Comprehensive Treatises) 2 Tu Benjun ነᵜ⮟ 151, 271 Tu Zhaopeng ነ‫ݶ‬厜 89, 225 tuli zhishu ᗂ䳨ѻᴨ (the writing of a prisoner) 27 tuxing taben െᖒᤃᵜ (pictorial rubbings) 64 Usun Nikki ੣␎ᰕ䁈 (Shanghai Diary) 195, 248 Wai buku zhong pojian ཆнᷟѝ乇ี (Appearance is Not Withered and Innate is Growing Strong) 50 Wan Chengji 㩜᢯㌰ 13 Wan Qingli 㩜䶂࣋ 144 Wan Zhongli 㩜ѝ・ 34, 214 Prose Poem for Wang Biaozhi ⦻ᖚѻі䌖䔨 (Wang Biaozhi bingfu zhou) 48, 216 Wang Bingen ⦻⿹ᚙ 188 Wang Chang ⦻ᱦ 14, 15, 34, 71, Wang Chen ⦻ᇨ 13 Wang Cizhong ⦻⅑Ԣ 27 Wang Duo ⦻䩨 19 Wang Fu ⦻ᗙ 13 Wang Fu ⦻唬 2, 101 Wang Guowei ⦻഻㏝ 2, 142, 145, 184–6, 188, 191, 207, 236, 246, 258, 272 Wang Guyu ⦻ਔᝊ 18 Wang Jilie ⦻ᆓ⛸ 188 Wang Jinyu ⦻ᱹ⦹ 99 Wang Lüyuan ⦻ኒ‫ݳ‬, known as Jihuan ᆓ↑ 105, 106–8, 230 Wang Naizheng ⦻ѳᗥ 190 Wang Nan ⦻ᾐ 244

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Wang Qi ⦻ኪ 165, 272 Wang Qinxian ⦻⩤ԉ 196 Wang Renjun ⦻ӱ‫ ׺‬180, 246, 272 Wang Rongfu ⊚ᇩ⭛ 72 Wang Shishen ⊚༛᝾ 48 Wang Shouchen ⦻༭ᇨ 192 Wang Tao ⦻丌 159, 168, 195, 243, 273 Wang Wenyong ⦻᮷⎼ 15 Wang Wenzhi ⦻᮷⋫ 13 Wang Xianzhi ⦻⦫ѻ 20 Wang Xiao ⦻᳹ 18, 211 Wang Xideng ⦻べⲫ 155 Wang Xizhi ⦻㗢ѻ 22 Wang Xuehao ⦻ᆨ⎙ 18, 212, 277 Wang Xun ⊚⍥ 170, 171 Wang Yirong ⦻ᠯ῞ 135, 142, 228 Wang Yuansun ⊚䚐ᆛ 91, 93 Wang Zhen ⦻䴷 170–2, 175–7, 244, 271 Wang Zhiqi ⦻⋫ዀ 16 Wang Zhong ⊚ѝ 13 Wang Zonglin ⊚䩈䵆 188 wang ⦻ 37 Wanggiya [Wanyen] Hengyong ᆼ乿㺑≨ 35 Wangu tu ⧙ਔെ (Enjoying Antiquities) 58, 59, 61, 217, 256, 260 Wanpai Ⳇ⍮ (Anhui School of Seal Carving) 105, 182 Wanyinlou 㩜ঠ⁃ (Pavilion of Ten Thousand Seals) 67 Wei Xu ䷻㒼 27, 213, 273 Wei (Liang) Kingdom 兿ằ ഻ 141 Wei County ☠㑓 67 Wei Dong Juexuan lin Zheng Xibo guo Baijugu ⛪㪓㿪䔂㠘䝝‫܆‬՟䙾ⲭ 倂䉧 (Calligraphy after Zheng Xibo’s White Horse Valley for Dong Juexuan) 114 Wei Lingcang bei 兿䵸㯿 (Stele of Wei Lingcang) 118 Wei Pan Zuyin shu siyanlian ⛪█⾆㭝 ᴨഋ䀰㚟 (Couplet for Pan Zuyin) 114

301

Wei wudoumi zheyao ⛪ӄᯇ㊣ᣈ㞠 (Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice) 109 Wei Xizeng 兿䥛ᴮ, known as Wei Jiasun 兿ぬᆛ 99, 102, 103, 111, 177, 229, 230, 232, 245 Wei Yuan 兿Ⓚ 160 Wei Zhang Mingke shu wuyanlian ⛪ᕥ匤⧲ᴨӄ䀰㚟 (Couplet for Zhang Mingke) 114 Wei Zhusheng 㺋䩴⭏ 89, 196, 225 Weihui County 㺋䕍 39 Weng Fanggang 㗱ᯩ㏡ 14, 17, 33, 34, 39, 61, 100, 173, 174, 209, 214, 245, 269, 273, Weng Luo 㗱䴂 91, 92 Wenlan’ge Library ᮷♮䯓 (Pavilion of Billowing Literature) 93 Wenming yaji shuhua hui ᮷᰾䳵䳶ᴨ ⮛ᴳ (Civilised Elegant Gathering for Calligraphers and Painters) 170 wenren ᮷Ӫ (scholarly official, elite or literati) 182, 271 Wenxuanlou ᮷䚨⁃ (Pavilion of Selection of Refined Literature) 219 Western Jin 㾯ᱹ 38, 39, 81, 85, 122 Western Wei 㾯兿 119 wuo ᡁ 36 Wu Changshi yinpu ੣᰼⻙ঠ䆌 (Seals of Wu Changshi) 227, 231, 274 Wu Changshi ੣᰼⻙, known as Changshi ᰼⸣, Cangshi ‫⸣ع‬, Junqing ‫׺‬য, Wu Jun ੣‫ ׺‬54, 85–7, 90, 94–6, 111, 113, 125, 127–33, 170–2, 175–7, 182, 196, 199, 200, 203, 216, 225–7, 231, 233–6, 238, 244, 245, 247, 250, 253, 256, 257, 260, 264, 265, 272, 274–6, 279 Wu Dacheng ੣བྷ▲ 135, 141, 142, 173–5, 199, 200, 203, 212, 234, 235, 244, 245, 250, 251, 257, 263, 279 Wu Dongfa ੣ᶡⲬ 14

