Anton Heiller: Organist, Composer, Conductor 1580464971, 9781580464970

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“Peter Planyavsky’s book accomplishes a difficult task: that of doing justice to the life of a monumental musician. Planyavsky, himself an organist of international prominence, avoids the pitfall of presenting Heiller as primarily an organist, instead presenting a compelling picture of Heiller as the complete musician, giving ample room to a discussion of his career as a conductor as well as to a discussion of his many compositions. The result is a comprehensive and engaging account of a person who was a dominant figure in European musical culture for several decades of the twentieth century and whose influence was felt far beyond the circle of the Viennese musical scene.” —WILLIAM PORTER, Eastman School of Music (University of Rochester)

Front cover image: Anton Heiller at the organ, about 1969. Back cover image: Anton Heiller conducting, about 1957. Courtesy of the Anton Heiller Estate.

668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620-2731, USA P.O. Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.urpress.com

PLANYAVSKY

PETER PLANYAVSKY was Anton Heiller’s successor as an organ professor in Vienna, and organist of St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna from 1969 through 2004. He is also a prolific composer, improviser, and conductor. CHRISTA RUMSEY, a former student of Heiller’s, translated the book from the original German.

A N TO N H E I L L E R

A

NTON HEILLER is one of the twentieth century’s most renowned and influential organists. Born in 1923, Heiller was trained in Vienna and rose to prominence quickly, giving his first solo recital at the age of twenty-two. Before concentrating on the organ exclusively, he was a successful conductor of the symphonic repertoire, and, from 1945 until his untimely death in 1979, he was professor of organ at the University of Music and Performing Arts in Vienna. His interpretations of Bach, which included registration and articulation, as well as a consideration of the theological underpinnings, would change the way Bach is played. Anton Heiller: Organist, Composer, Conductor provides an assessment of Heiller’s works and teaching, while also examining his complex personality, one torn between strong religious devotion and the world of artistry. The narrative also offers a unique view of the organ world in the decades after World War II, featuring the important organs, builders, and organists across North America and Europe.

A N TO N HEILLER

Organist, Composer, Conductor PETER PLANYAVSKY Translated by Christa Rumsey

Anton Heiller

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Eastman Studies in Music Ralph P. Locke, Senior Editor Eastman School of Music Additional Titles of Interest The Art of Musical Phrasing in the Eighteenth Century: Punctuating the Classical “Period” Stephanie D. Vial Aspects of Unity in J. S. Bach’s Partitas and Suites: An Analytical Study David W. Beach Bach and the Pedal Clavichord: An Organist’s Guide Joel Speerstra Bach’s Changing World: Voices in the Community Edited by Carol K. Baron Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Lübeck Kerala J. Snyder Elliott Carter: Collected Essays and Lectures, 1937–1995 Edited by Jonathan W. Bernard French Organ Music from the Revolution to Franck and Widor Edited by Lawrence Archbold and William J. Peterson Maurice Duruflé: The Man and His Music James E. Frazier Pierre Cochereau: Organist of Notre-Dame Anthony Hammond Widor: A Life beyond the Toccata John R. Near

A complete list of titles in the Eastman Studies in Music series may be found on our website, www.urpress.com.

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Anton Heiller Organist, Composer, Conductor

Peter Planyavsky Translated by Christa Rumsey

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Copyright © 2014 by Peter Planyavsky All rights reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation, no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded, or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. First published 2014 University of Rochester Press 668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA www.urpress.com and Boydell & Brewer Limited PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.boydellandbrewer.com ISBN-13: 978-1-58046-497-0 ISSN: 1071-9989 Unless otherwise indicated, photographs in the text are reproduced courtesy of the Anton Heiller Estate. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Planyavsky, Peter, author. [Anton Heiller. English] Anton Heiller : organist, composer, conductor / Peter Planyavsky ; translated by Christa Rumsey. pages cm — (Eastman studies in music, ISSN 1071-9989 ; v. 116) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-58046-497-0 (hardcover : alkaline paper) — ISBN 1-58046-497-1 (hardcover : alkaline paper) 1. Heiller, Anton, 1923–1979. 2. Organists— Austria—Biography. 3. Composers—Austria—Biography. I. Rumsey, Christa, 1943– translator. II. Title. III. Series: Eastman studies in music ; v. 116. ML410.H435P5313 2014 786.5092—dc23 [B] 2014024599 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. This publication is printed on acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America.

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Contents Translator’s Note

vii

Preface

xiii

Abbreviations

xxi

1

Very Early, Very Fast, Very Steep

2

Beginning in the Golden West: Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Switzerland

33

3

Haarlem and the Rest of Europe

48

4

Heiller and America

72

5

Short Midday, Long Sunset

95

6

All the Registers of a Soul

127

7

Compositions before ca. 1956

150

8

Compositions after ca. 1956

176

9

What He Thought, How He Played

216

Appendix: Organ Specifications

237

Chronology

241

Notes

259

List of Compositions

279

Discography

287

Bibliography

323

Index of Names

329

Index of Subjects

337

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Translator’s Note Anton Heiller’s working life spanned the period between World War II and 1979. This was an era of immense change in Austria. Institutions came and went, or they remained, but changed their names. For most of these years Heiller taught at the Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst (Academy of Music and Performing Arts), often just called Musikakademie. Before the war it had been the Reichsmusikhochschule, and after 1970 it became the Hochschule für Musik und darstellende Kunst (University of Music and the Performing Arts), or Musikhochschule (Music University). Even more recently, in 1998, it was renamed Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst (University of Music and Performing Arts). All that is complicated enough, but it is compounded by the fact that the entire education system worked differently in Austria at that time, and certainly differently compared to other countries around the world. To avoid adding extra confusion by translating these terms I have retained their German names. The Kirchenmusikabteilung (Department of Church Music), which was housed on a separate campus, will appear under its English name. It took up a large number of rooms in no. 26 Singerstrasse (the entire third floor), spilling over into the neighboring house at no. 8 Seilerstätte (third and fourth floors). The rooms, halls, and even the main corridor housed a number of practice and teaching instruments. The main concert venues in Vienna, the Musikverein and the Konzerthaus do not lend themselves well to translation. They appear here under their German names. Each is run by a corporation, the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde and the Konzerthausgesellschaft, respectively, and each building contains a number of concert venues; the smaller ones, named after composers of note (Brahmssaal, Mozartsaal, etc.), and a large main hall. Associated with these two venues are Vienna’s two main choirs, the Wiener Singverein and the Wiener Singakademie. These were the choirs that performed the largescale oratorio performances in the two venues. The orchestras, choirs, and various performing groups have also retained their German names, with explanations where this seemed necessary. At Heiller’s time, four symphony orchestras existed in Vienna: Die Wiener Philharmoniker (the Vienna Philharmonic, its members largely identical with the Orchestra of the Vienna State Opera, the Staatsoper); Die Wiener Symphoniker (municipal); Das Grosse Wiener Rundfunkorchester (the

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viii translator’s note orchestra of the Austrian Radio and Television Corporation, subsequently called ORF Symphony Orchestra and more recently referred to as “the RSO”); Das Niederösterreichische Tonkünstler-Orchester (officially an institution of the Province of Lower Austria, at first resident in Vienna, but now in Sankt Pölten, the new capital of Lower Austria). Although Anton Heiller never had a regular position as church organist he had contact with many churches. In most cases it was easier to retain their German names. Terms like Kalvarienbergkirche and Minoritenkirche seemed less confusing than “Church on the Mount of Calvary” and “Church of the Minorite Order,” which no native of Vienna would readily recognize in this guise. In the case of Vienna’s Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, the English name seemed the more practical choice. The young Heiller was associated with Vienna’s two opera houses, the Staatsoper (known in the English-speaking world, somewhat incorrectly, as the Vienna State Opera) and the Volksoper, where lighter opera and operetta are staged. They retain their German titles. The city of Vienna itself sometimes gets its German name Wien, but at other times the English equivalent seemed more appropriate. During the past fifty years there have even been some changes in terms of the naming of certain organ compositions written hundreds of years ago. Buxtehude’s organ works, in Heiller’s day titled “Praeludium und Fuge” or “Toccata und Fuge,” have now generally returned to their original titles, “Praeludium” or “Toccata,” and they have been cataloged and are further identified with BuxWV numbers, which did not exist then. We decided to retain the titles used in Heiller’s day, just as they appeared on his concert programs and recordings. In the chapters dealing with Heiller’s private life, especially his correspondence, I have come across many German terms that are not translatable or else do not make much sense outside the German-speaking area, at times even outside Vienna. In such cases I have retained the German and, where it seemed appropriate, added a note. For instance, terms of endearment for his wife, such as Schneckerle (little snail), which Heiller used frequently, are not unusual in Vienna. Elsewhere they may sound quite odd. Heiller routinely addressed his students as Kinderl (little child). This was quaint, even in Vienna, given that his students were all adults, some young, some not so young, but it was very much Heiller and we all remember and even cherish having been addressed in this way. Anton Heiller was about forty years old when I was his student, but very much a fatherly figure to a twenty-year-old, and to be addressed as Kinderl soon became something quite fitting and appropriate. When I began studying with Anton Heiller he had not been to America and his English was basic, although much better than was common in Vienna at the time. Very few Viennese were fluent in English and the language was not routinely taught at most schools. As his contact with the English-speaking world increased, Heiller’s English improved and he was respected for being able to

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translator’s note ix teach in this language both in the United States and also at the International Summer Academy in Haarlem, the Netherlands. Heiller conducted nearly all his correspondence with the US company Lilian Murtagh Concert Management in English (sometimes with a little help). We felt that when reproducing such correspondence in this book, we should retain as much as possible of his English and “let the man speak for himself.” Where letters between Heiller and Lilian Murtagh were in English we have left them unedited. His formulations are often a little quaint, but that was Heiller! Only spelling and punctuation have been corrected. Explanatory comments have been added where confusion might arise. The bulk of Heiller’s correspondence was handwritten, pages densely covered with his tiny script. For emphasis, he often used underlining. We have reproduced this by using italics. Unfortunately we were not able to do justice to his occasional double and triple underlining. It has been quite difficult to portray Vienna and its life and culture for English-speaking readers living on the other side of the world and half a century later. I grew up in Heiller’s Viennese world and was familiar with its ways, and I know how different things were. The nuclear family was close and private. Relations between people were quite formal and polite. There was a much deeper social gulf between teachers and students than is the case now. Heiller managed to create a fatherly and benevolent image among his students despite this, but by the same token, we never addressed him as anything but “Herr Professor.” In a predominantly Roman Catholic Austria the link between everyday life and the Church was much stronger than we can now imagine and that applied especially to Heiller and his family who were devout Catholics, even by Viennese standards. Occasionally, added information was necessary to clarify issues that were common knowledge in Viennese Catholic circles. I hope that during the process of translating and “bringing up to date” the details of everyday life I have been able to retain some of the flavor and atmosphere of the world in which Anton Heiller lived. There is one aspect of Anton Heiller’s legacy that was not discussed in the original German edition of this book: his importance in the Australian organ scene. Having lived and worked in Australia for well over forty years and knowing how he has helped shape organ culture here, I was very keen to have this omission addressed, and the author agreed. This seems the appropriate place to add a paragraph or two on this topic. Anton Heiller may never have set foot in Australia, but he nevertheless has had a great influence on organ playing in this country. Australia, as a former British colony, had naturally followed in English footsteps where organ culture is concerned. The Orgelbewegung (organ revival movement), which Heiller championed with such enthusiasm and which had such a profound effect on his performance style, reached Australia extremely late. Apart from a few modest mechanical action instruments that had been brought out to Australia in its early days as a colony, organs here were of the English romantic style. Tracker

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x

translator’s note

action instruments were frowned upon for being noisy and heavy. Whenever old tracker action organs were restored, the action was inevitably electrified. Organists tended to play little organ repertoire; instead, all manner of transcriptions of orchestral and piano music were widely in use. Young Australian organists almost invariably went to England for their postgraduate studies. It was in this environment that Australians first heard Heiller’s early Philips recordings and his playing had that “sudden impact,” which is described in this book in chapter 4. I have come across many people in Australia who, upon hearing that I was a student of Heiller, spontaneously and enthusiastically recalled the thrill and the amazement his recordings produced here. Sydney organist David Rumsey completed his degree at the Sydney Conservatorium of Music, won a scholarship for overseas study, and in 1963 left for Europe. He was the first Australian who chose Anton Heiller for his overseas organ studies. He had come across Heiller at the Haarlem Summer Academy, heard him teach and play, and knew with certainty that this was the direction he wanted to take. I was studying with Heiller in Vienna already, met David Rumsey there, and subsequently followed him to Australia as his wife. We arrived in Australia in 1966, at a time when the very first stirring of a long overdue Orgelbewegung made itself felt. Inspired by all we had learned and experienced in Vienna and encouraged by the new developments in Australia, we started out on our careers. We argued the case of the benefits of mechanical action and clear organ tone; we passed on Heiller’s innovative approach to agogic, registration, and articulation; we introduced organists young and old to organ repertoire that they had not previously come across, and we encouraged the few organ builders who had begun to build instruments of the neoclassical type. Organ festivals modeled on the Haarlem Summer Academy sprang up in Adelaide, Sydney, Melbourne, and Perth, and we would perform and teach along Heiller’s lines. Young organists from around the continent attended these festivals and came in contact with these ideals and a different performance style. It was not long before a new generation of young Australian organists chose Vienna, and not London, for further studies. Adelaide organists Robert Ampt and Terry Norman enrolled with Heiller; Douglas Lawrence and Sherrill O’Connor from Melbourne; Grant Hellmers and James Forsyth from Sydney followed suit. Terry Norman’s wife Meredith joined the organ class of Alfred Mitterhofer, a former Heiller student, also on the staff of the Musikakademie. Sadly, Anton Heiller’s health had begun to deteriorate and after his death in 1979 many more Australians chose Heiller’s pupils Michael Radulescu or Jean-Claude Zehnder as their teachers for postgraduate studies, enrolling either at the Vienna Musikakademie or at the Schola Cantorum in Basel, Switzerland. Some of them remained in Europe and embarked on careers there, but many returned to Australia and worked as church organists and teachers around the country. For years now, a large percentage of

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translator’s note xi Australia’s professional organists have either studied with Heiller or with one of his students—his influence is present all over the country. In addition, a number of Australian organists raised in the “Heiller tradition” now live and work in Europe and also in the United States (Grant Hellmers has been part of the US organ scene for many decades). Once the Orgelbewegung was established in Australia, we saw the arrival of significant neoclassical organs with mechanical action, both locally built and imported. They became the instruments on which important recitals were played and the instruments that were featured in organ festivals. Visiting organists, many of them Heiller students, were flown in from Europe to teach and play. During the early 1970s we had high hopes of bringing Anton Heiller to Australia, but he never made it further than Japan. The vast geographical distance between Europe and Australia, and the resulting financial implications of such a long flight make an Australia tour a big undertaking. In Heiller’s case, given his state of health during those years, the physical demands of such a long journey made it impossible to organize such a visit. Instead, a number of former Heiller students flew to Australia, some repeatedly, to play recitals and to teach: Jean-Claude Zehnder, Michael Radulescu, and Peter Planyavsky. They became the leading ambassadors and supported and enhanced the work of their Australian colleagues. In these ways, Anton Heiller has had a lasting influence on organ playing in this country. There is one Australian organist, by now a very sprightly octogenarian, Gordon Atkinson, who has lived his life on three continents. He was born and educated in Melbourne, then studied at the Royal College of Music in London and worked in the United Kingdom for eight years; he moved to Canada and worked there for twenty-nine years, and subsequently went to the United States for another seventeen years. There he held a number of church positions and also completed a Master of Music degree, followed by a PhD in composition; in 2005 he finally returned to Australia to live. Atkinson has seen and heard legendary organists all around the world, and lists, with pride, greats of the past such as Marcel Dupré, Jeanne Demessieux, MarieClaire Alain, Fernando Germani, George Thalben-Ball, Ralph Downes, and even the legendary Virgil Fox. In 2012 he was interviewed for the Australian organ journal Organ Australia and was asked whether, from among the many world-famous organists he had heard in his life, he could single out one whom he admired above all the others. His answer was: “Easy. Anton Heiller. I think he was the greatest of all.”

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Preface Es gibt nur ein einziges Mittel. Gehen Sie in sich. Erforschen Sie den Grund, der Sie schreiben heißt . . . gestehen Sie sich ein, ob Sie sterben müßten wenn es Ihnen versagt würde zu schreiben. [There is only one way. Go within yourself. Examine the source which drives you to write . . . admit to yourself whether you would die if you were forbidden to write.] —Rainer Maria Rilke, Briefe an einen jungen Dichter

Anton Heiller died thirty years ago. Already his name is receding inexorably into the realm of music history. His organ works are played, his choral compositions sung, the scores of his music are readily available, some of his students still teach—but for the younger generation his name is relegated to history. In Austria, where he lived and worked throughout his whole life, he is known today primarily as a composer. In addition, music lovers around the world remember him as an organist of note who, thirty or forty years ago, shaped our concept of how to play the music of Bach. As we live in the era of LP recordings and CDs, and also have access to a number of private recordings on tape or cassette, we can still study his manner of playing and marvel at his improvisations. The fact that Heiller once belonged to the avant-garde of church music, that he was very successful as a conductor (including the performance of great symphonic works), that he was a specialist in the interpretation of contemporary music and acted as an adviser for countless organ building projects, all these are things the younger and not-so-young generation is no longer aware of. A complete portrait that examines every facet of this musician does not exist as yet, and will be attempted here. For a variety of reasons the lack of information on the activities of the young Anton Heiller and the amazing density of his achievements in the period between 1954 and 1960 awakened my interest and eventually gave my book a special impetus; the examination of his “early” and “early to middle” years has become something of a focal point. It will become evident that Heiller’s career developed simultaneously in several areas and with amazing speed; the very

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xiv

preface

question as to how this was possible opens a window onto the time of World War II and the immediate postwar years. That Vienna’s musical life should pulsate with such color and vigor at the very start of the 1945/46 concert season should fill us all with great respect for these men and women. They embarked on this new beginning with amazing energy and vigor at a time when daily necessities such as paper and fuel for heating were still very scarce and Vienna’s inhabitants still needed identification papers and special permission to move about in their own city. The terms “early” and “early to middle” are not semantic slips, but point to a peculiarity in the life of Anton Heiller that has stamped this monograph with its own mark, almost automatically. His creative activities began in a number of areas, both artistic and geographical, and there will be much to report here. If one were to nominate, somewhat randomly, 1958 as the end point of his ascent—Heiller was thirty-five years old at the time—then one would expect a lengthy period of “high plateau” to follow (in a biography it would normally appear as “. . . has gained a firm place in the international music scene”). This state should continue for a number of years, success following success, until he becomes a “doyen” and finally a “grand old master.” But unfortunately Heiller did not live that long. He had only twenty-one years left, and, to make matters worse, from the early 1960s on, he had already begun to complain of exhaustion and overwork. He felt prematurely old and reached his “late phase” extremely early (although one could not know that at the time). If one imagines the curve of a “normal” biography in terms of ascent, plateau, and descent, then in Heiller’s case the plateau is a comparatively small part of the whole image. In his case various physical problems are probably harder to separate from his creative output and his activities than is the case with other composers. To interpret his very complex personality and to unearth the background behind his many dark and depressed moments is a very delicate task, and one that cannot be attempted without a certain amount of subjectivity. This also applies to all those who provide information, and those who interpret such information and use it to create a larger picture. It was advantageous that the bulk of Heiller’s life took place in an era of predominantly written communication. To put it simply: people wrote letters. This will be said again: whenever one of them was away from Vienna, the Heillers became voracious letter writers, especially Anton. For many years they only rarely used the telephone; phone calls were a luxury or for emergencies. I remind younger readers that even during the late 1950s long-distance calls from various regions in Austria to the capital Vienna had to be made via an operator and that self-dialing to other European countries was not possible until the early 1960s. By the same token, a whole string of activities was probably discussed in personal conversations or by phone calls, such as the entire discussion concerning the early Bach recordings and the many projects involving H. C. Robbins Landon. Unfortunately, this leaves many questions unanswered

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preface xv and the researcher ends up wishing that fax or e-mail might have existed, media that could communicate short messages or notes, which might under certain circumstances survive for posterity. And finally, it has to be noted that during the 1970s the Heillers threw out letters and concert programs “by the basket load.” There may well have been a few items among those that would have helped to answer a few questions. The letters between Erna and Anton Heiller give us an insight into a private world full of uncertainties, restrictions, and fussiness, but also one filled with fondness, longing for peace and—let us call it by name—a desire for old-fashioned middle-class conventionality, something they by and large missed out on due to their particular circumstances. In Heiller’s case, especially as he got older, this unfulfilled longing mutated into depression and resignation. A cautious but thorough examination of this private world is necessary in order to understand his dark side, which had such a profound effect on his works and his playing. I have, however, not touched upon the innermost private sphere of the family. This is the place to express my thanks to Heiller’s two children, Birgit Heiller and Bernhard Heiller, for masses of information, for several important clues that sparked an interpretation, and for their general support. In Bernhard’s case, I am also grateful for his assistance in technical and logistical matters—I refer especially to the transportation of countless boxes full of documents and the ongoing welcome and open door at no. 26 Heuberggasse. I must confess to a further eccentricity of this book. Right from the beginning, a linear/chronological portrayal of Heiller’s life did not seem practical to me. That has much to do with the diversity of his activities in the first half of his life (and I point out again: “half of his life” here means twentyeight years). Furthermore, during the course of his working life he often had strong connections to certain geographical regions, although not in the sense of Joseph Haydn, where we find a Viennese period, another one connected with Eisenstadt, and a third with England. Heiller always resided in Vienna. However, there are Switzerland and his early organ experiences and the contacts with Vorarlberg and Tyrol; this is also the time when he experiences his great triumphs as a conductor in Vienna, and almost simultaneously the Haarlem chapter begins and continues for twenty-five years, while Switzerland still plays an important role. It is impossible to discuss the Netherlands during the fifties without encountering Danish organ building; this in turn has a direct influence on the Austrian scene—and so it continues, connections criss-crossing everywhere. Therefore, after much thought, it seemed logical to divide Heiller’s life and work into a number of large sectors that are not necessarily laid out chronologically, but that often complement each other and also overlap. Of course, this often necessitates some cross-referencing and also a certain amount of repetition. I ask the reader to bear with me in this regard. The benefit is that each chapter will present Anton Heiller, the complete

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xvi

preface

person, each time illuminated from a different angle or revealing a different facet of his personality. Chapter 4, “Heiller and America,” is relatively long. First of all, Heiller’s influence on the organ scene in the United States and Canada can hardly be underestimated. Second, quite a bit of detailed documentation is available here, which also enables general conclusions to be drawn about his life as an artist who gave courses and went on concert tours. Third, here we encounter several reminiscences and reflections by a number of students, testifying to the electrifying effect that Heiller generated, even in a first encounter, but also in his one-to-one and group teaching. Additionally, Heiller had developed a particularly soft spot for the United States. Many, on both sides of the Atlantic, agree that he seemed freer and happier in the United States and enjoyed life there immensely. I am especially indebted to Thomas Lee Bailey who placed at my disposal his extensive and as yet unpublished essay, “Anton Heiller and His Influence on American Organists and Organ Builders.” Also important in this context is the information that accompanies the CD recordings: “Anton Heiller: The Legendary Harvard Performances,” in which we find several detailed recollections. I want to thank Hans Haselböck, who was a source of information at various points in this book. Apart from several published contributions that touch on the relevant themes, he has always been ready to give information, making sure that no detail is overlooked and that all available facts appear in the correct order. My colleagues Michael Radulescu, Rudolf Scholz, and Roman Summereder also provided much helpful material.  Heiller died thirty years ago—a long time, but not long enough to make us completely dependent on archives in order to obtain information. He was barely fifty-six years old when he died and therefore would have celebrated his eighty-fifth birthday when this book was begun. This means that there are still contemporaries who can talk about him, and a large number of others a little, or quite a lot younger, who were taught by him and experienced his very complex personality. Finally, I was his student myself, from 1959 to 1967. I was twelve when I had my first lesson and twenty when I graduated. In the years that followed, I had more or less continual contact with him—sometimes frequently, sometimes less so. Toward the end of the eight years I spent as his student, a growing distance was already noticeable; the teacher–student relationship had become somehow tired and a little slack. Not until 1974 did we begin to meet more frequently again, and after that one could talk about a friendship of sorts. My recollections, stemming from such diverse scenarios—as a twelve-yearold, as an adolescent, one who began to walk his own path, and finally as a very respectful younger friend—need to be carefully balanced, of course. Things

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preface xvii that the twelve-year-old accepted without question will have to be adjusted somewhat by the sixty-year-old. In the long run, my own memories will play only a very small role in this book. On the other hand, the colorful, multifaceted perspective of the contemporaries mentioned earlier seems to me absolutely vital. I have conducted nearly fifty interviews, at times very detailed, and am extremely grateful to my interviewees for their efforts in looking back and reflecting. At times so many small, momentary recollections end up forming a mosaic that does present a complete picture. Some of those I spoke to also came up with comprehensive appraisals and assessments and these can help in establishing a framework into which information can be placed, in the right order and in correct relationship with other facts. The publication In Memoriam Anton Heiller, by Thomas Schmögner (1989), was absolutely indispensable. The interviews included in that booklet are an important body of recollections by notable individuals, ten years after Heiller’s death. Material from this source will be referenced in the following manner: Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” 19. In addition, I had access to the original versions of these interviews as well as four interviews that were not published but provided additional material (interviews with Nicolas Danby†, Kirsten Stig Pedersen†, Richard Prilisauer†, and Roman Summereder). A very time-consuming task had been started already by Thomas Schmögner, namely, the transcription of Johann Nepomuk David’s letters, which in part, were at my disposal and helped me immensely. The chronology, together with a synthesis of dates associated with Heiller’s life and work as published by Schmögner became the basis for my own time frames and dates; I could not recheck his dates in every instance, but they form the backbone of my chronological order. Without Schmögner’s work, mine would have been a lot more complicated and time consuming. I thank him with all my heart for his extensive effort in exploring Heiller’s life and creative output. It goes without saying that the dissertation by Robert Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller” (Eastman School of Music, University of Rochester, 1976) was also very helpful, as was the master’s thesis “Heiller als Pädagoge” by Sigrid Gartner (Oberschützen, 2003). Whereas Gant provides a general overview and many detailed descriptions of compositions, Gartner concentrates on pedagogical aspects, and the question of whether there is something we might call the “Heiller School.” In her work we also find, for the first time, a precise list of all who were enrolled with Heiller in Vienna, as well as important documents such as Heiller’s Dienstzettel, an official document that outlined the exact nature of an employee’s duties, status, and progress. It recorded all changes to his job description and to his place in the hierarchy within the teaching staff. The monograph Anton Heiller, by Marie Aimé Joel Harison (2001), lists, sometimes with painstaking accuracy, a lot of detail, but also glosses over some important matters, and it contains a few misunderstandings. It should, of course, be mentioned that Harison never intended an all-encompassing

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portrayal. For me, the booklet nevertheless provided some supplementary information as well as an extra reference for dates and chronology. Articles from a number of church music periodicals and magazines are frequently quoted and some of these require additional information. Chorblätter, Der alpenländische Kirchenchor, and Musica Orans were published concurrently between 1948 and 1953. Each had a different emphasis: the first two addressed the interests of choristers and amateur church musicians, whereas the third targeted the professional, academically trained church musician. After 1953 the three publications were combined in the periodical Singende Kirche. This publication changed its numbering system several times. In addition to the material cited, major sources for this book were the correspondence, notebooks, programs, and other papers of Anton Heiller. I would like to thank the musicologist Karl-Johannes Vsedni for his patient and accurate work. He undertook a thorough Internet search for me and created the discography. Fortunately, creating such an inventory is a little easier today than it has been in the past as one can obtain a lot of information from the Internet. On the other hand, the job is made more difficult as the audio media are much more fragmented now; there is an ever increasing number of sampler CDs, and Heiller the composer, the organist, harpsichordist, conductor, or singer can be found on a variety of audio media, at times only represented by single movements from larger works. And often there are no indications regarding recording venue, instrument, or first issue. Thanks are also due to my wife Elisabeth as well as Renata Nika who often provided creative and timely assistance, and also Rudolf Scholz and Peter Sterzinger who read the finished chapters. This is also the appropriate place to thank those who were involved in the English translation of this book. It was Dame Gillian Weir who initially encouraged me to work toward an English edition, and I am grateful for that. My thanks go first of all to Christa Rumsey who, with her background as a Viennese Heiller student, was a logical choice for the task of translating this book; she devoted an enormous amount of energy and skill to this project. Vivienne Muller assisted her throughout the work with suggestions and advice. Several others frequently helped with producing the English translation: US Heiller students Carolyn and John Skelton, Australian pianist Diana Weekes, and also Johanna Rüggeberg and Hillary Groos. Many more were occasionally consulted and generously gave of their time. I thank them all. Finally I would like to express my gratitude to the people at University of Rochester Press for their interest, encouragement, patience, and ongoing help. The generous chapters about Heiller’s compositions seek to provide a kind of potpourri: not so much a thorough analysis of each work, but—wherever available—the background to its creation, the people who were somehow involved (those who may have commissioned, inspired, or critiqued the piece or taken part in its premiere), as well as Heiller’s thoughts behind the work,

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preface xix where these have been recorded. My main aim is to create connections and put things into a larger framework. Whatever one might call “modern church music” now, then it certainly was something “really new.” Of course, new sacred music is still being written, but “modern church music” has now been in existence for fifty to seventy years longer than in Heiller’s day. In the 1950s, the time had only just passed when the Cecilians had hotly debated whether Bruckner’s ultrachromaticism might go against the spirit of the liturgy; instead, the discussions were now focused on whether Stravinsky’s Mass was suitable for the sacred sphere, and laborious and earnest arguments investigated whether twelve-tone music, by its very nature, should be excluded from sacred music. That Heiller was indeed a true member of the avant-garde movement in this area will only become clear against the background of certain paradigms current at the time. And in this section of the book I will allow myself a few subjective comments. I frequently observe that thirty or forty years is a long period of time, long enough for creative principles to undergo such great changes that the living tradition—the real and direct testimony of eyes and ears—should be permitted to make corrective comments. Some of my readers might have become a little worried that all this might result in a certain amount of “dry stuff.” But, I can tempt them: the discussion of compositions will contain a number of amazing trivia from the middle of the twentieth century as well as several anecdotes. And I am sure there is still a lot more to discover and more room to speculate.  Honoring Heiller’s memory is not enough. It goes without saying that it is far better to perform his works. But Heiller was not only a composer, he was much else besides. There are facts to document and a body of knowledge about the person and the artist to preserve for posterity; this needs to be done right now while there are still personal recollections to tap into, so they can be added to archival material. It is this synthesis that I seek to achieve, so the portrait of a unique man can be drawn against the background of so much excellent music he wrote. In addition, I hope to convey the image of the artist who makes us think about the question Rilke asked the young poet. For it is certain that Heiller would not have survived without music.

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Abbreviations ACV

Allgemeiner Caecilienverband (Saint Cecilia Association)

AGO

American Guild of Organists

ARD

Allgemeine Rundfunkanstalt Deutschlands (German Radio Corporation; one of the two main radio and television stations in Germany)

FP

First performance

GdM BS

Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde in Wien, Brahmssaal

GdM GS

Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, Grosser Saal (main hall)

IGNM

Internationale Gesellschaft für Neue Musik (International Society for New Music)

KH GS

Wiener Konzerthaus, Grosser Saal

KH MS

Wiener Konzerthaus, Mozartsaal

KH SS

Konzerthaus, Schubertsaal

ÖMZ

Österreichische Musikzeitschrift (Austrian Music Journal)

ORF

Österreichischer Rundfunk (Austrian Radio); also, Grosser Sendesaal des Österreichischen Rundfunks (main hall of the Austrian Radio building)

ÖVP

Österreichische Volkspartei (Austrian People’s Party)

RAVAG

Radio-Verkehrs-A.G. (Austrian Radio; the precursor to ORF)

WP

World premiere

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Chapter One

Very Early, Very Fast, Very Steep When Anton Heiller dived headlong into the musical life of Vienna, he landed in several pools at once. At the age of seventeen he already had a number of appearances as an organist behind him; at age eighteen he appeared playing harpsichord and piano in concerts at the Reichsmusikhochschule, and even sang baritone solos; at nineteen he became assistant choir director with both the Vienna Singverein and also at the Vienna Volksoper; at twenty he composed his first works, which cannot just be called youthful efforts; at twentythree he joined the teaching faculty of the Vienna Musikademie; at twenty-five he conducted Franz Schmidt’s Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln at the Musikverein, and at twenty-six he was appointed a panel member with full voting rights for the organ restoration project at Heiligenkreuz Abbey. His ascent was remarkably swift. There were no “preliminary rounds” to deal with. Heiller rarely had to wait his turn. One day, it seems, he was considered “very promising,” a “young hopeful,” and the next, he was performing in the fabled concert venues of Vienna and teaching at the Musikakademie. Anton Heiller’s childhood and youth do not offer any clues or signs that foreshadow his amazing entry into Vienna’s musical life in 1945—nothing spectacular, in any case. There is however a very firm grounding in music and a persistent leaning toward music. This is why a closer look at Heiller’s early years is necessary, because the surroundings in which he grew up are so essential to the formation of his artistic personality and, as will be discussed later, his spiritual development. Anton Heiller was born on September 15, 1923, in the family home at no. 26 Heuberggasse. The house had belonged to the Heiller family since 1898. The suburb Dornbach, in the seventeenth district of Vienna, was a “good” area, not quite at the peak of Vienna’s most desirable suburbs, but nevertheless quite close to the top. His father, Anton Maximilian (1897–1962) was, like his own father, a bank clerk; his mother Karoline, née Senfelder, lived from 1899 to 1982. Erna Hladik, later to be his wife, and her parents lived in the neighboring suburb of Währing. According to Erna, “There was much interest in

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music in my family also. I often accompanied my violinist father on the piano or played piano music for four hands with my aunt.”1 In the case of Heiller’s paternal grandparents musical activity was “just a hobby”; with his father it grew into semiprofessionalism (in fact, even more), and finally with Anton Jr. it exploded into what might be called a 150 percent musical life. According to a former classmate, “when he was eight he sang the Trout Quintet [Piano Quintet in A Major] by Schubert for all of us schoolmates.”2 “In his case musical talent was so strong that it automatically determined his path and drove him straight into the arms of music,” Heiller’s father wrote in a brief, undated autobiographical text, which, significantly, ends with this very statement. In this text, Anton Heiller Sr. describes the way his own life path only narrowly bypassed taking him toward a professional career in music: My parents, who recognized and welcomed my musical talent and also fostered it, were of the opinion that music is the most wonderful thing in the home, but advised against it as a profession. Unfortunately I lost my father when I was only sixteen. Then the First World War began, and fate determined that I should be a clerk at the Anglobank, where my father had been employed in an important position for forty years. However, music was really my “main occupation.” . . . I took singing lessons with Fritz Schrödter, the son of our famous Kammersänger at the Vienna State Opera [Fritz Schrödter Sr., 1855–1924], and I owe him a great debt. In 1926, when the Anglobank closed its doors, and I had already gained quite a respectable opera repertoire, performing in various small productions, the time seemed right to aim for a career in music. . . . But fate had other plans for me: considering the security and welfare of my wife and child I opted for a modest position at the Vienna Krankenanstaltsfond [a public hospital fund]. Fortunately the working conditions of a public servant left plenty of time for regular appearances at the Stadttheater in Baden, and at other small theaters, and also for work with radio.

The Stadttheater Baden bei Wien (about 30 km south of the capital Vienna), a theater ranked “third tier,” was not the only sphere where Anton Heiller Sr. could pursue his musical activities. Since 1916 he had been a member of the choir Singverein der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde. The “Singverein” as the Viennese lovingly abbreviate the name, was known as Vienna’s first big concert and oratorio choir without church affiliations. Anton Sr. made use of decades of experience as a chorister in several ways; he founded a choir for the nursing staff at Vienna’s Wilhelminenspital (a large public hospital in one of Vienna’s outer suburbs, close to where he lived) and after 1948 also directed the church choir at Dornbach. The latter, especially, was to become important in the musical development of his son. Anton Jr. was writing short choral pieces for this choir when he was only an adolescent. Such pieces were always needed, as the church authorities strongly encouraged the singing of the entire propers within the Mass; but in this particular area there was a shortage of compositions

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very early, very fast, very steep 3 suitable for the needs of modest choirs. Erna said, “When he was only twelve he already wrote small mass propers for the liturgy of the church at Dornbach and in this way he became accustomed to the practical side of things. The musical life of his home parish had a great fascination for him.” And she mentions a second important aspect connected with Dornbach: In 1934 a new organ was being built; Toni spent every spare minute in the church, following the development of this instrument, while his school friends were busy with all sorts of other recreational activities and often ridiculed him for his passion for the organ. . . . Wilhelm Zika [Sr.] and Josef Mertin built the Dornbach organ together. Mertin soon noticed how great Toni’s interest and knowledge were, and admitted to being quite surprised. This early acquaintance eventually led to a lifelong personal friendship.

That the eleven-year-old Toni showed more than childish curiosity can probably also be explained by the fact that he was already taking organ lessons with Wilhelm Mück, organist at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna. According to Erna, “From very early on he began to substitute, playing the noontime Masses at the cathedral. Mück gave him access to the organ when he was only twelve or thirteen, because he knew he could depend on him.” In any case, Mück once told Frank Mlcoch, organist at Saint Brigitta: “I have the most amazing student at the moment; he is still very young; his name is Anton Heiller. I give him the 9/8 Prelude [Praeludium in C major BWV 547/1], just to try it out, and the following week he comes back and has finished the Prelude and the Fugue!”3 Father Heiller had taken care to lay solid foundations by teaching his young son piano. Heiller himself describes the transition to the organ, in a little more detail: “I began piano lessons with my father when I was six, and from the age of ten I studied harmony and counterpoint with Ludwig Jamöck, the choirmaster at our home parish church in Dornbach. I basically taught myself the organ, but did have some lessons with Wilhelm Mück between the ages of eleven and eighteen. During this period I learned the bulk of my repertoire.”4 And this is how the twelve-year-old comes to appear as a soloist and accompanist in a concert of Christmas carols on February 2, 1936, in the parish church of Dornbach. In addition Heiller took singing lessons with Fritz Schrödter, who had also taught his father. Heiller himself puts it this way: “As I . . . also took private singing lessons with Prof. Fritz Schrödter and my baritone voice was developing nicely, I was able to appear in concerts as an oratorio singer in the cultural venues I mentioned [Viennese concert halls, Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, various churches, Austrian radio].”5 Among other performances, he also appeared in the role of Christ in the Passions performed by the Bach-Gemeinde.6 It should be mentioned that Heiller’s appearances as a vocal soloist were probably intended mostly as an add-on to his general musical activities. They may

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have been a curiosity, but eventually became fairly serious when Heiller, in 1950, sang the part of Oracolo in an LP recording of Mozart’s opera Idomeneo, under Meinhard von Zallinger conducting the Vienna Symphoniker and the State Opera Chorus. In 1941 Heiller enrolled at the Reichsmusikhochschule; Erna Heiller relates: He studied music theory with Friedrich Reidinger and, to begin with (like me), also piano with Josef Dichler and later with [Bruno] Seidlhofer. We both studied piano and harpsichord there. At the beginning my husband studied organ with Franz Schütz, but Seidlhofer had more or less taken over the organ teaching, because Schütz had been appointed director of the Reichsmusikhochschule and was therefore extremely busy. It was meant to be a temporary solution, but one that nevertheless continued for several years.7

Due to his extensive earlier studies—Erna recalls that he could already play all of Bach’s well-known Preludes and Fugues, and nearly all from memory—Heiller was placed into a more advanced year of the course and took his Reifeprüfung (final diploma exam) in organ and harpsichord only one year later, on June 17, 1942. Heiller writes in his CV: “At the time I was also awarded the newly created Joseph Marx Prize in recognition of my work as a composer and my achievements as an instrumental soloist.” The date of Anton Heiller’s first public organ recital, given completely in his own right, cannot be established. In a newspaper review from November  1, 1940, by Ludwig Schmid, we read: “Recently a circle of Viennese music lovers had the opportunity to hear a young organist of great promise. His name is Anton Heiller. . . . What we experienced in his last concert in the Kalvarienbergkirche and in earlier recitals certainly directs our attention to this young artist.”8 From this we know that Heiller had been heard in concert before this occasion. His first really important appearance, however, must have been the organ recital at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral on June 27, 1941. He included a premiere in this program, a Vorspiel, written by his student colleague Kurt Lerperger, who was later to become organist at Klosterneuburg Abbey. We have another newspaper write-up from 1943 about a concert at the Kalvarienbergkirche, also by Schmid, who tends toward somewhat poetic language: Anyone who can present something like the little “Trinitäts-Hymnus” by Praetorius so alive, so inwardly grasped and experienced as this young artist managed to do on this occasion, possesses an inner power that is not of this world, but can take us into a new world. . . . Heiller’s playing demonstrates the most finely chiseled, supremely mastered technique, and an understanding of the essence of every style: truly re-creative organ artistry! Three years ago it was a promise, now this promise has been fulfilled. This is the first harvest of a delicious, mature crop! And it will continue in abundance!9

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very early, very fast, very steep 5 Heiller’s first solo recital in the main hall of the Vienna Musikverein took place in November 1945, when he was already teaching at the Akademie. He played Bach, Sweelinck, Muffat, David, and Reger. He played his first recital at Vienna’s other great venue, the Konzerthaus, on January 17, 1946, and here, alongside works by J. S. Bach, Max Reger, and Johannes Brahms, a piece by Felix Prohaska stands out: his Präludium und Fugue in B-Dur (Prelude and Fugue in B-flat Major). Heiller’s later tendency to design recital programs that are somewhat uncompromising (or maybe just very consistent?) is already apparent, as he follows the intermission with Brahms’s Fuge as-Moll (Fugue in A-flat Minor), an extremely complex and introverted piece. Just five months later, on May 17, Heiller appeared at the Musikvereinssaal again and this time the program included Hindemith’s Sonata II and J.  N. David’s Engelskonzert (Partita “Es sungen drei Engel ein süssen Gesang”). Between these two pieces was the premiere of Paul Angerer’s “Musica pro organo.” The concert was organized by IGNM, the Internationale Gesellschaft für Neue Musik (International Society for New Music). Heiller’s next concert at the Konzerthaus followed five months later; he closed the first half of the program with Reger’s “Wachet auf” Fantasia and the concert ended with Franz Schmidt’s Chaconne in cis (C-sharp minor). Yet another solo recital in the main hall of the Konzerthaus took place on December 2, 1948. The program design seems typical for Heiller’s predilection for old and new music. It is surprising though, given the Konzerthaus’s very large high/late Romantic instrument, that the Romantic period is not represented at all: Georg Böhm, Praeludium und Fuge in D Minor Nikolaus Bruhns, Choralfantasie “Nun komm der Heiden Heiland” Dietrich Buxtehude, Praeludium und Fuge in F-sharp Minor Anton Heiller, Vater unser im Himmelreich (Kleine Partita) (premiere) Joseph Ahrens, Dorian Toccata Johann Nepomuk David, Partita “Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod” (“Dies Irae”) (premiere) Johann Sebastian Bach, Toccata and Fugue in D Minor We have to remember that in those days there were far fewer organ recitals than now. The recitals at the Kalvarienbergkirche—with its organ built in 1928 by Johann Kauffmann (I),10 with ten stops and two manuals—were a somewhat rare phenomenon. Between the two world wars, the two organists of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Karl Walter and Wilhelm Mück, played concerts on the large Walcker cathedral organ and occasionally invited guest organists. Court organists Josef Labor and Rudolf Dittrich performed in the great hall of the Musikverein, as did Karl Straube, who performed six times. Franz Schütz gave the lion’s share of the recitals (twenty-five out of thirty-seven). In the great

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hall of the Konzerthaus (the organ there was the largest concert organ in the former Austro/Hungarian Empire) amazingly few recitals devoted solely to organ music took place; in the space of forty years Karl Walter and Walter Pach played just a handful of concerts. The programs of all these performers were dominated by Bach and Reger. Just as a curiosity I point out that Karl Walter once programmed the Capriccio Cucu by Johann Kaspar Kerll on this one-hundred-stop instrument. In the Musikverein Franz Schütz premiered nearly all of the organ works of Franz Schmidt, and virtually always included Schmidt works in his programs. In this context, it is noteworthy that in May 1944, Walter Pach also performed Schmidt’s Chaconne at the Konzerthaus. This brief review of the Viennese organ recital scene during the years between the wars brings home the full importance of Heiller’s first large-scale organ recitals. On January 31, 1950, Heiller appeared at the Musikverein with an all-Bach program, however, “The concert was not well attended and he had to hire the hall himself.”11 During the first half of June the Musikverein marked the two hundredth anniversary of Bach’s death with a Bach Festival. “At the opening Günter Ramin played the D-minor Toccata extremely freely. Heiller sat in the audience and kept shaking his head,” Richard Prilisauer remembers.12 By the way, this was Ramin’s second appearance at the Musikverein. It is worth noting that Marcel Dupré also played a Bach recital in the same series. On that first of June Heiller not only sat in the hall shaking his head but also played the harpsichord in Bach’s Cantata no. 50. Herbert von Karajan conducted the Vienna Philharmonic and the Singverein. Heiller had by now become very sought-after for engagements of this kind. Even by the early forties, Heiller had already gained significant experience, playing a variety of keyboard instruments and performing with all kinds of ensembles. It seems that his teacher Bruno Seidlhofer was one of the few who, at that time, had a genuine interest in Baroque music. He had begun teaching harpsichord and also persuaded many a piano student to enroll in harpsichord as well. He himself often played the harpsichord for oratorio performances. Seidlhofer headed the Reichsmusikhochschule’s Collegium Musicum and, as early as 1941, Heiller performed the Variations Ei du feiner Reiter by Samuel Scheidt for one of their recitals. In the same year he appeared in another concert of that series, first as a baritone (Heinrich Schütz, “Der Herr ist mein Licht”), then in the second half of the program as a harpsichord soloist in Prelude and Fugue in A Minor by Vincent Lübeck, and finally as a continuo player in a work by Pachelbel. A few days later, he first performed a work by Caldara on the harpsichord and later in the program, Reger’s Rhapsodie in cis moll (C-sharp minor) on the organ. In addition there were performances of works for piano, four hands, with fellow students and with Erna Hladik, later to be Heiller’s wife, as well as continuo engagements and other singing and organ engagements. But Seidlhofer was also very interested in new music. In a “house concert of contemporary piano works” on November 27, 1943, Erna, Toni, and Kurt Rapf (the

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very early, very fast, very steep 7 organ-playing core of the Seidlhofer class) appeared together. Erna—encouraged by her teacher—played a piano Toccata written by Toni; after that, Erna and Toni, at two pianos, performed Variationen über ein eigenes Thema by Kurt Rapf, and as the final item on the program, a Toccata für 2 Klaviere by Heiller. Therefore, this, and not 1945, is probably the date of the first performance of this work, which proved to be such a trailblazer for the young composer. Once more, Erna recollects: Very often we also played for live broadcasts at the RAVAG.13 This was of course very exciting, especially at first. “Red light”—and you knew: everybody is listening! But, it was good for us, and it helped us develop professionalism. . . . Then there were also concerts for wounded soldiers—and suddenly we found ourselves on the podium in the hall of the Musikverein again! Whenever the professors did not feel like participating in a performance, they just delegated their students.14

Franz Schütz, Heiller’s official organ teacher, was both imaginative and helpful when it came to organizing performing opportunities for his students, and not just in places where it was easy for him to exert his influence, namely, at the Musikverein in Vienna, where he had been in charge since March 15, 1939; in addition, he had become director of the Reichsakademie für Musik. Erna says: All the students had to play their part in the Studenteneinsatz [the war effort demanded of the student community]. Nobody could be exempted from that. We were lucky—I think Schütz certainly had a hand in the matter—we were able to make our contribution in our own field. It gave us a chance to take part in the concerts at Bad Gastein performing under Fritz Recktenwald. That is where we played the E-flat-major Double Concerto by Mozart, for two pianos, of course always only with some makeshift orchestra.

But there were more areas where the young Heiller could gather practical experience and become well-versed as a performer. Because of his father’s activities with the Singverein der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde—where he was not just a chorister, but also had administrative duties—Toni had contact with great choral literature from an early age and began working as an accompanist when he was only sixteen. A glance at the works studied by the choir after 1939 shows the repertoire’s great breadth. After its premiere in 1939, Franz Schmidt’s Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln was performed three more times during the war; his Cantata Deutsche Auferstehung, later so hotly debated,15 was premiered on April 24, 1940. In addition, the choir sang the following works between 1939 and 1945: J. S. Bach: Saint Matthew Passion, Saint John Passion, Mass in B Minor Ludwig van Beethoven: Missa Solemnis, Ninth Symphony Hans Pfitzner: Von deutscher Seele

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chapter one Friedrich Reidinger: Gotische Messe Anton Bruckner: Mass in F Minor, Te Deum George Frideric Handel: Messiah Johannes Brahms: A German Requiem, Schicksalslied Giuseppe Verdi: Requiem, Stabat Mater Giacomo Rossini: Stabat Mater Joseph Haydn: The Seasons, The Creation Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Requiem Herrmann Reutter: Der grosse Kalender Franz Schubert: Mass in E-flat Major

Special mention should be made of the performance of Berlioz’s Damnation of Faust under Rudolf Moralt on February 25, 1942. Many years later, in 1960, Heiller was to conduct this work again. He was called in as a substitute conductor, with only two days’ notice. It is just possible he may have recalled the piece, at least vaguely, from the above-mentioned performance. In this way Heiller came into contact with most of the important great works of the choir and orchestra genre, and moreover, from the perspective of study and rehearsal. He encountered some of these works more than once. His work with the Singverein brought not only professional experience but also, indirectly, the postponement of his military service, or rather, the granting of the all-important military service at home. As Erna recalls: “Toni was sixteen when he began work as an accompanist for [Wilhelm] Furtwängler. Furtwängler recognized his immense talent. He supported him in many ways (‘We must not lose this man at the front. He might just as well do his military service at home.’)—and that was very fortunate for him.” Where and how soon Furtwängler became aware of Heiller to such an extent that he intervened for him in Berlin cannot be fully established. Between 1937 and 1945, Furtwängler conducted the Singverein only three times, and therefore the first artistic contact between the two men must have been during the rehearsals for the Mozart Requiem in the autumn of 1941. On the other hand, Furtwängler was vice president of the Reichsmusikkammer and, moreover, Generalbevollmächtigter (the top authorized agent) for musical matters in Vienna. This involved not just representative functions; he was Vienna’s de facto general music director and indirectly chief conductor of the Vienna Philharmonic. The young Heiller’s professionalism must have been very obvious indeed for Furtwängler to intervene on his behalf so early. As a result, Heiller was drafted into military service on September 8, 1942,16 not to the front, but to service in Vienna and its vicinity, for “service at home.” The situation also gives some insight about Furtwängler: despite his official positions, he tended to remain somewhat ambivalent in political matters,17 but here, in a matter that was not important for him personally, he decided to exert his influence.

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very early, very fast, very steep 9 Forty years later, and thousands of miles away, Carl Smith writes about Heiller’s early contact with Furtwängler: I am totally convinced that Furtwängler (and yes, I am a F.-admirer!) had an enormous influence on Heiller. During the years which were so formative for Heiller, Furtwängler spent almost as much time in Vienna as he did in Berlin. And then there was this competition for composers. Furtwängler was on the jury and Heiller won the competition. [There is no other evidence available that such an event took place. Possibly this is a reference to the Joseph Marx Prize that Heiller won in 1942.] . . . Furtwängler’s sense for detail, but most of all his sensitivity for melodic shape and the interplay of musical lines, and his ability to bring out the dramatic aspect of a large work, these were the things which set him apart at the time, even though this was an era of great conductors. . . . I am sure that those two outstanding artists had the same concept of rubato and rhythmic freedom.18

Erna and Toni made one more important acquaintance during the war years. Hans Gillesberger was choir director at Vienna’s Piaristenkirche at the time, and it was very obvious even then that this would not be the final destination for this gifted artist. Gillesberger later became Toni’s companion along the musical path, and conducted many first performances of his works. The Heillers often sang with the choir of the Piaristenkirche for various performances, and, according to Erna “together with the singers Karoline Kroschik and Emmi Braun-Becker from the Vienna State Opera Chorus and the bass Willy Becker, later her husband, we sang eight-part madrigals.19 It was a wonderful time, during which I got to know some excellent early music.”  The war had been going on for five years. Many sensed that it was nearing its end, but war invariably takes longer than hoped for. At the start of his Heimatverwendung (service on the home front) Heiller laid and repaired telephone cables. “That also meant he had to climb the poles! It was dreadful for him because he was never inclined towards sport and was frightened of heights,” Erna says in another interview.20 Later on he was engaged in bookkeeping for military reserves and then at a telephone exchange. When the end of the war was finally approaching, Heiller worked as a medical orderly in Lazarett 1-A, a military hospital, today the Hanusch Krankenhaus. There were rumors that the Russians had far fewer prisoners of war than the Americans and that this situation would somehow now be “balanced out.” A Polish nurse suggested that the Austrians might be advised to take off their uniforms and to “go underground” for a few days; she was going to burn all written records. After “a few days of terrible uncertainty,” the Allied Forces took over the city and with that Heiller’s military service ended. Curfews must have been in place because Toni and Erna communicated by letter between

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10 chapter one

Figure 1.1. Heiller as a medical orderly, 1944

Währing and Hernals (the distance between their residences was only about forty-five minutes, walking briskly). The envelopes often lack stamps, or a letter might reveal that it was hand-delivered by someone—usually Heiller’s father. The two had planned to get married in April 1945, “but that had to be canceled,” relates Erna. “Everything around us was in complete chaos, and one was fighting for one’s survival. But we did get engaged on the fifteenth of May. The wedding took place on November 18, 1945; the bridal Mass was very early, at seven in the morning, in Dornbach.” On April 23, 1945, Erna encouraged Toni: “Can’t you try somehow to get in touch with the Opera House? Many of their people are unavailable at the moment; for instance G. and possibly P. and so on. Mr. S. says that all ‘illegals’ have been sacked. That might be a chance for you to get a foot in the door!”21 Similarly on the following day, Erna continues: “I believe that you would lose valuable time if you were to stay at the hospital any longer. As the relevant authorities intend to assist creative artists at this early stage, it should not be too hard to find a position somewhere . . . and I do believe that you should return to your appropriate place in the music world.” This indicates that the Heillers did not remain inactive. As the preceding discussion shows, Toni was by no means unknown. Sigrid Gartner reproduces a very amusing document. It is written on stationery with the letterhead “Der Reichsstatthalter in Wien” (which translates roughly as “The Third Reich’s Governor in Vienna”), complete with the swastika emblem. However, the

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Figure 1.2. Heiller on his wedding day, 1945

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12 chapter one sender is identified in a stamp that says “Republik Österreich—Staatsamt für Volksaufklärung für Unterricht und Erziehung und für Kulturangelegenheiten” (Republic of Austria—Department for Public Education, Teaching, and Cultural Affairs). In this document, dated June 10, 1945, the responsible officer is forwarding a few applications for teaching positions to the president of the Staatsakademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst [National Academy of Music and Performing Arts]; it requests that special attention be given to the “suggestions by the Austrian Volkspartei [People’s Party] concerning Anton Heiller and others as we see these young artists as worthy of encouragement. They have shown by their talent and past achievements that they could make a great contribution to the National Academy . . . as teachers or assistant teachers.”22 The attachment lists detailed suggestions for each individual applicant, in Heiller’s case, “possibly organist in residence at the Musikverein or the Konzerthaus; teaching position at the National Academy.” After many years in leading positions, Franz Schütz was now suddenly persona non grata; he was not only removed from his official positions but also barred from returning to his post as organ professor at the Musikakademie. His organ professorship was given to the church music professor Karl Walter, whose position in turn went to Anton Heiller. Apart from that, the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) document also names Hans Gillesberger, Josef Nebois, Kurt Rapf, Kurt Lerperger, and the priest-composer Raimund Weissensteiner (the latter is suggested as a possible candidate for head of the Department of Church Music). Last of all Isolde Ahlgrimm is mentioned as a possible choice for a position as harpsichord teacher. This is a topic that will be discussed further in chapter 5. Heiller’s early appointment to the academy was, without doubt, instigated by church music circles and those involved with choral music, and it was also given assistance by the newly formed ÖVP. That Heiller lived in the “black” section of Austria also illuminates a comment made by Richard Prilisauer about the late forties: “Heiller was the top music boss in Catholic quarters—and rightly so.”23 On September 11, 1945, the Department of Religious Culture of the Archdiocese of Vienna sponsored a performance of the mystery play Das Marienkind at the Redoutensaal in Vienna; the music was composed by Anton Heiller and showed “deep empathy.”24 Through the involvement of Anton Heiller Sr. at the Singverein, important contacts had been made. However, Heiller’s father sang not only there but also at the Musikakademie, in the choir of the Department of Church Music. Josef Lechthaler had been at the helm of the department since 1931 but in 1938, he was speedily removed.25 A well-known composer and groundbreaking thinker, he was nevertheless still very influential. After September 1939, Monsignor Franz Kosch headed the department; in 1945 Lechthaler returned to the post—“in just reparation,” writes Kosch.26 “Kosch procured Heiller,” says Hubert Dopf about this process; Kosch on the other hand writes decades later: “It was really thanks to the Missa in mixolydisch G that Heiller

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very early, very fast, very steep 13 was called to our department at such a young age.”27 And indeed, on August 14, Lechthaler asked the director of the Musikakademie to engage Heiller as teacher of the principal subjects Künstlerisches Orgelspiel (organ performance) and Kirchliches Orgelspiel (organ playing in the church music context), and supported his request with detailed praise for the young musician. Heiller joined the staff on October 1, 1945, and remained in this position until his death. Over time, his actual appointment changed several times, and occasionally other subjects were added to the organ teaching; for instance, from 1950 to 1953, his weekly schedule also included the two-hour class “Collegium musicum for contemporary music.” This subject was entrusted to him because by the age of twenty-seven he had gathered sufficient experience to be well versed in new music. In 1945 contemporary music took off with a vengeance, and Anton Heiller, Kurt Rapf, and Paul Angerer were trailblazers. That year saw the establishment of the Österreichische Kulturvereinigung (Austrian Cultural Alliance), and Egon Seefehlner became its dynamic chairman. He traveled widely, encountering many important personalities and the latest trends, and bringing all this back to Vienna. Closely associated with the ÖVP, the alliance organized its own concerts and offered commissions for the composition of new works. In June 1945, Manfred Mautner-Markhof was nominated provisional head of the Konzerthausgesellschaft (the organization that runs the Vienna Konzerthaus) and a year later became its president; Egon Seefehlner in turn was called to be its secretary general. At the Musikverein, Rudolf Gamsjäger was in charge of concert activity. The two houses were in competition but had regular contact. Soon the Austria Konzertagentur (Austria Concert Agency) was created. The role of this interesting organization was to import artists for both houses. How the borders were to be delineated in the long term was outlined by Seefehlner in his very first speech on the occasion of his appointment: “The Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde [Musikverein] is the great custodian of conservative music in Austria; we [the Konzerthaus], on the other hand, should offer a home to everything that is valuable and honest, but because of the very nature of the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, cannot be accommodated there. This means . . . that we will open our doors to a greater extent . . . to all that is interesting, new, and lively.”28 The occupying Allied Forces soon realized that the hearts of the Viennese could be won with cultural programs. The Russians in particular wanted to let everybody know that they were not barbarians. The US-owned radio station Rot-weiss-rot (“Red-white-red”—the colors of the Austrian flag) played works by Leo Sowerby and Walter Piston.29 Chamber music concerts were held at the French Cultural Institute. Leopold Marksteiner recalls a visit to an antique shop in the inner city, where a French officer next to him was selling an organ work by Messiaen. In the very first concert season Francis Poulenc visited Vienna and on February 16/17, 1946, performed his Concert Champêtre with

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14 chapter one the Vienna Philharmonic under Roger Desormière. It was probably during this visit to Vienna that he heard Anton and Erna Heiller play the Toccata for Two Pianos and wrote a report of praise about it. (In the concert mentioned above, the Philharmonic also played the Scènes de ballet by Igor Stravinsky and Les Offrandes oubliées by Messiaen.) In 1947 the First International Music Festival was held at the Konzerthaus. It included seventeen first performances, among them Symphonie liturgique and Jeanne d’Arc by Arthur Honegger, conducted by Paul Sacher; Paul Hindemith led two orchestral concerts; Otto Klemperer conducted the Symphony in C by Stravinsky, and Olivier Messiaen and Yvonne Loriod played some of their own works. The 1948 festival included seventeen first performances and nine world premieres, among them Karl Schiske’s oratorio Vom Tode and the Symphony no. 4 by Ernst Křenek. But there was interest in new music at the Musikverein as well. This led to the creation of the Pro Arte concert series in 1946, which unfortunately was short-lived. Nevertheless, Rudolf Moralt conducted Verklärte Nacht by Arnold Schoenberg and three excerpts from Wozzeck by Alban Berg. A little outside the mainstream and somewhat exotically placed, Isolde Ahlgrimm staged a series called Konzerte für Kenner und Liebhaber (Concerts for connoisseurs and enthusiasts), sponsored by her mentor and (after 1938) husband, Erich Fiala. Occasionally, new music was performed in this series, on old instruments.30 Herbert Vogg, for many years head of Doblinger Music Publishing says: “It was a fantastic time—we were like dry sponges.”31 And finally, in 1946, the Wiener Kammerorchester (Vienna Chamber Orchestra) was founded, as well as the Wiener Kammerchor (Vienna Chamber Choir), which under Ferdinand Grossmann quickly became internationally recognized and achieved considerable success, especially with performances of new choral music, including works by Heiller. Rapf, Heiller, and Angerer were seen as the avant-garde in the postwar years: “they just stood out.”32 Occasionally they did some crazy things—perhaps to attract attention. Once, in the Schubertsaal (Vienna Konzerthaus) they arranged all the audience chairs in a circle and the ensemble played in the center. The concert halls were cold, the lighting sparse, little money was available, shortages of everything—but there was a great sense of departure.33 The overview of Heiller’s official appearances between 1945 and 1951 given at the end of this chapter demonstrates his intense involvement with the contemporary music scene and its presence in Vienna.  One must ask the question: how was he able to do all this? (The same goes for his comrades-in-arms Paul Angerer and Kurt Rapf.) How could they be so well versed in new music when during their most formative years they had been cut off from the contemporary music scene? Of course, this also applies to their work as composers because the spectrum of new works that could have

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very early, very fast, very steep 15 influenced them was comparatively narrow. It is important to sift through concert programs of the early forties and examine their new music content. We cannot investigate here how the Third Reich regulated artistic creativity, but we should remember how easy it was to become persona non grata. One did not necessarily have to belong to a front-line avant-garde or to a persecuted race, or to stand out as someone who openly criticized the political regime. Paul Hindemith and Ernst Křenek are good examples (although the latter was suspected of being of Jewish or possibly Slavic origin). Their fate shows us how easy it was to “fall from grace.”34 Both of them emigrated after the regime banned all performances of their works. Similarly, works by members of the Second Viennese School were not performed, and neither were Stravinsky’s compositions. All reports confirm that for the entire period—even during the war— Vienna enjoyed a lively music scene. If one scans recital programs for works by composers from the region of Greater Germany, two names stand out, Richard Strauss and Hans Pfitzner. Franz Schmidt, who died in 1939, was also often played. Likewise, works by Werner Egk and Carl Orff were performed. Of the living composers, the second tier was represented by Friedrich Reidinger, Armin Caspar Hochstetter, Karl Schiske, Fritz Skorzeny, Cesar Bresgen, Joseph Marx, Heinz Röttger, Alfred Uhl, Otto Siegl, Franz Hasenörl, Jenö Takács, Ernst Ludwig Uray, Erich Marckhl and Norbert Sprongl, among others. Apart from the occasional concert specifically devoted to new music, Anton Konrath, for many years conductor of the Vienna Symphoniker’s Sunday afternoon concerts, played an important role.35 Incidentally, in one of these concerts (January 11, 1942), Heiller made his debut as a soloist at the organ of the great hall of the Vienna Konzerthaus, playing Bach’s Prelude and Fugue in A Minor. Foreign contemporary composers tended to be in the minority. Once the Vienna Philharmonic played the Symphony no. 2 by Arthur Honegger under Ernest Ansermet; Ravel’s Daphnis and Cloe was performed;36 works by Alfredo Casella and Zoltan Kodaly were also featured. Occasionally, recitals were dedicated entirely to “moderate” Russian composers. This relatively restricted approach obviously also affected teaching activities at the Musikakademie. Erna Heiller remembers: “We were limited to a fairly narrow repertoire: classical, preclassical, and romantic. It really only extended as far as Reger—anything beyond that just could not be done. But, we could play Debussy and Ravel.” Somewhat surreptitiously, a few other opportunities were occasionally created. Paul Angerer reports: “Of course we played various things for each other, and in the cellar of the Conservatorium we also did Stravinsky and Hindemith. Our teachers H. U. Staeps and Viktor Sokolovsky turned a blind eye. The head of the department, Othmar Steinbauer was once even ordered to Berlin and was thoroughly interrogated about the strange music which was played at his institution.” A certain amount of new music from foreign countries could be accessed by tuning in to one of the banned radio stations.

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16 chapter one Therefore, modern music was not totally absent during the war. It was available in small doses and, importantly, what was offered was of a rather “tame” variety. Stravinsky’s rhythms and the exciting sounds of Messiaen and other French composers did not reach Vienna until 1945. Given the narrow foundations of such a restricted repertoire, it took musicians of extraordinary talent to enter into the sphere of contemporary music so confidently and skillfully. This probably applies most of all to Anton Heiller. His skill and ability in modern music soon became widely recognized. Richard Prilisauer remembers: “When Honegger’s Jeanne d’Arc was performed [under Paul Sacher, on June 9, 1947, at the Vienna Konzerthaus], the director of the Singakademie, Reinhold Schmid, asked Anton Heiller to deliver the speech to introduce the work in the foyer of the Konzerthaus. He was the only one who could, after just a short time at the piano, demonstrate key sections of the work.”  Heiller managed an equally surprising and steep ascent in another potential career—as a conductor of large musical productions. Not long after conducting smaller-scale vocal and instrumental concerts Heiller stood before a symphony orchestra. On May 18, 1947, in the main hall of the Konzerthaus, he appeared on the podium for the first time, conducting the Niederösterreichisches Tonkünstlerorchester. They played Hans Pfitzner’s Blütenwunder und Trauermarsch (Die Rose vom Liebesgarten), Ottorino Respighi’s Concerto Gregoriano for violin and orchestra, and Franz Schmidt’s Symphony no. 3 in A Major. For a novice conductor this was no mean feat. It is worth noting that Hans Pfitzner, known as someone who did not oppose the Third Reich, was still on the program in 1947. Franz Schmidt’s symphony, however, is not a surprise, as his works were part of the standard repertoire in Vienna during the forties. Just one month later, Heiller appeared with the Vienna Symphoniker again, in the very same hall. William Walton directed the first half of the program, and in the second half Heiller conducted the Symphony no. 4 by Franz Schmidt. Once again, this is a very demanding piece for someone who has a minimum of experience—this was only Heiller’s second appearance and he was substituting at short notice. However, Heiller would have known the work well because Symphony no. 4 had been heard in Vienna at least six times during the war. Most astonishing, however, was his next appearance, featuring Franz Schmidt’s oratorio Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln (The book with seven seals). This large-scale, quasi-contemporary work (it fills a complete evening performance) is seen in Vienna as the culmination of its genre. Its premiere had taken place only about ten years earlier. The piece makes enormous demands on the orchestra and even more so on the choir, and is no easy task for a conductor. Anton Heiller had never taken conducting lessons. According to Erna, he “often he stood in front of a mirror and tried out what he might have to do

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very early, very fast, very steep 17 and how he himself would have to find the entries.” The reason that someone just twenty-five years old was entrusted with such a difficult task may well be the fact that Heiller knew the work thoroughly from his involvement as a coach in numerous rehearsals of the Singverein. The 1948 performance however was done by the Singakademie—the “house choir” of the Konzerthaus, for many years in competition with the Singverein. After its premiere on June 14/15, 1938, the oratorio had been performed again in 1939, 1941, and 1944, each time conducted by Oswald Kabasta.37 If one takes all the facts into account it becomes obvious that, despite his youth, Anton Heiller was the logical choice for a realization of “the Book.” He knew the difficult choral parts better than anyone else and had already conducted two Schmidt symphonies. The performances on February 16 and 17 must have been very successful, as several contemporary witnesses attest.38 Immediately after the performance, Ferdinand Grossmann, the doyen of choral conducting in Austria, wrote to Heiller: I was deeply moved by your performance of the Buch mit sieben Siegeln. Out of your own deeply faithful heart and with magnificent command of technique you have achieved something really wonderful. As a “good Austrian” I delight in the fact that the music metropolis of Vienna now has a new worthy and serious leader. I hope that soon there will come a time when people like you will be valued more than international stars. I heartily congratulate you and rejoice with you.39

And before the concert season was over, on June 22, 1948, Heiller conducted the work again. More performances followed on February 8, 9, and 11. (The Singakademie sang for all of these performances; at the Musikverein the piece was not heard again until March 11 and 12, 1950, under Josef Krips.) Many years later Heiller was to conduct further performances of this work: once at the Bregenz town hall in 1961 and twice more in 1966 at the Konzerthaus. So in 1974 it seemed only logical that Heiller was called in when Carl Melles had to be replaced on short notice for a performance on August 30 in Lucerne. Rudolf Scholz, who was the organist for that occasion, recalls: “He rehearsed the Evangelist’s part with Peter Schreier for two days before the performance. It was amazing how Heiller mastered the most difficult sections at the piano [accompanist fashion, so to speak], even though he had not played them for many years [that is, since 1966].”40 How well Heiller knew the work is demonstrated by the following anecdote. This incident, which I witnessed, took place prior to the 1966 performances, in the corridor of the Department of Church Music. A German student asked, just in passing, “what the oratorio was roughly about.” Heiller stopped and started reciting, from memory, the complete text, while more and more students gathered around him. And now back to the late forties. Viewed overall, Heiller’s phenomenal rise into the world of conducting large-scale works seems to have happened for the following reasons: the already mentioned successes as a conductor of

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18 chapter one smaller and medium-size ensembles; many years of experience as an accompanist and vocal coach at the Singverein; a natural dual talent in the areas of both “gestures” and things pianistic; and, of course, a certain “thinning out” within the ranks of musicians. A few conductors had emigrated, and others were excluded from Vienna’s musical life very soon after 1945 because of the role they had played in the Third Reich—they were shunned or had died. In addition, Heiller knew the works mentioned above extremely well and was at home at the Singverein and in both great concert houses of Vienna. It became obvious very early that he had phenomenal aural skills. At his audition for the Musikakademie Josef Dichler, according to Erna, had commented: “Well, now we’ve got somebody who can hear everything. If you were to sit on the piano keyboard, Heiller would pick out every note.”41 Ultimately—or perhaps first and foremost—Heiller simply was a genius, despite his youth, an experienced musician to the core. He possessed detailed and complete concepts of works along with a compelling manner with which to articulate them. The seriousness that he emanated and his persuasive powers will be discussed elsewhere. Both of these characteristics would have played a decisive role in connection with his early engagements as a conductor. Other works from the symphonic repertoire that he conducted during this period can be found in a list at the end of the chapter. Once, in 1948, Heiller conducted the Vienna Philharmonic in Eisenstadt (the provincial capital of Burgenland). Richard Prilisauer recalls that on this occasion the orchestra did not accept him quite as readily. A large-scale Tchaikovsky symphony was probably not part of Heiller’s main repertoire. “He was very annoyed about that, and he was very grumpy afterward.”42 However, the famous orchestra did invite him back at a later date for an Austrian tour in 1968. It can be said that at this stage the public knew Heiller mainly as a conductor, and the thought of turning that into a career would have arisen more than once. After Furtwängler, Herbert von Karajan got to know and value Anton Heiller. Erna recalls that Heiller “soon became his [Karajan’s] favorite organist and harpsichordist.” (Erna uses the term Leiborganist und-cembalist, a very Austrian term indicating a close, familiar, and treasured relationship.) Prilisauer recalls the following from the spring of 1947: “I sat in on the rehearsals for Karajan’s Saint Matthew Passion movie, where Heiller was rehearsing the chorus. Karajan went off on his lunch break—big meal, you know—meanwhile Heiller had to keep going, rehearsing the chorus in English. At four o’clock Karajan returned and resumed the rehearsal.” In 1948 father and son Heiller traveled to Perugia and Rome; Toni reported to Vienna: “By the way, I am not playing the organ, but the harpsichord, because the orchestra has its own organist; the organ is atrocious. My main job is conducting and Karajan listens and reviews the recordings. (That’s really what he wanted me for and I enjoy it.)”

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very early, very fast, very steep 19

Figure 1.3. Anton Heiller and Herbert von Karajan, 1950

He wrote similar things about another trip to Italy: It’s amazingly busy here, of course (tomorrow it’s suddenly the B-minor Mass instead of the Verdi Requiem). . . . Seefehlner and Dr. Härtl [sic] said to me that I should come to the concert, because there would be a number of Italian concert agents present; they might want to try something. But nothing came to pass. I only met Maestro Corti again, whom I knew from Rome, but I hardly had a chance to speak to him. Seefehlner had a meeting with him in Rome today and perhaps he intervened a little on my behalf. We’ll see, I guess.

So it seems that there were definitely attempts to establish contacts for Heiller as a conductor outside of Vienna. “At that time it was said that Heiller could end up as one of the great conductors,” Elisabeth Buchsbaum, a member of the Singverein during that period, recalls. Once Karajan wrote to the Musikverein: “Tenor arias: already contracted with Meyer-Welfing. Please see to it that Heiller rehearses the parts painstakingly especially with him, and with Edelmann.”43 Erna’s recollections regarding all this are well-known: Karajan wanted to call him to Wiesbaden as his assistant. However, my husband felt such a strong bond with his Viennese organ class that he turned the offer down. In 1948, when we spent six weeks in Salzburg for the rehearsals of Frank Martin’s Le Vin Herbé, there were frequent discussions with Egon Hilbert and Professor Krips who were very keen to get him for the Vienna

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20 chapter one State Opera. My husband said it was very tempting, but “there are so many good conductors, but so few good organists, especially teachers.” Krips had said: “Think really carefully about this, Heiller; this will be the greatest foolishness of your life if you turn this down.” And he did indeed commit the greatest foolishness of his life and did not join the staff at the opera house. He felt that the day-to-day routine there would probably have completely paralyzed his creative spirit.

Heiller later explained it thus: “Turned down offer to become Krips’ assistant at the Vienna State Opera, because preferred to teach organ, because believed there is greater need. Therefore no actual career as a conductor. Anyone who can understand this, will understand it automatically; anyone who rejects me as a conductor because of it, cannot be forced to like me.”44 On this topic, H. C. Robbins Landon said: “At the start of the fifties Heiller was not really sure which direction he should take. Should he consider a career as an organ virtuoso, or as a conductor; should he be an organ professor or a composer? At the beginning he did everything—but eventually he had to decide what he really wanted. That was very difficult! He was just too gifted. . . . I was rather disappointed, because he could have made a stunning career as a conductor.”45 With Landon we have reached yet another aspect of Heiller’s fast, early, steep ascent, and that is his intensive collaboration with the Haydn Society, which continued over many years. Landon had founded the society in Boston in 1949. He had been stationed in Vienna as a soldier of the occupying force and on Easter Sunday 1948 offered his services as a timpanist at the Piaristenkirche; Gillesberger conducted, Heiller was at the organ. I quote in detail from the interview of 1989: This very first occasion of making music together was the beginning of a very productive collaboration that was to continue for many years. It laid the foundations for my idea of making LP recordings for the Haydn Society, which was still in its infancy, here in Vienna, with Heiller and Gillesberger. You have to remember that we made the very first recordings of Haydn in 1949, the first Nelson Mass, then the first Creation and the first Seasons. During these recordings I noticed that Heiller not only played the organ and the harpsichord really well, but was a very versatile all-around musician. We were busy almost every week with some recording project or other; the Haydn Society released masses of recordings onto the market, in order to finance the publication of the complete works of Haydn. Heiller subsequently was very helpful with the editing process. He read proofs and made corrections. We were all practicing musicians and had studied a great deal of early music. For instance, we were the first to perform all recitatives with appoggiaturas, and that was new at the time. . . . We also pioneered the reconstruction of orchestral scoring [Landon is probably referring to the use of original instruments]. For the performance of Symphony No. 56, which Heiller conducted, the alto horns specified by Haydn first had to be found! They were considered to be unplayable, and that is why nobody ever performed this symphony! We

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very early, very fast, very steep 21 had reconstructions made of these two instruments, and we took them to the first rehearsal with the Vienna Philharmonic. That was a battle! In the end, the first trumpeter, Helmut Wobisch, took the matter in hand and in the next rehearsal these alto horns in C were played, without prior practice, for the first time in history! It has to be said that for a long time the Philharmonic did not forgive Heiller and me because we had demanded something from them that was deemed impossible. Another problem was the playing of the continuo. At that time there were not many well-versed continuo players who could sit down, like Heiller, and improvise a clean continuo accompaniment from the full score. I can still remember how impressed the old aristocrat from South Tyrol, Meinhard von Zallinger, the conductor of the C-minor Mass, was with Heiller’s continuo playing, for “in my youth nobody knew how to do that.” Notating and preparing, yes, but at sight, in correct four part harmony, that was new. . . . I certainly always took my trickier musical problems to Heiller because he understood so much, also about problems we had not even been aware of before. For instance, the reconstruction of Mozart’s C-minor Mass was such a complicated thing. Heiller looked through everything and came up with many suggestions for improvement: “No, that’s not good here—look at the poor voice leading . . . give that to me; I’ll take it home.” By the next day he had found a convincing solution. . . . The musicians of the Haydn Society were a rather large group; together we solved many problems and we often sat for hours in my little office at the Konzerthaus—Toni Heiller, Hans Swarovsky, Meinhard von Zallinger, and I, and we racked our brains about questions of scoring. It was quite a wild mix of all kinds of people but we learned so much from each other. . . . Another factor during that time was that life in Vienna was very cheap and the pay for the musicians very low. To make the complete recording of Haydn’s Coronation Mass with Gillesberger, the Vienna Symphoniker, Heiller playing continuo, the Akademie Kammerchor, and four quality soloists did not cost more than an incredible $400.46

At one of these productions Heiller played the two C-major organ concertos by Haydn. Because the pitch of the old organ at the Franziskanerkirche did not match that of the orchestra he simply played it in B major—without prior rehearsal. It is almost unnecessary to mention this, but Heiller also conducted a capella literature. For instance he performed a mass by William Byrd at the Franziskanerkirche in Vienna in April 1954. Much more unusual than this work with the highly qualified choir of the Department of Church Music was his involvement with the church music Singwochen in Matrei,47 where he worked on demanding repertoire with the participants. And that is how they—mostly music-loving amateurs, that is, “ordinary” church choir members—came to sing works like the Missa Regina Coeli by Palestrina, the Missa Ancilla Domini by Oswald Jaeggi, or the difficult Missa Rosa Mystica by Josef Lechthaler. Heiller seems to have struck the “right note” here as well, because in a retrospective one of the choristers recalls, almost in rapture: “Our friend and choirmaster

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22 chapter one was Professor Anton Heiller from Vienna, who conducted the rehearsals for Josef Lechthaler’s mass Rosa Mystica, with masterly ‘bel canto’ technique. This youthful, devout and benevolent full-blooded musician virtually urged us all to use our voices as the soul’s tools.”48 There was another, quite separate area in which Heiller, despite his youth, was already considered a knowledgeable expert: as a consultant for organbuilding projects and organ restorations. This book will provide many details concerning certain organ regions and personalities.49 Here I want to deal predominantly with his early work as a consultant. Egon Krauss probably played a key role in introducing Heiller to this area, and that is why we should perhaps first have a closer look at this person—or, more to the point, this phenomenon—Egon Krauss. In an article commemorating the hundredth anniversary of Egon Krauss’s birth, Reinhard Jaud, cathedral organist at Innsbruck, tells (in necessary brevity) of a long and active life.50 Krauss first experienced Swiss hospitality and atmosphere as a child, at the end of World War I. Between the two wars he traveled in many European countries as a railway engineer and encountered organs of many different styles, especially historic instruments. He began to take organ lessons (with Franz Schütz) and also classes in Orgelbaukunde (theory of organ building); he bought a house organ at an auction and enlarged it himself. It was subsequently used for small-scale concerts during the early forties, including concerts held in collaboration with the Reichshochschule für Musik. Before reaching the age of forty Krauss had gathered an enormous body of knowledge, especially about historic instruments. Switzerland was and always remained his favorite country. He knew many people—and many organs. He had probably learned about Franz Schütz from the young Heiller, and mentions that he had heard him play even earlier, during a midday Mass at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. Richard Prilisauer, one of the first generation of Heiller students, remembers the story the other way around: “It was during the war. Someone, I can’t remember who, sent the young Heiller to him [to Krauss’s apartment, to the house organ] and, on Krauss’s invitation, Heiller improvised on “Silent Night.” Krauss found that so amazing that he recommended him immediately to Schütz at the Akademie.”51 On March 22, 1942, Heiller took part in a house concert at Krauss’s home in Vienna’s third district, playing the organ and singing a bass solo. After the war Krauss saw an opportunity to reestablish organ building on much more solid foundations, especially as far as quality workmanship was concerned. He defended his point of view vigorously, both in discussion and in numerous articles; we will return to those later. Meanwhile he had become a consultant for the Austrian Bundesdenkmalamt (the Austrian Federal Monuments Office, which is part of the Ministry for Education, Arts and Culture). Egon Krauss had an incredible ability to understand technical issues and could fully comprehend every conceivable organ-building situation.52

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very early, very fast, very steep 23 Anton Heiller and Egon Krauss became one of those organist/organ expert duos that appear in the history of organ culture now and then. Apart from their friendship, which spanned decades, they complemented each other in many ways. What one of them understood technically, the other sensed psychologically; what one of them had amassed in factual knowledge, the other added to with the stored up memory of a thousand organ stops; where one brought into play the intuitive experience of performance and registration, the other could provide the foundations of sound arguments concerning workmanship and historical data. As early as 1947, Heiller wrote a “report” on an organ in Bludesch (a small town in Vorarlberg, in the western part of Austria). He also appears to have been involved in the drawn-out restoration (1945–50) of the Festorgel, the late Renaissance instrument (J.  G. Freundt, 1642) at Klosterneuburg, just outside Vienna; because on December 29, 1950, we find him on the panel that gave the new organ its final inspection. A year earlier (December 21, 1949), Joseph Schabasser turned to Heiller for help. Schabasser was what you would normally call the acting head of the Diocesan Commissions for Church Music (although in Vienna terminology concerning this and other institutions was not always completely in tune with actual agendas). Be that as it may, Schabasser had plans to standardize the documentation concerning organ restorations and new organ-building projects and had prepared drafts for quotes, contracts, and formal organ inspections. He now wanted Heiller to comment on these documents and to suggest changes where needed. The archdiocese of Vienna was very much aligned with the traditional “mainstream” in matters of organ building and continued on this course for some time. In this tradition, electric-action instruments were built as a matter of course; organ cases were considered a necessary evil; and windchest design and intonation were not objects of serious discussion. The person responsible for organ building in the diocese was cathedral music director Anton Wesely, director of music at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. He had studied church music during the war—as had Schabasser—and Karl Walter had taught both of them. Johann Kauffmann and Ferdinand Molzer, both residents of Vienna, were the favored organ builders of the day. Kauffmann landed most of the contracts in churches, whereas Molzer seems to have had better connections in the secular sphere. He had the maintenance contract for the organ in the large hall of the Musikverein, he rebuilt the instrument at the Franziskanerkirche (where the performances of the Department of Church Music took place), and eventually, in 1955, he built the organ at the Vienna State Opera. He also taught Orgelbaukunde at the Musikakademie. As it happens, Ferdinand Molzer was a cousin of my own grandfather. Between the ages of eight and ten I spent whole Saturday afternoons at his workshop. I can recall clearly that the name Heiller was occasionally mentioned in somewhat worried tones. At some stage—presumably in the mid-fifties—Heiller was supposed to have said (according to my grandfather’s cousin): “You have not built a satisfactory organ

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24 chapter one yet.” Heiller’s evaluation of the main organ at the Franziskanerkirche (April 28, 1954) would fit in quite well here. The very fact that Heiller was consulted by Schabasser indicates that even in this stronghold of a completely different organ-building philosophy, there was definitely a premonition that Heiller was a man of the future and that he could not be excluded. Another important organ, the instrument at Heiligenkreuz Abbey, was about to be restored—in fact, work had already begun, or, to put it correctly, a few mistakes had already been made. Egon Krauss and the twenty-five-yearold Heiller were invited by the minister of education to join a newly formed organ commission. At its first meeting, on April 23, 1949, it became clear that quite a few basic decisions had already been made. The firm of Hoffmann and Czerny had commenced work—or perhaps not? Discussions concerning a logical sequence for work on the organ case, the pipes, and the action began. Josef Mertin was on the committee as well. Two years later there was talk that Pirchner, the organ builder from Tyrol should perhaps be considered. Finally the commission applied for funds to take its members and the organ builders involved in the project on a study tour in Switzerland. The organ builders Hoffmann and Czerny were to appear more often in Heiller’s documents. On September 6, 1950, they submitted a proposal for the Kalvarienbergkirche at Wien-Hernals where Heiller often gave concerts. The organ committee there included the parish organist Josef Nebois, as well as Egon Krauss and Josef Mertin. At the same time the organ at the Hofkirche in Innsbruck was also being restored, and, once again, Heiller was involved. His frequent contacts with the organ builders Pirchner and Neumann will be recorded elsewhere.53 On July 2, 1951, another drawn-out organ restoration project finally reached its completion. The “Bruckner organ” of Sankt Florian Abbey had been repaired and enlarged over a period of many years. The official inspection was done by Egon Krauss, Anton Heiller, Joseph Kronsteiner (cathedral organist in Linz), and Franz Illenberger (organ professor from Graz). At the “dedication followed by High Mass,” Anton Heiller and Franz Schütz—a rare constellation—played large-scale Bach works. Early in 1952 Anton Davidowicz, church musician in Salzburg, wrote to organists and official organizations all over the country to introduce his idea of an “Austrian Institute for Organ Building” (Österreichisches Orgelbauinstitut). He also wrote to Heiller, his young colleague in Vienna. He envisaged an institution that would operate on a nonpolitical and voluntary basis, with provincial committees providing the organizational framework. Any experienced Austrian can easily guess what the general reaction to this plan turned out to be: organization is best left to church authorities, and restorations should be overseen by the relevant provincial and regional departments for national monuments. And so this idea was never heard of again.