302

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Wu Jun zhiyin ੣‫׺‬ѻঠ (Seal of Wu Jun) 132 Wu Jun ੣ܱ 74 Wu Junqing yin ੣‫׺‬যঠ (Seal of Wu Junqing) 132 Wu Putang ੣⁨า 203, 204, 252, 258 Wu Qijun ੣ަ☜ 151, 238, 275 Wu Rongguang ੣῞‫ ݹ‬14, 15, 66, 67, 81, 84 Wu Shaoyu ੣䛥ᱡ 13 Wu Kingdom ੣഻ 41, 46, 66, 85, 110, 224, 268 Wu Tailai ੣⌠ֶ 13 Wu Tingkang ੣ᔧᓧ 66, 68, 69, 83, 85, 220, 224, 225 Wu Wenpu ੣᮷ⓕ 13 Wu Xiqi ੣䥛哂 34 Wu Xizai ੣⟉䔹, known as Wu Rangzhi ੣䇃ѻ 54, 103, 144, 172 Wu Yi ↖ܴ 34, 39 Wu Zhao ੣➗ 13 Wu Zheng ੣ᗥ 18 wuchen zao ᠺ䗠䙐 (made in the year wuchen) 223 Wufeng era ӄ匣 82 Wujiang ⛿⊏ 69, 204 Wujin ↖䙢 132, 133 Wujing tingzhang fan Wujingshi zhuren 㮚㧱ӝ䮧伟㧱㮚ᇔѫӪ (Master of the Pavilion of Cooked Turnips, [also known as] Master of the Studio of Eating Flowering Garlic Chives and Weeds) 132 Wuliangci ↖ằ⾐ (Wuliang Shrines) 16, 210 Wulin jinshiji ↖᷇䠁⸣䁈 (Record of Bronze and Stele Inscriptions in Wulin [Hangzhou]) 15 Wuling ↖᷇ (Hangzhou) 77 Wuping era ↖ᒣ 100 Wushiliu zhong shu bingxu ӄॱ‫ޝ‬ぞ ᴨіᒿ (Preface and Notes on Fifty-Six Types of Script) 27, 273 Wuxi ❑䥛 12 Wuyuan shuhua yaji ੮ൂᴨ⮛䳵䳶 (Elegant Gatherings for

Calligraphy and Painting at the Wu Garden) 90 Wuyuan 㮚ൂ (the Garden of Overgrown Weeds) 132 Wuyue Baozheng ੣䎺ሦ↓ (Baozheng era of Wuyue State) 81 Xi Gang ྊዑ 14, 48, 230, 262 Xi Weishu 㾯兿ᴨ (History of Western Wei) 14 xia 䚀 36 Xian Qin guqiji ‫〖ݸ‬ਔಘ䁈 (Notes on Antiquities from the Pre-Qin Periods) 2 xian ጤ 117 xiandanhua ԉѩ㣡 (Rhododendron delavayi) see also mayinghua, shandan 154 Xianfeng era ૨䊀 12, 46, 145, 149, 183, 209, 226, 229, 235, 270 Xiangfei bamboo ⒈ླㄩ (Phyllostachys Bambusoides f. lacrima-deae, the bamboo with unusal leopard like markings on the culms) 139 Xiangjiaxiang ⴨ᇦᐧ 72 Xiangtan ⒈▝ 204 xiangtun ㇡冘, see shaiziyu 148 Xianhe era ૨઼ 82 Xianning era ૨ሗ 39 xianrenzhang ԉӪᦼ (Cactus) 149, 151 Xiantian bagua ‫ݸ‬ཙ‫ޛ‬খ (The Eight Trigrams, The Primordial) 29 xiao ᆍ 36, 37 Xiao Lütian anzhu Lushan xingjiao tu ሿ㏐ཙᓥѫᔜኡ㹼㞣െ (Master of the Small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot) 83, 84 Xiao Lütian’an tu ሿ㏐ཙᓥെ (Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut) 83, 84 Xiao Lutianan yincao ሿ㏐ཙᓥ੏㥹 (Poetic Songs of the Hut of Little Blue-Sky Studio [name of Famous Monk-Calligrapher Huaisu ᠧ㍐]) 219

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Xiao penglaige ሿ㬜㨺䯓 (Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island) 33 Xiao penglaige hebei tu ሿ㬜㨺䯓䋰 ⻁െ (Acquisition of Stele at Little Penglai Immortal Pavilion) 17, 211 Xiao penglaige jinshi wenzi ሿ㬜㨺䯓 䠁⸣᮷ᆇ (List of Inscriptions on Bronze and Stone Objects at Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island) 15, 222, 261 Xiao penglaige jinshimu ሿ㬜㨺䯓䠁⸣ ⴞ (List of Bronze and Stone Objects at the Pavilion of Little Penglai Immortal Island) 36, 39, 46 Xiaohuayuan Shangyu yaji ሿ㣡ൂ୶佈 䳵䳶 (Tea House of Elegant Gathering after Business in Little Garden District) 170 Xiaohuayuan shuhua yanjiuhui ሿ㣡ൂ ᴨ⮛⹄ウᴳ (Little Garden Calligraphy and Painting Society) 170 xiaojing zahua ሿᲟ䴌⮛ (painting of miscellaneous small scenes) 238 xiaokai ሿᾧ (small font standard script) 118 Xiaoxuekao ሿᆨ㘳 (Study on Small Learning) 14 Xiaoyangqiu ሿ䲭⿻ (The Gentle Autumn Sun) 127, 233, 279 xiaozhuan ሿㇶ (small-seal script), see also Qin zhuan 〖ㇶ 22, 212 Xichui shike houlu 㾯䲢⸣࡫ᖼ䤴 (Postscripts to Carved stones from the Western borders of China) 185 Xie Qikun 䅍ஏᰶ 12, 14, 82 xie ማ (writing) 125 xiejingti ማ㏃億 (sutra-style script) 21 Xiesheng jinping weihua tu ማ⭏䠁⬦ 兿㣡െ (Peony and Gold Vase in True to Life Stye) 79 “Xihan Dingtao ding quanxingta tuguan 㾯╒ᇊ䲦唾‫ޘ‬ᖒᤃെধ”

303

(The Scroll of the Composite Rubbings of Dingtao Tripod of the Western Han) 62, 63 Xijin Yongning 㾯ᱹ≨ሗ (Yongning era of Western Jin) 81 Xijin Yuankang 㾯ᱹ‫ݳ‬ᓧ (Yuankang era of Western Jin) 81, 82, 85 Xiling bajia 㾯⌐‫ޛ‬ᇦ (Eight Masters of Seal Carving in Hangzhou) 14, 48, 89, 94, 103, 112 Xin wenhua yundong ᯠ᮷ॆ䙻अ (New Cultural Movement) 201 Xin’an ᯠᆹ 69–71 Xinchou xiaoxialu 䗋с⎸༿䤴 (Notes from Whiling Away the Summer of Xinchou Year) 15 Xing Shu 䛒▽ 15 xingli ᙗ⨶ (Nature and Ration; metaphysical elements of Neo-Confucianism) 21 Xingning era 㠸ሗ 82 Xiong jiachen 䳴⭢䗠 (As Manly [as a Rock], in the Year of Jiachen) 132, 234 xiong ‫ ݴ‬25, 26 Xiping era ⟩ᒣ 17, 33–7, 100, 214, 265 Xiting yinzuan 㾯ӝঠ㒲 (Seals from the Western Pavilion Collection) 104 Xiu Taigong Lü Wang cibei ‫؞‬ཚ‫ޜ‬ੲ ᵋ⾐⻁ (Stele of Taigong Wang; Qi Taigong Lü Wang biao) 37–9 xiucai ⿰᡽ (people who passed the examination held at the prefectural school and the county) 96 Xixiasong 㾯⤩丼 (Stele of Ode of Praise to the Western Gorge) 100, 177 Xixue shumu biao 㾯ᆨᴨⴞ㺘 (Bibliography and Critical Notes on Western Studies) 161, 241 Xiyue bei 㾯Ꮽ⻁ (Stele of Xiyue) 27 xu ᠼ 23 Xu Beihong ᗀᛢ卫 201, 251, 275 Xu Hao ᗀ⎙ 27, 213, 276

304

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Xu Jian ᗀี 13 Xu Jianyin ᗀᔪᇵ 161, 240, 274 Xu Jieyu ᗀӻ⦹ 196 Xu Jiren 䁡ᆓӱ 99, 228 Xu Kang ᗀᓧ 64, 77, 218, 222, 276 Xu moyin ᮈ᪩ঠ (Study on Seal Carving) 181 Xu Naichang ᗀѳ᰼ 188 Xu Quansun 䁡㥳ᆛ 180 Xu Sangeng ᗀйᓊ 54, 200, 228, 235, 250, 277, 279 Xu Shen 䁡᝾ 22, 212, 266, 276 Xu Shichang ᗀц᰼ 35, 202 Xu Shou ᗀ༭ 159, 161, 240, 274, 278 Xu Song ᗀ᎙ 34 Xu Ting ᗀ乢 34 Xu Wei ᗀ⑝ 129 Xu Weiren ᗀ⑝ӱ 14, 71, 72, 74, 172, 244 Xu Weize ᗀ㏝ࡷ 161 Xu Zijing ᗀᆀ䶌 236 Xu Zizhi tongjian 㒼䋷⋫䙊䪁 (Continuation to the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government) 13 xuan paper ᇓ㍉ 70, 76, 78 Xuan Zhe ᇓଢ 180 Xuanhe bogutu ᇓ઼ঊਔെ (Catalogue of Antiquarian Studies in the Xuanhe era, (1107–1125) 2, 101 Xuanhe huapu ᇓ઼⮛䆌 (Imperial Painting Catalogue of the Xuanhe Era) 79. 154, 211 Xuanhe yinshe ᇓ઼ঠ⽮ (Society of Xuanhe Seal Studies) 169 xuanwan zhongfeng ᠨ㞅ѝ䤂 (lifting his arm and using the brush-tip in its central, upright position) 125 Xue Shanggong 㯋ቊ࣏ 2, 101 Xueshu congbian ᆨ㺃਒㐘 (Scholarship Series) 184 Xugu 㲋䉧 94 Xunfu ᐑ᫛ (Inspector-General) 63, 217 Xunxi nüxiao ▟ⓚྣṑ (Xunxi Girls’ School) 176