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very early, very fast, very steep 25 In the same year, Heiller was invited to Karnabrunn, in the Weinviertel region in the province of Lower Austria, to give an assessment of an old organ there. Shortly afterward, the parish magazine reports: “Prof. Heiler [sic], who recently won the great international prize for organ performance in Holland, together with a gentleman from the Department of National Monuments, examined our church organ. He said that it was a joy to play, despite its present seriously damaged state and the fact that the original beauty of its sound has been interfered with. Only a thorough restoration along the lines of the ancient art of organ building can return it to being ‘something really beautiful’ once more.” Also in 1952, Heiller was asked to write an assessment of the organ in the large concert hall of the Austrian Radio in Vienna; in the following year (on January 9, 1953), he gave his opinion on the organ in the main hall of the Musikverein. The basic recommendation was that it would be best to do a thorough cleaning and only the most urgent repairs, forgo any changes, and begin contemplating a completely new instrument. The head of the Musikverein, Rudolf Gamsjäger, politely conveyed his thanks and indicated that he would “make contact with Kuhn.” Even if one assumes that the “grand old men” of the Viennese organ scene (Karl Walter and especially Franz Schütz, for many years the Musikverein’s “resident organist”) were also consulted, it is quite remarkable that the thirty-year-old Heiller was approached. Schütz’s standing in the musical life of Vienna was by this stage nowhere nearly as important as it had been in the past: “He lived—sidelined for political reasons—very much in seclusion.”54 Heiller by this time had been consultant for several important projects, and in every instance he championed mechanical action and neoclassical organbuilding principles, but in 1952 he became involved with the greatest Austrian organ-building project to date: the designing of a new organ for Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna. In April 1952 a committee, acting on behalf of the cathedral chapter, submitted a design for an instrument of 121 stops, with electric action and cone chests. The cathedral chapter invited a number of organ professors—Franz Eibner, Alois Forer, and also Heiller—to comment on this proposal. Heiller’s reply is dated June 5, and, naturally, he was totally opposed to the proposal. It is almost certain that Egon Krauss was somehow involved, as the Department of Education also stepped in. Heiller received a communication from them on September 26, 1953, asking him to attend an interview on September 29. A month later the department informed Heiller that meanwhile they had also consulted Wesely and that it was hoped that “your expert opinion has been heard and Saint Stephen’s Cathedral will receive a first-class instrument after all.” Be that as it may, the department financed a study tour for the past and present cathedral organists Karl Walter and Wilhelm Mück, as well as cathedral music director Anton Wesely. They were to visit the most important organs in Europe. However, neither this journey nor the disapproval of experts significantly altered the original concept. Eventually, an invitation

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26 chapter one went out, asking organ builders to submit quotes for this project. This must be seen as a meaningless formality, given the short time between its publication (June 24, 1954) and its deadline (July 3, 1954). It seems that the Department of Education was not alone regarding imminent deadlines. This whole series of events would not have surprised anyone who still remembered a short tribute that organ builder Ferdinand Molzer wrote for his main competitor Johann Kauffmann, who was celebrating fifty years in the organ-building business: “He [Kauffmann] can certainly be pleased that his business continues to grow, as is attested by the fact that he has been given the honor to build a large new organ for ‘our dear Saint Stephen.’”55 There it is, for all to read, in February 1949, years before proposals were invited! Even if Kauffmann had related the news that he had almost pocketed this contract informally, in whispers and under the condition of total secrecy (as that sort of thing is done), one can safely assume that there was more than a grain of truth behind it, and in that case, any number of Heillers and Austrian Ministerial Departments would not have been able to change a thing. I have described all this in a little more detail—not only because of my own decades-long connection with Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, but because of Heiller’s many associations with this place. This is where he had his first organ lessons with the cathedral organist; this is where he played Masses as an adolescent; and the director of music, Wesely, was his Father Confessor for decades; Heiller’s children were also subsequently taken there for their confessions. Musically and in matters of organ building these two men were of different persuasions for their entire lives. “My spiritual friend is my musical enemy,” is how Heiller once summarized his strange relationship with Wesely.56 It seems that the organ-building clocks of the archdiocese of Vienna ticked at a different tempo, but elsewhere Heiller’s recommendations were already being followed. Heiller’s first collaborations in organ projects of the late forties in the Austrian provinces of Tyrol and Vorarlberg are discussed elsewhere.57 The prominent organ builder Flentrop asked for Heiller’s recommendations for the Hervormde Kerk in Doetinchem as early as 1952, at the time of Heiller’s first engagements in Holland, and the organ in question was one of his leading instruments. The Swiss sought his advice in 1954 regarding four instruments from organ builders in Amden, Wädenswil, Basel, and Bern. I have already mentioned Heiller’s role as an adviser at the more sensitive locations in Vienna—Musikverein, and the Radio Austria concert hall. And on January 16, 1955, he was appointed as a member of the Board of Examiners for organ restorers for the period 1956–58.  Performing, singing, conducting, teaching, pioneer work in performance practice and editing, organ consultant work—very much, very early, fast, and steep. And we have not even mentioned composing . . .

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very early, very fast, very steep 27 An almost poetic description of the young Heiller is found in the second volume of the newly established journal Österreichische Musikzeitschrift, and I want to close this chapter with an extensive quote from that tribute. The author appears as P. L., without doubt the publisher of this journal, Peter Lafite. Anton Heiller is young and stands squarely in the present. He loves the old and the new. He plays organ fantasias by Bach with rousing passion and chamber music by Hindemith with transparent conciseness. He educates the choir of the Collegium Musicum, of which he is the spiritual father, into an understanding of the ancient masters, and he smooths the path toward the clarity of the newest style for the young Paul Angerer. From his own Toccata for Two Pianos, which he performs so grippingly with his wife, arises a modern world of tone colors, created by the sensitivities of a natural musician. Composer? Virtuoso? Conductor? Heiller’s musical portrait is still in the making, as it were. Its completion requires a few final brush strokes. Exciting battles for dominance are taking place in the heart of this artist; will the creative, the re-creative, or the pedagogical self emerge victorious? Whatever the outcome, we can predict an outstanding future for the young musician Anton Heiller, because the battle is fought with weapons of quality on all these fronts.58

 Here is a list of Heiller’s important appearances between 1945 and 1950. It does not claim to be complete. Performances mentioned in the text are included here for the sake of a better overview. January 17, 1946, Konzerthaus, main hall Organ recital Anton Heiller J. S. Bach, Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor; Chorale Preludes Max Reger, Introduction and Passacaglia in F Minor Johannes Brahms, Fugue in A-flat Minor; Chorale Preludes Felix Prohaska, Prelude and Fugue in B-flat Major January 31, 1946, Musikverein, Brahmssaal Chamber concert of the Collegium Musicum under Kurt Rapf Paul Angerer, Musik für Viola und Klavier (first performance, Anton Heiller, piano) Also works by S. C. Eckhardt-Gramatté (first performances), Honegger, Křenek, Hans Gresser, and Paul Hindemith (Kammermusik 2 [Piano concerto]) February 23, 1946 Piano recital (music for four hands) Kurt Rapf and Anton Heiller Includes: Paul Angerer, Variations on a theme by W. A. Mozart (first performance) Paul Hindemith, Sonata

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28 chapter one March 21, 1946 Chamber music concert (sponsored by IGNM) Béla Bartók, Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion Darius Milhaud, Scaramuche, Erna and Anton Heiller, piano and works by Walter Piston, Leonard Bernstein, Richard J. Neumann May 15, 1946, Musikverein, main hall Directed by Milo von Wawak, Singverein, Orchesterverein der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, and others Anton Heiller, continuo Dietrich Buxtehude, Cantata “Alles was ihr tut,” J. S. Bach, Cantata no. 84 May 17, 1946, Musikverein, main hall Organ recital, Anton Heiller Paul Angerer, Musica pro organo (first performance) and other works June 3, 1946, Musikverein, main hall Organ recital, Anton Heiller Paul Hindemith, Sonata no. 3 and other works October 25, 1946 Collegium Musicum, directed by Kurt Rapf Erna and Anton Heiller, piano, harpsichord Paul Angerer, Annexus musicae cum ratione (first performance) Frank Martin, Ballade for Flute, Strings, and Piano Also works by Corelli, Porpora, Vivaldi, and Darius Milhaud (first Austrian performance) October 31, 1946, Konzerthaus, main hall Organ recital, Anton Heiller J. S. Bach, Fantasia and Fugue in C Minor (BWV 537) J. S. Bach, Partita “Sei gegrüsset, Jesu gütig” Max Reger, Chorale Fantasia “Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme” Johann Nepomuk David, Fantasia and Fugue in C Franz Schmidt, Vier kleine Choralvorspiele Franz Schmidt, Chaconne in cis November 6, 1946 Chamber concert in the French Cultural Institute (As the string players arrived rather late, Anton Heiller and Paul Angerer improvised a Sonata for viola and piano. “It was absolutely unique, inimitable.”59)

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very early, very fast, very steep 29 November 8, 1946, Musikverein, main hall Organ recital, Anton Heiller November 30, 1946 Another performance of Paul Angerer’s Annexus . . . Paul Angerer and Anton Heiller, piano December 13, 1946, Konzerthaus, Schubertsaal Collegium Musicum Anton Heiller, conductor Heinrich Schütz, “Der Herr ist mein Licht und mein Heil” (Anton Heiller, baritone) Kurt Lerperger, Adventmusik “O Heiland reiss die Himmel auf” Paul Angerer, “Der Tod,” “Abend” (first performance) Palestrina, Missa Veni sponsa Christi February 7, 1947, Konzerthaus, Schubertsaal Collegium Musicum Anton Heiller, harpsichord and director Works by G. F. Handel and J. S. Bach (Brandenburg Concerto no. 4 and Concerto for 2 Pianos) March 22, 1947, Konzerthaus, Schubertsaal Anton Heiller, conductor Paul Angerer, Concerto for Viola, Harpsichord, and Five Brass Instruments, op. 32 (first performance) Kurt Lerperger, Vier Abendlieder (first performance) Anton Heiller, Sextet for Violin, Viola, Cello, Oboe, Clarinet, and Bassoon (first performance) April 3, 1947 Heiller plays organ continuo in a performance of Bach’s Saint John Passion, under the direction of Otto Klemperer April 29, 1947, Konzerthaus, Mozartsaal Collegium Musicum Anton Heiller, harpsichord and director Johann Nepomuk David, Variations on a Theme of J. S. Bach, op. 29a and works by M. G. Monn, W. F. Bach, Joh. Christoph Bach, and C. P. E. Bach May 18, 1947, Konzerthaus, main hall NÖ Tonkünstlerorchester

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30 chapter one Anton Heiller, conductor Hans Pfitzner, Blütenwunder und Trauermarsch (Die Rose vom Liebesgarten); Ottorino Respighi, Concerto Gregoriano for violin and orchestra; and Franz Schmidt, Symphony no. 3 in A Major. June 19, 1947, Konzerthaus, main hall Wiener Symphoniker William Walton and Anton Heiller, conductors Franz Schmidt, Symphony no. 4 June 29, 1947, Konzerthaus, Mozartsaal Wiener Kammerorchester Anton Heiller, piano and conductor Paul Angerer, Musik für Streichinstrumente, op. 51 (first performance) Karl Schiske, Konzert für Streichinstrumente, op. 14 Anton Heiller, Toccata for Two Pianos Armin Kaufmann, Musik für Horn und Streichorchester Theodor Berger, Rondino giocoso, op. 4 for strings October 11, 1947, Konzerthaus, Mozartsaal Wiener Symphoniker Paul Sacher, conductor Anton Heiller, piano, Isolde Ahlgrimm, harpsichord Frank Martin, Petite Symphonie Concertante (first Austrian performance) January 11, 1948, Konzerthaus, main hall Rudolf Nilius, conductor Anton Heiller, organ Paul Hindemith, Kammermusik no. 7 (organ concerto) and other works February 16 and 17, 1948, Konzerthaus, main hall Anton Heiller, conductor Franz Schmidt, Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln April 14, 1948 Paul Sacher, conductor Erna and Anton Heiller, Walter Panhofer and Bruno Seidlhofer, piano Igor Stravinsky, A Soldier’s Tale; Les Noces June 18, 1948 Karl Böhm, conductor Anton Heiller, organ Karl Schiske, Oratorio Vom Tode

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very early, very fast, very steep 31 (and only four days later) June 22, 1948, Konzerthaus, main hall Anton Heiller, conductor Wiener Symphoniker, Singakademie und Konzertvereinigung Staatsopernchor Franz Schmidt, Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln August 15, 1948, Salzburg, Festspielhaus Frank Martin, Le vin herbé (first performance) Ferenc Fricsay, conductor Anton Heiller, piano (According to Erna Heiller, “In 1948, when we spent six weeks in Salzburg for the rehearsals of Frank Martin’s Le vin herbé . . . we only met Martin at the premiere under Fricsay. My husband played the piano part at the time.” Anton Heiller conducted this work himself later, on May 18, 1952, at the Vienna Konzerthaus. Kurt Rapf had originally been announced as the conductor;60 whether Heiller substituted or whether an error occurred could not be established.) November 10, 1948, Konzerthaus, main hall Wiener Symphoniker Anton Heiller, conductor Ludwig van Beethoven, Coriolan Overture, Violin Concerto, Franz Schmidt, Symphony no. 2 December 2, 1948, Konzerthaus, Grosser Saal Organ recital Anton Heiller Georg Böhm, Praeludium und Fuge in D Minor Nikolaus Bruhns, Choralfantasie “Nun komm der Heiden Heiland” Dietrich Buxtehude, Praeludium und Fuge in F-sharp Minor Anton Heiller, Vater unser im Himmelreich (Kleine Partita) (premiere) Joseph Ahrens, Dorian Toccata Johann Nepomuk David, Partita “Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod” (“Dies Irae”) (premiere) Johann Sebastian Bach, Toccata and Fugue in D Minor January 11, 1949, Konzerthaus, main hall Wiener Symphoniker, Friedrich Wührer, piano Anton Heiller, conductor Johann Nepomuk David, Variations on a Theme by J. S. Bach, op. 29a Ludwig van Beethoven, Concerto for Piano and Orchestra no. 4 in G Major Johannes Brahms, Symphony no. 1 in C Minor

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32 chapter one Feburary 8, 9, 10, 1949, Konzerthaus, main hall Wiener Symphoniker, Singakademie and Konzertvereinigung Staatsopernchor Anton Heiller, conductor Franz Schmidt, Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln March 31, 1949, Musikverein, Brahmssaal Performance of Heiller, Messe in mixolydisch G June 12, 1949 (the performance was part of the Austrian Katholikentag) Anton Heiller, conductor Anton Bruckner, Te Deum June 19, 1949, Konzerthaus, main hall Anton Heiller, conductor and organ Johann Nepomuk David “Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod” (“Dies Irae”) Georg Pirckmayer, Drei symphonische Stücke aus dem Orchesterzyklus “L’Homme” (first performance) November 9 and 10, 1949, Musikverein, main hall Wiener Symphoniker, Ernest Ansermet, conductor Erna and Anton Heiller, piano and harpsichord Frank Martin, Petite Suite Concertante (and only two days later) November 12 and 13, 1949, Musikverein, main hall Herbert von Karajan, conductor Erna and Anton Heiller, piano Bohuslav Martinů, Concerto grosso per orchestra da Camera

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Chapter Two

Beginning in the Golden West Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Switzerland When we talk about the “Golden West” here, we must view this heading against the background of Austria’s occupation by the Allied Forces (1945– 55). Austria was divided into four zones, as in Germany, but only one of these internal borders played a significant role, and that was the east–west border at the river Enns. This was Austria’s equivalent to Checkpoint Charlie in Berlin. During the fifties everyone was stopped there—pedestrians, trains, cars—and sometimes for lengthy periods, while individual and often very detailed passport inspections took place. This rift between Austria’s east and the rest of the country manifested itself in every area of life and cast a shadow for a long period of time. It affected the supply of food and general necessities, public safety, every area of life, but most of all it induced the feeling that one lived under a shadow. Austrians followed events in Germany, which was similarly divided, with intensity and empathy. For example, could the Berlin blockade not also happen in Vienna? What would be the outcome in Austria of the 1953 revolt against the East German leadership? The 1950 uprising of the communists in Austria, in that particular form, could only have taken place in Austria’s Soviet-occupied zone. During the fifties all of this was no longer quite as immediate, but it could still be felt. And the sensation that one was passing from the shadows into the sunshine when crossing the river Enns was still a noticeable undercurrent.  On December 8, 1948, Absam in Tirol celebrated its organ dedication. The organists were Karl Koch, choirmaster at the church of Saint Jakob/ Innsbruck,1 and the twenty-five-year-old Anton Heiller from Vienna. Apart from the official program, Heiller gave a private recital for music critics and connoisseurs in the afternoon. Those present on that occasion still speak

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34 chapter two about this experience even now. Heiller played Reger’s Wachet auf ruft uns die Stimme and Schmidt’s Chaconne in cis on this two-manual organ of twentythree stops. . . . The newly renovated organ in Absam marked the beginning of a new era in organ playing and organ building in postwar Austria. Egon Krauss and Anton Heiller were—this has to be emphasized once more—the most important pillars of that time, this new era.2

If this organ project was as unique as the contemporaries remember it, then why was the young Heiller invited? What was so unusual about this instrument? Why did Heiller play two large-scale romantic works on such a relatively small instrument? When the Absam restoration began, the Viennese organ expert Egon Krauss was consulted—probably by the director of the Provincial Conservation Trust—and he discussed every minute detail with the organ builder Johann Pirchner Sr. Anton Heiller was extremely interested in the project and took part in these discussions. He is reported to have traveled from Vienna to Absam several times (“nearly every week”) especially for this purpose.3 This was something quite extraordinary, given the state of public transport and the internal border at the Enns. Another contemporary recalls that once Heiller turned up at the church wearing leather shorts and knee socks,4 and found himself removed from the premises by the verger, without much ceremony.5 According to Johann Pirchner Jr., this organ was the “first organ in the new ‘old’ style,” and the work included the use of old pipe material and mechanism. As late as 1980, in a radio interview, Egon Krauss stated with conviction that everything had been done according to “classical principles, but not in every detail.” The program choice of Schmidt and Reger must be seen as a declaration of programming ideology and this was how Krauss had intended it. Jaud quotes him as saying: “This way he proved that with appropriate skill such difficult works could be re-created better on such a simple, purely mechanical instrument with slider chests than on a so-called modern organ with countless registration aids.” This general view has to be understood within the context of its time. “The first concern at that time was to find a decent organ at all.”6 And on such an instrument everything would be played, even if it originated in a totally different stylistic world. For a long time yet the romantic organ (the term is used in the widest sense) came to be seen as of less value than the very old instrument or the new organ, built “in the spirit of the old.” Hans Haselböck’s comments regarding Heiller’s recordings of Reger works in Utrecht (1958), also hold for Absam: “Those demands for authenticity, so eloquently defended in the case of early music were somehow not employed for this [romantic] music, not even by him. He had no difficulty in reinterpreting works of this kind for neoclassical instruments. Of course it was true that when one searched for an instrument that was in excellent working order, one often ended up on a neo-Baroque instrument of this kind.”7 That Heiller also played Johann Nepomuk David’s Partita: Unüberwindlich starker Held, St. Michael can,

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beginning in the golden west 35 with a little effort, still be seen as stylistically convergent with the instrument; David was actually present and said that he had never heard it played so well.8 Performing the great romantic works on such instruments however must now be seen as adaptation—or else as a propaganda ploy. Johann Pirchner tells of a similar event when Heiller was sent to Unterweissenbach on short notice, where he gave a similar private recital on this Pirchner organ of 1957, which was intended as “a demonstration for all the people from Vienna.”9 Tyrol was pretty much at the forefront of these new directions in organ building, and the young Heiller was part of it all from the start. That the Absam organ was seen as a milestone was reinforced by the fact that even someone of the stature of E. Power Biggs made an LP recording of one of the “Eight Little Preludes and Fugues” (erroneously) attributed to Bach there.10 Apart from Egon Krauss, one other person seems to have contributed to Heiller’s becoming influential in Tyrol. That was Paul Neumann, organist at the church of Saint Nikolaus in Innsbruck and editor in chief of the journal Der alpenländische Kirchenchor. It is possible that Franz Kosch, head of the Vienna Academy’s Department of Church Music, and therefore Heiller’s boss, and in any case his mentor, established the contact there. This personal connection also seems to have led to Heiller’s appearance as a speaker at the Kirchenmusikalische Werkwochen (Church music workshops) at Matrei near the Brenner Pass. When the weeklong workshop was announced in Der alpenländische Kirchenchor,11 it stated, rather quaintly: “Leading church musicians from Austria and abroad will be giving papers. Their names are not publicized beforehand as a matter of principle.” Erna reported to her parents in Vienna: “Yesterday Toni read his essay about liturgical organ playing. It met mostly with approval, but there was some dissent as well. The people here are mostly rural organists, choir directors, and singers. . . . From Vienna there are, apart from us and Friedl [Beneder], only Professor Tittel and [Franz] Krieg present.” Heiller himself wrote a brief review of the week,12 which conveyed the sense of embarking on something new, that was so strong at the time. His paper “Liturgical Organ Playing” was published the following year.13 Heiller remained faithful to the workshop week at Matrei for three years and also worked there as a choir director. In 1952 he played the dedication recital on Tyrol’s most prominent organ, the newly restored Renaissance instrument in the Innsbruck Hofkirche (Imperial Chapel), built by Jörg Ebert in 1555–61. The signatures of both Heiller and Krauss appear on the official report for the final inspection of the organ (June 3 and 4, 1952). The restoration had been done by Hubert Neumann (from Götzis, a village in Vorarlberg). He was the son of Paul Neumann and was seen as a great hope for the future in progressive organbuilding circles. Heiller was to be associated with him on numerous occasions in the future. Neumann must have commanded great trust, as this restoration was the first he had completed in his own right. A later, definitive restoration

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36 chapter two

Figure 2.1. Anton Heiller in the mid-fifties

of this instrument by Jürgen Ahrend took place between 1970 and 1977, instigated and overseen by Egon Krauss. Heiller returned to Absam frequently—in 1951 he played Hindemith, in 1952 once more the Chaconne in cis by Schmidt and in 1956 he recorded for the Austrian Radio. The recording session had been formally booked, but because it happened to fall on the feast day Maria Namen (the Most Holy Name of

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beginning in the golden west 37 the Blessed Virgin Mary), the priest refused permission to close the church. It seems he argued his point with distinct bad temper. Heiller reported to Erna: I personally kept my good humor and suggested we record what we could, despite the noise of hundreds of people blowing their noses, and their money dropping noisily into the collection boxes. When a man becomes angry and unjust because of an inferiority complex, the result is a really bad mix; I think he is actually perfectly aware of what is going on and, it seems to me, quite surprised and finally almost grateful, like a child, when one continues to treat him in a friendly manner. But, as you know, I am someone who continues to think about people year after year and especially their dark side.

Heiller stayed in the Innsbruck region for quite a while and played a concert on the new Walcker organ for the Stadtsaal (Municipal Hall). Two days later he wrote: I have listened to the recordings of the Municipal Hall concert—with a bit of distance I can say now: they have turned out very well after all! The somewhat long and (quasi una fantasia) improvisation as well—this one especially, somehow grabbed, almost profoundly moved me when I heard it—not because of its technical skill (which was not all that extraordinary) but because of its expressive qualities. The three David pieces really do sound good on that organ. One can tell: David is quite at home with Walcker’s instruments.

Kurt Rapf, Heiller’s costudent and comrade-in-arms during that energetic period following 1945, had been music director of the city of Innsbruck since 1953 and was therefore in charge of musical matters at the Municipal Hall. He and Alois Forer had designed the specification. “At the time it was built, this instrument was Austria’s first concert hall organ with slider chests and mechanical action, and seen from this perspective it is of pioneering significance,” notes Egon Krauss, with subtle reservation.14 In November 1956, quite soon after the recordings in Absam, Heiller responded to a letter from Kurt Rapf in which further recitals in the region around Innsbruck were mentioned. He wrote that the Absam organ “is in poor condition. Until further restoration work removes the present problems, would it be better to use the Municipal Hall in 1957 or ’58?” Rapf also had plans of quite a different nature for Innsbruck and in 1958 announced an international organ competition. This project was tackled in grand style and a few prominent people were invited to sit on the jury: Michael Schneider, Pierre Segond, Gaston Litaize and Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini. The latter had probably been suggested by Heiller who, only a few months ago had written to Vienna: “[When I will get home] completely depends on Tagliavini whom I would dearly love to talk to; when I first met him in Lemgo [1956] I learned much from him concerning the old Italian masters and also Froberger.”

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38 chapter two The jury also included, apart from Heiller, Kurt Rapf, the local resident organist, and Alois Forer. As an organ professor and a native of Tyrol, the latter’s inclusion was obligatory. Heiller in the role of juror “was at the time somewhat incontrovertible,”15 but nevertheless he wrote to Erna: It is almost one hundred percent certain that Forer’s students will win all the prizes. If one disregards the “private preparation time” they no doubt have enjoyed here during the summer . . . then one would have to say that they really are the best players. A certain “Heiller-orientation” is definitely noticeable in their playing—one can hear things on the radio of course, and also learn this or that indirectly; also, Mr. Forer (“my brother in Christ,” as I now often call him in order to suppress violent inner “explosions”) is of course always on the lookout for anything he can copy, however, whenever and for whatever reason.

Rudolf Scholz, who also took part in the competition, confirms this: “How eagerly we discussed at the time whether you should play the trill in . . . with D– C♯ or with D♯–C♯! We followed Heiller’s authority and played the D♯–C♯ he dictated; after all, he was on the jury!”16 It is already evident: the relationship between Heiller and Forer is complex, and it will remain so. More will be said about this.17 The organ-playing competition formed the core of the Erste Innsbrucker Orgelwoche (the first Innsbruck organ week), and Heiller played a recital that, yet again, is clearly remembered by many, even after half a century.18 At this recital (September 14, 1958), the Pirchner organ in the chapel of Innsbruck’s Teachers’ Training College in Fallmerayerstrasse was introduced to the public; Heiller performed the Leipzig Chorales by J.  S. Bach. He played everything from memory. “He made a minimal, virtually unnoticeable slip, but afterward he almost wept,” recalls Othmar Costa. At the parish church of Igls there had been discussions concerning a restoration/enlargement of the small organ ever since 1956. The project had been developed in a number of stages; Egon Krauss designed the specification, but “Heiller definitely supported the enlargement as well.”19 Heiller traveled to Igls for the organ dedication on June 9, 1963, and his schedule was tight: arrival in Innsbruck 6:29 a.m., “I hope to have finished registering by 9:00 a.m.”; departure 10:50 p.m. Heiller’s signature, among others, appears on the official report documenting the organ’s final inspection. Heiller subsequently returned a number of times to give concerts at Igls. Heiller was involved in the building of a similar new Pirchner instrument in Amras, a suburb of Innsbruck. He helped to design the instrument’s specification. Bruno Grünberger, a Norbertine priest from the monastery at Schlägl, was pastor here briefly, in 1958–59. During his time in Amras the foundations were laid for the organ-building project, which was completed in 1960. Amras was a parish that belonged to the Norbertine abbey in Wilten, and Bruno had

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beginning in the golden west 39 been “borrowed” for two years from Schlägl. The contact between Grünberger and Heiller had been made, once again, via Egon Krauss who was involved with the organs in Schlägl during the early fifties. In any case, Heiller’s visit at Schlägl occurred in 1956. Eventually, Heiller played the dedication concert at Amras, and again, a small slip occurred—Heiller forgot to draw a reed stop at the end, and already “his whole day is wrecked.”20 (In May of the same year Heiller and Tagliavini played the dedication concerts in Schlägl after the restoration of the main organ there.) Heiller provided the specification for a further, even more important Innsbruck organ project: the three-manual organ in the Jesuitenkirche, built in 1959 by Walcker, which was originally to be built by Zika. In 1964 came the installation of Austria’s first mechanical action fourmanual organ at the abbey church in Wilten, a suburb of Innsbruck. Built by Gregor Hradetzky, it was nicknamed “Olympia Organ” because this was the year in which Innsbruck hosted the Winter Olympics for the first time (and the Olympic ski jump on Mount Isel points directly to the church). Much has since been written and argued about this instrument, which at the time was eagerly anticipated and subsequently highly praised.21 It has recently been renovated in the course of being moved to Stephanshart (Lower Austria) after Wilten received a new instrument.22 At the time, this organ was unanimously recognized and praised, especially for its tonal qualities. In any case, during the years after the dedication, many recitals by well-known international artists were given here; the first series in 1965 was played by the “Haarlem Trio,” consisting of Alain, Heiller, and Tagliavini. In 1969, the very first Paul Hofhaimer competition was also held here because the restoration of the Ebert organ, which really was the appropriate instrument, took longer than expected. During the Easter week of 1966, Heiller recorded Bach’s Leipzig Chorales for the Austrian/American company Vanguard in Wilten. The organ had been voiced by Herbert Gollini, who had studied under Heiller and received his Diploma in Church Music in 1954.23 Gregor Hradetzky was present for the entire duration of the recordings in case help was needed with last minute tuning or technical problems. He seems to have had a somewhat naive attitude in some ways, in this case toward the recording process. He once told me: “I really was a bit surprised. He plays that again and again; sometimes this goes wrong, sometimes that! I actually thought that such a famous artist could get the job done faster.” It must have been around 1949 when Egon Krauss went hunting for old organs in Austria’s westernmost province, Vorarlberg. Erna Heiller relates: “That’s when he discovered this glorious Bergöntzle organ on the Bartholomäberg, just above Schruns. Of course he suggested we go and have a look at it. We drove there after we had played the Toccata at the Salzburg Festspielhaus [August 7, 1947]; it was of course a wonderful experience for us.”24 This visit seems to have been the start of the Heiller family’s regular vacations in the province of Vorarlberg—and the professional contact with

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40 chapter two the Ländle (the affectionate nickname for that region). On November 12, 1947, Heiller and Krauss submitted a specification proposal for the church at Wolfurt (near Lauterach); the document was signed only by Krauss. The organ was to be built by Hubert Neumann. Both Heiller and Krauss energetically promoted him. Unfortunately, Neumann never completed the organ at Wolfurt—as was also the case with a few others. Plans for another Neumann organ in Sibratsgfäll are dated 1949, and work began in 1951. Neumann ended up seriously behind schedule and almost had his contract canceled in March 1954, but he eventually did complete the instrument in the summer of 1954.25 One has to assume that Krauss and also Heiller were involved in this project—because “Professor Anton Heiller who played for the dedication, said afterward, during the festive gathering of the parish, that the new organ in Sibratsgfäll was a milestone in organ building in Austria.”26 Despite these problems with delivering instruments on time, it appears that Heiller continued to have dealings with Neumann. For instance, one project concerned a new organ for the Conservatorium in the provincial capital of Graz. Heiller designed the specification (unfortunately, his proposal is undated), however, the organ was never built according to those plans.27 An instrument that was built, however, was the organ for the Conservatorium in the provincial capital Klagenfurt. Annemarie Groysbeck (after her marriage, Fheodoroff), one of the first generation of Heiller’s organ students, had recently joined the staff as organ teacher there. On May 13, 1955, Heiller was appointed organ consultant “on behalf of the government of the province of Carinthia,” and designed the specification; his was also the sole signature on the document that records the final inspection at completion, and he did not hold back with words of praise: “by first class artistry in all important areas of organ building a wide spectrum of sonorities has been achieved, which will make the instrument suitable for practically the entire repertoire. . . . One can say without exaggeration that with this instrument the Conservatorium of the province of Carinthia now possesses the best teaching instrument in Austria.” Heiller was involved in at least one more Neumann organ project. On November 4, 1956, he played the dedication concert for the organ at Edlitz, a village south of Wiener Neustadt, in Lower Austria. Being awarded this contract was, without doubt, a great success for Neumann and for those who suggested him for the job, especially since within the archdiocese of Vienna those who were opposed to tracker action organs invariably had the greatest influence. During the mid-fifties Hubert Neumann just happened to be the best Austrian builder for new instruments, despite the calamities in Sibratsgfäll and Wolfurt; when it came to restorations, Wilhelm Zika and Johann Pirchner were also important. When the project for a mechanical organ with slider chests for the Department of Church Music in Vienna finally took off, Heiller also strongly recommended Neumann (March 19, 1955). He felt that the other two builders interested in the project (one from

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beginning in the golden west 41 Vienna, the other also from Vorarlberg) were “artistically unsatisfactory; only Neumann presents no risk.” (The word “risk” in connection with Neumann was to prove most unsuitable.) Heiller used the far from certain choice of Neumann as an argument to get him the contract at Klagenfurt: “In addition I would like to mention that now there is also a plan to procure a new organ at the Musikakademie in Vienna, and Neumann was recommended for that project by three organ professors there.” It seems that at this time nobody suspected that things would end badly with Neumann and that the organ at Klagenfurt would be his last completed instrument. Or perhaps they did, since the contract for the organ at the Vienna Academy—the legendary “B-organ”28—in fact eventually went to Pirchner in 1957. At some point during this period Pirchner seems to have replaced Neumann as Heiller’s favorite Austrian organ builder. This must have happened over a period of time and it cut across the building of the Klagenfurt instrument, which was completed later. On September 22, 1957, Heiller wrote an imploring letter to Hubert Neumann concerning Klagenfurt. He mentioned a number of missed deadlines and the absolute necessity to stick to recently agreed new time frames. “I will be frantically busy during the coming months and I must demand that the organ is definitely completely finished and ready to be handed over by December 1, and that I be contacted again once more at that stage to confirm that it is completed. And I really have to stress: it simply has to be totally finished.” The final inspection of the organ prior to handing it over finally took place on February 21, 1959, and Heiller managed to find friendly words. Neumann’s exceptional talent as an artist and craftsman was obviously matched by an equally great lack of business acumen. After his death in 1962, when his estate was settled, no less than fourteen organs, all at various stages of incompletion, were found. It seems that Neumann was somewhat odd in other areas as well. For example, during working hours his staff was forced to operate in complete silence—there was a total ban on speaking. Hans Nadler said without ambiguity: “To call him the hope of organ building in Austria, as his supporters did, can only be called a gross exaggeration.”29 We have some correspondence between Heiller and Johann Pirchner Sr. concerning the B-organ, relating to details and time frames. Johann Pirchner Jr. remembers the following regarding the effect this instrument made: “This organ somehow set a precedent. But, landmark or not, many insisted that a church organ just had to include a Salicional.” This is why, immediately afterward, the organ at Amras, untypically, received such a stop. Pirchner relates: “When the B-organ was completed, he told me that he would play something for me—he was up there alone with me—and I could request anything I wanted. And I just love the C-minor Passacaglia by Bach. He played that for me, and registered everything himself; he did not play it through on the Plenum . . . complete with the Fugue he played it, just for me . . . that was really quite something.”30 We have already mentioned the organ at the

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42 chapter two Teachers’ Training College in the Fallmerayerstrasse in Innsbruck; it can be seen as a “sister” of the B-organ. Whenever Heiller was involved in a Pirchner project he specifically requested Pirchner Jr., not only as pipe maker but also voicer—somewhat to the annoyance of Pirchner Sr. who always liked to do the voicing himself.31 During the late fifties the village of Waldhausen in Upper Austria became the regular summer holiday destination for the Heiller family. The organ there was restored and enlarged in 1955–56 by Pirchner. It was decided to include something that is a curiosity, unique in Europe—a Blockwerk. This new division was placed behind the Oberwerk facade, which up to then had been only a painted image. On such a manual one can only play Plenum, full organ—it has no stop knobs. Johann Pirchner cannot quite remember what had led to this oddity; it may have been uncertainty regarding such a long stop action. In another interview he assured me that “Heiller had wanted it that way.”32 The closing report states that “by omitting a stop action a technically straightforward construction was achieved,” and this in turn resulted in “an overall wellrounded sound and stability of tuning.”33 Heiller and Krauss were named as consultants for this project. With Bartholomäberg, a village in Vorarlberg, as a base, the Heillers gradually explored neighboring Switzerland, and Egon Krauss supplied many contacts. “Krauss opened up the world for Heiller.”34 He had been promoting “up-to-date Swiss organ building” for years, especially in the journal Musica Orans, which was directed at the professional church musician.35 Initially the Heillers traveled to Switzerland together, so there are relatively few letters covering these travels—the correspondence we possess is mostly by Erna, writing to her or Toni’s parents—but these letters mention such organ visits again and again. In this manner Heiller got to know instruments by Metzler and Kuhn at a very early stage. These organs were of a much higher standard than Austrian instruments, both technically and musically. The first contacts with Kuhn were probably made at the time of the restoration of the Festorgel in Klosterneuburg, where Krauss played an influential role and had chosen the Kuhn organ company to build the new reeds.36 (He did the same at St. Florian.) It is quite certain that Heiller was kept very busy with this restoration, which lasted from 1945 until almost 1950. When work was completed, Heiller’s name appeared in the documentation as one of the organ inspectors, together with abbey organist Kurt Lerperger, Walter Pach, and a number of church dignitaries (December 29, 1949). Afterward he is reported to have said that he could very easily imagine becoming organist for special occasions at Klosterneuburg, a comment that, understandably, rather annoyed Lerperger.37 A letter from Heiller to his mother from Bartholomäberg (August 25, 1953) gives us an idea of the altogether different pace and the totally different lead times common during the fifties: “I might have to return to Switzerland once more next Sunday! A new organ by Metzler will be inaugurated in Wettingen.

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beginning in the golden west 43 Metzler would like it if I could play, but he does not know whether the people there have made other plans already.” An earlier attempt to win Metzler for a project in Vienna is documented in a letter dated January 8, 1953: “Luckily Metzler managed to track me down from there by phone, and he could hand deliver the letter from Krauss. That gave me the opportunity to discuss a few things with him. Right now I just do not know whether things will work out with Kalvarienberg.” The organ in the Kalvarienbergkirche in Wien-Hernals was eventually built by Mauracher (from Linz). One can conclude that the Swiss firm’s delivery times (and not just the cost) led to this outcome. The specification of the new organ was published in Singende Kirche in November 1953. When shortly afterward the idea arose that Heiller should record the complete organ works of Bach on LP, one thing would have been absolutely certain for him (and for Krauss) right from the outset: it had to be on Swiss organs. H.  C. Robbins Landon reveals the simple beginnings of this massive project: “In the early fifties we came up with the idea to record all the Bach organ works for Philips.”38 Why this idea arose within the Haydn Society “clique,” and with Philips as the producer, cannot be fully established. Perhaps it just happened that, precisely at this time, Philips had an “appetite” for Bach. Classical programs on LP, planned over a long period, were quite a new phenomenon at the time: “up until then, you bought LP records at the electrical store.”39 At Philips Phonographische Industrie, a certain Mr. Marius van der Meulen was behind the project. He had only just taken over the LP recording department in 1956 and was set on expanding it. He also tried to use the energy created by the celebrations of the bicentennial of Bach’s death and planned the recording of Bach’s complete harpsichord works with Isolde Ahlgrimm, and his organ works with Heiller. “The harpsichord cycle was rather a big project for Ahlgrimm and also a little risky, because, in contrast to Heiller, she was virtually unknown outside Vienna. . . . The new Philips label was a very important platform for many young artists, especially artists from Holland or Austria.”40 One has to get into the mindset of that period to really appreciate the importance of LP recordings for a young artist: if you had been recorded on LP, you had taken a step to a new level of prominence. It was unlike today, where every parish church produces its own CDs and most musicians (including street musicians) can record and sell their sound media. The project with Heiller was financed by Preiser (a small record company in Vienna), recorded on Swiss sound equipment and sold to Philips (in the Netherlands) after editing. A letter from Heiller to Erna tells us that there was more to it: “I have known from the start that I am in fact a business partner in the whole venture and therefore must also accept a certain risk. You have to remember that we are recording this privately and then selling it to Philips.” Financing and organizational details appear to have been a little problematic because they were discussed again and again. Erna occasionally

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44 chapter two worried whether Toni was paid adequate per diem allowances. During the previous recording sessions in August 1954, work had to be interrupted for a few days because of a missing spare part, and Erna wrote: “I hope Preiser also pays your cash allowance for the days you spend there by yourself! And of course cigarettes and drinks must be included in these payments as well. You just have to insist on that!” Recordings began in September 1951 at Wald and Thalwil (both in the canton of Zurich). During these recordings the whole party went on an outing to visit the organ at Saint Maurice (in the Rhone valley). It was here that Heiller played the organ for a Choral Eucharist on September 16, which was broadcast on the radio, and in the afternoon he gave a recital of works by Lübeck, Krebs, and Reger’s Wachet auf Fantasia. In January 1952 the Bach recordings continued on this instrument. In August the Heillers returned to Switzerland and inspected a number of organs. Erna reported to her parents: “We listened to the tapes that Toni recorded in January and it was fantastic! Especially the organ at Saint Maurice, which sounded just wonderful.” According to H.  C. Robbins Landon: The production was already quite advanced, but we had some marketing problems because of the competition from Helmut Walcha.41 These long winter months in Switzerland were a wonderful time, but an incredible amount of work was involved as well. We had to write all the record notes ourselves; that was a condition set by Philips and without that we could not have done the recordings at all. Toni Heiller, Christa Fuhrmann, my wife at the time, and I, we often worked on those texts until well into the night. Such overall wonderful conditions for such intensive recording sessions are unthinkable in today’s totally commercial word.

On September 5, 1953, Toni announced: “I have to pass on the good news that the Bach tapes have definitely been accepted by Philips in Holland and will appear as LPs.” In July 1955 Heiller reported from Haarlem, concerning a review that had just appeared in De Tijd and provided his own German translation: “This newly released recording may well become a standard publication of lasting significance, not least because of Professor Anton Heiller’s playing, which is the pinnacle in the realm of Bach interpretation. . . . There may be more brilliant virtuosos than Heiller, perhaps also organists with more vivacity, but one always returns to Heiller simply because he combines within himself all the attributes that are necessary for a real balance!” In November 1955 Heiller wrote to Dirk (“Dick”) Flentrop and told him that he wanted to continue the Bach recordings in the coming summer and “would really like to record all the remaining works, with the exception of the Trio Sonatas, at Zwolle (Holland). . . . The Trio Sonatas I want to do in Loenen.” This continuation of the Swiss series in the Netherlands (which would have

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beginning in the golden west 45 reflected the change in Heiller’s taste in organ sound) never eventuated and this is probably connected to the very complex story of the restoration of the organ at Haarlem.42 In 1959 Heiller’s colleague from Haarlem, Friedrich Bihn, made appreciative comments about the Swiss recordings and inquired about “when the remaining Bach works would appear.” This, in fact, did not happen until 1963 in Denmark. During the mid-fifties Heiller’s recital activity in Switzerland also took off. He had been in contact with the “important” people in Switzerland for some time—people like Oswald Jaeggi, Ernst Pfiffner, and also Johann Baptist Hilber. The latter inadvertently caused great problems for Heiller with one of his invitations. Heiller agreed to give an improvisation course—not really his favorite occupation, for a start. When, two months before the event, Erna mailed him the printed prospectus, panic set in: As happy as I was to receive your letter, I am dreadfully shocked by the course prospectus and what Hilber writes! My God, can you imagine: daily morning and afternoon sessions of three hours duration (with just one on Saturday)? I just cannot manage this, I am simply too removed from specifically liturgical improvisation, and Hilber is sure to want lectures as well; that would naturally have to be part of it. I just have not thought enough about it until now (typical head-in-the-sand manner)! Schneckerle, I think I simply have to cancel everything, Geneva, Lucerne, and Pax Romana! [Schneckerle, literally “little snail,” was a term of endearment Heiller often bestowed on Erna.] But what reasons will I give? It is so awful to just tell a lie and to say that one is ill! On the other hand, I can hardly tell the complete truth! What am I to do? I am totally distraught! It is terrible when I sense what expectations Hilber has of me and how friendly he is and how I will invariably bitterly disappoint him! . . . I have never ever been in such a distressing situation in all my life! . . . But one thing is certain, regardless of all that: to give this course would be a fraud on my behalf and it would cause such disappointment that neither Hilber nor I would ever get over it.

Of course Heiller would have had plenty of valuable things to say about liturgical organ playing: first, he himself often played for church services, and in the most varied situations; and second, a number of his students confirm that liturgical organ playing had a very important position in his teaching curriculum. What Heiller found too uncomfortable was that he had to go about it according to a certain plan and, most of all, he hated giving lectures of any kind. His method was always individual teaching.43 The correspondence does not reveal whether Heiller taught the course as advertised or in a modified form or how else he extricated himself from this whole affair. He definitely canceled his participation on the jury of the competition at Geneva on September 1956, and with very short notice. He cites “urgent medical advice.” Such a directive does indeed exist. On the same date a certain Dr. Kandl diagnosed a “state of exhaustion and slight tremor of the fingers” and recommended a

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46 chapter two three-week relaxation holiday, in addition to “treatment with sedatives.” The good understanding between Heiller and Hilber does not seem to have been affected by this, because in August 1958 Heiller gave a three-day Bach course in Lucerne. In September 1958 he stayed at Hilber’s house for a whole week and we have Christmas cards between Hilber and Heiller until 1969. Heiller’s first Bach course in Switzerland must have taken place in 1956 in Lucerne (“about all the large collections of Chorale Preludes by Bach”). Bach courses were not part of Heiller’s routine as yet. The yearly series in Haarlem did not commence until the following year. He was, as always, very stressed beforehand, and Erna tried to cheer him up: “Please don’t be nervous about Lucerne and don’t nurse silly thoughts; you know so much about Bach’s chorale-based works because you yourself think so deeply about everything, and that enables you to stand before people with the wealth of your own thoughts. You don’t have to possess the knowledge of all those books in your head.” When the course was over Heiller breathed an almost audible sigh of relief: “The Holy Spirit aided me with this work in such a real and tangible way that this course truly became a great shared experience for all the participants and also for me. I was truly happy during those days.” By this time Heiller had visited Switzerland on many occasions and had many friends there, but to give a Bach course in this country, which boasted a well-developed organ culture, was nevertheless a sizable challenge for a young foreigner. The organ scene in eastern Switzerland was oriented toward France at the time, or more correctly, toward Marcel Dupré; a few also followed the Straube tradition, for instance, Helmut Reichel in Zurich.44 And there was also Eduard Müller. Heiller writes: A kindred spirit, the teacher of Gustav Leonhardt. We got on really well and understood each other almost completely. Only, I recognize that from this man I could learn a lot regarding formal proportions (he has proven that many of Bach’s works are designed according to the “Golden Mean” principle. This concerns the length of sections, measured in the number of measures they contain, within a Prelude and Fugue. And I do not even know what the “Golden Mean” is!).

Heiller had enough to offer, with or without a course on improvisation. He taught Bach courses frequently now, played recitals, and recorded for the radio. Through him the music of Jehan Alain came to Switzerland,45 and in Basel he once played the complete La Nativité cycle by Messiaen. Heiller’s first Swiss student was Arwed Henking, who came to Vienna in 1955. Originally he intended to enroll as a piano student, but on April 14, 1957, he experienced Heiller as conductor of Bach’s Saint John Passion (Concert Organization of the Vienna State Opera Chorus) and made the spontaneous decision to study organ with this musician. Eventually many of his compatriots were to follow suit, not least his own younger sister Monika Henking, who was to become

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beginning in the golden west 47

Figure 2.2. From left to right: Gustav Leonhardt, Anton Heiller, Egon Krauss (in the mid-fifties)

Heiller’s confidant and the dedicatee of several important works. I mention just a few representatives from among the large number of Swiss students: Bernhard Billeter, Egon Schwarb, and Jean-Claude Zehnder. Another point of contact with Switzerland was the great composer Frank Martin. Heiller had loved his music ever since he encountered his works as a performer, accompanist, and coach just after the war. He also often worked on Martin’s only substantial organ work, the Passacaille, with his students. There are quite a few similarities between these two composers as regards certain aspects of harmonic structure and the harmonization of twelve-tone rows. On the whole, Heiller seldom took a vacation. Vorarlberg was one of the few regions where he enjoyed a restful break, and it also served as a springboard into Switzerland. Tyrol provided the first successes outside Vienna and—with the exceptions of Klosterneuburg and Sankt Florian—the contact with “ordinary” old organs and new instruments built in the old spirit. Very early in his life, Switzerland opened Heiller’s ears to a quality in modern organ building that was unknown in Austria. During the seventies, at the latest, this country became a kind of second homeland for him. All three regions in the “Golden West” were important and had a lasting influence on him.

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Chapter Three

Haarlem and the Rest of Europe After Switzerland, the Netherlands was the next country in which Heiller made important contacts and here he encountered a great array of old and new organs. Haarlem played a crucial role in his career as a wonderful meeting place for artists and ideas. After his success in winning the improvisation contest, Haarlem became the first international stage on which he could be permanently present and to which he attracted large numbers of course participants. It is hard to imagine today, but before 1950 organ improvisation did not play an important role in the Netherlands. This was to change profoundly within a few years. Reminiscing in 1964 Jos de Klerk relates: When we met in autumn 1950 with a number of guests in the main hall of Haarlem Town Hall to follow an initiative of Councillor D.  J.  A. Geluk, we were looking for ways in which Haarlem could play a very characteristic role in the Holland Festival. It was suggested that we should make use of the ageold reputation of our organ culture, for example by organizing improvisation concerts. We never dreamed that this initial idea would eventually create an organization of world renown.

The initial spark came from Dr. Joseph Obermayr, originally from Salzburg, who had lived in Heemstede (near Haarlem) for a long time. According to his own testimony, he had “once upon a time also played the cello with the Vienna Philharmonic,” but at that stage he worked for a car manufacturer in Amsterdam. He managed to convince the gathered company that one simply had to consider the famed Christian Müller organ in the equally famous Saint Bavo church; after all, every book on Mozart stated that the master had played it. Obermayr was just “an important figure”—he loved the organ and “was keen to do something.1 Also behind the venture were Jos de Klerk, father of Albert de Klerk (later a famous organist), composer Henk Badings, Gustav Leonhardt, and, right from the start, a representative from Radio Netherlands. The City of Haarlem had always organized summer organ recitals, and the city organist, George Robert, was also among the founders of this new event. An agreement was soon reached that an improvisation contest, organized on an international

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haarlem and the rest of europe 49 level, would be the right way to proceed, and by 1951 the project was up and running. It may have been the Austrian Obermayr who suggested including Ludwig Daxsperger, cathedral organist at Linz, on the jury of three; the other jurors were Jeanne Demessieux from Paris and the Dutchman Anthon van der Horst who was one of the first “progressive” organists in his country; he had often provided inspiration and new ideas for Gustav Leonhardt. The “Silver Tulip” was offered as a challenge trophy. The winner had to defend this trophy in the following year, and, if successful, a third time; a performer could only keep it permanently after winning it three times, and after that a new trophy was to be created. A number of conditions applied: a competitor’s teacher could not sit on the jury; participation was by invitation only; the number of contestants was limited to four or five. These conditions had a number of positive outcomes: the participants already had to be recognized as improvisers, maybe through some local competition; this ensured a high minimum standard. Furthermore, it made certain that the competition remained a topic of discussion in the European improvisation scene, as information about possible candidates had to be exchanged. Consequently, the limited number of participants resulted in a certain aura of elitism. At that stage there were no preliminary rounds, only the contest itself. The number of jury members was limited to three and they had to display their own artistry in a joint recital. A few years later a third recital was established in which competitors could present themselves in a recital featuring general organ repertoire. The prize-giving ceremony and the handing over of commemorative diplomas to the participants took place at the Haarlem Town Hall, resplendent with candle illumination. The lord mayor presided over the ceremony. This competition format remained in place for a long time. As yet, no other organ competitions existed and this lent Haarlem appropriate importance. At the contest, a festive mood reigned, as well as very tangible tension. The huge Saint Bavo church was always filled with a large audience. The event was broadcast on Dutch Radio. The contestants’ order of appearance was determined by drawing lots and was kept secret from both the audience and the jury. The first contest, in 1951, was won by the Dutchman Louis Toebosch. In 1952, Anton Heiller was invited to compete. Gustav Leonhardt probably had something to do with this, and perhaps Daxsperger had also mentioned Heiller’s name. Twenty-seven years later, a famous and extremely personal tribute to Heiller related a very poignant episode (according to the author it came from a “secure source”). Heiller, who had arrived a few days before the competition, went to the Saint Joseph’s church to hear Albert de Klerk improvise at the end of the Saturday night service. This made such an impression on Anton (aged twenty-nine) that he decided, there and then, to take the train back to Vienna before the competition had even begun! His compatriot Obermayr was present in the

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50 chapter three choir gallery when this incident took place. When Heiller announced his decision, Obermayr gave the hesitant young man such a slap on the cheek that, being chastised in this fashion, he changed his mind and decided to take part after all.2

It proved to be the right decision, for on October 7, Heiller wrote a brief postcard to his wife Erna: “Against expectations I did really well yesterday. The themes were excellent and very suitable for development. On Wednesday night, after the jury recital, the announcement will be made. (I’ve probably won the prize!!).” And so it was. The jurors were Pierre Segond from Geneva, Flor Peeters from Brussels, and the above-mentioned Albert de Klerk. Heiller returned a year later, in July 1953, to defend the “Silver Tulip” and wrote home soon after his arrival: “This time the competition is tough, especially Karl Richter from Munich and Piet Key [sic] from Alkmaar. . . . I hope there won’t be too much disappointment in Haarlem, as of course the expectations of my playing are very high.” And indeed, this time Piet Kee emerged as the winner. It is typical for the peace-loving and devout Heiller that he tried to see the victory of the Dutchman in a positive light: “It is much better for the continuation of this course that a Dutchman (Kee) has won this time, so the Dutch have the joy of victory. But the jury certainly would not have considered this beforehand. I am very well; the write-ups were mostly in my favor and even took a stand against the jury! In the meantime, Obermayr has already invited me to sit on the jury in 1955!” Erna added her own words of comfort (July 21, 1953): “Well, it is probably quite good that it happened like this; you don’t need to be upset. You played well. Egon [Krauss] told me that the fugue was fantastic. Only the second movement he did not find ideal as it seemed a little like a repetition from the previous year. . . . Egon says that, as someone unjustly condemned, you are now in nearly everybody’s good books.” Piet Kee also won the prize in 1954 and so everything turned out differently: “What I have always suspected has now happened. As long as Piet Kee has the Tulip I will not be on the jury after all; there is objection, understandably enough, that somebody who has been ‘beaten’ sits on a jury that judges the victor; I also prefer it this way—my turn will come in 1956 or 1957.” But even without the prize and without a place on the jury, Heiller now had definitely “landed” in Haarlem permanently. At the diploma presentation at the Town Hall the lord mayor referred to him as an old friend of Haarlem. Heiller had also mastered another, quite different, task—on July 12, 1954, he played the organ concerto by Alfredo Casella at the Haarlem Concertgebouw, a task that was definitely an achievement on that organ (a small, as yet unrestored Cavaillé-Coll instrument from 1875). Before the performance Heiller

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haarlem and the rest of europe 51 was appropriately stressed and wrote home: “The Casella just happens to be much more like piano music than organ music and I simply lack the totally reliable piano technique.” The first courses were established at Haarlem in 1955; the plan was to cash in on the publicity and the success of the competition and to enhance the reputation of the city as an organ mecca. Friedrich Bihn from Hamburg (teaching German organ music) had thirteen students, Jeanne Demessieux (French repertoire), and Gaston Litaize (improvisation) had two students each, Heiller (German-style improvisation) boasted the greatest number: fifteen students. This is what he wrote to Erna about the competition: But now to yesterday’s contest: Piet Kee has now won for the third time. He can finally keep the Silver Tulip. I have to tell you that I have never ever heard anyone improvise as magnificently and as skillfully as Piet Kee yesterday! Believe me, I could never do anything like that in all my life!!! As much as I rejoiced with him in his success (because he deserves it 100%), I could not help but feel even more inferior than before. How will that work out for the course, how will that affect the concert on the fourteenth, at which Kee plays directly before me? (The order of performers will be Kee, Heiller, Toebosch.) Let me tell you about all the different things Kee did . . . inversions, stretti between rectus and inversus, augmentation, diminutions and all that for the two themes separately as well as for the two themes in combination!!! This really borders on the miraculous. Of course, some of this can be explained by his continuous work at Alkmaar, and the obviously outstanding training he gets from his father Cor Kee. And I? I have no beautiful organ and do not improvise all year! . . . All in all, last night was a wonderful occasion for Haarlem . . . and another thing I found out from the stop puller at the Concours: Piet Kee had absolutely no written notes for either his double fugue or his stunningly structured fantasia! All he had in front of him was the piece of paper with the theme printed on it!!! This is just beyond my comprehension!!!

Heiller’s detailed report on his own improvisation, written a little later, is interesting for comparison. He writes about the concert shared with Kee and Toebosch that he felt so uncomfortable about: Toebosch’s themes were not conceived as a unit: the first was a Passacaglia theme in G minor (3/4 time). The second was a fugue theme in D minor (4/4 time). I therefore started with a short introduction using the Passacaglia theme, then the Passacaglia itself (using also the inversion of the theme); after a kind of semi-close I began the fugue (unfortunately, a little slip happened here with registration and also, in some lengthy development sections the long and difficult subject was not always treated in an orderly manner). At the end I combined both themes, which, of course, sounded somewhat daring, given the different meters (3/4 and 4/4); at the very end I brought in the Passacaglia theme once more, in stretto with its own inversion. Of

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52 chapter three course, I made notes of a few things beforehand, and under less than ideal conditions; because between 7 and 8 o’clock the carillon of the Saint Bavo tower was going nonstop, uninterrupted; it was really loud!!! I had to really work very hard on myself just to not give up! But with God’s help I did succeed, and I thank the dear Lord for it with all my heart.

Heiller’s improvisation course was designed to explore the “German style” (probably to delineate it from Demessieux’s emphasis on French style in her course). Heiller actually did not enjoy teaching improvisation. This was true for his entire life, and it already clearly expressed itself here in Haarlem, or should one say, it began here? So he writes to Erna: As far as the course participants are concerned, I think they are quite happy, but they would probably like it if I demonstrated more. However, I am rather scared of that. . . . I hope the last days of the course turn out well. Tomorrow Professor Ahrens3 arrives and stays for a whole week. . . . I hope he does not sit in on my lessons too often; I am really embarrassed about my somewhat amateurish teaching! . . . The Norwegian course participants now request that in the last few sessions I present them with a kind of master plan for improvisation, which they can copy; they do not really want to play anymore, because they sense how much better the Dutch are. But I am just no good at this kind of systematic lecturing! I hope I don’t expose myself dreadfully! . . . Demessieux has already left. She handed Obermayr a report on her course. She covered so much ground that I am really embarrassed with the small amount of improvisation I have dealt with in my class. I often feel I am just not up to the job. Obermayr now wants something similar from all lecturers, and also from me, as well as a report concerning all the impressions we formed during this course.

And Heiller did indeed compile such a “report,” but it was not very informative as it listed outcomes he would have liked to achieve rather than those that were actually achievable. Heiller outlined a very comprehensive curriculum, one that includes very complex forms (sonata, passacaglia) and techniques (ornamented cantus firmus in the alto and also the tenor). One really feels like agreeing with him when he states that this can hardly be achieved in a course. In the meantime, discussions had commenced regarding the restoration of the famed Saint Bavo organ; at that stage the Great manual still used Barker lever action.4 The young Heiller was included in the talks. (“They want a joint venture between Flentrop and Zachariassen,5 but Flentrop does not seem so keen on that. This will be very difficult. I wish Krauss were here!”) A few days later he was able to inform Krauss that the City of Haarlem intended to officially seek his advice. However, this did not simplify things for Heiller: “Unfortunately I had a letter from Krauss today that does not bring me much joy; in the Haarlem matter he is now all for Zachariassen! I will have to talk to

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haarlem and the rest of europe 53 him immediately after my return! Despite my admiration for Zachariassen I find it completely absurd to set up the specific Zachariassen sound ideal as the norm for everything.” Apart from those already named, Cor Edskes was also involved, as was Friedrich Bihn, a Hamburg organist; together with Heiller he formulated a document outlining their point of view (July 30, 1955), which was presented to the City Council. Here is the background to their discussion: Flentrop had restored Zwolle; Heiller approved of this work, Edskes did not. Also, the nationality of the organ builder was a factor in awarding the contract, although nobody had stated this officially (Flentrop was Dutch, Zachariassen was Danish). How this story continued will be disclosed later in this chapter. Danish influence on Dutch organ building was already strong and would become more pronounced. As Paul Peeters writes, “The continued development of Flentrop is therefore more easily followed in the United States than in Holland.”6 In 1956 Heiller sat on the jury of the Haarlem competition for the first time; his colleagues were Finn Viderø (Denmark) and Sem Dresden (the Netherlands). The winner was the future organist of Saint Bavo, Klaas Bolt. Toward the end of the courses decisive changes were made to the overall structure of the Haarlem Summer Academy. At a later time, Marie-Claire Alain spelled out the reasons for these with great clarity: “At first we taught only improvisation at Haarlem. The standard of students was so low that we informed management that it was impossible to continue teaching such dreadful sessions to students who really were not cut out to study improvisation.”7 Heiller’s assessment is as follows: And now something important that we (Leonhardt, Obermayr, and I) decided yesterday for next year. Perhaps there is quite a bit of dissatisfaction with my teaching of improvisation, which has filtered through (but then, the following idea was mine): next year, five instead of four lecturers. Alain—French improvisation Demessieux—French organ repertoire Cor Kee—German improvisation Bihn—German organ repertoire Heiller—a course on the complete organ works by Bach And now we need to plan very intensively for next year; this will be done mostly by Leonhardt and myself; as Leonhardt is on the Commission and supports these changes, this will make things much easier.8

Erna replied: “Concerning your Bach course for next year, I am really pleased for you! First of all, this will not be as exhausting [as an improvisation course], and then also really a matter close to your heart. Fantastic!” And so, gradually, a structure of the Haarlem festival emerged that was to remain in place for many years, one that would cement into place the

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54 chapter three “Haarlem Trio,” Heiller, Alain, and Tagliavini. During the early sixties Madame Alain taught French organ literature (with a focus on César Franck and Jehan Alain); Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini (introduced to Haarlem by Heiller): early Italian organ music; Gustav Leonhardt: North German, Dutch, and English music of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Cor Kee: improvisation; and Heiller ran “his” Bach course. Added to this was one lecturer teaching modern organ music (at first Siegfried Reda, later Werner Jakob), plus Gustav Leonhardt’s harpsichord course. The festival always included at least one full-day organ excursion for lecturers and participants as well as lectures (at first daily, later occasionally) on selected organ-building and performance topics. For a few years it was customary to play tape recordings from the improvisation contest and Heiller then followed each improvisation with a short analysis and assessment. For that purpose he always listened very intently and made notes on what he heard. On one of these occasions, in 1964, I experienced him myself, from very close quarters. Four candidates had already done battle with a theme that was rather too brief for treatment in a sonata movement. Only the last player approached the task quite differently—he dissected the theme into small motives and from these gained the necessary contrasting elements for a sonata. After only a few seconds Heiller sat up and whispered to me: “Yes! That’s the only way to do it!” And indeed, Arie Keizer won the prize. Heiller’s Bach courses in Haarlem constitute an outstanding success story. After 1963, because of the great influx of students he (as the only one among all the lecturers) delivered the course twice daily, once in the morning and again in the afternoon. In 1969 he taught forty-six organists in this manner. The figures for 1971–73 were forty-eight, fifty-three, and fifty, respectively. This means, of course, that he was teaching for four hours daily, and this was only his basic program. He obviously did not find this so extraordinary, because in 1966, when he had to leave Haarlem two days early to travel to America, he offered to make up for this by teaching for eight hours on two successive days (“I don’t mind that in the least”). The Haarlem administration answered that this kind of thing could not be asked of anyone and they let him depart two days early. (This episode ended in a fashion typical for Heiller: He taught his course from 8:00 a.m. to 10:00 a.m., flew to New York at 1:00 p.m., used the three hours’ wait at the airport for a meeting with management. and then flew on to Saint Louis.) On top of this basic program of teaching there was also preparation for the concerts held every night during the summer school (not only in Haarlem but also in other locations), and occasional conducting engagements. His letters to Erna always included detailed reports and from these we learn about some occasions where the schedule was extremely tight. For example, in July 1957, when Heiller conducted, among other things, his own Te Deum.

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haarlem and the rest of europe 55

Figure 3.1. Anton Heiller in Haarlem, in 1964, analyzing the Improvisation contest. Directly in front of him, Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini and Marie-Claire Alain; on the right, Gustav Leonhardt.

Monday: 9:00 a.m., rehearsal; 3:00 p.m., course; 7:30 p.m., Amsterdam, rehearsal with choir no. 1 Tuesday: 9:10 a.m.–11:00 a.m., orchestra Te Deum; 1:30 p.m.–6:00 p.m., Utrecht organ recordings; 7:30 p.m., Amsterdam, rehearsal with both choirs Wednesday: 9:10 a.m.–12:00 noon, Andriessen and Kodaly, orchestra; 2:00 p.m.–5:00 p.m., Hilversum rehearsal choir no. 2; 8:00 p.m., Concours, jury Thursday: 9:10 a.m.–12:00 noon, Andriessen and Te Deum; 2:00 p.m.–5:00 p.m., Hilversum, rehearsal choir no. 2; 8:00 p.m., jury concert (apart from improvisation on a theme by M-C Alain I’ll only play Schmidt Prelude and Fugue C minor). (Won’t be able to practice for that at all.) Friday: Morning hopefully free! 2:00 p.m.–5:00 p.m. or 6:00 p.m., Microphone test–dress rehearsal; 8:00 p.m., concert . . . Only a year earlier Erna had urged him: “There is only one thing I don’t agree with at all; you write that you have to give the course again next year. Who can force you? Wouldn’t it be enough if you did some recordings and perhaps also gave a few concerts? Why don’t you take a break for a year? At least tell Obermayr that you cannot formally accept as yet!”

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56 chapter three This was only one of Erna’s numerous attempts to persuade Heiller to adopt a slower pace of life, to reduce his hefty schedule and to occasionally enjoy a “real” vacation; however, as far as Haarlem goes, many years passed before Heiller agreed to do “less.” (On July 6, 1963, Erna writes: “You will tell him [Obermayr] in time that you won’t be able to come in 1965, won’t you?”) Only once, in 1962, Heiller sacrificed Haarlem. It was in favor of his first extensive US tour, but when information reached him later (via the grapevine) regarding the replacement lecturer for “his” Bach course, it made him determined never to skip Haarlem again. Again and again there were attempts to bring Erna and the children to Haarlem. Heiller was completely divided on this issue, as becomes evident in some of his letters from July 1958. During the first few days he reported how tiny his room was and that it lacked a table; that he had to write, sitting on the bed, with the paper on his knees. He also found it a little uncomfortable that most of the guests in this pensione were German holidaymakers. For example, taking a bath was associated with all sorts of problems: You always have to light the little oil heater, and that unfortunately stands directly below the only hook for clothes, so that I cannot hang up my dressing gown. But please don’t write to tell me to move into another pensione! . . . I am personally quite happy; the bed and food are very good, the people are very pleasant, and, moreover, they are Catholics! . . . [A week later:] As sad as it is, I have come to realize this year: to bring you all to Holland, amid all this hectic activity, would be senseless!

It has to be stressed that he put up with all that discomfort for a period of three weeks. Ten days after this letter, he considered, yet again, and in great detail, how the family might be accommodated in that pensione in the following year. In the end it never did come to pass that the whole Heiller family traveled to Haarlem. Heiller remained one of the leading figures on the Haarlem organ scene. Apart from the Bach courses, he was also closely connected with the improvisation contest. He made recommendations concerning who should be invited to compete, having been a contestant himself twice, on the jury five times, and having twice provided the improvisation themes. In addition, he had closely followed the competition on many other occasions. He was also consulted when new course lecturers were chosen. This is how Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini first came to Haarlem in 1959. In 1961 a joint recital took place in Haarlem, given by previous prize winners: Louis Toebosch, Anton Heiller, Piet Kee, Klaas Bolt, and Hans Haselböck. On July 5, 1963, Heiller played for the premiere of his own organ concerto at Saint Bavo. The piece had been commissioned by Haarlem. On July 9, 1969, he appeared as soloist at the Concertgebouw in “his” Hindemith organ concerto (the work had been dedicated to Anton Heiller). On July 6, 1976, he conducted his Stabat Mater at Saint Bavo, and it was performed by the Radio Filharmonisch Orkest and the Groot Omroep Koor.

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haarlem and the rest of europe 57 Haarlem had become exactly what the founding fathers had envisaged—a meeting place for organists from every stylistic and geographical background, naturally with a focus on the “right” way of doing things and with a view to quality instruments. Heiller frequently brought his own students to the course, as did the other lecturers. The names of colleagues, organ specialists, and organ builders constantly pop up in his letters, and contact with them was not only of an official nature. “At the Indonesian restaurant the whole ‘gang’ meets . . . Krauss, Pach, Haselböck, and his wife, Tagliavini, Zachariassen and his son, and Karin,” he reported once to Erna in a letter. Of course, Egon Krauss was always there too, even if just briefly.9 The Indonesian Rijstafel (banquet) was important to Heiller. Once he admitted to Erna, somewhat contritely, that he had eaten the lunch provided at his lodgings, but then had met with friends at the Indonesian restaurant and in fact ended up eating two lunches. This sort of thing occasionally resulted in quite direct comments about his waistline, most notably from Egon Krauss, who was not exactly slim himself. (It is interesting to note that another Austrian was later to become a permanent lecturer in Haarlem: Hans Haselböck, who had won the prize three times during the fifties, delivered the improvisation course for many years.) At the start of November 1973, Heiller informed the people in Haarlem that he was very ill due to severe circulation problems and a complete nervous breakdown and had to cancel all engagements for a period of four weeks. Consequently, he requested that he deliver only one course in 1974 instead of two. In 1977 he was in Haarlem for the last time. W.  J. Sutherland, who was in charge of the organization of the Summer Academy at Haarlem for many years, wrote the following in the program booklet for the 1979 Haarlem Organ Festival: As we look back, we must acknowledge the loss of Anton Heiller, who during the past twenty-five years has left such a mark on the Summer Academy. . . . Sometimes he could not be here, and that made him very sad. When he returned he was exuberant. . . . In his Bach course he spoke so convincingly that no organist who was present will ever forget the experience. . . . A most extraordinary way of playing Bach has gone with Anton Heiller. Here in Haarlem we will always have his image before us, how he suddenly turned up: mostly friendly, often quite demanding and a little abrupt, sometimes tired and depressed. We will miss him—but when we think of him we will continue to be grateful for everything he gave us during these twenty-five years.

The relationship with Haarlem was very close, and this went in both directions. Judy Glass recalls: “At the end of each three-week course at Haarlem, Toni said ‘Auf Wiedersehen’ to the organ at Saint Bavo and cried.”10 In 1980, as part of the Haarlem Organ Festival, a memorial concert for Heiller was held at the Saint Nicolai church at Utrecht. The organ had been chosen because this instrument, built in 1956 by Marcussen, had been one of

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58 chapter three his favorites—and because the organ at Saint Bavo was not quite suitable for some of the works by Heiller that had been selected for the program. With its violet-colored burnished facade pipes, the instrument was also visually unmistakable. “This organ was seen as a standard-setting instrument for modern organ building in the early days and exerted a huge influence on Dutch organ building in the following years.”11 Heiller had often given concerts there and also recorded for the radio (July 1958), works by Max Reger among others. Hans Haselböck and Franz Falter were his stop pullers, a demanding job given the constant changes of tone color and the total absence of any registration aids. The great effect this instrument made can be gathered from a letter Franz Falter sent to Heiller about a year later: “I personally still hope for a Zachariassen [Marcussen] organ for my church of Saint Rochus. . . . When you are in Utrecht, please think of Saint Rochus (i.e., of me). That is the kind of organ I would like to have.”12 Other places in the Netherlands where Heiller often played and where he also enjoyed the organs were, to name just a few: Alkmaar, Beverwijk, Zwolle, Amsterdam (Niewe Kerk, Oude Walenkerk), Rotterdam (Grote Kerk, choir organ by Marcussen; the main organ was not built until 1973), Den Haag, and Nijmegen. The quality of organs seemed to vary in the Netherlands according to religious denomination. Heiller reported to Vienna that the “Catholic” organs were nearly always inferior to the instruments in Reformed churches. He classified the organ at the Norbertine Abbey of Heeswijk as “even more horrible” than the organs built by a certain Viennese workshop he fervently disliked. However, on the whole he felt very happy in the Netherlands as far as instruments were concerned and one can safely say that his taste in organ building was profoundly influenced and consolidated by his contact with Dutch instruments; his enthusiasm for Swiss organ building had diminished a little. In 1956 he wrote to Erna from Basel: “The organs [here] are beautiful, that’s for sure; but I have to say (quite independent from other opinions) that once you have learned to love and value the Nordic sound ideal, you simply have to take a step away from what is done here.” This, in all likelihood, referred to the instruments by Kuhn, on which he had recorded Bach. They contained more foundation stops and generally sounded mellower than the instruments in the north. Due to staff changes in the Kuhn firm—Albert Schweitzer’s son-in-law Jean Eckert became the head of the firm in 1945—the orientation toward a French-Alsatian style became even more pronounced. This was especially noticeable with the first organ built after the changeover, at Saint Maurice (Canton of Vaud), and may explain why Heiller felt the difference even more keenly. His enthusiasm for organ sound à la Marcussen nevertheless continued for a long time, until he turned toward Switzerland once more for his sound ideal and, in unison with Egon Krauss, declared that the instruments of Metzler (especially those built in the sixties) were “the most beautiful organs in the world.” Of course, in the Netherlands Heiller encountered not only new organs but also many people.

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haarlem and the rest of europe 59 For instance, around 1970, in Nijmegen, he established a completely new circle of friends around the Redemptorist pastor Bernhard Kahmann (the author of the famous tribute in the Gregoriusblad mentioned earlier)—including Jos Steemers, Wim Hendrix, and others. They even traveled to Switzerland to hear the premiere of Heiller’s Passionsmusik and this led to a performance of the work in the Netherlands.  Before Heiller had achieved his permanent international breakthrough as an organist in and through Haarlem, his main spheres of activity were Switzerland and also western Austria (although as a conductor and composer he enjoyed his greatest successes in Vienna). He did have some important engagements in Germany early in his career, but on the whole it took a little longer before he was as well known there as in the aforementioned regions. This was because in Germany, during the fifties, the paradigm of the Straube school reigned supreme. The first generation of Karl Straube’s students dominated as organ professors and staff members of all the influential church music institutions. Among the most important men were: Hans-Arnold Metzger (Esslingen), Hans Klotz and Michael Schneider (Cologne), Hans Heintze (Bremen), Fritz Heitmann (Berlin), Fritz Högner (Munich), and Anton Nowakovsky (Stuttgart). Hans Haselböck made this astute comment: “Heiller, with his new approach to interpretation, actually had it unexpectedly easy in Vienna; in Germany the authority of Karl Straube concerning the playing of Bach was so strong just after the war that anybody who set out to do things differently virtually had to justify himself.”13 Somewhat separate from this Straube-driven mainstream, there was Helmut Walcha (Frankfurt), who explored new ways of doing things. His Bach interpretation followed the ideal of an “objective” way of playing, the complete antithesis to the Romantic school, but also to the Straube school (which believed itself to be “modern”), and this makes the ideological distance between Walcha and Heiller seem a little smaller.14 Walcha favored historic or at least neoBaroque instruments. No wonder that the young Heiller was rather “watchful” where Walcha was concerned. Erna says, “Of course, he believed Walcha to be extremely gifted and he admired him, because, given his blindness, he knew his entire repertoire from memory.”15 Once, when Heiller played Bach in Haarlem, he “felt quite uncomfortable,” because Walcha was listening.16 After monitoring the first tapes of his Bach recording in Thalwil in January 1952, he reported to Erna from Thalwil: “Everything went well, but I am not quite satisfied with it all yet, and have to do a few things again; after all, Walcha is doing the same project on a Schnitger organ, as I found out a few days ago.” Erna answered: “Does Walcha also do the complete Bach? I guess that puts you in direct competition with him.” And indeed, Walcha had already done

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60 chapter three the first recordings in 1947 in Lübeck; however, the plan to make this a series of the complete organ works was not publicly announced by Deutsche Grammophon until 1950. The announcement coincided with the launch of the subsidiary label Archiv Produktion, and Walcha’s recordings were the first for this new label. The recording sessions continued until September 1952, which means they took place, at least in part, concurrently with Heiller’s. In August 1954 Heiller wrote from Vevey, Switzerland, where he was continuing the recording series: “I have just heard Walcha’s organ records on a broadcast, about the first quarter of the Little Organ Book; he really does play very well! (I am always inclined to get a bit of an inferiority complex.)” In Austria Musica Orans reported on the project and of course made a connection: The complete organ works of Bach are being recorded on LP by two different companies. Anton Heiller from Vienna plays on modern eclectic instruments in Switzerland. Helmut Walcha, Lübeck,17 uses historic organs in Germany. . . . Juxtaposing two excellent Bach players with the same program will contribute to clarifying questions concerning appropriate interpretation. What can be noted already is that registration changes are sparse, as are manual changes, and there is an end to excessive phrasing. Especially in Germany many sins have been committed in this regard.18

Eventually, other Germans became symbols for Bach interpretation; on the one hand, there was Karl Richter who, as a conductor, could initially cash in on a certain “Leipzig bonus”; after these successes he was able to achieve great fame with the public for his interpretations of the great Bach organ works (although in professional circles they remained somewhat controversial). Richter was to become a thorn in Heiller’s side; more will be related about that in chapter 5. By contrast, Helmut Rilling went in the opposite direction. After completing his studies he became Fernando Germani’s assistant in Rome for a long time. Later, his activities concentrated more on conducting and, with his choir, the Gächinger Kantorei, he set new standards in creating a more sparse choral sound for Bach cantatas and motets. (That, by the way, happened rather by chance. The choir at that time rehearsed at the home of a sponsor where there was only enough room for thirty-six people at most—and this is how the performances of Bach’s great Passions with smaller choirs came about in Germany.)19 Fernando Germani, with his emphasis on virtuosity and technical perfection, followed a totally different stylistic direction from Heiller; nevertheless, “Heiller was the only other organist whom Germani approved of.”20 Initially, especially in Germany, Heiller’s innovative approach to interpretation met with astonishment or even downright rejection. “From time immemorial” the country had considered itself as the natural home of Bach interpretation. For instance, to begin the Passacaglia using organo pleno, with a reed in the pedal, was strong medicine indeed for organists of several

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haarlem and the rest of europe 61 generations on both sides of the Iron Curtain. They had always conceived this piece to be developed à la Reger, as a large crescendo, and they were used to hearing a soft opening, at most a mellow mezzo piano. The number of German students enrolled in Haarlem courses and also in Vienna was for a long time well below comparable figures from the United States or Switzerland. In March 1952 Heiller spent some time in the region around Cologne and played recitals as well as making radio recordings—possibly his first such tour in Germany. A quite inconspicuous notice in Musica Orans probably referred to that visit: “Professor Anton Heiller was invited by Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk Cologne to play a recital and to conduct Franz Schmidt’s Fourth Symphony.” He met Hermann Schröder and Heinrich Lemacher, which rather seems to indicate that the contact was made via church music organizations (Kosch, Tittel, and Paul Neumann?). In March 1953 Heiller once again visited this region. And so Heiller’s presence in Germany very gradually increased. Between August 28 and 31, 1954, the Tenth Convention of the Society for New Church Music (10. Tagung der Gesellschaft für neue Kirchenmusik) took place in Fulda. “Austria plays its trump card with Anton Heiller, a superior organist and also composer of the highest rank,” Heinrich Lemacher, a leading German composer, wrote in a retrospective.21 For September 1955 Heiller was invited onto the jury of the ARD competition in Munich, at the time the most prestigious competition in Germany (the ARD is the foremost radio broadcaster in Germany). The panel was full of prominent people: Maurice Duruflé, Karl Höller, Hermann Keller, Alf Lindner, Anton Nowakovsky, Flor Peeters, Michael Schneider, and Ferruccio Viganelli. As in the case of Innsbruck, three years later, Heiller was by far the youngest juror. A few years earlier Hermann Keller had published his comprehensive book on the organ works of Johann Sebastian Bach, a compendium dealing with registration and interpretation, and providing insight into textual context and symbolism. Alongside Friedrich Smend, Keller was considered a leading authority in this field, and Heiller embraced many concepts contained in this book. Keller is a very nice man . . . we acknowledged our different concepts straight away, and on one count (rhythmic structure of the large “Vater unser” [the large setting of this Chorale in the Leipzig Chorales]) I have already converted him. . . . Most of the participants are (technically) very good (but stylistically still rather hopeless), but as the majority of jurors do not agree with me, I will not be able to achieve much. . . . When the marks were made public it became obvious that overall I am the most severe critic and Duruflé is most severe in matters of technique. . . . What’s more, I keep turning over rather heavy thoughts in my head: how could I pass on better technical security and better creative power to my students? Despite their lack of stylistic integrity, the people here have great technical ability, they play with speed and energy. This competition is in many ways a great lesson for me.22

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62 chapter three In the spring of 1956 Heiller took part in an organ convention at Lemgo (near Bielefeld, Germany). Here he met Tagliavini for the first time, and other prominent people who were present included Egon Krauss of course, also Sybrand Zachariassen, Jürgen Ahrend, and Gerhard Brunzema. The latter two were in charge of the organ building firm Ahrend and Brunzema from 1959 to 1972. They had gradually been admitted into the “circle of the elect,” and consequently, they built a few organs in the Netherlands that were much talked about and had been included in the Haarlem Summer Academy or were visited during organ excursions (such as at the Zorgvlietkerk at Scheveningen, 1959; the Oude Walenkerk at Amsterdam, restoration, 1965; the Doopsgezindekerk at Haarlem, 1968). In March 1957, Heiller spent some time in Stuttgart where he played the dedication recital on a new organ at the Co-Cathedral of Saint Eberhard, for which Johann Nepomuk David had designed the specification. David lived and taught in Stuttgart, and Heiller ate his meals at David’s home. This is worth noting because the relationship between the two had previously been a little strained because of David’s somewhat derogatory remarks concerning Heiller’s compositions.23 On the whole, David was somewhat abrasive and unpredictable. On July 15, 1947, he sent Heiller a postcard. Dear Mr. Heiller! Could you please be kind enough to procure some Eberle brand manuscript paper for me—14 stave, landscape format—15000000 [sic] sheets. Please do that. Kind regards, and thanks in advance, yours, Joh Nepomuk David

At the time, the Allied Forces had seriously curtailed all export and import of printed material between the two countries, and there was a pressing paper shortage. Possibly David only wrote the card this way in order to annoy the officials who censored mail (the small stamp “Austrian Censorship Office” is found on all items of mail from this period). Be that as it may, Heiller did indeed send what was requested (we do not know the quantity), because on August 25, David sent a polite thank-you note. Around 1962 he informed Heiller that he would dedicate his Choralwerk XI to him and that it would be suitable for the organ at Klosterneuburg. This seems to have remained just a nice idea. Choralwerk XI is not dedicated to anyone, nor is this partita “Da Jesus an dem Kreuze stund” playable on the Klosterneuburg organ.24 Heiller repeatedly returned to Stuttgart and often played works by this prominent old master from Upper Austria. (On March 10, 1971, when he again performed the partita “Es ist ein Schnitter . . .” the composer appeared in the organ gallery after the concert, and, hinting at the technical difficulty of this work, said

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haarlem and the rest of europe 63 without any introduction: “Mean, eh?”)25 In 1957 Heiller played a recital in the Cathedral of Freiburg im Breisgau and in 1958 he was invited to the Seventh International Organ Week in Nuremberg.  Heiller’s first appearance in Denmark did not occur until 1957, but he established himself comparatively quickly and eventually formed a strong personal connection to that country, mainly because of his familiarity with the organs of Marcussen, which Heiller had encountered in the Netherlands. Also, unlike in Germany, there were no firmly established traditions here concerning the interpretation of the music of Bach; in a manner of speaking, his playing did not meet with such a strong headwind. And there were also a few similarities with the Netherlands—the Reformed churches, the Dutch-style hard brick buildings (Klinkerbauten), the landscape, and more. There were interesting personal connections too. In any case, Heiller’s entry into the Danish organ scene was certainly connected with the fact that he knew leading Danish organ personalities from Haarlem. Discussions regarding the restoration of the Haarlem organ had been ongoing since 1955. By October 1956, Heiller and Egon Krauss were in Copenhagen in connection with this project, along with Friedrich Bihn (a fellow consultant) and Rudolf von Beckerath. (Toni, in a letter to Erna, had described Beckerath as “at the moment the greatest German organ builder.”) Also present was Hendrik Leendert Oussoren, who had just been appointed national organ expert for Holland (“Rijksadviseur”); he was the Dutch equivalent of Egon Krauss in the sense that his original area of expertise was mathematics. For Heiller this was exclusively a study trip: “I have to return home empty-handed, and have to put down the costs as ‘study and educational’ expenses!” But since everyone involved in the project was there together, they were able to come to an agreement: the contract to restore the organ at Haarlem should go to Marcussen after all. Agreeing with this decision was a turning point for Heiller. As recently as the previous June he had written to his expert colleague Friedrich Bihn: Of course I am quite sure that the commission [in Haarlem] will have the last word in all this; if I understood Obermayr correctly, the contract has virtually gone to Zachariassen anyway! Now, in my opinion, this is how the matter stands: once the whole thing has reached this stage there is little point waging war against it, best to give up on the idea of a “restoration,” but instead to point out that in the present situation it would be best to give Zachariassen a free hand, as if he were building a new organ and to write off the “Müller organ” once and for all.