Xuxiu Siku quanshu 㒼‫؞‬ഋᓛ‫ޘ‬ᴨ (Revised Continuation of Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) 155 ya ⢉ (horn-shaped jade segments) 140, 234 Yan Changming ೤䮧᰾ 13 Yan Fu ೤ᗙ 165, 166 Yan Guan ೤㿰 13, 14 Yan Yanxiang 䯫⹄俉 118 Yan Zhenqing 乿ⵏয 46, 47, 115, 197, 215 Yancao pu ➉㥹䆌 (Study on Tobacco) 155 Yang Dayan ὺབྷ⵬ 118 Yang Fangcan ὺ㣣⠖ 13 Yang Hezhou ὺ古⍢ 16 Yang Shoujing ὺᆸᮜ 44, 196, 197, 199, 200, 215, 216, 249, 250, 253, 277 Yang Xian ὺጤ 54, 83, 85, 136, 172, 199, 200, 224, 225, 235, 277, 279 Yang Xie ὺ◕ 72 Yang Xiu ὺ‫ ؞‬211 yanghong ⌻㌵ (western red) 131 yanhao bogu 䳵ྭঊਔ (an elegant hobby of collecting ancient relics) 79 Yangzhou baguai ᨊᐎ‫ޛ‬ᙚ (Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou) 48 Yangzhou ᨊᐎ 12, 19, 52, 66, 94, 122, 219 Yangzhu haochu duodehen 伺䊜ྭ㲅ཊ ᖸ (There are Many Benefits of Rearing Pigs) 203, 204 yanhong ⠅冏 (Gymnura japonica; Japanese butterfly ray) 148, 149 yanzu deng 䳱䏣䩉 (goose-foot lamp stand) 70 Yao Weizu ညហ⾆ 86, 87 Yao Xie ည⠞ 119, 122, 123, 136, 235 Yao ည 64 Yazhou xueshu yanjiuhui ӎ⍢ᆨ㺃⹄ ウᴳ (Society of Asian Studies) 188 Yanshi ‫ٳ‬ᑛ 33

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Ye Erkai 㩹⡮ᝧ 188 ye ҏ 25, 26 Yi ᱃ 210 Yi Bingshou Ժ⿹㏜ 39, 52, 54, 245 Yi Hua bei ⇧㨟⻁ (Stele of Yin Hua) 27 yidao modao ԕ࠰᪩࠰ (knife-cutting the inscriptions on the seal stone after the knife-cut characters from the Northern Wei steles) 111 Yidun zhurou kehuan wudungang а乃䊜㚹ਟᨋӄನ䤬 (One Ton of Pork Equals Five Tons of Steel) 203 Yiguan huakan 㰍㿰⮛࠺ (Journal of Art-Views) 191, 247, 260 yimin 䚪≁ (the people of a conquered nation, the left-over relics of the previous dynasty) 4, 211, 247, 265, 270 Yin Shang zhenbu wenzi kao ⇧୶䋎ঌ ᮷ᆇ㘳 (Study on Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Yin Shang) 143 yinfan ঠㇴ (clay mold for bronze seal) 72 Yinnü ঠྤ (Slave to Seals) 111 Yinwen cun ⇧᮷ᆈ (Inscriptions from the Yin [Shang] Dynasty) 185 Yinxu gu qiwu tulu ⇧㲋ਔಘ⢙െ䤴 (Catalogue of Ancient Objects from Yin Sites) 184 Yinxu shuqi houbian ⇧㲋ᴨཱྀਾ㐘 (Documents from Yin Sites, Part II) 184 Yinxu shuqi qianbian ⇧㲋ᴨཱྀࡽ㐘 (Documents from Yin Sites, Part I ) 185 Yinxu wenzi yingtie ⇧㲋᮷ᆇᾩᑆ (Couplets in Yin Style) 143, 235, 265 yinyang 䲠䲭 77 yipin 䙨૱ (Classification of The Untrammeled) 48, 216 Yiqie quanli guiyu renmin а࠷℺࣋↨ ᯬӪ≁ (Power to the People) 203

305

Yishan Zhuanshu ce lj㒩ኡ⸣࡫NJ ㇶᴨ޺ (Album of Calligraphy in Seal Script after the “Stone Carving in Mount Yi”) 117 yishu 㰍㺃 (arts) 185, 204 Yishu congbian 㰍㺃਒㐘 (Art Series) 184 Yishu leizheng 㰍㺃于ᗥ (Classification and Characteristics of Yishu [Arts]) 184 Yiwu zhi ⮠⢙ᘇ (Records of Rarities) 154 Yiying bei ҉⪋⻁ (Stele of Yiying), known as Han Luxiang Yiying zhi Kongzi miaozushi bei ╒冟⴨ ҉⪋㖞ᆄᆀᔏংਢ⻁ 30, 32, 36–9, 213 Yiyu tu ⮠冊െ (Atypical Marine Species) 146, 236, 238, 274 Yiyue Andongling аᴸᆹᶡԔ (Magistrate of Andong County for One Month) 111 Yongji ≨ਹ 82 Yongjia ≨హ 149 Yongyuan yanzudeng ≨‫ݳ‬䳱䏣䩉 (Yongyuan goose-foot lamp stand) 71, 221 yongzi bafa ≨ᆇ‫( ⌅ޛ‬eight-strokes method of the character yong) 28 you ᴹ 37 youhua Ḋ㣡 (Stichopus japonicas, flower of Citrus maxima; pamelo flower) 151 yu Ҿ 36 yu ௫ 117 Yu Ji ։䳶 34 Yu Pengnian ։厜ᒤ 33 Yu Qianyun ։ٙ䴢 196 Yu Shinan 㲎цই 28 Yu Wei ᓮေ 132, 133 Yu Yue ؎ 173, 199, 200, 235, 250, 263, yuan ‫ ݳ‬31 yuan ⪇ (double-ring-shaped circular pendant) 140 Yuan Da 㺱䚄 155 Yuan Jun 㺱䡎 15 Yuan Lihuai 㺱थ␞ 192

306

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Yuan Tingdao 㺱ᔧ⃞ 33 Yuanchu era ‫ ࡍݳ‬17, 172, 244 Yuanfeng leigao – Jinshilu ‫ݳ‬䊀于は䠁 ⸣䤴 (‘Record on Bronze and Stone Objects’ in Thematic Essays from the Yuanfeng Era) 2 Yuan River 㺱⊏ 63 Yuanshi County ‫∿ݳ‬㑓 16 Yue Zhongwuwang Huayan yuan ju ዣᘐ↖⦻㨟೤䲒ਕ (Poem of Temple of Avatamsaka Sutra by Duke Yue of Loyalty and Martial Art [Yue Fei ዣ伋]) 115 Yuedong jinshilue ㋥ᶡ䠁⸣⮕ (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from East Guangdong) 14 Yuexi jinshi lue ㋥㾯䠁⸣⮕ (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from West Guangdong) 14 Yufo ⦹֋ (Jade Buddha) 65 yujie ⦹ㇰ (jade ornament for the Staff of Authority) 141 Yulan yinshe ⦹㱝੏⽮ (Magnolia Poet Society) 196 yun 丫 (rhymed movement) 30 Yunchuang qingwan tu 㣨デ␵⧙െ (Appreciating Festive Display by the Cloudy Window) 79 yunjin dujuan 䴢䥖ᶌ厁 (Rhododendron fortunei) 149 Yunqingguan jinshilu ㆐␵佘䠁⸣䤴 (Notes on Bronze and Stone Collection at the Studio of Unstained Bamboo Skin) 15, 67 Yunyan guoyanlu 䴢➉䙾⵬䤴 (Notes on Paintings Seen) 211 Yuyuan shuhua shanhui 䊛ൂᴨ⮛ழᴳ (Yu Garden Charitable Association for Calligraphers and Painters) 170 Yuyuan 䊛ൂ (Yu Garden) 170 zahua 䴌⮛ (painting of miscellaneous objects) 152, 154, 238 Zang Yong 㠗䳽 13 Zeng Gong ᴮ䶿 2 Zeng Guofan ᴮ഻㰙 161 Zeng Xi ᴮ⟉ 171

Zanhua jinjue tu ㉚㣡ᱹ⡥െ (On the Occasion of Promotion) 134, 234 Zhai Hao 㘏⚍ 66 Zhang Chong ᕥ㗰 152, 153 Zhang Ertian ᕥ⡮⭠ 188 Zhang Feng ᕥ付 18, 211, 270 Zhang Fuchun ᕥᗙ㍄ 13 Zhang Heng ᕥ㺑 79, 223, 278 Zhang Hua ᕥ㨟 160 Zhang Huanguan ᕥᠧ⬈ 27, 213, 277 Zhang Meiyi ᕥ㖾㗺 188 Zhang Menglong bei ᕥ⥋喽⻁ (Stele of Zhang Menglong) 46, 47, 118 Zhang Sigui ᕥᯟṲ 196 Zhang Taiyan ㄐཚ⚾ 162 Zhang Tingji ᕥᔧ☏ 14, 18, 66, 82, 93, 224, 278 Zhang Wanlin ᕥᇋ䝠 13, 118 Zhang Xiong ᕥ➺ 85, 91, 92, 196, 235 Zhang Xuecheng ㄐᆨ䃐 13, 14 Zhang Xun ᕥດ 13 Zhang Yanchang ᕥ⠅᰼ 14, 15, 34, 82 Zhang Yansun ᕥ⺟ᆛ 184 Zhang Yanyuan ᕥᖕ䚐 154, 213, 239, 276, 278 Zhang Yanzeng ᕥᖕᴮ 15 Zhang Yintang ᕥ㭝า 18 Zhang Yu ㄐ䡪 188 Zhang Yuzhao ᕥ㼅䠇 45 Zhang Zengxi ᕥ໎⟉ 172, 175, 176, 244 Zhang Zhao ᕥ➗ 19 Zhang Zhidong ᕥѻ⍎ 11, 14, 209, 278, Zhang Zhou ᕥ㡏 13 Zhang Zhuo ᕥٜ 86, 87 zhang и (1 zhang equals to 3.33 meter) 151 zhang ⪻ (forked jade blade) 141 Zhang’an zashuo ㄐᆹ䴌䃚 (Miscellanea from Zhang’an) 115, 149, 232, 278 zhangcheng shu ㄐ〻ᴨ (script for composing constitutions) 27 Zhangjiashan ᕥᇦኡ 72, 221, 278