For Heiller, always a peacemaker, this was not an easy situation, because he had also established a friendly relationship with the Dutchman Flentrop. On

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64 chapter three December 10, 1956, he wrote to “Dick” Flentrop, a letter that, for him, is unusually long and obviously well-considered, from which I quote relevant passages: You have probably found out some time ago from Obermayr that Bihn and I, responding to a request from the Haarlem City Council, have submitted our opinion regarding the Haarlem restoration project in writing. We encouraged the commission to thoroughly consider whether a man like Flentrop had not given adequate proof that he is not only a great organ builder but also an outstanding restorer of old instruments. We received a reply making it clear that the commission did not share our opinion and that it continued to believe that the best option is to award the contract to Marcussen . . . I have to admit that until October 1956 I had only experienced one organ by Zachariassen “in the flesh”—the Sweelinck organ in Hilversum—and all other instruments from recordings only. When I traveled to Denmark for the Marcussen anniversary I realized that most of those recordings were in fact not doing these wonderful instruments justice! And when I experienced . . . the organ at the castle church at Christiansborg, which is at present being restored . . . it became very clear to me that Zachariassen can adapt quite well to the sounds of a different century, something I had not believed until now. I had the opportunity to discuss this with Dr. Oussoren, and I could not help but understand the Haarlem organ commission better. Recently, when Obermayr asked me about all this quite officially, I responded accordingly, and told him that through personal experience I have now learned to appreciate the new Marcussen organs as wonderful instruments and therefore appreciated the opinion of the commission better . . . with that I made it clear that under the present circumstances I have nothing against awarding the contract to Zachariassen. . . . May I ask you again, dear Dick, not to see this as a betrayal of our friendship, nor a change of heart caused by some opportunistic tendencies, but for what it really is: learning from an enriching experience.

Subsequently Heiller was often seen as the main mover behind the fundamental change of direction concerning the Haarlem organ. The above correspondence shows that he was initially against it and only gradually became convinced that Marcussen should get the contract, and that he was aware of the fact that changes would be made to the organ. Whenever Heiller demonstrated the organ after the restoration he always took care to specify where additions had been made; this concerned especially the original 16ʹ Plenum on the Great and the “new” 8ʹ Plenum (now available through the addition of a Scharff), which “sounded different and modern.” Heiller played recitals in Copenhagen in 1957 and 1958. In November of the following year he embarked on a two-week concert tour to Aarhus, Holstebro, Odense, Tønder, Lemvig, and finally, to Copenhagen, where he recorded Schmidt’s Chaconne in cis for the radio. In 1960 the (by now) infamous Copenhagen Organ Convention took place to which Marie-Claire Alain and L. F. Tagliavini were also invited; according to Marie-Claire, the “Haarlem Trio” received its nickname “la clique catholique” here.

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haarlem and the rest of europe 65 Behind the Danish organ scene was a mover and shaker who was a real driving force: Count Schack, an amateur organist who owned a somewhat cobbledtogether house organ, had connections around the world, and, apart from that, was Lord of Schackenburg Castle. The latter was actually his main occupation, and he lived from the income of tourists who visited the castle. He cut a striking figure—tall, wiry, a man of the world—and he was something of an oddity, even in midlife. On one occasion, when a whole cluster of concerts and radio recordings had been arranged by Heiller and the responsible authorities, Count Schack interfered and changed the programs. Another time Marie-Claire Alain played a piece with much rubato and expansive fermatas. “The young lady can’t count,” commented Count Schack.26 Later he also traveled to Vienna, where he declared the instruments at the Department of Church Music dreadful and, according to Erna, proceeded to tell everyone he met that something radical had to be done immediately. In August 1958 the whole Heiller family—this time the children were included—was invited to stay at Schackenburg Castle. This was no small thing for the Heillers, who outdid each other fretting about all kinds of potential problems, as becomes evident from correspondence during the weeks preceding this visit. Departure and arrival times of every possible rail service and the time necessary for changing trains were discussed at length, and the number and nature of luggage items underwent repeated scrutiny. Heiller was chauffeured to concerts from Schackenburg Castle in Schack’s car, but apart from that, vacationing was the focus of the trip. Erna wrote to her parents: “Right now Toni is at the Møgeltønder church giving an organ lesson to Karin Zachariassen, the daughter of Sybrand Zachariassen, the world famous organ builder, who, by the way, visited here yesterday. She is a very well brought up, nice girl of seventeen.” She was talking about the daughter of the owner of the Marcussen firm at Åbenraa. In September 1952 Sybrand Zachariassen gave a talk at a church music congress in Bern. The topic was “Current problems in organ building and suggestions on how to solve them.” He delivered the same talk on January 2 and 3, 1953, in Amsterdam for the Nederlandse Organisten Vereniging (Society of Dutch organists) and it provided strong impetus for Dutch organ building. A published assessment of the lecture was found among documents in Heiller’s estate. It seems to have been written by Egon Krauss, and Heiller may have contributed as well: “This talk outlined the principles behind organ building in Denmark, which is based on ancient tradition. These true and timeless principles are the same as those governing the restoration of old instruments, built in earlier centuries according to the same tenets. . . . It would therefore be very beneficial if a central authority could plan and undertake a study trip for Austrian organ builders and organists to Denmark, so that the state of organ culture in that country could be examined.” As Hans Haselböck describes in detail, Zachariassen was eventually also invited to give this lecture in Vienna (after a certain amount of resistance from within church circles had been

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66 chapter three overcome), for the Church Music Congress (October 4–10, 1954). It is possible that the above-mentioned paper by Krauss may have been used to further this cause a little, also on a national level. After all, this was the time when people in various quarters were making great efforts to change the direction in which the Saint Stephen’s Cathedral organ project was heading.27 The enthusiasm for Danish organ building did not bring any tangible results on this occasion, but later, in 1958, led to a study trip to Denmark by two organ builders, Wilhelm Zika Jr. and Herbert Gollini. After completing his studies in church music, Gollini had done an organ building apprenticeship with Zika, at Sankt Florian. In 1962 the two traveled to Copenhagen to a congress for organists, together with the organ builder Gregor Hradetzky (II) from Krems. After that trip Gollini left Zika and joined Hradetzky. “He was simply ambitious, a man of the future,” is how Gollini put it, reminiscing.28 As far as Danish organ building is concerned, the two were of one mind. Hradetzky was building a three-manual organ for Hollabrunn in Lower Austria and needed a voicer. The representative from the Archdiocese of Vienna who was responsible for organ building once again pushed for electric action. That the outcome was different was partly due to a certain Hans Groer,29 who at the time taught at the grammar school at Hollabrunn. This Danish organ building craze bore late fruit when the contract to build a new organ for the cathedral at Linz (Neuer Dom) went to the firm of Marcussen. The organ was not inaugurated until 1968.30 Denmark was ever-present: in the documentation reporting on the final inspection of the Neumann organ at the Klagenfurt Conservatorium (mentioned earlier), Anton Heiller wrote on February 21, 1959: “The voicing . . . is equal to the quality found in modern Danish organ building.” In the early sixties, “Denmark was already very much on Heiller’s wave length, although the manner of playing here was quite pedantic . . . although they would have liked to do it as beautifully and musically as Heiller could,” says the Australian David Rumsey, who spent a year in Denmark before studying with Heiller.31 In the end, Heiller’s love for the Danish organ type resulted in some recordings. These are a continuation of the Swiss recordings, albeit after a long interval, but they incorporate the knowledge acquired in the meantime. For me they represent the pinnacle of his life as an organist. The recordings were made in September 1964 at Saint Mary’s in Hälsingborg (Sweden).32 The three-manual Marcussen organ was built in 1959, so it was almost a twin sister of the previously mentioned organ at Utrecht. To my mind, this is where we encounter the Bach interpreter at the summit of his art, on an instrument that in all likelihood matches his ideal more than any other; or, to put it less technically, an instrument that he loved—from the point of view of sound and also from the physiology of playing. Here we experience the vitality that was commented on so often, that “surging ahead,” an energy-laden, powerful forward drive, but one that never becomes set in machine-like coldness; instead, it is constantly given breath

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haarlem and the rest of europe 67 and life, with subtle accents or minute hesitations here and there. For me personally, the most beautiful moments can be found in Bach’s Prelude and Fugue in A Major, where Heiller’s micro-agogic is matched by articulation of utmost clarity. The almost imperceptible gentle yielding at some cadence points within the piece exemplifies the essence of an approach to Baroque music that was typical for Heiller—but also something exceptional and new, because everywhere else Bach was played “objectively” at that time, and on the whole this meant: without any “extras” and without noticeable emotion. On September 8, Heiller wrote to Erna: “Well, the recordings at Hälsingborg were completed at 1:15, with God’s help (and after overcoming many early problems). I guess they could have turned out better, but on the whole, I am happy with the outcome.” These recordings were very important for Heiller, because at this stage he no longer identified with his earlier complete Bach recordings since, by now, he approached many things quite differently. During the 1990s the Hälsingborg recordings were reissued on CD and appeared on the market again. At the time, Michael Barone, founder and producer of the very successful broadcast series Pipe Dreams (the only widely broadcast radio program devoted to organ music in the United States), and therefore in possession of an unsurpassed overview of thousands of organ recordings, wrote a very touching short review, which we should enjoy in its entirety: Where has the time gone since the taping of these 1964 performances? While much has transpired in matters of organ playing and design in the intervening decades, Heiller’s commanding views of these pieces and the pungent, intense sound of one of Denmark’s most famous “modern” organs still represent a general standard with which few could argue. Is the energy just a bit too intense, the drama modestly romanticized? Does it matter? This is the stuff of which legends were made, and are maintained. You understand, in part, why so many American Fulbright scholars chose to study with Heiller in Vienna. And it’s claimed that Heiller hated making recordings! It doesn’t show. This “old guy” really knew a thing or two . . . if not everything.33

Late in Heiller’s life Denmark was to play a very special role, as the place of a long convalescence. Because of his many visits and contacts in Denmark, Heiller also often visited Sweden where a number of concerts and courses took place. In October 1963 he played in Helsinki for the first time and also gave a Bach course there.  In this chapter I have dealt with a number of countries in considerable detail, and for obvious reasons. While Switzerland has already been discussed in the previous chapter, Heiller visited, played, and taught in a number of other European countries as well. One of them was Italy, where he appeared relatively

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68 chapter three often. Here it was primarily the artistic and personal friendship with Tagliavini that led to concerts and courses. Tagliavini relates: When we planned the organ at the Chiesa dei Servi in Bologna, Heiller was part of the process and later on he returned several times for courses or to sit on juries. This organ was for many years a meeting point for Italian organists. . . . Even during the fifties Heiller often played recitals on the organ of the Angelicum in Milano, which was a mediocre electric action organ. It is certain that the recitals there and those in Bologna contributed to his reputation in Italy. . . . I admired Heiller’s interest in Italian music and his great knowledge of it. I know very few artists who feel this music as he does and know it so thoroughly.34

Whenever he was in the London area Heiller stayed in Dorking with Lady Susi Jeans, one of England’s best-known organists. Born in Vienna, she had studied with Franz Schmidt and Franz Schütz during the late thirties, and later on also with Karl Straube. On September 9, 1958, Heiller wrote his “first England letter” to Erna. It is likely that Marie-Claire Alain had facilitated the first contact between Heiller and Ralph Downes (1904–93).35 Downes was a well-known organist, organ teacher, and organ expert whose influence on English organ building and organ playing during the fifties and sixties cannot be overestimated. His economical approach to registration changes and interpretation generally and also his embracing of classical principles in organ building were very much akin to Heiller’s ideals. Downes had designed the concept of the new organ for the Royal Festival Hall in 1948. After its completion this instrument caused a big stir, because it was un-English. It was also the instrument for Heiller’s debut in England. “Unfortunately, I am quite uneasy about the improvisation and also the other program because I am again considering playing from memory, so I have better control over the English radiating pedal board.”36 Nicholas Danby, one of Downes’s students, who later became a well-known organist, pulled stops for Heiller and remembers: He never used the combination pistons for the individual manuals [something that is a widespread English practice], but only the general pistons. That of course meant that the stop puller was kept very busy. I had to manage virtually all registration changes in Reger’s Wachet auf “by hand,” with three rehearsals as preparation. . . . The typical image of the English cathedral organist includes indiscriminate use of Swell pedals, Rollschwellers and lots of pistons, coupled with a lack of stylistic refinement. Heiller’s playing had such great impact because he replaced these old established practices with a much more mature and varied handling of the instrument. The only organists who at that time demonstrated new ideas in registration here in England were, apart from Heiller, André Marchal and Helmut Walcha; unfortunately, the latter’s performance style was a little too dry for English tastes.37

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haarlem and the rest of europe 69 Heiller also played in Manchester during his first visit. Peter Hurford, another student of Ralph Downes, instigated a series of important engagements for Heiller in England. In 1963 he had established the Saint Alban’s Organ Festival, which at first was held annually, and biannually after 1967. An organ playing competition always formed part of the festival and was one of the first such competitions to be held anonymously. Ralph Downes and Marie-Claire Alain were Hurford’s advisers regarding repertoire and jury.38 Heiller was first invited onto the jury in 1964, and only a year later he was so well-established in this festival that he could request a large-scale, special concert. On July 3, 1965, he appeared in a concert where the first half of the program was devoted to the music of Bach. This was followed by Hindemith’s early organ concerto (Kammermusik no. 7), conducted by Heiller and with Marie-Claire Alain as soloist, and after that a third “half” of Bach. Two days before that concert Heiller had given a lecture on Hindemith at the Abbey Theatre. He returned to the festival in 1967 and 1969. The jury remained the same during the first few years, and only after the festival was firmly established in the international calendar were other organists invited to sit on the jury. On one occasion, after the final round of the competition, a heated controversy took place between Heiller and Marie-Claire Alain, which dragged on for some time. To ease the tension of this session, coffee and chocolate cake were brought to the jurors. Heiller fixed the assembly with a concentrated stare: “Let’s give the prize to the chocolate cake!”39 Sometime later Heiller introduced Gillian Weir, the up-and-coming student of Ralph Downes to Lilian Murtagh Concert Management in the United States. In 1967 she played the solo part in an organ concerto by Robin Holloway under the direction of Heiller. This work had won first prize in the composition contest at Saint Albans. Practical considerations demand that Heiller’s activities in the few countries not yet mentioned will be discussed in general terms only. Most important here are France, Spain, and Portugal. In France contacts naturally developed mostly via Marie-Claire Alain. Heiller gave recitals and taught courses, and in September 1963 he did some recordings in France for which no detailed information exists. In June 1967 he served on the committee that presided over the restoration of the organ at Saint-Germain-en-Laye; the other committee members were Gaston Litaize, Marie-Claire Alain, and her brother Olivier Alain. In 1971 Heiller was called to give a course at Poitiers and in 1972 he was invited to serve on the jury at the prestigious—although somewhat controversial—organ competition at Chartres. Traveling to the Iberian peninsula did not become a real option until Heiller had overcome his fear of flying; his first-ever flight took him to the United States, as late as 1962. A year later, in 1963, he visited Spain for the first time. In 1967 he played at the Teatro Real in Madrid. After that he went to Barcelona several times, and on one of these occasions he met Michael Reckling, a German organist who had moved to Spain and was planning great

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70 chapter three things there. At the time, a sensational new organ was being built in Marbella; on the one hand, everything was to be fantastic, international, and unique, but on the other, everything had to happen in a great rush. In October 1973, Reckling invited Heiller to play the opening recital in March 1974. Somehow the dream evaporated a few weeks later, when the priest who had played such a decisive role was suddenly transferred. The celebrations were called off on November 11. In May 1967 Heiller played in Lisbon Cathedral. Anton Heiller was the first Austrian organist to travel on a large scale, but this statement has to be put into perspective immediately: nobody has contacts everywhere and occasionally opportunities arise in a particular region, especially for organists, because of the “density” of available instruments. For instance, Heiller traveled less to countries behind the Iron Curtain, which only happened a little later. In October 1967 he played in Brno (now in the Czech Republic) and he returned soon afterward, in January 1968, to play his concerto for organ and orchestra there. In 1967 he was invited to the Dubrovnik Festival (Croatia), and in 1971 to Bratislava (Slovakia). He corresponded with Belgrade (Serbia) in 1972. In April of the same year the Moravska Philharmonie Olomuc (present-day Czech Republic) invited him for September; I could not find Heiller’s response to this invitation, but it seems that due to the short lead time nothing came of this engagement. After various attempts across a number of years, Heiller traveled to Poland for the first time in 1974. It was only with the DDR (East Germany) that success was never achieved, despite some correspondence. Harison’s assumption that Heiller did not travel to Eastern Europe until after a stroke had left him with problems in the left hand is obviously incorrect as Heiller definitely appeared in these countries before then.40 And, quite apart from that, Heiller’s integrity would never have allowed him to opt for performing in countries somehow labeled as “inferior” because he could not play totally perfectly at the time. It is important to remember that traveling to and from concerts in Eastern Bloc countries was problematic for both sides and normally had to be organized by the governmental agency of the Eastern country. Such an agency always kept an eye on the possibility that by inviting a particular “capitalist” artist an opportunity might arise for a “socialist” colleague to travel to the West. In other words, the potential for a counterinvitation was always investigated. As far as that goes, Heiller had very little, in fact nothing, to offer, as he was not in a position to extend invitations of this kind. On the other hand, Heiller had achieved early fame without having to make such reciprocal deals, if indeed he ever had the opportunity. He therefore never developed an appropriate feel for this kind of networking, but records show that he was willing to help where he could. We know that in March 1968, Alena Veselá, organ professor in Brno, now in the Czech Republic, asked him to organize an official “general invitation” for her, which she could use to get a foreign travel permit. Heiller answered virtually by return post: “We invite you and your dear family

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haarlem and the rest of europe 71

Figure 3.2. Anton Heiller, probably in 1958, in Brussels

to be our guests here, for as long as you wish (at least for two weeks). I am already looking forward to my next visit to Brno, when I’ll be invited by the Brno Philharmonie for its next season.” Nothing came of either of these visits because of the August 1968 events in Prague. Heiller only ever had few students from these countries. The problems (often insurmountable) associated with getting a travel permit for the purpose of studying abroad, and the high costs involved, were generally enough to prevent such an undertaking. Today’s large numbers of students from East European countries would have been unthinkable then. With or without the Eastern Bloc, or, more to the point, with or without exchange arrangements—Anton Heiller probably traveled more widely during the fifties and sixties than any other organist. However, his loyalty to the Netherlands outlasted that to any other country, and no other place was as important as Haarlem for his successes in “the rest of Europe.”

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Chapter Four

Heiller and America “Heiller will be remembered as one of the greatest organists of the twentieth century and as one of history’s most enlightened and convincing interpreters of the music of J. S. Bach.” These words appeared as part of the opening paragraph of the obituary in one of the two leading periodicals for organists in the United States,1 and the author, himself a Heiller student (1963/64), usually chose his words with care. “Anton Heiller accepted his first American students in the mid-fifties. From that time until his death there was a constant flow of students, young and old, to his studio and to his masterclasses,” noted the other periodical.2 The opening of this obituary took up the complete front page; a large photo of the deceased filled the top half of the page. Such prominence was no coincidence: Anton Heiller was, after Marcel Dupré, by far the most influential European organist in North America. This chapter on North America will be given somewhat more space, not only to support the statement above but also because this context offers the opportunity to document many other matters of interest, including Heiller’s method of travel.  European musicians had been present in the United States to a varying degree and under a variety of circumstances for a long time—through concerts, seminars, visiting professorships, or just through the medium of recordings. Artists from Europe automatically enjoyed a certain prestige right through to the 1980s. They embodied the old tradition, and moreover, it was often assumed without question that Europeans somehow naturally knew “how it’s done.” The transfer of European performance concepts to North America is a more complex issue in the case of organ music than with the music of other instruments. First of all, there were great differences in organ building. For instance, we often find 32ʹ pedal stops on organs in very small rooms, probably an unconscious desire to create the illusion of that “great, mighty church building.” This (unfortunately) does not alter the acoustic situation. It follows that

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heiller and americ a 73 North American organists use a 32ʹ in the pedal much more readily than their European counterparts—also in faster pieces—and consequently also employ a 16ʹ on the manuals more often. When they then play in some of Europe’s large church buildings, all this, combined with the faster tempi to which they have become accustomed back home, often leads to questionable results—just from the acoustical point of view, quite apart from any interpretation principles. Differences in organ building and organ playing exist everywhere, of course. Local circumstances determine regional stylistic contrasts, and the acoustical environment of a particular building naturally exerts a great influence. In the United States church buildings are only rarely blessed with really significant reverberation, and in small and medium-size buildings one tends to find interior surfaces of timber or plaster, often with the addition of pew cushions and carpets. As a result, organs are voiced and scaled differently and there is an instinctive tendency toward legato playing, or, for the very same reasons, a greater readiness to embrace certain leggiero ideologies. Furthermore, when choosing the correct tempo, the organist does not have to take a large room and generous reverberation into consideration. Organ works written for a traditional, richly reverberant environment contain many elements that will sound strangely inadequate to European ears when performed under these drier acoustical conditions. The dramatic silences found in works of Nikolaus Bruhns or Franz Liszt—to name two contrasting examples—almost degenerate into meaningless gestures, conveying emptiness, instead of carrying forth even the last remnants of sound. European organists performing in America therefore present their usual musical concepts in an acoustical environment that is markedly different, or even hostile, and adaptation is necessary. Most US churches do not have a rear gallery, and in any case, that is generally not the traditional space for music making. Organ and choir are usually placed near the altar (this has its roots in the Anglican tradition), frequently resulting almost automatically in instruments with electric action. It is obvious that this also has an effect on organ-playing culture. In the United States the player is generally much more visible than in Central Europe and therefore playing from memory became much more common than in Europe. This is related to yet another contrast between the two organ cultures: the organs on the American side of the Atlantic were much more standardized in specification, design, and console layout. Combination pistons were standard in the United States early in the twentieth century and the medium-size average organ in one place often differed very little from that in another. This applied until well into the seventies, when the number of tracker action organs increased significantly, and with it also the number of instruments without registration aids, and consequently assistants (stop pullers who help by adding and removing stops) were gradually needed in the United States. And if somebody had to stand alongside the recitalist anyway, that person might as well also turn pages.

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74 chapter four This little excursion was necessary to help us fully appreciate the situation of the European organist on tour in North America. A much greater “culture clash” was involved than would be the case with a visiting violin virtuoso.  Before Heiller, Marcel Dupré was the last organist who traveled to America frequently and in great style. Dupré visited the United States twelve times between 1921 and 1962 (eight of those visits took place prior to 1945). His presence manifested itself almost exclusively in his many recitals; he rarely gave masterclasses. Nevertheless, because of his editions, his manner of playing, codified to the last little detail, had spread worldwide. It was also disseminated by his students and subsequently by their students. The list of recipients of first prizes from the class of Marcel Dupré at the Paris Conservatoire between 1926 and 1954 reads like a “Who’s Who” of the French organ elite. Dupré’s last visits to the United States were in 1958 and 1962.3 Other European organists who repeatedly appeared in North America during the ten years before Heiller’s first US tour were: Jeanne Demessieux, Fernando Germani, Finn Viderø, Flor Peeters, Karl Richter, Michael Schneider, Feike Asma, Pierre Cochereau, Jean Langlais, and André Marchal. Only the latter seems to have engaged in teaching courses.4 One other musician must be mentioned here, and that is Helmut Walcha. He exerted a considerable influence on the American organ scene, despite the fact that he never actually set foot on the American continent.5 All these musicians were renowned for their performances, but their fame in North America was also based on their reputations as composers (Peeters, Langlais), as exponents of a certain playing technique (Germani), as improvisers (Cochereau), or as early music specialists (Walcha, Viderø). Most of all, they had gained recognition through their LP recordings. It goes without saying that all these organists often accepted students from North America, many of whom received financial assistance from the generous Fulbright program.6 It is noteworthy that English organists—as far as one can ascertain from the publications—either never toured the United States or did not play an important role. This does not apply to Canada—there the English were seen almost as locals. Examining the role played by leading American organists, even on a superficial level, extends far beyond the framework of this book, but one must at least mention the two opposing poles, famous organists E. Power Biggs (1906–77) and Virgil Fox (1912–80). Biggs, as early as 1935, agitated for a “Bach organ” in the Germanic Museum at Harvard University. Although he performed a broad repertoire, Biggs was known in the second half of the century as the interpreter of Bach and earlier music. He traveled in Europe a dozen times and promoted the principles of classical organ building. Fox was his opposite in every possible way. His recitals were shows with colored lights, and his listeners could admire

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heiller and americ a 75

Figure 4.1. Anton Heiller in February 1962, in Messina

his virtuoso pedal playing with the help of a mirror. He hated any “historical” notion, which resulted (according to him) in rigid interpretations (“dried owl shit”) and drove away the audience.7 Anton Heiller was a whole generation younger than these successful colleagues; he was thirty-nine when he managed that leap across the “great pond,” and at the time this was an expensive undertaking. Despite the sizable list of traveling Europeans it was no mean feat for a soloist in the mid-sixties to give concerts in the United States. The airfare equaled—in terms of buying power and cost of living—several months’ good salary. The multitude of different tariffs with their various fare structures according to length of stay, as we know them today, did not exist then. Heiller was the first Austrian organist who was able to tour America. I believe that two main factors determined his early fame in North America: first, his presence in Haarlem since 1952, and second, his Bach recordings with Philips.8 In 1955 a travel bureau placed a half-page advertisement in the most important North American periodical, inviting interested people to take part in a European organ tour.9 The artistic driving force behind this tour was Arthur Howes, director of the Organ Institute in Andover, Massachusetts. He obviously had a premonition concerning the approaching turn of the tide in organ playing and organ building, and perhaps even helped influence it. This organ tour would offer access to a detailed list of organs, organ builders, cities, and organists. “Feel the pulse of contemporary musical life in Europe, by . . . making

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76 chapter four the acquaintance of some of the best-known and most distinguished figures in Europe’s organ world—including Finn Viderø, Helmut Walcha, Anton Heiller, Albert de Klerk, Jeanne Demessieux, Henk Badings, Hennie Schouten, M. A. Vente.”10 Anton Heiller was only thirty-one years old at that time, and by far the youngest among all those celebrities. It is certain that Haarlem played a role here. And it was in Haarlem that this group met Heiller, who reported to Vienna on July 7: In the evening, at dinner, I had a long conversation with Mr. Howes from Andover, USA, with whom I had previously corresponded. I will be demonstrating the St. Bavo organ to him and his thirty-five organists tomorrow afternoon at five! Howes is very pleasant and knows a great deal about organs. But it really is a terrible shame with my English, and he does not speak one word of German. (July 9) The first thing I played for the Americans yesterday was “Sei gegrüsset, Jesu gütig” (I was very happy with my performance, but it seems the Americans, i.e. Mr. Howes, were not so taken with my interpretation).11

Despite the impression that Heiller may have made on Howes that day, it was his invitation that became the catalyst for Heiller’s first US tour many years later, after several unsuccessful attempts. Arthur Howes was by no means just anybody. He taught at the Peabody Conservatory in Baltimore. But, most of all, his Organ Institute at Andover, Massachusetts, was an outpost of the American organ avant-garde in matters of returning to classical principles (playing style, organ action, tonal principles). In a way, the Andover Organ Company was an offshoot of the institute. It examined historic organ building and how its tenets could be adapted for the building of new instruments. This was soon to become all the rage in the United States, and in general, but the Andover Organ Company was one of the first US organ builders with this orientation. During that same year, 1955, a certain Charles Fisk joined the firm. He was to become the leading organ builder in the “new” movement. He bought the business in 1959, but by 1961 had founded a new firm under his own name. The European organ tours with Arthur Howes were, in all likelihood, instrumental in shaping his organ-building philosophy.12 It seems that here Heiller had made contact with the very center of the American tracker organ revival. As far as Haarlem is concerned, one has to keep in mind that the Summer Academy was the first, and during the fifties the only, regular event of this kind.13 For anyone who wanted to get to know European organ culture (performers, compositions, and, most of all, first-rate instruments) in a short space of time and in concentrated form—Haarlem was the place. The documentation covering the first few years is somewhat patchy but, quite apart from the student numbers from North America, one can hardly overestimate the farreaching publicity this unique festival generated (both before and after the event). Table 4.1 presents the numbers of participants.

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heiller and americ a 77 Table 4.1 Participants— total

Studying with Heiller

Of these, from North America

1958

19

18

2

1959

?

10

1

1963

37

22

3

1964

?

24

4

1969

63

46

16

1971

69

46

18

1972

69

53

14

1973

73

50

11

Source: Noord-Hollands Archief, Haarlem.

For many influential American organists, such as Yuko Hayashi, Franklin E. Perkins, Carl Staplin, Paul Jenkins, Diane Bish, Karel Paukert, Orpha Ochse, Larry Palmer, and Robert Farr, Haarlem was the place where they first encountered Anton Heiller and experienced his teaching over a longer period. In 1959 Heiller wrote to Erna: “At the same time he [Raymond Daveluy, at the time a course participant in Haarlem] invited me to come to Montreal in 1960, to inaugurate a fivemanual Beckerath organ and to make two or three radio recordings; that would not take much longer than a week. Actually, I have virtually accepted.”14 However, that trip to Canada was never realized. Contact with the United States had existed even before then. In August 1957 Heiller wrote to Erna concerning various composition projects and mentioned that he had to “postpone once more the orchestral piece for America that was promised for the spring of 1959.”15 In December 1957 he informed Arthur Howes that he “unfortunately had to refuse the invitation for August 1958 once again.” On May 29, 1959, probably independently from this, Heiller received a letter from ColbertLaBerge Management, the foremost North American agency for organists. LaBerge had looked after Dupré, Vierne, Germani, and Bonnet before World War II. In May 1952, his secretary Lilian Murtagh took over the organists managed by the agency and apart from Marie-Claire Alain, she also had Duruflé, Langlais, and Flor Peeters on her books.16 Henry Colbert wrote: “If you were interested in giving recitals in America, our agency would probably be the best one to look after you.”17 But Heiller still could not decide. The first North American who came to Vienna to study with Heiller (1952/53) was Rudolf Kremer from Saint Louis. His teacher, Miriam Clapp Duncan, had already heard Heiller play—probably in Europe, maybe on a recording—and had told Kremer: “Go to Vienna, that’s where it’s happening!”18 After his year in Vienna he added a trip to Haarlem and, together with Heiller, visited a few organs.

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78 chapter four For many North Americans the very first listening experience gave them absolute certainty that in Anton Heiller they had found the Bach interpreter, the one they had instinctively longed for, even without knowing it. Most of them recall that his playing hit them with a direct and sudden “impact,” often regardless of a mediocre instrument or the actual program. “I had just decided that I was going to give up organ playing because I found it boring and I had lost interest,” Judy Glass remembers, “and then I heard him in Albuquerque and was shocked: my goodness, organ music can sound like that?” She had attended the concert with her teacher Jay Peterson. His first contact with Heiller had taken place a few years earlier and with much the same outcome: the sudden spontaneous certainty that one had to make this kind of organ playing one’s own. Jay Peterson, like many others, described the culture shock regarding organ playing, which I outlined earlier. He had previously pursued the rational, somewhat dry style of music making taught by David Craighead and others at the time at the Eastman School of Music, a style anchored in the Dupré and Bonnet tradition, passed down through Harold Gleason and Catherine Crozier: smooth legato, silent finger substitution, precise voice leading. With Heiller there was much less rational explanation. “Because it just is like that,” he used to say. And despite that, one knew: this is right. First I did everything the way he wanted it, but only because he wanted it; it just did not work for me, because I was not used to doing things without a good reason. It was not until the second semester and after he had demonstrated Schnellen a few times, with just one hand and in great detail, that I properly understood this principle of Schnellen, and then it worked for me—and emotionally as well.19

Jay’s wife, Sheryl, who had begun studies with Heiller at the same time as her husband, found things easier; she came from Hope College, where the training was more liberal and broadly diversified; for her, organ was just one subject among many in her studies in liberal arts. And also, her harpsichord teacher, James Tallis, had been a student of Gustav Leonhardt and had been able to pass on some of the ideas that would be important for Heiller also. In a similar way Leonhardt had also served as the catalyst for Carolyn Day Skelton’s decision to apply for a Fulbright scholarship for 1963/64, as she was also an earlier organ and harpsichord student of James Tallis at Hastings College in Hastings, Nebraska. Yuko Hayashi, one of the leading figures in the Boston organ scene, had met Heiller in 1960 (also due to Leonhardt). She describes her first “impact” in somewhat milder terms: “But it was fantastic organ playing and I already felt something. Then I heard him again in 1962 and that’s when it really hit me and I was carried away. I knew he was the man I wanted to study with.”20 There are many similar stories. 

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heiller and americ a 79 In the late fifties a trip to the United States was a big thing, also psychologically. For many people air travel still had the connotation of the exotic. Heiller had never flown at all before then. When he told his wife about the invitation to Canada he added: “but I would have to fly—it’s just not possible otherwise!” A certain fear of flying probably persisted with Heiller until the end of his life; in his busy travel schedule it may well have disappeared into the subconscious, but only to manifest itself more intensely later just before he set out on a major tour. “He was really very anxious before his first U.S. tour.”21 And it was not just because of air travel. George Klump, the former student from California, recalls: “Heiller was very nervous [prior to his first appearance at the American Guild of Organists (AGO) Convention during his first trip], because he was under the impression that in the United States everybody played from memory except for him.”22 On July 1, 1961, Heiller responded positively to a renewed invitation from Arthur Howes and was already busy sketching a very detailed and busy timetable for his participation at the Organ Institute in Andover:23 My work at the session would include besides the daily masterclasses three or four one-hour private lessons; on days with no masterclasses six private lessons. I am willing to play all the weekly concerts which you mentioned in connection with the session. May I ask you kindly to understand that my lectures on ornamentation, literature and so on, will be practical instructions. Lectures instead of performances would be difficult for me as I am not used to lecturing; moreover, I have not enough command of your language to talk about these topics merely in a describing way.

Marie-Claire Alain advised him to at least make contact with her own Concert Management; and he followed her advice. Heiller’s first letter to Lilian Murtagh (July 19, 1961) is the only one that was written in German. Heiller lists the already existing invitations, especially those from Andover. On August 26, he mentioned this again and reported that in 1962 Howes had requested that he refrain from teaching masterclasses anywhere else. Heiller sent suggestions for four recital programs, including one all-Bach concert, “as I am well known for my exemplary Bach interpretations.” Heiller stressed in this letter that the invitation to Andover had come independently from any developing business relationship with Murtagh management, and therefore he asked Lilian Murtagh to coordinate these dates but without charging commission for these engagements. Soon afterward, he realized that this “compromise” could not possibly work, and on October 11 he wrote: I do not feel capable to decide myself how to coordinate the dates with the intended sessions at Andover. Therefore I ask you now to include the Andover invitation in your arrangements. I send you all the important mail concerning the matter. You will learn that I consented to play and lecture at the Andover session, but I did not receive and sign a contract yet. . . .

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80 chapter four Regarding Washington University [Saint Louis, Missouri]: I do not agree to exclusive service. . . . I leave the whole matter now to you (AGO Convention California excluded) and I want you to make the most of it. Should you think e.g. other offers more important than Andover (in reputation and fee) you may drop the Andover session.

For an artist who had never been to America and does not as yet understand the peculiarities of the various event organizers, this is quite a tough move, especially if one considers that the Andover invitation is the older one, that its realization has already been postponed several times, and that it actually was the catalyst for the first concrete plans for a US tour; added to this is the organ ideology of Andover, which in terms of Heiller’s own playing and organ philosophy was such a progressive one, as even the first advertisement in 1955 had shown. Despite his fears, Heiller wrote to the management: “I have no objection to traveling by plane. If it is necessary I shall play recitals on two successive days on condition that I have enough practice time; for those cases I prefer to travel by sleeper if possible and not by plane. I need no registrant [stop puller]; I have the intention to play from memory.” Two weeks before his departure he suddenly put on the brakes—a few pieces he would not be playing from memory after all, because “my state of my nerves is not at the best just now.” Still in Vienna, he requested an exact list of all the selected programs and wrote: “I could do quite a few registrations in advance and could start immediately to work when practicing on the instrument.” This is somewhat surprising to anyone who knows how detailed and exact Heiller’s work with registrations was, but it does go hand in hand with what has been said about the organs in the United States, that they are often very similar and that acoustical conditions are generally more straightforward. On June 30, 1962, Heiller touched down for the first time on US soil. The flight to Los Angeles (via Copenhagen, where there was an eight hour layover) took from Thursday at 12:00 noon until Friday at 5:00 a.m.—twenty-five hours. The main impetus for Heiller’s first tour was the National Convention of the AGO, which takes place biannually and occasionally attracts up to two thousand participants to the particular host city. On July 1 Heiller and his Haarlem colleague Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini took part at the great opening banquet, and on July 4 he played his first recital at the All Saints Church in Pasadena. The program had a very Austrian flavor, and that was probably requested by the organizers. Nevertheless it is somewhat surprising that for his introduction to such a vastly diverse audience Heiller chose this program, which was by no means one of “popular appeal.” A. Heiller: In Festo Corporis Christi J. N. David: Partita “Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod” (“Dies irae”) J. S. Bach: Three Chorale Preludes from the Little Organ Book

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heiller and americ a 81 Christe, du Lamm Gottes Jesu meine Freude Ich ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ Trio Sonata C Major Prelude and Fugue in A Minor

The recital was played twice (at 1:15 p.m. and at 4:30 p.m.), as was customary for important solo recitals at the AGO Convention. In the next issue of the Diapason, a brief general review, covering all the events in this convention, reported: The hot afternoon—by far the warmest of the convention—had caused Mr. Heiller to wilt perceptibly before he completed almost three hours of playing within hardly more than four hours. Some of what we hear as the electrifying effect of recital 1 was drowned in the perspiration of recital 2. (We can report that it had returned completely for his post-convention recital Saturday night at First Methodist, Glendale.) Mr. Heiller was one of the plums of the convention. . . . A very successful first American tour seems assured.24

From the wording of this review it seems that Heiller was not the only one who was wilting in the heat. On July 6 Heiller played his first lecture-recital. The report has this to say: Our two distinguished European guests gave lecture-demonstrations on matters in which they are almost uniquely expert: Anton Heiller on Chorales of the Clavierübung, Part III, and Luigi Tagliavini on The Characteristic Sound of the Early Italian Organ. Both were so valuable that we regret that the vastness of the edifice conspired with not unlimited fluency in the English language to prevent their being widely understood. Since both men have promised to prepare their material for inclusion in an early issue, we shall not attempt any summarization. We believe they both will provide reading material well worth waiting for.25

Heiller’s lecture appeared in the Diapason in October 1962 on page 8. On June 26 he asked his manager to fix a date for a recital in Montreal. Here, it should be mentioned, that at this stage he had only one more free evening (September 11). From today’s point of view it seems strange that one should be looking for an early September recital date in June. One would assume that back then it would have been more difficult to operate with such brief lead times. Surprisingly, the opposite is the case. Even though today, with the click of a button, we can send out 500 invitations that arrive seconds later in the recipients’ in-boxes, anyone can design and print posters and programs, and tickets can be sold via the Internet, the lead times today are significantly longer than they were back then, and audience numbers are diminishing worldwide. Similar requests were made by Heiller on other occasions; for example, in February 1963, he urged Lilian Murtagh to arrange a few “free” days for late

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82 chapter four April in order to fit in a few concerts on the East Coast. Especially in North America he was always keen to play and teach as much as possible; he simply did not like entirely free days. As mentioned before, this was not just a question of more income, but an attempt to make the most economical use of the long travel times to the United States and the effort that went into the logistics of arranging such a tour. For this reason—and because the national AGO conventions always took place in July—Heiller even canceled his participation in the Haarlem course in 1962 and did not intend to return to Vienna until October 20. When the next large-scale US tour arranged by Lilian Murtagh for 1965 drew near he made it clear (on July 17, 1964) that he would not forgo Haarlem a second time; if a conflict with Haarlem were to arise, he would rather skip the summer course in Saint Louis that had long been in the planning and instead look for some other engagements. Returning to 1962, shortly before leaving Vienna, Heiller received a significant invitation—to play the world premiere of Paul Hindemith’s organ concerto, directed by the composer, at Lincoln Center in New York City. He informed Lilian Murtagh on June 25, and wrote: I have signed the contract already, but they wanted my exclusive service for the season 1962 [–1963] for the State of New York. I told them that you are arranging a tour for me which might last till the middle of October and that it might occur that I will play one or the other concert in New York that late. For that case they asked me to tell you to write to them [Lincoln Center] to get the permission.

This was not the only slightly awkward move Heiller made in the matter. On the one hand, he would hardly have made any definite long-term plans with Murtagh yet, let alone bound himself by a contractual agreement with her beyond the first tour; on the other hand, it was a little hasty to be signing a contract with Lincoln Center without at least discussing this with his manager. Later it dawned on Heiller that this was indeed a rather complex matter—for more reasons than one. Therefore, on August 24, he wrote, somewhat contritely (and, given the language, he seems quite flustered): Regarding N.Y. Philharmonic: Please try to understand me, how difficult it is to decide myself the best way to get a fee as much as possible. I have no idea which difference it would be with the income tax if the check is made out to you or to myself. I told you in Boston my reasons why I have decided to do the whole thing directly between N.Y. Philharmonic and myself. Now I see it would [have] been better to give the whole thing to you, because you would [have] been able to get more money from the Philharmonic, as you told me. On the other hand I have signed the contract already, the fee is not so high and I really want not to lose much money! Please excuse my troubles in that case! Please can you help me to decide what would be the best to do for me!?! I really want no more to do things like this in the future without you, but in

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heiller and americ a 83 that case I really don’t know what shall I do; would it be in any case necessary to pay you the 20% of this fee, which I have agreed in my self signed contract [in the contract I signed myself] if I authorize the Philharmonic to make the check out to you or no??!

As later correspondence shows, the New York engagement did of course end up being organized by Murtagh Management in the usual way. On December 22, Heiller contacted Lilian and requested practice time: “Please arrange as many hours as to make twelve hours at least for the whole time . . . the sum of twelve hours is of course meant besides [in addition to] the time the rehearsals with the orchestra will take.” En route to New York he stopped over in Iceland and played a recital there; after the four performances of the Hindemith concerto he played an additional four concerts in Canada. Heiller obviously enjoyed the United States, and even while on his first tour he considered whether he might one day be able to bring Erna along, and perhaps the children as well. Erna replied on August 28, 1962: “You write so kindly that we should accompany you on your next trip to America. That would be lovely, of course, but in practice I don’t think it can be done, because of the vaccinations. It’s a crying shame.” The smallpox vaccination, which was mandatory at the time, was associated with all kinds of rumors, the most frightening of which was that accidental contact with the vaccine could cause blindness. I myself can remember Heiller commenting on this more than once. The outcome was always that anyone who had missed out on this vaccination as a child could never safely make up for it later in life. Heiller Sr. knew several people who had suffered dreadful complications after a smallpox vaccination. At the start of 1964, Heiller and Murtagh began to plan an extensive tour for the summer of 1965. In November 1964, after almost three years of contact, both personal and by correspondence, Heiller wrote: “I also want you to know that it would please me, if you would call me Anton.” For a time there was talk about a side trip to Bogota. His appearance in Bogota was scheduled for September 6, 1965, but correspondence about the required visa did not take place until late in June, which is quite short notice, considering Heiller’s summer stay in America. In the end, after much back and forth, the venture was abandoned. On July 4 Heiller wrote that he was not altogether unhappy about this as the specification of the organ had turned out to be quite bad and, moreover, that he was quite concerned about the heat: “So I am not that unfortunate after all.” His fourth US tour was short and took him to Boston to the AGO Midwinter Conclave in December 1967. The new Fisk organ at the Memorial Church (Harvard University), which was seen as a milestone of the new movement in North American organ building, was inaugurated in the course of this event. George Bozeman, by now a respected organ builder, was at the time a Fulbright scholar in Vienna and remembers: “Shortly before the Christmas

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84 chapter four break [1967] Heiller told me he was going to Boston and would play the new Fisk. I had a few photographs of it that I showed him, and he seemed vaguely bored about the whole thing. When he got back I asked him how he liked the organ and he said something to the effect of ‘one of the really great organs in the world.’”26 Heiller returned several times (including in 1968 and 1971). On the latter occasion he recorded the three Hindemith Sonatas on LP, a recording that is seen as an authentic performance, a rendition that best reflects the composer’s intentions, partly due to Heiller’s close artistic and personal connection with Hindemith. A very vivid recollection by a person present on this occasion is found at the end of chapter 6. Sometime later Charles Fisk wrote to Heiller: “The dedication of [the organ in the Memorial Church at Harvard] proved two things: that our Harvard organ was a truly musical instrument, and that you were, without question, the greatest of all organists.” On September 27, 1973, the music director of Harvard wrote to him: “We have finally given up on finding a record company which is prepared to produce your Hindemith recordings and we have decided to just do it ourselves.” (This explains the discrepancy between recording and production dates on the record.) There were a number of other approaches for further US tours, and in connection with these Heiller reminded Lilian Murtagh repeatedly that he only wanted to give courses and masterclasses on the organ works of Bach. He categorically ruled out other topics, such as improvisation and liturgical organ playing, on numerous occasions (May 3, 1962; April 18, 1965; August 24, 1971). Only in the case of Washington University in Saint Louis was he prepared to lecture on other works. This was a summer academy to which he returned frequently. One participant recalls: “He dealt with a large amount of literature—the great works of Bach, Reger, the Hindemith Sonatas, and also works by David. He spoke in great detail about Hindemith, for, as you know, he was his favorite organist.”27 Another participant, Carl Smith, writes: “We had him every day, for five hours, six days a week. You can achieve a lot in that time.”28 “It was dreadfully hot,” relates Karel Paukert, originally from Prague, he lived briefly in Belgium, and after that for forty years in Cleveland, where he had become very much a part of the musical establishment. “Heiller wore his shirt hanging loosely and he sweated profusely; he stared into space somehow prophetically . . . but you could see from the reaction of the course participants that this course was nevertheless something unique.”29 Occasionally Heiller had to spell out course topics, and he also had to clarify now and then how he wanted to shape his course activities: Please tell them (and anybody that might ask), that there are two things I offer: a lecture-demonstration and a masterclass. In the lecture-demonstration I play and explain the spiritual meanings of each piece and how to approach it musically, how to register it, and how to phrase it etc., and the students have to take [bring] the music with them to follow my explanation. The subject (as I said before) is the Orgelbüchlein, and where this is required,

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heiller and americ a 85 some preludes and fugues; only where I have been before, I would do the Eighteen Chorales instead of the Orgelbüchlein. I hope this is clear now. In the masterclasses I work on whatever piece by Bach the students want to play; i.e., the University itself has to make a plan on the program before my arrival, about who wants [to play] and is going to play what during the masterclass. I am always going to have all my Bach music with me. The university should then announce the program they have decided themselves, so the other students attending the masterclass without playing [the passive course participants] can take [bring] the music with them that will be played and discussed and worked on. Is this clear enough?30

However, during the seventies Heiller broadened the scope of his masterclasses markedly: “Today I sent off three different programs for the tour [this year] and eight different topics for masterclasses” (March 1, 1971). The request of one organizer, for a masterclass on continuo playing is turned down initially: “I am sure the Orgelbüchlein will be much more successful and [is] my real ‘main subject’ [topic].” However, a month later he agreed to make it the second half of a Bach masterclass. Afterward he wrote to Gerhard Krapf: “You really should include something like a continuo workshop in your upcoming courses. It was a total success, and not just in my opinion, but in the eyes of all those I have spoken to.” The tour was supposed to run from July 31 until November 13. On August 14, 1971, right in the middle of the tour that was already in progress, Heiller once more began to fret about free days: “I think I just should do more recitals and masterclasses . . . on the West Coast, October 18, 19 and 20 are free . . . it would be very nice, dear Lilian, if you could consider these (or other) possibilities, as I should, maybe, really play more often during [while] I’m here; some additional dates certainly wouldn’t overwork me!” Heiller’s insistence that he not be overworked, of course, is rendered mute by examining the tour schedule of 1968. September 9: Pittsburgh—masterclass for the AGO 11: Waterbury, CT—First Congregational Church 15: Charlotte, NC—Myers Park Presbyterian Church (recital on the 15th, masterclass 16th) 20: Ithaca, NY—Albion College 23–24: Ann Arbor, MI—University of Michigan (Church Music Conference) 25: Wooster, OH—Wooster College (recital evening of 25th, masterclass morning of 26th) 26: Houghton, NY—Houghton College (recital evening of 26th, masterclass morning of 27th) 29: Fort Wayne, IN—Concordia College

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86 chapter four October 2: Mount Vernon, IA—Cornell College (recital evening of 2nd, masterclass on 3rd) 4: Lawrence, KS—University of Kansas—First Baptist Church—masterclasses morning and afternoon 5: Independence, MO—The Auditorium of the Community of Christ 8: San Diego, CA—Christ Lutheran Church 9: Claremont, CA—Pomona College 11: San Francisco, CA—The First Unitarian Church 13: Palo Alto, CA—Stanford University 14: Pasadena, CA—Calvary Presbyterian Church (So. Pasadena) 15: Pasadena, CA—Schoenberg Auditorium—masterclass 18: Seattle, WA—Saint Mark’s Cathedral 20: Fort Collins, CO—Colorado State University (two concerts, 4:00 p.m., 8:00 p.m.) 21: Fort Collins, CO—Colorado State University—masterclass at 9:00 a.m. 25: Albuquerque, NM—University of New Mexico—recital on evening 25th, masterclass on 26th 27: Cleveland, OH—Saint Paul’s Episcopal Church 28: Evanston, OH—Alice Millar Chapel, recital in the evening, masterclass on the 29th 30: Urbana, IL—University of Illinois November 2: Cincinnati, OH—University of Cincinnati—masterclasses morning and afternoon 3: Cincinnati, OH—University of Cincinnati—recital Sunday night 4: Rochester, NY—Eastman School of Music 6: Cambridge, MA—Harvard University—Memorial Chapel 7: Providence, RI—First Unitarian Church 9: Syracuse, NY—Syracuse University—recital 4:00 p.m. 12: New York, NY—Church of the Ascension 13: Wayne, PA—Wayne Methodist Church 15: Quebec, Canada—Les Martyrs Canadiens Church This excerpt is, without doubt, typical for Heiller’s trips to the United States, and not just those. Correspondence from the Netherlands and Sweden shows very similar patterns, although not across such long periods of time: an evening concert, the next morning a masterclass; travel to the next destination; preparation for the next concert, then another evening concert—and so on. The tour in 1971 probably looked much the same—and was, once again, a great success. “Peter Hallock [the organist there] said that St. Mark’s in Seattle recorded the largest audience numbers ever. He estimated that about 1,300

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heiller and americ a 87 people attended, some lying on the floor, some on the altar and so on,” Heiller reported to Lilian. Events like this of course helped him to get a better idea of his market value in the United States. On one occasion, when he was quite unhappy with an invitation to play in Canada, he asked himself—and Lilian Murtagh—whether the fee offered was high enough in comparison with those demanded by other well-known organists: I really would say that if these people want to have Anton Heiller they should pay at least $600 fee and $100 for the trip. On the other hand, I am sure people in Harvard want to have me as soon as I could come . . . I almost think I should refuse Canada anyway if they don’t pay more, you agree? I just cannot go with fees lower than before, also considering that fees of other organists, like Virgil Fox and Power Biggs are quite higher than mine, don’t you think? (December 10, 1968)31

In 1972 he traveled to the United States twice, first—before Haarlem— for a brief appearance at the National AGO Convention, held in Dallas that year. The complete “Haarlem Trio” was present, performing as a threesome. The occasion was the premiere of a work commissioned by the convention, Heiller’s Double Concerto for harpsichord, chamber organ, and chamber orchestra. Heiller conducted, Marie-Claire Alain played the chamber organ, and Tagliavini the harpsichord. The second trip, in the autumn of that year, took him to the two-hundredth year celebrations of Salem College (WinstonSalem, North Carolina). The “Haarlem Trio” was off again to the United States in 1973, this time for courses and recitals in Fort Collins, Colorado. A trip planned for 1974 was canceled because of Heiller’s first stroke. (It would have been his eleventh trip to the United States.) The next invitation was for the inauguration of the new Kuhn organ in Alice Tully Hall at Lincoln Center, New York City (January 1976). The story of this ill-fated concert is well known in the American organ scene; here it is, described by Steve Roberts: The only time I ever saw Heiller after I left Vienna was on the infamous day when he was supposed to play the inaugural recital of the Kuhn organ in Alice Tully Hall, in New York City. The weather was horrible; I drove there all the way from New Haven in a blinding snowstorm. When I arrived there was an enormous crowd of people milling around in the lobby. No one was being allowed inside the hall. When the announcement finally came that the organ was not working properly and the recital was canceled, there were enormous groans from the people who had made such an effort to get there. I asked an usher if it would be possible for me to see Heiller; the usher said, “I don’t think he wants to see anybody right now!” Undaunted, I gave him my card and asked him to take it backstage to my former teacher. He soon returned and said, “Mr. Heiller will see you” and led me to the stage of the hall. There stood Heiller with Alice Tully, who was visibly quite upset. Heiller seemed to

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88 chapter four

Figure 4.2. The “Haarlem Trio” in July 1964, in Haarlem. Photograph by Christa Rumsey. be taking it in his usual good humor, though he was rather disgusted at the whole thing. He told me the combination action was not working properly; every time he tried to set a piston, there were a couple of stops that automatically were set on each combination. As it later turned out, the problem was very simple: the crescendo pedal was open just a tiny bit, and there was no warning light to indicate that fact.32 Heiller knew that the church in which I played then was ordering a new organ, and he exclaimed, “After this, make sure that it has mechanical stop action and doesn’t have all these gadgets!” Like everyone else there that day, I was so very disappointed that I didn’t get to hear him play; I never saw him again.33

Some correspondence, dated early 1977, points to an attempt to hold this concert belatedly on February 5, 1978, but it never happened. Heiller had already mentioned health problems several times in his letters to Lilian Murtagh. Such comments now became more frequent, but, at the same time, Heiller (still) looked confidently into the future. I am fine too, besides some occasional blood pressure trouble. . . . Please: I must have the visa before December 7. I have afterwards a tour in France and Switzerland and have to be at Christmas time in a Sanatory [sanatorium] where I can’t leave before my departure for the USA. (Oct. 7, 1975). I was on tour in Germany and had afterwards unfortunately quite a breakdown with nerves and high blood pressure, so I feel still very weak; but I try to answer

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heiller and americ a 89 your letter as good as possible: sessions [masterclasses] in Fort Collins till Friday August 2–9, 9–13, 16–20, 23–27. I suggest all mornings 9–12, through four weeks, only on the topic of Bach’s works. Every afternoon I could teach three hours singular (private) lessons on subject whatever people want to do. . . . Anyway, I should not give more than fifteen private lessons in one week. The most important thing is (sorry to insist on that!), I have to get a contract . . . that I have to get a total fee of [Heiller names an extremely high sum] plus the trip Amsterdam—Denver—Amsterdam. Otherwise I just cannot do it. My health conditions are not so good that I could risk such a long time of teaching and travelling without enough money. (November 7, 1975)

This is quite remarkable: here Heiller describes—virtually in one breath— health problems, recital tours, a sanatorium stay, and, immediately afterward, his departure for America. In all likelihood this sequence of events took place in just this way, all in one go. And then there is the amazing weighing up of health risk and material gain—almost as if a high fee were a medicine or insurance against the next breakdown. A month later he already reported that he felt better. In May 1976 Anton Heiller’s health problems became more serious (more about this in the next chapter). His correspondence with the manager describes continual ups and downs, a mixture of pessimism and confidence, reports on physical improvement and deterioration. Paragraphs such as the following appeared constantly in his letters: “Before you hear it by other people: I almost had a small heart attack the end of April, was in Vienna in a hospital for two and a half weeks, but after that I felt much, much better. I’m now on a little vacation . . . and have to go to work to Vienna next Sunday. So there is no danger for my trip to the USA!” In July 1976 things changed: and this (I’m very sorry) is the point: I cannot any more do in the future a normal big recital tour!! I spoke with my doctors, with my family and with my close friends: it would be absolutely life-dangerous to go from place to place with all the stress and travel problems! I’m really very sorry to be absolutely obliged to say this! . . . if there should be in the future a considerable occasion like a Convention or special trip for few concerts or sessions I will try to do it, but not any more big tours like in the past! I’m sorry, this is absolutely the only solution for my health and for my life. It’s better to know it at the present time than to be too late in a dangerous disaster.

At about this time, Lilian Murtagh became seriously ill, and her assistant Karen McFarlane was running the business. Heiller wrote to Karen from Fort Collins, Colorado, sending best wishes to Lilian and mentioning for the first time a wound on his left shinbone that refused to heal. Lilian died at the end of October and Karen took over the management. Heiller’s confident stance at first continued, and in May he mentioned the possibility of resuming touring after September 1979, occasionally, and only

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90 chapter four for two weeks at a time: “I’m willing to do from November 79 occasionally some US tours over about two weeks with four to six recitals or masterclasses on good (tracker) organs.” At the beginning of March he gave up hope of playing in Seattle in July, but wondered whether he could somehow partly fulfill the engagement. He asked Judy Glass: “Could you play my scheduled concerts and the pieces in the masterclass? You would be playing one of the Bach concerts on June 23 or 26 ‘under my supervision’ and I would play the other as an improvisation concert. If you are agreeable, could you please sort out all these dreadful problems with McFarlane and also clear everything with Mr. Kind in Seattle?” We do not have any reactions from the United States in response to these unusual ideas; on the one hand he canceled “definitely” on March 16, but two weeks later he seemed to feel better again and he suggested a schedule that would be quite demanding, even for a healthy person: “If the plane travel allows to leave Vienna in the morning of Monday, 26th of June and to arrive about 3 pm in Seattle the same day, I hope to have time enough to prepare my class for Tuesday.” Soon after, however, this US trip appears to have been canceled for the last time and irrevocably. Michael Radulescu took over Heiller’s concerts and masterclasses. At the end of May, Heiller mentioned a three-week hospitalization and a period of time in a sanatorium, together with Erna. “I would like very much to come again to the States, and as soon I can have some plans, I certainly let you know!” With these words Heiller closed his last letter to the US concert management (May 26, 1978).  Heiller’s reputation as the interpreter of Bach’s music spread like wildfire in the United States—much faster than would have been possible in Europe. During a sixty-day stay in the country he probably had close to seventy engagements; the public got to know him in the recitals, the organists in the masterclasses. Once he had acquired a certain amount of fame, it was not unusual for organists to come from far and wide to hear him. Judy Glass, for instance, traveled from Texas to Albuquerque in 1968 to hear his recital and later to Saint Louis for a course (a two-hour flight each time). Yuko Hayashi flew from Boston to Saint Louis (three hours by plane). What they experienced was passed on from person to person; there was also the American Guild of Organists with its newsletters and gatherings; apart from the National Convention, there were regional conventions. The effectiveness and dissemination of the two large monthly periodicals for organists, which contained details of all of Heiller’s appearances (often even brief meetings) cannot be underestimated. The United States is a vast country and for this reason we find, even in the late sixties, large areas that were quite devoid of any organ tradition or organ culture. On the other hand, a few hot spots had developed, “organ hubs”

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heiller and americ a 91 where there was much more activity. These centers usually had a special instrument or maybe a number of quite good ones. In certain places, “in the middle of nowhere,” an organ teacher, not content with the ordinary, would exert a certain influence. Somewhere, in a small town close to a medium-size city a college president would discover his partiality to classical organs and find a sponsor for a series of quality organ recitals, or perhaps even for the building of a new instrument. It is quite a different process compared to Europe where everything depends much more on important individual churches—and on the constellation of personalities attached to them—to create a special interest in organs and organ culture. And of course, it could also be an individual church in America, a church that wanted something very special, but this was somewhat rarer. This is why we find these “organ hubs,” and it is places like these that invited Heiller: Boston and Cambridge, Massachusetts, most notably, Harvard University and the Methuen Memorial Music Hall, north of Boston; a little further to the south are Hartford and New Haven, Connecticut. Yale University in New Haven had its famous Skinner organ in Woolsey Hall, which, however, possesses no Heiller affinities. There are the courses at Washington University in Saint Louis, Missouri, in Fort Collins, Colorado, and in Boys Town, Nebraska. We must not forget the organ hub at the Oberlin Conservatory in Ohio, with more than ten good instruments. They even staged their own little competition among organ students, to decide who would be an active participant (i.e., allowed to play) in the Heiller masterclass.34 Eventually there were also clusters of Heiller students and their pupils, for instance, in and around Boston: Marian Ruhl Metson, Carolyn and John Skelton, Yuko Hayashi, Max Miller, Christa Rakich, and also Tom Bailey in Richmond, Virginia, who reports: And so we have, in this medium-sized city, Steve Nelson, Bruce Stevens, Grant Hellmers [an Australian], Suzanne Kidd, Jim Erb and myself—seven people, who “live according to Heiller’s teaching” and also pass it on to the next generation of students. Heiller often stayed with Jim and Ruth Erb when he was in Richmond; Ruth’s sister, Sibyl Urbancic (Kneihs) lived in Vienna, of course, and had also studied with Heiller. Suzanne Kidd Bunting, at the time an organ professor in this city, recalls that Heiller once arrived at the church for his recital with very little time to spare; he had just learnt a new card game called “Hell.” He was very frustrated, losing constantly for a number of days, but had just gotten the hang of it and had actually started winning.35

Richmond seems to have been one of Heiller’s anchor points in America. In February 1964 he wrote to management: “If you should hear from Richmond— please arrange a recital there at any cost! I would even play there without a fee, if that can be done with respect to others [other organizers].” Sibyl Urbancic (Kneihs) handled some of Heiller’s US correspondence at that time, and she had arranged his side trip to Iceland, where she had grown up.

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92 chapter four And what was it about Heiller’s Bach playing that especially fascinated the people of North America, and specifically, what was that “sudden impact” that has so often been described? Surprisingly, we always find mention of his steady playing, his “extraordinary rhythm/tempo control,” the “natural forward-moving flow of his playing”—surprising, because many North American organists are generally prone to playing “metronomically” anyway. But here they had met something more: “You always feel a comfortable forward-moving flow . . . ‘forward motion’ is always in evidence. However, it is a very relaxed and easy flow, with never a sense of strain. In Heiller’s playing the pieces seemed to offer not the slightest technical difficulty.”36 Because, as we can read further on in the Harvard CD booklet, “while rock-steady rhythm as a foundation is not at all the same as metronomic playing, many self styled ‘expressive’ organists and Baroque experts sometimes would have the classical-music world believe otherwise.” Heiller simply had total control when he played, “he emanated strength and concentration; there were no gestures and virtually no body movement, a total absence of ‘show’”37—and that, of course, was especially conspicuous in a country where the organist was usually visible. The comment made by an unknown nonorganist who had listened to an early harpsichord recording is very enlightening: “It swings; he would have been a good drummer.” According to George Klump, Robert Anderson heard Heiller in October at Southern Methodist University, where he was the first international guest performer ever. Anderson was so impressed (and that was rare) by Heiller’s improvisation that he came to the conclusion that Bach’s improvising must have been similar to it.38 And even more powerful is the comment made by E. Power Biggs, at the time the “reigning great old man” of the US organ scene. The story has come down to us through John Ferris, organist at the Fisk organ at Harvard University, mentioned earlier as a groundbreaking instrument. He reports that in 1968 Heiller gave a long masterclass on Bach’s Leipzig Chorales. “Not only did he speak brilliantly on all eighteen, but played every note of the entire collection. E. Power Biggs who was sitting next to me, turned to me as we filed out of the chapel and remarked, ‘Heiller is the only organist in the whole world who could have done what we just have witnessed. The man is truly a genius.’”39 In 1971 a critic wrote in the Boston Phoenix: “He is the only organist who can be counted on to do it right every time. Heiller’s playing of Bach is swift, clear and sure with an even continuity that separates him from all other organists. Heiller is the organists’ organist.”40 On November 8, 1971, a write-up appeared in the Diapason discussing a recital Heiller gave in Evanston, Illinois (Millar Chapel, Northwestern University). It is a detailed discussion, from which I quote a few sentences: Spiritual depth and stylistic integrity are the terms which probably describe what Prof. Heiller does best. . . . An extreme amount of rubato and rhythmic

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heiller and americ a 93 freedom characterized his playing of all the works. What made it sensible was the varieties with which he handled this rubato in each piece: improvisatory freedom over the ostinato in the opening of Buxtehude’s Prelude in g minor, ornamentation with motives of small rounded movements over a sturdy accompaniment of the chorale prelude by Buxtehude . . . a subtle speeding and slowing to point out sections, chorale phrases and points of tension and release . . . and, finally, a sense of freedom in the Reger fantasy [Wachet auf] which allowed the chorale text to be Reger’s subject for a marvelous tone poem as well as a classic form combined in one . . . all of these things we heard in Prof. Heiller’s playing and much more than we can write about here. It is exciting stuff, full of wonder. . . . It is a unique experience and one that we enjoy much.41

 Wherever he could, Heiller made a case for better organs—and for him that automatically meant the mechanical organ, built according to Werkprinzip design. And in the United States he had many opportunities to encourage the building of better organs: “If I play a good concert on a dreadful organ, the people will only think that the organ is good anyway, so why get a new one?”42 “No, I don’t refuse to play on electromatic [electro-pneumatic] organs. I like to show what I can do, and then say: ‘Now get a decent organ and then let me really show you!’”43 Once he played in Providence, Rhode Island. The organist, quite innocently, asked him: “How do you like the organ?” Heiller answered: “Dreadful!” However, the young man was very nice and wanted to know exactly what Heiller thought, “and Heiller explained it to him, in great detail and in a very friendly manner, and there were no negative undertones. And later he said to me: ‘You see, I play on these bad organs, because otherwise I would never get to meet all these people.’”44 Toward the end of the fifties, when Heiller began to consider his first US tour, the discussions concerning the value of mechanical action were in full swing on the other side of the Atlantic. The two great periodicals for organists were full of articles about all the pros and cons. In regard to N.’s letter in The Diapason in September, in which it is stated that there is no point in further discussion on the subject of tracker vs. electric action, I should like to suggest that there is indeed a point to further discussion. The growing group of organists which has found that the attack on a well built, correctly-voiced tracker organ can be controlled simply cannot be ignored. I believe that we shall find that this is only the beginning of the “hot discussion” stage and that there are many more letters and articles ahead of us.45

Von Beckerath and Flentrop did the pioneering work with their instruments, and the Americans Charles Fisk and John Brombaugh followed on from there—one of them at first with neo-Baroque, modern instruments, the other one with organs made in the “old manner.” Brombaugh reminisces about

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94 chapter four Heiller’s recital on his first organ, in Toledo, Ohio, which in his opinion was not especially successful: I feared that Heiller would never speak to me again, but he was very friendly when we sat together at dinner. He was able, on this mediocre instrument, to make better music than most other organists would have managed on some fantastic thing. That is Anton Heiller for me . . . soon afterwards he recommended me to his former student Judy Glass, to build the instrument she wanted. He told her just to let me know how much money was at her disposal and apart from that I should be left to my own devices and build exactly what I thought was right for her.46

The result was the Anton Heiller Memorial organ in the Seventh Day Adventist College in Collegedale, Tennessee (on the outskirts of Chattanooga). Heiller was able to give a little advice regarding specification, but did not live to see the realization of the project. The organ was inaugurated in April 1986 and at the time was the largest mechanical action organ built by an American organ builder.  Around a hundred North Americans studied with Heiller for a year or more; probably about the same number attended his courses in Haarlem; many thousands were at his concerts in the United States and several hundred in his masterclasses there, and what they gained has by now been passed on to a whole generation of organists. Heiller, despite his initial reservations, was able to express himself quite well in the English language.47 He played innumerable organs in the United States and probably had many conversations similar to those outlined above. I myself have traveled in the United States quite a bit and have virtually never encountered an organist who did not immediately know who Anton Heiller was, and most of them at least knew somebody who had had contact with him, or else, they had heard one of his recordings. And in turn Heiller got to know and to love this country: “he really preferred being in America to being in Vienna.”48 “In America he just was another person.”49 A number of European performers significantly influenced organ playing in the United States—André Marchal and Marie-Claire Alain, to name just two outstanding musicians. But if one is looking for a total concept—one that complements performance style with detailed background information and reference to theology—then, one can say with certainty: for the American continent Anton Heiller was without doubt the most important organist since Marcel Dupré.

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Chapter Five

Short Midday, Long Sunset On April 20, 1958, Anton Heiller applied for the Theodor Körner Prize (a cultural award named after the Austrian President Theodor Körner). In some ways, he had of course already crossed this particular cultural divide. The year before, on May 17, 1957, the Ministry of Education had approached him with an invitation to serve on the jury that selected the recipient of the Staatliche Förderungspreis für Musik (a national prize to assist outstanding young musicians). At the time Heiller, just thirty-four years old, had not so long ago himself been one of those young aspiring musical hopefuls. He politely turned down this invitation, regretting that he had “absolutely no time” to take on this duty. In the same year he was officially awarded the title “Professor.”1 A year later the Education Ministry was more successful; Heiller was invited onto the jury for the Wettbewerb für Lieder und Chorkompositionen (Competition for song and choral composition, apparently a renamed version of the previously mentioned Förderungspreis). During the same spring the board of the Allgemeiner Caecilienverband (ACV) called Heiller to serve on its music committee. The ACV was a venerable governing body, rich in tradition, essentially a board of elders for Catholic church music in all German-speaking regions. Even if Heiller, quite consciously, had turned more toward a career as an organist by now, he nevertheless still continued to receive interesting conducting engagements. Here is a small selection: Frank Martin, Golgotha (1960) George Frideric Handel, Israel in Egypt Darius Milhaud, Cantata Pacem in Terris (1964) Francis Poulenc, organ concerto (1964, with Jean-Claude Zehnder as soloist) Franz Schmidt, Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln (1966) For 1964 there were discussions about Heiller conducting an oratorio by Paul Kont, but this did not eventuate.

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96 chapter five Heiller’s European performances of Hindemith’s organ concerto had boosted his international reputation. He had played the world premiere of this work in New York (April 25, 1963) and was therefore the logical choice for any subsequent performances, especially the European premiere in the large hall of the Musikverein in Vienna (November 9, 1963, conducted by Hindemith himself). Performances in Essen, Munich, Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Zurich followed, as well as one in Berlin where the concerto was programmed for the inauguration of the new Schuke organ at the Philharmonie Berlin (November 19, 1965). This was in fact a “double” memorial concert for the composer. It had been planned for Hindemith’s seventieth birthday, but he died soon after the Viennese premiere (Heiller played the organ at his funeral). These performances gave Heiller’s international reputation extra momentum, for with this concerto he appeared before “symphonic” audiences in large concert halls, something that not every organist is called to do, even those who are extremely well known. All this was enhanced by his constant presence as a composer. There is no doubt about it: Anton Heiller had “arrived” and was firmly established in the Austrian music scene. He was of course well-known internationally, particularly as a Bach specialist, in fact more so than at home. In 1954, when the Austrian Radio set out to create a series of programs titled “Heiller Plays Bach,” Erna wrote to him: “I beg you fervently, accept! It would be great if you could make a bigger impression as an organist here in Austria as well, especially since you will be able to choose the instruments yourself.” This corresponds with Hans Haselböck’s assessment; he believes that Heiller was not very well known to the Austrian public during the early sixties. “He was admired greatly among the inner circle of the church music world, but during those early years not so much by the general public. . . . Heiller’s impact and reputation outside Austria were much more far reaching and had been established much earlier than in his home country.”2 However that may be, after his ascent Heiller reached a certain plateau. How did he spend his days when he was not traveling? His teaching activity at the Musikakademie was the thread providing continuity, and he really did consider that his main occupation. We should examine this more closely, and for that purpose we have to look back once more to examine his early years. The facts given here are taken from an official document that every Austrian public servant possesses. It records in detail that person’s duties and remuneration—the Standesausweis mit Laufbahn.3 Heiller commenced service at the Akademie on October 1, 1945, and was engaged as a teacher for thirteen hours of organ teaching per week in the Department of Music Education (Schulmusik) as well as for four hours in the Department of Church Music.4 In addition, Josef Lechthaler had suggested that Heiller be given a contract for three hours per week to “establish and run a boys’ choir.”5 However, no further evidence exists concerning such a choir. The hours in the teaching contract were subsequently increased several times.