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

zhangju ㄐᤂ (Octopus vulgaris; the common octopus) 148 Zhao Huiyu 䏉㽡⦹ 39 Zhao Mingcheng 䏉᰾䃐 2, 18, 32, 36, 101, 137, 213, 214, 278 Zhao shi Zhiqian 䏉∿ѻ䅉 (Seal of Zhao Zhiqian) 149 Zhao Shigang 䏉ᱲ㏡ 171 Zhao Wei 䏉兿 14 Zhao Yi 䏉㘬 13 Zhao Zhichen 䏉ѻ⩋ 48, 227, 262 Zhao Zhiqian 䏉ѻ䅉 5, 18, 34, 54, 85, 90, 95–121, 123, 125, 133, 143, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 156, 158, 164, 166, 177, 225, 227–32, 235–8, 245, 249, 250, 256–8, 262, 267, 270, 272, 274, 275, 278, 279 Zhao Zhiqian yin 䏉ѻ䅉ঠ (Seal of Zhao Zhiqian) 102 zhaoban 䂄⡸ (official announcement plates) 106, 231 zhe ⼄ (right-falling) 119, 23, 28 Zhejiang zhuanlu ⎉⊏⼊䤴 (Record of Bricks Unearthed in Zhejiang Province) 83 Zhen Xiaoxu 䝝ᆍ㜕 188 Zheng Fu 䝝㉐ 19, 50, 172, 173, 213, 244, 276 Zheng Jiaji 䝝཮┸ 11 Zheng Jitang 䝝䳋ୀ 34 Zheng Jixuan bei 䝝ᆓᇓ⻁ (Stele of Zheng Jixuan) 17 Zheng Qiao 䝝⁥, see Zheng Jiaji 䝝཮┸ 2, 11 Zheng Wenbao 䝝᮷ሦ 118 Zheng Wengong bei 䝝᮷‫( ⻁ޜ‬Stele of Zheng Wengong) 118 Zheng Wenzhuo 䝝᮷❟ 144 Zheng Xie 䝝⠞ 19, 48, 52 zheng 䢖 (bronze bell) 186 Zhengshi shijing ↓࿻⸣㏃ (Stone Steles of Classics Made in the Zhengshi Era of the Wei Dynasty) 33 Zhengzuowei gao ⡝ᓗսは (Letter of Fighting for a Seat) 46, 47, 197 Zhenjiang 䧞⊏ 63, 77, 91

307

Zhenqitang cangshulou ᥟ㏪า㯿ᴨ⁃ (Pavilion of Refreshing Beauty) 93 Zhenshe 䋎⽮ (Society of the Virtuous) zhenshu ⵏᴨ (True-form script, standard script) 28 zhenzhulian ⧽⨐㬞 (Ficus sarmentosa Buch.-Ham. ex J. E. Sm. var. henryi, variant of fig tree) 151 zhi 䀦 (bronze vessel) 186 Zhiai tu ⛉㢮െ (Moxibustion) 122 Zhifu keshi ѻ㖈࡫⸣ (Stele of Mt Zhifu) 54 zhiyong 㠤⭘ (attain practical use) 3 Zhong Kui deding tu 䦮俇ᗇ唾െ (Zhong Kui Obtaining the Tripot Ding) 135, 136 Zhong Kui shangzhu tu 䦮俇䌎ㄩെ (Zhong Kui Enjoying Bamboo) 122, 233 Zhong Yao 䦮㑷 30 Zhongdian di erba ѝ⇯ㅜҼ‫( ޛ‬The twenty-eighth [pillar?] of Central Hall) 66, 74, 224 zhongfeng ѝ䤂 (centred brush tip) 125, 197 Zhongguo jinshi shuhua yiguan xuehui ѝ഻䠁⸣ᴨ⮛㰍㿰ᆨᴳ (Society of Chinese Bronze and Stone, Calligraphy, Painting and Art-Views) 169, 247, 260 Zhongguo shuhua yuanjiuhui ѝ഻ᴨ ⮛⹄ウᴳ (Society of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting Study) 170 Zhongguo yishu xuehui ѝ഻㰍㺃ᆨᴳ (Society of Chinese Art) 169 Zhongguohua yanjiuhui ѝ഻⮛⹄ウᴳ (Chinese Painting Research Association) 202, 251 Zhongyuan Festival ѝ‫ݳ‬ㇰ (the fifteenth day of the seventh month) 77 Zhongyue miao ѝᏭᔏ (Temple of Central Mountain) 173, 174, 175 Zhongzhou jinshiji ѝᐎ䠁⸣䁈 (Record of Bronze and Stone Inscriptions from Henan) 13, 173 Zhou Baishan ઘⲭኡ 99