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short midday, long sunset 97 On February 16, 1950, a decisive change occurred: the subject “Collegium Musicum for Contemporary Music” (a supporting subject in the course, amounting to two extra hours per week) was added to his contract of twentythree hours per week.6 Subsequent changes concerning staffing and subject division—with regard to Heiller himself and his immediate circle—cannot be established with any certainty. On September 12, 1951, the Board of Studies unanimously decided to engage Walter Pach as an additional organ teacher. The reason: “Large student numbers; due to taking over harpsichord teaching Prof. Heiller also has to shed students.”7 It seems that Pach could not immediately begin his employment, so Franz Eibner was called in as an interim measure. Like Pach, he was organist at the Votivkirche in Vienna. In October 1952,8 Eibner ceased his duties again and Walter Pach began teaching. Gartner relates: “Between 1951 and 1953, Paul Kundi, a former student of Karl Walter, was also employed as a contract assistant in the principal subject organ.”9 Knowing all these details enables us to get a better grasp on the strange developments that from now on affected harpsichord teaching in Vienna. In his monograph on Isolde Ahlgrimm, Peter Watchorn describes the constant changes concerning this subject at the Musikakademie.10 In her early years Isolde Ahlgrimm (1914–95) celebrated great successes as a pianist with the classical repertoire, but soon turned toward early music. Together with Erich Fiala (later her husband), she began to assemble a collection of early pianos and from 1937 onward they established their recital series Konzerte für Kenner und Liebhaber (Concerts for connoisseurs and amateurs) in which they shared their newly acquired insights into performance practice with the musical public. “At the time she was virtually the only one who used authentic period instruments,”11 and was therefore the genuine founder of early music practice in Vienna. During that period the only other person who took the same direction was Josef Mertin, and he did so as a conductor. In 1938, shortly before the Anschluss, Ahlgrimm was invited by the director of the Akademie to establish a harpsichord class and to develop a curriculum. However, after she had done that, she waited in vain for further concrete developments. When she inquired she was told that in the meantime Bruno Seidlhofer had started a harpsichord class.12 In 1945 the Akademie approached her again, and she once again showed interest but first ascertained that Seidlhofer would not be teaching harpsichord anymore, and Seidlhofer agreed. Therefore, Ahlgrimm was harpsichord teacher from 1945—until “the same director who had invited her in 1945 requested, on September 30, 1949, that she hand over the class to Seidlhofer yet again, as well as all the concepts she had developed!”13 She could not have been legally forced to agree to this measure—apparently she was told that quite openly—but was asked for her “voluntary resignation,”

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98 chapter five which she eventually agreed to. It was suggested that her new project, to perform Bach’s complete harpsichord oeuvre in recital and also to record it for Philips, would serve as a plausible reason to justify this step. Watchorn relates the following: Bruno Seidlhofer then took over the harpsichord class for a short time. He was succeeded by Heiller, who also was appointed organ professor in 1950 [this is not quite correct—see above]. At some point the director also asked Heiller to hand over the harpsichord class; but Heiller, more savvy than Ahlgrimm, decided to keep both classes and not to follow the example of his more submissive colleague. He remained as harpsichord teacher till 1952 . . . and in that year the young Dutch harpsichordist Gustav Leonhardt took over the class.14 He was only twenty-four years old, but he had good connections with Vienna as his mother was Austrian by birth.15

Therefore, Heiller taught harpsichord until 1952, but the beginning of this teaching activity cannot be established with certainty, as his Standesausweis document, generally bursting with minute details, reveals nothing on this issue. According to Gartner, “Heiller’s name appears as the principal subject teacher of six harpsichord students in the academic year of 1951/52.”16 This digression helps us to appreciate Heiller’s employment on several contrasting fronts at the Musikakademie. Apart from his central subject, organ (which included what we now call “liturgical organ playing”), he also taught in the area of old (harpsichord) and very new (Collegium Musicum) music. Within the framework of the Collegium he organized entire concerts with a variety of ensembles, which brought together students from different classes. According to Schmögner,17 he performed works by Ernst Vogel, Augustin Kubizek, Hans Stadlmair, Helmut Eder, Hans Erich Apostel, Alban Berg, Arnold Schönberg, Frank Martin, Béla Bartók, Igor Stravinsky, and Paul Hindemith. On February 13, 1951, the premiere of Josef Matthias Hauer’s Zwölftonspiel für Kammerorchester took place in one of these concerts. On the other hand, Heiller was very much at home with early music, given his activities as a continuo player and also through his collaboration with H. C. Robbins Landon’s Haydn Society. It is easy to imagine how all of this may have affected his standing in the small Department of Church Music, especially as regards his relationship with the “grand old master,” Karl Walter. On one occasion Hans Haselböck compared Franz Schütz and Karl Walter, and we deduce from this that Walter and Heiller also had little in common. According to Schmögner, “Walter was characterized by a very emotional, soft, even child-like disposition, and that had an impact on his music making. . . . Even if here and there a technically difficult passage did not come off all that well, the overall effect of Walter’s playing was more convincing [than that of Schütz].”18 And according to Anton Dawidowicz, “Walter’s impulsive character often meant that in

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short midday, long sunset 99 individual lessons he demanded quite different, at times completely contrasting interpretations of one and the same organ piece. The student was forced to adjust quickly to the teacher’s mood at that very instant.”19 Heiller’s attitude, given his great seriousness and striving for perfection, was diametrically opposed to this. Also, the two men could not have been more contrasting in their views on organ building. As Franziska Kaufmann puts it, “Somehow they lived in two different worlds, Karl Walter and Heiller. The young Heiller definitely was a kind of avant-garde figure in Vienna’s church music circles after the war. Karl Walter represented the mainstream, and Heiller somehow sneaked in. There is no evidence that Walter commented on this, and he may not even have fully understood it.”20 The attitude of Monsignor Franz Kosch, director of the Department of Church Music, toward Heiller had always been very positive, and he actively supported Heiller. Kosch, born in 1894, had been part of the establishment within the German-speaking church music scene for a very long time. As a plainchant expert, he was well outside the warring parties in the often heated debate concerning “liturgically appropriate” church music. Kosch was able to put aside his own opinion of a new piece of music, and, when in doubt, at least to support a performance. He had receptive and discerning ears; even in his later years he could be seen in the director’s box at the great hall of the Musikverein, still taking in things both old and new. I am giving a detailed picture of Kosch because I know that in the area of church music the cliché of the ultraconservative old man is always just around the corner, especially if he also is a cleric. On one occasion a most unusual performance took place, probably initiated by Kosch. On March 1, 1949, a concert in the Brahmssaal (the smaller auditorium of the Musikverein) featured three contemporary a capella masses: Anton Heiller’s Messe in mixolydisch G, Hermann Kronsteiner’s Missa Corpus Christi Mysticum, and Josef Lechthaler’s Missa Rosa Mystica. Franz Kosch gave a remarkable introductory speech from which I will quote a few sections: That Heiller was called to the position of a Professor in the Department at such a young age is due partly to his Missa in mixolydisch G. He wrote it in 1944, while he was serving as a soldier, at the time of the bombardment of Vienna. In our program selection it represents the musical striving of impetuous youth. . . . And what, briefly, are the hallmarks of this new style? 1. The predominance of the melodic element, usually referred to as linearity 2. The cancellation of the rules of traditional harmony. Hindemith, in his Satzlehre [treatise on harmony], categorically rejects the term generally used for this, “atonality.” 3. Freedom of rhythm

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Anton Heiller, the youngest, takes this further than the others, despite the fact that he consciously acknowledges the key of G, even by including it in the title of the work. Needless to say, he does not employ the mixolydian mode as it would have been used during the a capella era, but simply as a tonal background with the constant center G, that is, the mixolydian mode in the normal position [sic] of the old church mode. The difference between him and Lechthaler is only small, but quite obvious. Heiller creates his formal structure with equal care, but by occasionally employing chromatic shifts and whole-tone scales he creates a harshness that is occasionally unbearable. This leads to the question: can music of this kind be called “beautiful?” I hear “no,” but would like to add that nothing is more changeable than judgments on aesthetic matters. What about Gregorian chant, celebrated for its lofty beauty? Does it not also possess linearity, atonality, and a free rhythmic structure? I refuse, as a matter of principle, to make any value judgment concerning these three masses and I do not demand of you that you pronounce them beautiful. We are not performing this music because it is beautiful, but—simply—because it exists and because we, as the foremost church music school in the country, have an obligation to emphatically support the new.21

This is a very laudable point of view, and one that gives us an insight into the atmosphere in which the young avant-garde church musician Anton Heiller presented his works. The performance of three modern a capella masses, on a concert podium, in the dry acoustics of the Brahmssaal, certainly was a daring choice from a programming perspective and must have been quite a challenge for the performers. Kosch is known to have said: “I believe that you only have the right to enjoy the beauty of classical music if you also have a heart for the living composers.”22 Ernst Tittel, who taught theory and composition in the Department of Church Music, was born in 1910 and, as a composer, was quite moderate among his contemporaries. He probably acknowledged the compositions of his young colleague with benevolent amazement. He expressed his opinion concerning new and avant-garde church music in many articles and strove valiantly for objectivity and factual analysis. Only with twelve-tone music did he reach a divide that he was unable to cross, even though he had dabbled with this technique on a few rare occasions himself. Tittel was organist at the Franziskanerkirche and therefore automatically played for virtually all the Masses broadcast by Austrian Radio. Despite his youth he was part of the bedrock of the Department of Church Music (he had taught there since 1936). Among Heiller’s old acquaintances on the teaching staff three more personalities should be mentioned. First, there was Josef Mertin, who taught Orgelbaukunde; he and Heiller had known each other since the building of the organ in the parish church at Dornbach (never quite completed), the project that the eleven-year-old Toni had followed with such astonishing interest. There was also Friedrich Reidinger with whom Heiller had taken music theory

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Figure 5.1. Anton Heiller at the Advent celebrations at the Department of Church Music, 1969. From left to right: Lucia Haselböck, Erna Heiller, Anton Heiller, Hilde Seidlhofer-Suchanek.

classes during his short period of study at the Akademie. Reidinger had been a pupil of Franz Schmidt and Franz Schreker. Born in 1890, he was close to retirement when, in 1952, “Ernst Tittel handed the teaching of harmony over to him.”23 Last, also in 1952, Hilde Seidlhofer (née Suchanek) joined the staff. She was Bruno Seidlhofer’s second wife. She and Toni would have known each other from Heiller’s days as a Seidlhofer student. After 1955, Heiller concentrated completely on the organ and did not teach any other subjects. In 1956, after Karl Walter’s retirement, he took over the Konzertklasse (organ performance class) and could now teach organ in both the Church Music and the Performance courses; more will be said about this later. On January 1, 1958, he advanced to become a “Provisional Professor” and on June 18, 1958, he was promoted to the position of Professor at the Akademie. Heiller had now achieved everything that an organ teacher could achieve in Austria, not to mention his international fame. Gartner’s list gives us a good overview of how many students he had for the period 1955 to 1963: “Austria, 31; United States, 51; Switzerland, 9; Germany, 7; Denmark, 2; Italy, France, Japan, Sweden, Australia, Poland, 1.”24 The numbers for the United States and Austria must be understood in the proper context: whereas most of the Austrians tended to study for a period of four years (the length of the entire course), the Americans generally attended for one year, or two years at most. If we also take a look at the figures documenting course

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participants at Haarlem (as far as they are available) we get a very good impression of the influence Heiller had when he was at the height of his powers. Added to this, after 1962, was his teaching activity in North America. Here he gave group sessions and private lessons in many places, occasionally for up to three consecutive weeks, and often whole “chains” of masterclasses that took place at twenty-four-hour intervals in various locations. Of course, he also traveled in Europe every few weeks. And here I want to open the “Short Midday” section of this chapter with a rather daring metaphor. Heiller was thirty-five years old and had experienced an ascent that was very steep at first and then continued steadily; now we expect a long plateau, the as yet unknown median line of his life at its center. However, at this stage Heiller’s midlife point was already over and he began to feel this and to articulate it. His life’s panorama is like a day in late autumn in the polar regions, well above the Arctic Circle—a long dawn, full of promise, a short midday, and a long sunset. We hear again and again that Heiller was always “older than his years.” On the one hand, he never had a serious illness during his midlife period, and on the other, “how he was” became a constant topic of conversation. And this began quite early. On February 7, 1956, Erna reminded him in a letter: “Please listen to me and go to bed at eleven at the latest. You can always use your fragile health as an excuse! Please, do as I ask!” Toni wrote to Erna in November 1958: “I must say, I am a bit worried about the concert . . . On the whole I feel quite well here, but I notice signs of rheumatism (today in my hands).” In July 1959, Erna wrote to Toni: “Please let me know how you really are, and whether you sleep properly.” Once, in 1963, we all sat together in a small student apartment at one of our get-togethers, which we referred to as Seelisches Fussbad (footbath for the soul). These gatherings were customary for the Heiller class and almost exclusively frequented by his students. We sipped juice and nibbled on cookies and listened to Heiller for hours on end—Heiller playing Bach, Heiller improvising, and also performances of his own compositions. Every now and then the master himself was present, as on this particular occasion. After an hour or two, he said good-bye and left, only to reappear three minutes later: “I am dizzy again, I need a taxi.” This was not an isolated instance. From 1966 onward he complained more and more often about “never feeling quite well.” This also comes across in the following excerpts from letters to Marinette Extermann. The prevailing tenor is: “It’s all over, I can’t play anymore.” In September, from Winterthur, Switzerland: “I am just so very tired, sometimes tired to death, and I am worried about the time in Vienna.” In November, from Vienna: “They told me yesterday that I played very well; I myself don’t know—somehow the connection between my head and what I do, or better, what I have to do, is broken . . . and I noticed it today while I was

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Figure 5.2. Anton Heiller, ca. 1958

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teaching, quite strongly and very disturbing. . . . I also saw the doctor yesterday; he was quite pleased with me, despite the fact that I feel rather strange . . . and I mentioned that maybe I should go for treatment at a health spa after Christmas. He suggested the health spa on the Semmering [a small resort town southwest of Vienna].” In December: “You might recall that already in 1965, in Haarlem, I said that I think of death every day . . . by now I am somehow convinced that I live more ‘on the other side’ than in the ‘here and now.’ . . . God only knows the meaning of this . . . in any case, I want to be ready, whether it is to be soon or later.” Heiller was forty-two years old. His awareness of his physical state had always been subject to great fluctuations and these were largely determined by how he felt about his creative work at the time. To put it simply: when he was happy with his music he also felt much better physically. Steve Roberts, his student in 1973/74, writes: “Even on days when he obviously wasn’t feeling his best, he would quickly become absorbed in the music, and any initial complaining about his health would evaporate.”25 That he never looked after himself, that he in fact always became restless when he was not continually busy playing, teaching, corresponding, or at least traveling from one place to another, has been mentioned a few times already; his work schedule in North America speaks for itself. Kirsten Pedersen recalls the occasion when Heiller made his LP recordings at Hälsingborg: “You have to imagine this—he would deliver his course from about eight in the morning until four in the afternoon; then we would work on the registrations for a while; at eight in the evening he’d play the concert, afterward engage in a little ‘postlude’ [postconcert party], and then at about midnight the recording session would begin.”26 If one could use the term “normal” in Heiller’s very diverse life, then the “normal” situation was that he taught “for thirty-four hours per week. You will understand that I never take private students.” This is what he told Charley Olsen in a letter to Denmark on March 18, 1959. But in very rare circumstances he did in fact give some private lessons. Marinette Extermann from Geneva was a student of Alois Forer, roughly between 1964 and 1966, and she had bumped into Heiller by chance at the Doblinger music shop. He of course remembered her from student recitals and her examination. At the end of their chance meeting they arranged that she would come to Vienna occasionally to take a few lessons; and the idea was his (“How are you? What are you up to? If you want to, I could . . .”). And so she came to Vienna quite frequently and had her lessons at the Mormon Church in Vienna’s second district, sometimes all day Tuesday, sometimes all of Friday. He did not charge for these lessons, it was something he wanted to do. The Musikakademie was his headquarters, and teaching was for him more than enjoyable. Apart from a few problems with bureaucracy, which he either

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short midday, long sunset 105 laughed off or got grumpy about, one thing really upset him, and that was his problematic relationship with Alois Forer. Fortunately, Hans Haselböck and Rudolf Scholz remember a great deal concerning the roots of this problem in the dim, distant past, and they have shared their story. Forer had been teaching the principal subject organ within the course in music pedagogy since 1943; after the war he also taught at the Vienna Conservatory (administered by the City of Vienna), in fact in the same position that Walter Pach had filled before him. As Pach had been a member of the Nazi Party he was banned from employment for a period of time. There was an arrangement in place where Forer would act as a kind of “job sitter” until the time when Pach could be employed again. Forer had managed what no one else had been able to do: he taught at both of these institutions. It seems that even then he had a good sense for networking and establishing the right connections. Soon afterward, he also began to teach the subject Konzertfach Orgel (organ performance) at the Akademie, alongside Karl Walter, who taught it until 1956. For some time now a certain ideological divide had appeared that extended right across the organ scene of Vienna, and now it deepened. A noticeable difference in standard and quality between students and graduates of the Department Church of Music and those of the Organ Performance course began to be observed. The latter, taking the famous concert pianist as a model, cultivated the image of the “secular” virtuoso, who would take the world by storm, performing in great concert halls, as opposed to the poor blighter who earned his living playing services in unheated churches. Borders of this kind did not exist anywhere else to quite the same extent. They are not supported by professional reality, and they interfered with harmonious working relationships between colleagues at the Akademie. Anton Heiller’s teaching appointment involved teaching organ in the Church Music course, but more and more requests now came from foreign students. In their case, enrolling in organ studies within the framework of the Department of Church Music made little sense; they also would have had to take subjects like choral conducting or liturgical studies. These subjects first of all demanded a fairly good grasp of the German language, and second, for students who would only spend a year in Vienna, they were of little interest. These students came specifically to study the organ works of Bach with Heiller and nothing else. For them, enrolling in the Organ Performance course was the ideal choice. When Rudolf Kremer, Heiller’s first American student, tried to enroll at the Vienna Academy in 1953, he wrote “Heiller” in the box marked “preferred teacher.” The Administrative Office informed him that this was not permissible. After some discussion, no doubt spiced up by language difficulties, the permission was granted in true Viennese style (“Well, OK, if you insist on it . . .”).27 There seems to have been a kind of gray area, a period of transition, because it was not until 1956 that the journal Singende Kirche announced: “Anton Heiller has been entrusted with a new organ class for aspiring concert

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organists,” which is a rather imprecise way of putting it.28 The class was not new; rather, this was about the succession to Karl Walter in a very specific subject. It can be assumed that in the years before Heiller took over Organ Performance from Walter numerous discussions took place about which staff members were allowed to teach in which of the two courses (or perhaps in both?). The situation obviously caused much tension between Forer and Heiller. It remained an issue for the teachers involved, and even their successors, for decades to come; the problem was finally resolved as late as 2003 with the massive restructuring of all universities offering studies in the arts. However, one should also try to understand Alois Forer. He was a generation older than Heiller, had been teaching for much longer, and, moreover, was someone who had to work hard for his success. For instance, he played the organ for High Mass at the Vienna Karlskirche for quite some time; the substitute organists he occasionally sent were at times judged to be better than he was himself,29 and sometimes they were invited to play several subsequent High Masses. Forer did not have a natural gift for liturgical organ playing and improvisation. In later years he once commented to Werner Auer:30 “In all my life I never played a single note that I really enjoyed; everything was always an effort.” We therefore must not judge Forer too harshly, because, given the above profile, it cannot have been easy for him to be overtaken by the young Heiller with such breathtaking speed, and to watch him take every bastion by storm and seemingly without effort; as a virtuoso, pedagogue, and improviser Forer certainly could not attract such a lineup of overseas students who arrived in Vienna, specifically wanting to study with him, as Heiller could boast, and it was almost natural that a certain amount of envy should develop. Forer seems increasingly to have used the prerogatives of age and power—for he was older and did have greater power. His connections appear to have served him as well as his good business sense. Apparently, he collected a fee of 10,000 Austrian Schillings (a large sum of money in 1955) for his services as consultant for the new organ at the Vienna State Opera (Erna Heiller commented on this with outrage in a letter). I myself heard about an equally exorbitant—even higher— sum in connection with a new instrument in Seckau (an abbey in the province of Styria) in 1958. Forer strove to extend his influence as an organ consultant, a move that must be seen in the light of his career as a concert organist, which was not running all that smoothly. Elbow techniques of this kind were anathema to Heiller. Despite his involvement with several organ projects, he was not used to receiving such huge sums for his services as a consultant. Forer’s activities as a juror in competitions are surrounded by countless stories, all of which concern influencing other jurors; even the very first meeting of the two men on a jury panel seems to have led to friction.31 However, they both continually tried to improve their relationship. On one occasion they agreed to attend each other’s student recitals, accompanied by their pupils; this was short-lived. Forer mentioned once that he had vehemently supported Heiller as recipient

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short midday, long sunset 107 of the Grosser österreichischer Staatspreis (Great Prize of the Austrian Nation), against an objection made by the influential Robert Schollum,32 a very important figure in composers’ circles. I seem to recall Heiller once mentioning “top-level discussions,” which had the sensational outcome that Forer was to appear soon afterward as the soloist in Heiller’s organ concerto, with Heiller conducting, a project that did not come to fruition. When Heiller conducted Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln in Bregenz in 1961, Forer played the organ part. Their relationship must have been quite good at that time. The story goes that after the dress rehearsal Heiller suffered one of his bouts of despondency: “Oh Harry! How shall that be tomorrow?” And Forer—known to insiders as Harry— slapped him on the shoulder and said: “Don’t get worked up; we’ll go for a drink, and then all will be well.”33 Forer had connections in the relevant government department, particularly to a music-loving high official there. Rumor has it that this man once refused Heiller’s request for leave to fulfill concert engagements. And a further rumor, which cannot be verified, claims that Forer once denounced Heiller for using the title “Professor” unlawfully, just after he himself had been granted it. On another occasion, a particular roundtable meeting between organ builders took place, involving consultants, staff from the Historical Trust, and the currently preferred organ builder Arnulf Klebel. Heiller had been invited to participate, but because Krauss had not also been included, Heiller canceled. And indeed, the discussions ended up being quite unpleasant, which I can verify from my own experience. In short, this relationship put both men under strain—but how much Heiller suffered, given his far more complex and pensive nature, will be examined later. In 1974 Alois Forer moved away to join the staff of the Mozarteum in Salzburg. The period during which Karl Richter became a regular visitor at the Vienna Musikverein—initially as a conductor—began on March 29, 1963, with Bach’s Saint John Passion. In October of the same year Handel’s Messiah followed. In 1965 he conducted Bach’s Mass in B Minor and a month later, on April 10 and 11, the Saint John Passion. On the very next day he gave his first organ recital, with works by Bach. During the following concert season he conducted Brahms’s German Requiem in November, in March Haydn’s Creation, in April the Saint Matthew Passion, in January a program with Wagner (including Prelude and Isoldens Liebestod from Tristan) and Bruckner’s Third Symphony, and in June he conducted the Six Brandenburg Concertos. During the 1966/67 season he conducted Haydn’s Seasons in February and, incredibly, on March 21, the Saint John Passion, followed on the next day by the Mass in B Minor. The management of the Musikverein seems to have been virtually addicted to this man from Munich. Given such frequent appearances, Richter was able to gain considerable fame in Vienna. Even with just the Bach interpretations listed above he was undoubtedly in a totally different ideological camp from Heiller; hardly

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surprising, as his trademark was the “Leipzig tradition.” But quite apart from that, Heiller would never have dreamed of programming two works like the Saint John Passion and the Mass in B Minor on two successive evenings—not because of logistic problems or his own physical capacity, but because of the weightiness and the spiritual importance of these works. He probably would have seen it as excessive pride to “do” such a wealth of wonderful spiritual emanation within the space of twenty-eight hours. To make matters worse, Richter soon became the unofficial resident organist at the Musikverein, a role that demanded that he “selflessly plan and oversee the building of a new organ in the Great Hall.”34 One would be correct in assuming that Richter put considerable pressure on the administration of this great establishment to install a new instrument. On June 8, 1967, in a special concert for the members of the Society (Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde) he played the last recital on the old organ. By coincidence, it was Heiller who played the organ for the penultimate time—at a festive gathering to celebrate the 125th anniversary of the Vienna Philharmonic, he performed the Prelude and Fugue in D Major by Franz Schmidt (March 28, 1967). Apart from Richter no other organists were involved in the planning of the new organ, so the project moved ahead swiftly and smoothly, without any troublesome protests. As the question of organ action obviously was not an issue for Richter, the instrument was designed with electric key and stop action. This saved engaging in complex considerations regarding the positioning of the pipework. At a time when the rest of Europe had slowly, and only fairly recently, begun turning toward mechanical action organs, even for large concert halls, Vienna, out of sheer carelessness, built an instrument of a type that was almost extinct. And consequently, why not have a hundred stops? After all, one does not want to appear stingy where size is concerned. In the end Rudolf Gamsjäger got around to asking Heiller: “Will you be prepared to play on this organ if it has electric action?” “Well, I had to say yes” Heiller told me, “I can’t very well say that just at the Musikverein I will not play on electric action, seeing that in the USA alone I give hundreds of concerts on such instruments.” Well, that’s OK then, Gamsjäger would have thought, with considerable relief, and this is how the most famous concert hall of Vienna acquired an instrument that, even before it was installed, caused outrage in the organ scene. After the completed instrument was presented to the press and a small circle of invited guests, somebody took the director of the organ-building company aside to ask a few questions: the unusual positioning of chests, the general layout of the pipework, and the materials that were used! The boss brushed the question aside, waving his hand, and said with a hint of conspiracy in his voice, “Well, you know, normally we don’t do that sort of thing of course.”35 The organ was inaugurated on September 29, 1968, with a recital given by Richter. From then on he gave at least one solo recital per year, mostly with

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short midday, long sunset 109 works by Bach. Apart from that, there was one appearance by the grand old master Fernando Germani and one by the “young savage” Jean Guillou. The Bach interpretations of Richter and Heiller are like day and night. On May 4, 1966, a certain “A.S.” (Andrea Seebohm) wrote in the Viennese daily Kurier: “Heiller’s Bach playing [on the other hand] is more than just interpretation: it is affirmation, documentation, a proof of Viennese Bach tradition, which stands in sharp contrast to that followed in Munich.” Certain differences in concept may well be legitimate and could be discussed calmly, but in the case of Heiller and Richter, opinions were so divided that certain knowledgeable listeners (and I could mention names) on occasion threatened physical violence (a slap in the face, or Watsch’n, as the Viennese call it), right in the middle of the great Golden Hall.36 Most important, many failed to perceive even an attempt at interpretation in Richter’s playing. At first glance, the paradigm of the “total objectivity” of Baroque music seems to be in evidence (Helmut Walcha’s approach was also in this direction); with Richter, however, this did not manifest itself solely in the total absence of any agogic or expressive quality (discarded as additions of the Romantic period) but in a cold “rattling off” and an ostentatious lack of concern for any real artistic realization of the music. This included stops being pulled on or off at random, even during the first few measures (after all, there really is no need to work this out beforehand, is there?) and also, there seemed to be no need to spend a few hours before a concert getting to know an instrument or adjusting to it. In the case of an organ concerto by Handel in which one movement is marked ad libitum—which means one can improvise a little or maybe play a short, but suitable work by another composer—the audience suddenly got to hear the Chorale “Straf mich nicht in Deinem Zorn”!37 In every conceivable aspect of playing, Richter’s position was always the total opposite of what Heiller would have done or thought. “Heiller was at odds with Richter because the two men had totally diverging concepts of music. Heiller suffered dreadfully under the constant presence of Richter in Austria and, with very few exceptions, he condemned his showy, self-satisfied style of music making.”38 Michael Radulescu has this to say: When Heiller gave recitals in the Mozartsaal at the Konzerthaus, on the organ that he himself had inaugurated, the hall was generally not full, and it was never sold out. When Karl Richter played on the big organ at the Musikvereinssaal, the hall was always full. Bach was played here, Bach was played there. Heiller suffered very much because of this; first of all because the organ was electric, which is a total impossibility for the works of Bach; and second, Bach was abused in order to show off and to amaze the audience. This sort of thing was completely alien to Heiller. He worked from the content, the inner core of a piece and made absolutely no concessions to achieve cheap success.39

Heiller once put it briefly and bluntly: “He is accepted in Vienna, I am not.”40

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By contrast, the organ at the Mozartsaal (Vienna Konzerthaus), which at the time of Richter’s first Viennese successes still smelled of glue and varnish, was one of the happier episodes in Heiller’s life in Vienna. It was a long road, but one that eventually came to a surprisingly sudden end. One of Egon Krauss’s best-known sayings was: “Vienna is an organ desert.” When, during the early sixties, the Wiener Festwochen (Vienna Festival) occasionally presented organ recitals, they were held at the Dominikanerkirche. In one particular year every member of the “Haarlem Trio” could be heard there, at weekly intervals. In all of Vienna, not a single instrument existed on which an organ recital with a reasonably varied program could be presented without severe artistic restrictions. Even the organ at the Dominikanerkirche, which had at this stage not been restored, was just a better stopgap. Anton Heiller, who was really more at home in the Konzerthaus half of Vienna’s musical life, was able to convince those in charge that there was great need for action. In complete accordance with the organ-building ideals that he and Krauss always advocated, he suggested a two-manual, purely mechanical organ of twenty-eight stops for the medium-size auditorium at the Konzerthaus. The Rieger organ in the large hall of this building (at the time it was constructed in 1913, the largest concert hall organ in the Austro-Hungarian empire) was considered virtually unusable by this stage. Furthermore, this type of instrument was no longer appreciated; and yet, there were no plans for finding a comprehensive solution to this problem. Installing a new organ was never considered and the time was not ripe for the subsequent extravagant restoration (1982) of the instrument. The consideration that the large auditorium with its two thousand seats would be much harder to fill for a solo organ recital than the more modest Mozartsaal seems to have played a role as well. At the time, nobody really gave much thought to how suitable a new instrument might have to be to accommodate the repertoire for organ and orchestra. All of this led inevitably to the purchase of a medium-size instrument for the Mozartsaal. (For the specification of this organ see the appendix.) “Taking into account the organ situation in our city, the building of a new organ in one of Vienna’s concert halls can be seen as a complete rehabilitation of this instrument,” as Hans Haselböck commented in the program booklet for the dedication concert. A letter from Erna to Toni in Milan, dated March 5, 1964, contains interesting references: “And now for something pleasing. Gilles [Hans Gillesberger] has spoken to Peter Weiser [secretary general at the Konzerthaus] about the organ problem at the Konzerthaus. He asked Haselböck for the address of Hradetzky, found out that he is in Vienna right now, and brought the two together for a discussion. Isn’t that fantastic? Hradetzky is prepared to postpone all sorts of other jobs in order to complete an instrument for the Mozartsaal as soon as possible. Gilles begged a hundred times not to mention this to

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short midday, long sunset 111 anybody, so that A.F. [Alois Forer] does not get wind of it, otherwise he might intervene.” It seems that things moved ahead quite quickly and apparently without lengthy commissions and consultations; however, it is the dates that are sensational. In March 1964 there was a meeting between the Konzerthaus and the organ builder in order to get the project formally on the way—and ten months later, on January 10, 1965, Cardinal König blessed the completed instrument.41 In the end things were not completely straightforward, because the schedule was tight—very tight—for the organ builder. The organ-building project for Wien-Erdberg, long since scheduled, was halted; even the Posaune 16ʹ rank intended for this instrument was used for the Mozartsaal instead.42 There was feverish activity during the Christmas holidays, and on the morning of January 6 the prominent organ builder Rudolf von Beckerath arrived from Hamburg. He had been chosen for the voicing of the reeds, right from the beginning of the project. A strong connection with him already existed, as Gregor Hradetzky’s son Gerhard had worked for him for several years. The organ was completed two hours before the dedication.43 And so, Anton Heiller now had “his” instrument in a prominent location in Vienna—especially important as he did not have a church position with an adequate organ. Now he was “resident organist” at the Konzerthaus, and in that role, he represented an opposite pole to the Richter series that was about to unfold in Vienna’s other great concert venue. However, as we have seen, a proper balance certainly did not exist. Heiller played almost regularly at the Mozartsaal. He included large-scale works that, on small organs, demand the greatest care in the choice of registration and often also rehearsals with two stop-pullers: David’s Es sungen drei Engel; Schmidt’s Chaconne in cis; an all-Reger recital for the fiftieth anniversary of his death (May 20, 1966) and works by Jehan Alain. Eventually, Heiller also performed the complete Bach organ works in twelve concerts, divided into two recital series. He began on November 23, 1971, with the “Allabreve” and concluded, on May 9, 1973, with Clavierübung, Part III. Concurrently with the recitals, Austrian Radio recorded the works in separate sessions. If I remember correctly, Austrian Radio joined this venture a little late, so that their archives in fact do not contain the complete works, but the majority of them. Almost all of the great free (non-chorale-based) works were recorded (Prelude and Fugue in A Minor BWV 543 is missing, as are the concertos; of the Six Trio Sonatas only no. 5 exists, etc.). The great cycles of chorale-based works are almost complete. Heiller gave his last solo organ recital in the Mozartsaal on January 10, 1976; this date happens to be the eleventh anniversary of the organ’s inauguration. The program included the three sonatas by Hindemith. Without a doubt Heiller would have seen this as fate, the closing of a circle. Once the Mozartsaal organ had been installed Heiller was finally in a position to occasionally invite some of his many famous and respected colleagues

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Figure 5.3. Anton Heiller and Gregor Hradetzky at the inauguration of the organ in the Mozartsaal, Vienna Konzerthaus (in the foreground Cardinal König)

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short midday, long sunset 113 to Vienna for recitals. During the first year and a half it was Gustav Leonhardt, Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini, and Marie-Claire Alain. The latter returned three more times, and for one of these concerts Heiller himself, in a black suit, slowly walked onto the stage behind her to turn pages and pull stops. He wrote to Peter Weiser on September 3, 1966: “When you choose a guest from France I want you to make quite sure that this is an organist of the same caliber as Marie-Claire Alain, and not even one degree less. This is why I suggest Gaston Litaize.” (In fact, Litaize did not come to Vienna for another twenty-two years, long after Heiller’s death, and he played on the newly restored organ in the large auditorium of the Konzerthaus.) Heiller also recommended Catherine Crozier, one of the most respected organists from the United States, and when she played, her program included Heiller’s In Festo Corporis Christi. This was intended as a kind of replacement for Heiller’s organ concerto, which had originally been programmed, with Heiller conducting and Crozier as the soloist, a plan that was never realized. In the same year, Michael Radulescu made his debut in the Mozartsaal; he also returned several times, twice with an allBach program. And of course a number of other Austrian organists often gave recitals there. I myself played a concert entirely devoted to the works of Heiller on October 23, 1973—the occasion was his fiftieth birthday. The organ in the Mozartsaal was closely connected with Heiller, with his style of programming and presentation, with his playing and that of a few of his close colleagues and friends. Between 1965 and about 1980 it was one of the focal points of Vienna’s organ scene. From the late seventies onward, several new organs were built around Vienna, instruments better suited to works of the Romantic period, which had become more popular again—for example, in the Augustinerkirche, the Radio building (great hall), and a little later Kalvarienbergkirche, Herz-Jesu-Sühne-Kirche, and Saint Stephen’s Cathedral.44 In 1978 the Vienna Konzerthaus finally began to consider an extensive restoration of the large organ, which was reinstated with a sumptuous festival. Various other considerations and changes in taste concerning repertoire had led to a development that eventually caused Karl Schütz to exclaim in a panic: “The Mozartsaal at the Vienna Konzerthaus no longer has an organ!”45 The instrument was dismantled in 1992 and now serves as a choir organ in the parish church of Korneuburg, a little north of Vienna. In the seventies, another instrument was built in Vienna that was to become important for Heiller. The Musikakademie had grown so much since 1945, both in the number of subjects it offered and in student numbers, that larger accommodation became absolutely necessary. In 1961 the convent of Saint Ursula became available for purchase; it had only recently been vacated by the Ursuline nuns. The building is situated in the middle of Vienna’s historic center, on the corner of Seilerstätte and Johannesgasse. In 1966, following an extensive renovation project to remodel the entire building, part of the Akademie moved there. That the Department of Church Music should

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be included in this move was one of the top priorities in the official planning for the new building. This was energetically supported by Hans Haselböck, given that the building complex happened to include the church of Saint Ursula. Its size and acoustics were perfect, and it was a marked improvement compared to the previous situation that this venue for church services and recitals could be reached from the teaching and rehearsal rooms internally, without leaving the building. Most important, this church now belonged to the university and could be used for its activities day and night, quite independent from a parish or a convent. However, Saint Ursula still needed a new organ. The organ professors of the Department of Church Music soon agreed on size, specification, and organ builder. The result resembles another version of the Mozartsaal instrument, but somewhat larger, and in a much more favorable acoustic environment. All these particulars worked together in such a way that the instrument, although just a little bigger than its sister in the Mozartsaal, nevertheless gave the appearance of a considerably larger organ in this building. One can say that after twenty-two years as organ teacher at the Akademie, Heiller now finally had an instrument at his disposal that was appropriate for his teaching activities. Regarding size, a few things remained on the wish list, of course, but, given the general orientation of repertoire he preferred, this did not matter much. In any case, there were plans for the building of a three-manual Marcussen organ for one of the auditoriums in the new building in the not-so-distant future (here it is again, the love of Danish organ building!).46 The organ at Saint Ursula was completed in August 1968. That I myself, at the time completing one year of practical training in the workshop of Gregor Hradetzky, should become actively involved in the voicing of this very important instrument was a very welcome coincidence. The three of us making up the voicing crew (Oswald Wagner and I, under the guidance of Gerhard Hradetzky)47 knew how important this organ was and we gave our very best. (I obviously had no idea that one day, as Heiller’s successor, I would teach on this instrument myself for decades.) Due to some disagreements with the architect who was in charge of refurbishing the building, this organ never received any pipe shades,48 nor was there ever a festive inauguration or even handing-over ceremony of this instrument. (For the specification of this organ, see the appendix.) In 1968 Heiller initiated another fundamental change. On March 13, he wrote to the president of the Akademie—it was still Hans Sittner—and requested that he “employ Michael Radulescu as substitute and assistant organ teacher. He is, both as an artist and human being, the most impressive and mature personality I have come across among my circle of students in twentytwo years of teaching activity at this institution.” Radulescu had completed his studies with Heiller only a year earlier and now joined the teaching staff as Heiller had requested.

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short midday, long sunset 115 A year and a half later, Sittner in turn approached Heiller with a request. On July 28, 1969, Ernst Tittel had died unexpectedly and now Heiller was asked to take over the subject Kirchliche Komposition (composition of sacred music). In terms of teaching load this was only a small subject, but in content it was a task that carried great responsibility. In Austria, only three church music departments offer such a subject. In Germany, where specifically church-oriented composition teaching does not exist, this specialty was watched with considerable interest. On September 25, 1969, Sittner wrote: “I can imagine what your likely reservations concerning taking on this subject might be, as I recall them from my previous attempts to persuade you [?]. I am convinced that under the present circumstances these reservations can hardly still be valid, because by now you have achieved the maturity and profile as a composer that you, according to your earlier response, still had to acquire.” Heiller’s response was indeed positive and he began teaching the class. In a 1972 interview with Robert Gant, Heiller described what a typical working week in Vienna now looked like: “During university term I teach my organ students on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays (occasionally also Saturday mornings), and on Tuesday mornings I take the church musicians for their composition class.”49  After roughly twenty-five years as an organ teacher, Heiller could be pleased with himself. By now, certain changes had become noticeable everywhere. Not everywhere was Baroque music approached in the same way as in Vienna, but the differences had become less noticeable. The playing of Bach’s music, stripped of romantic influences, but nevertheless retaining flexibility and expression was now valued, or at least accepted, in many places. In a report submitted to the administration of the Hochschule (written on November 29, 1968, revised and resubmitted on November 28, 1970), Heiller could now point to an impressive list of prize winners from recent years: Danielle Gullo: First Prize Saint Albans 1967, First Prize Arnhem 1968 Peter Planyavsky: First Prize Improvisation contest Graz 1968 Michael Radulescu: Second Prize Nuremberg 1968, Second Prize Pisa 1967 Hans Peter Aeschlimann: Third Prize Arnhem Monika Henking: First Prize Bologna, Third Prize Saint Albans 1969 Marcel Schmid: Second Prize Geneva 1970, Fourth Prize Brügge 1970 Hans Martin Corrinth: Third Prize Improvisation contest Graz 1970 Maria Teresa Martinez: First Prize Arosa 1970, Second Prize Nuremberg 1970, Second Prize Geneva 1970, Third Prize Saint Albans 1969 Jean-Claude Zehnder: Second Prize Ravenna 1966, Second Prize Bologna 1969, Third Prize Arnhem 1970 Gerhard Wiltrud: Second Prize Nuremberg 1970

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Totally unexpectedly, Heiller received a very special acknowledgment. On July 31, 1972, the rector of the Musikhochschule Frankfurt approached him and asked him to be the successor to Helmut Walcha. “If you cannot accept, we request that you suggest other suitable candidates, however, X. and Y. would have to be excluded for technical reasons.” I could not find Heiller’s response to this invitation and his children do not recall ever having heard it mentioned; however, we know what the outcome was—Heiller remained in Vienna. I am convinced that Heiller did not even spend ten minutes on weighing up whether to accept or decline; anyone who knew him, even just casually, would have to conclude that a new start in different surroundings would have been out of the question for him. Monika Henking remarks: “He was just drawn to Vienna—despite his love/hate relationship with this city.”50 Heiller also received a number of other approaches that reflect the esteem in which he was held everywhere. Ever since 1961, the Danish publishing house Forberg had been encouraging him to publish one or two pieces with them. Heiller, because of his long association with Doblinger, declined politely. In February 1968, he was invited to a large gathering of artists in the monastery of Montserrat (Spain). From September 3 until 10, the crème de la crème of composers was to meet for an exchange of thoughts and music. Fellow invitees were Křenek, Wellesz, Britten, Messiaen, Jolivet, Bialas, Dallapiccola, Penderecki, and several others. “In addition to this there is a small commission for you to write a Vesper.”51 Of course, at such short notice Heiller could not accept—and, after all, meeting with a large group of colleagues, philosophizing and talking about his own profession really was not his thing. In 1969/70, the Anglo-Austrian Society came up with a very original idea. They approached Heiller with the suggestion that an English composer write a piece for him, which he would premiere in London. Heiller marked their (undated) letter with a penciled note: “not before January 1, 1972.” The outcome was Prelude for Organ, op. 60, by Peter Racine Fricker. I could not establish whether Heiller did in fact ever play this piece, but I consider it unlikely. In 1968 Heiller received the Ehrenkreuz für Kunst und Wissenschaft (Cross of Honor for Art and Science) and in March of the same year he was appointed Peritus (consultant) for the Diocesan Synod of Vienna (Commission VI— art). In 1969 he received the Grosser österreichischer Staatspreis, a very high national honor intended to acknowledge an entire life’s work. Heiller was forty-six years old. December 1968 brought the fulfillment of a wish that Heiller and many others had held for a long time. When the Marcussen organ at Linz Cathedral (Neuer Dom) was completed the enthusiasm for this type of organ, so popular in the fifties, finally resulted in a playable and audible example in Austria. On December 8, on a bitterly cold evening, every notable figure in the organ world congregated in the packed church (the largest in Austria) and witnessed an unforgettable improvisation concert by Hans Haselböck, Anton Heiller, and

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short midday, long sunset 117 Gaston Litaize. The concert was recorded and later released on LP. In 1988/89 Monika Henking, with painstaking effort, transcribed Heiller’s improvisation on “Ave Maris Stella” from this recording; the piece was later published by Doblinger. I find it interesting that, as early as November 17, 1963, Heiller had played an improvisation, similar in a number of details, based on the same hymn melody, at the end of a concert at Lilienfeld (Lower Austria). This, of course, does not mean that he somehow assembled “prefabricated” building blocks; it does show, however, that, using the same form (French suite à la Couperin) and the same melodic material, he also invented similar musical motives. The stunning instrument in Linz tempted Heiller to daydream: Could Linz become another Haarlem, complete with summer courses and concerts?52 However, this idea did not even reach the earliest stages of realization. In 1971 planning began for two LP recordings by Heiller. One was to be made at the new organ in Linz, the other at the famous Festorgel at Klosterneuburg. There is no doubt that Marie-Claire Alain had established the contact with the French firm ERATO. In Linz an all-Reger program was recorded, a labor-intensive project because the instrument has mechanical key and stop action (except for the pedal stops, where two free combinations are available). Despite this, Heiller suggested the usual tight schedule: April 23–25, 1972, for Klosterneuburg, and April 26–29, for Linz. The recordings turned out extremely well, especially the Reger recording in Linz. The enormous acoustic helped to smooth out slightly noticeable “steps” in the dynamics during rapid crescendos and diminuendos.

LP Recordings The ERATO recordings would probably not exist if it were not for the demise of another arrangement, namely, Heiller’s longstanding collaboration with Vanguard/Amadeo. The complicated, interwoven paths that recording firms and labels follow, at times being different from one another, then joining up because of amalgamations or takeovers, are not easy to follow for an outsider. I intend to avoid the whole issue except where it contributes to overall understanding. Heiller had never finished the recordings of the complete Bach works with Philips.53 Meanwhile, the organs that he preferred were to be found in Denmark. The firm Austria-Vanguard had been founded in Vienna in 1956, and after 1959 had changed its name to Amadeo. The “mother” firm, based in New York, was directed by Seymour Solomon, who made the final decisions regarding recording venues and programs. The representative in Austria was Heinrich Haerdtel; he and Heiller of course knew each other from the stormy period of reconstruction after the war. In 1957 Heiller had recorded the Schmidt Chaconne at Sankt Florian with this Austrian division of Vanguard. On

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June 1, 1958, a contract was signed between Heiller and Vanguard that guaranteed Heiller a minimum of two LP recordings per year, but bound him exclusively to this firm. The contract was at first limited to two years. Extensions were to be offered at regular intervals, and “in the autumn of the current year the remaining four [harpsichord] suites by Handel are to be recorded.” In October 1959 Heiller recorded two LPs: one devoted to Couperin and one to Rameau. Business meetings took place in the Casino Baumgarten or in Döbling. According to a number of people, and Heiller himself, he virtually sight-read most works. In one or two spots his page-turner Bernhard Handel was called upon to fill in a note or two. These LPs are real highlights among Heiller’s recordings. They show a different, but equally musical and exuberant perspective than the one we know from his organ recordings. There were also plans for recordings at the newly restored organ at Schlägl (Upper Austria) for the autumn of 1960. Unfortunately, these encountered problems with repertoire. Heiller stated: “I simply do not want to play Frescobaldi there, given that Austria has the organ at the Silberne Kapelle in Innsbruck [the Silver Chapel in Innsbruck possesses an Italian instrument]. I am not prepared to abandon the idea of recording Pachelbel and Muffat. I imagine other labels would be interested in the complete Apparatus Musicus by Muffat and, in any case, I only suggested a selection of pieces from this collection.” It seems that in the end, problems with time schedules prevented this project from going forward. The little hint that other labels might be interested was perhaps not so clever; together with discussions concerning repertoire it probably caused Solomon to hesitate with the option to extend the contract. “We would prefer to wait a little while; the first three [harpsichord] records are selling quite slowly, and Rameau and Couperin won’t be released till 1961. If we wait, the situation with Philips might resolve itself,” Solomon wrote to Heiller in November 1960. Heiller replied by return mail: he was definitely interested in continued collaboration; he had learned in the meantime that he did not have to take Philips into consideration anymore, and therefore was very eager to record the complete Bach organ works for Vanguard. The organ was, after all, his primary instrument, and given his growing popularity in America these recordings should sell extremely well there. Heiller “insists” that he be given a guarantee that this Bach project would be commenced as early as the following year, “even more so since I was really quite unhappy with the Philips LPs because of the poor quality of the pressing. As we don’t have any organs here which are suitable for Bach the recordings would have to be done in Denmark or Sweden. . . . For the beginning of the series I would suggest those works which were never included in the Philips series.” Heiller listed the Trio Sonatas, and Clavierübung, Part III. For someone who had just been informed that one would have “to wait a while” before another recording could be made, this was a rather definite counteroffensive. New York hesitated with an answer for quite some time; on March 5, Heiller urged them on a little and restated

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short midday, long sunset 119 his desire to record Bach. “Hälsingborg eclipses anything I have encountered so far.” What he did not mention was that he had, meanwhile (on January 31), contacted Deutsche Grammophon and asked whether they might be interested in recording an LP with South German organ music. On February 20, they declined politely, and this is why Heiller now finally wanted to continue with Vanguard. Shortly afterward, Solomon got back to him to tell him that he “unfortunately still can’t say anything decisive, because right now Bach recordings by Walcha, Biggs, Weinrich and half a dozen other people are being sold at bargain prices in the record shops and it would be impossible to compete with them, regardless of how successful your interpretations are.” The next extant correspondence is dated quite a bit later, May 1964: it seems that an agreement had been reached and recordings in Hälsingborg were confirmed for September. The result was the first absolute highlight among Heiller’s organ recordings of the sixties, which has been discussed earlier in this book. It was, however, not totally unproblematic because, in March, Heiller picked up some test copies and wrote a somewhat indignant letter to New York, stating that in his opinion the pressing was of unacceptable quality. Solomon’s answer was calm and friendly. He assured Heiller that all was OK; he recommended that Heiller “take the LP to a record player which is definitely in good working order.” In January 1966 the two records were finally released. “We labeled them Vol. 2 and Vol. 3 [without there being a Vol. 1] to indicate that it is a complete series,” writes Solomon, “and I am very pleased that you have more plans for us.” During the next few years Heiller’s exclusive contract was always renewed on time. He recorded Bach cantatas and ensemble pieces by Scarlatti and Handel and also a gigantic “patchwork” of individual pieces for an LP set titled The Art of Baroque Ornamentation. In 1966 he recorded Bach’s Leipzig Chorales at the Hradetzky organ in Innsbruck-Wilten, which appeared as volumes 4 and 5 in the series. The next double LP was Bach’s Little Organ Book, recorded in 1967 on the “most beautiful organ in the world”—the Metzler organ (built in 1964) in Netstal (Canton Glarus, Switzerland).54 The resulting recording is, to my mind, the second, maybe even more outstanding highlight from that period. After that Heiller once more had to urge the company to extend his contract. “I constantly receive letters from other firms wishing to make recordings; that’s why I want to finalize this. . . . I would like to do Clavierübung, Part III, next, at St. Pierre in Geneva [the latest big Metzler organ].” The comment about these other firms was no trick. In December 1964 the Walcker organbuilding firm had contacted him about an LP (contemporary Austrian organ music). Three months later, the Gulbenkian Foundation approached him (old Portuguese harpsichord music), and in 1967 the Italian recording company Fratelli Fabri Editori. Each time Heiller’s response was negative and he cited his exclusive contract as the reason. In 1968 the collaboration came to a halt. Solomon referred to problems with sales, “but the new recordings will appear under our mid-price label CARDINAL and that will, hopefully, stimulate sales.”

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I suspect that at this point in time the firm’s focus underwent a change, which was confirmed by Polygram’s takeover of Vanguard in 1966. We have no more correspondence between Heiller and Vanguard. This situation would have led him eventually to making contact with ERATO. An undated carbon copy of a draft plan points to a mighty project: “Organ music of the twentieth century, played by Anton Heiller,” distributed over six LPs. It includes the complete La Nativité by Messiaen and an LP containing both organ sonatas by Heiller. As the three Hindemith sonatas also appear in this context, this draft must have been drawn up before 1971. Furthermore, there is no indication for which recording company this sketch was drawn up. However, a few recordings did result that were made in Italy, and are probably live recordings from concerts.  At Heuberggasse a long-range project was progressing frustratingly slowly. For a long time now there had been a distant goal—a house organ. Such an instrument requires space. After 1955, the “young” Heiller family finally had exclusive use of the upper story of the family home because Toni’s parents had moved into the left portion of the ground floor. Following the death of Heiller’s father, his mother and her sister, Aunt Ella, lived there. The other half of the ground floor was rented out to a tenant. Freeing up this right half of the ground floor was a precondition for the realization of the organ project. As early as September 1967 Heiller sketched the first stop list: HW: Gedackt 8ʹ, Prinzipal 4ʹ, Waldflöte 2ʹ, Mixtur 1ʹ, Regal 8ʹ BW: Quintatön 8ʹ, Rohrflöte 4ʹ, Prinzipal 2ʹ, Terz, Larigot, Cimbel PED: Subbass, Pommer 8ʹ, Choralbass 4ʹ, Nachthorn 2ʹ, Dulcian 16ʹ

This design, if ever built, would belong to the species “giant house organ.” However, the problem with the tenant who occupied half of the lower level dragged on and on. On July 3, 1969, Erna wrote: “Perhaps we will be able to take possession of this flat before not too long, and then you can begin to plan for the organ in earnest.” Due to an ancient rental agreement the tenant could not be forced to leave, despite the fact that he did not actually live there. If legal proof could be obtained that he did not in fact reside there, a termination of the rental contract was possible. And so the Heillers started keeping records of the comings and goings of their tenant. Somewhat later they even resorted to hiring a private detective. It all dragged on interminably, but eventually—after a sizable financial investment—it led to the desired outcome. For Heiller’s fiftieth birthday Monika Henking began a fundraising campaign. She wrote to a large number of past students and friends all over the world and asked for contributions toward a house organ, which finally began taking shape. There were fifty-eight donors on the list. It was clear from the beginning that this organ would be built by Heiller’s former

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short midday, long sunset 121 student Herbert Gollini. He was contacted, and on December 4, 1973, his reply arrived—Heiller was at the time both physically and mentally very low. “I really believe that the most important thing should be that you find some joy in this project. It will only turn out well if we both approach it with a joyful spirit.” The specification now reads: Manual 1 Manual 2 Pedal Holzgedackt 8ʹ Quintade 8ʹ Gedeckt 8ʹ Playable from both manuals: Rohrflöte 4ʹ Provision for adding at a later date: Prinzipal 4ʹ, Sordun 16ʹ for the Pedal as well as Superoctave 2ʹ for Manual 1

The Prinzipal 4ʹ ended up being included in the first building phase. The instrument was completed in January 1976; the missing registers were added gradually, after Heiller’s death.  In 1971, on the day of Corpus Christi, when Heiller gave a recital in Switzerland, he complained about difficulties with fine motor skills in his left hand.55 Two weeks later he informed his American manager about a stomach ulcer, but a month later he stated that he was “completely recovered and totally fit.” On January 18, 1972, he wrote to Marie Kremer: “I have problems with playing . . . my right arm does not function quite correctly.” Such comments were becoming more and more common, but at the same time, or in-between, Heiller played as much as usual. For the year 1972, Schmögner lists in his chronology, “concerts in Austria, Switzerland, England, Italy, France, Holland, and Belgium” as well as two trips to the United States. From January 6 to 20, 1973, Heiller and Marie-Claire Alain were in Tokyo, giving courses and masterclasses. The invitation had come from the International Christian University. In fact, this had been planned as another venture for the complete “Haarlem Trio,” but Tagliavini had preexisting engagements. An orchestral concert, conducted by Heiller, with Yuko Hayashi as the soloist in his organ concerto had also been arranged; the recital included the Poulenc organ concerto and one of Handel’s organ concertos, with MarieClaire as soloist.56 Heiller had expressly asked for a few free days to be able to see something of the country. In Vienna he made a big impression (and caused considerable hilarity) when he imitated the facial expressions he had observed at the Noh Theatre. This was another year with a very busy travel schedule. In addition, on April 6, the premiere of one of his most important late works, the Passionsmusik, took place in Thalwil. Heiller traveled to Thalwil relatively often, to be present at the lengthy rehearsals and to act as vocal coach. These trips were very beneficial for his overall well-being. Christa Rakich, his student at the time, recalls that “we were always happy when he returned from Thalwil, because he was once again in good spirits and full of energy.”

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But in late October 1973, he suffered a “dreadful complete nervous breakdown,”57 and called off a whole series of concerts and courses. And finally, on July 4, 1974, he suffered his first stroke. He got off relatively lightly, but the motor problems with his left hand remained. The organ builder Charles Fisk wrote to him on December 23, 1974: “Judging by everything I have been told about you and from what I have observed myself you have done everything possible to ruin your body—but it is the only body you have! Albert Schweitzer says that music is a window into another world. Most of these windows are misty and fogged over—yours is completely clear! I beg you, for our sake, keep it safe. We need you.” His state of health became a constant topic of conversation, and among students as well. He walked slowly, was always tired, and often seemed absent. But it would not have been Heiller if, within a flash, the situation could not do a complete about-face. Rudolf Scholz remembers: I was already in Luzern to play the organ part in Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln on August 30, 1974. My wife came in and said: “[The conductor Carl] Melles has come down with severe gastric problems; guess who is substituting?” It was Heiller. He had just recovered from a serious illness when the call came; he was very happy to accept. He rehearsed the choir thoroughly . . . and the Evangelist part with Peter Schreier. . . . In the performance the choir missed an entry in the “water fugue.” Heiller fought like a lion and corrected the mistake brilliantly, and within twelve to fourteen bars had brought everybody together again.

That was two months after his stroke. On October 7, 1975, he wrote to Lilian Murtagh: “I have to be at Christmas time in a Sanatory [sic].” In June 1976 he told Judy Glass: “At the end of April I almost had a heart attack.” In reality this was his second stroke. In autumn 1976 an ulcer on his leg that refused to heal was added to his existing problems with blood pressure, tiredness, depression, and fine hand motor skills. On September 21, Dr. Heinz Justitz, from Thalwil, wrote a short letter to Heiller’s doctor in Vienna: “I have been treating Professor Heiller since August 30, 1976, for an ulcus above the left malleolus.” Despite all this, Heiller conducted Mozart’s Mass in C Minor at Lilienfeld during that autumn. On November 8, he was hospitalized “for at least four or five weeks.” He ended up staying in hospital until after Christmas. His mood for this whole period was almost continuously at an absolute low. Added to the restlessness that always befell him whenever he “couldn’t do anything,” there was now the fear that things might never again be as they had been in the past. On January 19, he wrote to Judy Glass, completely despondent: “It is dreadful . . . despite all this I have to start next week to relearn the second Hindemith concerto . . . for Linz, March 19/20. I have already asked Haselböck to do it for me, but as I really need the money I have to try and do it myself . . . you can’t imagine

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short midday, long sunset 123 that: all the trills, all the difficult runs in the right hand, they are simply gone!” Finally, at least his leg improved and he was instantly active again. He performed the Hindemith concerto on March 19, 1977, under Milan Horvat, and the live recording appeared on LP on May 19, 1978. Heiller signed over the rights to this ORF (Austrian Radio) recording of the Hindemith concerto to Teldec. (The recording was later reissued under the APEX label [see the discography]. A little more care in the production of the booklet would not have gone amiss: “November 1979” is given as the recording date, but Heiller had died in March of that year.) Kirsten Pedersen related the following: “In September 1977 he played the opening recital of the organ festival in Aarhus. He played everything quite slowly, but it was incredibly beautiful! After the recital, in his hotel, he suffered a stroke [his third]; he had not been feeling well all day. He was taken to hospital and spent two weeks there. At the time I had ten concerts organized for him, all over Denmark; Aarhus was the first—all the others had to be canceled.”58 Once back in Vienna he withdrew from the teaching appointment in composition (sacred music). On January 12, 1978, Heiller wrote to the Belgian organ builder Patrick Collon: “I have suffered a third stroke that, unfortunately, not only affects my right hand in a most noticeable way but also irritates my right foot. I can still conduct, but play—(perhaps) never again, at least not at the moment.” Nevertheless, he indicated that he might be able to conduct his organ concerto in the cathedral of Brussels in September 1979. From mid-April Heiller stayed at the Neurological Clinic Rosenhügel (a large clinic on the outskirts of Vienna). The admission papers (May 9, 1978) document “a depressive state that seems to be caused by the inability to work and by a reduced capacity to cope with reality.” Once more Rudolf Scholz, recalling an examination in June 1978, says: Heiller greeted us and said: “Guess what! I have lost my memory!” Tachezi comforted him and suggested that this might be temporary and that he would recover again. Radulescu (to the right) and I (on the left) supported him while he made his way down the corridor. He was in a pitiful state and shuffled along, his feet dragging on the floor, all the way to the porter’s lodge. I called a taxi immediately and all three of us were driven to Seilerstätte. Here the Radulescu student Rasmussen played, among other works, a piece by Messiaen. The head of the examination panel was about to ask her to stop, but Heiller prevented him, saying: “I want to hear that to the end, in this piece I know every note.’”

Despite all his troubles, Heiller was still his old self: the profound depression, the tired body, but both were forgotten when there was music to hear or music to make. However, it has to be said that by now even this basic drive was occasionally much diminished. I remember him commenting several times that he

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Figure 5.4. Anton Heiller and his wife Erna in 1977, in Rohrbach, Upper Austria

could “not tolerate these loud organ sounds anymore,” they boomed around his head, he did not want to hear anything. This was the period when he had lost control over his fingers, especially in the left hand: he would sit down at the piano and test the fingers joint by joint, to see what he could and could not do. He was very eager to keep playing, and he concentrated on improvisation concerts. One day he asked me, quite unexpectedly, whether he could give such a concert at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. He suggested a suitable date and had a rough idea which improvisation themes might be appropriate. And so we settled on November 1, 1978 (Allerheiligen— the feast day of All Saints), and all the themes dealt with death, resurrection, eternal life—everything in keeping with that particular occasion. During this phase in his life Heiller felt much affinity with this subject matter. And so it happened that he concluded his very last recital with an improvisation on the chorale “O Welt, ich muss dich lassen” (O world, I must leave you)—to add to the significance, he had returned to Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, the place of his first organ lessons, half a century earlier. Elisabeth Buchsbaum, for decades one of the Heiller family’s friends, recalls: “Roughly at that time, about half a year before his death, he was suddenly able to play certain trills again that he had not managed for months. I sat at the organ with him; when he succeeded with the first trill we both just cried. On December 3, 1978, we laboriously led him to a choir rehearsal. Friedrich Lessky was rehearsing his Te Deum. He [Heiller] felt unwell and weak. He sat behind the conductor. All of a sudden he was filled with energy and he started to conduct, behind Lessky, with strength and intensity.”

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short midday, long sunset 125 On February 23, 1979, Heiller conducted his Missa super modos duodecimales with the Austrian radio choir. “You could tell that he was struggling, but he conducted with clarity and precision,” Rudolf Vogel, one of the choristers, remembers. “Afterward he was in tears. He kept sobbing: ‘That I was granted to experience that one more time . . .’ He was in such bad shape that he did not want to go down the stairs by himself.” On February 28 he was awarded honorary membership in the Vienna Singakademie. Elisabeth Buchsbaum recalls: “On March 3, he suddenly asked me to get him the text of the Sonnengesang [Canticle of the sun] by Saint Francis of Assisi. That was really a return to an old idea.59 He also started noting some sketches on a piece of paper. He was really very relaxed and cheerful during the weeks before his death and had begun to make some plans for the future.” And this is how, on February 9, 1979, he came to accept an invitation from a Mr. Rohner to play a recital on April 24, 1980. He was confident that his hand would continue to improve and submitted program suggestions, which included two improvisations, a few chorales from Bach’s Little Organ Book, the “Allabreve,” and a piece by Schlick. His first trip to South Africa was also on the schedule for 1980. Here he wanted five days of teaching and stipulated that he would prefer to have ten active and twenty-five passive students in the course. This tour had only just been postponed for a year (in November 1978), because in July 1979 Heiller wanted to be in Haarlem for the twenty-fifth anniversary celebrations of the Summer Academy. “They want to perform one of my large-scale works and that will have to be rehearsed and conducted.” On March 21, he wrote one of his last letters, a letter to Denmark: “I would of course be delighted to accept honorary membership [?] during the International Organ Festival Sorø. It would suit me well if this could happen on July 31 or August 1, as otherwise it would be virtually impossible for me to be present.” The response from Denmark is dated March 26—yes, August 1 would be fine. One day before the date on this letter, on March 25, Erna and Toni went to the city center to attend Mass at Saint Ursula. Heiller’s student, Wolfgang Kreuzhuber, played Baroque music during the liturgy. After Mass, they made their way home, where a family lunch had been arranged. Their daughter Birgit, who was pregnant, had gone for a walk with her husband; a stroll through the hills on Vienna’s outskirts, from Pötzleinsdorf to Dornbach. Heiller arrived at home and suddenly felt extremely hungry—he needed to eat something, now, immediately, anything at all. In the kitchen was a large jar filled with sauerkraut. Still wearing his hat and coat he walked over to that jar, opened it, grabbed a generous handful, and put it into his mouth. It was a big mouthful. In fact, it was so big that it required the sensors on his palate and on his tongue to send a message to the brain, so that all the necessary muscles—those that operate the swallowing apparatus, the jaws, the lungs—could be ready for appropriate action. This is a routine process in the human body.

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However, occasionally, or rather, very rarely, this everyday sequence of events does not unfold as it should. It happens mostly with small children or the aged, or with older people who wear dentures, which usually cover part of the palate. The nerves along the palate fail to transmit the message to the brain that this is a very big bite—or they transmit it only partially. And this is what happened. Heiller stood there, quite still; he stared straight ahead; with an almost peaceful facial expression he stared into space . . . for over a minute . . . Bernhard talked to him, but he did not react. Bernhard turned him slightly toward the light, shining through the window . . . at that very moment Birgit, out there on her walk, felt a very sharp pain inside her body, which she remembered later . . . Heiller’s body crumpled . . . and he died. The medical term is bolus death. Bernhard and Erna tried everything in their power to revive him. They were in a state of shock. Three minutes ago nothing at all had pointed to any kind of finality. The emergency doctor gave a little wave to indicate that all efforts were useless, even before he had stepped through the door. Anton Heiller was dead—not from another stroke, not from a blocked blood vessel, and not from a circulatory collapse. In François Villon Heiller set to music these words: Man stirbt wie man gelebt (One dies as one has lived). Heiller’s life ended after a final grotesque profane reflex of spontaneous excess. Anton Heiller was buried on April 4, 1979. He lies in a grave at the Zentralfriedhof, in a section set aside by the city of Vienna for citizens who have made a significant contribution to the nation. A great many people attended his funeral, from Austria, and also from further afield. Judy Glass traveled all the way from America. Two memorial services were held: one at the parish church in Dornbach, and the other at Saint Ursula. Between them, quite by chance, they represented the whole breadth of Catholicism as Heiller knew it. In Dornbach the congregation was invited to come forward and take Communion; the priest at one point stopped in his tracks, looked angrily to the back of the church and hissed: “Sin-gle file!” At Saint Ursula, Hans Haselböck gave the eulogy (“which has now become possible, thanks to the liturgical reform,” he added). He spoke freely, from a few sketchy notes, so we have no record of his speech; but it hit home. It so happened that Heiller’s Deutsches Ordinarium had been performed at Saint Ursula a week before he died; it could therefore be sung at his memorial service without much preparation. The indescribably beautiful Sanctus that Heiller had composed within hours of the death of his own father now accompanied his own farewell. The Sanctus, with a twelve-tone row surrounded by almost Romantic harmonies, the Sanctus that nevertheless ends with a dark question mark of uncertainty. Anton Heiller’s final Amen at Saint Ursula could not have been more authentic.

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Chapter Six

All the Registers of a Soul When it comes to describing “not just the artist, but also the person,” there is nothing a biographer wants to avoid more than the common stereotype. The way the artists are all portrayed as extraordinarily sensitive, extremely modest, enraptured, altruistic, serving art and art alone, and ultimately not of this world—and yet, after all (or “on the other hand”)—how they have their feet firmly planted on the ground, are unexpectedly enterprising, only too human, vain, manipulative . . . the result is nearly always “a complex, multifaceted personality.” Well, it is no use—Anton Heiller was an extremely complex personality, and a multifaceted one. Especially in his case, it is impossible to describe the person separately from the artist.  Anton Heiller was a torn man. This has been said about many artists, of course. For many who experienced Heiller it will stand in sharp contrast to the natural authority that he emanated throughout his life. However, those who knew him, especially during the last decade of his life, or did not even meet him until that time, would have been aware that divisive forces were at work in Anton Heiller, battling one another and pulling in opposite directions. These opposing forces have their origin in a number of areas. One has to know a few facts before attempting to understand the disparities. The divisions within him have their origins in his parents. His father was basically a jovial and happy person; his mother, on the other hand, was silent, like a ghost,1 “peeping out from behind the door.”2 The father “a storyteller,” at home in the world of the theater and always ready to show off;3 the mother inward looking, attending to the daily chores. Drastically simplified: the father was inclined toward the positive, the mother was not. This duality—Hermann Hesse could not have portrayed it more stereotypically—was part of Heiller’s genetic makeup. His own description of the situation is like a painful stab: “I did not have a mother, just a woman who raised me.”

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Bernhard Heiller relates a comment once made by one of his father’s school friends: Toni had displayed a natural authority in the class; he had always been somewhat serious—friendly, but giving the impression of an adult, even as a teenager. According to others, Anton Heiller had never been really young, never lived through a fully fledged adolescence, had never been a boisterous, young lad.4 Gustav Leonhardt’s recollections of their first meeting, admittedly not until 1950, are of a similar kind. “Despite the fact that he was still relatively young and emanated enormous strength of character, he seemed at the same time exhausted and troubled. There was nothing light or carefree in his thoughts; everything was difficult and hard to grasp. Everything had to be considered and thought through thoroughly.”5 Looking at photographs of Heiller in chronological order, it immediately becomes obvious that in his outward appearance he always looked older than his years—and later on this discrepancy between physical age and appearance became even more pronounced. When I commenced lessons with him in 1959 he was for me a mature man “in his best years”—already a little plump, with sparse hair, exuding friendly, quiet authority. One has to make allowances for the perception of a twelve-year-old (however, one who had a number of other teachers for comparison)—Heiller was thirty-six years old at the time! During that year he wrote to Erna (who was a year older than he): “Perhaps I have not told you this often enough, but I am frequently astounded—don’t misunderstand me—at how young you are! Especially if you are not completely worn out, but even then!” The enormity of this sense of “feeling old” is made clear with frightening directness in the very same letter, written from a holiday in the country: When I see so many an old lady climb steep paths—not just the locals, but visitors too—with walking sticks, often “of advanced age,” I consider, with a cold shudder, my own premature aging! And regardless of how beneficial peace and quiet, fresh air, walks, daily Mass, even solitude might be for me: on this point, which concerns becoming prematurely old and senile, I am afraid things are deteriorating here! Please don’t be sad when I say this, I really do not want to be ungrateful, but my very adaptable nature brings with it that among young people I can still feel young, but among the aged I feel older than they are!

Heiller’s physical and emotional “aging” corresponds to the seriousness and uncompromising nature of his creativity and his performing. As if to counteract that in some way, even in a relatively trivial sphere, the letters and cards between Erna and Toni spill over with childish diminutives (“thank you for the nice letterli”; “I went to Massi”).6 Apart from that, these two people bestow many pet names on each other, which often tend toward diminutives. Anyone who thinks that my attempt at an interpretation goes too far should note that this young couple did not display the same joy in diminutives during the early years of their marriage. It only developed later.

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Figure 6.1. Anton Heiller, about 1957

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Heiller was old and serious even as a child. We hear from Hans Brix, a school friend for ten years, that Heiller was also always devout. “We (the high school students) took part in everything because we had to—confession, Holy Communion and such like—he took it really seriously and wanted it himself. . . . He was generally part of the group, but nevertheless a little separate because he had completely different interests. When we went to play soccer, he was off to do organ practice.”7 Let us leave the phenomenon of Anton Heiller, forever somewhat older than his age, and find out more about his religiosity. One would expect that a pronounced religious orientation in a boy only ten or twelve years old would have its origins in some model, some kind of idol, or a friend who was influential in this sphere. Father Severin Kurz could possibly have had this function. He was not only Toni’s teacher in religious studies at the Geblergasse High School, but he also worked as associate priest in his home parish Dornbach. That Hans Brix describes him as an unusually life-embracing, “cool” priest argues against this a little; but on the other hand, it cannot be discounted that a cleric of just this type might have been able to inspire the first stirrings of quiet devotion in a young boy who already tended toward seriousness. Father Severin, born in 1899, had been in the Dornbach parish since 1930 and was of a suitable age to serve as a model. The parish priest, Father Bruno Spitzel, born 1887, had been there since 1931. Heiller’s estate contained a few greeting cards sent to him by Father Spitzel. On November 11, 1946, he posted a thank-you note to Toni: “I would like to say to you in writing: Vergelt’s Gott,8 that you were prepared to take part in yesterday’s musical devotion, despite some inner resistance.” Photos also show Heiller at the Palm Sunday procession in 1949, leading the procession, walking alongside the priest, obviously singing lustily. Heiller’s parents were certainly not the origin of his devoutness (his children confirm that). They were not antireligion, but “you went to church to make music or maybe because it was the done thing.” The young man’s already developed devoutness coincided with a strong religious orientation in his fiancée Erna, later to be his wife. Some letters exist indicating that it probably stemmed from her aunt Erna Koppitz, her mother’s sister. Even before the young married couple traveled to Switzerland for professional reasons, they had been there in 1947 for a conference of the Moral Re-Armament movement. In addition to a number of other measures, this movement was designed to ideologically strengthen the inhabitants of the former Third Reich. The United States staged these gatherings in an enormous palatial hotel complex in Chaux-au-Lac overlooking Lake Geneva. Occasionally several hundred guests would be invited at one time. The purpose was only partly political education; there was also a Christian-spiritual direction. The concept had been developed by an American theologian. With lectures, but also with lengthy periods of silence, participants were prepared for their roles in a new and better future.9 A photo exists that shows the Heillers, happy and

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all the registers of a soul 131 relaxed—and in rather fashionable attire—standing in front of a large ship on Lake Geneva. Heiller placed the letters “S.D.G.” at the end of almost every composition— Soli Deo Gloria (to God alone be praise). Heiller’s religiosity is such a noticeable feature, and so directly connected with his being as a musician, that we need to examine it further. Most important, here lies another source of his divided personality. Heiller was securely anchored in the world before the Second Vatican Council, both in day-to-day religious practice and in the totality of Catholicism, the manner in which he saw his whole being in the light of his faith. This is not intended as a value judgment of any kind. In the 1950s, every Catholic was continually reminded to be consciously and noticeably devout. For Heiller this was not something that he observed out of a sense of duty, like observing a healthy diet. He was sustained by religiosity and devotion. His was a “faith out of need”—only in this manner could he manage his existence.10 To create a zone of private devotion while facing the world and its distractions and temptations day by day—that was the common practice before Vatican II. To be devout also meant an ongoing education in spiritual matters and the reading of religious literature. Heiller observed that—how regularly, must remain a matter for speculation, given his busy work schedule. “Later on I read a little of the Albertus-Magnus-Book: if only one could do, really do all the things he recommends!”11 Heiller attended Mass often—daily, wherever possible. Yuko Hayashi remembers Heiller’s only Japan visit, in 1972: “He wanted to go to Mass, so we found him a Catholic church. He was all devotion; his face shone. He was exalted, full of peace and joy, almost translucent. That’s why he has to go every day. He could be so normal and jolly, and then completely different when he began to play, and different again when he went to Mass.”12 Birgit Heiller recalls that the words “The purpose of life is our sanctification” had been the ever-present motto of her father. He wrote this sentence in her childhood memory book, which was shared often with friends and classmates. The school girl Birgit was horrified—how could he do this to her? He had embarrassed her before her classmates. Her father reacted with apologies and contrition—he had meant well. In almost every letter between Toni and Erna one finds—during the fifties— two or three small crosses at the end (Kreuzerln, or Kreuzi, they called them), resembling two or three plus signs, next to each other. There are often a few stains as well, the result of sprinkling with holy water—they were blessing each other. This is not a common custom, but such things did exist. These crosses seem to be a really important gesture for the Heillers: “Munich, September 5, 1955. I am writing my third letter [Briefi—little letter] today! And why again, after only 3½ hours? Because I am so upset, that in my two previous letters I failed to send you and Birgitlein Kreuzi. So, first of all: +++, and all the best!” On November 12, 1958, he wrote from his first concert tour in England: “My day passed very comfortably yesterday. I do have one concern though. I hope

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it did not matter that I took Holy Communion at the Mass in Dorking somewhere between 11:30 and 11:45, although I did not finish breakfast until ten past nine. I thought about it long and hard, but then went up to the altar anyway. I hope God is not angry with me.” The Church’s directives regarding abstinence from food and drink before taking Communion were both precise and clear and Heiller was, in this instance, well within the mainstream of Catholic practice. His Catholicism is very conscious. On July 28, 1957, after three weeks in Holland, playing instruments that he valued so highly, he wrote: “I played a postlude at church (the organ is as dreadful as it always was, but I will take your good advice and combat my feelings of disgust and instead play joyfully, for God, and finally in a Catholic church again!)” When the whole Heiller family spent a holiday with Count Schack in Denmark in 1958 another problem arose concerning religious discipline: In a letter to her parents-in-law, Erna writes: “Our hosts won’t return until sometime tomorrow. Unfortunately we won’t have the use of Schack’s car to drive to the Sunday church service. We will read the liturgy privately, in our Schott.13 Monsignor Wesely has given us dispensation.” Anton Wesely, director of Music at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna, was Heiller’s confessor for many years, as has been mentioned previously. The comments made about Heiller the teenager by his school friend Hans Brix were still valid for the mature adult— he took his religious life very seriously. Much later, during the 1960s, there was an occasion when he felt very depressed. He took a taxi into the city center, even though he did not have any teaching commitments that day. He headed for Saint Stephen’s, made his confession and returned home immediately afterward. “And now,” he wrote, “I feel much better.”14 There is absolutely no doubt that Heiller experienced a connection with God that was direct and real. He wrote to Marinette Extermann from Saint Louis: During the night of September 3, 1965. Yesterday my father died. I received a telegram and rang Vienna straight away. . . . After a very, very difficult evening I felt today the absolute reality of our Christian faith as never before. How else could I be so calm? As hard as it is to be away from home for another two months, it is comforting to know with so much certainly and intensity that my father is with God. I feel it so strongly, especially since this morning, when (a coincidence?) I closed my class with the last of the Eighteen Chorales.15 . . . Yesterday, the performance at the Franziskanerkirche gave me such joy. The choir sang my Missa brevis in C from the year 1951 (and I managed that afternoon to be really humble and not to grieve that every attempt to write a few more bars of the short organ piece for England failed . . . it seems that this is what God wants).16

At times this submission to the will of God bore quite strange fruit, as in his letter to Erna (August 21, 1954): “But, when I think about it, we really should thank God for this summer! Just imagine, if I had had proper vacations and

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all the registers of a soul 133 we had gone to Bartholomäberg: you would have never been as comfortable as you can be at home and we would have complained about the dreadful weather all the time.” Tangible experience of a connectedness with God was combined with a rather narrow and regulated approach to everyday religious practice. However, when abroad, Heiller frequented Lutheran and Reformed circles more than Catholic ones. He had absorbed the music of Bach and its spiritual and theological background long ago. He knew the more relaxed approach of other denominations and their religious practices, which were far less constricted by rules and regulations. He had met many people who seemed outside the realm of organized religion, but who nevertheless were obviously human beings of great value and spiritual disposition. I consider it a further seed for inner strife that, again and again, Heiller experienced freer forms of religious expression—or religious orientation without visible forms of expression—as a threat to his more rigid approach. He was conscious of the ultimately insurmountable chasm between a Catholicism of strict observance and the achievements (“temptations?”) of a conscience that was “simply” anchored in Christianity and free to make its own choices. When John F. Kennedy was elected president of the United States, Heiller had long discussions with Sibyl Urbancic about whether democracy and being Catholic can ultimately be compatible. He was of the opinion that Vatican II could eventually split the Catholic Church as it might lead to a situation where it was impossible to reconcile the different movements within it. It is likely that he based this on the belief that the “old” Catholicism without the structure of binding rules just “could not be the same.” Despite all this, it is beyond doubt that ultimately Heiller would always place compassion above the law. “Human beings and their fates seen from the perspective of religion”—and “all mankind is good”—these were Heiller’s guiding principles. That’s what he thought and articulated when the topic, for once, was not music.17 Whenever Heiller dealt with themes of this kind in correspondence, he seemed very much caught up in religious terminology, in a mentality that constantly examines conscience and the ever-present love-thy-neighbor ideology. That someone should spend so much time contemplating God, his fellow human beings, and himself—that is not unusual for a devout person. However, at times it does smack a little of sermonizing and religious tract. In September 1956, Heiller took the cable car up to the Hafelekar, the great mountain peak overlooking the city of Innsbruck and mused: There is one particular human breed that one cannot fail to notice among the people here: those who are best just called die Wiener [the “Viennese”]! A noteworthy, but certainly not always worthy lot. . . . You will think that I really should not observe people so very carefully here, surrounded by the glories of nature. That is correct, and I do not inspect them all that carefully. But, I “sense” them much more than I used to, and in a way less unpleasantly than

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in the past, because one gets to know them better year after year; especially in the sense that they are all ultimately brothers and sisters, and that they all have a birthday and were born one day, like us, and that they will die one day, like us; that in some ways it depends—and will depend—on our prayer whether their and our hour of death will be a good hour, a happy hour, “a blessed end,” as it says in the Office of Compline.18 I now understand that when it is all said and done, one should have much more love.19

On February 7, 1967, Heiller communicated this to Marinette Extermann: It occurred to me yesterday, when I received your kind letter, that I suddenly knew why my concert at the Mozartsaal did not go all that well! I concentrated too much and perhaps in the wrong way on myself. To put it another way: I did not feel enough love for the audience. Kinderl! Please strive to have much love within yourself, love for God, for music, and for the audiences which will attend your concerts. . . . love these human beings like Christ loved his own. . . . Then the concert will be “good.”

“As far as I can remember, he never said a bad word about anyone. When he could not say anything positive, he preferred to keep silent. He also greatly respected the opinions of others, even when it was on a religious topic,” a friend recalls.20 There is no doubt that he was somebody who felt very secure in this world of prayer and reflection—in this world of sacrifice. Heiller’s children remember hearing this ultra-Catholic term aufopfern again and again. In practice this word means that anything negative, unpleasant, everything that may have gone wrong and especially any negative things that we have to face, through no fault of our own, is offered up as a sacrifice. It is a kind of “fate hygiene,” a reflex, which enables us to face adversity willingly and with surrender—in essence, to accept it as something appointed by God. This is mainstream thinking for a Christian of the old school. In these acts of acceptance, the devoted Christian in a small way feels connected with Christ, who in a similar manner—although on a global scale—accepted every burden and made it part of His sacrifice on the cross, for the sake of us, His children. I once came face to face with Heiller’s philosophy of sacrifice and acceptance. When I was seventeen, my father suggested—among other possibilities—that I study law and aim for a career as a diplomat. This would leave me with enough spare time and also the financial means to engage in music making on a high level, but not in the framework of a professional career. I could not warm to this idea at all and took it to Heiller. I expected of course that he would strengthen me in my opposition and also in my resolve to pursue music as my main study and career. But it worked out differently. Heiller thoughtfully looked into the distance for a few seconds and then said ominously: “A very good exercise in humility!” (I suspect I only barely escaped the advice that I should offer up my law studies.) This long detour through various Catholic thought processes and a number of Heiller quotations was necessary to underpin the idea of Heiller’s divided

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Figure 6.2. Anton Heiller, about 1966

inner state. A man who thinks and writes in this way could possibly be a mystic in everyday life and these days would probably become a member of Opus Dei. However, Heiller did not live what we would call a contemplative life, not even remotely. He was a workaholic, he traveled widely, and met scores of new people every year—in other words, he just did not have time for mysticism. Kirsten Pedersen remembers: “His recitals and activities were generally planned and ‘booked out’ for a couple of years. It really was impossible for him to live any other way. If he was ‘off duty’ for three or four days, that was almost disastrous for him, he became quite restless.”21 He was simply not someone who would go for a stroll by himself. Cable car rides tended to be a rare thing for him. He could tell jokes with gusto; he could roar with laughter and play the clown for an hour, entertaining a whole gathering in a restaurant. Most of all, Heiller, the artist, was a thoroughly sensual man.22 As an adolescent, I was fascinated by a comment about Olivier Messiaen, which even then seemed to fit my teacher totally. The Parisian music writer Gavoty said about Messiaen: “In him are hidden three things: an ardent Christian who desires to experience the loftiest joys, a man whose flesh forever whispers words of lust, and a clever musician full of novel ideas.”23 Heiller tended toward mysticism but at the same time lived well over a hundred percent in the here and now. He was entangled in life and all its vibrant intensity. Erna often remarked about him: “He is a candle burning at both ends.” However, on the whole, it was not a candle in a tranquil meditation

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Figure 6.3. Anton Heiller, about 1969

room. The sensual, total presence in the world gnawed at the deeply Catholic Christian intent on self-sacrifice, and it ripped him apart. The correspondence between Erna and Toni remained mostly neutral/ serious, but there is more to be gleaned. An overall cautiousness, a constant weighing up of words, a certain habitual carefulness in the choice of subject and expression, at times even a tendency toward the genre “well-written private letter” is unmistakable. The written word is not the spoken word, but nevertheless there seems to be a thin wall, somewhat formal and decorative, between writer and recipient. For the recipient this must have been somewhat unsettling, because the two married partners dealt with each other in a thoroughly cordial fashion. Erna and Toni were passionate letter writers. In the United States Heiller purchased aerograms in bulk packets of a hundred.24 Whenever they were geographically apart, each sent one letter or card a day, but Toni often reached a quota of three written communications. (Erna wrote to Toni in 1962: “Today I had the great joy of receiving two lovely letters from you, one dated the 12th at 10:30 and the other 11:05!”) It is obvious that with such frequency the amount of newsworthy content is bound to decrease. Because of this, the bulk of content of many letters naturally became standard formula: Thank you for your letter, which I received already at/not until . . . I had not expected a letter/I was expecting one anxiously; please excuse me for keeping it brief; please

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all the registers of a soul 137 excuse that I must close already/that I don’t have anything sensible to write. Only send x more letters to z; don’t write again until y. . . . In extremely short communications these kinds of statements make up nearly half of the content. I will not discuss these here and run the risk of portraying the Heillers as correspondents without imagination. What needs to be shown is that, through their own habit of corresponding so frequently, they wrote themselves into this corner of formality—a dead end, in fact, in which the value of the individual communication is somehow diminished. Convention played a big part—with Toni this was an important issue, with Erna it was enormous. However, an artist like Heiller thinks the yet unthought and invents the still uninvented. The creative artist is an enemy of convention. The art world’s hall of fame contains many creative artists who were ostentatiously against convention. They do not always end up insulting the public, but a gentle whiff or a stiff breeze of revolt, or at least a lack of interest in the conventional emanates from many of them. On the one hand, Heiller was socially quite well-adjusted. He appeared in a dark suit even when performing in small, out-of-the-way villages. In everyday life in Vienna he wore a tie. “Keep the best shirt for the reception,” Erna reminded him. “Please go to the barber’s for a haircut while in Holland. Your outward appearance must be attractive to people.” Heiller conducted the exhausting and physically active rehearsals for his first production of Franz Schmidt’s oratorio Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln wearing a pullover and tie. Influenced by Erna, who had a lifelong passion for refined language, his original rather broad Viennese dialect gradually became an almost-perfect High German.25 Erna continually provided detailed reminders for him in her letters: whom he should thank and for what; where a letter was appropriate and where a postcard might be enough. Erna had his best interests at heart, and that is good and commendable, but she was overconcerned, and when she temporarily stopped, Toni’s mother stepped in. When the need arose, she and Erna performed as a duo. Toni had been the young Austrian star in Haarlem for some time, but his wife and mother still accompanied him to the train station26 and, in proper female fashion, they ran through the obligatory check list of whether he had packed this or that, and maybe also x, y, and z; and here, you may as well take two apples! “Anton Heiller was a Hascherl [a poor helpless little thing]—always pampered and mothered.”27 There is nothing wrong with such care, but it is hard to define the point at which this kind of attention suddenly changes, not into being just a little too much, but suddenly turning into altogether too much to bear. This fine borderline is harder to recognize for the person giving the care than the one receiving it. Erna seemed dimly aware of this when she wrote: “When I read your letters I get such a good feeling of your independence and the certainty with which you go about things. You sound so sure of everything and so much the ‘man of the world’ that I get the impression that, as soon as you are away from the narrow ‘Viennese environment’ you manage everything well and with ease.”

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How narrow this Viennese environment was only becomes apparent when one looks closely at the house at no. 26 Heuberggasse. For the first ten years of their marriage Erna and Toni lived in a single room on the upper floor of the building. The parents inhabited the remainder of the upper floor. The rooms downstairs were rented out to two other families. Even after the birth of their daughter Birgit the young couple continued living in this one room for another year. When they were in a hurry, they ate their meals seated at the ironing board. Where and how Toni managed to compose or even to study a full score is hard to imagine—not to mention practicing undisturbed. Heiller did his organ practice, if at all, at the Musikakademie, occasionally asking students to donate some of their regular scheduled practice times to him. The young Heillers were not only crowded in, they were observed, fussed over, interrogated. Erna was loyal and did her best; only very rarely did she allude vaguely to interference by her parents-in-law. Young and old in one and the same house, that is always difficult, and here doubly so, as it is the young who had a tiny allotment, not the old. There was only one bathroom for this large family. The parents were ever-present. And so he was torn—slowly and steadily—sometimes here, sometimes there. The realities of life often stood in sharp contrast to one another. His letters often contain reports about people he had met, concerts he had prepared or played, whether he was looking forward to them, or apprehensive about them, whether they went well or not. Erna reported the domestic ups and downs. She meant well and did not spare the details. When there was finally an improvement in the crammed living conditions, Erna tried to involve Toni in all kinds of decorating decisions. “This fridge is also available in a light pink—do you think we should get that one?” This discrepancy between the inner and the outer world is nothing new. Erna’s dual role as artist/housewife was by no means unusual, and not restricted to the Heuberg household, but it did contribute to Heiller’s inner divisions in various ways. These two people had initially met as musicians, making music together, and they operated as equals, despite the difference in musical talent. This partnership now began to drift apart, both in a geographical sense—Heiller’s career took place mostly away from Vienna—and in the frequency of their musical activities. Erna was at home, especially after the birth of the children Birgit (1954) and Bernhard (1957). On one occasion Erna received an invitation to teach piano at the Musikakademie. Toni was opposed to the idea; Erna’s place was at home and with the children. There it is again, this idealized and somewhat introspective image of the perfect family! It would be far too simple an explanation to describe Erna as the little housekeeper who once upon a time used to play the piano quite nicely and now only thought about the laundry and cooking family meals. In her younger years, studying with Sonia Eckhardt-Gramatté she had acquired a refined piano technique,28 at considerable expense. She subsequently achieved great performance successes, some of them earlier than

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all the registers of a soul 139 Toni’s. All this was now fading a little, but Toni did nothing about it. They drifted apart, on an artistic level as well. He spent a great deal of time at Singerstrasse, in the Department of Church Music; that was home too. This was his world; here he could be himself. As a former student would put it, “Anton Heiller was never really young, has never lived through a proper adolescence; a lonely young man, always serious and devout, always with a guilty conscience; now he makes up for his lost youth in the relaxed, easygoing contact with his students.”29 He occasionally asked students (and not just his own), if he could assist them in some way. He played his newly written compositions for some of them; a few have concrete recollections of the Psalmenkantate and of François Villon.30 I can still see him now, walking down the long corridor in the direction of the “B-organ,” suddenly stopping, throwing open the door to a practice room and shouting “F sharp!” (not having the faintest idea who might be learning a wrong note in there), before continuing on his way. He always needed company, an audience; he had to impart, communicate, display himself. Every artist needs that, but Heiller especially so. He was not the type to engage in lonely walks in the Vienna Woods, to muse, or—Romantic Schubert cliché—to invent musical motives. He needed recipients, so he could send. And at the department no parents were looking over his shoulder, here he did not eat from an ironing board, but a few meters away at the little restaurant Zu den drei Hacken, cozy and comfortable, and among like-minded people.31 At the department there was more space for full scores and there was more than a single room. This is where it is most tangible—that main area of inner division. He enjoyed being the model head of the family, the good husband; he meant what he wrote in his letters, when he “looks forward to being with Birgitlein and Bernhardlein again, in 8, 7, 6 . . . days,” but when he arrived in the narrow confines of home, he wanted out again. He could not bear to be alone, but he also could not be at home on the Heuberg, hemmed in by its crowded confines. That is why he “hung about constantly at the Department of Church Music, even though he did not have so many students.”32 That is why he needed conversation partners, confidants—but it tore him apart and he constantly suffered from a guilty conscience. Many artists have developed a habitual “flight from Vienna.” To this Heiller added the “flight from the Heuberg,” but he would never have admitted it to himself and he fought against it with every letter home. “My God, every time I see children here,” he wrote in 1959 from his “hermitage” in Mariazell, my heart aches when I consider how seldom Birgitlein and Bernhardlein see their daddy, how seldom, how hardly ever! He is either away on tour, or he is out, and when he does spend time at home he is non-communicative, or he is at Mariazell!! I need to develop a much stronger will to change, to become more sensible, conscientious, a better person. But to have this will, one needs a bit more strength, not just physical strength, but strength of heart, and that is still lacking. But with God’s help I will achieve it, please help me pray for it.

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Heiller was also torn concerning his role as head of his family. His inability to turn his “finally being back home” into something satisfactory was notorious. Quite often the Heillers conjured up for each other this vision of how they would “one day” live in peace and quiet and be a real family. They would not have spun such fantasies if they could regularly—or at least now and then— actually achieve it. They did not correspond much about past problems, but from the way in which Erna and Toni encouraged each other to be calm and even-tempered we can get a vague impression that such problems existed. A longer excerpt from one of Toni’s letters (June 24, 1956) shows two tendencies, both rooted in religiosity: a continuous “working on yourself” and a constant watching out for yet another hilltop to surmount, on the path of character development. And now I urge you, my dear Schneckerle: I have begun to realize more and more that so much depends on how one understands and accepts everything that results from all that hard work, all that turmoil and futile effort. We can fortify ourselves against all those things that can be so upsetting, by adopting a simple and almost cheerful serenity. I can really imagine how difficult everything is for you with our little Birgit . . . and the housekeeping and all your duties. The most important thing is that one does not allow oneself to become completely “entangled” and tense—you have written about this yourself very correctly—but that one tries to become more and more simple and natural, even when everything around works to prevent this and seems to complicate the situation. “Just be Schnecki!”—that is what we really need to try and realize! . . . And you know another thing we need to try and do? Now and then I’ll go to a midweek Mass, and now and then you go! We’ll just have a really early night the night before, Daddy puts Birgitlein on the potty, if that is needed, and afterward gives her the bottle—I am really so looking forward to our home, our garden . . . may God grant that we see each other again in eight days, happy and healthy.

So much laborious thinking, so much goodwill, so much trust in God—but perhaps too much of it all. Heiller bemoans that he spends so little time at home, and he wants to change that—but the solution turns out to be that their individual attendance at Mass on weekdays is more important than that little slice of family time in the morning . . . they do exist sometimes in the Heiller household, those bourgeois-normal Sundays, family church attendance, Sunday lunch, the father repairs for a little nap . . . and already their paths diverge again.33 Erna and Toni were somewhat helpless in the area of raising children. The children sensed this and made use of it.34 Added to Toni’s frequent absences—geographic and mental—was the fact that Erna was rather fussy and complicated. In his letters, Toni often mentioned all the stress and hard work that Erna had to deal with at home. She tried to be a good housewife and probably also helped her parents-in-law here and there. She ran errands

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all the registers of a soul 141 and made phone calls for Toni when he was away. The transport situation demanded clever time management. It took fifty minutes to get from the Heuberg to the city center. The Heillers never owned a car and did everything by public transport or taxi. Erna was prone to be nervous and got agitated easily. “Please do your utmost not to panic in a thunderstorm,” Toni counseled her. “It is really my wish that I should be able to provide you with a little relaxation, recuperation and finding inner stillness! Can you imagine how sad it makes me that I have never properly succeeded in this?—Please do not be annoyed with me, I really don’t want to complain,” he wrote from Mariazell where he was, for once, on vacation. But Heiller himself was easily frightened too. With him it was not about thunderstorms, but, for instance, air travel—not exactly ideal for a traveling virtuoso. Bernhard Heiller says that the sentence “The plane is sure to crash” was often heard, in fact, it became a kind of mantra. Or: “Whenever I play Schnitter Tod by David [the partita on the hymn ‘There Is a Reaper Called Death’], somebody dies soon afterward.” (And yet, he played no other contemporary work as often as this one!) When Heiller lay in hospital in 1977 with a leg wound that would not heal, he responded to the appropriate suggestion by saying: “As a matter of fact, I always have Holy Water from Lourdes with me.” Birgit states: “My father not only had faith, he had superstition.”35 This kind of attitude—nervousness here, fear and insecurity there—is not helpful when dealing with children. It is unlikely that the Heuberg concept for raising children would be considered enlightened by the latest pedagogical standards. And all this took place under the watchful eyes of the grandparents. Erna wrote to Toni (one of her very few complaints about the three-generation family situation): “From the garden we can constantly hear your mother ordering people about. No one in Dornbach shouts like she does. Grandpa sits there quietly and listens to it, like he has done all his life. We cannot be surprised that Birgit does not know what obedience is; it all goes in one ear and out the other, because she is constantly told off for everything she does.” Toni writes to Erna: “If only Birgit could be a good girl again! Please tell her that her daddy can only play his concerts beautifully when he knows that his children are well behaved and obedient” (1957, Birgit was three years old). In the same month Erna wrote to Toni: “I have to ask you, as well as your parents, that during my absence the ‘dear little treasure’ is not allowed to get away with everything. Willful action or screaming (and at times she can be quite insolent) should result in a single, but quite definite slap. She has to know what she is allowed to do and what is forbidden.” Toni replied: “I promise to be firm and authoritative with Birgit. If only you would not always get so upset! And what is this ‘osteochondrosis,’ I wonder? . . . I will pray hard for Birgit’s behavior to improve!” In 1959 there were devastating floods in Austria. Erna reported to Toni in Haarlem: “I often show Birgit pictures of the devastation and tell her that one must not be so sassy and high-spirited when so many people are affected by

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tragedy; otherwise things will turn out badly. All suffering comes from the willfulness and licentiousness of mankind.” Birgit was five at the time. But in all likelihood Toni would not have given Birgit a definite slap; he simply could not do this kind of thing. And if he were to succeed in it, he would blame himself and he would cry. His general motto “All human beings are good” tended toward a pacifism that had two faces: on the one hand, a friendly “embrace the world” and straightforward “all is well” attitude, and on the other hand, a total refusal to take sides. The second attitude eventually emerged as the dominant one. By and by, together with other insecurities in his life, it grew into a great, all-prevailing fear and turned against him. And he drew his immediate surroundings into this as well. The first signs can be detected early. Birgit remembers the following (she may have been seven or eight years old at the time): it was early morning, her father was still in bed; Birgit sat by his side, holding his hand, and he said: “Birgitlein, I am so frightened!” This was at the time when he had taken the United States by storm, celebrated great successes with his choral works, could hardly accommodate the students in Haarlem and in Vienna and was well-known all over Europe. Birgit says: “We were not allowed to laugh on Good Friday and on other occasions when he was sad. The whole family had to creep about quietly.” In fairly ordinary family conflicts, such as occur everywhere, he was helpless. The axes ran Erna/Bernhard and (provided he was not away) Toni/Birgit. The fact that Toni’s mother was jealous of the second grandchild added to the problem. Following a miscarriage, she had been unable to have a second child. She said more than once: “Why do you need a second child anyway?” All this increased the tensions in the Heuberggasse home, which Toni’s father sometimes dubbed the “Villa G’frett” (Villa Trouble). Years later all this emerged for Birgit in group analysis: “Daddy went away and left me all alone with Mummy.” Toni was unable to achieve anything here. Apart from patience, kindness, and a retreat into prayer he had no tools that would have been useful in such situations. The children grew into adolescents and that made the situation worse. “When my mother and I fought, Daddy stood in the middle and just kept sobbing: ‘Please, get on with each other, be kind to each other!’” In 1972 Heiller wrote to Marie Kremer in Saint Louis: “The whole house is screaming and weeping and foolish.” Marinette Extermann recalls her time of occasional private lessons (ca. 1966): “Once he came directly from home; he was completely tense for an hour—he could hardly talk.” Apart from his unerring fixation on everything musical, I find his longing for tranquility the most noticeable aspect of his personality. Later, this longing for peace manifested itself as an almost pathological inability to cope with conflict. It formed part of his permanently brooding philosophy of life concerning composure and kindness toward others, and it resulted in the constant fear that he could not measure up to his own standards, and in still more fear that he might lose a state of peace that had already been achieved. Lastly, it led to

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all the registers of a soul 143 resignation and flight from reality, because permanent peace was, in any case, an impossibility. He began to close up. The urge to talk to his immediate circle about his predicament diminished. After avalanches of correspondence, for so many years, containing the minutest details, this change was very noticeable, and it naturally worried Erna very much. On September 13, 1963, she writes: After our conversation yesterday I was totally disconcerted, because I just cannot understand what is making you so depressed at the moment. Has something happened? Did something go wrong? Or are you physically so completely wrecked and overworked? I am horribly nervous and very worried. The children are really upset too and this morning they were close to tears again, because they see you so seldom. That you only vaguely allude to not being well and don’t actually say why and what’s wrong only increases my worry. You are of course used to being away on this day (your birthday), but we find it very painful.

Heiller wrote to Marinette Extermann in September 1966: “Please forgive me that I have to tell you this time that I am not at all well. I cannot and may not tell my family (even though my wife and my mother always ask about it on the telephone. All I can tell them is that I am OK). In any case, it is all so difficult at home that I do not want to add to their problems. But still, the students in the masterclass are unaware of all this, because with them I am mostly in good form and often quite merry and high-spirited.” The fact is that by now Heiller had become dependent on always having a shoulder to lean on. He needed confidants who shared his real existence. He needed peace—real peace, not the hope for a spiritual peace, later, sometime in the future—but peace with someone who was with him and who was listening. Sometimes, kneeling before a tabernacle is just not enough. Heiller found many such people over the years, and they probably saved his life. Unfortunately, this closeness to other people forced the deeply Catholic Heiller with his almost self-imposed longing for family into a further crisis of conscience. Regardless of its healing benefits, it created new fears and conflicts. And again, he was torn apart—it just could not be otherwise. Anton Heiller had always taken medication to combat nervousness and anxiety, but also stimulants that were designed to counteract those drugs, which had a dampening effect. In his later years it was mainly antidepressants. At one time he spent an extended period at the psychiatric hospital in Speising, near Vienna. Even around the time of the recordings in Switzerland (in the early fifties) this or that drug was mentioned in letters. These medications presumably did not mix very well with alcohol, of which Heiller was quite fond. Beer was to him the normal accompaniment to a meal, and he could tolerate considerable quantities, and still play well afterward. Chick Holtkamp remembers a Heiller visit in Cleveland, where he stayed with the Holtkamps. It had been a late night,

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merry and alcoholic; the following morning nothing stirred in the guest room for a long time. Holtkamp knocked and opened the door, and there, scantily clad, on the edge of his bed, sat Heiller who said thoughtfully: “Anton Heiller is sometimes a fool.” The delight in food and drink was the most obvious facet of the other Heiller, the merry, noisy, and positive Heiller. But its flip-side, the man affected by medication, also existed. “With today’s advances and the present fine-tuned practices of correct dosage my father would have had a much easier life” his son now comments with regret. Teaching at the Musikakademie was the center of Heiller’s life, but even here there were anxieties. The relations between him and Alois Forer were problematic. The background to this has been explained.36 Everyone has had a colleague at some point, where the chemistry is not quite right. The beginnings often lie in the distant past. It is easy to become sensitive and then oversensitive, and gradually both parties become rigid, causing contact to become formal or to cease altogether. We have all experienced this. With Heiller and his addiction to consensus it became an obsession. For Alois Forer it cannot have been very easy when students left him to learn from Heiller, although not always officially (as had been done in the past by some students of Karl Walter), but nevertheless, they gathered information about Heiller’s interpretations, attended his courses, or began to study with him after completing their courses. Be that as it may, Alois Forer gradually took up more and more room in Heiller’s thoughts; he became one of his cardinal fears, and Heiller talked about him constantly.37 In everyday life the Musikakademie was divided into two sections, based on the geographic division between the two organteaching venues: the building in Singerstrasse (the Department of Church Music) and, a few blocks away, the large main building (Hauptgebäude) in Lothringerstrasse. It was obvious that the head of the Keyboard Department and Alois Forer, both based at Lothringerstrasse, were allies. Additional anxiety was caused by Forer’s numerous “connections.” Heiller had fears that “those” from the Akademie’s main building might get rid of him.38 Monika Henking, who ought to know, says: “Toni lived in terror of ‘the others’; he had real fears that ‘they’ could kill him.” In more tranquil moments Heiller used to murmur: “Forer and I, we live on two different planets.”39 Something else should be examined, and this is the appropriate place. Anton Heiller had achieved a tremendous amount very early in his career. In the first chapters I described how quickly he had gained great success and was seen as an authority in many areas. According to Michael Mayer, “In the 1950s Heiller was perceived primarily as an expert in Baroque articulation, but also as an avant-garde composer of sacred music.”40 This was based on extraordinary talent and an unwavering fixation on music. It resulted from the enormous diligence of the adolescent boy, but also had its roots in instinct and intuition. Heiller stepped into the role of adviser, teacher, and seasoned performer at such a young age that there must have been some islands of inexperience, of

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Figure 6.4. Anton Heiller, about 1974

things he did not know yet or had never done before. In 1955 he wrote from Haarlem: “I have to be ever so careful that I don’t embarrass myself when playing for the students. For instance, before the students appeared, I tried to use a 4ʹ c.f. in the pedal of a Trio (‘Vater unser im Himmelreich’); I just could not do it! So I just set that as an exercise afterward, without demonstrating! (And yet, I know that I have been able to manage this kind of thing before without too much trouble!)” Two days later: “As far as the students are concerned, I believe that they are happy to participate, but they would probably like it if I demonstrated a little more; however, I am just a bit scared of that.” In the autumn of 1955, in Munich, he was by far the youngest of the jurors and tried to impart to the other jurors all kinds of new details of Bach interpretation—but: “Concerning the rhythm in the Adagio (TAF41) I have quite a battle ahead of me, made even harder by the fact that I don’t have all the exact background at my fingertips yet!” This was a dilemma: to be the youngest expert and to try to convert the older ones to new ideas (and rightly so, for he did have convincing solutions to offer, but as yet not all completely underpinned by theory). And then there was his reputation as a note-perfect player, as one who “always did it flawlessly.”42 This is how Gertrude Kastner summed up this topic: “Heiller continually suffered under the high expectations which he had of himself and which, more and more, others also had of him. That was sometimes very difficult for him; he then played with extraordinarily high concentration, perspiration flowed,

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and he abused his body. He was the same with his students; he expected it as a matter of course that they gave their utmost and exerted themselves to the full.”43 Heiller always took everything very seriously and gave himself completely to music making or teaching. Should anything not end up quite right, despite this total effort, it was obviously a matter of great concern. He was quite inconsistent in his self-assessment. He sent this interim report to Erna about a recording session, August 19, 1954, 10:45 p.m.: “Please, please, dear Schnecki, don’t scold me (and don’t tell the Landons about it) if I tell you in all honesty, that there is much that I am not yet satisfied with on these ‘really OK tapes’ (that is the final versions).” The next morning, 9:45 a.m.: “As far as the recordings are concerned, I think that last night’s assessment was far too gloomy. I believe they really are quite good.” This self-doubt, which I see as an indirect outcome of his extremely early success—but also as an expression of his humility—had been present in Heiller’s correspondence for a long time and did not diminish until the sixties. And yet, all this was felt and written by the man who emanated a quiet authority even from an early age. This recurring inner disquiet gnawed away at the artist, a man who managed to show a whole generation “how it’s done”; a man who did not teach the mere pressing of keys and reading of notes, but who opened up an all-embracing approach to music; a man for whom faithful re-creation was always more important than the search for his own interpretation. He was constantly asked for advice but, at the same time, was himself often at a loss. All this contributed to rending apart the soul of a human being who was introspective and who, driven by his religion, worked constantly on his own personal growth, striving for total honesty at all times.  Are we therefore dealing with someone who is completely wrecked, who is only concerned with himself and who, almost by accident, in lighter moments, played wonderful recitals and wrote beautiful music? Of course not! The divided inner self is a part, but not the whole. The brooding, meditative Heiller wrote the beginning of his Passionsmusik, the despairing Heiller, the tortured chords in the Vesper and the Jubilatio; Heiller, uplifted by his faith, wrote the Te Deum and the masses, and the clown Heiller wrote so many sections in François Villon and the Tanz-Toccata. The depressed and hardly ever cheerful Heiller wrote the late partita on Erhalt uns Herr, bei deinem Wort, and the same man was able to write, only shortly afterward, the Danish Chorale Preludes, full of the calm and wisdom of age. Anton Heiller made great demands and had high expectations, but this very torn man also gave hundreds of people a great gift: that often life-changing sudden insight, a flash of recognition that “it has to be this way, and no other way”—a sweating and anxious Titan. That is how he was; he suffered under it, but that was Heiller, and it made his music what it is.

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all the registers of a soul 147 As a torn man he is of course in the company of many other highly gifted individuals. Or, expressed in a different way, the polarities we discussed point not only to much shadow but also to a profusion of light. I have already mentioned that he could be jovial and facetious, friendly and very comical. He was always very generous and often invited large groups to meals. This obvious generosity stands in strange contrast to many comments in his letters where he complained about lack of funds or requested extra engagements. In Thalwil he could spend hours playing cards with the farmers; he knew most girls in the Children’s Choir by name and recalled details about their parents and school life.44 In Saint Louis he spent many evenings with Marie Kremer and her mother in deep discussion about religion and philosophy, occasionally also about politics. But to sit somewhere and read a book, that was not Anton Heiller. Whenever he had some spare time, he immediately began to write one of the twenty aerograms he would write that week, in his mostly tiny, fleeting script. When his students talk about their direct contact with him in lessons a clear picture emerges: he was a patient, kind, and fatherly teacher. In the case of a new student, whose manner of playing had to be reshaped, Heiller could be quite a slave driver,45 or “finish you off completely.”46 “He picked me up from where I was, that is, he took into account that I had a complete course of organ studies behind me,” David Rumsey recalls. “You could have really good arguments with him.”47 When Judy Glass studied with Heiller she lived in Vienna for two years, with her husband and two little children. It was not long before a pleasant friendship developed. They owned a Volkswagen bus and often took Heiller to his concerts; that meant he could occasionally enjoy a rest, lying down in the car, on the way. This continued in the Netherlands and also later, in the United States. Judy remembers: He enjoyed that and, in a way, held his hand over our family. In company he opened up and blossomed. On his own he could become very downcast and brooding. Most of the time he was completely exhausted. Often it went like this: he arrives somewhere, really tired, and immediately gives a masterclass. He becomes quite animated and is afterward completely cheerful and in an excellent mood. At times, in a masterclass, especially when he talks about spiritual matters, he is so overcome by emotion that his voice fails him and he has to stop talking. In music a giant, otherwise often like a child; he always had to have someone with him. Once, at the end of a long concert tour, he simply stuffed a large bundle of cash into his suitcase—the bulk of several weeks’ income—and it took us a long time to persuade him before he reluctantly agreed to change the money into traveler’s checks.

Toni was an unpredictable mixture of world-wise and naive—unpredictable as regards the relationship between the two. He never learned to drive a car and had to be taken everywhere, especially in America. Letters and diaries are

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full of the most detailed notes about departure and arrival times, together with drafts for recital programs. But before he even set foot on American soil for the very first time he wrote to management: “In one of my last letters I agreed to the receptions after concerts. . . . As my doctor advised me not to do much [not to overwork myself], in order to keep my health, would you be so kind to inform people that I do not want any receptions after my recitals because it is necessary for me to rest after my concerts.” Of course Heiller did not know at this stage that this was not a case of attending formal receptions, but instead informal gatherings where audience, sponsors, and artist could meet and chat over fruit punch and snacks. To refuse this mandatory American ritual even before the first one had taken place was not a very good opening move. Much later he found himself at one of these receptions in Albuquerque. He spotted his friends Judy Glass and Jay Peterson, disappeared with them into a corner and totally ignored all of the other guests.48 Heiller generally treated all of his students as a big family. Within his class the sense of belonging was quite strong—and, unfortunately, as a result of this, its separateness from the other classes was emphasized. He saw many of his students, even after they had finished their studies “still a little bit” as his children—Kinderln—as he summarily called them. “Kinderln, if I had the time and the money, I would invite you all to Vienna, and I would tell you all the things I have managed to figure out in the meantime,” he said once, just before his fiftieth birthday. When Thomas Harmon gave a recital at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral in 1973, it was hard to dissuade Heiller from helping with the choice of registrations; that was ten years after Thomas’s student days in Vienna. It was very similar with Verena Lutz, fifteen years after her last lesson. Heiller was a thoroughly benevolent, warmhearted, and extremely obliging person. Everything in his life was always there in abundance. I want to close this chapter with a description of the Hindemith recordings in Boston, written by Marian Ruhl Metson for the CD booklet. Marian was assistant university organist at the time. This is an authentic and complete snapshot of the phenomenon Anton Heiller.  “Heiller arrived at Harvard to give the class and play the recital, and the evening he arrived he had a conversation with John Ferris, University Organist and Choirmaster, and they agreed it would be a good idea to record the Hindemith Sonatas.49 This had not been previously discussed, to my knowledge. They called David Griesinger, a member of the University Choir and in-house recording engineer, and set it up for the next day. We started on Saturday morning at 9 am. The procedure went like this: Heiller would work out the registrations for the first movement of the first sonata, write them in carefully; we would rehearse the movement, stopping to do something over only when the stop-puller made a mistake, since Heiller never did. Then we would record that movement straight through,

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all the registers of a soul 149 proceeding through each sonata this way. In only a few instances did Heiller do a second take of any section or movement. I remember someone bringing us sandwiches and we all took seven minutes to chow down . . . then back to work. By 5:30 pm it was done. Heiller was in pretty sad shape—completely exhausted and demoralized, babbling things like “What a terrible recording” and “poor Paul—what would he say?” He gave Griesinger some instructions about splicing a few sections and then he fell apart. Our main concern was to get him revived to do the master class in two hours. Would he ever be able to do it? We whisked him off to a restaurant in Harvard Square. After the second beer he had changed his tune to “It wasn’t too bad, was it?” After several more beers and dinner, he decided that it really wasn’t bad—in fact maybe it was okay. He started smiling and joking, looking like a completely new man. Soon after, he proceeded to give a brilliant master class complete with insightful commentary on musical and theological meanings as only he could do. About 10:30 pm a weary John Ferris was ready to escort Heiller to his guest room at Lowell House, but no. Heiller wanted to go to David Griesinger’s and listen to the tapes. A very weary John Ferris escorted Heiller to his room after that was done, about 1 am. But Heiller was pleased, and knew Paul would be too.”

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Chapter Seven

Compositions before ca. 1956 When one sets out to describe a fairly large oeuvre in its entirety and in considerable detail, one needs the courage to establish a line where earlier compositions are concerned—a dividing line between “promising” pieces and those already accepted into the body of acknowledged works. I have decided to draw this line at about the year 1944. This does not represent an undervaluing of pieces written earlier, of which much has since appeared in print, and deservedly so. Nevertheless, one has to start somewhere. In the case of Heiller, identifying this boundary is assisted somewhat by the fact that it coincides with his sudden recognition by the general public, which is well documented.

Piano Works and Chamber Music Sometimes this happens in the life of a composer: the sudden “breakthrough” with one particular work. In Heiller’s case it was the Toccata for Two Pianos that placed him among a small group of promising and now also recognized young Austrian composers, and it was a secular, rather than a sacred composition. The year of its creation is not quite certain. Both Erna and Anton Heiller frequently mentioned 1945, but the first performance seems to have taken place on November 27, 1943, at one of Bruno Seidlhofer’s house concerts, and the Heillers performed it together. In this program a Toccata for Two Pianos is definitely mentioned and one can assume that no other work with the same title exists. They were to play this work often, for instance in 1946, when none other than Francis Poulenc attended the concert—he was staying in Vienna to appear as soloist in his own piece Concert Champêtre. He relates his impressions of the evening in question in a short article that is worth reading in its entirety. FROM AUSTRIA A NEW MUSICIAN: ANTON HEILLER “It is lovely to go on a journey from which one can bring back a poem” (Giraudoux)

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compositions before c a. 1956 151 Having just returned from Vienna, I can only reiterate this charming quote by Giraudoux, because for me it is an equally great joy to bring back the name of a new musician, from a country so long separated from us. I met Anton Heiller in the home of a friend. I had known absolutely nothing about him. He simply sat down at the piano with his wife, and the two gave a masterful rendition of a Toccata for Two Pianos (Universal Edition). This work was a discovery for me as the Allegro Barbaro by BartÓk had been—in 1921, and also in Vienna—played by Steuermann in the home of Mahler’s widow. Here was the work of an authentic composer who will soon make a name for himself in France. Everything is of the first quality: the pianistic writing is of the greatest efficiency [rendement], as is the understanding of harmony and structure. It could well be that Heiller is returning to Vienna the torch that fell from the dying hands of the marvelous Webern and the great Berg. This concerns especially the class, since—with all due respect to the remaining twelvetone composers in Paris—serialism is for Heiller, and for the other young Austrians, just a very distant memory. It seems that Bartok, like Hindemith, showed them the way to freedom; even though some unfortunately follow him more to the letter than in spirit. Let’s not forget it: even the amazing “Ludus Tonalis” hides the danger of academism—if you are not Hindemith! I am anxious to hear new works by Heiller. As from today I salute him in the same spirit, and am just as thrilled as I was in 1937, when I recognized Dallapiccola as the best musician in the emerging Italian nation. Francis Poulenc1

The toccata has its origins in “a movement in a string quartet; it was to be the lively movement,” says Erna. The pianist Sonia Eckhardt-Gramatté, a friend of the Heillers, pointed out to Heiller that the texture would cause enormous problems for a string ensemble, but could sound stunning as a piano piece. A long drawn-out, wave-shaped subject and a second, jagged motive characterized by rattling note repetitions provide ample contrast, but also potential for combining. The themes are introduced in fugato style and soon inversions occur. Although the brisk 9/8 meter is never abandoned, offbeat chords create polyrhythmic effects. The harmonic language progresses through strong chromaticism into a tonality that lacks a tonal center. This is slightly reminiscent of the organ Toccata in A-Flat by Franz Schmidt. Constant and almost hypnotic movement of sixteenth notes dominates, interrupted twice by abrupt sixteenth-note silences—a nerve-racking challenge for the players. One of these sudden rests occurs three measures before the end; it is reached at great speed and senza ritenuto. (Many years later, in April 1963, Erna mentioned that the tempo had been about 88 for the dotted quarter note.) The Heillers also played their toccata in Salzburg, on August 8, 1947, where they made a big impression on Herbert von Karajan and Wilhelm Furtwängler.

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The piece could be disseminated quickly as it had been published by Universal Edition. In June 1947 it was played at the Copenhagen Music Festival,2 and on September 23, at the Internazionale di Musica Contemporanea della Biennale di Venezia. In the same year it was broadcast by the BBC and in the following year it was played in Brussels. At the Musikfest Quedlinburg the piece had to be repeated. Heiller had already composed a toccata for piano before the toccata discussed here. “It must have been in 1942,” Erna recalls: He suddenly turned up [for a lesson with Seidlhofer] with a toccata, obviously influenced by Franz Schmidt’s Piano Toccata; he played it for us. Somehow I knew immediately how good the formal design of this piece was, and also how appealing in its harmonic structure. It was different in its dramatic effect to anything I had heard before, but, to me, very imposing in its creative power. Not so long afterward Seidlhofer said: “We really should perform that in a student recital; and it would be best if you did that,” and handed the piece to me! I then scraped the notes together from the manuscript. My [later] husband was very happy with the performance.

On March 22, 1947, in the Schubertsaal of the Vienna Konzerthaus, three works were premiered that had been commissioned by the Austrian Kulturvereinigung (Cultural Association); pieces by Kurt Lerperger, Paul Angerer, and Heiller’s own Sextet (for violin, viola, cello, oboe, clarinet, and bassoon) were performed under Heiller’s direction. In many ways this fourmovement work is still very much under the influence of J. N. David’s austere, linear style, but we can also hear the exposure to Hindemith and Bartok. One critic pointed out these new elements: “Heiller’s strength lies in the quick movements, in which a natural, in-born musicianship unfolds with energy, elegance and strength. The further and more consciously he distances himself from Gregorian chant the more personal and lively his music becomes.”3 In the lengthy second movement—eleven minutes out of a total of twenty-eight— there is a più mosso in fugal style, as in the first Organ Sonata; the tempo indication Vivace (quasi Toccata) of the third movement of the Sextett also reminds us of the third movement of the (first) Organ Sonata and there is a direct relationship with the Toccata for Two Pianos. In the quick movements short motives generally dominate; the element of the breathless silence gains importance. The Sextet was reworked as his Kammersymphonie a few years later; in this form it was first performed on April 14, 1951, at the Vienna Konzerthaus.

The Early Organ Works Apart from Bach and Reger, Franz Schmidt was, without a doubt, the first and most direct influence on the young Anton Heiller. In his organ recitals

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compositions before c a. 1956 153 at the Musikvereinssaal, Franz Schütz included as a rule at least one work by Schmidt. Heiller is also sure to have heard, quite frequently, improvisations by Wilhelm Mück and Karl Walter at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. The strongest influence comes from Johann Nepomuk David, as will be observed from certain details; however, Heiller probably did not encounter David’s works in these circles, and Joseph Mertin and Wilhelm Zika must have been responsible for introducing them. He might have heard works by Hugo Distler and Joseph Ahrens on the radio. Their style was characterised by modal and linear components.4 To what extent Josef Lechthaler influenced Heiller, not just in the area of vocal music, but also in organ style, must remain open. It is not certain whether Heiller knew Lechthaler’s Chorale Fantasia In dich hab ich gehoffet, Herr, as the composer never released this work for performance.5 The early chorale preludes from the years around 1938 are organ chorales of the type found in Bach’s Little Organ Book, and here the similarity with Schmidt is unmistakable; the same applies to the Fantasie in C Minor. Several possibilities for breaking free of late romantic transitional harmony offered themselves to the composers of Heiller’s generation: twisting major keys into modes, that is, generally avoiding the leading tone; bitonality; sudden chromatic shifts (an abrupt shifting back and forth by a semitone); concentration on precise counterpoint and the dissonances that flow from it; and a retreat into a thinner texture, with fewer parts. With Franz Schmidt, we find the immediate proximity of a somehow “purged” diatonic harmony and ultrachromaticism as early as the slow movement of the G-major Quartet (1926) or in the chorale prelude Gott erhalte (1933). For me, the Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita) is the beginning of the independent, original Anton Heiller. All of the elements just mentioned are present here, combined in a searching style. Alongside clean modality we also find four or five measures of chromatic shifting. The middle movement of the three is a strict canon of the fifth, with no additions and without chromatic alterations.6 The dedication reads “For my dear Erna, Christmas 1944.” The next organ work is the (First) Sonata. Some widespread chords and a few melodic shapes still remind us of Franz Schmidt, but otherwise the breakaway has been completed. A determined radicalism glows in the outer movements. Here a standard is held up: “From now on we do it differently!” Even the very first measures make it clear: modality for the right hand, chromaticism for the left; keeping the line consistent is the primary consideration (see ex. 7.1). Inversions and stretti appear everywhere. Ancient formal principles are strictly adhered to; sometimes we still find a dominant, but in this texture of ever-present dissonance it only occasionally possesses a trace of its traditional importance. In the final movement, when the themes return, the fugue subject of the first movement is added to an already complex web of toccata figures and secondary motives (ex. 7.2). This really does not work very well either in

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Example 7.1. Anton Heiller, Sonata for Organ. © 1946 by Universal Edition A.G., Wien/UE 11689.

Example 7.2. Anton Heiller, Sonata for Organ. © 1946 by Universal Edition A.G., Wien/UE 11689.

terms of the actual physical performance or harmonically, but here absolute strictness of linear movement is the top priority. The middle movement (without pedal) with its static, dragging quarter note progression possesses an almost painful seriousness: “it can probably be defined most appropriately as a Nachtstück (night piece) in the Hindemith sense.”7 In its center we find a fugue, which is only just slightly livelier (and again it is overendowed with counterpoint and inversions). This points directly to J. N. David’s Choralwerk VIII, Es sungen drei Engel ein süssen Gesang–Geistliches Konzert für Orgel (1943). The first performance was given by Kurt Rapf in the Musikvereinssaal on December 7, 1945. “The motoric impulse is reminiscent of the late Baroque and of Max Reger, whose chromaticism Heiller intensifies in an expressionistic manner,” was the surprising comment of one music critic;8 another writer felt that Bruckner’s writing for brass had left an imprint here.9 In its first edition, the sonata contained no articulation indications—the same is the case for Paul Angerer’s “Musica pro organo,” which was written about the same time. It seems to point to the view that “objectivity”—freedom from subjective additions—had validity, even for this new kind of organ music, which saw itself as created in the spirit of the Baroque. The Second Sonata is a lighter construction, more relaxed, more intuitively musical. Here the spirit of Hindemith is noticeable—the introspective Heiller had been touched by it already. The first movement is worked as a trio in its entirety; the meter changes constantly; the style of writing derives more from the melos than from the keyboard. In the second movement an ostinato of aggressive quarter notes accompanies lengthy long melodic lines (which,

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compositions before c a. 1956 155 again, is more like David, for instance in Wach auf, wach auf, du deutsches Land— and he marks it langsam und lastend [slowly and heavily]);10 this is followed by a sudden dynamic surge and a quiet recapitulation. The third movement begins as a cheerful fugue but disperses into a più mosso of two-part broken chord texture and finally returns to the “obligatory” stretto (complete with inversions, it goes without saying). Robert Gant points out that the subject of the fugue already shows important characteristics that Heiller was to employ for many years, writing in his own “almost twelve-tone” style (ex. 7.3). Gant states with great insight: “It shows Heiller’s awareness of the use of all twelve tones, even in his earliest works. Although a key signature is lacking, and a profusion of accidentals seems to negate stable tonality, brief tonicization is apparent in the structure. However, the tempo at which this movement is played, would not allow the aural perception of tonality.”11 Example 7.3. Anton Heiller, Second Sonata for Organ. © 1956 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 8998.

Heiller himself played the first performance of this work on February 10, 1953, in the Great Hall of the Musikverein; Hindemith’s First Organ Sonata was also on the program. Zwei kleine Partiten on Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele and Vater unser im Himmelreich are also part of this era and this style. The polymetric character of the first hymn melody very much suits the young Heiller, and the leading tone is generally avoided. In the chorale, Heiller himself recognized the similarities to David’s organ style, especially in the leaping pedal notes.12 In the first variation we find the semitone shifts that have already been discussed. The partita on Vater unser presents in a much stricter style; the Dorian mode just suits him! A pinch of overchromaticism drives the third variation; the fourth is a trio with slightly ornamented pedal cantus firmus, noticeably related to the third movement of a partita by David on the same hymn melody.13 The following variation is, according to Heiller, an “Homage to Franz Schmidt” (he refers to the chorale prelude O wie selig seid ihr doch, ihr Frommen). In the last movement the cantus firmus appears twice; here we notice again the strong motoric movement typical of Franz Schmidt. David once severely criticized this partita (“The last movement is a Finale, not an Our Father”). The two partitas were conceived independently from one another. Both were premiered by the

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composer, the first probably in Wald (near Zurich) on January 20, 1951, and the second on December 2, 1948, in the Great Hall of the Vienna Konzerthaus. The two works were originally issued by Ars Viva, owned by Hermann Scherchen, but during the sixties that publisher was taken over by Schott. In 1954, at the Church Music Congress in Fulda, “Heiller’s performance of his partita Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele and the First Organ Sonata turned into a triumph for Austria.”14 There are also two movements on Jesu, meine Freude. Neither the date of composition nor that of a performance is known; the style is that of the other chorale partitas. Once again, especially the second movement, with the cantus firmus in canon, is reminiscent of David. And finally, the Präludium und Fuge A-Dur also belongs in this group. After the difficult sonata it is like gentle relaxation. A-Dur, A major, is even part of the title. And one is never quite as far away from a tonal center as in the sonatas. The texture is not sparse, but economical, and all that composing of vocal works has smoothed many sharp edges. The subject of the fugue (ex. 7.4a) shows a kinship with vocal music. It is practically identical with the beginning of the Kyrie in the Messe in Lydisch F (ex. 7.4b), which was written just a little earlier. Example 7.4a. Anton Heiller, Praeludium und Fugue in A-Dur. © 1998 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 18.567.

Example 7.4b. Anton Heiller, Messe in Lydisch F, Kyrie.

There is no evidence that this work was premiered during the earlier years and it is possible that my own performance of the work at the Heiligen-GeistKirche in Wien-Ottakring was the first performance of this work. The partita Nun komm der Heiden Heiland stems from about twenty-five years later. Nevertheless, I would like to count it among the works in the early cantus firmus style, albeit as a kind of extreme latecomer, especially because it has virtually nothing in common with Heiller’s organ style of the seventies. This is

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compositions before c a. 1956 157 how the story goes: Anton Heiller and Monika Henking occasionally appeared in recitals together, and in the case of Udine (Northern Italy) it was a recital on the two organs in the cathedral on September 14, 1972. The program was to feature South German and Italian organ music and close with an improvisation.15 Heiller wrote this partita for Monika Henking, and it continued to be called an Improvisationsskizze (improvisation sketch).16 After Heiller’s death Erna, Bernhard, and I were looking through the existing manuscripts and found among them this partita, of which none of us knew. Both the style and the handwriting, with its big round note heads, led us to believe that this was a work of the early cantus firmus group. The similarity to J. N. David is unmistakable, but even more noticeable is a relationship to Hugo Distler, who also wrote a large-scale variation piece on this melody. In the autograph, the third variation is even jokingly headed by the words “In Memoriam Hugo.” Heiller responded to the danger of becoming too anchored in the home key of G minor (a real danger here, as both the first and the last phrase of the melody are identical) by writing the second variation in D minor and closing the seventh in D minor. The last variation is a double variation (as previously in Vater unser im Himmelreich), and its first half is also in D minor. Distler employed such tricks in his variations as well. Monika Henking and Anton Heiller subsequently played a similar recital in Schlägl (Upper Austria) on May 18, 1974, which again included this partita.

The Vocal Compositions The Masses It would be vastly beyond the scope of this chapter if we were to include a discussion about church music of the twentieth century before 1960 and what forms its background. And yet, in order to describe Heiller’s role as a harbinger, and also to provide a framework into which his works can be placed, a few reflections—in appropriate brevity—are indispensable. Catholic church music between 1900 and 1965 was organized strictly according to principles laid down by the Vatican. This mainly concerned aspects of formal structure. The “hierarchy” of styles, endorsed by Pope Pius X in 1903, proclaimed the desired style of sacred music: Gregorian chant deserves the prime position—this was “the Church’s very own style”; in second place the ancient polyphonic style (especially Palestrina) was “valued and encouraged” by the Church; anything apart from that was bundled together in third place, under the heading “tolerated.”17 That this last category includes the masses by Haydn, Mozart, and Bruckner has not only caused thousands of pages of discussion but has also given rise to lengthy battles concerning which direction church music should take (just consider the Cecilian movement). What is

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important for us, in our examination of Heiller’s creative work, is that on the whole, during the forties and fifties, composers and music critics had already internalized the precept that a new type of church music, in the spirit of plainchant, had to be created. This affected the choice of tonality (i.e., the church modes were preferred) and led to a paradigm shift toward composition that emphasized the linear. Josef Lechthaler, head of the Department of Church Music 1931–38 and 1945–47, was in the forefront in Vienna. He was one of the pioneers and the leading figure of Musica Sacra in Austria. After World War II, Heiller and Lechthaler frequently had direct contact. I quote a relevant comment by Franz Krieg: The most notable talent since Lechthaler and the greatest advance on him is Anton Heiller. Lechthaler places the plainsong theme into the center of his polyphony, in order to develop it motivically in a liturgical sense. With Heiller it is as if the motive as such has lost its individual meaning and instead what he creates is so plainsong-influenced that it seems as if the entire texture appears like Gregorian chant lifted onto a polyphonic plane. An inner driving force is achieved by a gripping counterpoint that one often cannot even recognize as such because it never appears as technique, but works from within the liturgical function.18

We can see that the tendency toward the linear and also toward church modes, which one also encounters in Heiller’s early organ works, is met halfway by the paradigms of a “liturgical compositional style” favored by the Vatican. Ernst Tittel looked at it differently: “Anton Heiller is a more indirect Lechthaler student. His Missa in mixolydisch G is a brave and uncompromising declaration of war by the younger generation against tradition.”19 While Tittel may have been a knowledgeable musician with a great general overview, and one who at least strove for objectivity, the above statement nevertheless subtly conveys the feeling of the broader audience, who simply could not make sense “of this kind of music,” least of all in a church service. Possibly as an experiment, but in the liturgy? Here is a brief report on Heiller’s Ave Maria for Soprano, Violin, and Viola: A smaller-scale work, but one well worth the attention of musicians, even if at this stage they cannot quite make sense of it. One cannot just reject this kind of music outright. One has to give it a number of hearings until one grows accustomed to its unusual style. Of course, it is a different question altogether whether this kind of music should serve as music for the church service or whether it simply serves to free composers from getting stuck in the traditional and to show that also in church music something new is ready to emerge. For that purpose this little work is eminently suitable.20

Heiller’s Ave Maria is indeed quite harmless; there are a few fourths and stark open fifths, a few modal lines—and of course, the traditional I, IV, V basis is

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compositions before c a. 1956 159 missing, but this sort of thing belongs in the musician’s study, not the church gallery. An article by Anton Heiller “New Church Music. Its Significance for Practical Work with Choirs” reveals that he has made the principle “the closer to plainchant, the more liturgical” part of his own philosophy (quietly one might add “and the more modern”).21 The Messe in mixolydisch G, composed in 1943/44, “during Vienna’s bombardment” (according to Franz Kosch), demonstrates everything we have said about this “pseudo-Gregorian” style, almost entirely without any distracting additions. The premiere was conducted by Hans Gillesberger on July 2, 1944, in the Piaristenkirche, Vienna. Once again, according to Franz Krieg, “Tonal relationships are never abandoned, but they have been reinterpreted and stretched to an extent never known before in church music.” After another performance in the Piaristenkirche in 1947, he wrote again: This composition reveals the new generation’s great skill and their best intentions. There is a lack of emotional expression that borders on coldness, as if all soulful expression had been sacrificed for the sake of technical mastery. A few traces of a more subjective melodiousness prove otherwise, but they do not manage to conquer the dark clouds of stark fourths. . . . The choir, singing with unblemished purity, deserves a place among Vienna’s foremost choirs, but even they could not banish the doubts visible in the anguished expression on the faces of the listeners: were they hearing wrong notes or not?22

In 1956 the journal Singende Kirche reported, with just a slight note of triumph (as if to say: if you try hard enough, you can do anything!): “At the church of Sankt Johann am Wald [East Tyrol] the choir sang Anton Heiller’s Mixolydian Mass. It had been requested by the newly ordained priest.”23 The Missa in Lydisch F directly follows the previous one, even with its title; it is not a capella, but uses organ accompaniment. The first performance took place on May 21, 1950, as part of a number of events celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the Department of Church Music; the AkademieKirchenchor sang under Hans Gillesberger at the Franziskanerkirche. The composer played the organ. The mass is dedicated “to my dear wife Erna for Christmas 1947!” There is a strong similarity to Gregorian chant, especially in the Kyrie. There are no time signatures, and the beaming of the eighth notes does not always reflect accentuation. This is why Heiller often places a dot above notes that should be emphasized; it is synonymous with the ictus— conducting information—used in the Solesmes system for the performance of plainchant, where text and melody accentuation do not necessarily coincide automatically. He gives more information in both full score and in the individual parts by adding vertical lines with or without dots, indicating groups of two or three eighth notes (see ex. 7.4b). In the other movements the absence

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of a regular meter is not such an important feature. The home key of Lydian is often abandoned; cross-relations and chromatic shifts occur. In accordance with tradition, the Dona nobis recalls the Kyrie. Heiller wrote his Prelude and Fugue in A Major around the same time. The subject for its fugue is identical with this Kyrie (see ex. 7.4). On the empty pages of the full-score manuscript of the Lydische Messe is a pencil sketch of two partita movements for organ on the melody “Erhalt uns Herr bei Deinem Wort.” They are in no way connected with Heiller’s later partita on the same melody, but may be the reason why in 1977 he so readily decided to use this tune once more. In one of these movements the right hand plays in a different meter to that of the left hand and the pedal, and therefore not all measure lines are aligned between these parts—as we also find with J. N. David. In addition there is some similarity with the Deutsches Proprium for the Fourth Sunday after Easter (to be addressed in the next chapter). The Missa in nocte is a “plenary Mass,” that is, a full Mass comprising both proper and ordinary, set in related movements and cyclical form (like a Requiem). It is scored for two-part female choir and organ. Heiller dated the work January 4, 1949, and dedicated it “to my dear Erna, affectionately.” Monsignor Franz Kosch announced: “Heiller’s Christmas Mass with proper, only available in manuscript form, will be premiered on December 18, during our Christmas celebrations.”24 (The celebrations in question usually combined two elements: one formal and religious, the other more relaxed, like a Christmas party.) Kosch’s personal reminiscences, found in another article, are somewhat different. “I can still see the two of them [Heiller and Gillesberger] before me, as they tried to sneak away after the premiere of the Missa in nocte, at the Midnight Mass in 1949 at the Franziskanerkirche.”25 If this is indeed what happened, one can hardly imagine nowadays how such modal and very singable melodies could possibly have provoked bewilderment, let alone outrage. Admittedly, this “purged” music has nothing in common with a wintry Christmas backdrop of crunching snow and roasting apples. It deals with the mystery of Christ’s birth and one can hear a muffled cry at the words “genui te” both in the Introit, and in the Communion. The somewhat stereotypical descending note motive at “descendit de coelis” has been turned upside down by Heiller, the revolutionary—or was this Heiller, the theologian, who wanted to portray the Savior’s descent during that Holy Night as a climax? As in the Lydian Mass, vertical lines and lines combined with dots in the score indicate the length of beats. Heiller’s Missa brevis in C for four-part mixed choir, a capella, was premiered on March 30, 1952, in the Brahmssaal (Musikverein), as a concert performance. Rudolf Klein wrote: In this little a capella mass . . . Heiller has, to my mind, created the most important church music composition since Lechthaler’s Rosa mystica. He aims

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compositions before c a. 1956 161 consciously for a very simple, singable style. He remains almost completely within the diatonic sphere, modulates only to the closest keys—although the deviations at the words “sub Pontio Pilato” are not to be sneezed at—and in his melodic writing he is always guided by the laws of singability. . . . In compositional terms, all kinds of styles unfold within the smallest space. We find contrapuntal creations in the Kyrie and the related Agnus, chordal sections in Gloria, Credo, and Sanctus, and also accompanied melody; the melodic lines of the Qui tollis and especially the two-part Et incarnatus est, are of a profound and moving beauty.26

The advertisement for this Mass in the Styria Verlag catalogue recommended, somewhat discouragingly but honestly, “For adventurous accomplished choirs.” The Missa super “Erhalt uns Herr bei deinem Wort” was premiered on June 28, 1953, in Vienna’s Rochuskirche. The dedication states: “Dedicated to the students of the Seminary for Christian Women’s Professions in Vienna, and their choir director Friedl Beneder, with heartfelt thanks for the beautiful first performance! In Ascensione Domini, 14.5.1953.” In a discussion about the radio broadcast of this work (no author given), we read: “clear, translucent, but still overflowing with substance . . . it seems that here Heiller’s Sakralstil (sacred music style) is at its most concise, however, that should not be confused with manageability in the traditional sense. Among the four masses he has written so far, this one is likely to achieve popularity faster. The performance by a choir of young girls was an experience in itself. They sang like boys, fresh, powerful, but still clear and beautifully balanced.” And Rudolf Klein noted that, “interestingly, the theme is treated in the manner of Netherlands polyphony, in many different ways. The mass, despite its construction and the predominance of diatonic style, is very expressive and a thoroughly likable product from a highly gifted young musician.”27 The aforementioned “different ways” are a somewhat vague description of Heiller’s treatment of the ancient Church hymn, presenting it in the four modes common in twelve-tone composition: original form, inversion, retrograde, and inversion of the retrograde. Heiller returns not only to this hymn but also to the use of the same four modes in 1977, in his organ partita based on the same melody. The mass is without a Credo. In 1957 the Vienna Boys Choir under the baton of Xaver Meyer sang this mass in the Great Hall of the Musikverein and then, “once more at a choir festival.”28 It was probably also this mass that Heiller mentioned in connection with a mass performance in Brussels in May 1958. The Missa super “Salve Regina” et “Vater unser im Himmelreich” shows what can be achieved with a school choir if one really tries hard. Franziska Kaufmann was working at a high school for girls in Innsbruck; she and Heiller had met during their studies in Church Music and Music Education. One day, quite by coincidence, they came across each other after a sung Eucharist at the Schottenkirche in Vienna and she asked him spontaneously: “Could you write a mass for our girls’ choir—on the Dorian Salve Regina?” “Of course, why not?”

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was the answer. Later on, after he had begun the work, he informed her that he wanted to include the hymn tune “Vater unser” as a second cantus firmus. In mid-September, while he was in Innsbruck for a recital, Heiller had a meeting with Kaufmann “in order to discuss a few things about that Salve Regina Mass she commissioned.” The work must have been finished (at least partially), because Kaufmann recalls: We rehearsed for a whole year; we had about fifteen to seventeen girls, and in the premiere we sang it from memory. Heiller arrived just before the performance, took two or three rehearsals, and then conducted the premiere. He placed great emphasis on the contrasting treatment of the two melodies— more static for the “Vater unser” and more flowing for “Salve Regina.” My principal encouraged all that; not because he was musical—he was not!—but because he wanted to encourage the new and the unusual.29

The premiere took place on February 23, 1957, at the Jesuitenkirche in Innsbruck. Heiller subsequently also used the Dorian “Salve Regina” in 1963, for the Organ Fantasia of the same name. It seems that by the mid-1950s the combination “Heiller” and “masterful modern mass” had become a trademark. When Erich Romanovsky, a first-generation Heiller student and already a teacher at the Department of Church Music, received the National Förderungspreis for his Missa Lumen cordium in 1953, Franz Kosch reports full of pride: “One of the jurors took the mass for one of Heiller’s!”30

The Two Great Motets In the summer of 1945—at the public swimming pool, according to Bernhard Heiller—Heiller wrote his a capella motet Der Heiland ist erstanden (The Savior is risen). The melody that forms the basis of this piece is an Austrian setting of a text by Michael Denis from the year 1774. The melody by Adolph Hasse stems from the same year, and it takes its shape from the tune “Christ ist erstanden,” softening the Dorian key by raising all the leading tones.31 I should emphasize that the difference between this motet and the second one, written four years later, could not be greater. Not that the Easter motet is not a masterwork of great craftsmanship; not that there is anything lacking in expressive qualities or compositional density—it is simply that the searing lightning strike of great mastery is still absent. J. N. David is ever present: canons, stretti, augmentations—it is all executed with great skill and academic correctness; this is a “precursor” of the highest quality (we are talking about a piece written by a twenty-two-year-old). Alongside austere melodic lines in the style of David are also regressions into the ultrachromaticism of past eras—and, foreshadowing times to come, the joy in whole-tone progressions and tritones. In the last

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compositions before c a. 1956 163 seven measures of the fourth variation we find the Alleluia for the Easter Vigil turning up in the soprano line, somewhat surprising in the tonal context. In the seventh movement, toward its end, we find another plainchant Alleluia— on the sixth tone—embedded in the quasi-Dorian closing section. Before Heiller composed his very popular second motet he seems to have suffered a crisis. I could not find his letter to Johann Nepomuk David, but David answered on June 20, 1948. If I were in your place, I would reconsider the idea of completely giving up composing (inasmuch as one is permitted to even contemplate something like that!). It must be worth the sacrifice. I can’t imagine that there could possibly be any compensations for such a move. One can lose a few years in one’s creative life (consider Goethe, even Schiller!) but to give up composing altogether is to give up one’s very self! Forgive me if I state this so bluntly—I only comment because you wrote to me about it.

If the Toccata for Two Pianos represented Heiller’s breakthrough in the keyboard area, the Choralmotette Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig, composed in 1949, achieved this breakthrough in the vocal field. Hans Gillesberger conducted the Vienna Singakademie for the premiere on April 3, 1954, at the Vienna Konzerthaus. He called Heiller’s piece his “most significant conducting experience.”32 This is quite a statement, coming from someone who was totally at home with the choral literature of his day. Franz Krieg made a daring statement: “One can say, without exaggeration, that Heiller’s Motet ‘Ach wie flüchtig, ach wie nichtig’ [sic] achieves Bachian impact.”33 At the World Music Festival in Stockholm where this motet was performed with resounding success, the delegates of the Internationale Gesellschaft für Neue Musik (IGNM; International Society for New Music) awarded Heiller the Schott Prize for that year.34 In the program notes for the premiere on April 3, 1954, at the Mozartsaal of the Vienna Konzerthaus (Vienna Kammerchor and Vienna Singakademie), we find a quote from Rudolf Klein’s essay, which appeared in Österreichische Musikzeitschrift: The intensity of expression in the individual sections is determined by the text; the first verse paints the fog, which serves as a comparison with the life of man. The image of the river that never ceases to flow is conjured up in section two; the fleeting nature of joy in the third section. The first three verses contain much contrast, but after that is where we find the most marked change in expression. A slow movement tells of the impermanence of beauty; the following, faster-moving section finds its inspiration from “blood” and “flood,” which burst forth to destroy the treasures of man; the final section bemoans the arrogance of human “boasting” and ends with the wonderful antithesis: “Wer Gott fürcht’, wird ewig stehen” [He who fears God will stand forever].35

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In the penultimate chord Heiller uses all the notes of Dorian on E simultaneously, which is possibly a reference to Anton Bruckner, who reached much the same chord in the Agnus Dei of his Mass in E Minor. J.  N. David’s comment regarding this motet is almost historic: “Where should I begin with my red pencil?” H. C. Robbins Landon also recalled this comment and added: “Isn’t this amazing? Heiller, like Hindemith, was such a modest man, and he was deeply hurt by David’s judgment.”36 But it did not end all that badly. On April 18, 1954, David wrote to Heiller: “and I had another close look at your Motet—I still hold the same old fashioned opinion as regards the technical side of it, but I can’t help but call it really great music as far as its expressive qualities go.” Heiller responded by return post and did so very politely: “I was very pleased that you, revered Professor, have praised my Motet for its expressiveness. I am very much aware that, concerning technique, things are a little complicated, and that I will have to exercise much more restraint in this regard.” Rudolf Klein put it very succinctly in one of his reviews (probably written just after the premiere; the copy is undated). “The Motet Ach wie nichtig is, in my opinion, the best piece of music written in Austria in the postwar years.”  Let us take a little break now to get a more general overview. Heiller’s presence as a composer in postwar Vienna was almost equal to his standing as a practicing musician. As early as the spring of 1947, Vienna’s Kurier newspaper reported: “French Radio, through its Paris sector, has awarded the Austrian division of the International Society for New Music commissions to four Austrian composers. They have commissioned four works for chamber orchestra that will be premiered by Radio France. According to wishes expressed in Paris the commissions go to the Viennese composers H.  E. Apostel, Anton Heiller, Alexander Spitzmüller-Harmersbach, and Friedrich Wildgans. Work on appropriate compositions has already begun.” Radio Budapest was also said to be interested in Austrian contemporary composers, and the name Heiller was mentioned in this context. On December 16, 1953, the Viennese Akademie-Kammerchor performed one of Heiller’s pieces, alongside works by Kodaly and Hindemith in the most important concert of their tour of the United States. In 1956 an article appeared in the Diapason37 that examined church music development in Austria. After a discussion of works by Raimund Weissensteiner and Friedrich Reidinger, the bulk of the article deals with Anton Heiller, who is named as the most notable among Austrian church music composers. “His music is rarely complex for the sake of complexity and his scoring indicates a real ability to achieve effects that both move and excite.” The works in question are Ach wie nichtig, the Te Deum and the Psalmenkantate.

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Smaller Choral Works When we examine Anton Heiller’s workload during those early years that include numerous public appearances, we can only be amazed that he found time to write so many short pieces—especially considering the crowded conditions at home. We will deal with the bulk of these works only in a very general way. The number of works for equal voices (either female choir or male choir) is quite significant (refer to the chronology at the end of the book) and I have no explanation for this. One can only guess that Heiller was approached by the ever-growing circle of students and acquaintances with composition requests for specific liturgical situations. Was Friedl Beneder (she graduated from her church music studies in 1949) with her choir of young female students at the Seminary for Christian Women’s Professions one of these? Heiller had already composed the Missa Erhalt uns Herr bei Deinem Wort for her. The choral setting Ich liebe dich von Herzensgrund (1951) seems to have been written for her as well. The motets Lux fulgebit and Laetentur caeli may well have been Christmas presents (1945 and 1946) for his wife Erna. The dedications appear to indicate this.38 Unam petii a Domino is dedicated to Erna “on the occasion of your Name Day, January 12, 1947.” The text is taken from Psalm 27:4, then Communion for the Fifth Sunday after Whitsunday, now Eleventh Sunday in Ordinary Time. The motet Exsurge, Domine dated “Ash Wednesday 19.II.1947” is an unwieldy, mysterious piece. It would be hard to make things more difficult for the performers: six-part male choir, a range of EE to b1, right at the beginning an organ point on E lasting one minute (and on just one syllable), long melismas, no measure lines. Here we find the first evidence of polytonal triads grinding against each other. The text, Psalm 43, verse 24, is the Introit for Sexagesima Sunday.39 Deutsches Proprium für den Dreifaltigkeitssonntag (German Proper for Trinity Sunday) for mixed choir was performed at a Festive Mass for the Austrian Katholikentag in 1949. Franz Krieg, who usually appeared as Heiller’s mentor, wrote: “In-between, a German proper composed by Anton Heiller. Because of its new polyphony, it appeared as a somewhat jarring contrast to Franz Schubert’s Mass and also turned out quite unintelligible as far as text goes.”40 At the time, musical settings of German proper texts were a bone of contention among church musicians and liturgical experts. To begin with, the officiating priest had to quietly read out the Latin text while the German text (or text in any other language) was sung. Furthermore, the singing of translations of Latin texts was questioned in any case, as this was seen as an attack on Latin as the language of liturgy. These discussions often used arguments that to us seem quite absurd. A good example is: “Nothing would be gained if certain portions were sung in the ‘vulgar language’ These are biblical texts that are difficult to understand, even for priests, so there would be no benefit at all.” So said Prelate Dr. Higini Anglés, director of the Papal Institute for Church Music in Rome, at a Church Music Congress in Vienna.41

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However, I was able to solve one mystery. Heiller answered Robert Gant’s question as to when he first became interested in twelve-tone composition: “With the Dreifaltigkeitsproprium, written in 1949. The work that is most important to me in this context is definitely the Te Deum, written in 1952.”42 Here an error must have occurred—either Heiller’s own mistake or one that stems from transcribing the conversation. Harmonically, the proper in question is one of the most harmless among Heiller’s works. There are few accidentals, and a similarity to the masses Erhalt uns Herr and the Missa in nocte and their leaning toward modality is obvious. However, there is a proper with a very similar title, Deutsches Proprium für das Dreifaltigkeitsfest (liturgically and textually identical), which stems from 1967. This work is most definitely written in twelve-tone style. But the fact that it was written years after Heiller’s twelve-tone masses speaks against Heiller’s having referred to this work. He must have meant Vier geistliche Motetten, which are in fact a proper (In Anniversario Dedicationis Ecclesiae). This work could be seen as an exploration of a new compositional style, and the time of creation also fits. Heiller acknowledged this in a letter to Sonia EckhardtGramatté, dated May 15, 1960. “Next Sunday another one of my masses will be performed (Missa super modus duodecimales). It is the second piece of this kind that I have written; the first one was an a capella proper commissioned by Südwest-Funk Baden-Baden for the Musiktage in Donaueschingen; that, however, will not be premiered until October.” After that follow two choral works with secular, even humorous texts: Tragische Geschichte (“Der Zopf”) (Tragic story [the braid]—1950), and Nörgeln (Nagging—1951). While traveling to Italy with Grossmann and the Vienna Singakademie, Heiller wrote: “I demonstrated the Zopf for him [Grossmann]. He definitely wants to have a go at it!” (September 15, 1950). Grossmann and the Singakademie then also became the dedicatees of the piece. An unnamed critic in an undated review wrote: “One realizes what Anton Heiller is capable of when one hears his piece Tragische Geschichte (conducted by the composer)— not just once, but twice! It is such an extremely entertaining, incredibly virtuosic piece. Other works by him, even the two beautiful sacred song settings Schönster Herr Jesu and O Jesu (does one not sense the organist behind these?) have trouble holding their own next to that ‘hit.’” Erik Werba, in another review during the following season, had this to say: “The ironic/clever Heiller triumphed over the humble/devout Heiller and carried away the audience prize as well!” In 1951 the Styria Verlag announced a set of Six Madrigals on poems by Wilhelm Busch; the chosen composers were Josef F. Doppelbauer, Leo Katt, Ernst Tittel, Herbert Wieninger, Joseph Marx, and Anton Heiller.43 Heiller’s piece Nörgeln was published by Doblinger in 1956, together with a few other Styria Verlag choir pieces. It is a speedy piece, a witty encore. Chains of consecutive fourths, frequently using canon, dominate.

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compositions before c a. 1956 167 The already mentioned settings of Schönster Herr Jesu and O Jesu, all mein Leben bist du are among the most frequently performed of Heiller’s smallerscale a capella pieces. The latter is a cantional setting (a simple four-part setting) with slightly adventurous harmony, whereas the former is treated in compact motet style. The E-minor tune of “Schönster Herr Jesu” (Münster 1677), which can now be found in the Catholic hymnal Gotteslob, was then largely unknown in Austria. Hymn books contained the “Silesian” melody, in a major key (Glatz, pre-1842). Only the progressive hymn collection Kirchenlied I (1938) included the minor-key version. That melody suited Heiller much better (he preferred the modal style), even though it contained a few strong leading tones. Leo Katt, editor at the Styria Verlag and responsible for its choral program, published choral settings of such melodies in several little booklets. Another very popular—if not the most popular—small choir piece is the Christkönigsmotette (Motet for the feast of Christ the King) Dem König aller Zeiten. Ever since 1949 Heiller had regularly attended the Kirchenmusiksingwoche (a weeklong festival for church choirs) at Matrei am Brenner, as choir conductor. In 1952 the motto was “Christ the King.” The Christköningsmotette was probably written for this event. In any case, that is where its first performance took place. The text is taken from Timothy 1:17. Interestingly, it does not appear anywhere in the liturgy in this form. Another setting (unknown until recently) of this text in Heiller’s hand is scored for women’s choir,44 and a note of thanks exists, written in 1952 by a Sister Hildegardis. I remember vaguely that Heiller once mentioned the somewhat odd treatment of the text at the beginning of the motet (“dem König” is not set with an upbeat). This is somehow connected to the church choir of Waldhausen (a village in Upper Austria) and was supposed to make a clean entry easier. On the other hand, we find this phenomenon— downbeat, rather than upbeat—in other choral works by Heiller (all the movements in the Dreifaltigkeitsproprium of 1949 begin like that). “Anton Heiller’s Christkönigsmotette is not very difficult, and a better choir should be able to manage it. Maybe it is this motet that could open doors for a new church music.”45 This prophecy was fulfilled. I can remember, not just vaguely, but quite clearly, that Heiller played this motet on the organ for me, singing along with it molto espressivo e profondo. It is another piece inspired by Gregorian chant, and a slow, steadily flowing tempo is the appropriate approach to it. I recall the tempo from measure 2 as quarter notes equal about 112; the sections marked breit—“broadly” (m. 1, then mm. 35–38)—should of course be marginally slower. A tempo relationship 2:1 between the first three chords and the following section cannot be justified from the score. Few of us know how differently such lines were sung at the time. Contrary to today’s practice toward smaller, accentuated groups, melodies were sung through in long lines. This was customary for plainchant, but also, in fact especially, for the new sacred music with linear orientation, as the aim was to stress the relationship between the two styles in every possible

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way. Correct text accentuation was not supremely important yet, nor was the shaping of individual phrases as steep arches, with the defined “settling” at the end. If the tempo for the main section is taken too fast, then the whole motet degenerates into a kind of “preamble” without a main section to follow it. Here one simply has to block out one’s knowledge of Schütz or Schein; the half note cannot always be appointed as the beat note. Among the pieces performed most frequently is Grad dort. The inscription on the page says, “Wort und Weise aus der Gottschee” (text and melody from the Gottschee). The Gottschee was a small enclave of German-speaking communities about one hour’s drive from Ljubljana,46 today almost uninhabited. This is another melody that must have suited Heiller very well indeed: it is in a friendly quasi-G major, without a leading tone, with a serious close in E minor. Heiller wrote his setting in 1951. Shortly before that Leo Katt had introduced this hitherto probably unknown melody in the church music periodical Chorblätter.47 The piece was first published by Styria (in the booklet Salve Mater—a book of Songs to the Virgin for mixed choir; undated). The popularity of Heiller’s piece rests on the earnest simplicity and brevity of both melody and setting—and probably also on the fact that the piece really is a three-part setting, with the fourth voice only added eight measures before the end. The motet Seele Christi, heilige mich originates much closer in time to Dem König aller Zeiten and Schönster Herr Jesu, but is much more sophisticated. Initially one feels this piece is a close relative of the masses Erhalt uns Herr and Missa in nocte, because of the absence of measure lines. But the harmonic structure soon becomes emancipated and pushes against the border of twelve-tone style; the nearest neighbor is probably the Te Deum. Certain limits are soon reached: in the melodic sphere (“Verbirg . . . beschütze mich”) and in harmony (“In meiner Todesstunde,” “ewiglich,” “Amen”). All melodies have tonal cells, and yet, they use all twelve notes within the octave; this technique became typical for Heiller for a long time to come. Hoc corpus is even more difficult to sing. The audience on October 15, 1951, would have been rather perplexed when this brittle and profound motet was performed on the same program as the humorous “Zopf.” Indeed, the Akademie-Kammerchor and its conductor Grossmann were given credit for “mastering unimaginable difficulties.” Twelve-tone technique is reached in many places, although never observed in a strict and mathematical way. In addition, there are many grating semitones as well as much stacking of polytonal triads, such as in Exsurge, Domine. The text, at the time, was the Communion for the Palm Sunday Mass, but is of course identical with the words spoken by the priest at the consecration. Again there are short ostinati (“sanguine, sanguine”), such as we find in Seele Christi (“beschütze, beschütze”) and in Tentatio Jesu (“angeli, angeli”). The first performance was sung by the Akademie-Kammerchor under Ferdinand Grossmann in September 1951, at the Edinburgh Festival.

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Larger-Scale Works for Choir and Instruments During the late 1940s, Heiller absorbed an enormous amount of new instrumental music (in his role as conductor, pianist, harpsichordist, or vocal coach/ accompanist), and henceforth all these influences made themselves felt. In choral music the linear element stood in the foreground, but henceforth rhythm is given special attention, especially polyrhythmic creations, and these are articulated with great precision. By now the Viennese public had been introduced to Stravinsky’s Le Sacre du printemps: “That was extraordinary! We all had to laugh!”48 All this now makes inroads into the world of Heiller’s composing. In 1948 Heiller met Paul Hindemith for the first time, when the latter gave a lecture in Vienna and afterward had a long discussion with young Viennese composers (Wolfgang Keller, Alfred Uhl, Paul Angerer, Karl Schiske, and Anton Heiller).49 It seems that Hindemith did not approve of Heiller’s compositions at first,50 but that was to change very soon. “Our contact became more intensive after 1952, when the UNESCO Society in Paris, for whom Hindemith wrote commissioned works, also asked me to write something for them,” Heiller told Robert Gant. This seems to have been the impetus for the composition Tentatio Jesu, which was later premiered in Brussels. The very scoring—mixed choir, tenor and baritone solo, and two pianos—indicates that, apart from melos, which until now has been ever present, other elements would appear. However, the most important aspect is that here a dramatic scenario had to be set to music. The story of Christ’s temptation in the desert by the devil51 offers plenty of scope in this regard: two distinctly characterized roles, a chorus that tells the story, and, most important, the “punch line,” a change of action, at the end. And that is created especially vividly by Heiller; “the angels came and served him”—in the pianissimo many “angeli, angeli, angeli” surround Jesus, against the background of filigree polychrome bell ringing from the pianos. One discussion of the work includes a concise and fitting comment: “Given a good performance, this work has the potential to move the listener profoundly.”52 In 1953 church-music circles commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the Motu proprio “Tra le sollecitudini,” a set of rules concerning sacred music, introduced by Pope Pius X on November 22, 1903. On the one hand it established the hierarchy Gregorian chant / classical a capella polyphony / all other music, and on the other hand it also stressed the interconnection between church music and liturgy. It was generally hailed as a benevolent expression of interest from the Vatican, despite a number of limiting regulations. Here, for the first time, music was defined as an “integral part of the solemn liturgy” in the context of Musica Sacra, a term that was to become one of the most important slogans during the liturgical reforms of Vatican II. During the forties and fifties this 1903 document was commonly referred to simply as “the Motu proprio.” The practical consequences of this piece of writing were discussed in countless articles, and a number of Jubelfeiern (Joyful celebrations)

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and elaborate masses were organized at the time. The contribution by the Vienna Department of Church Music was “a High Mass designed totally in the spirit of the Motu proprio”: the propers were sung in plainchant, and after the Missa Papae Marcelli by Palestrina there followed the premiere of “Heiller’s avant-garde Te Deum” (Ernst Tittel). The review after the radio broadcast reads: “The Te Deum occupies a kind of middle ground between church music in the style of Bruckner and Stravinsky. Highly recommended for good choirs. The organ sound, however, occasionally takes on orchestral qualities.”53 (Here it is again, this fixed idea that an organ part has to be primarily polyphonic in order to be suitable—and liturgically acceptable.) Of course, the organ part of the Te Deum cannot be called particularly orchestral, especially when compared with César Franck or, even more so, with Louis Vierne; it is simply no longer linear as in Heiller’s sacred works so far. In another discussion we read: “we also note a transformation of melody. Melodic lines are still created from the perspective of song, but not, as in the case of David, song governed by metrical principles, such as in medieval song, but more in the style of the rhythmically free, quasi-declamatory style of plainchant, and especially of psalmody. One cannot miss certain reminders of the Asian origins of this kind of song.”54 H.  C. Robbins Landon relates: “I advised him [Heiller] again and again to stop writing masses, and to devote himself instead to symphonies or other large-scale instrumental works . . . it cost me sleepless nights to convince him that he should arrange his Te Deum for brass and timpani, so that it might be heard in the concert hall.”55 It was heard in this scoring at the festive opening of the Second International Church Music Congress in the large hall of the Vienna Musikverein on October 4, 1954. Retrospectively, this version was declared to have been commissioned by the Vienna Musikakademie. In conversation with Robert Gant, Heiller told of further performances involving prominent musicians: “On the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday Hindemith selected the Te Deum for performance in Vienna (on November 13, 1960), alongside a cantata by Buxtehude; another performance under Hindemith followed in 1961 [should be 1962] in Berlin.”56 In retrospect Heiller considered the Te Deum one of his first significant encounters with twelve-tone writing, “where in many ways an ‘atmosphere’ in the sense of Hauer was recreated.57 Admittedly, the similarity is only external, and not a case of actually following Hauer’s rules; if one were to follow them strictly, the scope for musical expression would be very much diminished.”58 The performances Heiller was referring to in his interview with Gant took place on January 29 and 30, in Berlin, with Hindemith conducting. The program booklet for these concerts included a detailed discussion of the work, probably authorized by Heiller, and in those annotations the term “twelve-tone technique” does not appear at all. Even a detailed analysis of the work—however “liberal”—does not reveal a single complete twelve-tone row; often the “atmospheric balance” is created by using eight or nine tone motives (ex. 7.5) that avoid a tonal center.

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compositions before c a. 1956 171 Example 7.5. Anton Heiller, Te Deum. © 1954 by Universal Edition A.G., Wien/UE 12268.

Despite all that, modal melodies still predominate, but these derivatives of quasi-Gregorian melismas are surrounded far more strongly and decisively with polychrome harmonies than was the case with earlier masses. The next work, the Psalmenkantate, was to catapult Heiller forward into the public consciousness, and that was months before its completion. Issue no. 5 of the Österreichische Musikzeitschrift (vol. 9) begins with a contribution supplied by the editorial office and the publisher. It was titled “Österreichische Musikzeitschrift commissions composition.” Here is the relevant portion: On the occasion of the approaching tenth anniversary of its foundation, the ÖMZ is spearheading a project that hopefully will have an influence far wider than its initial boundaries . . . to encourage philanthropy in Austria is the first aim of our project. . . . The only possible form of contact that is not threatened by fragmentation seems to us to be the commissioning of musical compositions. The subjective aspect resulting from selecting just one single composer is probably compensated for by the fact that this honor may in the future also be awarded to other creative artists. As there is no doubt whatsoever in musical circles concerning the great gift and the personal integrity of the composer ANTON HEILLER . . . we did not hesitate to nominate this artist . . . as the recipient of this commission that we have initiated. . . . The ÖMZ will raise the necessary funds . . . by way of subscription and we consider it a special honor to open the subscription fund with an amount of AS 1,000. . . . By the time of the premiere the participation of subscribers will be recorded in a roll of honor that will appear in every issue of the ÖMZ. . . . We would like to thank donors in advance, in the name of Austrian culture, which can only be furthered by talking less, but acting more.

Following these two opening pages of the journal we find a complete page with a curriculum vitae and a detailed appreciation of Heiller’s creative output to date, as well as a photo.

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A composer simply could not wish for a better kind of advertisement for a premiere performance, and a whole year in advance. As promised, each subsequent issue of the ÖMZ included a boxed text that listed the subscribers. Among them we find Cardinal Innitzer and Manfred Mautner Markhof, alongside opera singers Kammersängerin Maria Jeritza and Ljuba Welitsch. Given so much advance publicity, Heiller got a little anxious. In August he wrote to Erna: “I have no idea how I can possibly complete this commission by the 1st of March 1955. On the 1st of October I will receive my 10,000 Schillings from Klein! And perhaps I won’t have written a single note! Can you imagine how that feels?!” But there was yet more advertising; in volume five of year ten—in May, one month before the first performance scheduled for June 16, 1955— Heiller’s tireless mentor Rudolf Klein wrote a six-page article “Anton Heiller and the creation of his Psalmenkantate.” In this article he also outlined the content of the cantata and I will quote it in its entirety because of the importance of this work in Heiller’s creative output. Anton Heiller took the text from the Confessions of Saint Augustine and the Psalms, combined in a way that presents the content as a meaningful unit. In overview, the extensive middle section is a dramatic episode that begins with a choral prayer. It praises God for his trust in “men of good will” at whose feet he has placed all creation. Then follows a contrasting section that employs all instrumental and vocal expressive forces in order to characterize “Homo insipiens,” misguided man, who denies God. As a third section of this central, musically dramatic plot there follows the “Miserere,” in which mankind begs for the forgiveness of its sins. This core, which deals with the nature of humanity, is surrounded by praise for the power of the Almighty. “Beatus vir,” happy the man who fears God, declare the soloists and a powerfully swelling instrumental fugue continues this theme, celebrating the joy that can be found in the praise of God. After the central section, we hear “Beatus, quem eligis” and here the thematic material of the preceding section is taken up again and the subject of the fugue now serves for the setting of Psalm “Laudate pueri.” These three main sections are themselves framed by texts taken from the writing of Saint Augustine, and they also sing the praise of the Almighty. The work ends with a traditional doxology, which always appears at the end of a psalm.59

Expectations were raised to a maximum, but in the end success justified all suspense. In volumes seven and eight of the ÖMZ three more pages were devoted to Heiller—excerpts from the predominantly positive reviews;60 among the authors we find a few fellow composers (Fritz Skorzeny, Marcel Rubin, Karlheinz Füssl). There was no consensus concerning the change of style that was noted by some. One critic saw a “backward step in this eclecticism, combined with a slight tendency toward a noncommittal, pleasant style compared with Heiller’s previous compositions” (Friedrich Saathen,

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compositions before c a. 1956 173 Arbeiterzeitung); Herbert Vogg (Neues Österreich) pricked up his ears: “For the first time this symphonic writer, who comes from the organ—similar to Johann Nepomuk David—reveals himself to us, in massive interludes rich in form and content. Polyphony is his natural element.” After the finely crafted lines and the effortless flow in his masses and motets there was now astonishment about the emergence, even predominance, of the polyrhythmic element, revealing itself in a wild, animalistic manner clearly derived from Stravinsky (Karl Löbl wrote in the Bildtelegraph: “reminiscent of him [Stravinsky], not just in its title”). Heiller had tried out the piano and its percussive qualities in his Tentatio Jesu and had now developed this further. But alongside all of this we find Heiller the mystic, the master of counterpoint. In his harmonic language a change of style toward Honegger and Frank Martin had already set in, and it was soon to affect his organ works as well. This was his most extensive composition so far—both in duration and in scoring. Heiller himself conducted the premiere in the large hall of the Vienna Konzerthaus and experienced his greatest success so far. The second performance of this work in 1959 was a double event, something not so very unusual for Heiller. In a concert presented by Austrian Radio he conducted his Psalmenkantate and also played his Second Organ Sonata. In correspondence from 1962 a performance of the work in the United States was mentioned, but it seems this was never realized. Another commission, which followed immediately, was the “radio ballade” François Villon. The basis of this work is the idea of creating a work specifically for radio broadcast, a work that can only be realized in a radiophonic performance (artificial reverb, fade-outs, etc.). Austrian Radio invited Heiller to write such a piece, which was to be submitted for the Italia Prize (Prix d’Italia). This was a contest in which radio stations (rather than authors or composers) competed. In an advance discussion of this production Rudolf Klein mentioned that this would be Heiller’s first large-scale composition on a secular text, and that Heiller “had made great advances in the area of instrumentation.”61 The text is by Franz Krieg who had freely re-created a number of ballades by François Villon (a fifteenth-century poet, thief, and vagabond) and surrounded them with connecting texts. Krieg was a versatile man—a practicing church musician in Wien-Döbling, member of the IGNM, expert for church music with Austrian Radio, music critic of the Christian weekly Die Furche, and generally a writer on musical topics, but one who himself had composed a considerable amount of church music. Josef Lechthaler had set some of his texts to music.62 In keeping with Krieg’s empathy with the sacred sphere, we find the revolutionary Villon somewhat blown off course, in the direction of a “poor sinner,” who, after a life of serious high living collapses before a statue of the Mother of God in deep remorse, and looks likely to receive the forgiveness of the community of the faithful. “He sang the songs of the world, the Psalms of Satan. But still, there remains the lost son’s abiding longing for the word of the

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father,” sings the choir in the first part of the work (see letter D in the score).63 This kind of polarity was just right for Heiller, especially as one of the most central statements happens to be: “I know everything, but not myself.” Where the original idea for a work based on the French poet came from cannot be established, but it is noteworthy that two years earlier, in a recital featuring Heiller’s motet Ach, wie nichtig, another set of works received its first performance: “Five Madrigals . . . after poems from the ‘Great Testament’ of François Villon” composed by Hans Werner Henze. Heiller’s music is powerful and great, full of strength, wild and unruly, not just in its constantly changing rhythmic structure when the text demands it. It refers boldly to other styles, but is also rich in tension in its cantabile sections; it is full of empathy in the harsh language of the epilogue, before which the work seems a little lengthy. An amazingly “alive” music, as much in its colorful instrumentation as also in the virtuosic use of various stylistic elements, from jazz to twelve tone. The decisive factor is: Heiller always knows how to convince; his musical language, a little akin to Frank Martin in its harmonic and melodic connection, never leaves any doubt that for him every single note is a serious matter.64

After the performance in July 1956, Heiller mused: “My head is full of passages from Villon, especially during the last few days, unfortunately the more ‘negative’ portions. That is perhaps a real danger with this work, but despite that, I really think it’s a good piece.” It is likely that Austrian Radio, which commissioned François Villon, had envisaged the work to be more specifically and exclusively designed for the broadcast medium.65 At the first “real” performance on a concert stage (the occasion was Heiller’s fiftieth birthday), Rudolf Klein wrote: “Sound effects exclusive to radio were employed only sparingly: amplification of the harpsichord, distortion in the ‘gallows song’ and a few cross-fades. These are attributes that can easily be dispensed with, and therefore the work had no real chance in the Prix d’Italia.”66 The piece was well received in 1973, but did not cause a stir. By this time it no longer surprised anyone that the pious Heiller with his ascetic, almost Gregorian style could suddenly reach for the saxophone and a battery of percussion. One part of Heiller’s artistic fate had been fulfilled: his music was far too difficult for everyday practice, too way-out for the mainstream, but far too conservative for the avant-garde. This brings to mind a story about his colleague at the Akademie, Friedrich Wildgans, IGNM representative from its commencement in 1945, and also involved on various boards and in a number of organizations. In 1954 he provided the last really great concert scandal with his grandly designed Eucharistic Hymns; after a chorus of whistling from the gallery there followed a fistfight that had to be settled by the police. He had set to music well-known texts such as “Lauda Sion” and “O

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compositions before c a. 1956 175 salutaris hostia,” using—heaven forbid—jazz elements and polyrhythms à la Stravinsky. A modern-day performance in the eighties brought forth indulgent smiles—that caused a scandal once?  And now we find Heiller pushing forward into new domains. He was not exactly reaching for far-flung corners of the globe—everything developed quite organically. But once again one can draw a fine line—around the year 1956. Better still, he crossed an invisible threshold. Heiller was about to leave the twelve-tone zone behind him. But he also was about to immerse himself in the color-rich world of French music. Would he be able to combine these elements? Yes, that is exactly what he did (after some trials), and from then on it became the hallmark of his unique personal style.