308

INDEX AND GLOSSARY

Zhou Boshandou bu huahui ઘ՟ኡ䉶 㼌㣡ॹ (Flowers Arranged in the Dou Vessel of Boshan of Western Zhou) 79, 223 Zhou Enlai ઘᚙֶ 204 Zhou jinwen cun ઘ䠁᮷ᆈ (Bronze Inscriptions of Zhou) 184 Zhou Li mingwu zhidukao ઘ⿞਽⢙ࡦ ᓖ㘳 (Investigation on Systems and Naming of Things in the Rites of Zhou) 84 Zhou Mi ઘᇶ 211 Zhou Shumo ઘ⁩⁑ 190 Zhou Xian ઘ䯁 119, 122, 136, 144, 235 Zhou Xingdai ઘ㠸ዡ 18 Zhou Zan ઘ⬊ 60, 61, 217 Zhou Zhaoxiang ઘ㚷⾕ 202 Zhouguzhai ᇉਔ啻 191 Zhoushan 㡏ኡ 91 zhouwen ㉰᮷ (great-seal script), see also dazhuan བྷㇶ 22, 27, 33, 42–4, 48, 94, 132, 212 Zhu Cheng ᵡ‫ ٱ‬85, 225 Zhu Da ᵡ㙧, known as Bada Shanren ‫ޛ‬བྷኡӪ 19, 125 Zhu Jianxin ᵡࢽᗳ 2, 207–9, 279 Zhu Jixian ⾍㒬‫ ݸ‬143 Zhu Min ᵡዧ 19 Zhu pu ㄩ䆌 (Study on Bamboo) 155 Zhu wei liuchu zhishou 䊜⛪‫⮌ޝ‬ѻ俆 (Pigs are the Best among the Six Domestic Animals) 203 Zhu Weibi ᵡ⛪ᕬ 14, 61–3, 217, 218 Zhu Wenzao ᵡ᮷㰫 13, 14 Zhu Wenzhen ᵡ᮷䴷 19 Zhu Xi ᵡ⟩ 21 Zhu Xiaozang ᵡᆍ㠗 171, 187, 188, 190 Zhu Yifan ᵡ⳺㰙 35 Zhu Yizun ᵡᖎሺ 19 Zhu Yun ᵡ㆐ 34 Zhuanding kuanshi siping ⬾唾Ⅾ䆈 ഋቿ (Four Paintings of Bronze

Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers) 85, 86, 225 Zhuang Xin 㦺⛈ 13 Zhuanlu ⼊䤴 (Record of Bricks) 83 zhuanpi ⬾Ⲇ (addicting to bricks) 85 zhuanshu ㇶᴨ (seal script) 10, 16, 17, 22, 23, 27, 28, 31, 33, 38, 41–5, 48, 50, 52, 54, 66, 77, 82, 94, 103, 110, 111, 113, 115, 117, 118, 122, 130, 135, 143, 182, 197, 200, 203, 216, 227, 230, 233, 235, 250, 263, 275 Zhuanshu Shi Shimo ju qiyanlian ㇶᴨᯭ⸣໘ਕг䀰㚟 (SevenCharacter Couplet after Shi Shimo’s Poem in Seal Script) 128, 130 zhuanyan ming ⼊⹄䣈 (poetic inscription carved on brick ink stone) 83 zhuanzhe 䕹ᣈ (the way to turn the brush at every corner) 118 Zhucheng 䄨෾ 66 zhujiayu ㄩ཮冊 (Trachurus japonicus; Japanese horse mackerel), see also tayu 148 zhuqiu ⨐⨳ (Ixora parviflora Vahl, torch tree), see also shandan 151 zi ᆀ 36 Zibu ᆀ䜘 (category of masters and philosophers) 155, 234, 264 Ziyunshan tanbei shoujuan ㍛䴢ኡ᧒ ⻁᡻ধ (Handscroll of Visit to Stele at Mt Ziyuan) 210 Ziyunshan tanbei tu ㍛䴢ኡ᧒⻁െ (Investigating the Stele at Mount Ziyun) 173, 245 Zou An 䝂ᆹ 184 Zou Dezhong 䝂ᗧѝ 122 zun ሺ (large bronze drinking vessels) 137, 139 zunbei ሺ⻁ 212, 216 zuo ֌ 31

PLATE 1 Chen Zengwang, Stone Classics Studio, 1901. The leaf was added to the album Leftover Scripts of Stone Steles of Classics in the Xiping Era of the Han Dynasty. Album leaf, ink and light colour on paper, 26 cm × 29.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

PLATE 2 Huang Yi, Jiang Juxiang Obtaining the Stele, 1795. Carved images and inscription on bamboo arm-rest. 26 × 7.2 cm, private collection.

PLATE 3 Jin Nong, Plum Blossoms, 1757. Leaf No. 6, album of 12 leaves, ink on paper, 25.4 × 29.8 cm, Metropolitan Museum API Access, New York.

PLATE 4 Jin Nong, Buddha, 1751. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 133 × 62.5 cm, Tianjin Museum.

PLATE 5 (a) Ruan Yuan et al., section of rubbing of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803, detail. Handscroll, ink and colour on silk, rubbing on paper, 38 × 2,640 cm, National Library of China; (b) Zhou Zan, second section of Studio for Accumulating Antiquities, 1803. 24.9 × 72 cm, ink and colour on silk, National Library of China.

PLATE 6 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Paying Homage to the Eastern Wei Buddhist Sculpture, 1836. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 27.2 × 264.4 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 7 Chen Geng, Monk Dashou Cleaning the Antique Lamp Stand, 1837. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 30.8 × 69.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 8 Dashou, One Hundred Years, 1831. Hanging scroll, Rubbing and seal stamps on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 9 Dashou, Festival Offerings by the Cloudy Window, 1847. Hanging scroll, composite rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 130.3 × 30.8 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 10 Dashou, Flower Offerings in Ancient Bricks, with monk Songxi’s inscription dated 1835. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 11 Gu Luo, Picture of Small Green-Sky Hut and Dashou, Master of the Small Green-Sky Hut Journeyed to Mount Lu by Foot, 1830. Two carved images on the bamboo armrests and rubbings, ink on paper, 38.2 × 6.5 cm, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 12 Wu Changshi, Yao Weizu and Zhang Zhuo, Four Paintings of Bronze Vessels, Bricks and Festive Flowers, 1885. Four hanging scrolls, rubbing, ink and colour on paper, 150.8 × 40.7 cm, private collection.

PLATE 13 Fei Danxu, Zhang Xiong and Weng Luo, Peony and Raccoon Cat, 1843. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, Zhejiang Provincial Museum.

PLATE 14 Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865. Seal, Qingtian stone, 4.8 × 4.8 × 5.3 cm, Jinmotang Foundation, Hong Kong.

PLATE 15 (left to right) Deng Shiru, Dizi zhi (The Essay on the Duty of Disciples), 1804. Detail of ‘Zhe’ (ᣈ), rubbing of the model-copybook; Zhao Zhiqian, Bowing from the Waist for the Salary of Five Bushels of Rice, c. 1865; The characters ‘Guqian weizhi’ (making a living by drumming) inscribed on dou jianfeng, the seal to certificate official document, Han dynasty. In Huayannian shi jijin xiaopin (Small Bronze and Metal Objects from the Studio of Glorious Longevity), c. 1862. Detail, leaf 4 of the album 1, ink rubbing and red seal imports on paper, private collection.

PLATE 16 Zhao Zhiqian, Old Pine Tree, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 176.5 × 96.5 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

PLATE 17 Zhao Zhiqian, Wisteria and Rock, 1872. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 122 × 40.5 cm, private collection.

PLATE 18 Ren Xiong, Guo Pu, Sketch for Drinking Cards Illustrating Daoist Immortals, 1853. Original sketch, 48 leaves mounted into a book, ink on paper, 25 × 12 cm each, private collection.

PLATE 19 (left to right, detail of robes) Ren Yi, Parting at Dongjin, 1868. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 34.1 × 135.8 cm, National Gallery of China, Beijing; Ren Yi, Portrait of Sha Fu at the Age of Thirty Nine, 1868. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 128.6 × 32.3 cm, Nanjing Museum; and Ren Yi and Hu Gongshou, Portrait of Gao Yong at the Age of Twenty Eight, 1877. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 130.9 × 48.5 cm, Shanghai Museum.

PLATE 20 Wu Changshi, Floral Paintings of Four Seasons, 1917. Four hanging scrolls, ink and colour on paper, 182 × 66 cm each, Xiling Seal Engraver’s Society, Hangzhou.

PLATE 21 Ren Yi, ‘Late Blooms of Roseleaf Raspberry, the Spring Has Gone’ after the Poem of Li Yi’an [Li Qingzhao], 1881. Detail, hanging scroll, ink and colour on paper, 170 × 38.8 cm, Liaoning Provincial Museum.

PLATE 22

PLATE 23 PLATES 22 and 23 Ren Yi, Immortals Delivering Birthday Wishes, 1878. Full image and the detail of panel 9, twelve panels, ink and colour on gold-foiled paper, 206.7 × 59.5 cm (each), Shanghai Artists’ Association.

PLATE 24

PLATE 25 PLATES 24 and 25 Ren Xiong, Magu Offering Her Birthday Wishes, undated. Full image and the detail of jade. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 162.3 × 86.2 cm, Palace Museum, Beijing.

PLATE 26 Wu Dacheng, Composite Rubbings of Bronze and Stone Collection, undated. Four hanging scrolls, ink and rubbing on paper, 87 × 39 cm each, Xiling Seal Engravers’ Society.

PLATE 27a

PLATE 27b

PLATE 27c

PLATE 27d PLATES 27a , 27b, 27c and 27d Zhao Zhiqian, Atypical Marine Species, 1861. Handscroll, ink and colour on paper. Colophon: 35.5 × 91.5 cm, painting: 35.5 × 223 cm, private collection.

PLATE 28 Nie Huang, Haicuo tu (Miscellaneous Marine Species), Volume 4, 1698. Album leaves, ink and colour on paper, 30.4 × 68 cm, National Palace Museum API Access, Taipei.

PLATE 29 Fistularia petimba, red cornet fish, c. 1826–1831. Watercolour on paper, 58.4 × 46.3 cm, John Reeves Collection, Natural History Museum, London.

PLATE 30 Wang Zhen, Acquiring Rubbings, 1919. Section of the Album of the Eastern Han Inscription of the que outside the Grand Chamber of Mount Song, ink on paper, 31 × 34 cm, Shanghai Book Company.

PLATE 31 Luo Zhenyu, Rubbing of the Inscribed Bronze Spoon, 1925. Album leaf, rubbing and ink on paper, 24 × 22 cm, private collection.

PLATE 32 Photograph of Kusakabe Meikaku writing in ‘Curve-Wrist Technique’ after Bao Shichen’s theory on calligraphy, Hikone Castle Museum Open Access.