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Chapter Eight

Compositions after ca. 1956 The “Middle Period” It is always a little risky to nominate a specific year as the dividing line between one style and another and some overlap will invariably occur. The more linear style of the early masses is still present after 1956, with works like the Missa super “Salve Regina” et “Vater unser im Himmelreich,” whereas the motet Hoc corpus (1951) is already a harbinger of the much later, extremely complex a capella style. Nevertheless, even for just a very noticeable change in Heiller’s organ style, 1956 seems right for a very delicate divide. It is sometimes quite interesting to reflect on which works a composer did not write—partly because of time constraints, or because issues concerning instruments or instrument groupings prevented it. During the years between 1947 and 1957 Heiller was very much inspired by the sound of the human voice, and this smoothed and softened the sharp edges of the harsh linearity of his early organ works and their big intervallic leaps. Of course, we also find leaps, dissonances, and chromaticism in his vocal style, despite the fact that Gregorian chant is an ever-present inspiration and model. And it seems that during this period ideas for another medium did not offer themselves, not even in the case of a concrete project with tempting performance possibilities. In Haarlem, Heiller was approached for a composition for the chamber orchestra (recently taken over by Albert de Klerk). However, in August 1953 he wrote to his mother from a vacation in Vorarlberg, complaining: “Unfortunately, I don’t manage to compose at all, and not because there is no time for it, but because I can’t think of anything. I have given up completely on that composition for strings for Holland; at best, I could really only write for choir again.” In April 1957 the Civic Orchestra of Minneapolis got in touch with Heiller and requested that he write a piano concerto for them, “not too difficult.” They offered a commission of $150. Heiller accepted, but added that he could not promise it earlier than autumn 1959. Soon after, in the summer of 1957, another request arrived. The Folkwang Musikschule in Essen wanted a kind of Gesamtkunstwerk; Heiller described it as a synthesis of opera, drama, oratorio,

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compositions after c a. 1956 177 and ballet. The basis for the text was to be Hugo von Hoffmannsthal’s play Das Salzburger Grosse Welttheater (the great world theater of Salzburg). Frank Martin had first been considered, but then the choice fell on “one of the young ones.” Heiller was very tempted. He considered it from all angles, but also had to write In Festo Corporis Christi. In August he had “finally read Hoffmannsthal— the whole thing really appeals to me; but the problems that would have to be solved.” Erna suggested: “Don’t lose any sleep over that American commission. First of all, they pay so little; second, it’s only a piano concerto. The project in Essen is much more promising, more artistic and also more lucrative.” In the same letter Heiller even mentioned a piece that he was supposed to write before the piano concerto: “The Sonnengesang for the Vienna Singakademie.” In fact, except for In Festo Corporis Christi, none of these plans were ever realized. There was some correspondence regarding the project in Essen as late as November, but Heiller’s suggested deadline for completion, September 1962, was obviously too late for the patrons in question. The Canticle of the Sun is something Heiller was to remember again only three weeks before his death, when he made a few sketches. Robert Gant asked Heiller why he had not written anything for the organ between 1947 and 1957 and the answer was: “Because I never had a practice instrument I was never very interested in writing organ works and that is why I wanted to write more choral music; after 1957 every organ piece (like everything else since 1952) was written for a commission.”1 But this era was now at an end.

The Organ Works of the Middle Period (1956–70) Apart from a very small number of serial works and aleatoric compositions, the dominant principles behind organ works from German-speaking regions were linearity and Spielfreude (best translated as “delight in music making”). Only rarely did composers break out of this framework. One of the exceptions was Manfred Kluge with his Fantasie in drei Rhythmen (1956). This work is quite fascinating, but one cannot help feeling that the composer did not really integrate French colors and rhythms into his own personal style, but somehow, just for the occasion, slipped into a Parisian costume. In Heiller’s case the situation is quite different. When he wrote the first work in this middle period he had already been to Haarlem for several successive years and each time spent the month of July exploring all manner of repertoire that was virtually never played in Austria. Most of all, through Marie-Claire Alain, he had become acquainted with the music of her brother Jehan Alain who had died at such a young age; and Heiller without a doubt also prepared the way for Messiaen’s music in Austria. In addition, Heiller had been able to study the harmonic language of Arthur Honegger and Frank Martin due to his involvement with performances

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of their works on several occasions, as has been shown in detail in the first chapter. This was the point in time where all these inspirations flowed into organ compositions: the whole-tone thematic, the modes of the French, the valeurs ajoutées, and any number of metric patterns; he had already made use of these in his Tentatio Jesu and in François Villon. In a short review of the work In Festo Corporis Christi, Hans Haselböck commented that from time to time this influence was “quite necessary for German organ playing, as it has always been rather fixated on the constructive element.”2 The use of these stylistic elements was new in the German-speaking organ scene and was viewed with a certain amount of suspicion at first. A short report on the Tenth International Organ Week at Nuremberg represents a great find. It appeared in the American Journal for organists the Diapason and throws some light on this issue: “Many of the Germans [in the audience] were unfamiliar with Messiaen, and the controversy caused by six movements from the Nativity was amusing to an American to whom Messiaen is almost ‘old stuff.’”3 (It seems, with all due respect, that the worthy visitor from the United States has given a rather exaggerated view regarding the receptiveness of his compatriots toward modern organ music.) Heiller wrote In Festo Corporis Christi (Four pieces for the Feast of Corpus Christi) in 1957, a work commissioned by the Christophorus Publishing House. The project was the creation of a gigantic collection of pieces, titled Organum in Missa Cantata, modeled loosely on Charles Tournemire’s cycle L’Orgue mystique.4 The list of composers invited to participate included many well-known names (among others Albert de Klerk, Louis Toebosch, and Günter Bialas). Each festival within the Church year was to be represented by four pieces. Four plainsong melodies from the propers of the Mass for that day were to serve as thematic material. It is important to remember that the propers (Introit, Gradual, Alleluia, Offertory, and Communion) were completely fixed for all Catholic churches around the globe, resulting in little or no opportunity for choice. Pieces of this kind theoretically had the potential to achieve sales in the millions, as they were independent from the languages used in different countries around the world and because these plainsong melodies were in fact sung on the same day worldwide. In Heiller’s composition the first movement Ante Introitum is intended as the opening piece of the Mass; its ending is somewhat restrained, leading directly into the chanting. At that time the chants that accompanied the preparation of the offerings were also prescribed; the censing (the ritual of offering incense to the altar, priest, and liturgical party as well as to the congregation) invariably took longer than the chanting, and this created the opportunity for the piece Post Offertorium. The same applied to the Communion chant, which was usually shorter than the actual distribution of the sacrament, so the organ piece Post Communionem could easily be accommodated. Gradual and Alleluia usually followed one another without a break, as only one reading took place before the Gospel. There was no room for a

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compositions after c a. 1956 179 longer organ piece, not before, and not after this chant, and that is why the fourth piece of each set was intended to be a substantial postlude to end the Mass. The thematic basis for this Postludium in Heiller’s case is the plainsong sequence “Lauda Sion Salvatorem,” which on the Feast of Corpus Christi was added to the Gradual and Alleluia. In August 1957 Heiller wrote from Lucerne: “My organ things for Speyer (Mr. Quack and Dr. Walter) are supposed to be ready by the end of the year.”5 What happened after Heiller delivered these pieces is related by Hans Haselböck: “The publisher returned the set of pieces to the composer, accompanied by a polite letter expressing their regret that these very interesting pieces unfortunately were technically too demanding. By accident a written assessment of the works by the chief editor was left in the returned enveloped and here it said that ‘pieces using such Blues harmonies cannot be inflicted on German organists’”6 (related by Heiller on a train trip from Vienna to Haarlem). That opens up two questions: first, exactly where in this work do these Blues harmonies occur? and second: where are all those other pieces from this great project that apparently were considered so much more suitable? In Festo, in any case, is still being performed forty years later. Ultimately, the work was published with the Viennese publishing house Doblinger, as were all of Heiller’s compositions during this period. Heiller played the premiere himself, on May 6, 1958, in Brussels. The performance took place within the framework of a “Focus on Austria” at the World Exhibition, during which four organists contributed recitals (Erich Romanovsky, Hans Haselböck, Johanna Salis-Samaden, and Anton Heiller). Heiller complained about the constant “comings and goings during the rehearsals” and about the “dreadful trash can” of an organ. He also mentioned a performance of one of his masses, given as part of the same event, by the Vienna Boys’ Choir (possibly the Missa Erhalt und Herr bei deinem Wort). Heiller later mentioned on a number of occasions that the Fronleichnamsstücke (Corpus Christi pieces), as they are usually referred to in Austria, are the only works from his pen that he himself played in concert. (In fact, Heiller initially played all his earlier works. From among his later compositions, he occasionally performed Ecce lignum crucis.) As it happens, Heiller’s first program suggestion for the Brussels concert is still extant (a letter from January 1958), and did not include the Corpus Christi pieces. What he planned for his opportunity to introduce an uninitiated audience to Austrian organ music was pretty “strong stuff”: Johann Sebastian Bach, Fantasia Komm heiliger Geist, Herre Gott Johann Nepomuk David, Partita Unüberwindlich starker Held, St. Michael Anton Heiller, Sonate für Orgel (First Sonata) Franz Schmidt, Chaconne in cis

We have to remind ourselves that at this time Gregorian chant was performed according to the Solesmes method, which meant singing all the square

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notes equally long. This method results in accentuation that we are no longer used to hearing. The strange accentuation in Heiller’s “Gaudete” might have its origin in this system. Attempts to transfer today’s plainsong interpretation to the Gregorian themes on which In Festo is based—as for instance in the first part of the last movement—go against the composer’s intentions. Instructions such as: frei—sehr frei—rubato (free, very free, rubato) are always directed to combat specific interpretation practices,7 and have to be used with care; they often just indicate that one should avoid playing with mechanical rigidity. In the Post Offertorium some organists succumb to the temptation to follow a loud, fast piece with one that is soft and slow; metronome markings should be observed.8 The piece is often affected in the opposite way; it is often heard somewhat hurried and breathless. In the last movement it is very important to observe the directions concerning where a 16ʹ plenum should be used; especially during the first section of the last movement, a disturbing crossing of parts will result when a 16ʹ plenum is employed for the right hand only. And a curiosity should be reported here. In March 1973 Heiller was contacted by Mathys Abas, music director of the Boise Philharmonic Association (Idaho). He had recently heard In Feste [sic] Corporis Christi and enjoyed it so much, that he had transcribed it for large orchestra—without percussion—and asked permission to perform the work on April 10, 1973. The full score follows the original organ score quite closely, apart from a few changes to bar lines and meter, so as to simplify conducting. In the last movement I could not help myself; I had to add a few miniature cadenzas for woodwind, in the style of short improvisations on the fermatas, such as in measures 4, 7, 11 and 17. The cadenzas are about a measure-and-a-half long and ad libitum. I hope you don’t mind this—it gives the musicians the opportunity to show off a bit.

No, Heiller apparently did not mind, considering that the whole thing was almost completed? His son Bernhard vaguely remembers his father muttering: “Oh well, what can you do?” After the performance Abas sent a cassette tape; even a few months’ work on the piece had not altered his referring to it as “In Feste . . .” For the same project of the Christophorus Publishing House Heiller also composed Postludium super “Ite missa est XI,” and this piece—strangely enough, one is tempted to say—was accepted. The piece is quite unwieldy and also rather difficult to play; it seems even less suitable than In Festo for “inflicting on” German organists. I suspect that the real reason for its acceptance was that it was not deemed advisable to reject a contribution from Heiller twice. The copy I have at my disposal is marked (in Heiller’s hand) “about 1963/64”; I suspect, however, that he composed it somewhat earlier. The work is based on the plainsong melody provided for the “Ite Missa est” of the eleventh plainsong mass Orbis factor. Every plainsong Mass ordinary includes a chant for the final

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compositions after c a. 1956 181 Example 8.1. Anton Heiller, Postludium über “Ite missa est XI.” © 1964 by Verlag Herder, Freiburg.

versicle and response (Ite missa est–Deo gratias) and it usually resembles the melody of the Kyrie. From the head of the chant Heiller forms an eight-measure melody that is allowed to develop until all twelve tones within the octave have been heard and with this a loosely tonal basis is reached. This kind of construction is quite typical for Heiller (for instance, the theme of the third movement of the Second Sonata; see ex. 7.3), and was also used in improvisations, as can be observed in the transcribed improvisation on “Ave maris Stella.” Soon a countersubject is added to the texture. Movement is then condensed in an interlude (thirty-second notes) and leads to a stretto at the interval of a fourth, which also contains the counterpoint melody. This sort of thing is not ideally suited “for everyday use.” Within the framework of Heiller’s organ composition this work represents a late example of the highly complex and dissonancerich polyphonic style.9 The first performance was probably given by Thomas Schmögner at an occasion at the Vienna Funkhaus (the auditorium of the ORF Radio building) titled Fest für Anton Heiller (celebration for Anton Heiller).10 To mark their centenary celebrations, the abbey of Ottobeuren (Bavaria) announced a competition for composers. As there was no announcement in church music magazines it is hard to tell what the patrons had in mind. It is quite possible that Heiller was encouraged personally to apply. What we do know is that Heiller did not win a prize with his Fantasia super Salve Regina. The following description appeared in a review in Music in Letters: Heiller’s work is a written-out ex tempore piece of the uneconomical kind, and it uses every conceivable organ texture—free semiquaver flourishes or sixpart chords, sustained or rushing, fugal or massively homophonic, neat trios or short-lived ostinato figures, constantly changing beat lengths, the tune on top, in the middle, in the bass . . . Heiller builds up “blue” chords of various types, mixing them with thinner versions of the same thing, chords that sound more dissonant the fewer parts there are in the texture.11

Eventually the complete melody has been heard; inversions are treated as equals together with the original melody—at times concurrently, at times

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following each other; this leads to a fuga contraria (animated by syncopated “plucked” bass notes). This composition was dedicated “unofficially” to Sibyl Urbancic who also played its premiere on February 11, 1965. The realization of this piece with its rapid changes of colors on the purely mechanical organ of just fourteen stops at the B-Saal of the Department of Church Music demanded all kinds of tricks from the participants.12 Before programming this piece it would be advisable to check whether the trio (mm. 225–47) can be realized or at least adequately adapted; care should be taken that the Mixtures—especially those available in the pedal—are not too low. They should not contain ranks of 2⅔ʹ pitch, so as to comply with the pedal registration based on 4ʹ. Importantly, the organ should not be too small.13 The second to the last of the five organ works based on Gregorian chant, Ecce lignum crucis (Meditation für Orgel) was composed for the anthology Modern Organ Music. The request from Oxford University Press arrived on April 16, 1965, and Heiller accepted: “I cannot start before 1966, but if that’s o.k. with you, then by all means.” It seems that work on this piece did not progress very easily (and he did not begin in 1966, but a whole year later, in January 1967). On February 4 he wrote to Marinette Extermann: “Yesterday I finally completed that short composition for Oxford University Press . . . Deo gratias14—I have no idea how the piece turned out; I have not gained enough distance from it as yet. I don’t think it is ‘a good piece’ in the ordinary sense of the word; if anything, it might be the opposite, but as I said, I don’t know as yet.” When Roman Summereder asked him about the compositional techniques used, Heiller answered: “None.” He stated that it is freely created in atonal style, using the plainchant as a basis, but inspired by the sonorities and progressions of Josef Matthias Hauer’s music, by overlapping harmonies that form a continuing sequence, each chord “winding its way” out of the previous one. He stated that he had been influenced by these elements, however, without recreating or copying Hauer’s techniques.15 Liturgically Ecce lignum crucis belongs to Good Friday. This chant is sung as the cloth that has been draped over the cross for the whole of Lent is removed; the priest sings the first section, and the faithful answer. This dialogue can be heard clearly at the start and the end of Heiller’s piece (ex. 8.2). The central section of the piece is dominated by percussive throbs for double pedal; this represents, as Heiller himself explained, the scourging of Jesus. After a buildup of tension the theme itself is “stretched out” (a reference to Christ being stretched out on the cross)—it rises a semitone, but drops back again when it reaches the dynamic climax. In the liturgy for Good Friday the “Ecce lignum” is sung three times, consecutively, each time a whole tone higher; this is indicated at the end of the central section where the theme begins. For the recapitulation of the “Ecce lignum” (the role playing is now in the reverse order from that at the start) the old Passiontide song “Es sungen

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compositions after c a. 1956 183 Example 8.2. Ecce lignum crucis. (See the wood of the cross, On which the salvation of the world hung. Come, let us adore.)

drei Engel ein süssen Gesang” (Three angels sang a sweet song) is added to the texture. There are connections here to David and to Hindemith, and once again a Gregorian chant is combined with a German melody. The piece closes with a whole-tone cluster; the three whole-tone steps representing the singing of the chant three times occur here in both the right and the left hands—and then they suddenly seem to freeze. Steve Roberts studied this piece with Heiller in Vienna; the last section, from measure 65, made Heiller smile and say: “You can use your Celeste here, which you Americans are so fond of.”16 With all due respect, I would not recommend such a registration, not because of Heiller’s notorious dislike of such stops but because the texture of this passage only appears to best effect with soft flutes 8ʹ and 4ʹ. The clarity of parts in low-pitched chords of up to seven notes suffers when an undulating stop (such as a Celeste) is used. A soft 8ʹ string stop combined with a 4ʹ flute might add delicacy and distinctness to the harmonic development. Roberts also mentioned the possibility of bringing out the theme “Es sungen drei Engel” in the last three measures by playing it on a lower manual with the two thumbs; Heiller considered that a good idea. I can only warmly recommend this approach, but think it is unwise to create an actual “solo voice.” To me, the ideal solution is to use the previous registration, couple it to the lower manual and enhance it with an additional soft 8ʹ stop. In this piece it is important to take careful note of the extremely differentiated articulation markings, especially in the pedal. Heiller at one time had this advice for the opening of the piece: “You have to play this as if you were singing plainchant in a very romantic manner.” This has to be interpreted with some caution; the rubato resulting from “singing with feeling” is already well expressed in the very complex rhythmic structure, and should not be enhanced by adding more flexibility. I also want to advise against taking the middle section any faster than indicated; the scene of Christ’s flagellation that is portrayed here can easily mutate into a dance interlude. The “middle period” in relation to organ works ends with a totally different kind of piece: the popular and often played Tanz-Toccata of 1970. To begin

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with, I really must confess to a piece of misinformation that I myself broadcast around the world. I want to publicly apologize and to banish it forever from the face of this earth: the Tanz-Toccata was not written for a convention titled “Dance in Organ Music,” it was premiered in Schaffhausen (Switzerland) on August 27, 1970, by the dedicatee of the work, Monika Henking. The piece is not subject to a specific dance rhythm, but, from beginning to end, bounces along, feather-light, in dance-like movement. And, of course, valeurs ajoutées and note groupings of fives and sevens are not everyone’s cup of tea for “stepping out” on the dance floor. Three main themes occur twice, in the same order, and after that in different tonal contexts; everything is arranged very clearly around a central element. The Tanz-Toccata is one of many victims of a mysterious automatic thought process—it progresses like this: “Seeing it’s so difficult to play, it may as well go very fast.” Especially in this particular piece the composer has written down everything that can possibly be notated: registration, articulation, metronome markings. All this should simply be taken seriously; this is, after all, not Renaissance music that requires laborious deciphering. I must point out one frequently recurring misunderstanding right away; it concerns measures 83 to 85 (ex. 8.3). I will present the relationships graphically, that is, lines of equal length represent time units of equal lengths (which is correct). This means that a complete set of quintuplets is of the same length as the three eighth notes in measure 83. One often hears it played as shown in example 8.4 (which is incorrect). Example 8.3. Anton Heiller, Tanz-Toccata. © 1971 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 13.888, mm. 83–85. Correct version.

Example 8.4. Anton Heiller, Tanz-Toccata. © 1971 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 13.888, mm. 83–85. Incorrect version.

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compositions after c a. 1956 185 Here the quintuplet group only receives the same length as two eighth notes in measure 83 (that is a third faster than in the “correct” example)—it can be played like this, of course, but if you try it you will probably surreptitiously have to make a correction to the septuplet groups from measure 89 onward (i.e., slow them down) and this will mean that the shortest note values will end up almost equal, which is not correct. Clearly, the point is that the overriding pendulum movement (upbeat/downbeat) in the pedal remains constant and that above it, in the right hand, velocity increases. (Please note: the mistake occurs in measure 83 to 84, but affects especially measure 85 and after.) There is another section that is nearly always played incorrectly: in measure 221 the sixteenth notes are not to be played as triplets. These sixteenths are of the same speed as those previously. In the older editions there is a right-hand note E missing in measure 95. It replaces the incorrect sixteenth rest (as in measure 203). In a letter to Marie-Claire Alain (March 25, 1975), Heiller expressly ruled out a 16ʹ registration for the Plenum sections on the Great. A 16ʹ plenum should not be used until measure 202 (as indicated). He also corrected a further printing error: measures 202 and 203 should be identical for the left hand; this affects the top note in the second chord, which should be B♮ in both cases (not B♭). For the sake of a complete list, Heiller’s short chorale prelude on Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist should be mentioned here also. Written in 1965, it appeared in an organ tutor by Schildknecht, published by Verlag Coppenrath and is suitable for the most modest circumstances.

The Songs This category contains Heiller’s compositions for accompanied voice; to call them “songs” is perhaps a little imprecise, but for various reasons they fit in quite well here. Zwei geistliche Gesänge (Two spiritual songs) (“Optavi” and “Gaudete”), on the one hand still have their roots in Gregorian chant, but on the other hand are already endowed with the new richly colored harmonies and also contain some of those almost twelve-tone rows already discussed. On the whole, these two songs give a very rounded portrait of Heiller in the late fifties: one of the songs is meditative and reflective, the other full of energy and filled with joyous pious expectation. The text of “Optavi” is, apart from a small omission, the reading set for the feast day of Saint Thomas Aquinas (then March 7, and the piece is dated March 5). Heiller, who was well acquainted with musical symbolism, seems to have included some for the shaping of the word “optavi”: within an octave (the sum total of all the notes, creation)

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there is searching from one end to the other.17 The piece is dedicated, “unofficially,” to Johanna Handel (née Salis-Samaden). The text of the second song is better known, as it is the reading for the third Sunday in Advent.18 The fact that the very word “Gaudete” is set wrongly, switching accents (Gaude-te instead of gau-de-te) caused negative comments, even in the review of the Viennese premiere at the Akademie; we, his students, full of admiration for our teacher, were full of righteous indignation for such malicious comments but were also unable to explain how Heiller could have come up with this particular accentuation. Maybe it was yet another case of the Solesmes method of singing Gregorian chant; deciding between word accent and musical accent often requires an almost metaphysical examination. Similarly, the harmonization “Lauda Sion” in the last movement of In Festo Corporis Christi also seems somewhat strange for contemporary ears (Lauda Sion Salva-torem, etc.). In any case, in his ““Gaudete”,” Heiller once again entered new territory in the world of sacred music: so far no one had composed such lengthy coloratura motives, nor such cheeky offbeat notes for the pedal. The piece certainly is a creative stroke of such quality that it sweeps away any concerns about accentuation and correct pitching. Thomas Lee Bailey told Heiller that he had performed the work and that for the quiet middle section (“et pax Dei”) he had used a Voix céleste, upon which Heiller had one of his rare angry outbursts—how could Tom do such a thing to his music! However, once he had read the review of this performance, which read like a hymn of praise, the thunder clouds quickly dispersed and he said: “Well, you know, maybe the Céleste is not such a bad idea after all.” Both pitch and dynamics rise when “pax Dei” returns at the end; a brief organ coda closes on a kind of suspension—a grand gesture; an outstretched arm points to the approaching Savior and emphatically remains still. The four songs for alto and piano are, at first glance, also a little mysterious. Ave Maria and Pater noster are in quite strict twelve-tone idiom in their melodic construction, whereas Fiat voluntas tua and Sub tuum praesidium are constructed according to that familiar quasi-dodecaphony. The first two songs have surprising origins: during the early sixties Sibyl Urbancic assisted Heiller with his sizable correspondence. At times these sessions coincided with Sibyl’s duties as a mother, when she had to put her five-year-old daughter to bed. Sibyl and her little girl were in the habit of saying bedtime prayers together; Sibyl often sang the Lord’s Prayer or the Ave Maria for the child, to an improvised melody. Heiller witnessed this and—rather amazingly—composed these two twelve-tone songs for such occasions. Each song opens with the appropriate twelve-tone row, “without an introduction, because of course you have perfect pitch,” Heiller said at the time. The two other songs are later additions and were intended as birthday gifts; all four are dedicated to Sibyl in pectore (“somewhat secretly”).

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compositions after c a. 1956 187

The Two Twelve-Tone Masses At that time, between about 1956 and 1965, the use of twelve-tone techniques in liturgical music was something that church music composers had to consider very carefully, despite all openness to new things. Twelve-tone music was not perceived simply as just another kind of “modern music,” but as a step into another world. Ernst Tittel expressed exactly that when he said about Heiller: “With his last mass he definitely stepped across the “Rubikon19 of dodecaphony”20 And on another occasion: Dodecaphony has prevailed and has emerged as one of the languages of modern music. In its radical openness and the courage to embrace ugliness it represents the true reflection of our time. . . . It is noteworthy that the old Greek proverb “Cadente musica cadet et res publica”21 has also been fulfilled in the twentieth century: in 1918 the old world order collapsed and virtually at the same time the first twelve-tone compositions appeared! . . . We noted previously that on the whole it is a normal development for Musica Sacra to adopt the musical idiom of the contemporary era [Baroque period, etc.]— however, it has to be filled with liturgical meaning and must be “sanctified” (made holy). That, it seems, is not possible as yet with twelve-tone music and there is some doubt whether it ever will be.22

An earlier comment shows that this issue had been a concern for church musicians for some time: “In this way the first International Church Music Congress in Rome [1950] unanimously rejected a bid (by Belgium) for an outright ban on twelve-tone music in the sacred sphere, and thereby indicated the tolerant stance of the Church.”23 In contrast, Franz Krieg presented—yet again—a different point of view. “Twelve-tone technique, seen from a compositional point of view, is the conquering of new territory in terms of church music; however, this is not a criterion for the performers or for the recipients, as we experience the music, not the technique.”24 In this atmosphere Heiller now presented not just one, but two masses that in their very titles admit to using a technique that was officially still “under investigation.” He was well prepared—in terms of mastering the craft (as he had already composed a number of works in this idiom) and in practice (as he had already written such pieces expressly intended for the liturgy). In May 1960 a festival was held to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Department of Church Music. The Missa super modus duodecimales was premiered at the opening religious ceremony on May 22. “For choir and seven instruments,” Heiller wrote in a letter to Denmark, “without organ, because otherwise we would have had to use the organ at the Franziskanerkirche, that miserable old toothbrush.” Michael Mayr sang in that performance and remembers that this work was later programmed again; to everybody’s amazement less

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rehearsal time was needed than had been arranged. “Everything was still in place—which proves that this mass is basically very singable. The performances of this mass are among my greatest memories of my years in Vienna.”25 Joseph Schabasser was a practicing church musician with academic qualifications, also a musicologist, and, in addition to that, very much in tune with ordinary people and the needs of what is commonly called Landkirchenchor (the modest rural church choir). This makes his comments especially noteworthy: This mass has caused considerable controversy ever since its first performance. Friends of contemporary church music see it as an important step toward a new style; opponents are of the opinion that such music simply cannot be tolerated in the divine service. There is no doubt whatsoever about Heiller’s skill and artistry. Also beyond dispute is that he writes from deeply felt conviction. Therefore, he may, in fact he has to write in this manner and not in any other. Such courage deserves respect. Will the future belong to this kind of music? Is it at least on the right path or will it prove to be a blind alley? Heiller is convinced that he is walking the right path. At least at the moment he is certain of it. However, contemporaries cannot make valid judgments. Does such music belong in church? It has not been written for ordinary church practice. Its demands are far too great for our church choirs, and will be for a long time to come. There is, therefore, not much “danger” that this mass will be heard in many churches or shock many congregations. But there should be little cause for protest when this kind of music is presented at the Vienna Franziskanerkirche, sung competently by a professional choir. Those who choose to attend services at this church know that they will hear new music that will be challenging. Those who have no inclination for this kind of thing have plenty of other opportunities.26

On May 8, 1962, Heiller’s Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle (Short mass on twelve-tone models) was premiered at the Franziskanerkirche. After the really difficult first mass (one that also needed large forces) he may have wanted to write for “simpler” circumstances; we do not need to stress that even here, writing in “simple and straightforward” style, Heiller’s creative thinking still moves in the lofty regions of a singing style that is quite demanding. Nevertheless, the tone row that forms the basis here is very much “tonally centered” (for instance, as is Lobet, ihr Knechte) and it returns to its opening tonality of E minor in the manner of a cadence. This kind of tone row enables him to create block chords from it (as in the second Kyrie, ex. 8.5, mm. 4 and 5). Aigner’s discussion of the work provides an excellent overview.27 One glance at the four modi shows how much this music strives toward a tonal center, especially in the inversion (ex. 8.6). Franz Krieg in his review of the printed edition has this to say: If the description “easy to perform” is intended to indicate a traditional tonal, cadence-oriented sound ideal, then this mass, and all the others from

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compositions after c a. 1956 189 Example 8.5. Anton Heiller, Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle. © 1962 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 10577, mm. 4–5.

Example 8.6. Anton Heiller, Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle. © 1962 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 10577. Tonal material.

Anton Heiller’s pen (and not only those by him!) are most definitely “difficult.” However if one is able to leave behind the customary and allow oneself to enter a new sound world (as we have had to do with secular music for some time now), in order to acknowledge its presence, then one is fascinated by the density and creative simplicity of the voice leading and overall organization of the sonorities. One should not be prejudiced, nor intimidated by the twelve-tone rows, but accept the spiritual content and its musical expression as the unity that they really are. Of course this Missa makes demands that cannot be met solely by the ear, that is, by our feeling for traditional consonant harmonies. And in any case, the same goes for all church music, even the simplest compositions. After all, what we perceive with our ears should

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only ever be an external means toward an inward spiritual, religious, liturgical experience. This experience, however, finds its expression in this composition in a way that is as concise as it is deep, even profoundly moving.28

Within the framework of the Berliner Tage der Musica Sacra (Berlin days of sacred music) in September 1962 there was a choral concert at the church of Saint Matthias in which Hans Gillesberger and the Vienna AkademieKirchenchor included, among other things, parts of this mass. This report comes from an Austrian participant: It was interesting how the opinions of colleagues clashed here. Two young men for whom music begins with Schoenberg considered the selection from this mass the convention’s most valuable musical offering, whereas others severely criticized these movements because they believe that church music is not just for the praise of God, but also for the edification of the faithful and they simply cannot quite believe that those Heiller movements could contribute to the uplifting of the faithful.29

When one considers that this convention was also the general assembly of the ACV (Allgemeiner Caecilienverband), which represented German mainstream—if not conservative—church music, one can easily imagine this controversy.

The Small-Scale Vocal Compositions The three-part Ave Maria (1957) has to be listed next, as it follows immediately after the early masses. Heiller wrote it for Franziska Kaufmann, who was also the recipient of the recently mentioned Missa super “Salve Regina” et “Vater unser im Himmelreich.” However, she never performed this work with her school choir; after the performance of the mass she met with opposition from the teaching staff and the school put a stop to what they considered “too much choral music.”30 Memorare, a motet on an old prayer to the Virgin, is “dedicated to the Kantorei ‘Leonhard Lechner’ and their conductor, my friend P. Dr. Oswald Jaeggi with affection.” The technique of surrounding quasi-twelve-tone melodies with lush harmonies is further developed here. Right in the middle of the piece, like a greeting from ancient times, we suddenly come across a purely modal section (“Ego tali animatus”). The Benedictine monk Oswald Jaeggi from the monastery Muri-Gries (originally a branch of the community in Muri, Switzerland) was one of the leading church musicians of South Tyrol. At the general assembly of the ACV, which took place between June 15 and 17, in Muenster, Westphalia, he and his choir presented a concert featuring works by contemporary Austrian composers (Tittel, Doppelbauer, and Heiller); we can assume that this is where the motet was premiered. The first Soprano note in measure 43 should probably be an F♯.

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compositions after c a. 1956 191 At the same congress, on Whitsunday (June 16, 1957), another motet by Heiller was sung for the first time. Composing the various movements of the propers had been distributed among a number of composers (Ernst Pfiffner, Oswald Jaeggi, Hans Gebhard, Leif Kayser); the Offertory Confirma hoc, Deus was set to music by Heiller. The Soprano lines are almost completely modal, the harmonization is polytonal. The piece is more readily approachable than the motet Memorare. At the time it was sung by the choir of Saint Servatius from Siegburg (Germany). Another Heiller composition was performed in an organ recital by Josef Bucher. That Heiller was on a search with his vocal style at this time is also shown by a work from June 1957: Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze für Männerchor (Four settings of Austrian folk songs for male choir). Numbers 2–4 (“Weil der Tag nun fanget an,” “Heidi puppeidi,” and “Weihnachtslied”) keep the promise of the title: they are by and large without accidentals, the harmony is straightforward; nevertheless, they are intricately crafted. The latter is also the case for number 1, “Das Schloss in Österreich,” but here the harmony is complex, with many false relations and rich chromaticism; it is harder to feel the simple folk-song flavor. As a unit these four pieces are a strange mixture, and the individual settings were probably received with varying degrees of enthusiasm by the Sängerbund Nordwestdeutschland (Confederation of Singers of Northwest Germany) to whom they are dedicated. The Vier geistliche Motetten (Four spiritual motets) are in fact another proper,31 and belong to the “Mass for the anniversary of the church dedication” (the Latin subtitle states “In Anniversario Dedicationis ecclesiae”). As a composer one can understand the scenario: an event organizer or publisher asks: “Proper? Dedication anniversary? Nobody would know what that is. Why don’t we call it . . . ?” Perhaps it was more harmless than this—Heiller was meant to write several pieces and took a “set” of texts that also belonged together liturgically. The commission came from the radio station Südwestfunk Baden-Baden, and the premiere took place on October 16, 1960, in a festive mass within the framework of the Donaueschinger Musiktage (Music festival in Donaueschingen); the choir of the national University of Music, Freiburg, sang and M. Froitzheim conducted. One cannot help but suspect that with this composition Heiller somehow had the expectations of an avant-garde music festival in mind. It is hard to imagine anything more difficult. This is a case of fully fledged twelvetone rows, but they are not surrounded by “friendly” harmonies, as is so often the case with Heiller. No, they appear in fugato, or stretched across the octave range, making them even less singable (ex. 8.7). Just once, without warning, a modal island with few accidentals pops up, as in the Memorare, tailor-made for the text “Domine, in simplicitate cordis mei.” The theme, by the way, is very reminiscent of the Soprano aria “Es lebt ein Glaube in den Völkern” in François Villon. Apart from this there is not much tonality. For me personally there is no doubt that, as far as the consolidation

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Example 8.7. Anton Heiller, Four Sacred Motets. © 1959 by Universal Edition A.G., Wien/UE 13073.

of his style is concerned, Heiller had arrived at a critical phase, and one is tempted to say, he found himself at a dead end. A number of escape routes were about to offer themselves before not too long: ““Gaudete”,” Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle, and Organ Concerto. From the very first issue, the journal Singende Kirche provided printed music scores in a supplement. The emphasis was always “for practical use.” The chief editor Joseph Schabasser approached Heiller for a contribution to volume one of year eight.32 He requested a short choral work in the manner of Dem König aller Zeiten. Heiller supplied the motet Lobet, ihr Knechte des Herrn. As usual, the first page presents the twelve-tone row that forms the basis of the work (ex. 8.8), and also its three derivative forms—inversion, retrograde, inversion of retrograde—sure to be a great encouragement for a rural church choir. In his customary congenial writing style Schabasser tried to whet the appetite of his subscribers: Concerning the music supplement in this issue, I expect my readers will be ready to stone me to death. As the theme of the present edition is “new church music,” I asked the most modern of our Austrian composers to write a short piece on a Psalm text for “Singende Kirche.” He fulfilled my request most willingly. But, as is often the case with composers, even if one begs ever so hard to keep it very simple, and when the composer promises to do just that, it often turns out more difficult than intended. . . . My advice is this: If your choir has a bit of time to spare, have a go! Maybe start where pairs of voices go in unison. The notes have to be learned of course. The individual voices are not that difficult. It is when the voices sing together that things get critical. If it can all be sung in tune and really “sits” well, then it could even be that you will get to like the piece a little. And on top of that you can boast that you are singing the newest and most modern church music piece in the whole of Austria.33

The piece fits among the other works of the journal’s music supplement a little like a space shuttle in a coach museum, but nevertheless, it was one of the good “ordinary” church choirs of Vienna (the choir of the Peterskirche under Alfred Reimann) that premiered the work on July 1, 1961. It has to be said that Heiller definitely strove for simplicity, and he created one of his most

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compositions after c a. 1956 193 Example 8.8. Anton Heiller, Lobet, ihr Knechte des Herrn. © 1961 by Österreichische Kirchenmusikkommission.

typical twelve-tone rows, one that somehow seems to consist of two completely tonal halves. In the discussion of the premiere we read the following: “The composer uses the twelve-tone technique so skillfully that one perceives this as a work that unfolds quite naturally; nothing resembles the kind of construction that is usually associated with this technique.”34 Heiller’s Tantum ergo I and Tantum ergo II are dated September 22, 1960. We do not know what might have been the incentive for this work or when it was first performed. The purpose may have been pedagogical or perhaps “propaganda,” for instance, to demonstrate that Heiller’s “soft” twelve-tone technique and the free harmonization of a Gregorian cantus firmus can bring very similar results. The subtitles inform us that the first Tantum ergo is “über ein Zwölftonmodell” (based on a twelve-tone model), the second “über die gregorianische Melodie” (based on the Gregorian melody). The first is interwoven with motives derived from the tone row (which precedes the piece in the printed score), but the second one is also harmonically complex: the Phrygian melody in long note values is set against stacked polychrome chords. O rex gentium is one of the so-called O-Antiphons. These were performed in each case during the seven days before Christmas with the Magnificat at vespers. In today’s liturgy they can also be sung as a Verse before the Gospel. O rex gentium belongs to December 21. During the Advent celebrations at the Department of Church Music on December 16, 1960, Doctor Franz Kosch was bid farewell in festive style; as a parting gift he received five such antiphons, dedicated to him, written by five of the teachers (Kronsteiner, Tittel, Pach, Romanovsky, and Heiller), and they were performed by the Akademie-Kirchenchor. In Heiller’s motet the Gregorian

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melody is presented phrase by phrase until it is complete; it appears mostly in the alto, and later in the work also in the tenor. This is a good opportunity to observe how Heiller can, by using a gentle transition, create a twelvetone melody from a Gregorian theme. The motet Stufen for treble chorus owes its existence to a chance meeting on a train. This is how Gertrude Kastner (at that time a high school teacher and a part-time organist) tells the story. When she traveled to the Haarlem courses in 1960 and the sleeping cars were uncoupled after the night portion of the trip, the passengers moved to seats in the ordinary carriages, and that is when she met Heiller whom she had not known personally before. She started a conversation and they were soon discussing religious and philosophical topics and in this context Hermann Hesse’s Das Glasperlenspiel (The Glass Bead Game) came up. Gertrude recited the poem “Stufen” (Steps) from memory; it is one of the poems found in the estate of Joseph Knecht, master of the Glasperlenspiel. The first hearing of this poem made such an impression that Heiller decided to set it to music; the completed fair copy is dated June 17, 1961. Meanwhile, Kastner had enrolled as one of Heiller’s students in the organ performance course. One day he brought her a very neat copy of the motet and asked her to forward it to Hermann Hesse, together with an accompanying letter. Not long afterward he received a friendly reply written on behalf of Hermann Hesse who at the time was in the final stages of leukemia. Heiller commented regarding the poem: “This is so very objective, it has to be sung by a boys’ choir.” And regarding the dedication: “As it is, I still owe Grossmann something”; and so the piece was dedicated to the artistic director of the Vienna Boys’ Choir. The piece is—as befits the high demands of this poem—very difficult to sing, and at the trickiest points it is in six parts. Nothing is known concerning a premiere at that time; apparently it did not take place until December 13, 1990, performed by the ORF choir, conducted by Erwin Ortner, in the auditorium of the Vienna Funkhaus—and, most fittingly, in connection with the presentation of the very first Ferdinand Grossmann Prize.35 Anton Heiller wrote his Proprium zum Fronleichnamsfest in January/February 1964, instigated by Sibyl Urbancic who conducted the church choir of the parish Wien-Hetzendorf. The setting for three-part mixed choir, quite unusual for Heiller, has its origins in this particular choir situation. That also explains the rather modest level of technical difficulty—here, for once, actually realized. By and large, the movements keep within one modus, which is only extended very cautiously by use of accidentals. In the Graduale we find a quasi-Gregorian Alleluia. As it happens, the premiere did not occur in 1964 after all and in the following year Sibyl Urbancic had left her position in Hetzendorf. Ultimately, the cycle received its first performance at the Franziskanerkirche on the Feast Day of Corpus Christi in 1965.36

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compositions after c a. 1956 195 I have not been able to establish a date for the premiere of the work Deutsches Proprium für den vierten Sonntag nach Ostern (German Propers for the Fourth Sunday After Easter), but there are some indications that it may have taken place on May 8, 1966, at Vienna’s Franziskanerkirche. That is also when Heiller’s Missa super “Erhalt uns Herr bei deinem Wort” was performed. According to earlier announcements a set of propers by a Vorarlberg composer had been planned. It is possible that this did not go forward and that Heiller, on short notice, composed a replacement Proper. Two things speak for this assumption: Heiller, in the Gradual, above the text “Christus, von den Toten auferstanden,” cites the complete chorale melody “Erhalt uns Herr bei deinem Wort,” which then meanders through all the parts; and the close of the Communion is formed from the beginning of the Dorian “Salve regina.” The interconnectedness with Heiller’s earlier mass is therefore clearly established. Because of their related texts, the Introit and Offertory are conceived along similar lines. The Gradual and Communion, on the other hand, are closely related stylistically because of their very similar themes. Example 8.9 shows the mild modality characteristic for the whole work: Example 8.9. Anton Heiller, Deutsches Proprium für den vierten Sonntag nach Ostern. © 1966 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 12364.

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The Concertos The most important work in this category is Heiller’s Organ Concerto. Sibyl Urbancic describes the period during which Heiller wrote this work: The draft of Heiller’s Organ Concerto is marked 29.3.1963, S.  D.  G., just after the final double bar line. How can I relate, some time afterward, what it was like to be witness to this creative process? How to describe the thrilling exuberance with which he sat down at one of the department’s practice pianos each morning, before the 8:00 a.m. start of teaching, to demonstrate what he had sketched that night, singing at the top of his voice, calling out the instrumentation? How can I convey his desperate fear that he might not do justice to this commission (from the Haarlem Summer Academy), that he might not manage to complete it in time (the world premiere of Hindemith’s Organ Concerto at the opening of the Lincoln Center in New York took place immediately before [April 25, 1963])? And how can the meekness, the gratefulness for what had been achieved and the humility of this great man be made believable?37

It is easy to imagine how important it was that this commission for the Haarlem Organ Festival be completed on time, as we know from a letter from the year 1957 that the premiere of this work had been originally planned for July 8, 1958. The first movement had already been composed in 1959.38 The world premiere took place on July 5, 1963. Heiller played the instrument at the Nieuwe Kerk (1523/1791) before its restoration had been completed. Only one manual was usable and in the pedal only the Subbass and the coupler. The organ gallery is situated somewhat low, which makes the distance from the orchestra relatively acceptable,39 or maybe just acceptable, given the tight intertwining of organ and orchestra in a consistently polyrhythmic texture. It is obvious that a decision had been made against the use of the organ at the Haarlem Concertgebouw (originally built by Cavaillé-Coll, but subsequently subjected to a number of unfavorable changes), in favor of an only partly playable Baroque organ in a church. (There it is, once again, this tendency to opt for a Baroque instrument regardless, even if it is not the best choice from a stylistic point of view. A year later, during the Haarlem Festival, Piet Kee played the Organ Symphony by Camille Saint-Saëns in the Grote Kerk in Alkmaar on the large Baroque organ of 1645!) Jos de Klerk, in his review, subtly raises a reproaching finger: “I can’t help feeling that this work would appear to maximum effect on a large instrument, such as our Cavaillé-Coll organ.”40 The Organ Concerto is a high point in Heiller’s entire creative output insofar as here twelve-tone technique is employed with outstanding assuredness and consistency, and yet the composer never runs the risk of submitting to it as a restrictive doctrine. The harmonic structure never approaches the consistently tense dissonance that was so characteristic of his vocal twelve-tone works

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compositions after c a. 1956 197 (for instance, in his Tantum ergo I and Vier geistliche Chöre). Thanks to his technique of designing tone rows in such a way that tonal connections offer themselves,41 he can present the very same row first as a main theme (which already carries within it sonata form potential; ex. 8.10a), and then again, in the third movement—in the retrograde of the inversion, squashed together into the first 6 8 measure—where it appears as a playful motive, seemingly intended for this very purpose right from the start (ex. 8.10b). Example 8.10a. Anton Heiller, Orgelkonzert, first movement (beginning). © 1964 by Musikverlag Doblinger D.10.843.

Example 8.10b. Anton Heiller, Orgelkonzert, third movement (beginning). © 1964 by Musikverlag Doblinger D.10.843.

Energetic, polymetric formations abound whenever toccata or trio segments do not dominate the action. The overriding principle in the first movement is the classical concerto or sonata form: an orchestral introduction, then the soloist presents the main theme again, and this is followed by the second theme, a codetta, development section, shortened recapitulation, and finally a coda. A fugue is inserted into the meditative second movement (a reference to J. N. David); this is followed by an explosion into dance, after which all is quiet again. The third movement, perpetuum mobile from beginning to end, astounds with two timpani solos and a number of very contrasting themes, all of which have been formed from the basic row. One of the twelve-tone rows consists of three B–A–C–H groups,42 transposed to various pitches and following each other. Heiller played the Austrian premiere on October 22, 1963, in the Vienna Funkhaus under conductor Karl Österreicher. He also conducted it in Milan, Berlin, Tokyo, and later also in Nuremberg. “Definitely directed towards the new, but not the avant-garde—such music often falls through the cracks between the applause of a small, enthusiastic elite and the acceptance by the crowd.”43

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Example 8.11. Twelve-tone row for Konzert für Cembalo, Orgelpositiv und Kammerorchester. ©1978 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 14.263.

The Konzert für Cembalo, Orgelpositiv und Kammerorchester (Concerto for harpsichord, chamber organ, and chamber orchestra) was written in 1972 and commissioned for the National Convention of the American Guild of Organists in Dallas in the same year. Much in this piece reminds one of Frank Martin: the way in which the music suddenly gathers momentum, after a quiet start of chordal ostinati, seems to come straight from Martin’s Petite symphonie concertante. The similar sonorities of the keyboard instruments definitely enhance this resemblance. According to Heiller, the twelve-tone row used here (ex. 8.11) originates in an improvisation theme that he was once given for a recital in Saint Louis.44 This row contains the “cell of tonality,” so commonly found in Heiller, not because of built-in diatonic possibilities, but due to his use of conventional sequences. The light scoring—flute, oboe, clarinet, bassoon, and strings—contributes to the transparency and elegance of this composition; the percussive qualities of the harpsichord are used for a variety of whimsical sections, often with the help of pizzicato from the double bass. It would not be Heiller if we did not find a ruminating, slow string intermezzo right in the middle of the work. This is reminiscent of the middle movements of the early organ sonatas. The premiere was given by the good old “Haarlem Trio” on June 23, 1972, in Dallas—with Heiller conducting, M.-C. Alain at the chamber organ, and Tagliavini at the harpsichord.

Works for Choir with Instrumental Accompaniment The story relating the creation of the cantata Regina martyrum is so amusing that I would like to devote quite a bit of space to it, even though the work itself is of no key importance in Heiller’s oeuvre. The origin of the idea is described in Singende Kirche:45 “The Italian Association Sancta Cecilia for Sacred Music (Rome) plans to publish a large collection of motets and cantatas in honor of the Virgin Mary to commemorate the centenary of the apparition of the Mother of God at Lourdes. It will be titled ‘Lourdiana’ and will only contain newly composed works by outstanding composers from around the world.” On October 3, 1958, Archbishop Ilaro Alcini, secretary-general of the association, approached Heiller and asked whether he could set to music a Hymnus, which he forwarded. Probably in order to whet his appetite, Alcini included a list of twenty other composers

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compositions after c a. 1956 199 who had also been invited. And indeed, here we find the crème de la crème of the composition world. There was a hitch, of course, and it was revealed immediately: “The cantata would have to be completed by next month (November) or at the very latest by December 15.” It is obvious that the archbishop had no idea concerning the lead times a renowned composer normally expects. On the other hand: “Should the text I suggested not suit you, you may replace it with one of your choice, provided it is in praise of the most holy Virgin.” And Heiller, despite the fact that he was constantly complaining about being behind with his compositions and “can’t under any circumstance even contemplate finishing [whatever it is] before the end of next year,” accepted immediately, ever the dutiful son of the Church; the draft is dated October 18. The bishop was delighted and he now grabbed Heiller’s whole hand: “I am being told that you are the greatest artist in Austria at the present time. I will therefore extend to you my full confidence. To give you the opportunity to write a much more interesting composition, I attach the complete text of the cantata Regina martyrum. The hymn I have already sent to you is the closing portion of this cantata.” Heiller had already written the hymn, however, and on November 5, he politely declined to set the whole cantata text to music. He posted the hymn on November 14 and wrote: “I ask once more for your forgiveness and understanding that due to a very considerable work overload I cannot agree to set to music the texts that arrived belatedly and were to be part of a whole cantata. My composition on the text ‘Jam subitus’ is not suitable as the closing section for an entire cantata; it is more in the spirit of a contemplative intermezzo.” Surprisingly, it seems that Heiller relented, got down to work fairly quickly, and sent off the remainder of the piece, for on November 21, Alcini wrote: I am pleased to inform you that your composition Regina martyrum for soli and chorus has met with great approval. In particular the great religious energy, the total correspondence between music and poetry, and the truly artistic content received the highest praise. The composition reveals your living faith and your childlike devotion to the glorious Mother of God . . . and is one of the most beautiful in the “Lourdiana” collection . . . praying that God’s blessing may be bestowed on you . . . I ask you to inform us how our association can show its gratitude for such a glorious and valuable composition.

As we learn from Alcini’s next letter, Heiller, ever the good Catholic, had offered his composition free of charge. The archbishop was thrilled: “For this act of generosity I am especially grateful to you.” Heiller should have handled this better. On April 7, the archbishop presented—pardon me—an almost impertinent wish list: Here are proofs of the hymn “O quot undis” [there is no documentation concerning a text that begins like this], which you have composed for Lourd-

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iana. . . . As we would like to add more variety to our Lourdiana I take the liberty to ask you to set to music the following texts: (1) Quam terra, set as a Christmas carol for one voice with organ (or harmonium) accompaniment, in pastoral style. We would prefer a melodious, pastoral congregational song. As in Max Reger, Op. 76, no. 52 “Mariae Wiegenlied” (2) Ave mundi spes Maria as a unison religious folk song with accompaniment. Looking forward to . . . your brother in Christ . . . P.S. And may I also ask you for the composition of a solo song with organ accompaniment, to the text “Ave Maria.” You have the whole of May to complete these compositions. At the end of that month I would like the works sent. The Maiandachten [devotional services in praise of the Virgin, traditionally held during the month of May] will give you the background for melodies that speak to the heart.

On May 12, Heiller finally freed himself from the benevolent embrace of the bishop. “I am really sorry that I . . . at present cannot write even such relatively short compositions as you desire, especially as such pieces, straightforward and easy to perform, demand a great deal of thought and simply are not my forte.” We know nothing about a (first) performance. In the strictest sense this work is not a cantata but a hymn. The next “proper” work, Psalm 37 (38),46 was written in 1963, having been commissioned by Vienna’s Konzerthausgesellschaft to commemorate the hundredth anniversary of the Vienna Singakademie. When we, his students, saw the text, we commented: “Typical for Heiller—of course something like that really suits him.” The Psalm expresses fear of sin and an attitude of contrition; and it is delivered in the strongest terms: “O Lord, don’t rebuke me in your anger . . . your indignation has left no part of my body unscarred; there is no health in my whole frame because of my sin . . . my wounds fester and stink because of my folly.”47 And it goes on, as we wait in vain for a change, a sign of hope. The last verse reads: “Hasten to help, O Lord of my salvation! Amen.” How does a composer find opportunities for the necessary mood contrasts? Heiller did his best to keep everything gloomy. “The orchestra forgoes violins and violas and thereby emphasizes the sounds from brass and woodwind. Percussion and piano support the distinctly rhythmic quality of the orchestral writing.”48 The work is dominated by syllabic declamation and ostinato elements. This feature also flags the work as a possible successor to Tentatio Jesu. In June 1964, Heiller had almost begun work on his cantata In principio erat verbum, which was commissioned by the radio station Freies Berlin. And then Erna informed him: The Ministry [of Education] wants to honor you with a commission for the Tag der Fahne 1965 [“Flag Day,” at the time, Austrian National Day]. They

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compositions after c a. 1956 201 want you to write an oratorio. You are to have the greatest freedom, but they would like the overall themes to be: peace, freedom, and I think, also fatherland. . . . I told them about your problems with deadlines, but did not mention the commission from Sender Freies Berlin [In principio]. The oratorio is to be designed in such a way that it can be performed anytime, not just on the National Day . . . and whom would you choose to write the texts? Would Friedrich Heer perhaps be suitable?

It seems that nothing came of this project and even without concrete evidence one can, with a good conscience, assume that Heiller would not have warmed to this kind of topic. Be that as it may, in August, staying at Waldhausen, he was busy with In principio. The performance took place on May 6, 1965, in Berlin. Here are Heiller’s comments concerning the work: The text for this composition comes from the Gospel of Saint John, chapter 1, verses 1–14. Until recently it was read within the framework of the Catholic Mass, as the final Gospel reading. The thanksgiving response “Deo gratias,” which follows immediately afterward has also been incorporated into my cantata. This text deals essentially with the nature of the Son of God as “the Word of God,” the nature of him through whom everything was created, exists, has life and light. The text also speaks of the role of John the Baptist, who “was not the light, but bore witness to the light. Christ was the light that illuminates all people . . .” And finally, the incarnation of the Son of God is announced: “And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us. . . .” I have tried to subordinate the music to the inner and the outer meaning of this text. Several twelve-tone rows, the most important of which is heard at the beginning, in unisono—in a way, representing the “primeval matter” of all our music—can be heard in various forms: the inversion, the retrograde and retrograde inversion, and in a number of transpositions, but they are not treated according to strict twelve-tone technique. Instead, they form the thematic material for a “free-tonal” compositional style that determines the entire musical development, corresponding to the text. In this sense melodic, rhythmic and harmonic layout are virtually in direct relationship to textual content and its tensions between “harmony and discord,” in the sense of “closeness to God” and “distance from God.” On a number of occasions, in the process of interpreting these two opposing poles, the same thematic material is used, however in a changed rhythmic form. This is to symbolize that even a conscious negation of our state as children of God still contains in itself a certain nearness to God, and maybe even an unconscious longing for it. Experimental elements that, in my opinion, are incompatible with the nature of this text have been consciously avoided; my efforts were directed, first and foremost, toward an interpretation of this unique Gospel text that makes it accessible to musical ears and hearts.49

The twelve-tone idiom—in that harmonically congenial form that is so typical for Heiller—is obvious here; the thematic design that he mentions is easily

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observed. The overall atmosphere is similar to that in the Organ Concerto, however, the element of Spielfreude (“delight in music making”) is absent, for obvious reasons; the musician as interpreter of theological subjects has gained the upper hand. The quiet Orgelsolo-Intermezzo that precedes the coda represents a bridge to the Fantasia super Salve Regina. Ursula Richter also established an interesting connection with Le Verbe, the fourth movement of Messiaen’s Suite La Nativité du Seigneur.50 Heiller himself mentioned that this movement by Messiaen had been important for the cantata. There are also similarities (m. 40f., m. 309f.) to the Sanctus of the next work we discuss. The same year, 1965, saw the creation of Deutsches Ordinarium for mixed choir and organ. The organ version was premiered on April 23, 1967, in the Franziskanerkirche. The orchestral version, written a little later, premiered on May 22, 1967, at the Mozartsaal of the Vienna Konzerthaus. This was the heyday of the German ordinaries. Josef Schabasser, with slightly ironic undertones, records that “in Austria alone, seventeen German ordinaries written by Austrian composers have been published during the past two years and the current year.” This comment was made in response to the criticism that not enough compositions on German Mass texts existed.51 In a review he wrote: “Next to Gebrauchsmusik [music for common, everyday use]—a dreadful term—there have always been works that make the highest demands. But it was especially these that brought inspiration and furthered development.”52 Once again, Heiller’s contribution does not really fit the Gebrauchsmusik category, but his Ordinarium is very singable—in the Heiller sense! It is of manageable length, a work of simplicity, in a charming way full of humility and quite unmistakable. It contains a real jewel—the Sanctus. Heiller was in the United States when his father died on September 2, “and so, after short consideration, I composed the Sanctus—one could say as an alternative to flying to Vienna.” After the first singing through of this work, the conductor Hans Gillesberger, by nature somewhat brusque, paused briefly, turned to Heiller, seated at the piano, and said, gruffly as always, but with uncommon gentleness: “Well, Toni, I see you have had another stroke of genius!” And on February 11, 1968, Paul Knessl wrote in the Wiener Volksblatt: “One day, when nothing remains of our contemporary music, his Sanctus will probably still be sung.” Having been present at the work’s premiere I would like to offer this advice to anyone who wants to perform the piece: observe the metronome markings (in the whole cycle, but especially in the Sanctus, the “Heilig”). Commas should not be marked with an actual phrasing break but at most with an almost imperceptible incision. The issue here is the continuity of a twelve-tone row; the path of its surprising harmonic development only reveals itself to the listener when all twelve tones and all twelve harmonies are in close relationship with one another. It would have been very interesting if Heiller had composed another mass during this period. On May 31, 1965, he responded to an invitation to write

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compositions after c a. 1956 203 one: “I would like to write a German orchestral mass for the opening of the 1966 Bregenz Festival.” This was probably a somewhat rash decision, as he had already backtracked on June 11, 1965: “I cannot manage the deadline, cannot start work until November 1966.” The project did not go forward. However, it is possible that the orchestral version of the Deutsches Ordinarium was prepared for Bregenz as a substitute. Theodore Marier, an influential church musician in Boston, encouraged Heiller to write an English Mass. Certain details suggest that it must have been in 1965. One day, in Vienna, Heiller asked Marie Kremer, almost in passing: “Does the word ‘baptism’ have two or three syllables when it is sung?” It seems that the heyday for mass settings in the vernacular had arrived in the United States as well. At first the mass was published with McLaughlin-Reilly (Boston). The congregational part also appeared in “Hymns, Psalms, and Canticles.” This publication was produced by Theodore Marier. In the 1983 foreword he wrote: “This hymnal has been rehearsed and improved over a period of two decades through daily use at the church of St. Paul, Cambridge, Massachusetts . . . it also contains a few somewhat demanding compositions in the contemporary polyphonic style of Anton Heiller, Jean Langlais and Russell Woolen.” The choral part of the English Mass is kept in a relatively simple style; the organ supports the choir for extended sections, and the congregation throughout. The melodies given to the congregation are quite straightforward, but their entries are not always well prepared, and they also contain relatively long melismas. Apart from Boston, this mass has also been performed in Saint Louis a number of times. Another Deutsches Proprium für das Dreifaltigkeitsfest (German Proper for the Feast of Trinity) followed after the one written in 1949. Scored this time for mixed choir, organ, and congregation, it demonstrates yet again Heiller’s “moderate” twelve-tone approach to creating thematic and harmonic material. As in the piece In principio, the basic tone row is introduced by the organ, at the very beginning. We also find themes using Messiaen’s second modus (Gradual), as well as purely modal melodies (Offertory, Psalm 8 in the Communion). There is opportunity for the congregation to join in and the entries are more clearly prepared than in the English Mass. Heiller’s different creative elements are clearly displayed in this work. Their synthesis seems to have been more successful here than in the later work Geistliches Konzert. I have to admit that I only have a recollection and not any factual proof that the work was premiered in 1967 during the festivities surrounding the 150th anniversary of the Musikakademie (at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral? on May 21?) It must have been around this time that Heiller began to mention a commission for a large-scale work, a Passion, for the Vienna Konzerthaus, for which it seems he already had a few concrete ideas. He considered, for example, that the role of Christ would be sung by two solo voices—“to symbolize his dual nature as man and Son of God.” However, on April 25, 1967, he wrote to Marinette Extermann:

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I now have to relate something that I could already have told you about a week ago, because it refers to an event that took place on Sunday the 18th: I had the opportunity to hear a recording of the Saint Luke Passion by the Polish composer Krzysztof Penderecki (it was premiered a year ago). Let me say right here (and on account of what I am about to write I hope to hear a resounding “d’accord”): I will not be writing a Passion. This work by Penderecki is so amazingly wonderful, profound, moving, full of goodness, that it seems impossible to imagine placing a work of equal significance alongside it, taking into account a similar basis (that is, a work in Latin) and with today’s musical heart. In any case, I know this as a certainty, that I would never be able to achieve it. This is not a resignation, it simply is a clear and true realization.

In Heiller’s Stabat Mater the treatment of the twelve-tone row is once again revealed to the listener quite clearly, even though here we are dealing with an extremely complex and much less accessible piece. This might be partly due to the chosen vehicle—large orchestra with thirteen woodwinds and ten brass instruments, strings, percussion, and up to seven-part mixed choir. A commission of this kind by Austrian Radio spells out immediately that considerations concerning the effort necessary to perform such a large-scale work were of no importance. Heiller always had greater affinity with the subject of suffering and the cross than with that of exuberant praise. To me the work seems quite inaccessible, even when compared with his Psalm 37, which is by no means cheerful, or with the ruminating In principio. I wonder whether in measure 137 one is permitted to hear a distant echo of Penderecki’s Domine from the Saint Luke Passion? The work is dated October 21, 1968, and was premiered on April 3, 1969, in Vienna. On February 18, 1969, the newspaper Das Linzer Volksblatt asked seven Austrian composers: “What are you writing at the moment?” Heiller mentioned the approaching premiere of his Stabat Mater and an English Te Deum. The commission apparently came from an institution referred to in the article as the “University of Boston,” in celebration of the university’s 150th anniversary, and the premiere was to take place the following September. I have asked around among Heiller’s friends and students in and around Boston (still quite a dense network) and the result was: the piece was never performed and was probably never written. The work Geistliches Konzert owes its existence to a commission by the ORF (Austrian Radio) in collaboration with the Grazer Festival für moderne Musik (Festival of contemporary music in the provincial capital Graz). In 1970 someone came up with the idea to invite a few established composers, and with each of these an associated outstanding student, to submit compositions; in the case of Heiller the chosen student was Michael Radulescu. Heiller planned a most unusual design in combination with an extremely exotic text structure, which he described in these terms:

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compositions after c a. 1956 205 A few comments on Geistliches Konzert (on texts for the liturgy for the Monday after Passion Sunday) As the title indicates, this is not a piece that could have a practical function in the liturgy of that day, the Monday after Passion Sunday (or, as it is called today, the Monday after the fifth Sunday in Lent). Instead, it seeks to express in music part of the liturgy of this humble weekday and it uses not only texts appropriate for that day (the propers, the Collect, the Reading, the Gospel, the Post-Communion) but also those sections of the ordinary that were prayed on this day (Kyrie, Sanctus-Benedictus, Agnus). With the exception of the Stufengebet [prayer at the foot of the altar, now no longer part of the liturgy], the first part of the Mass is set to music almost in its entirety, whereas the second part [the Eucharist] is only partly dealt with. This means that the “Liturgy of the Word” is kept entirely a capella (except for the opening instrumental intonation) whereas from the Offertory onward two oboes, two oboes d’amore, and two bassoons are added as a supportive color by way of “double-reed organum” in an accompanying role and for short interludes. In line with today’s numerous church music possibilities I have used both the Latin and the German languages; some things are in line with today’s liturgy, many more with that of yesteryear. Therefore, the unfolding of the liturgy for this day is presented musically along these lines: Latin Introit (“Miserere mihi, Domine”), Latin/German mixed Kyrie, Latin Collect (“Sanctifica, quaesumus”), Latin Epistle (from the Book of Jonah, dealing with the demise of the city of Nineveh, foretold, but averted by fasting), German Gospel (from Saint John, pointing to Christ’s departure from the world and the outpouring of his Spirit), Latin Offertory (“Domine, convertere”), Latin Sanctus, German Benedictus, Latin/German Agnus, Latin Communion (“Dominus, virtutum ipse est Rex Gloriae”), and Post-Communion (“Da quaesumus, Domine”); according to the old, superseded liturgy the work closes with the “Benedicamus Domino–Deo gratias,” which was customary during Lent. In musical terms the work also uses different stylistic components: the construction of melodic material ranges from plainsong style to twelve-tone rows. This work might be seen as a meditative exploration of the questions: where do we come from? where are we now? where are we headed?

The uncertainties expressed at the end of these comments seem present in this entire work. Of course, Heiller explains that disparate elements have been combined here. It is daring to project the different roles and various textual layers of a liturgical event onto a quasi-two-dimensional plane. The whole thing resembles a Plenary Mass (with the added dialogue between celebrant and congregation), but without laying claim to practical “usefulness” in the liturgy. One senses a little prejudice against the changes in the liturgy in that introduction. Karlheinz Roschitz, in his short discussion of the piece, says: “Twelve-tone rows appear alongside Gregorian style and tonal melodic elements, albeit without being synthesized; the impression of unintentional construction, of jagged musical building blocks standing next to each other in isolation, is quite annoying.”53

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The Late Works Two Special Cases: Solo Guitar and Solo Harpsichord A piece titled “Solostück für Guitarre,” dated November 24, 1973, bears this dedication: “For my dear Bernhard, from Daddy.” At that time Heiller was in a sanatorium in the Semmering region after suffering “a complete nervous breakdown” at the end of October. This is a brief, meditative piece—unmistakably Heiller in many of its motives, one of which is very reminiscent of François Villon. Two years later he wrote Ein wenig über B–A–C–H (Sketches on B–A–C–H) and dedicated it “To my dear Erni for our thirtieth wedding anniversary and Christmas 1975, from Toni.” These three movements are dominated by the wellknown four-note motive, but another chord plays a leading role: a major-seventh chord. I suspect that a generous amount of symbolism is buried here. It is noteworthy, for instance, that on the last page an arpeggiated chord based on the notes B–A–C–H is repeated twenty-seven times; this sequence of notes appears twice in an inner voice, after which the major-seventh chord is heard as well. The coda that follows consists of eight chords, which are entirely formed by the fournote motive, presented in stretto. Another perplexing motive is a twelve-tone row, always presented as a whole, in which the sum of semitones always adds up to forty-five. At the end of this section (in the second movement) is a chord that consists of all twelve notes of the scale. Anyone who has enough patience and interest is invited to examine the work in detail within this context. The texture is economical and idiomatic; nevertheless, Heiller once commented: “The harpsichord was not the ideal instrument for what I intended.”54

The Organ Works During the last decades of his life Heiller’s organ style branched out in two directions. On the one hand, the chords became even denser, contain more notes, and sound extremely harsh. This also applies to the large-scale organ solos in the Vesper. On the other hand, a few shorter works originated in this period, and in those Heiller turned once again to the medium of the German hymn. Here we find a much simpler compositional technique. An increase in harshness can be noted in Victimae paschali laudes: Meditation über die gregorianische Ostersequenz für Orgel. The work is dedicated to “Mr. Dieter Weiss for his ‘Easter epitaph’ [the name of his organ festival] 1975 in Oldenburg,” North Germany. There is ample opportunity to speculate about the meaning of the irregular repeats that deviate from the Gregorian melody forming the basis of the work. Why, for instance, do we have eight repetitions of the melody “conflixere mirando” (in miraculous combat)? On the other hand, there is no doubt that the unusual absence of any kind of inversion or

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compositions after c a. 1956 207 retrograde is both intentional and symbolic: “Easter removes anything perverted or upside-down,” Heiller once commented. The six appearances of the last word “miserere”—3 × 2 as in the Kyrie—are most probably not coincidental either. The somehow restrained section just before the loud “Amen” corresponds to the end of the Salve Regina Fantasia. Because of the texture on page 7, I advise against a performance on an organ that does not possess at least one mixture containing high ranks. In 1975 I asked Heiller to contribute to the collection Orgelstücke zum Gotteslob (Organ pieces for the praise of God). What we needed most were individual, short organ pieces of moderate technical difficulty. Heiller wanted to write a short partita. The result was Intonation, Chorale, and Three Variations on Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir. The opening intonation and the Bicinium with its “sigh motives” (variation no. 1) were included in the collection as individual pieces (vol. 2); we (the editors) did not want to include the other movements because of the complexity of their harmonic structure. The second variation is a more dance-like movement—à la J. N. David, with an eccentric twist—which, in its arpeggios shows an affinity with Ein wenig über B–A–C–H and with Jubilatio. The weird harmonization in the closing chorale is also reminiscent of Jubilatio. The second piece from Drei kleine Choralvorspiele (September 1975) is vaguely related to the Bicinium just mentioned (the same can be said about the chromatic movement from the partita Nun komm der Heiden Heiland). All three chorale preludes are filled with a deep melancholy, if not downright depression. The harmonies stubbornly go their own way alongside the cantus firmus, rather than developing with it. Instead of blending and supporting, they seem to seek confrontation, and one almost suffers in sympathy. For years now I have heard a gentle, constant movement in these pieces (I envisage a row boat on Lake Zurich, disappearing into fog). Well, everyone may feel what they wish, but the sense of movement is definitely written into the pieces and one would do well to interpret the instruction that appears at the beginning, Frei (free), in a quite narrow sense of the word. “Frei” with Heiller generally just means “play beautifully”—beautifully, musically, and not mechanically. And now to a somewhat paradoxical work—Jubilatio, composed “in honor of the hundredth anniversary celebrations of the publishing house DoblingerHerzmansky, in cordial friendship.” It was premiered during a ceremony on December 9, 1976, in the Great Hall of the Musikverein. This is jubilation that makes your heart shrivel. Heiller seems to say: “I really want to be happy with you and for you, but I just cannot—I cannot manage to write nice chords anymore and even my dance rhythms do not leap off the ground as they once did . . . and there just cannot be a happy end.” This applies to Jubilatio and also to the Vesper. Michael Radulescu has expressed the following thoughts: We can observe that his chord structures continue to grow richer and thicker, that the whole texture becomes more and more shrill. I believe that we

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should see this as a reaction; a reaction to his surroundings, which were unable and unwilling to understand him. Whether this refers to particular institutions, especially in Vienna, or certain personalities in his circle—either in Vienna or elsewhere—he is reacting: either with silence, or with prayer, with totally quiet meditations (Ecce lignum crucis), or with outbursts. And these outbursts really are screams of despair. That is how I experience the Postlude to the Vesper. Heiller here appears like an opposite pole to Anton von Webern, who retreated from the unpleasantness of the world into whispering: Webern whispers, Heiller screams (as did Reger).55

The opening with its sweeping pedal motives (ex. 8.13) resembles the gesture of an energetic embrace, related, by the way, to the Sanctus from the Kleine deutsche Messe (ex. 8.12), written a year earlier. Short thematic units dominate and they are continually interspersed with B–A–C–H motives. I requested one other piece from Heiller, this time for a recital in Düsseldorf. The organizers were very eager to include the premiere of an Austrian composition. Heiller accepted immediately and only a few days later he came up with a detailed concept for the work. His choice of cantus firmus was instantaneous. This is how Kleine Partita “Erhalt uns Herr, bei deinem Wort” came into being. I premiered the piece in the Franziskus-Xaverius-Kirche on September 5, 1978. As in the mass on the same chorale (1953), the melody Example 8.12. Anton Heiller, Kleine deutsche Messe. © 1976 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 15.218.

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compositions after c a. 1956 209 Example 8.13. Anton Heiller, Jubilatio. © 1976 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 15.306.

is used like a twelve-tone row, in its four basic forms. This corresponds to the first to fourth movements, and only the fifth and last movement is a somewhat freer paraphrase; here motives are also repeated. Apart from that the melody appears strictly isometrically; in the second and fourth movement it is treated in canon. The fourth movement is the only one that is free of any chromaticism, and Heiller himself made the connection with the four duets from Bach’s Clavierübung, Part III. “They symbolize the four elements and here we also find one movement that is ‘totally pure,’ and it is symbolic of water. Water has to be completely pure, because the power of baptism emanates from it.” The first and fifth movements are marked by abrupt silences that have an almost frightening quality. Heiller’s last organ work was written in Denmark. After his third stroke in September 1977, upon discharge from the Aarhus Hospital, he stayed with his former student Kirsten Stig Pedersen as he did not feel well enough to travel back to Vienna. However, for him it was very difficult to be idle. In this situation—“a little bit as occupational therapy,” according to Kirsten56— he composed the seven pieces that became known as the Danish Chorale Preludes (Dänische Choralvorspiele). Not all of them are truly chorale preludes. In Danish churches there is little congregational singing of the kind we find in German areas; there is usually a small choir on the gallery that, in a sense, substitutes for the congregation. The sections with continuous cantus firmus are probably conceived for this situation; some are accompanied by a homophonic setting. Here is a list of the individual pieces (with dates where available—one of these must have been Heiller’s last composition) and also the numbers in the Danish hymn book Melodisamling til den Danske Salmebog, Copenhagen 1955. 1. “O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden” (22b) Short intonation; interlude, written as a Bicinium; very similar to the first variation on Aus tiefer Not; followed by a three-part hymn setting.

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2. “Det hellige kors” (62) Prelude; accompaniment (in the original, four verses were to be sung); return to the Prelude again. Dated January 20, 1978; on February 17, Heiller improvised on this melody at the Cathedral of Aarhus. 3. “Rind nu op I Jesu navn”57 (370) Prelude; accompaniment. Dated January 18, 1978. According to the Melodisamling, this melody can be traced back to Jean-Baptiste Lully 4. “Min sjael, du Herren love58” (295, Nun lob mein Seel den Herren) Trio (c.f. in octave canon between Soprano and Bass); after that a three-part hymn setting. 5. “Sorrig og glaede” (386) Short intonation and accompaniment setting, in each case followed by a short coda. Dated December 10, 1977. The melody is virtually identical to Liebster Immanuel from Bach’s Schemelli Songbook. 6. “Som lilliens hjerte” (384) Somewhat longer intonation and accompaniment. Dated December 11, 1977. The melody is identical to Es glänzet der Christen inwendiges Leben in the Schemelli Songbook. 7. “Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele” (221, Jesus! Dine dybe vunder) Trio with tenor c.f.; Chorale (three-part, without text); Postlude with decorated c.f. in the Soprano Another work that belongs to this group is Kleine Partita über das dänische Lied “Den klare sol går ned” for organ, with a supplementary piece for solo flute. The piece is dedicated to the memory of Aksel Anderson; the supplement, a short fantasia movement ad libitum is for an acquaintance of Kirsten Pedersen, a flutist, whom Heiller also knew. After a simple chorale we encounter another Bicinium, but this time it is one of the thoughtful, ruminating kind. The busy and far-flung bass line is stopped repeatedly by fermatas. In the fourth movement we find once more an abundance of complex chords and high-pitched cantus firmus fragments similar to the close of Victimae paschali laudes. This fortissimo movement should be played without a manual reed, but with a Sesquialtera in the plenum. The following piece is not Heiller’s last composition for the organ, but it helps close a circle in a very satisfying manner. On December 22, 1977, Heiller wrote a piece titled “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (Orgelsatz), a chorale setting with slightly ornamented cantus firmus. As often before, during the 1940s, this is a small Christmas gift for Erna. It is both strange and touching to see how

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compositions after c a. 1956 211 “friendly” the great polychrome chords appear here. The movement fits like a glove as the conclusion to the small partita on the same melody, written thirtythree years earlier, almost as if a final movement had always been missing.

The Vocal Works When friends and students got their first glimpse of the Adventmusik there was great surprise. Heiller had not written anything so close to actual practical church music for a long time. The only other works that might fit this description would be the Missa super “Erhalt uns Herr” or the very early Dreifaltigkeitsproprium (Proper for Trinity Sunday). This time, however, Heiller had composed expressly for an “ordinary” girls’ choir and had really adapted to these demands. (This must be emphasized, remembering, for instance, Stufen, written for the Vienna Boys’ Choir). Heiller was writing for a concrete set of circumstances: for Monika Henking and the girls’ choir she had founded at the Reformed Church of Thalwil, Switzerland. Nevertheless, all this is “real” Heiller: he has not changed into someone else, he has simply slipped temporarily into a different role. The scoring is also unusual: organ (demanding), violin and oboe (harmless), cello (ad libitum). Here Heiller walks again— finally walks, one almost wants to say—on that narrow tightrope on which one must balance if one wants to write serious contemporary music that is intended for performance in a church setting under relatively “normal” conditions. Of course, it is “difficult!” but it can be mastered. The Adventmusik, in its overall design, is beautifully balanced. It juxtaposes gospel excerpts and church hymns, which almost automatically results in contrasts and a certain dynamic between music that is rhythmically organized and music that is more akin to recitation. For additional intellectual enjoyment there are allegories and thematic cross-references. Toward the end, a little apotheosis of the hymn “Macht hoch die Tür” (Lift up your head, ye mighty gates) is introduced—but at this point the third verse follows, mezzoforte, adorned with a delicately ornamented descant for organ (one of the most beautiful movements Heiller ever wrote) and after that the music once more subsides. “Komm, Herr Jesus!” (Come, Lord Jesus!) is sung by the children three times; the musical motive chosen for this is “Komm Heiliger Geist, Herre Gott” (Come Holy Ghost, God and Lord). The final chord is almost the same as that of “Gaudete,” a chord that is suddenly suspended and frozen in Advent expectation. The Adventmusik was a resounding success and brought great joy to all participants in Thalwil—including the girls’ parents. The premiere was on December 5, 1971, and several more performances followed, both in Switzerland and in Germany. On the basis of this success a sequel was planned, and on April 6, 1974, the Passionsmusik was premiered. It goes without saying that here the meditative Heiller, but also the sad and dissonant Heiller, comes more to the

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fore. Selection and arrangement of text portions are a work of art; the events of the Passion story are surrounded by prophecies from the Old Testament and once again, by church hymns. At the opening of the work “Christe du Lamm Gottes” (the hymn, “Christ, Lamb of God,” the German Agnus Dei) grows out of a static, yet unfolding cluster, among much chafing and sighing. “No-one can have any idea how many hours I spent on these few measures,” said Heiller. We hear the prophets speaking, Jesus says his farewell to the disciples, one waits for the Passion story, expects somehow to get nearer to it—but in fact, we never progress beyond the hour on the Mount of Olives and the Last Supper. Christ’s words, spoken over bread and wine, are sung in homophonic style, very quietly, in simple triads, a capella, without any additions, just by the children. Anyone who knew Heiller’s past creative output with all its incredible complexities, full of tone rows, changing meters, multicolored harmonies, stretti, inversions, modi, and especially with all its clashes and all those dissonances that remain unresolved—anyone who had both knowledge and awareness of all that was now shaken to the core. Our Anton Heiller only did this once: at the point that represents the absolute pinnacle of the Passionsmusik, he placed the simplest chord progression he had ever written. Just this once, for Thalwil. At this point, the Passionsmusik takes a turn and becomes the transubstantiation of the Catholic Mass. After the words “This is my body,” we hear a monophonic flute melody, after “This is my blood,” its inversion—two complementary forms, flesh and blood, but the same body. Anyone who is not quite certain that we are dealing with the transubstantiation can now hear it: “Your death, o Lord, we proclaim.” The joyful organ, almost a fanfare, certainty, confidence, but a few measures later it stops and the vision is gone “until you come in glory,” but, of course, this is still in the future, as we suddenly and painfully realize—and here they are again, the clusters from the opening “Come, Lord Jesus” the children are singing all of a sudden, just as in the Adventmusik, and then they also return to the cantus firmus that was heard at the beginning: “Give us your peace.” Without the Passionsmusik we would not have the complete Heiller. “What remains at the end is a sense of deep devotion and awe before the mystery of the coming salvation, in almost childlike humility—and in a similar way the listener waits in quiet contemplation until the work, hovering as if suspended, has faded into silence.”59 Almost as a “by-product” of the collaboration between Monika Henking and her girls’ choir a few more song settings appear—Drei Weihnachtslieder (Three Christmas carols) (“Il est né, le divin Enfant”; “O Kind, o wahrer Gottessohn”; and a setting for female voices of “O mein allerliebstes Jesulein”60) as well as a Kleine deutsche Messe (Short German Mass) for female voices and organ. One reviewer notes: “Heiller’s Short German Mass obviously takes into account that in most church choirs female voices predominate, and he dispenses with the men.”61 This is not quite correct as the piece was written expressly for the girls’

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Figure 8.1. Anton Heiller shortly before his fiftieth birthday

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choir in Thalwil; however, practical use is definitely a consideration here and restricting the accompaniment to chamber organ increases the work’s usefulness in the everyday situation. The interludes in the Kyrie are directly related to the first movement of the Erhalt uns Herr, bei deinem Wort (Partita). As one reviewer writes, “Especially notable is the monophonic recitation of the Creed above long held notes in the organ part, which yield a twelve-tone row (symbolic of the church founded by the twelve apostles?)—this is unbelievably skilled.”62 A little before this mass, in November 1974, Heiller wrote the motet Nicht Knechte, sondern meine Freunde nenne ich euch (I call you not servants, but my friends) and he dedicated it to “Rupert Gottfried Frieberger in honor of his ordination and first Mass celebration.” Heiller himself points out that he has taken inspiration “from one of his own compositions, a proper for a church dedication.”63 Heiller may well have experienced it this way, but the fact is that his harmonic style here is poles apart from the uncompromising, brittle world of the work he mentions (Vier geistliche Chöre). At the beginning he establishes a twelve-tone framework (except it is once again just eleven tones) and scales with Alain flavor are in evidence. On the whole, friendly and warm sounds predominate—post-Adventmusik, one could say. Frieberger, Heiller’s composition student, now himself a composer and for many years in charge of music at Stift Schlägl, rehearsed this motet with the choir of Linz Cathedral before it was premiered at his own ordination as a priest in the parish church of Aigen, a twin town of Schlägl, on August 10, 1975.64 It so happens that Heiller completed his extensive creative output of vocal works with one of his greatest compositions. After many years of planning, Graz Cathedral finally received a new organ. The festivities of the organ dedication coincided with the 850th anniversary of the city itself and for that occasion the municipality of Graz commissioned a Vesper for choir, soloists, cantor, and organ. The first written correspondence with Heiller occurred in April 1977 and the commission was officially awarded in mid-December. Heiller was unable to be present for the premiere on December 2, 1977, because of ill health. The texts had been selected by a team led by Johann Trummer. In particular, the choice of the Plainsong hymn “Ave Jesu, lux serena” by Engelbert von Admont (ca. 1300–30) turned out to be fortuitous. After a tempestuous organ prelude it appears as a serene contrast and invites us to quiet contemplation. The juxtaposition of opposites, so constant in Heiller’s life, the constant “major and minor” within his soul here becomes the core motive and central element. Heiller was fascinated by this text,65 right from the initial discussions concerning the text selection, and after the completion of the piece the ever self-doubting Heiller murmured: “The hymn . . . it really is very beautiful” (ex. 8.14). The Vesper follows the liturgical pattern in every detail; the scoring of the different sections varies. Given the occasion, an organ dedication, there are

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compositions after c a. 1956 215 Example 8.14. Anton Heiller, Hymnus from the Vesper. ©1979 by Musikverlag Doblinger D. 15.802.

numerous extended organ interludes—the longest one appearing between Responsorium and Magnificat. This enables the many different tone colors of the instrument to be showcased. At the conclusion of the liturgy is a long organ postlude that begins, surprisingly, with a setting of the complete hymn. To put it somewhat extravagantly, Heiller has intabulated one of his most beautiful choral pieces.66 After this follows a short recapitulation of the organ prelude that closes yet again with one of those shrill, extremely dissonant chords that we encountered in the Jubilatio. The three extensive organ solos from this Vesper (Vorspiel, Zwischenspiel, Nachspiel) (Prelude, Interlude, Postlude) are available separately as organ scores and, with Heiller’s blessing, can be performed on their own, removed from the context of the Vesper.

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Chapter Nine

What He Thought, How He Played Bach Interpretation To trace the origins of Anton Heiller, the artist, we have to begin in his adolescence. He played on the organ at the parish church in Dornbach (an incomplete organ torso) and on the old Walcker organ at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. That means, amazingly, that he played exclusively on tracker action organs right from the start—given the era, the years between the two wars, that makes him part of a minority. “What was typical for Heiller was that, right from the beginning, he based his playing on the physiology of the mechanical slider chest organ. The organists of that generation identified with an electro-pneumatic or electric playing style and that is based on completely different tone production.”1 It was during these early years that Heiller experienced one of his most important revelatory moments, and that concerned the interconnectedness of articulation and accentuation. He related the following story many years later.2 He remembered hearing Bach’s Prelude and Fugue in G Major (BWV 541). When he subsequently checked out the score, which he had never seen before, he knew instantly that “this had to be done differently if one was to make the correct accentuation audible.” And indeed, this fugal subject is ideal for demonstrating how easy it is to shift accentuation if one slurs the first interval that can be slurred (ex. 9.1). At the start of the twentieth century it was widely accepted that organ touch is synonymous with legato touch and this situation continued until the middle of that century. All printed organ methods were based on this principle and the first fifteen pages usually concentrated on instructing aspiring organists in the art of moving from one note to the next as seamlessly as possible, in all parts, and with all fingers. This of course meant that accents occurred somehow automatically and as a mere by-product. The rigid, continuous tone of the organ, by its very nature, resists dynamic shading; once a key is struck, the sound cannot be made softer or louder. Musical shaping that depends on the placing of accents (and one of the most important aspects in music is that it is

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Example 9.1. J. S. Bach, Fugue in G Major BWV 541, 2.

perceived through its accented and unaccented elements) will have to achieve its aims without the straightforward means of louder and softer. To put it differently: the organ is an instrument on which the relationship between articulation and accentuation is of the most basic importance. Longer and shorter will always be perceived as louder and softer; similarly, higher notes will always attract accents and lower ones will tend to resist them. Ultimately, this is why interpretation issues will invariably be trickier in organ playing than with nearly all other instruments on which accented and unaccented notes can be achieved in a “natural” way. The relative uniformity of organ sound will always tempt the organist to achieve variety by other means—mostly by way of registration changes; and indeed, the love of more and more stop changes did increase greatly in the nineteenth century. To accommodate this, organ builders invented numerous devices to facilitate easier and more frequent stop changes. By the start of the twentieth century, organ building had reached an absolute pinnacle of technology. Registrations could be changed quite easily and often, and, most importantly, sudden leaps in dynamic levels could be achieved with relative ease. However, changes in registration result not only in different dynamic levels but also in changes of timbre. (I hope that the many organists among my readers will forgive me for discussing simple home truths and I ask other readers to put up with a little organ-specific philosophizing. To fully understand the environment in which the young Heiller began to experiment with articulation demands that we remind ourselves of the basic principles.) Consequently, Austrian organists of that era were basically concerned with only two questions: where do we phrase? and where do we change stops?3 Much has been said already about the two great contrasting figures Karl Walter

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and Franz Schütz;4 Heiller would have heard these two organists more than any others. He learned the basic tools of the trade from Wilhelm Mück, but it is unlikely that Mück exerted a significant influence in the area of interpretation. However, the great Walcker organ at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral was very important for Heiller, for here one could sense the great “sound machine” that an organ can be. And on a totally different physiological scale, there was the instrument in Dornbach, which was extremely limited, and the player sat less than a meter away from the pipes. At the cathedral, Heiller could experience massive sounds in a vast space, and in Dornbach, the rather merciless, direct response of an organ pipe and the effect of an equally direct action. Most important, it has to be remembered that Heiller developed in almost Spartan circumstances as far as this instrument’s interpretive capabilities go, because financial problems soon put a stop to the Dornbach organ project and the instrument ended up with just one playable manual, a lone Subbass in the pedal and no swell pedal or Rollschweller. Roman Summereder relates this comment (Heiller uttered it with a sigh): “Kinderl, without this organ I would not have become who I am today.”5 Hans Haselböck’s assessment is very similar: Franz Schütz and Karl Walter, playing at the Musikverein and Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, respectively, could offer dynamic and colorful Bach interpretations by way of manual and stop changes; also, they were able to shape the musical tastes of their students and the expectations of the public. Heiller on the other hand discovered that Bach’s music in fact had no need of all these changes in tone color! Out of the limitations of a one-manual instrument arose a realization that would later become the hallmark of his personal interpretation style. Only later, through extensive further studies, did this manner of playing, which was so unusual at the time, receive its theoretical basis.6

But, apart from Viennese organists of the older generation, there were other models. Bruno Seidlhofer almost certainly played an important role, as he possessed “a clear, antiromantic piano style and, as one of the first piano pedagogues, taught a stylistically correct manner of executing ornaments.”7 It has already been mentioned that he founded the “Collegium Musicum,” and that quite early, during World War I. It appears that when Heiller was called to the Musikakademie in 1945, his concept of Bach and pre-Bach interpretation was already quite well-rounded. There were some music critics who understood that this was something special: “His recent organ recital, as well as earlier ones, confirmed his preference for that strict approach to polyphony that denies itself cheap pathos and creates grandeur of expression from the immediacy of the musical experience. Anton Heiller’s Bach interpretation lacks any desire for cheap effect. Using lighter registrations, he allows the impeccable structures of polyphonic voices to unfold, knowing that the power of this music does not stem from massed

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sounds, but from the clarity of voice leading.”8 In 1946 Heiller published a collection of Bach works for the organ with the music publisher Doblinger, intended as “a learning aid for students, graded according to technical difficulty,” as it says in the foreword. This publication was also an outcome of the trade restrictions imposed by the Allied forces—especially on the import of printed materials. A few interpretation principles are outlined in Heiller’s foreword, although only very briefly; they deal mostly with economy of manual changes and stop changes. According to Hans Haselböck, the young Heiller’s Bach playing was somewhat dry, technically perfect, and the chosen tempi were on the fast side. Others relate that he preferred a “French staccato” (which probably indicates a leggiero style). But one day he returned from a tour and announced: “From now on, no more staccato!”9 Students of the ensuing period recall a playing style that was dominated by legato. They claim it was mechanical key action that subsequently led him quite naturally to a well-accentuated interpretation style.10 Further influences left their mark during the early fifties through his contact with Swiss organs. Playing these instruments, he experienced a hitherto unknown level of perfection, both technical and from the point of view of sound quality. As Gartner puts it, “When one considers his Bach playing it is quite unbelievable how quickly he freed himself from the universally popular romantic tradition, but also from that ‘objectivity’ and ‘new matter-of-factness’ that was so widespread in Germany. Today we know that Heiller was one of the first who found a healthy middle course between these two extreme poles.”11 In 1950 Gustav Leonhardt arrived in Vienna, and he subsequently taught at the Musikakademie between 1952 and 1955. It seems that with the help of Egon Krauss he and Heiller soon took up regular contact. In any case, we know that in 1953, the Heillers attended Leonhardt’s wedding in Zurich. Leonhardt remembers: “We often talked about interpretation. However, unlike him, I was not burdened by having deep roots in an ancient tradition. I am sure his Bach interpretation was of the most profound and multifaceted kind; there was nothing flippant or gung-ho in his playing; it was always somehow thoughtful.”12 “Leonhardt and Heiller were the first to use articulation on the organ. Previously everything had been legato, except for Trios, where you were supposed to detatch the notes.”13 Older Heiller students agree that it was Leonhardt who brought the practice of schnellen to Vienna. This technique involves a tiny break between the last of a group of fast notes and the next, accentuated, note. The same applies to inserting little breaks between several groups of faster notes. The term schnellen had already appeared with Carl Philipp Emmanuel Bach, albeit only in a vaguely related context.14 This small detail in execution virtually became a hallmark of the Heiller school. It seems that Heiller introduced this element into his basic interpretation principles only gradually. “Schnellen was the all-important thing,” Johann Sonnleitner recalls from the early sixties, “and

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apart from that we were encouraged not to play nonlegato all the time, but to allow ‘the quality of different intervals’ to guide us.” Michael Radulescu relates: “And then he came one day and talked about schnellen. ‘What’s he on about?’ we thought.”15 This shows that there was a longer transition period before this manner of playing became standard in Heiller’s style. Radulescu arrived in Vienna during the early sixties, but Wilfried Grasemann recalls that schnellen was a topic discussed at Haarlem as early as 1955. One needs to take great care not to interpret schnellen as a very obvious articulation method. These microscopic breaks never stood in the foreground; they were never a main element in shaping a melody; they simply served to allow the music to “speak” more clearly and they represented a constant “rhythmic seam,” especially in pieces with continuous sixteenth-note movement. At best, notes emphasized by schnellen should not stand out, but contribute to a rhythmically clear and well-controlled forward movement. A handy by-product was that hand/foot movement was easier to synchronize. After 1952, Heiller’s travels took him not only to Switzerland, where he had begun with his Bach recordings, but also to Haarlem every summer. After 1958, Denmark became a destination as well. There were two great benefits: first of all, a chance to play the “best organs in the world”—and as far as reliability and sensitivity of key action goes, Marcussen was clearly a leader in the field; also, the sound quality of their Principal choruses almost certainly surpassed both German and Swiss instruments. This had a refining and invigorating effect on Heiller’s playing. Second, and equally or even more important, was the contact with other outstanding organists who, like him, were looking for new ways of doing things. These were colleagues who were open to different influences and were eager to share their experiences with one another. Marie-Claire Alain emphasized that it was something quite new to purposefully explore different styles of music. The isolation of German, French, and Italian organ music during the postwar years was now at an end, and Haarlem was the great meeting place. “It was because of Marie-Claire Alain that Heiller came to realize that trio sonatas could be played just that little bit faster.”16 And then there was Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini who introduced the Italian element, which drew more on vocal style, the laid-back version of the Stylus phantasticus that had its roots in Italy. He also introduced the “orientation toward the scientific, the musicological approach to music.”17 All of this was very stimulating for Heiller, and a very healthy competitiveness developed between him and the young colleague whom he had introduced to Haarlem. “It is very difficult to keep pace with an outstanding course leader like Tagliavini, both in terms of overall excitement and in every other way. He is giving masterclasses on Early Italian music this year,” Heiller wrote in a letter to Vienna. As discussed in earlier chapters, Haarlem was absolutely unique in Europe as a meeting place during the fifties; other summer schools did not appear until years later. Marie-Claire Alain remembers what a joyful experience it was “when we four [the “Haarlem Trio”

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plus Leonhardt] spent seven hours examining Bach autographs together.”18 Naturally, in this way, Heiller got to know not only the organ literature of other regions but also different performance traditions, and, even when these could not be directly transferred to Bach, they were all new impressions and, most important, new experiences in the area of organ playing physiology. During the early sixties all of this led toward a peak period for his Bach interpretation. The actual changes that took place were not enormous. If we compare a few recordings from the early Philips series (Switzerland) with the later Hälsingborg (1962) and Magadino (1967) recordings, we find tempi that are amazingly similar. This is by no means an overriding criterion by which we can gauge consistency or ongoing development, but the fact that across so many years he chose such similar tempi, such as in the Fugue in G Minor (BWV 542, 2) or the Fugue in D Minor (BWV 565, 2), does indicate that Heiller, from the very beginning, felt “his own” basic pulse for these works. On the other hand, the dramatic effect in the rhapsodic passages (for the first movements of BWV 542 and 565) is somewhat more extreme on the Philips recordings: the silences are longer, and the Presto sections very fast. But even here one already finds that electrifying microscopic hesitation, before a surprising harmony, and that was something quite novel at the time. Heiller was very economical in his use of manual changes and stop changes, a feature that was to remain. I myself have a favorite example, which I particularly like to use for demonstrating Heiller’s strategic “hesitating, to underline structure.” In his recording of Les Sauvages from Jean-Phillippe Rameau’s Pièces de clavecin,19 there is a cadence figure that appears eight times in total. When we hear it for the eighth time Heiller waits a tiny moment, there is an almost unnoticeable jolt, and this prepares the listener for the approaching end. To give the listener such “premonitions” that are subsequently realized, is very much part of an interpretation that we perceive as convincing. In the Swiss recordings we come across a few quite ludicrous registrations where stops are selected across the various divisions of the organ; the information booklet with the LP usually reveals the details. (For instance: “Heut triumphieret Gottes Sohn” BWV 630: HW Principal 8ʹ, Octave 4ʹ, Octave 2ʹ and coupled to it, Quint 2⅔ʹ from the SW; pedal: Principals 16ʹ, 8ʹ, 4ʹ, and, coupled from the OW, Principal 4ʹ and Larigot 1⅓ʹ.) Either Heiller was not thinking exclusively in terms of Werkprinzip as he did in later years, or the organ did not lend itself to it, or maybe some acoustic consideration of the recording demanded such grand gestures. Articulation also does not differ greatly from later recordings. The pedal parts are surprisingly smooth, mostly legato, even for figures that one would definitely have to see as brass-inspired (such as the fanfare motive in “In dir ist Freude”; by contrast, in “Erstanden ist der heil’ge Christ,” the notes are separated).20 Later on articulation was used more and more and was often informed by idiomatic cross-referencing (such as comparisons with string bowing). During the later years, especially for his Bach

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Figure 9.1. Anton Heiller in Hälsingborg, in October 1962

recordings in the Vienna Mozartsaal (1971–73), Heiller chose significantly slower tempi. I have a very clear recollection of a recital in Den Haag (probably 1975) where he played an extremely slow C-minor Prelude and Fugue by Bach (BWV 546), but that was in a very generous acoustical environment on an organ that boasted great gravitas. One should remember that although Heiller was very familiar with the literature concerning the theological and spiritual

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content of Bach’s organ works, he was much less interested in treatises dealing with performance practice. He was very enthusiastic about autographs that gave direct information on how something should be played.21 Leonhardt and Marie-Claire Alain often used old source material or treatises to determine interpretation. Heiller found such solutions within himself,22 although in the course of his career he saw many original sources and could also readily quote from them.23 Two elements formed the background of his playing style, which was nonmechanical but still full of the “forward motion” that caused so much excitement in the United States: his “thinking within the pulse” (long before every choirmaster used the term) and something that is best termed “singing portato,” which almost imperceptibly emerged out of a legato style.24 In his teaching Heiller used subtle hand movements to encourage his students to achieve both the forward movement and a playing style founded on vocal principles. When he played, important points in a work could be observed as minute movements in his upper body,25 apart from being audible, of course. During the sixties his hitherto somewhat rigid system of articulation became a little more relaxed. Franklin E. Perkins, for instance, who had lessons from Heiller for several weeks, both in Haarlem and in Saint Louis, describes it like this: “I found two things especially important. One: to make a connection between violin articulation and ‘Clavier’ technique—for instance, using the image of up-bow and down-bow in certain places. Two: the relatedness to the vocal sphere—the building of phrases and dynamic concepts.”26 Heiller always proceeded from the inner core of a piece, invariably outward from the center. A change of registration that was not founded on structural considerations or one that obscured architectural design, a mere “gag” in terms of tone color, stop changes just for the sake of variety—all that was out of the question. Ever since he had seen Bach’s Passacaglia as a symmetrical movement he could never play it in the manner that was so widespread and popular. Generally, organists superimposed the Romantic concept of dynamic buildup on this work and often started it pianissimo. Heiller began on Plenum, reduced to an 8ʹ2ʹ registration for the manualiter variations, and when the pedal reentered he returned to the initial dynamics. This interpretation, more than any other, often met with disapproval,27 and he also received reviews that took him to task. He told Erna in a letter: “By the way, I have to tell you (unfortunately) that I got a bad review in the paper for my concert; obviously, I am not upset about it, because the good fellow did not understand my interpretation of the Passacaglia at all.” Likewise, Heiller’s playing of the entire Prelude in B Minor (BWV544) on a Plenum registration met with astonishment and caused heated discussion.28 His sparing manual changes were seen as somehow avant-garde, but have now become quite mainstream, at least in the Germanic organ scene. Heiller explained his economy roughly in these terms: “If Bach already alters the number of voices, in other words, the density of the setting, and if a longer

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interlude is written quite differently from the main sections with pedal—why would you do a manual change as well?” A number of Heiller students consider the following among their important experiences: for the purpose of study, Heiller often demonstrated Bach’s organ works by playing them in the form of a “continuo reduction.” He encouraged his students to do the same thing occasionally. What he was after was the harmonic scaffolding, the work stripped bare of figuration, a comprehensive picture that helped one to recognize overall patterns, focal points, and harmonic direction. And he had another important basic principle: “the overriding duality between soprano and bass, as taught by Hindemith,” and that of course is intimately linked with the “continuo concept” discussed above. As soon as Heiller began to teach courses regularly, his knowledge of musical connections, symbols, and theological background emerged, somehow from within himself. Vienna had no tradition that encouraged closer examination of chorale texts, let alone their more esoteric meanings; Heiller had to work all this out for himself over a period of time.29 And yet, it is exactly this, combined with his performance style, that became his trademark. It was that very mixture of technical excellence and highly considered playing, sustained and filled by inner meaning, that the world wanted to hear, and that is why he was showered with invitations—over the years this amounted to thousands of hours teaching Bach courses in hundreds of locations. Many years later Leonhardt commented: I always found his ideas very inspiring, despite the fact that some of his discoveries and convictions continued to be hypotheses that for others were difficult to understand. His way of thinking in these areas was extremely personal. We often talked about this and sometimes I asked whether he might be going a bit far, as so many of his observations were without foundation, lacking direct reference or proof from the eighteenth century. At the time we were both very interested in the Cabbala30 phenomenon in Bach’s music and we exchanged a lot of material.31

Heiller was the first performer to perceive the great collections of Bach chorale preludes primarily as complete cycles, and the first to perform them as such in concerts and teach them in courses. We have detailed notes from these masterclasses that show how thoroughly he dealt with symbolism. He also generously shared information concerning research into original sources. To complete the picture, Heiller also spoke about the various instruments that Bach had at his disposal or had been involved with, and from that he drew conclusions regarding manual changes and registrations. None of this strikes us as sensational today, but at the time it was completely new. Today it is almost standard to discuss these issues, to illuminate the background of a composition from all possible angles, rather than simply to demonstrate how a piece should be played. The interesting thing with Heiller was that only part of his

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concept (albeit, an important part) could be proved and researched—a great deal of what he thought and felt came from within. It was founded on instinct and often not confirmed and proved until later, when new historical information became available. Rhetoric was one area Heiller virtually never addressed during the sixties and, apart from a small number of musicologists, no one else discussed it either. Heiller made the organ speak and sing once more, just as in ancient times when the organ was expected to be capable of Klangrede (speech through musical sound). This was something that Heiller probably had no theoretical foundation for, but he felt it intuitively and could convey it. No logical argument of a scientific kind was necessary, because he knew instinctively, from the message embedded in the music that “it had to be like this.” He was way ahead of his time with this idea and that is what I find important.32

The great breakthrough for musical rhetoric and especially its direct application to Bach performance was the book The Interpretation and Performance of Bach’s Organ Works, by Jacobus Kloppers. Hans Haselböck mentions how he introduced Heiller to this book, and that he showed great interest.33 In his final years, Heiller became aware of new trends in the performance of early music, but he was either unable or unwilling to adopt them. One of these was a return to early fingering practices that were being discovered at the time, concerning which he warned of extremes.34 The other was the use of various historic temperaments that began to become fashionable, to which he could not quite warm. There can be no doubt that for Heiller everything in Bach’s organ music was religion, piety, and implicit theology—it simply was a matter of faith for him. His profound respect for Bach was probably the reason that he categorically refused to add an improvisation to an all-Bach recital. “Regarding Cleveland: please tell them I’m not willing to improvise after an all-Bach recital. I agree also very much to do the all-Bach program in Cleveland, but without any improvisation because this in my opinion is stylistically not possible; I refused it always, so also this time. This kind of Bach program doesn’t allow to improvise afterwards; please tell them. I regret very much, but I have to do it, like I feel it is necessary to do it!” (letter [in English] to his US management in October 1968). “In any case: an all-Bach recital must stand alone. I also don’t think that you can follow a recital entirely devoted to Old Italian organ music with an improvisation—don’t you agree?” (letter to Count Schack, January 1960).

Which Repertoire on Which Organs? What were his recital programs like? He often played all-Bach programs, sometimes also programs where half was devoted to Bach and the remainder

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to other composers of the Baroque era. Among those, Buxtehude was at the forefront, followed by Georg Böhm and Samuel Scheidt, Johann Pachelbel, Nikolaus Bruhns, and Georg Muffat. Especially for longer programs in concert halls, recitals that included an intermission, repertoire from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was added, among which the following were frequent choices: Max Reger—Chorale Fantasia “Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme,” Fantasia and Fugue in D Minor, op. 135b, Introduction and Passacaglia in F Minor, Benedictus (from op. 59), and other shorter works from op. 80 and op. 129. Franz Schmidt—Prelude and Fugue in D Major (Halleluia), Vier kleine Choralvorspiele, sometimes also Chaconne in cis. Johann Nepomuk David—Partita “Es ist ein Schnitter” (Dies Irae) (among all twentieth-century works this is the piece most often performed, by far), occasionally Geistliches Konzert “Es sungen drei Engel” Paul Hindemith—the three Sonatas Frank Martin—Passacaille Olivier Messiaen—La Nativité du Seigneur, Le Banquet Céleste Jehan Alain—the two Fantasies, Litanies, and some of the shorter works Johannes Brahms—selected Chorale Preludes (less often)

At that time (roughly 1955–70), relatively little Romantic repertoire was performed, and Heiller played even less. I have not gone through all his concert programs, but have checked out a great many of them—and I found just a single one that consisted exclusively of Romantic works, with an added improvisation. Organ repertoire at that time was relatively narrow compared with today; the era of the great pluralism had not yet arrived. Marie-Claire Alain says: “At that time nobody [in Austria] played Widor, Vierne, or the so-called Symphonic School, just as nobody played Reger in France. . . . Fifteen years ago [i.e., 1974], when I played a Widor symphony for the first time in Bern, my Swiss friends were so shocked—why on earth would I play such dreadful music!”35 Heiller also never played Mendelssohn, Liszt, or Julius Reubke; and nobody at all had anything to do with the German Romantic composers of the “second tier” (for instance, Gottfried August Ritter). Among César Franck’s works, Heiller acknowledged only the three Chorales (but did not perform them) and, for teaching purposes Prelude, Fugue et Variation and Pastorale. Apart from these pieces, music of this kind was not considered well-suited to the organ. The self-evident equation was: no polyphony = piano music. That César Franck was masterful at writing polyphony, although of a different but

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very subtle kind (such as in Prière), was totally overlooked. (Here was one who did not proclaim himself the greatest master of polyphony since Bach, but wrote his orchestra-inspired contrapuntal forms almost as a matter of course, without even mentioning it in the titles of his pieces.) Apart from the works listed above, Heiller included very little contemporary repertoire in his programs; however, around 1964 he did play the Swedish composer Stig Gustav Schoenberg’s Kammermusik a few times. Schoenberg like some others, had come to Heiller to study his quasi-twelve-tone compositional style.36 It can be said that, on the whole, fewer composers were listed on concert programs, and conservatism was strong, especially in Vienna. During my eight years as an organ student I never heard Heiller mention the names Guilmant, Widor, or Vierne; similarly, we were never told that there was a worldwide tradition of Anglo-Saxon church music, with evensongs and boys’ choirs. “The era between Franck and Alain virtually did not exist for Heiller.”37 And of course there were no instruments that could have inspired an exploration of such repertoire.38 This meant that one played everything from that narrow repertoire on the existing instruments. “At the beginning, the main issue was just finding a decent organ.”39 When the Marianum (a Catholic high school) in Vienna’s eighteenth district had a new instrument installed in 1963, it became for a time “the best organ in Vienna,” and Vienna’s notable organists began to use it for recitals. On May 5, 1964, Heiller played Frank Martin’s Passacaille here. The organ had just fifteen stops—8ʹ, 4ʹ, and 2ʹ and a mixture stop on each division, plus a Dulcian 8ʹ on the Great, and no swell pedal. But, it was a very good organ—it had mechanical action, of course, and it had been voiced by Herbert Gollini. This consistent favoring of a particular organ type—and not, for once, a certain tonal style—is something that Heiller adhered to all his life. It began with that early rendition of the Schmidt Chaconne on a little village organ in Absam and led, via Reger recordings in Utrecht,40 directly to a concert in Rotterdam Cathedral (July 26, 1965), where he played David’s Engelskonzert, Hindemith’s Sonata no. 1, and once again Martin’s Passacaille on the modest transept organ.41 George Klump, an American student around 1962, sums it up like this: “For Heiller, an organ had to have tracker action and a case to be a good organ; that was the basic principle. Tone quality was important, of course, but at times it did seem as if the other two criteria were of greater importance.”42 A few years earlier, the shortage of good organs had even worked in the opposite direction. In August 1954—Heiller had already recorded quite a few of his Bach LPs in Switzerland—Austrian Radio approached him and invited him to do a large series of organ recordings for them. Heiller was given a free hand with the choice of repertoire and organs. On the one hand, he really wanted to include the instrument at Klosterneuburg (1642), “but of course Bach is out of the question there . . . for Bach probably Piaristenkirche or Votivkirche is best.”43 The situation was paradoxical: There were no usable

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Baroque organs nearby and no neo-Baroque ones, and therefore Heiller was forced to consider two instruments that were well-known but in Romantic style and very awkward to play. Of course, they were “classical-romantic” organs, not instruments from the “period of decline” (as those from the early twentieth century were often described). That is how quickly things can change: in 1954, Bach in the Votivkirche, in 1964, Frank Martin on a neo-Baroque organ with virtually no foundation stops . . . That a strong body of foundation stops and the capability to shape dynamics is important for a large part of the organ repertoire was barely acknowledged at the time, and it suited Heiller. This is why no swell divisions were built in Austria: they were deemed unnecessary for the literature that was in vogue. From about 1965 a few Brustwerk or Oberwerk divisions with swell capability were built (Vienna Konzerthaus, Vienna Saint Ursula, etc.); these were small divisions along neo-Baroque lines that had folding doors operated by a foot pedal. The dynamic variation that can be achieved in this manner was seen as adequate for the small amount of Romantic repertoire that was being performed. And if there happened to be a second 8ʹ stop alongside the Gedackt 8ʹ, then the instrument was seen as suitable for all styles. “There is even a proper string stop (Viola da Gamba 8ʹ), therefore compositions of the Romantic period can be played authentically.”44 Anton Heiller—and the small number of organists who pursued international careers—knew of course what a proper swell division really looked like and what it was used for, but it was felt that for “ordinary” circumstances one could “do with less.” In other words, other considerations were given priority. Heiller’s ideal was the classical organ, based on Baroque principles, and this never changed. He and Egon Krauss were in complete agreement on this, although it seems that Krauss showed a touch more consistency when making a case for a particular region or style. Haselböck’s assessment is probably quite true, bar a few minor modifications. He states: “It is possible that Heiller, without admitting to it, adopted Albert Schweitzer’s opinion that the ultimate quality test for an organ is how well it can play Bach.”45 I would modify this: I feel that Heiller had in fact embraced the organ cultures of countries outside Germanic regions and accepted that music from there could best be reproduced on the appropriate instruments. Heiller’s organ ideal was formed by Baroque models, including all those characteristics that we would call “neoBaroque” today. This meant that the Principal chorus had a dominant role among all the stops. For any organ demonstration the Principal 8ʹ was always shown off first, then Principal 4ʹ, was added, and so on; during the sixties, anyone who proceeded along different lines was accused of not quite understanding the nature of the instrument. Combining stops of the same pitch was never even attempted at such demonstrations; manual coupling was employed only with Plenum registrations. Heiller observed, at least for a long time, the neo-Baroque postulate that forbids pitch doubling. However, he was not totally

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inflexible on this point; the most important consideration was always the tonal result on a particular instrument. I well remember one student concert in 1962 for which he changed the program order on short notice. “We best finish with the ‘Dorian’ [BWV 538] because we can use Subbass 16ʹ together with Fagott 16ʹ, which we could never do with the E-flat Major [BWV 552].” (On the small instrument in the B-Saal, these two 16ʹ stops were in fact the only ones of identical pitch that could be combined.) The (neo) Baroque organ, especially that of Danish provenance, was considered the organ type that realized all principles “of timeless importance.” Seen from a philosophical standpoint, the very fact that such principles were considered “of timeless importance” was, in itself, a temporal point of view. Behind it we find, once more, the temptation to interpret art according to evolutionary principles—that the next generation of organs would automatically be “better.” Understandably, this temptation is found more frequently in organ building, because it involves not just art, but also craft—and the technical aspect of a machine can perhaps be continually improved. Every improvement, however, invariably has an effect on the tonal aspect, and whether and to what extent it affects the tonal outcome is a point of disagreement that can be argued endlessly. I recall an organ inspection on Lake Constance, of an almost new instrument by Metzler. A few years earlier, Heiller and Krauss had installed Metzler on their personal Mount Olympus as the man who built the “best organs in Europe.” But in this instance Metzler had placed his instrument in a “modern” case. Heiller and Krauss agreed that this affected the sound, and that they could hear it. Moreover, they were convinced beyond any doubt that “this sort of thing just is not done.” A “modern” case or, God forbid, electric stop action, these were the first steps on the road to damnation. Numbering stop knobs was seen as another sign of decay in organ building. Krauss was more extreme here than Heiller who, as a traveling virtuoso, knew exactly how handy such numbering could be—and that it did not affect the sound of the instrument. Krauss, when confronted with numbered stop knobs, was quick to use one of his favorite damning expressions: mass production organ building! Much that was “modern” and all that was “romantic” was viewed with basic suspicion by Krauss and Heiller. Krauss once wrote to Heiller, admonishing him for a stop list he considered far too voluminous: “and I guess, next you’ll be asking for the moon as well—things like electric stop action, swell pedal, and so forth; every kind of lechery found in the Teutonic organ morass. Leaves only the mobile console.” Comments were not always as biting as this—especially not on Heiller’s part—but by and large they pulled together and this often became quite noticeable in the way they expressed their views. As early as 1947, when they began their first joint organ project in Wolfurt, Vorarlberg, they wrote in their exposé: “To understand and judge the tonal qualities of this organ one must not make comparisons with organ stops associated with recent Romantic concepts nor with those that result from the

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misinterpreted ‘Baroque organ reform.’” (This is a remarkably objective standpoint, but it also reflects the prejudices I have referred to.) When the entire Department of Church Music traveled to Paris in 1957 to attend a Church Music Congress, an inspection of the organ at Notre Dame de Paris was part of the scheduled program and Heiller wrote to Vienna: “The organ demonstration, which lasted fifteen minutes, was most impressive; Cavaillé-Coll really was a great organ builder, albeit completely identified with the Romantic-orchestral tradition!” And Heiller kept quiet about the final part of this organ visit. He was just getting ready to play himself—when he was stopped. “At which church are you titular organist?” “I do not have a church position.” “We are extremely sorry, but in this case you are not allowed to play here.”46 There is also a letter from Holland: “Today Egon and I will go to Utrecht . . . to look at the cathedral organ—it is from the nineteenth century, but very beautiful all the same.” It was always very important to Heiller not just to try out an instrument, but to play a recital on it. According to him, that was the only way to really judge an organ. “Went with Egon to s’Hertogenbosch, to the St. Jans Cathedral, Amersvoort. Unfortunately, electrified by Verschuren. You have to go and experience this kind of thing to be able to dismiss it.” The same goes for the infamous new organ project in Vienna: “Saint Stephen’s Cathedral has invited me to play for an organ demonstration recital on October 4 [1960, which means in the very first concert series]. I accepted, provided that I can play a Bach program. They had requested ‘old and new masters,’ but I have my reasons for choosing Bach. I am afraid Egon Krauss will be very angry with me that I play at all, but I know exactly why I accepted.” Here it is again, that every organ is best tested with Bach. During the sixties Heiller always tried out instruments with improvisations. On excursions during the Haarlem Festival, members of the “Haarlem Trio” took turns demonstrating organs all over the Netherlands. These demonstrations became legendary and they were always improvised. Later Heiller tended to feel that it was best to play literature, “Bach is best, because when improvising one unconsciously adjusts to the organ. Only when one has experienced how certain pieces by Bach can be realized has one really tested an organ.” Bach playing as the ultimate reference point also had an influence on organ restorations. In Schlägl, where Krauss was engaged as adviser, the restoration of 1960 included all kinds of additions, including extending the keyboards to standard compass. (At that time, historic instruments were often given standard keyboards. The added keys for which there were neither wind channels nor pipes remained silent or else they were connected to pipes that sounded the same notes, but an octave higher.) If one engages in this kind of thing frequently, it is bound to be noticed by “the others.” On March 4, 1964, Erna reported to her husband who was abroad on concert tour: “Yesterday Dr. Haselböck rang to tell me that Alois Forer has published an article in Neues Österreich, attacking Krauss because of Herzogenburg. The heading reads

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‘historic organ wrecked’ and he vents his anger concerning the enlargement of the pedal board and the adding of new semitones. Haselböck told me that Krauss is considering resigning from his post at the Bundesdenkmalamt [Austrian Federal Monuments Office], and of course that is exactly what Forer is hoping for.”

Improvisation and Liturgical Organ Playing Let us put it quite bluntly: Anton Heiller simply was supremely gifted for this art, and it seems that this manifested itself very early in his life. Wilhelm Mück would not have permitted an adolescent to play for Masses at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral had it not been obvious that he could extemporize both in classical and romantic style without any problems and without preparation, and could also accompany hymns reliably. Mück himself was an accomplished improviser who would have known how to satisfy the taste of both the public and the clergy. He could probably not quite match Karl Walter, the “chief cathedral organist,” his superior, who was renowned for his improvisation skills, but he certainly would have done his job justice at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. It appears that Heiller emancipated himself from this solid and discreet improvisation style while still an adolescent. “He used to improvise so beautifully, but lately it hasn’t been all that nice to listen to,” Mück reportedly complained to a colleague.47 For Heiller, improvisation was something quite serious. Shortly before his twentieth birthday, he shared a few ruminating thoughts with Erna: I often wonder whether a good improvisation only has momentary value or whether it might have a value that endures past the moment! Maybe it lingers, not just while it survives in the memories of listeners, but perhaps even longer than that! What do we know today about Bach’s improvisations? I do not think that they were more or less copies of his organ works; for I do believe that a really good improvisation, however perfect in its form, however artistic and stylish, is nevertheless a creation of the moment and therefore has characteristics that should distinguish it from notated compositions! And when one creates works of everlasting value out of the moment, as Bach did, because he only ever played “to the Glory of God,” then one can say that such an improvisation can hold its ground before the very highest authority. It might therefore have enduring value, like a composition, and possibly, for that very reason, be the purest offering because it reveals itself to the human ear just once, and after that remains an absolute concept, untouchable by anything profane.48

These almost metaphysical considerations say more about the profound seriousness of the young Heiller than about his actual improvising. Heiller’s thoughts concerning “liturgical organ playing” were still somewhat esoteric,

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but much closer to the reality of actual church music. He expounded them in a paper that he presented during the Church Music Week at Matrei/Brenner in 1949.49 He stated that the crescendo pedal should not be used, not even at the beginning of a service when one is preparing for the start of the Introit; he did not consider a Salicional a suitable stop for accompanying Gregorian chant, “because it is incapable of fusing with the singing.” Heiller did not have a regular church position but played enough services to be able to offer a few practical and very appropriate details concerning the treatment of breathing spaces when accompanying a singing congregation; one even hears echoes of Wilhelm Mück. On the other hand, the advice he had for modest church musicians, for those occasions where longer periods within a service have to be filled with music, is quite out of step with the practical situation. Who, in 1949, was in a position to play the early French repertoire, or liturgical organ pieces by Frescobaldi? and on which organs, using what stops? (“In 1948 French organ music was entirely unknown territory; it is likely that a Couperin organ mass was first heard in Austria in 1954 when Gaston Litaize performed it at Klosterneuburg during a Church Music Congress.”50) What can be learned from Heiller’s paper is his attitude concerning the church organist: “The organist should be master over his instrument in the real sense of the word; however, he must never attempt to hold forth on it in order to show off. He must be a servant in a holy cause. . . . [For the Offertory] he has the opportunity to present his own personal offering.” In the United States, Heiller refused time and time again to teach improvisation or “service playing.” He once responded that Bach’s Little Organ Book was far more useful, for any type of service—for the vast majority of American church services this would hardly have been a useful suggestion. The teaching of liturgical organ playing was a double-edged sword for Heiller. In Vienna he attached great importance to it. Early students such as Winfried Grasemann as well as his last graduate Roman Summereder attest to that. The latter mentions that teaching of hymn harmonization at sight was the only situation when Heiller could become very impatient. About Heiller’s difficulties with teaching improvisation, he says: It was very laborious, because he would not or could not give any “recipes.” The precept that guided his composition teaching was also applied here: “Everything is allowed, as long as it is not boring.” When he was forced to resort to particular systems, never mind of what stylistic persuasion, he lost courage and interest. This also affected the discussion and demonstrations of improvisations. They were only good if he “had a good day,” or when he found himself inspired during the teaching session—otherwise helplessness and the inability to offer advice were the order of the day. Because he himself did not follow any preconceived schemes or models when he improvised, he could only partially develop them for his students when they lacked imagination and creative power.51

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The Austrian office of the Fulbright Foundation occasionally requested progress reports on American students. In one of these reports Heiller refers to improvisation lessons, and we find information concerning the didactical problems in question: “In order to develop his skills in improvisation I first asked him to write a four-part hymn harmonization in Bach style . . . next I made him write two-part pieces using a cantus firmus and a counterpoint melody . . . of course, this is only a beginning.” However, Heiller had such amazing qualities as a transmitter of musical ideas that it is easy to overlook and forget this one shortcoming in his pedagogical life. It would be impossible to guess how many organists have learned from him, just by listening to his improvisations. Primitive recordings on reel-toreel tape constantly circulated among his students, even though it was much more difficult to make private recordings in those days, as the equipment was somewhat cumbersome. Well, what were his improvisations like? His own account about some of his important improvisations can be found in chapter 3. He had an unfailing instinct for overall flow and structure—this has to be stressed at the very beginning, before details of actual forms and principles of construction are considered. He did in fact work according to the principle we have already mentioned: “Everything is allowed, as long as it is not boring.” However, this does not imply any kind of colorful higgledy-piggledy arrangement or variety at any cost. There was, in his brain, a permanent second track running, and it continually asked: “What have I already done—what am I doing now— which stop combinations have we not heard yet—where am I coming from (tonally)—where do I want to go?” When one recalls the stories about all the music he had coached and accompanied, how many orchestral scores he had sight-read and what a vast variety of musical concepts he had already realized as a composer—when all this is added up and combined with a profound talent for manual dexterity—then it becomes clear that here a highly developed integrated hand/brain/ear network was continuously available; it included lightning-fast reactions as well as the ability to hear in advance even the most complex sounds. It goes without saying that for a musician who was so uncompromising concerning his art, good formal organization was an important consideration. George Klump tells about one of the improvisations that Heiller played in Texas, during his first US tour: “He did a sonata in three movements. In the third movement he picked up the theme of the first movement and introduced it in augmentation and in inversion. The audience virtually leapt up from their seats after the final chord.”52 Just like anyone else who frequently improvises, Heiller had his formulas and tricks. The “forward motion” that was so admired in his playing of organ literature was also in evidence in his improvisations. They had an underlying feeling of motion, an atmosphere of motoric drive—except for slow, expansive sections or those in recitative style; a constant movement,

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constantly sustained by small motives that were generally of modal tonality. Development by the use of sequences always played an important role. Repetition was another vital element. Further characteristics of his style were intermittent pedal points and sections where sustained harmonies were contrasted with “swinging” pedal accents. That atmosphere of free-floating, notquite-tonal harmonies, which we know so well from the compositions of his middle period, were re-created to great effect in his improvisations. Themes he had invented himself and also accompanying figures slipped, almost of their own accord, into tone rows of ten or eleven notes—again, very characteristic for him. And they were harmonized, as usual, in polychromatic style. The basic principle of tension and relaxation that he so often enlarged upon was never abandoned. In fact, it became the most important driving element of the unfolding piece of music.

Heiller and His Contemporaries Reflections on tension and relaxation as the basic element of a composition lead almost automatically to the question of whether Heiller was aware of other composers around him, to what extent, and how he related to them. One has to remember how much contemporary repertoire Heiller not only experienced but also performed in a very short period of time after the war. To learn how he related to his contemporary circle later in his life I had to consult others, as I have few recollections that could contribute to this topic. First, I quote Roman Summereder again: From time to time we talked about this quite a lot. As far as his schedule permitted he always followed new developments and first performances, and he was a regular listener to Lothar Knessl’s radio program Studio für Neue Musik [studio for new music]. He admired both Boulez and Stockhausen, especially for what they had achieved purely in terms of sound. He said that he did not understand how they had achieved it, but that he found the resulting sound fascinating. It appealed to him, but with the reservation that he himself neither could write nor wanted to write like this, because he heard a different music, and this is what he wanted and had to write. Music that was an expanse of sound or color, that kind of thing had great attraction for him and one can detect some influences in the way in which he structured accumulation of sound in his music. You would never have heard him say that some things were “nonsense” or that he “just could not keep up with” them. He was amazingly open to all this and also encouraged his students to take an interest and perhaps perform this work or that.53

However, I also recall an evening at the Brahmssaal where composition students of Alfred Uhl presented their latest works. Half of Heiller’s class was present, together with their master, because a work by Alfred Mitterhofer (also an

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organ student of Heiller) was on the program. Everyone was also very eager to hear a piece of electronic music, performed just on tape—at the time still a sensation in Vienna—on an empty stage. After the performance Heiller approached the composer, Karl Heinz Gruber, shook his hand and said with his usual firmness, but with the friendliest face: “Very, very interesting, but this is not music.” Gruber looked at him, perplexed. “No, for real music you simply have to have a performer, a musician.” Robert Gant asked Heiller in 1967 what he thought of experimental and avant-garde music, and Heiller replied: I cannot say that it does not interest me, but I have so many other things to do that I just do not have the time to immerse myself in it more thoroughly. . . . Ligeti’s Volumina or Bengt Hambraeus’s Nebulosa are amazingly beautiful pieces. . . . I do not think you can compare avant-garde music with other types of music. It is a completely different kind of art, hard to compare with other types, but with wonderful possibilities to explore sound. However, I also believe that no composer should be condemned because he prefers to stay within the traditional; modern music does not have to be experimental. . . . Often Webern is described as the intellectual father of Boulez or Stockhausen, but that is not really correct: the one is so economical with his material, the others are so extravagant. . . . I do not believe that my work will ever develop in this [the avant-garde] direction. Much of it deserves to be taken seriously, but much is swindle.54

Heiller enjoyed a cordial friendship with Augustinus Franz Kropfreiter (1936–2003), a lay brother in charge of music at the abbey of Sankt Florian near Linz. Kropfreiter’s sizable oeuvre had also been inspired by Johann Nepomuk David and there were influences from Frank Martin as well. Nevertheless, Kropfreiter’s and Heiller’s styles had developed in quite different directions. They spent many jovial hours together and discussed their own and other compositions; I do not think there was a more significant connection than that. But Kropfreiter once said: “I saw even the slightest tip from Heiller as a commandment; I felt deepest admiration and friendship of the most noble kind for him, right until his tragic untimely death.”55  Ultimately, what Heiller thought of his contemporaries just completes and rounds off our picture and does not play a crucial role. His contemporaries? It can be said that part of his personality did not live in this world, or in this time. So much that is part and parcel of the mid-twentieth century frightened him, and much else he embraced and enjoyed in comfort like everyone else. Many see parallels between Heiller and Johann Sebastian Bach, both as human beings and as musicians, and they may well be fairly close to the truth: this unwavering fixation on his art, the indestructible connection he saw between

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this art and religion, and not least the fact that his creative output eventually seemed out of step with the era in which he lived. In the liturgical calendar of the Catholic Church the date November 2, All Souls’ Day, plays an important role. It is the day on which the souls of all the departed are remembered, as distinct from the anniversary of an individual death, the day on which we remember particular departed friends or relatives and, provided we are devout, pray for them. One of Heiller’s almost eccentrically pious, but at the same time, touching comments was: “I wish I could die on All Souls’ Day. Then at least once every year everyone would automatically think of me and would pray for me.”56 He was not granted his wish to die on November 2, but there is absolutely no doubt that many think of him, and far more often than once a year.

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Appendix Organ Specifications The organ in the Mozartsaal of the Konzerthaus in Vienna, built by Gregor Hradetzky in 1965 (see fig. 5.3): Hauptwerk (I) CC-g3

Brustwerk (II) CC-g3 (enclosed)

Pedal CC-f1

Quintadena 16’

Gedackt 8’

Subbass 16’

Prinzipal 8’

Spitzgamba 8’

Oktavbass 8’

Rohrflöte 8’

Prinzipal 4’

Gedecktbass 8’

Oktave 4’

Rohrflöte 4’

Choralbass 4’

Spitzflöte 4’

Oktave 2’

Nachthorn 2’

Sesquialtera

Quinte 1 ⅓’

Rauschpfeife 2 ⅔’

Waldflöte 2’

Scharff 1’

Fagott 16’

Mixtur 5-6f. 2’

Krummhorn 8’

Schalmei 4’

Trompete 8’

Tremulant

Couplers: Bw/Hw, Hw/Ped, Bw/Ped

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The organ, built in 1957 (1958?) for room B (“B-Saal”), Department of Church Music, no. 26 Singerstrasse, 1010 Vienna, built by Johannes Pirchner (photograph by Christa Rumsey): Hauptwerk (II) CC-g3

Rückpositiv (I) CC-g3

Pedal CC-f1

Rohrflöte 8’

Gedackt 8’

Subbass 16’

Prinzipal 4’

Rohrflöte 4’

Oktavbass 8’

Waldflöte 2’

Prinzipal 2’

Oktave 4’

Sesquialtera

Nasat 1 ⅓’

Fagott 16’

Mixtur 1 ⅓’

Scharff 1’ Tremulant

Couplers: Rp/Hw, Hw/Ped, Rp/Ped

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appendix 239 The organ in the church of Saint Ursula, Johannesgasse, 1010 Vienna (within the building complex of the University of Music and Performing Arts) built by Gregor Hradetzky in 1968: Hauptwerk (I) CC-g3

Brustwerk (II) CC-g3 (enclosed)

Pedal CC-f1

Quintadena 16’

Gedackt 8’

Prinzipalbass 16’

Prinzipal 8’

Spitzgamba 8’

Oktavbass 8’

Rohrflöte 8’

Prinzipal 4’

Gedecktbass 8’

Oktave 4’

Rohrflöte 4’

Choralbass 4’

Spitzflöte 4’

Oktave 2’

Nachthorn 2’

Sesquialtera

Quinte 1 ⅓’

Fagott 16’

Superoktav 2’

Scharff 1’

Trompete 8’

Blockflöte 2’

Krummhorn 8’

Schalmei 4’

Mixtur 2’

Tremulant

Trompete 8’ Couplers: Bw/Hw, Hw/Ped, Bw/Ped

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Chronology The following chronology is reproduced here as it appeared in Thomas Schmögner’s 1989 monograph In memoriam Anton Heiller. The best way to do justice to Schmögner’s painstaking work in assembling, for the first time, the most important dates in Heiller’s professional and personal life is not by creating a new table, 99 percent of which would be based on his work in any case, but simply by adding a few items to his list (these will appear below in square brackets). The following summary must be seen as a provisional research result, as many documents have not been fully examined. The diversity of Heiller’s activities can be presented only in a rudimentary way that simply provides a general insight into his immense workload. We did not include all the events that were connected with Heiller’s position as professor of organ at the Vienna Musikakademie (student concerts and diploma recitals of his students), but these, together with his extensive pedagogical work spanning from 1945 to his death, should not be disregarded. Similarly, Heiller’s annual participation at the Haarlem Summer Academy between 1956 and 1974 has to be taken into account. I have attempted a chronological listing of Heiller’s works according to date of composition. As far as they are known the dates of first performances and information on the performers have been supplied; where they are in doubt questions marks have been added. Incomplete, but more or less certain dates of performances have also been included. Many smaller-scale works were intended as personal musical gifts and some of them may never have been performed at all. It is hoped that this chronological table, despite its incompleteness, will become the basis for further biographical research.

1923 September 15: Anton Franz Heiller is born as the only child of Anton Maximilian Heiller and Karoline Katharina Angela Heiller, née Senfelder in Vienna’s seventeenth district, no. 26 Heuberggasse.

1929 Attends the Elementary School at Dornbach. First piano lessons with his father

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chronology

1933 Attends the Bundesrealgymnasium (a selective secondary school) in Vienna, seventeenth district. Studies harmony and counterpoint with Ludwig Jamöck, a student of Franz Schmidt and director of the choir of the parish church Dornbach.

1934 First composition attempts, mostly proper settings for the Dornbach parish church (among these, a Tantum ergo for mixed choir and organ)

1935 Commences organ lessons with Wilhelm Mück, cathedral organist at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral Vienna. These were to continue for six years.

1941 March 24: Heiller graduates from high school with distinction. In April Heiller enrolls at the Akademie für Music und darstellende Kunst (at the time Reichshochschule) in Vienna. Main subjects: organ (briefly with Franz Schütz, then with Bruno Seidlhofer), piano (briefly with Josef Dichler, then with Bruno Seidlhofer), harpsichord (with Bruno Seidlhofer), and music theory (with Friedrich Reidinger). Private singing lessons (baritone) with Fritz Schrödter First appearances in academy recitals, as vocal coach and accompanist, at performances of the Singverein der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde (including under Wilhelm Furtwängler) and as organist in various churches (parish church Dornbach, Kalvarienbergkirche, Saint Stephen’s Cathedral) First contact with organ expert Egon Krauss Toccata für Klavier (WP?: GdM BS, March 15, 1942, Kurt Rapf) Zwischenspiel in E Minor for organ

1942 June 17: Reifeprüfung (performance diploma) in harpsichord and organ, with distinction Joseph Marx Prize Increases recital activity in Vienna. Assistant choirmaster and vocal coach at the Singakademie of the Vienna Konzerthaus

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chronology 243 Assistant choirmaster and soloists’ vocal coach at the Vienna Volksoper (August 17 to September 7) Called to military service on September 8. Declared unfit for active service and employed with the Heimatdienst (homeservice); initially in communications and accountancy with reserve troops, later trained as a medical orderly. First contact with the choir conductor Hans Gillesberger. Participation in performances at the Vienna Piaristenkirche. Drei Lieder nach Gedichten von Anton Wildgans for mezzo soprano and piano (WP: GdM BS, March 15, 1942) Phantasie und Fuge f-Moll for organ (WP: Vienna, Kalvarienbergkirche, May 30, 1942, Anton Heiller)

1943 Reduced recital activity. Appearances as pianist, harpsichordist, organist, and singer in concerts at various churches, at the Akademie and house concerts (in the framework of the Tag der deutschen Hausmusik (German House Music Day) at the residence of Egon Krauss and the composer Sophie Carmen EckhardtGramatté. Heiller plays works by Johann Nepomuk David and Joseph Ahrens in organ recitals. Toccata für zwei Klaviere (WP: [House concert, Wien-Mariahilf, November 27, 1943], Erna Hladik and Anton Heiller) Intermezzo for piano (WP?: GdM BS, December 26, 1945, Anton Heiller) O du Fröhliche, Choralvorspiel und Choral for organ (WP: Vienna, Kalvarienbergkirche, December 17, 1943, Anton Heiller)

1944 Messe in mixolydisch G for mixed choir a capella (WP: Vienna, Piaristenkirche, July 2, 1944, Church choir Maria Treu, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Ave Maria for soprano, violin, and viola (WP: Vienna, January 22, 1944) Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita) for organ Sonata for Organ (WP: GdM, December 7, 1945, Kurt Rapf)

1945 April 8, end of military service May 27: First organ recital after Vienna’s liberation, at the parish church Dornbach

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July: Appointed as a contract organ teacher at the Department of Church Music, Vienna Musikakademie. September: Together with Kurt Rapf establishes chamber music series of the Collegium Musicum. First appearances as conductor. During the following years an increase in concert activity in Vienna; participation in orchestral concerts under the direction of Josef Krips, Otto Klemperer, Ferenc Fricsay, and others Numerous organ recitals, including in the main hall of the Musikverein on November 8 November 16: Marriage to pianist and harpsichordist Ernestine Maria Josefa Hladik Lux fulgebit nos for four boys’ voices Der Heiland ist erstanden (Choralmotette) for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH MS, November 26, 1948, Akademie-Kammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann) Musik zum Legendspiel “Das Marienkind” for voices and string trio (WP: Redoutensaal, Vienna Hofburg, September 11, 1945) Wen Gott liebt for voice and piano

1946 March 12: Austrian first performance of Bartok’s Sonata for two pianos and percussion, together with Erna Heiller, in an IGNM concert at the GdM BS May 17: First performance of Paul Angerer’s “Musica pro Organo,” GdM GS June 15: Austrian First performance of Hindemith’s Sonata no. 3, GdM GS June 27: First recital of Anton Heiller students at the Department of Church Music Christus factus est for three-part boys’ choir Laetentur caeli for four-part boys’ choir Requiem for three-part mixed choir a capella Kammersinfonie (originally Sextett for violin, viola, cello, oboe, clarinet and bassoon) (WP as a sextet: KH SS, March 22, 1947, WP as Kammersinfonie KH MS, April 14 1951, Kammerorchester der Wiener Konzerthausgesellschaft, conductor Anton Heiller)

1947 More conducting engagements, including with the Wiener Symphoniker, the Niederösterreichische Tonkünstlerorchester. Heiller conducts performances

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chronology 245 of Franz Schmidt’s Symphonies nos. 2, 3, and 4 and his oratorio Das Buch mit sieben Siegeln. May 31: Heiller’s Toccata for Two Pianos is performed in Copenhagen (IGNM Festival concert). First concert tours in Austria and Switzerland July 1: Austrian first performance of Johann Nepomuk David’s Geistliches Konzert für Orgel “Es sungen drei Engel,” Mozarteum, Salzburg August 7: Erna and Anton Heiller perform the Toccata for Two Pianos at the Salzburg Festival. Exsurge, Domine for male voice choir a capella Unam petii a Domino for boys’ choir a capella Resurrexi for mixed choir a capella Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele (Kleine Partita) for organ (WP?: January 20, 1952, Wald, Switzerland) Second Sonata for Organ (WP: GdM GS, February 10, 1953, Anton Heiller)

1948 April 14: Austrian premiere of Stravinsky’s Les Noces, conducted by Paul Sacher at the Vienna Konzerthaus May 11: Toccata for Two Pianos is performed at Brussels. August: Heiller takes part in a performance of Frank Martin’s Le Vin herbé at the Salzburg Festival. October: Trip to Rome for the recordings of Herbert von Karajan’s movie production of J. S. Bach’s Saint Matthew Passion During 1948 and 1949 Heiller conducts Franz Schmidt’s Buch mit sieben Siegeln, Symphonies by Beethoven, Brahms, Tchaikovsky, Berlioz’s Damnation of Faust, works of the Viennese classical period, and contemporary Austrian music. December 2: First performance of Johann Nepomuk David’s Partita for organ “Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod,” KH GS Participation in orchestral concerts of Bach’s music directed by Herbert von Karajan and Karl Böhm December 18: Organ inauguration in Absam/Tyrol Messe in Lydisch F for mixed choir and organ (WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, May 21, 1950, Akademie Kammerchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Vater unser im Himmelreich (Kleine Partita) for organ (WP: KH GS, December 2, 1948, Anton Heiller)

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Missa in Nocte for female chorus and organ (WP: Orgelsaal, Department of Church Music, December 18, 1951, Akademie Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger)

1949 Conducts orchestral concerts in Austria and Germany. Heiller attracts attention in Vienna on several occasions, substituting for orchestral conductors. November: Anton Heiller, together with Erna Heiller, performs Frank Martin’s Petite Symphonie Concertante (Vienna, conductor Ernest Ansermet). Collaboration with H.  C. Robbins Landon and the Haydn Society; first LP recordings featuring works of Haydn and Mozart Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig (Choralmotette) for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH April 3, 1954, Wiener Singakademie, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Dreifaltigkeitsproprium for mixed choir a capella (WP as part of the Katholikentag, Vienna 1949) Praeludium und Fuge A-Dur for organ (WP: Vienna, Heiliggeistkirche, September 25, 1981, Peter Planyavsky)

1950 January 31: Bach organ recital GdM GS Heiller takes over direction of the Collegium Musicum for contemporary music at the Vienna Musikakademie. June: Participation in the Bach Festival, led by Herbert von Karajan June and September: Tours to Italy with the Wiener Symphoniker and Herbert von Karajan (Bach’s Mass in B Minor; Anton Heiller organ, Erna Heiller harpsichord) First contact with Gustav Leonhardt First contact with Paul Hindemith in Vienna Tragische Geschichte (based on Adalbert von Chamisso) for mixed choir a capella (WP: GdM BS, March 3, 1951, Akademie Kammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann)

1951 Heiller teaches principal subject harpsichord at the Vienna Akademie (academic year 1951/52).

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chronology 247 February 13: Premiere of Joseph Mattias Hauer’s Zwölftonspiel für Kammerorchester by the Collegium Musicum for contemporary music Under Heiller’s direction, the Collegium Musicum for contemporary music performs works by Ernst Vogel, Augustin Kubizek, Hans Stadlmair, Helmut Eder, Hans Erich Apostel, Alban Berg, Arnold Schoenberg, Frank Martin, Béla Bartók, Igor Stravinsky, and Paul Hindemith. July 1: Heiller plays for the organ dedication at the Stiftskirche Sankt Florian, Austria. Missa brevis in C for mixed choir a capella (WP: GdM BS, March 30, 1952, Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Grad Dort for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH MS, October 15, 1951, AkademieKammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann) O Jesu, all mein Leben for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH MS October 15, 1951, Akademie-Kammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann) Schönster Herr Jesus for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH MS October 15, 1951, Akademie-Kammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann) Hoc corpus for mixed choir a capella (WP: KH MS October 15, 1951, AkademieKammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann) Nörgeln for mixed choir a capella [(WP: KH MS October 15, 1951, AkademieKammerchor, conductor Ferdinand Grossmann)]

1952 Organ recitals in Austria and Switzerland Anton Heiller begins recording the complete organ works of J.  S. Bach on Kuhn organs in Switzerland (Thalwil, Wald, Saint Maurice) for Philips. June 4: Inauguration of the organ in the Silver Chapel, Innsbruck, Austria July: Participation in the International Organ Competition in Haarlem, the Netherlands. Heiller wins first prize—the Silver Tulip September 14: Heiller conducts Beethoven’s Missa Solemnis at the Vienna Konzerthaus. Many subsequent engagements as conductor, accompanist, and organist. Tentatio Jesu: Kurzoratorium (short oratorio) for vocal soloists, mixed choir, and two pianos (WP: KH MS June 5, 1957) Dem König aller Zeiten for mixed choir a capella (WP within the Kirchenmusikwerkwoche [church music workshop week] August 25–30, 1952, Matrei, Austria) Seele Christi, heilige mich for mixed choir a capella (WP 1952 in Vienna, Jugendchor Saint Rochus)

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1953 Organ recitals in Austria, Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands October 29–December 25: Organ recital series at the Kalvarienbergkirche, Vienna, to mark the installation of a new organ Fewer conducting activities, in favor of increased work as an organist Te Deum for mixed choir and organ (WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, November 22, 1953; FP of the version for choir, brass, timpani, and organ: GdM GS October 4, 1954; both performances by Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Missa super “Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort” for female chorus or boys’ choir a capella [(WP Vienna, June 28, 1953, Rochuskirche, choir of the Seminar für kirchliche Frauenberufe (seminary for women’s professions in the church), conductor Friedl Beneder)] Ich liebe dich von Herzensgrund for female chorus a capella (WP: Vienna, 1956)

1954 Organ recitals in Switzerland, Germany, and the Netherlands (includes performance of the organ concerto by Henk Badings in Groningen in March) May 9: Heiller conducts Johann Nepomuk David’s Fourth Symphony in a RAVAG concert. July: Josef Krips and Anton Heiller represent Austria at the Holland Festival in Den Haag. Heiller is awarded the Staatlicher österreichischer Förderungspreis for choral music during the Second International Congress for Catholic Church Music, October 4–10, in Vienna. October 24: Birth of Heiller’s daughter Birgit

1955 July: Heiller gives his first improvisation course at Haarlem. September: Heiller is member of the jury at the Fourth Musikwettbewerb in Munich, Germany. Organ recitals in Austria, Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Denmark Psalmenkantate for vocal soloists, mixed choir, organ, and orchestra (WP: KH GS, June 16, 1955, conductor Anton Heiller) So treiben wir den Winter aus for mixed choir a capella

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1956 Heiller receives the Schottpreis at an IGNM recital in Stockholm, which includes a performance of his eight-part Motet Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig. The Austrian Bundesdenkmalamt appoints Heiller to the panel of examiners for organ restorers. Heiller serves on the jury of the Haarlem Improvisation Contest. He gives the improvisation course together with Marie-Claire Alain. His Te Deum is performed in Haarlem. First contact with Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini Organ recitals and courses in Switzerland (Lucerne, Basel), in Germany (International Organ Week Nuremberg), and in Denmark August 12: Dedication of the newly restored organ at the Stiftskirche Waldhausen, Austria François Villon, radio ballade for vocal soloists, choir, and orchestra (WP: Radio production June 1956, conducted by Heiller; FP in recital: ORF, June 16, 1973, ORF Symphony orchestra and ORF choir, conductor Milan Horvat) Memorare for mixed choir a capella [(WP: Münster/Westphalia, Germany, June 17, 1957 [?], Kammerchor Leonhardt Lechner, conductor Oswald Jaeggi)]

1957 Heiller receives the title professor from the president of the Republic of Austria. July: Heiller gives his first Bach interpretation course at Haarlem, the Netherlands. Subsequently he conducts this course every summer. Numerous recitals and courses in Switzerland (Lucerne), Germany (Stuttgart, Freiburg), France (Paris), Italy (Bolzano), Denmark, the Netherlands, and Austria September 19: Heiller’s son Bernhard is born. Vier Österreichische Volksliedsätze for male voice choir a capella Missa super “Salve Regina” et “Vater unser im Himmelreich” for three-part female chorus (WP: Innsbruck, [Jesuitenkirche, February 23, 1957]) Ave Maria for three-part female chorus Confirma hoc Deus for mixed choir a capella [(WP: Münster/Westphalia, Germany, cathedral, June 16 1957, Saint Servatius choir Siegburg)] In festo corporis Christi (Vier Stücke zum Fronleichnamsfest), for organ (WP: Brussels, at the World Exhibition, May 6, 1958, Anton Heiller)

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1958 Organ recitals and courses in Austria (Orgelwoche, Innsbruck), Germany (Nuremberg), Switzerland, Belgium (Brussels), Denmark, the Netherlands, Italy, and England (Royal Festival Hall, London) Regina martyrum Cantata for vocal soloists, four-part choir, and organ (WP: Rome, 1958) Postludium super ite missa est XI for organ (WP: Vienna, ORF, June 1998, Thomas Schmögner)

1959 Intensive recital activity in Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Denmark Vier Geistliche Motetten (“Terribilis est,” “Locus iste,” “Domine Deus,” “Domus mea”) for mixed choir a capella (WP: Donaueschingen, Germany, October 16, 1960) Hymnus “Domine deus omnipotens” for soprano and piano Zwei geistliche Gesänge (“Optavi,” “Gaudete”) for Soprano and organ (WP?: Alpbach, Austria, August 24, 1960)

1960 Heiller is on the jury for the Internationaler Musikwettbewerb Orgelimprovisation (International Music Competition for Organ Improvisation) held in Vienna May 23–25 to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Department of Church Music. Plays for the dedication of the restored Putz organ, together with Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini, on Whitsunday, at Stift Schlägl. International Organ Congress Copenhagen, Denmark, August 8–12 International Organ Week, Hälsingborg, Sweden, October 17–20 Concerts, courses, and recordings for radio in Germany, Switzerland (Grossmünster, Zurich), the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Great Britain Paul Hindemith conducts Heiller’s Te Deum, ORF, Vienna. Heiller becomes a member of the Austrian Kunstsenat (Art Senate) Missa super modos duodecimales for mixed choir and seven instruments (WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, May 22, 1960, Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Lobet, ihr Knechte des Herrn: Kleine Motette for mixed choir a capella (WP: Vienna, Kolpinghaus Gumpendorf, July 1, 1961, Kirchenchor Saint Peter, conductor Alfred Reimann)

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chronology 251 Tantum ergo I über ein Zwölftonmodell for mixed choir a capella Tantum ergo II über die Gregorianische Melodie for mixed choir a capella O rex gentium for mixed choir a capella [(WP: Vienna, Festsaal of the Department of Church Music, December 16, 1960, Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger)]

1961 Heiller serves on the jury at Haarlem. Recitals in Germany (Freiburg, Frankfurt, Hessischer Rundfunk), Switzerland, Italy (Bari, Angelicum Milano), Denmark, and Sweden (Organ Concours Hälsingborg) Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle for mixed choir a capella (WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, May 6, 1962, Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Stufen (on a poem by Hermann Hesse) for boys’ choir a capella [(WP: Vienna, ORF, December 13, 1990, ORF choir, conductor Erwin Ortner)] Pater noster, Ave Maria for alto and piano (WP: ORF, May 26, 1966) Klavierstück über den Namen “Alfred Schlee” (birthday gift for the director of Universal Edition)

1962 January: Recital tour of Denmark and Sweden Recitals in Switzerland, Germany (including Paul Hindemith conducting Heiller’s Te Deum in Berlin January 30), and Italy July: Heiller’s first US tour (including AGO Convention in Los Angeles) Fiat voluntas tua for alto and piano (WP: ORF, May 26, 1966)

1963 Heiller receives the Kulturpreis der Stadt Wien. April 25: World premiere of Paul Hindemith’s Concerto for Organ and Orchestra at Lincoln Center, New York (New York Philharmonic Orchestra; Anton Heiller, organ; Paul Hindemith, conductor). November 5: European FP, Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra conducted by Paul Hindemith, GdM GS (Hindemith’s last public appearance as a conductor) Concerts, courses, and recordings in Italy, Iceland, Canada, the Netherlands, Finland, and Spain

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37th Psalm for choir and orchestra (WP: GdM GS, December 13, 1963, Wiener Philharmoniker, conductor Anton Heiller) Orgelkonzert (WP: Haarlem, Holland, July 5, 1963; conductor Henri Arends; Anton Heiller, organ) Fantasia super “Salve Regina” for organ (WP: Vienna, Orgelsaal, Department of Church Music, February 11, 1965, Sibyl Urbancic)

1964 January 4: Heiller plays for Paul Hindemith’s funeral at La Chiésaz, Switzerland. Second LP recording of selected organ works of J.  S. Bach, Hälsingborg, Sweden Heiller performs Hindemith’s organ concerto in several German cities (Essen, Munich, Westdeutscher Rundfunk). Organ recitals in Italy (Turin, Bolzano), France (Poitiers), Switzerland (Winterthur), Germany (Tuttlingen, Ottobeuren, Stuttgart), England (Oxford, Saint Albans, London), the Netherlands (Den Haag, Utrecht, Rotterdam, Haarlem), Belgium (Bruges), Denmark, and Sweden Proprium zum Fronleichnamstag for three-part mixed choir a capella (WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, June 17, 1965) Sub tuum praesidium for alto and piano Terribilis est for mixed choir a capella

1965 More performances of Hindemith’s organ concerto in Berlin (at a concert to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of Hindemith’s birth and the dedication of the new Schuke organ at the Berlin Philharmonie), Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Zurich January 10: Inauguration of the new organ at the Vienna Mozartsaal (KH). During the following two years Heiller performs the complete organ works of Bach in the Mozartsaal series. Numerous organ recitals in Germany (Bonn, Nuremberg, Speyer), Switzerland (Geneva, Chur, Zurich, Basel), the Netherlands, and England. Heiller serves on the jury at Saint Albans October: Third US tour (including the second summer session at Washington University, Saint Louis) September 2: Anton Heiller’s father dies. In principio erat verbum, cantata for vocal soloists, mixed choir, orchestra, and organ (WP: Berlin, May 6, 1965)

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chronology 253 Deutsches Ordinarium for mixed choir and organ (or orchestra) [(WP: [organ version] Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, April 23, 1967, Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger; Anton Heiller, organ)] English Mass for mixed choir, congregation and organ Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist

1966 Television recording for the ORF at the Freundt organ, Klosterneuburg, Austria Concerts in Germany, France (Paris), Italy (Heiller conducts his organ concerto in Milan, March 7), Switzerland (Lucerne, Geneva, Bach courses in Winterthur and Chur), and England September 4–24: Heiller serves on the jury at the organ competition in Munich. Deutsches Proprium für den vierten Sonntag nach Ostern for boys’ or women’s choir [(WP: Vienna, Franziskanerkirche, May 8, 1966 [?], Akademie-Kirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger)]

1967 May 25: Organ dedication at the Chiesa dei Servi in Bologna, Italy Heiller serves on the jury and gives a course at Saint Albans, England. Numerous recitals and courses in Germany, Switzerland, Italy, France, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, and England December: Fourth US tour to appear at the AGO Winter Conclave in Boston; inauguration of the new Fisk organ at Harvard University, Cambridge/Boston Deutsches Proprium zum Dreifaltigkeitsfest for choir, congregation and organ (WP: Vienna, Saint Stephen’s Cathedral (?), June 21, 1967 (?), AkademieKirchenchor, conductor Hans Gillesberger) Ecce lignum cruces: Meditation for organ (Date of WP cannot be established)

1968 Heiller receives the City of Vienna’s Ehrenkreuz für Wissenschaft und Kunst (Cross of Honor for Science and Art). January: Tour of Austria as conductor of the Vienna Philharmonic (Bregenz, Linz, Klagenfurt) Performance of Heiller’s Psalmenkantate in a concert of the Vienna Philharmonic, under his direction July–November: Fifth US tour

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October 16: Organ dedication at Saint Ursula, Vienna Hochschule für Musik December 8: Organ recital for the inauguration of the Marcussen organ at the New Cathedral, Linz Stabat Mater for mixed choir and orchestra (WP: April 3, 1969, ORF Symphony Orchestra, conductor Miltiades Caridis) Das Laub fällt von den Bäumen for mixed choir a capella

1969 Heiller is awarded the Grosser österreichischer Staatspreis für Musik. From October Heiller teaches the subject Kirchliche Komposition (church music composition) at the Department of Church Music. Courses in Winterthur, recitals in Switzerland, Germany, Denmark, and Italy Sixth US tour in the summer

1970 Courses in Switzerland (Thalwil, Winterthur), Austria (Ossiach), Haarlem, and Copenhagen Recitals in Germany (Nuremberg), the Netherlands, France, Belgium, Italy, and Switzerland Geistliches Konzert for mixed choir and six woodwinds (WP: October 22, 1970, at Steirisches Musikprotokoll Graz [a music festival in the province of Styria]) Tanz-Toccata für Orgel (WP: Schaffhausen, Switzerland, August 27, 1970, Monika Henking) 100 Jahre Wiener Musikverein, “Birthday gift” in the form of a 100-tone row (scoring not indicated)

1971 Recitals in Austria, Switzerland, Germany, and the Netherlands Jury member at Saint Albans, England Seventh US tour from August to November Adventmusik for oboe, violin, children’s choir, and organ (WP: Thalwil, December 5, 1971, Jugendchor Thalwil, conductor Monika Henking; Anton Heiller, organ)

1972 Recitals in Austria, Switzerland, England, Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium. Courses in Thalwil, Ossiach

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chronology 255 Jury member in Nijmegen, the Netherlands June/July: Eighth US tour. Heiller appears at the AGO National Convention in Dallas, Texas, together with Marie-Claire Alain and Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini. October: Ninth US tour (Dedication recitals at Salem College and the University of Iowa) Konzert für Cembalo, Orgelpositiv und Kammerorchester (WP: Dallas, Texas, June 23, 1972; soloists: Marie-Claire Alain and Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini; conductor Anton Heiller) Kleine Partita “Nun komm’, der Heiden Heiland” for organ (WP: Udine, Italy, September 12, 1972, Monika Henking)

1973 January: Recitals and courses at the International Christian University, Tokyo, together with Marie-Claire Alain and Yuko Hayashi Recitals and courses in Austria, Switzerland (Saint Gallen), Germany, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Sweden First Austrian recording of the Concerto for harpsichord, chamber organ, and chamber orchestra Tenth US tour (including courses at Colorado State University in Fort Collins, Colorado, together with Marie-Claire Alain and Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini) Passionsmusik for children’s choir and organ (WP: Thalwil, April 6, 1974, Jugendchor Thalwil, conductor Monika Henking; Anton Heiller, organ) Solo for guitar

1974 July: Heiller suffers his first stroke and cancels a number of recitals and a US tour. Progressing paralysis of the left hand August 30: Heiller substitutes for Carl Melles, conducting Franz Schmidt’s Buch mit sieben Siegeln at the Lucerne Festival. Herbert Gollini builds the Heiller house organ. Drei Weihnachtslieder for children’s choir a capella (WP: Belfort, France, December 13, 1975, Jugendchor Thalwil, conductor Monika Henking) Nicht Knechte, sondern meine Freunde for mixed choir a capella (WP: Aigen, Austria, August 10, 1975, Linzer Domjugendchor) Victimae paschali laudes: Meditation über die gregorianische Ostersequenz für Orgel (WP: Oldenburg, April 8, 1975, Dieter Weiss)

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Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich: Chorale Prelude for organ

1975 Reduced recital and teaching activity due to ill health. Despite this, Heiller gives concerts and teaches courses during the next few years and also occasionally conducts. Concert tour of Poland ORF radio recordings of Bach organ works at the Mozartsaal Kleine deutsche Messe for treble chorus and organ (WP: Thalwil, September 20, 1975, Jugendchor Thalwil, conductor Monika Henking; Anton Heiller, organ) Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir: Intonation, Choral und 3 Variationen für Orgel Drei kleine Choralvorspiele (“Valet will ich dir geben,” “Der Tag ist hin,” “Mit Fried und Freud”) (WP: Sankt Florian, Austria, June 7, 1967, Monika Henking) Ein wenig über B–A–C–H: Drei kleine Stücke für Cembalo (Three little pieces for harpsichord) (WP: ORF Landesstudio Klagenfurt, November 21, 1977, Erna Heiller)

1976 Course and recitals at Haarlem January 11: Eleventh trip to the United States to give one recital on the Kuhn organ at Alice Tully Hall in New York. Heiller arrives but the recital is canceled twenty minutes before commencement due to a technical defect of the organ that renders it inoperable. In the summer: Twelfth and last US tour. Course at Colorado State University. Concerts and courses in Belgium and Denmark Heiller conducts Mozart’s Mass in C Minor at Lilienfeld, Austria. Lengthy periods in hospital in May and December Heiller suffers his second stroke. Jubilatio for organ (WP: GdM GS, December 9, 1976, Peter Planyavsky)

1977 Last performance and LP recording of the Hindemith organ concerto in the Brucknerhalle in Linz Heiller makes application to discontinue teaching Kirchliche Komposition due to ill health. September: Heiller suffers his third stroke during a concert tour of Denmark.

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chronology 257 Vesper for cantor, vocal soloists, choir, and organ in celebration of the 850th anniversary of the founding of the city of Graz (WP: December 2, 1978, at the organ dedication at Graz Cathedral; Grazer Domchor, conductor Albert Anglberger) Kleine Partita über das dänische Lied “Den klare sol går ned” (WP: Nyborg, January 21, 1978, Kirsten Stig Pedersen) Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort (Partita) (WP: Düsseldorf, September 9, 1978, Peter Planyavsky) “Sorrig og glaede” “Som Lilliens Hjerte” “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” for organ Hochgebet mit eigenem Sanctus for unaccompanied voice

1978 Heiller cancels a US tour to Seattle and also his course in Haarlem. Hospital stays in April and December Courses in Austria and Italy Heiller is made an honorary member of the Wiener Singverein. November 1: Heiller’s last public concert appearance in Austria: improvisation concert at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna “Rind nu op i Jesu navn” “Det hellige Kors”

1979 Last course and improvisation concert in Rybe, Denmark Last radio production for the ORF: Heiller conducts his Missa super modos duodecimales. Heiller’s health improves and he can practice again. Heiller makes plans for summer courses in Haarlem, recitals in Vienna, Germany, and a US tour for the summer of 1980. March 25: Anton Heiller dies at 11:30 a.m. in the family home, the house where he was born.

2007 [February 4: Erna Heiller dies in Vienna.]

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Notes Cited letters addressed to Heiller are located in the Anton Heiller estate; cited letters that he wrote are in the possession of the recipient or the recipient’s estate.

Chapter One 1. Unless otherwise indicated, all comments by Erna Heiller in this chapter are from the original version of her interviews with Thomas Schmögner. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” in In memoriam Anton Heiller (1923–1979), ed. Schmögner (Vienna: Österreichisches Orgelforum, 1989), 17–26. Interview, original version. 2. Henriette Bruckner, née Trimbacher, interview with author, June 29, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 3. Leopold Marksteiner, interview with author, April 7, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 4. Robert E. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller: Winston-Salem/USA, 26–29 Oktober 1972; compiled and translated by Thomas Schmögner,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 11. 5. Anton Heiller, curriculum vitae, March 15, 1946. 6. Rudolf Scholz provided some of his recollections for me in writing on August 25, 2008. 7. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” 19. 8. L. Schmid in the Neuigkeits-Weltblatt, quoted from Sigrid Maria Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge” (Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts, Graz, 2004), 59. 9. Undated newspaper clipping found in a folder marked “1943.” 10. Organ builders often appear in dynasties whose members occasionally bear the same first name. Roman numerals are therefore used to clarify matters. 11. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 47. 12. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer,” unpublished. One of the unpublished interviews (see foreword). 13. Radio-Verkehrs-AG, precursor of the ORF, Austrian Radio. 14. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” interview, original (unpublished) version. 15. The question of whether Franz Schmidt’s willingness to compose a major choral work in praise of the new era in Germany was an expression of his political persuasion is still under discussion in Austria. See Rainer Schuhenn, “Franz Schmidt’s oratorische Werke,” vol. 8, Studien zu Franz Schmidt (Vienna: Doblinger, 1990). See also the relevant contributions by Gerhard Botz, Gerhard J. Winkler, and Hartmut Krones in Musik in

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Wien 1938–1945: Symposium 2004, ed. Carmen Ottner, vol. 15, Studien zu Franz Schmidt (Vienna: Doblinger 2006), 33–65, 113–40, 141–72, respectively. 16. Thomas Schmögner, “Zeittafel,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 5–10. 17. Michael Meyer, “Wilhelm Furtwängler: Collaboration and Struggle of Authority,” in The Politics of Music in the Third Reich (New York: Peter Lang, 1991), 329–87. 18. Thomas Lee Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence on American Organists and Organ Builders,” unpublished, 2002. Carl Smith is professor of organ at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, and was a participant at one of Heiller’s long summer courses at Washington University in Saint Louis, Missouri. 19. The Ave Maria for soprano, violin, and viola of 1944 is dedicated to Karoline Kroschik. 20. Sebastian M. Glück, Thomas Lee Bailey, and Monica Torrey, “One Heart, One Soul: Anton and Erna Heiller,”American Organist (March 1955): 52–55. The interview offers some new details. On the other hand it also contains a few inaccuracies and improbabilities. The reason for this may be that Bailey’s original interview with Erna was recorded in German, and later on partially translated into English. 21. The “illegals” Erna is referring to are the many individuals who had secretly belonged to the National Socialist Party before 1938. 22. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 81. 23. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer,” unpublished. He is referring to Heiller’s participation in the music program of the Katholikentag 1949. Translator’s note: The ÖVP (the Austrian People’s Party) was generally referred to as the “black” party. The “red” party was the SPÖ (the Socialist Party of Austria). 24. Das kleine Volksblatt, September 13, 1945, 7. 25. Cf. Peter Planyavsky, “Die Kirchenmusik in Österreich trägt ein deutsches Antlitz: Miscellen zur Situation der Orgel- und Kirchenmusik in Österreich 1938–1945,” in Ottner, Musik in Wien 1938–1945, 256. 26. Franz Kosch, “40 Jahre Kirchenmusik,” Musica orans 2, no. 4–5 (1950): 4–6. Regarding Missa in mixolydisch G, see chap. 7. 27. Franz Kosch, “Neue Kirchenmusik,” Musica orans 1, no. 5 (1949): 3. 28. Ronny Dietrich, “Das Wiener Konzerthaus,” in Musik in Österreich, ed. Gottfried Kraus (Vienna: Brandstätter, 1989), 327. 29. Marksteiner, interview. 30. Paul Angerer, interview with author, September 3, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 31. Herbert Vogg, interview with author, August 1, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 32. Ibid. 33. Angerer, interview. 34. It is ironic that Heinrich Isaak (1450–1517, court conductor of Emperor Maximilian) appeared in a catalog of non-Arian composers, just because of his surname! 35. Manfred Permoser, Die Wiener Symphoniker im NS-Staat, vol. 9, Musikleben: Studien zur Musikgeschichte Österreichs. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Musikgeschichte an der Universität für Musik und Darstellende Kunst (Frankfurt: Lang, 2000), 41–48. 36. Vogg, interview. 37. Oswald Kabasta (born 1896), artistic director from 1933 to 1938 and chief conductor from 1938 of the Vienna Symphoniker, was a member of NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) and conducted his personal and program politics exclusively according to the directives of the Third Reich; after 1945 he could therefore not expect his career to continue. He committed suicide in February 1946. Permoser, Die Wiener Symphoniker im NS-Staat, 26.

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notes to pp. 17–33 261 38. Vogg, interview; Marksteiner, interview; Angerer, interview. 39. Letter from Ferdinand Grossmann to Anton Heiller, February 17, 1948. 40. Rudolf Scholz, written recollections. 41. An interesting aside: This little story was mistranslated by Glück in his essay “One Heart, One Soul.” In his translation the “sitting on the keyboard” is translated as “sitting with his back to the keyboard,” which of course rather diminishes Dichler’s compliment. 42. Richard Prilisauer, “Erinnerungen an Anton Heiller,” vol. 39, ARS ET VITA (Vienna: private publication, 1990). 43. I have only a partial, undated copy from Elisabeth Buchsbaum for which I am grateful. 44. Letter to Marinette Extermann, October 8, 1966. 45. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H.  C. Robbins Landon,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 55. 46. Ibid. 47. See chap. 2. 48. Joseph Egger, “Zur 10. kirchenmusikalischen Werkwoche in Matrei am Brenner (25–30 August 1952),” Musica Orans 5, no. 1 (1952): 12. 49. See the chapters “Beginning in the Golden West” and “Haarlem and the rest of Europe.” 50. Reinhard Jaud, “Egon Krauss (1905–2005) . . . ein Nachruf aus Tirol,” Das Orgelforum 7 (2005): 36–52. 51. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer.” 52. Reinhard Jaud, interview with author, September 10, 2008, Innsbruck, Tyrol, Austria. 53. See chap. 2. 54. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck,” 43. 55. Chorblätter 4, no. 2, February 1949, 21. 56. Gertrude Kastner, interview with author, August 8, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 57. See chap. 2. 58. P.  L. [Peter Lafite?], “Musikerportraits: Anton Heiller,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 1, no. 1 (1946): 69. 59. Angerer, interview. 60. “Neues vom Tage: Advertisement by Wiener Festwochen,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 7, nos. 5/6 (1952), after 194, cover, inside.

Chapter Two 1. The priest and composer Karl Koch (1887–1971) was one of the most respected church musicians of the region. He was the de facto director of music of a cathedral. The church of Saint Jakob served, unofficially, as the cathedral for North Tyrol. The establishment of the new borders of the diocese, made necessary by the loss of South Tyrol to Italy, was overdue and amazingly not finalized until 1964, when the Diocese of Innsbruck was created. Karl Koch was invited to accept a teaching position at the Vienna Department of Church Music as early as 1933 and, when he hesitated, the direction of the Vienna Boys’ Choir was offered to him as well; it must be considered quite unusual that the young Anton Heiller was paired with such a well-established person to play for this occasion. Wilhelm Isser, Karl Koch (Innsbruck: Tyrolia 1969), 74.

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2. Jaud, “Egon Krauss.” 3. Hubert Dopf, interview with author, April 13, 2008, Klein Erla, Lower Austria. 4. Traditional leather shorts are a popular rustic attire for men, especially in the western rural areas of Austria, and are often worn in the summer months. 5. Othmar Costa, interview with author, September 10, 2008, Innsbruck, Tyrol, Austria. 6. Annemarie Fheodoroff, née Groysbeck, interview with author, September 15, 2008, Klagenfurt, Carinthia, Austria. 7. Hans Haselböck, “Begegnungen mit Anton Heiller: Stationen auf dem Weg zur Meisterschaft,” in Musikalische Dokumentation Anton Heiller (Vienna: Musiksammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek / Institut für Österreichische Musikforschung, 1999), 13–14. 8. Dopf, interview. 9. Johannes (Hans) Pirchner, interview with author, September 10, 2008, Steinach, Tyrol, Austria. 10. See also chap. 4. 11. “Notizen,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 3, nos. 7/8 (1949): 23. 12. Anton Heiller, “Matrei 1949,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 3. no. 1 (1949): 10. 13. Anton Heiller, “Liturgisches Orgelspiel,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 5 no. 4 (1950): 59–62. 14. Egon Krauss, Die Orgeln Innsbrucks, vol. 1, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft, ed. Walter Salmen (Innsbruck: Musikverlag Helbling, 1977), 71. 15. Otto Bruckner, interview with author, June 29, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 16. Scholz, written recollections. 17. See chap. 6. 18. Johanna Handel and Bernhard Handel, interview with author, September 25, 2008, Volders, Tyrol, Austria; Pirchner, interview. 19. Markus Hufnagel, “Der Orgelprospekt am Beispiel der von Carry Hauser gestalteten Anton Heiller Orgel der Universität für darstellende Kunst und Musik in Wien,” Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, 2006, 583. 20. Bruno Grünberger, interview with author, April 13, 2008, Schlägl, Upper Austria. 21. Hans Haselböck, “Die Hradetzky-Orgel im Stift Wilten,” in Studia Wilthinensia Artis Organi, Band 2. Orgelrestauration und Orgelbau in Österreich nach dem 2. Weltkrieg. Egon Krauss zum 100. Geburtstag. Tagungsbericht 2006, ed. Kurt Estermann, 46–55. Innsbruck: Helbling, 2008. See also Reinhard Jaud and Gottfried Almer, “Von Wilten nach Stephanshart,” Das Orgelforum 11 (2008): 34–50. 22. Kurt Estermann, “Neue Orgel in der Stiftskirche Wilten,” Das Orgelforum 11 (2008): 52–64. 23. Cf. chap. 3. 24. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” unedited version. 25. Hans Nadler, Der Orgelbau in Vorarlberg und Liechtenstein, vol. 3 (Dornbirn: Vorarlberger Verlagsanstalt, 1985), 728. 26. “Die neue Orgel von Sibratsgfäll,” Singende Kirche 2, no. 2 (1954): 34. 27. This document and the following three were part of the estate in the home of the Heiller family. 28. The term “B-organ” originates in the Department of Church Music while housed at Singerstrasse. The rooms were identified by letters, as were the organs. The peculiar name “B-organ” survived several generations and also the removal of the instrument into the new building (1967). The organ was subsequently shifted once more in 2000 and is now housed in a church at Wien-Sandleiten, less than 1,000 meters, as the crow

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notes to pp. 41–53 263 flies, from the house in which Heiller was born and died. For the specification of this organ, see appendix. 29. Nadler, Der Orgelbau, vol. 4 (lexicon volume without pagination), article “Hubert Neumann.” 30. Hufnagel, “Carry Hauser,” 590. 31. Pirchner, interview. 32. Hufnagel, “Carry Hauser,” 583, interview on November 18, 1999. 33. “Die Orgel der Stiftskirche zu Waldhausen, O.Ö.,” Singende Kirche 4, no. 1 (1956): 30–31. 34. Jaud, interview. 35. Relevant articles by Egon Krauss are in Musica Orans 1, no. 4; 2, no. 3; 4, no. 1, 4, no. 2; and 4, no. 3. In addition, he published a long list of noteworthy organs worth visiting in 4, no. 4: 18. 36. Friedrich Jakob, Die Festorgel in der Stiftskirche Klosterneuburg: Geschichte und Restaurierung der Freund-Orgel von 1642, vol. 133, Veröffentlichung der Gesellschaft der Orgelfreunde (Vienna: Mayer, 1990), 40. 37. Hans Haselböck, interview with author, August 2, 2008, Maria Langegg, Lower Austria. 38. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon,” 53. 39. Heinrich Haerdtel, interview with author, December 11, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 40. Peter Watchorn, Isolde Ahlgrimm, Vienna and the Early Music Revival (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007), 92. 41. For more information on this, see chap. 3. 42. Ibid. 43. For more on his teaching of improvisation, see chap. 9. 44. Verena Lutz, interview with author, January 14, 2008, Zurich, Switzerland. 45. Christoph Wartenweiler, interview with author, January 14, 2008, Frauenfeld, Switzerland.

Chapter Three 1. Piet Kee, interview with author, July 18, 2008, Haarlem, Netherlands. 2. Ben Kahmann, “In memoriam Anton Heiller,” Gregoriusblad 103, no. 2 (1979): 114. 3. Joseph Ahrens was one of Germany’s leading church musicians. With his polyphony, constructed along Gregorian, linear motives, he was also an important model for Heiller. 4. Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini, interview with author, September 12, 2008, Brixen, South Tyrol, Italy. 5. Sybrand Zachariassen (1900–1960) was director of the Marcussen organ building firm from the early 1920s. It was under his leadership that the firm turned toward mechanical action and neoclassical principles. 6. Paul Peeters, “Die ‘Nederlandse Organisten Vereniging’ und die Orgelreformbewegungen des 20. Jahrhunderts,” in Aspekte der Orgelbewegung, ed. Alfred Reichling (Kassel: Merseburger, 1995), 171. This includes a detailed overview of the role played by Danish workshops in the Netherlands. 7. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Marie Claire Alain,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 33. 8. Letter to Erna Heiller, July 27, 1956.

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notes to pp. 57–70

9. Jaud, interview. 10. Judy Glass, personal communication. 11. Peeters, “Nederlandse Organisten Vereniging,” 175. 12. Letter from Franz Falter to Anton Heiller, July 15, 1958. 13. Haselböck, “Begegnungen,” 12–13. 14. The idea of objectivism in the German organ scene is described in detail in Roman Summereder, Aufbruch der Klänge. Materialien, Bilder, Dokumente zu Orgelreform und Orgelkultur des 20. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck: Helbling, 1995), 191. 15. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller,” unpublished. 16. Haselböck, interview. 17. Walcha began his recordings in Lübeck; he lived and worked in Frankfurt. 18. “Orgeln und Glocken: Notizen,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 6, no. 3 (1951/52): 44 (author probably Paul Neumann). 19. Theo Hoffman, interview with author, July 2, 2008, Stuttgart, Germany. 20. Volker Lutz, interview with author, July 2, 2008, Stuttgart, Germany. 21. Lemacher, Heinrich. “10. Tagung der IGK,” Singende Kirche 2, no. 1 (1954): 86. 22. Letter to Erna, September 5, 1955. 23. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H.  C. Robbins Landon,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 56. 24. For more about contact between the two artists, see chap. 7. 25. Volker Lutz, interview. 26. Tagliavini, interview. 27. Zachariassen gave another lecture in Vienna (“The Most Important Principles of Modern Organ Building”) on May 27, 1960, in the course of the celebrations for the fiftieth anniversary of the Department of Church Music. The new organ at Saint Stephen’s had just been installed, and was an instrument the complete opposite of what Zachariassen, Heiller, and Kraus stood for. 28. Herbert Gollini, interview with author, September 5, 2008, Brunn am Gebirge. Austria. 29. Hans Groer, at the time diocesan priest of the Archdiocese of Vienna, entered the Benedictine Monastery of Göttweig in 1974 and added the religious name “Hermann” to his own name. He later rose to archbishop and cardinal. 30. Concerning the long journey toward the completion of the Linz project and Heiller’s part in it, see Hans Haselböck, “Ein Dokument neoklassischer Orgelkunst,” Singende Kirche 46, no. 1 (1999): 15. For more on the dedication itself and recordings, see chap. 5. 31. David Rumsey, interview with author, July 16, 2007, Basel, Switzerland. 32. The official spelling was “Hälsingborg” until 1971, when it became “Helsingborg.” It is not to be confused with the city of Helsingør, which is situated on the other side of the channel, in Denmark. 33. American Organist, June 1999, 75–77. 34. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 38. 35. Peter Hurford, interview with author, October 5, 2008, Saint Albans, England. 36. Letter to Erna, November 9, 1958. 37. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Nicholas Danby,” unpublished. 38. Hurford, interview. 39. Ibid. 40. Harison, “Anton Heiller,” 25.

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notes to pp. 72–78 265

Chapter Four 1. Thomas Harmon, “A Tribute to Anton Heiller,” American Organist, July 1979, 38–39. 2. “Anton Heiller Taken by Death in Vienna: Famed Organist Dead at 55,” Diapason, April 1979, 1, 15. The author is not named, but in all likelihood it was the chief editor Arthur Lawrence. 3. Marcel Dupré, Erinnerungen, trans. Hans Steinhaus (Kassel: Merseburger, 1981). 4. This list of organists has been compiled by searching in Diapason magazines 1952 to 1962. 5. Helmut Walcha was advertised several times as a forthcoming international visitor to teach Bach masterclasses at the Andover Organ Institute in 1955. In the end, Walcha had to cancel an already booked steamship passage due to a problem with the smallpox vaccination that was mandatory at that time for all foreign visitors to the United States. His physician advised him that, due to his blindness, this vaccination was not advisable. Diapason, April 1955, 41. 6. See Margaret Vardell Sandresky, “Fulbright Fragments from Germany 1955–56,” American Organist, May 2003, 58–61. 7. Cf. Günther Kaunzinger, “Zum Tode von Virgil Fox,” Musik und Kirche 51, no. 5 (1981): 238; and Kaunzinger, “Notizen zum Orgelspiel in den USA,” Musik und Kirche 51, no. 5 (1981): 231–33. A relatively important role is ascribed to French influence here (even as late as 1981). 8. David Rumsey relates that these records were available in Australia during the early sixties. One can assume that they had also reached North America. Interview with author, July 16, 2007, Basel 9. Diapason, February 1955, 13. 10. The detailed report of this tour makes no mention of Heiller; apart from Finn Viderø none of the personalities announced in the advertisement is mentioned by name. The article offers a good insight into the manner in which an obviously older and well-informed American experienced the European organ scene at that time, and how he related it to what he was accustomed to from his homeland. Here one can learn more about some fundamental differences between the two organ cultures. William H. Barnes, “Europe’s Old Organs as seen by American Designer and Critic,” Diapason, October 1955, 11–12 and November 1955, 23–24. 11. Letter to Erna Heiller, July 7, 1955. 12. Craig R. Whitney, All the Stops: The Glorious Pipe Organ and Its American Masters (New York: Public Affairs, 2003). This book gives a good overview of the focal points of US organ culture across a whole century, but avoids acknowledging any influences other than those of French organists and organ builders. Names such as Walcha, Heiller, and Vogel are not mentioned in more than three hundred pages. 13. For detailed information on this, see the beginning of chap. 3. 14. Letter to Erna Heiller, July 7, 1959. 15. Cf. chap. 8. 16. Karen McFarlane, interview with author, February 27, 2008, Cleveland, Ohio. 17. Letter to Anton Heiller, May 29, 1959. 18. Marie Kremer, interview with author, February 29, 2008, Saint Louis, Missouri. 19. Interview with Jay Peterson, February 28, 2008. Schnellen is an articulation technique that uses minute breaks before accented notes. 20. Leonardo Ciampa, “Interview with Yuko Hayashi,” Boston, February 17, 2004. E-mail message to the author March 17, 2008.

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notes to pp. 79–95

21. Sibyl Kneihs, née Urbancic, interview with author, August 6, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 22. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence.” 23. Translator’s note: As most of Heiller’s US letters still exist, and he wrote in English, his letters are all quoted using his own words, virtually unedited. Only obvious spelling errors have been corrected. 24. “Convention Story,” Diapason August 1962, 9–10. 25. Ibid. 26. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and his Influence.” 27. E-mail from Carl Staplin to Thomas E. Bailey, May 27, 2003. 28. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence.” 29. Karel Paukert, interview with author, February 28, 2008, Cleveland, Ohio. 30. Letter from Anton Heiller to Lilian Murtagh, March 12, 1965. 31. Letter from Anton Heiller to Lilian Murtagh, December 10, 1968. 32. I do not want to cast doubt on Steve Roberts’s recollection, but I find it surprising that Heiller did not diagnose and fix this incredibly simple fault; he had encountered this type of console—and this kind of registration aid—hundreds of times in the United States. 33. Harvard CD Booklet: Two booklets included in a boxed set of 3 CDs: “Anton Heiller. The Legendary Performances at Harvard University.” Produced by Josiah Fisk and David Moran, undated (probably 2001). When the set of three CDs first appeared it was accompanied by two booklets: One was titled “Program Notes. Heiller’s Life and Playing, the Music and the Instrument,” and the other “Heiller Remembered. Teaching Points and Other Student Reminiscences.” At the time the English edition of this book was prepared, only the first booklet accompanied the boxed CD set. For the contents of the second booklet readers were referred to: www.organfocus.com/music/heilleratharvard.php3. 34. Christa Rakich, interview with author, February 21, 2008, Boston, Massachusetts. 35. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence.” 36. From a discussion by Clifford Gilmore, in High Fidelity magazine, quoted here from the Harvard CD Booklet. 37. Karen McFarlane, interview with author, February 27, 2008, Cleveland, Ohio. 38. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence.” 39. Ibid. 40. Harvard CD Booklet. Date and name of the critic are not mentioned. 41. RS [Robert Schunemann], Diapason, December 1971, 9. 42. Kremer, interview. 43. Cited from Harvard CD Booklet: “In November 1968, the Globe, making up . . . ran an interview by Steinberg.” 44. Ciampa, “Interview with Yuko Hayashi.” 45. Arthur Careek, “Letter to the Editor,” Diapason, February 1959, 19. 46. Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence.” 47. Judy Glass, interview with author, February 19, 2008, Chattanooga, Tennessee. 48. Fheodoroff, interview. 49. Glass, interview.

Chapter Five 1. Quite independently of any teaching activity at a university that brings with it the title “professor,” this title can also be awarded in Austria by the president of the Republic

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notes to pp. 94–107 267 of Austria to any citizen, depending on that person’s activity and success. Therefore, it is possible to encounter professors who have never graduated from high school. 2. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck,” 47. 3. Reproduced by Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 196. 4. The Departments of Church Music and Music Education were combined between 1933 and 1941, and again from 1945 to 1947, after which they were separated once more. 5. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 197. 6. See also chap. 1. 7. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 85. 8. “Von der Abteilung für Kirchenmusik der Akademie Wien,” Musica Orans 5, no. 1 (1952): 10. 9. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 85. 10. Watchorn, Isolde Ahlgrimm, 136–37. 11. Ibid., 10. 12. Cf. chap. 1. 13. It is unlikely that it was the same person. Franz Schütz was director until May 1945; after that Hermann Gallos became provisional director. On September 30, 1945, Karl Kobald was appointed president (again), and exactly a year later Hans Sittner succeeded him (first provisionally, and after July 4, 1949, as president). 14. In a register of all teaching staff at the Music Academy for the period 1817– 1967, Leonhardt is also named as teacher of viola da gamba. Ernst Tittel, Die Wiener Musikhochschule (Vienna: Verlag Elisabeth Lafite, 1967): 95. 15. Watchorn, “Ahlgrimm,” 137. 16. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 85. 17. Schmögner, “Zeittafel,” 7. 18. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck,” 43. 19. Anton Dawidowicz, “Rund um die Orgel: Anno Domini 19,” Singende Kirche 7, no. 4 (1960): 164. 20. Franziska Kaufmann, interview with author, September 14, 2007, Innsbruck, Tyrol, Austria. 21. This was published as an article: Kosch, “Neue Kirchenmusik,” 2–3. 22. Franz Kosch, lecture at the University of Vienna, “Bedroht das Vatikanische Konzil unsere traditionelle Kirchenmusik?” [Does the Vatican Council present a threat to our traditional church music?]. Partially published as Franz Kosch, “Bedroht das Vatikanische Konzil unsere traditionelle Kirchenmusik?” Singende Kirche 11, no. 2 (1963/64): 53–57. 23. “Notizen und Berichte,” Musica Orans 5, no. 1 (1952): 10. 24. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 120–39. 25. Harvard CD Booklet. 26. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Kirsten Pedersen,” unpublished. 27. Kremer, interview. 28. “Von der Abteilung für Kirchenmusik der Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Wien,” Singende Kirche 3, no. 1 (1955): 27; (signed --o--). 29. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer.” 30. Haselböck, interview. 31. In Innsbruck, 1958. See also chap. 2. 32. Scholz, written recollections. 33. Otto Bruckner, interview.

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notes to pp. 108–119

34. Rudolf Gamsjäger, “Aus dem Tagebuch nach Noten,” in Hundert Jahre Goldener Saal: Das Haus der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde am Karlsplatz (Vienna: Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, 1970), unpaginated. 35. Information kindly supplied by Otto Biba. 36. This sort of thing can happen in the organ world when controversial positions are taken. The slap described involving Egon Krauss and the well-known German organ expert Walter Supper is legendary. The formulation leaves open the question who was the giver and who the receiver. 37. Information kindly supplied by Peter Sterzinger. 38. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon,” 55. 39. The quote is from Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Michael Radulescu,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 49. Radulescu uses the French term épater. Épater = to amaze, to flabbergast (footnote in the original). 40. Glass, interview. 41. I found this so incredible that I looked up Erna’s letter again after four months. It was indeed written in 1964. Some details appear in Anja Liske, “Gregor Hradetzky: Mensch und Werk 1909–1964,” Master’s thesis, College of Music and Performing Arts, Vienna, 2005, 27–28. However, the date of completion given in this document, December 6, 1964, is incorrect. 42. Information kindly supplied by Peter Sterzinger. 43. Information kindly supplied by Gerhard Hradetzky. 44. For a summary, see Herbert Rotter, “Orgelneubauten in Wien 19451985 oder der zaghafte Wandel,” Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, 2002. 45. Karl Schütz, “Der Mozartsaal des Konzerthauses hat keine Orgel mehr!” Österreichisches Orgelforum, nos. 2 and 3 (1992): 335–37. 46. In his obituary of Sybrand Zachariassen (Egon Krauss, “Zur Neuorientierung des Orgelbaus: In memoriam Sybrand Zachariassen,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 15, no. 12 (1960): 593–94), Egon Krauss states that as early as 1960 Marcussen had received the commission to build a “three-manual organ of twenty-five stops, which was to be delivered by about 1967.” This also appears in one of Heiller’s letters (January 15, 1960): “Zachariassen . . . will be formally handed the contract during a ceremony in the Brahmssaal.” According to Hans Haselböck, this instrument was never officially commissioned. 47. Oswald Wagner left in 1970 to join Orgelbau Rieger, where he played a decisive role in determining the firm’s sound ideals until his retirement in 2008. He voiced the new organ for Saint Stephen’s Cathedral in 1991. 48. These are the ornamental panels, often highly decorative, that are placed between the upper ends of the facade pipes and the edge of the organ case. The pipe shades were not added to this instrument until 2000. 49. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 15. 50. Monika Henking, interview with author, January 14, 2008, Thalwil, Switzerland. 51. Letter from the Music Office of Montserrat Abbey Church to Anton Heiller, February 17, 1968. 52. Summereder, Aufbruch der Klänge, 314. 53. See chap. 2. 54. Revealing in connection with this: “In collaboration with the Dutch builder Bernhard Edskes, who joined the Metzler firm in 1963, the Metzler brothers began to create their own style of instrument, an organ type rooted in Danish models, but

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notes to pp. 119–134 269 developing further from there.” Netstal is said to be the first organ resulting from this collaboration. Summereder, Aufbruch der Klänge,, 179. 55. Wartenweiler, interview. 56. Diapason, February 1973, 2. 57. See also chap. 4. 58. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Kirsten Pedersen.” 59. See chap. 7.

Chapter Six 1. Handel, interview. 2. Henking, interview. 3. Birgit Heiller, interview with author, October 5, 2008, Guildford, England. 4. Henriette Bruckner, interview. 5. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Gustav Leonhardt,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 41. 6. Translator’s note: In the German language diminutives are formed by adding endings like “li” or “chen” or, in Vienna also “erl” to a given word. In English this works only rarely: pot–potty, dog–doggy, and so on. In Heiller’s case the word Brief becomes Briefi (little letter) and, much more oddly, even the word Messe (mass) is turned into Messi. 7. Hans Brix, interview with author, January 10, 2009, Stockerau, Lower Austria. 8. Translator’s note: Vergelt’s Gott! “May God reward you,” a pious form of “thank you” used by very religious people. 9. About this and other educational projects offered by the US occupiers, see Ellen Latzin, Lernen von Amerika? Das US-Kulturaustauschprogramm für Bayern und seine Absolventen (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005), 76. 10. Kneihs, interview. 11. Letter to Erna, January 30, 1958. 12. Harvard CD Booklet, 18. 13. The Mass Book Latin/German by Anselm Schott OSB contained the texts needed for all Mass liturgies, including the words spoken by the celebrant, in both Latin and German. Since the early 1920s, it has been the practical aid enabling serious Mass participants to “pray along with the priest.” As the entire Mass was recited in Latin, fervent Mass participants could follow the Latin texts in their own language. This practice was made obsolete by the Second Vatican Council, as Latin was replaced by the vernacular and the faithful were given a much more active role, removing the need to just pray “along with” the priest. Before the reform of the liturgy the “Schott” was virtually the hallmark of the devout Catholic. If you saw someone go to church with that fat little volume, you knew it was a person who took a most active part in the liturgy. 14. Letter to Marinette Extermann dated January 30, 1967. 15. Letter to Marinette Extermann dated September 3, 1965. “Vor Deinen Thron tret ich hiemit” (Before Thy throne I come, O Lord) BWV 668. Several course participants remember this situation. 16. Letter to Marinette Extermann dated January 30, 1967; Heiller refers to Ecce Lignum Crucis. 17. Handel, interview. 18. Translator’s note: The service of Compline is one of the Liturgical Hours, short liturgies spaced regularly throughout a twenty-four-hour cycle, prayed by people in

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religious orders. Compline is the last liturgy of the day, a particularly gentle and comforting liturgy, contemplating the end of the day and, with it, the end of life. 19. Letter to Erna, September 15, 1956. 20. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Kirsten Pedersen.” 21. Ibid. 22. Kastner, interview. 23. Friedrich Herzfeld, Musica Nova: Die Tonwelt unseres Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Ullstein Verlag, 1954), 296. 24. Kremer, interview. 25. Brix, interview. 26. Haselböck, interview. 27. Fheodoroff, interview. 28. The violin and piano virtuoso Sophie Carmen (“Sonia”) Eckhardt-Gramatté née Fridman (1899–1974), who moved to Canada in 1953, taught Erna from about 1945 according to her method based on the “Rubinstein technique.” Erna developed this technique, known among insiders as the “E-Gré ‘natural’ piano technique,” to perfection, but did not pass it on until her later years in her private piano teaching practice. In 1990 and 1992, she was invited to give workshops at Brandon University in Manitoba, Canada, and as late as 2004 she was visited by Canadian TV and interviewed for a television documentary about Sonia Gramatté. Gramatté also exerted some influence on Heiller’s development as a composer. 29. Henriette Bruckner, interview. 30. Ibid. 31. Translator’s note: Zu den 3 Hacken, a small Viennese pub frequented by staff and students of the Department of Church Music, and virtually next door to it. Once upon a time it welcomed illustrious guests such as Franz Schubert and his circle of friends. 32. Henriette Bruckner, interview. 33. Birgit Heiller, interview. 34. Handel, interview. 35. Translator’s note: A play on words that cannot be reproduced in English: Glaube—faith, Aberglaube—superstition. 36. See chap. 5. 37. Glass, interview. 38. Handel, interview. 39. John Skelton, interview with author, February 21, 2008, Boston, Massachusetts. 40. Michael Mayr, interview with author, June 26, 2007, Igls, Tyrol, Austria. 41. “TAF” is the popular Viennese abbreviation for Bach’s Toccata, Adagio, and Fugue C Major, BWV 564. The rhythm in question concerns the singly placed sixteenth notes in the Adagio. Robbins Landon reports that he was the first to bring to Heiller’s attention that these notes should be performed as upbeats in double-dotted style. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon,” 53–54. 42. Review in the Boston Phoenix, 1971. Cf. chap. 4. 43. Gertude Kastner, interview with author, August 8, Vienna, Austria. 44. Henking, interview. 45. Glass, interview. 46. Verena Lutz, interview. 47. Wartenweiler, interview. 48. Jay Peterson, interview with author, February 28, 2008, Chicago, Illinois. 49. See chap. 4.

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notes to pp. 151–160 271

Chapter Seven 1. Francis Poulenc, “D’Autriche: Un nouveau musicien: Anton Heiller,” Countrepoints nos. 5–6 (1946): IV. Thomas Schmögner made me aware of this article. 2. Chorblätter 1 no. 3 (1947): 15. 3. Review in Die Furche, April 5, 1947. 4. Compare with Schmögner, “Anton Heiller: A Controversial Composer,” American Organist, June 1995, 50–51. 5. Summereder, Aufbruch der Klänge, 232. 6. Cf. Johann Nepomuk David, O Heiland reiss die Himmel auf, Choralwerk III, 1933. 7. Peter L. Voss, “Neue Orgelreihe,” Musik und Kirche 4 (1981): 196. 8. Musikerziehung 1, no. 1, unpaginated. 9. Voss, “Neue Orgelreihe,” 196. 10. Johann Nepomuk David, Choralwerk V, no. 31, 1935. 11. Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller,” 42. At first, “tonicization” seems a quaint term, but others have also found it necessary to create a similar expression (for instance, Hans Jelinek: “Anleitung zur Zwölftonkomposition” Vienna 1952, 12). The word attempts to describe a harmonic language in which some elements of diatonic or modal tonality are present but never for long enough to define the area as tonal in the conservative sense. Hans Jelinek suggests that therefore the term “tonica” should be avoided and instead “node of tonicization” (Tonikalisierungskern) would serve better to describe the phenomenon. 12. Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller,” 82. 13. Johann Nepomuk David, Choralwerk II, no. 13, 1932, third movement. 14. “Berichte,” Singende Kirche 2, no. 2 (1954): 86. 15. The program actually stated “Variazioni su 3 corali (parzialmente improvvisanti) a due organi.” 16. Monika Henking includes the story of the origin of this work and the registration indications inspired by the Gospel Organ of Udine in the printed edition that she prepared for Doblinger, 1985. 17. The decisive paragraph (II/3b) in the Motu Proprio reads: “The more closely a composition for church approaches the Gregorian form, in its movement, inspiration and mood, the more sacred and liturgical it becomes; and the more out of harmony it is with that supreme model, the less worthy it is of the temple.” Pius X, “Motu proprio,” in Sacra Musica: Lexikon der Katholischen Kirchenmusik, ed. Andreas Weissenbäck (Klosterneuburg bei Wien: Verlag der Augustinus-Druckerei, 1937), 137. For an English translation, see C.  J. McNaspy, The Motu Proprio of Church Music of Pope Pius X: A New Translation and Commentary (Toledo: Gregorian Institute of America, 1950). 18. Franz Krieg, “Das kirchenmusikalische Schaffen in Österreich: Teil 2: Seit Lechthaler,” Singende Kirche 2, no. 1 (1954): 25–31. 19. Ernst Tittel, “Die Lechthaler Schule,” Musica Orans 1, no. 3 (January 1949): 3. 20. “Notenbesprechungen,” Chorblätter 4, no. 5 (1949): 20. 21. “Neue Kirchenmusik—Ihre Bedeutung für die praktische Chorarbeit,” Musica Orans 2, nos. 4 and 5 (1950): 15. 22. “Aus aller Welt: Messe in Mixolydisch,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 1, no. 6 (1947): 13–14. 23. “Aus dem Kirchengebiet Innsbruck-Feldkirch,” Singende Kirche 4, no. 1 (1956): 37. 24. “Aus der Kirchenmusikabteilung,” Musica Orans 5, no. 2 (1952): 51; also, “Notizen und Berichte,” Musica Orans 4, no. 2 (1951): 13.

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25. Franz Kosch, “Anton Heiller: A Viennese church musician,” in a program booklet for a Philharmonic concert (which Heiller conducted), January 21, 1968, 175. 26. “Literatur: Anton Heiller: Missa brevis in C für vierstimmigen gemischten Chor a cappella . . . ,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 8, no. 1 (1953): 38. (signed R. K.) 27. “Literatur: Kirchenmusik,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 9, no. 12 (December 1954): 398. (signed R. K.) 28. “Notizen aus Österreich und aller Welt,” Singende Kirche 5, no. 4 (1958): 28. 29. Kaufmann, interview 30. Franz Kosch, “Die Kirchenmusikabteilung der Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Wien,” Singende Kirche 1, no. 1 (1953): 31. 31. See Clemens Franz Aigner, “O Meer der Seligkeiten: Stilistische Entwicklungen im geistlichen Chorwerk Anton Heillers” [O Sea of Bliss: Stylistic developments in Anton Heiller‘s sacred choral music], Master’s thesis, University of Vienna, 2002, 32. 32. Krieg, “Das kirchenmusikalische Schaffen in Österreich,” 25–31. 33. Ibid. 34. Franz Kosch, “Akademie für Musik Wien,” Singende Kirche 4, no. 1 (1956): 27. 35. Rudolf Klein, “Anton Heiller,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 9 (1954/55): 143. 36. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon,” 55. 37. W.  G. Marigold, “Austrian Church Music Experiences Extensive Revival,” Diapason, May 1956, 18. 38. Lux fulgebit: Introit for the Second Christmas Mass; Laetentur caeli: Offertory of the First Christmas Mass. Three Mass formulas (with three different sets of the propers) exist for December 25: the first, Missa in nocte is meant for Midnight Mass—Heiller composed a complete ordinary and propers with this title in 1949; the second, Missa in aurora (at dawn), for the early morning Mass; and the third, Missa in die (for daytime), for the mid-morning service. 39. One of the Sundays before Lent. It no longer exists since the liturgical reform. The text is now used for the first hymn on Tuesday during the second week of Lent. 40. “Musik zum Wiener Katholikentag,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 3, nos. 7–8 (1949): 24. 41. Jean Pierre Schmit, “Liturgie und Volksgesang: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Forderung der lateinischen Sprache,” in Congress Report Second International Congress on Catholic Church Music Vienna, October 4–10, 1954, ed. Erich Romanovsky (Vienna: Exekutivkomitee des 2. Internationalen Kongresses für katholische Kirchenmusik, 1955), 206. 42. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 14. 43. “Busch-Madrigale,” Musica Orans, 4, no. 1 (1951): 19. 44. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek/Musiksammlung, Signatur F125.Heiller. 38Mus. 45. “Kirchenmusik auf Schallplatten,” Singende Kirche 6, no. 1 (1958): 30. 46. Refer to the chapter on the Gottschee in Karl-Markus Gauss, Die sterbenden Europäer (Vienna: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 2001), 51–96. 47. Leopold Katt, “Der junge Chor: Vom einstimmigen Singen,” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 6, no. 3 (1951): 10. 48. Fheodoroff, interview. 49. Europäische Rundschau 4, no. 7 (1949): 10. 50. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer.” 51. Matthew I:1–11. Gospel for the First Sunday of Lent, Year C. 52. “Neue Noten und Bücher,” Singende Kirche 6, no. 1 (1958): 32.

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notes to pp. 170–181 273 53. “Kritik der Radiomesse,” Singende Kirche 1, no. 3 (1954): 15. 54. “Literatur: Moderne Musik: Anton Heiller: Te Deum für gemischten Chor, Bläser, Pauken und Orgel, auch für gemischten Chor und Orgel (Universal Edition),” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 10, no. 3 (1955): 111. Signed “K.” (Rudolf Klein?) 55. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon,” 53. 56. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 15. 57. Josef Matthias Hauer (1883–1959) developed his own twelve-tone system, independently of Schoenberg. 58. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 15. 59. Rudolf Klein, “Anton Heiller auf dem Wege zur Psalmen-Kantate,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 10, no. 5 (1955): 150–55. 60. “Aus der Zeit: Presse-Urteile über Anton Heillers Psalmenkantate.” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 9, nos. 7–8 (1955): 259–62. 61. Wiener Kurier, July 2, 1956. 62. Alfred Bamer, “Unsere Komponisten—Franz Krieg,” Chorblätter 6, no. 3 (1951): 16. 63. “Doch er sang das Lied der Welt, die Psalmen Satanas. Und doch die ewig unverlorne Sehnsucht verlorner Söhne nach des Vaters Wort.” 64. Herbert Schneiber, in Die Presse (newspaper excerpt without date). 65. Handel, interview. 66. Program booklet June 14, 1973, Vienna Konzerthaus, Main hall. ORF choir and orchestra, conductor Milan Horvat.

Chapter Eight 1. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 16. Heiller provides this information in 1967; however, later on he did write several pieces that were not subject to an official commission, for example, Drei kleine Choralvorspiele. 2. “Neue Noten und Bücher,” Singende Kirche 8, no. 1 (1960): 39. 3. “Nuremberg Tenth International Organ Week” (no author given; presumably edited by Frank Cuncle), Diapason, November 1961, 26–32. 4. The basic idea for this collection was first introduced at the Church Music Congress in Vienna in 1954. See Rudolf Walter, “Gregorianischer Choral und gottesdienstliches Orgelspiel” in Romanovsky, Congress Report Second International Congress on Catholic Church Music, 254–57. 5. Heiller’s correspondence concerning this work was with Erhard Quack, organist in Speyer. 6. Haselböck, “Begegnungen,” 16n6. 7. Kneihs, interview. 8. But note the corrections to the printed piece. Typographical errors: The metronome marking for the second section of the last movement Molto vivace should be eighth note = 160 (not quarter note = 160). Error in the first edition: page 4, measure 11: left hand at first in bass clef, later in treble clef, as printed. Error in the new edition: page 10, measure 7: right hand G flat, not G natural. 9. The piece appeared in Organum in Missa Cantata, part 3, published by Erhard Quack and Rudolf Walter, Christophorus and Herder Publishing House, first edition, 1964 (p. 111).

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10. The archives of the ORF (Austrian Radio) do not always provide relevant dates (in this case only the year, but not the date), very often not the recording venue, which, in the case of organ music, would be very relevant. 11. Review by P. F. W., Music and Letters 47, no. 4 (October 1966): 377–78. 12. See chap. 2. 13. Errors in the first edition: page 15, measure 2: Pedal E♭, not E; page 21, measure 4: right hand, third note C, not A. 14. Translator’s note: Deo gratias—“thanks be to God.” Heiller uses the Latin expression here. This was not uncommon among pious Catholics. In the same manner, Heiller also signs many of his works not just with his signature, but adds S. D. G. Soli Deo Gloria “to God alon be praise.” 15. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Roman Summereder,” unpublished. 16. Harvard CD Booklet, 21. 17. Danja Lukan, “Anton Heiller und seine zwei geistlichen Gesänge Optavi und “Gaudete”,” master’s thesis, College of Music and Performing Arts, Vienna, 1991. This is a detailed analysis, covering compositional techniques as well. I would not agree with the suggested registrations in every case. 18. During Heiller’s time it was heard every year, now every third year, in reading cycle C. The outer sections of the song represent the Introit of the Mass (in all three reading cycles). 19. Rubikon (Rubicon)—a term rooted in ancient Roman history—a border (originally a river) that must not be crossed under any circumstances. Crossing it meant passing a point of no return. 20. Ernst Tittel, Österreichische Kirchenmusik: Werden, Wachsen, Wirken, vol. 2, Schriftenreihe des Allgemeinen Cäcilien-Verbandes für die Länder der Deutschen Sprache (Vienna: Herder, 1961), 345. 21. Tittel refers to an ancient (presumably) Greek proverb, which he quotes in Latin: “When music deteriorates, so will the republic.” 22. Ernst Tittel, “Zur Entwicklung der modernen Kirchenmusik,” Singende Kirche 8, no. 1 (1960): 7–8. 23. Ernst Tittel, “Der schaffende Musiker und die Enzyklika,” Singende Kirche 4, no. 4 (June 1957): 8. 24. Franz Krieg, “Neue Noten und Bücher: Anton Heiller: Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle für gem. Chor acapp.,” Singende Kirche 10, no. 3 (1963): 139 (discussion of the printed score). 25. Mayr, interview. 26. Joseph Schabasser, “Neue Noten und Bücher: Anton Heiller—Missa super modus duodecimalis für gem. Chor und sieben Instrumente,” Singende Kirche 9, no. 1 (1961): 39 (discussion of the printed score). 27. Aigner, “O Meer der Seligkeiten,” 50–51. 28. Krieg, “Neue Noten und Bücher,” 139. 29. Wilhelm Schosland, “Berliner Tage der Musica Sacra: 31. Generalversammlung des ACV,” Singende Kirche 10, no. 2 (1962/63): 62–63. 30. Kaufmann, interview. 31. This is the composition Heiller had in mind when he was asked for early twelve tone works – and not the quite “harmless” Dreifaltigkeitsproprium (1949). He had obviously mixed up the two compositions in the interview with Robert Gant (p 14). 32. Joseph Schabasser, “Zu unserer Notenbeilage,” Singende Kirche 8, no. 1 (1960): 19. 33. Ibid.

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notes to pp. 193–214 275 34. “Aus der Erzdiözese Wien,” Singende Kirche 9, no. 1 (1961): 42. 35. Elisabeth Buchsbaum, interview with author, October 31, 2008, Vienna, Austria. 36. Kneihs, interview. 37. Sibyl Urbancic, “Anton Heiller: Zum Orgelkonzert,” in Domorgel St. Stephan, Wien: Festschrift zur Orgelweihe am 13. September 1991, ed. Peter Planyavsky and Walter Sengstschmid (Vienna: Orgelmusikverein St. Stephan, 1991), 40. 38. Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller,” 167. 39. Wilfried Grasemann, interview with author, January 10, 2009, Maria Enzersdorf, Lower Austria. 40. Haarlemse Dagblad, June 6, 1963. 41. According to a detailed analysis by Robert E. Gant, Heiller used five different rows in his Organ Concerto. (Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller,” 93–95.) 42. B–A–C–H refers to the four-note motive derived from the musical equivalent of B–A–C–H. As the German name for the note B♭ is B and the name for the note B♮ is H, this word can be notated as a musical motive. 43. Review by Hugh Ottaway, “Unmodish Music,” Musical Times 106, no. 1472 (1965): 786. 44. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 14. 45. “Notizen aus Österreich und aller Welt,” Singende Kirche 6, no. 2 (1958/59): 70–71. 46. During the long history of the Psalms, some of the longer ones were divided. This causes some Psalms to have two numbers depending on which version of the bible they appear in. 47. New English Bible, Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, 1970. 48. Rudolf Klein, “Programmheft Konzerthaus,” June 14, 1973 (unpaginated concert program). 49. Single sheet of paper, probably a copy from the program booklet of the WP. 50. Ursula Richter, “Kompositionstechniken bei Anton Heiller,” master’s thesis, Mozarteum University of Salzburg, 2003, 22–24. Gant also sees a connection between Salve Regina and Le Verbe (Gant, “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller,” 46). 51. Josef Schabasser, “Merkwürdig,” Singende Kirche 14, no. 3 (1967): 133. 52. Schabasser, “Neue Noten und Bücher.” 53. “3. Grazer Musikprotokoll,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 25, no. 12 (1970): 783. 54. Sonnleitner, interview. 55. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Michael Radulescu,” 50. 56. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Kirsten Pedersen.” 57. I must correct yet another mistake that I disseminated around the world; the word is navn (name) and not havn (harbor). This was hard to decipher in the manuscript for someone who is unfamiliar with the Danish language. 58. The spelling of this title is incorrect in the printed score. The name of this Chorale is “Min sjael, du Herren love” and not “Min sjael, den Herren love” 59. Discussion of the LP recording by Stephan Simeon. Katholische Kirchenmusik 102, no. 4 (1977): 147. 60. Composed June 20, 1957, originally for male choir. 61. Discussion by Volker Mertens, in Musik und Kirche 48, no. 1 (1978): 26. 62. Discussion by Ronald Bisegger, in Katholische Kirchenmusik 101, no. 5 (1976): 201. 63. Kindly passed on by R. G. Frieberger 64. Personal communication with R. G. Frieberger

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notes to pp. 214–223

65. Albert Anglberger, Domkapellmeister in Graz 1972–84 and conductor of the premiere, in a short memoir. Albert Anglberger, “Anton Heiller: Schwerpunkt im Fest zur Orgelweihe,” in Planyavsky and Sengstschmid, Domorgel St. Stephan, Wien, 40. 66. Intabulation is the term for keyboard arrangements of vocal pieces—“to present in an intabulation (instrumental score)”—this term is generally used only for works written in the sixteenth century and before. Various changes to the original vocal lines, especially by way of ornamentation, are invariably part of this process.

Chapter Nine 1. Interview Roman Summereder, in Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 28. 2. Henking, interview. 3. Haselböck, interview. 4. Cf. chap. 5. 5. Related in Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 28. 6. Haselböck, “Begegnungen,” 12. 7. Summereder, Aufbruch der Klänge, 308. 8. Österreichische Zeitung, excerpt without date or page number (May 1946), signed “Dr. Hajas.” 9. Costa, interview. 10. Fheodoroff, interview. 11. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 28. 12. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Gustav Leonhardt,” 42. 13. Interview with Michael Radulescu, in Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 22. 14. Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen (Berlin 1753/repr. ed. Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1976). In Main section 2, part 8 (“von dem Schneller”), we find reference only to a fast, “inverted mordent” (beginning on the main note, rising, but executed before the beat) and not in connection with a slight break before an accented note. More to the point is the information found in Main section 2, part 3 (“von den Trillern”), paragraph 8, which seems to indicate a short break at the end of a trill. 15. Gartner, “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge,” 22. 16. Mayer, interview, 17. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Michael Radulescu,” 50. 18. Thomas Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Marie-Claire Alain,” in Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 36. 19. Vanguard Classics 08 6105 71 (CD), remastered in 1996 from an LP recording of 1961. 20. It should be noted that Peter Walther mentioned in his notes from a masterclass in Grand Rapids, Michigan, in October 1965, that Heiller recommended detached pedal notes for In dir ist Freude: “That helps bring out the joy,” Heiller explained. From an e-mail dated February 21, 2009. 21. Henking, interview. 22. Karel Paukert, interview with author, February 28, 2008, Cleveland, Ohio. 23. Rumsey, interview. 24. Verena Lutz, interview. 25. Skelton, interview.

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notes to pp. 223–232 277 26. Perkins, cited in Thomas Lee Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence on American Organists and Organ Builders,” unpublished, 2002. 27. Alena Vesela, interview with author, September 19, 2007, Czech Republic; Hoffmann, interview. 28. Paukert, interview. 29. Fheodoroff, interview. 30. The term Cabbala in this context refers to the encoding of nonmusical meaning in numerals and “hiding” these in the musical text. For this purpose, numbers are aligned with the letters of the alphabet (1 = A, B = 2, etc.) and can be used to spell words. The most important codes in Bach’s music are the numbers 14 (= Bach) and 41 (= I [J]. S. Bach). A famous instance where we find “Bach’s signature” secretly placed in this way is in the chorale prelude Vater unser im Himmelreich BWV 682. The lombardic rhythms, so characteristic of this piece, occur in the pedal only once—in measure 41. (In America a misunderstanding occasionally occurs here: It is 41 and not 47. The mistake is caused by the fact that the numbers 1 and 7 are handwritten differently in America and Europe.) Quite distinct from Cabbala is “Number semantics,” also often found in the Baroque period—such as: the number 3 for the Trinity, the number 7 as a sacred number (symbol of completeness), and therefore 6 referring to anything incomplete or bad, and so on. It is believed that such number symbolism was widely recognized and understood in educated circles in the Baroque period. 31. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Gustav Leonhardt,” 42. 32. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Michael Radulescu,” 51. 33. Haselböck, “Begegnungen,” 12. An understanding of musical rhetoric is virtually considered indispensable among organists today. In June 1981, when I invited Jacobus Kloppers to lecture on his main topic at the Vienna Musikakademie, our students seemed just a little bored afterward—rhetoric is meant to be important in Baroque music—so what? 34. Skelton, interview. 35. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Marie-Claire Alain,” 34. 36. Kneihs, interview. 37. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Roman Summereder.” 38. Cf. chap. 5. In May 1962 Heiller played a recital on a large new Beckerath organ in the Ludwigskirche in Munich. At the time there was no comparable organ in Austria, so we students hired a Volkswagen bus (and some of us hitchhiked) to attend this concert. 39. Groysbeck, interview 40. See chap. 5. 41. Built 1959 by Marcussen, twenty-nine stops on three manuals, no swell. Typically, half of the stops are 2ʹ, mutations, or reeds. 42. Harvard CD Booklet. 43. Letter to Erna Heiller, August 17, 1954. 44. Information on the new organ Stadtpfarrkirche Graz, Singende Kirche 17, no. 3: 124. 45. Haselböck, “Begegnungen,” 14. 46. Mayer, interview. 47. Haselböck, interview. 48. Letter to Erna, August 28, 1943. 49. Anton Heiller, “Liturgisches Orgelspiel.” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 5, no. 4 (1950): 59–62; 4, no. 5 (1950): 72–74.

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notes to pp. 232–236

50. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck,” 45. 51. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Roman Summereder.” 52. Klump, cited in Bailey, “Anton Heiller and His Influence on American Organists and Organ Builders.” 53. Schmögner, “Gespräch mit Roman Summereder.” 54. Gant, “Gespräch mit Anton Heiller,” 16. 55. Georgina Szeless, Augustinus Franz Kropfreiter (Linz: Trauner Verlag, 2006), 31. 56. Marinette Extermann, interview with author, July 12, 2008, Geneva Switzerland.

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List of Compositions As explained in chapter 7, the detailed discussion of Anton Heiller’s compositions begins with works written after 1944. The brochure Musikalische Dokumentation Anton Heiller (Vienna: Musiksammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek/Institut für österreichische Musikdokumentation, 1999, 10–18), gives a long list of unpublished compositions, mainly dating from before 1944. I have decided not to include these works here as the majority of them are not accessible and can be considered of minimal importance for a complete picture of the composer. A few exceptions have been made in the case of works that have been published in the meantime. A composition that is part of a set (as for instance the Danish Chorale Preludes) is listed under its title and again under the entry of the set, in the latter case in the order in which the pieces appear in the set. For compositions that originally were not conceived or published as a set but were published as such at a later point (such as three of the early chorale preludes) this does not apply. Page references are included.

Instrumental Organ Title of composition

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages

Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir (Partita)

1975

Bonifazius (*)

207

Ave maris Stella (Improvisation)

1968

Doblinger (**)

117, 181

Choralvorspiele zu Liedern des dänischen Gesangbuches (Danish Chorale Preludes) “O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden” “Det hellige kors” “Rind nu op i Jesu Jesu navn” “Min sjael, du Herren love” “Sorrig og glaede” “Som lilliens hjerte” “Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele”

1977

Doblinger

146, 209, 210

(continued)

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280

list of compositions

Title of composition

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages

Kleine Partita über das dänische Lied “Den klare sol går ned”

1977

Doblinger

“Der Tag ist hin” (Drei kleine Choralvorspiele)

1975

Doblinger

210

“Det hellige kors” (Danish Chorale Preludes) 1977

Doblinger

Drei kleine Choralvorspiele “Valet will ich dir geben” “Der Tag ist hin” “Mit Fried und Freud”

1975

Doblinger

Du mein Schutzgeist

1937

Doblinger

Ecce lignum crucis

1966

Oxford University Press

182, 183, 208

Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort (Partita) 1977

Doblinger

146, 160, 161, 208, 209

Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita)

1944

Doblinger

153, 211

“Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (Orgelsatz)

1977

Doblinger

210

Es ist vollbracht

1937

Doblinger

Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele (Kleine Partita)

1947

Musica viva

“Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele” (Danish 1977 Chorale Preludes)

Doblinger

In Festo Corporis Christi

1957

Doblinger

Jesu, meine Freude

ca 1948?

Jubilatio

1976

Doblinger

Lasst uns erfreuen herzlich sehr

1937

Doblinger

“Min sjael, du Herren love” (Danish Chorale Preludes)

1977

Doblinger

“Mit Fried und Freud fahr ich dahin” (Drei kleine Choralvorspiele)

1975

Doblinger

“Nachspiel” (Organ Solos from the Vespers) 1979

Doblinger

207

155, 156

50, 113, 172, 178– 80, 186 156 146, 207, 208, 215

Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist

1965

Coppenrath

185

Nun komm’, der Heiden Heiland (Variationen)

1972

Doblinger

156, 207

(continued)

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list of compositions 281

Title of composition

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages

O du fröhliche, Choralvorspiel und Choral

1943

“O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden” (Danish Chorale Preludes)

1977

Doblinger

Passacaglia c-Moll

1940

Doblinger

Phantasie und Fuge f-Moll

1942

Doblinger

Postludium super Ite missa est XI

1958

Christophorus

180, 181

Präludium und Fuge A-Dur

1949

Doblinger

156, 160

“Rind nu op i Jesu navn” (Danish Chorale Preludes)

1977

Doblinger

Sonate für Orgel (First Sonata)

1944

Universal

120, 152–54, 156, 179

Sonate No. 2 für Orgel

1947

Doblinger

120, 154, 155, 181

“Som liliens hjerte” (Danish Chorale Preludes)

1977

Doblinger

“Sorrig og glaede” (Danish Chorale Preludes)

1977

Doblinger

Tanz-Toccata

1970

Doblinger

“Valet will ich dir geben” (Drei kleine Choralvorspiele)

1975

Doblinger

Organ Solos from the Vespers “Vorspiel” “Zwischenspiel” “Nachspiel”

1979

Doblinger

Vater unser im Himmelreich (Kleine Partita)

1948

Doblinger

5, 31, 155–57

Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich

1974

Victimae paschali laudes: Meditation über die gregorianische Ostersequenz für Orgel

1974

Doblinger

206

“Vorspiel” (Organ Solos from the Vespers)

1979

Doblinger

“Zwischenspiel” (Organ Solos from the Vespers)

1970

Doblinger

Zwischenspiel E-Dur

1941

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146, 183–85

214

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282

list of compositions

Other Instruments Title of composition Ein wenig über B–A–C–H: Drei kleine Stücke für Cembalo Intermezzo (for piano) Kammersinfonie (Variant of Sextett) Klavierstück über den Namen “Alfred Schlee” Konzert für Cembalo, Orgelpositiv und Kammerorchester Konzert für Orgel und Orchester

Sextett, see Kammersinfonie Solo (for guitar) Toccata (for piano) Toccata for Two Pianos

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages 1975 Doblinger 206, 207 1943 1946 1961 1972

Doblinger

78, 198

1963

Doblinger

56, 70, 113, 121, 123, 192, 196, 197, 202

1973 1941 1943

Doblinger 29, 152

Universal

206 7 7, 14, 27, 30, 39, 151–53, 163

Vocal Choir a capella Title of composition Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig (Choralmotette) Ave Maria (three part treble choir) Christus factus est (treble choir) Confirma hoc, Deus Das Laub fällt von den Bäumen “Das Schloss in Österreich” (Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze) Dem König aller Zeiten

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages 1949 Universal 162–64 1957 1946 1957 1968

190 191

1957

Doblinger Österreichischer Bundesverlag Doblinger

1952

Doblinger

167, 168, 192 162, 163

Der Heiland ist erstanden (Choralmotette) 1945

Universal

(continued)

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list of compositions 283

Title of composition Deutsches Proprium für den Dreifaltigkeitssonntag “Dominus Deus” (Vier geistliche Motetten) “Domus mea” (Vier geistliche Motetten) Drei Weihnachtslieder “Il est né, le divin Enfant” “Weihnachtslied” “O Kind, o wahrer Gottessohn” Deutsches Proprium für den vierten Sonntag nach Ostern Exsurge, Domine (male choir) Grad dort “Heidi pupeidi” (Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze) Hoc corpus Ich liebe dich von Herzensgrund (treble choir) “Il est né, le divin Enfant” (Drei Weihnachtslieder) Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) Pages 1949 Doblinger 165–67, 203, 211 1959 Universal 1959 Universal 1974 Doblinger 212

1966

Doblinger

160

1957 1951 1957

Universal Doblinger Doblinger

165, 168 168

1951 1953

Universal Doblinger

168, 176 165

1974

Doblinger

1961

Doblinger

Laetentur caeli (treble choir) Lobet, ihr Knechte des Herrn

1946 1960

Singende Kirche

“Locus iste” (Vier geistliche Motetten) Lux fulgebit nos (treble choir) Memorare Messe in mixolydisch G

1959 1945 1956 1944

Universal

Missa brevis in C Missa super “Salve regina” et “Vater unser im Himmelreich” Missa super “Erhalt uns Herr, bei deinem Wort”

1951 1957

Styria/Doblinger Doblinger

1953

Coppenrath

Nicht Knechte, sondern meine Freunde nenne 1973 ich euch

Doblinger Universal

Doblinger

188–90, 192 165 186, 192, 193 165 190, 191 12, 32, 99, 100, 158 132, 160 161, 162, 176, 190 161, 165, 166, 168, 179, 195, 208, 211, 214 214

(continued)

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284

list of compositions

Title of composition Nörgeln O Jesu, all mein Leben “O Kind, o wahrer Gottessohn” (Drei Weihnachtslieder) O Rex gentium Proprium zum Fronleichnamsfest Requiem (three part choir) Resurrexi Schönster Herr Jesus Seele Christi, heilige mich So treiben wir den Winter aus Stufen Tantum ergo Tantum ergo II über die gregorianische Melodie Tantum ergo I über ein Zwölftonmodell “Terribilis est” (Vier geistliche Motetten) Terribilis est Tragische Geschichte (“Der Zopf”) Unam petii a Domino (treble choir) Vier geistliche Motetten “Terribilis est” “Locus iste” “Domine Deus” “Domus mea” Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze “Das Schloss in Österreich” “Weil der Tag nun fanget an” “Heidi pupeidi” “Weihnachtslied” “Weihnachtslied” (Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze) “Weihnachtslied” (Drei Weihnachtslieder) “Weil der Tag nun fanget an” (Vier österreichische Volksliedsätze)

Year of Composition 1951 1951 1974

Publisher (blank = unpublished) Pages Doblinger 166 Doblinger 166, 167 Doblinger

1960 1964 1946 1947 1951 1952 1955 1961 1934 1960

Doblinger Doblinger

193 194

Doblinger Doblinger

166, 167 168

Doblinger

194

Doblinger

193, 197

1960 1959 1964 1950

Doblinger Doblinger Universal

1947 1959

Universal

1957

Doblinger

1957

Doblinger

1974 1957

Doblinger Doblinger

166, 168 165 166, 191, 192, 214

191, 197

(continued)

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list of compositions 285

Choir and Organ Title of composition Deutsches Ordinarium Deutsches Proprium für das Dreifaltigkeitsfest English Mass Kleine deutsche Messe für Oberchor und Orgel

Year of Composition 1964 1966 1965 1975

Publisher (blank = unpublished) Doblinger Doblinger McLaughlin Doblinger

Messe in Lydisch F

1948

Missa in nocte

1948

Doblinger

Regina Martyrum Te Deum

1958 1953

Universal

Vesper

1977

Doblinger

Year of Composition 1963 1971 1965

Publisher (blank = unpublished) Universal Doblinger Doblinger

1956

Doblinger

In principio erat verbum Geistliches Konzert Missa super modos duodecimales

1965 1970 1960

Doblinger

Passionsmusik

1973

Doblinger

Pages 126, 202 166, 203 203 208, 213, 214 156, 159, 160 160, 166, 168 198–200 124, 146, 164, 166, 168, 170, 171 206, 208, 214, 215

Choir and Other Instruments Title of composition Psalm 37 (choir and orchestra) Adventmusik Deutsches Ordinarium (variant for choir and orchestra) François Villon

Doblinger

Pages 200, 204 211 202, 203 126, 139, 146, 173–75, 178, 191, 206 200–202 203–205 125, 166, 187, 188 59, 121, 146, 211, 212

(continued)

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286

list of compositions

Title of composition Psalmenkantate Stabat mater Te Deum (variant of Te Deum for choir and organ) Tentatio Jesu

Year of Publisher Composition (blank = unpublished) 1955 Universal 139, 164, 171–73 1968 Doblinger 56, 204 1953 Universal 55 1952

Universal

168, 169, 178

Year of Composition 1944 1961 1959

Publisher (blank = unpublished) Pages Doblinger 158 Doblinger 186

1962 1959 1977

Doblinger Doblinger Kirchenmusikschule Luzern

Vocal (other) Title of composition Ave Maria (soprano, violin and viola) Ave Maria (alto and piano) Domine Deus omnipotens (soprano and piano) Fiat voluntas tua (alto and piano) “Gaudete” (Zwei geistliche Gesänge) Hochgebet mit eigenem Sanctus Musik zum Legendenspiel “Das Marienkind” “Optavi” (Zwei geistliche Gesänge) Pater noster (alto and piano) Sub tuum praesidium Three songs on poems by Anton Wildgans Wen Gott liebt (voice and piano) Zwei geistliche Gesänge “Optavi” “Gaudete”

1945 1959 1961 1964 1942 1945 1959

186 180, 192,

Doblinger Doblinger Doblinger

186 186

Doblinger

185, 186

Miscellaneous “100 Jahre Wiener Musikverein” (tone row, no instrumentation given) (*) The chorale setting and the bicinium have been published in Orgelstücke zum Gotteslob, vol. 2 (Bonifazius Verlag Paderborn, 1975), the other movements are unpublished. (**) Improvisation, performed in 1968, transcribed 1988/90 by Monika Henking and published by Doblinger in 1994.

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Discography The following discography illuminates both well-known and more obscure aspects of the musical personality of Anton Heiller. Many taped recordings are held by ORF (Austrian Radio) and in the Austrian Mediathek, but not all recordings are still available. In these days of global connectedness I have tried to create an overview of all of Heiller’s released LPs in chronological order and their rereleases on European, American, and Asian markets; I cannot guarantee that the list is complete, given the complex structure of the music industry. Unless otherwise stated all listed recording media are LPs; the discography follows—as much as was possible—the chronological order of the actual recording. Those recordings for which no definite date could be established are listed at the beginning of the relevant section. The discography falls into three main sections: Anton Heiller featured as organist, as interpreter/conductor, and as composer. At the beginning and apart from the discography there is a compilation from the year 1998, a three-CD set that introduces Anton Heiller as soloist, composer, and interpreter in samples from different recordings.

Three-CD Set Anton Heiller: Te Deum. Kompositionen, Interpretationen und Improvisationen ORF CD 179 (3 CD 1998) CD 1: Anton Heiller Te Deum (version for mixed choir and organ) ORF choir, Elisabeth Ullmann (organ), Erwin Ortner (conductor) [January 26, 1984] Psalmenkantate for soloists, choir, and orchestra (part 2) Arleen Auger (soprano), Ingrid Meyer (mezzo-Soprano), Zeger Vandersteene (tenor), Ernst Gerold (baritone), ORF choir, Gottfried Preinfalk, ORF Symphony orchestra, Miltiades Caridis (conductor) [live recording, November 26, 1971, Vienna)

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288

discography Passionsmusik for children’s choir and organ Jugendchor Thalwil, Anton Heiller (organ), Monika Henking (conductor) [April 4, 1976, Vienna]

CD 2: Anton Heiller Deutsches Ordinarium ORF choir and symphony orchestra, Erwin Ortner (conductor) [live, September 30, 1994, Stiftskirche Herzogenburg] 3 Kleine geistliche Chöre (Schönster Herr Jesus / Seele Christi, heilige mich / Dem König aller Zeiten) und Der Heiland ist erstanden ORF choir, Erwin Ortner (conductor) [April 27, 1992, Vienna] Choralmotette for eight-part choir: Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig ORF choir, Erwin Ortner (conductor) [December 6, 1983, Vienna] In Festo Corporis Christi Anton Heiller (organ) [1975, Carinthischer Sommer, Ossiach] Prelude and Fugue in A Major Peter Planyavsky (organ) [live, November 13, 1983, Great Hall of the ORF] Nur wer im Wohlstand lebt, lebt angenehm (from François Villon: Funkballade for soloists, choir and orchestra (excerpt) Julius Patzak (tenor), Grosses Wiener Rundfunkorchester, Anton Heiller (conductor) [June 25–30, 1956, Vienna] CD 3: Anton Heiller Concerto for organ and orchestra (Allegro moderato/Lento/Allegro)* Orchester des Österreichischen Rundfunks, Anton Heiller (organ), Karl Österreicher (conductor) [October 22, 1963] J. S. Bach Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542 [March 22, 1973] Herr Jesu Christ, dich zu uns wend BWV 709 [October 21, 1975] Nun komm, der Heiden Heiland BWV 659 [December 5, 1973] Meine Seele erhebet den Herrn BWV 648 [January 28, 1975] Anton Heiller, on the organ in the Mozartsaal of the Vienna Konzerthaus Anton Heiller Toccata for Two Pianos Erna and Anton Heiller (piano) [1967, Vienna] Improvisation on Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig and Jokl Polka Anton Heiller (organ) [1975, Ossiach, Carinthischer Sommer, from the LP Orgelkonzert Stiftskirche Ossiach—Preiser SPR 9824 LP 1975]

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discography 289

Anton Heiller Plays Solo Organ 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Fantasia in C Minor BWV 562 Toccata and Fugue in F Major BWV 540 Trio in C Minor BWV 583 Prelude in A Minor BWV 569 Toccata and Fugue in A Minor (Dorian) BWV 538 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Thalwil, Switzerland Philips A00205 L. Also available as part of a double album with A00206 L 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Fugue in G Minor BWV 578 Fantasia and Fugue in C Minor BWV 537 Prelude and Fugue in C Major BWV 545 Prelude and Fugue in G Major BWV 541 Toccata, Adagio and Fugue in C Major BWV 564 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Thalwil, Switzerland Philips A00206 L. Also available as part of a double album with A00205 L; FONTANA Serie Argento 6540252 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Allabreve in D Major BWV 589 Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565* Prelude and Fugue in D Major BWV 589 Toccata in E Major BWV 566 Prelude and Fugue in A Minor BWV 543 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Wald, Switzerland Philips A00223. Also available as part of a double album with A00224 L; EPIC LC 3132 *Excerpt also on FONTANA 894 104 ZKY 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Canzona BWV 588 Prelude and Fugue in G Minor BWV 535 Fantasia BWV 572 Prelude and Fugue in E Minor BWV 533 Prelude and Fugue in A Minor BWV 551 Prelude and Fugue C Minor BWV 549 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Wald, Switzerland Philips A00224 L. Also available as part of a double album with A00223 L

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290

discography

1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ The Little Organ Book (Orgelbüchlein) BWV 599–644 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Thalwil, Switzerland Philips A00275 L / A00276 L. Also as FONTANA Serie Argento 6540 248 / 6540 249; excerpts also on FONTANA 894 104 ZKY (BWV 608) 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ 18 Chorales (“Leipzig Chorales”) BWV 651–68 Kuhn organ, Reformed Church Wald, Switzerland Philips A00277 L / A00278 L. Also as FONTANA Serie Argento 6540 250 / 6540 251 (2 LP) 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ 6 Chorales (“Schübler”) BWV 645–50 Selected Chorale settings: Allein Gott in der Höh’ BWV 717 Ein’ feste Burg BWV 720 Fuga sopra Magnificat BWV 733 Valet will ich dir geben BWV 735 Vater unser im Himmelreich BWV 737 Wir glauben all an einen Gott BWV 740 Kuhn organ, Abteikirche Saint Maurice, Switzerland Philips A00308 L. Also available as a double album with A00309 L; excerpt (BWV 645) also on FONTANA 894 104 ZKY 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Partita diverse sopra “Sei gegrüsset, Jesu gütig” BWV 768 Prelude and Fugue in C Major BWV 531 Passcaglia BWV 582* Kuhn organ, Abteikirche Saint Maurice, Switzerland Philips A00309 L. Also available as a double album with A00308 L *Excerpt also on FONTANA 894 104 ZKY 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Fantasia in C Major BWV 570 Fugue BWV 574 Prelude and Fugue in F Minor BWV 534 Prelude and Fugue in D Minor BWV 539 Trio in G major BWV 1027a Prelude (Fantasia) and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542* Various small organs in Switzerland Philips A00310 L. Also available as a double album with A00311 L *Excerpt also on FONTANA 894 104 ZKY

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discography 291 1952 J. S. Bach: Complete Works for Organ Fantasia con Imitazione in B Minor BWV 563 Fugue in B Minor BWV 598 Pedal Exercitium BWV 598 Prelude in G Major BWV 568 Fugue in C Minor BWV 575 Prelude and Fugue in G Major BWV 550 Various small organs in Switzerland Philips A00311 L. Also available as a double album with A00310 L 1952 J. S. Bach: Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565 Chorale Prelude “In dulci jubilo” BWV 608 Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542 Chorale Prelude “Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme” BWV 645 Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582 Various organs in Switzerland: Thalwil, Saint Maurice, Wald FONTANA 894 104 ZKY. Undated 1953 Anton Heiller improviseert tijdens het Internationaal Improvisatieconcours thema’s van Engels op het Müller-orgel in de Grots of Sint-Bavokerk te Haarlem Improvisatie deel 1, 2, 3 [parts 1, 2, 3] (1953) Anton Heiller Müller organ, Grote of Saint Bavo Church Haarlem, Netherlands NCRV Netherlands Radio Livestream. Available at http://orgelconcerten.ncrv.nl 1953 Eigen Opname datum 29. Juli 1953 Copie: Orgelimprovisatie door Prof. Anton Heiller According to sleeve of 2 LP—handwritten—“Heiller improvisation 1952 Haarlem” According to LP label: Improvisation beim Internationalen Improvisationswettbewerb, Haarlem July 29, 1953 Müller organ, Grote of Saint Bavo Church Haarlem, Netherlands Produced by Organfestival Opname no. 9802 1957 Österreichs geistiges Leben, Franz Schmidt, Chaconne in Cis Franz Schmidt: Chaconne in cis moll [C-sharp minor] The “Bruckner organ,” Stift Sankt Florian, Austria Amadeo AVRS 3009-x; also ACRS 3009 1958 Anton Heiller spelt Composities van Reger op het Marcussen-Orgel in de Nikolaïkerk te Utrecht Max Reger: Introduction and Passacaglia in D Minor

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292

discography

Pastorale in F Major from op. 59 Capriccio in G Minor from op. 129 Fantasie and Fugue on “Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme” Marcussen organ, Nikolai Church in Utrecht, Netherlands NCRV Netherlands Radio Livestream. Available at http://orgelconcerten.ncrv.nl 1962 American Guild of Organists National Convention, 1962, Los Angeles, California. Organ Recital Anton Heiller Johann Nepomuk David: Es ist ein Schnitter, heisst der Tod J. S. Bach: Chorale Preludes from the Little Organ Book Christe du Lamm Gottes BWV 619 Jesu, meine Freude BWV 610 Ich ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ BWV 639 Sonata no. 5 in C Major BWV 529 Schlicker organ, All Saints Episcopal Church Pasadena, California American Guild of Organists LRS 1262 721 1962 J. S. Bach: Chorale “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier,” Toccata in E, Fuga in Re minore per organo Chorale Prelude “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier” BWV 731 Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565 Tamburini organ, Sala dell’Angelicum Milan, Italy Disco Angelicum 17 LPA 7009 (Single 45 rpm) 1962 J. S. Bach: Fantasia e fuga in sol minore per organo Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542 Tamburini organ, Sala dell’Angelicum Milan, Italy Disco Angelicum 17 LPA 7010 (Single 45 rpm) 1962 Le piú belle pagine organistische di J. S. Bach Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565 Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582 Prelude and Fugue in E-flat Major BWV 552 Chorale Prelude “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier” BWV 731 Chorale Prelude “Vater unser im Himmelreich” BWV 737 Tamburini organ, Sala dell’Angelicum Milan, Italy Disco Angelicum LPA 5944 1963[?] Anton Heiller spielt Werke von J. S. Bach Prelude and Fugue in F Minor BWV 534

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discography 293 Prelude and Fugue in B Minor BWV 544 Chorale Prelude “O Mensch bewein’ dein Sünde gross” BWV 622 Partite diverse sopra “O Gott, du frommer Gott” BWV 767 Metzler organ, Pfarrkirche Steinen, Switzerland PELCA PSR 40609 (1960) 1963 Bach/Vivaldi—Orgelkonzerte Antonio Vivaldi/J.  S. Bach: Concertos in D Minor BWV 596, A Minor BWV 593, C Major BWV 594; Herzog Johann Ernst von Sachsen/ Weimar/J. S. Bach: Concerto G Major BWV 592 Marcussen organ (1959), Marienkirche Hälsingborg, Sweden Bach Guild BG 637 (Mono) 5049 (Stereo). Also appeared as: Historical Anthology of Music (Bach Guild) HM. 35 SD (Stereo 1974); AMADEO AVRS 6288; Metronome Juwel 0140.237 0640.237 (MC) LC0270 (1974) 1964 J. S. Bach: Organ Works, Vol. 1 Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565* Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542* Partite diverse sopra “Sei gegrüsset, Jesu gütig” BWV 768** Chorale Preludes “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier” BWV 730 and 731 Marcussen organ (1959), Marienkirche Hälsingborg, Sweden VANGUARD BG 675 (Mono) and 70675 (Stereo). Excerpts from this: * and ** Vanguard SR 5229 (Japan 1972); *Omega Records OVC 2005 (CD 1992); *Vanguard 08 2005 71 (CD 1992); *Vanguard VCD 72014 (CD 1998) 1964 J. S. Bach: Organ Works, Vol. 2 Prelude and Fugue in E Minor BWV 548* Prelude and Fugue in A Major BWV 536* Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582* Fantasia in G Major BWV 572* Marcussen organ (1959), Marienkirche Hälsingborg, Sweden Vanguard BG 674 (Mono) and 70674 (Stereo). Also as: AMADEO AVRS 6394; Vanguard ATM-SC-1554 (SACD, 2004). Some of these pieces also appear on: *Vanguard SR 5229 (Japan 1972); *Omega Records OVC 2005 (CD 1992); *Vanguard 08 2005 71 (CD 1992); *Vanguard VCD 72014 (CD 1998) 1964 Anton Heiller: Bach Organ Recital J. S. Bach: Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582* Prelude and Fugue in E Minor BWV 548* Fantasia in G Major BWV 572* Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565**

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Partite diverse sopra “Sei gegrüsset, Jesu gütig” BWV 768** Marcussen organ (1959), Marienkirche Hälsingborg, Sweden Vanguard SR 5229. *Original on Vanguard AVRS 70674. **Original on Vanguard AVRS 70675 1964? J. S. Bach: Toccata e fuga in re minore BWV 565 ed altre composizioni per organo Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565 Prelude and Fugue in A Major BWV 536 Fantasia in G Major BWV 572 Chorale Preludes “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier” BWV 730 and 731 Fantasia and Fugue in G minor BWV 542 Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582 Marcussen organ, Marienkirche Hälsingborg, Sweden Disci Ricordi Spa. Orizzonte OCL 16148 su licenza Vanguard Recording Society, Inc., New York (1966) 1966 J. S. Bach: 18 Choräle. Vol. 1, nos. 1–8, BWV 561–68 18 (Leipzig) Chorales BWV 561–68 (nos. 1–8 BWV 561–68) Organ at the Stiftskirche Wilten, Innsbruck, Austria Vanguard Cardinal Series VCS 10039 (1968) 1966 J. S. Bach: 18 Choräle. Vol. 2, nos. 9–18, BWV 569–668 18 (Leipzig) Chorales BWV 561–668 (nos. 9–18 BWV 659–68) Organ at the Stiftskirche Wilten, Innsbruck, Austria Vanguard Cardinal Series VCS 10040 (1968) 1966 J. S. Bach: 18 Choräle The 18 Chorales (incomplete) BWV 651, 653–56, 659–63, 665, 668 (from Vanguard VCS 10039 and 10040) Organ at the Stiftskirche Wilten, Innsbruck, Austria Vanguard SR 5230 (1973) 1967 J. S. Bach: Orgelbüchlein. Vol. 1 Little Organ Book Chorales 1–23 BWV 544–621 Metzler organ (1964), Reformed Church Netstal, Switzerland Vanguard Cardinal Series VCS 10026 1967 J. S. Bach: Orgelbüchlein. Vol. 2 Little Organ Book Vol. 2 Chorales 24–45 BWV 622–44 Metzler organ (1964), Reformed Church Netstal, Switzerland Vanguard Cardinal Series VCS 10027

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discography 295 1967–68 Anton Heiller Bach Organ Recital Mascioni Orgel: Orgelmusikfestival Magadino 1967 J. S. Bach: Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565* Little Organ Book: Nun komm der Heiden Heiland BWV 599* In dir ist Freude BWV 615* Fantasia and Fugue in G Minor BWV 542* Little Organ Book: O Mensch bewein dein Sünde gross BWV 622** Prelude and Fugue in E Minor BWV 548** Passacaglia in C Minor BWV 582** Anton Heiller: Improvisation on two themes* [June 21, 1967,* June 29, 1968**] Mascioni organ, parish church, Magadino, Switzerland Ermitage ERM135 (CD 1993); also as Aura 145 (CD) 1967–71 Anton Heiller at Harvard: The Legendary Performances at Memorial Church CD 1: Recital December 28, 1967 (*also on Dornbacher Kirchenmusik [ENSCD5] see next entry) J. S. Bach: Canonic Variations on “Vom Himmel hoch” BWV 769 Prelude and Fugue in C Major BWV 547 Max Reger: Fantasia and Fugue on “Wachet auf,” op. 52/2 Anton Heiller: Improvisation on a given theme “Quem pastores”* CD2: Recital November 8, 1968 N. Clérambault: Suite de deuxième ton D. Buxtehude: Chorale Fantasia on “Wie schön leuchtet der Morgenstern” Max Reger: Introduction and Passacaglia in F Minor from Monologue, op. 63 Anton Heiller Improvisation on a given theme CD 3: Recital October 7, 1971 J. S. Bach: Prelude and Fugue in G Major BWV 541 Chorale prelude “Herr Jesu Christ, dich zu uns wend” BWV 709 Toccata and Fugue in D Minor BWV 565

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296

discography Chorale Preludes from Clavierübung, Part III: Kyrie, Gott Vater in Ewigkeit BWV 669 Christe, aller Welt Trost BWV 670 Kyrie, Gott heiliger Geist BWV 671 Chorale Prelude “Jesus, meine Zuversicht BWV 728 Chorale Prelude “Wir glauben all an einen Gott” BWV 740 Passacaglia and Fugue in C Minor BWV 582

CD 4: Recital October 7, 1971 (**also on Anton Heiller plays Hindemith at Harvard [see below] Harvard Square Records DGR 73-3 [1971]) J. S. Bach: Trio Sonata in C Major BWV 529 Paul Hindemith: Sonatas for organ 1, 2, 3** (from a separate recording session) Fisk organ, Memorial Church, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts Organ Historical Society BKM 1967 Dornbacher Kirkchenmusik in Liveaufnahmen Improvisation “Quem pastores” (from The Legendary Performances . . . see previous entry) Fisk organ, Memorial Church, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts © 2002 Ensemble Neue Streicher ENSCD5 (CD 2002) 1968 Anton Heiller und Gaston Litaize improvisieren auf der Rudiger-Orgel Improvisation on “Ave maris stella” [December 8, 1968] Rudigier organ (Marcussen 1968), Neuer Dom, Linz Österreichische Phonothek ÖPh 13001 (1969) 1969 Highlights from the International Organ Festival 1969 Georg Böhm: Partita “Auf meinen lieben Gott” Cathedral organ, Saint Albans, England Abbey Records PLB 665 1971 Anton Heiller Plays Hindemith at Harvard Paul Hindemith: Sonatas for organ nos. 1, 2, 3 Fisk organ, Memorial Church, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts

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discography 297 Harvard Square Records DGR 73-3. Also as Pape: Das Organistenportrait 2; also on BKM (A. H. at Harvard: The Legendary Performances) 1973 L’encyclopédie de l’orgue 44 Max Reger: Fantasia and Fugue on the Chorale “Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme,” op. 52/2 Pastorale in F Major from op. 59 Fantasia and Fugue op. 135b Benedictus from op. 59 Rudigier Organ (Marcussen 1968), Neuer Dom, Linz ERATO EDO 244 1972 Stiftskirche Ossiach: Orgelkonzert ** Improvisation II also on Anton Heiller: Te Deum ORF 179 (3 CD 1998) Johann Pachelbel: Ciacona in F Minor ** J. S. Bach: Chorale Preludes “Liebster Jesu, wir sind hier” BWV 730, 731** Improvisation I on a twelve-tone theme by Nikolaus Fheodoroff* Improvisation II on “Ach wie flüchtig, ach, wie nichtig” and the motive “A–E–E–F– E–G♯–A” (Jokl Polka)** (August 6, 1972* and June 29, 1975**) Metzler organ, the abbey church, Ossiach Preiser Records SPR 9824 (1975) 1973 L’encyclopédie de l’orgue 47 Paul Hofhaimer: Salve Regina Christian Erbach: Canzona á 4 Johann Jakob Froberger: Toccata XIX, Toccata V, Capriccio VI, Canzona V, Ricercare VI, Toccata XX Johann Kaspar Kerll: Canzona II, Passcaglia in D Minor “Festorgel” (Freundt 1642), abbey church, Klosterneuburg ERATO EDO 247 1973 The ICU Rieger Organ: The 25th Anniversary Commemoration Ecce lignum crucis [September 1, 1973] Rieger organ (1970), Sacred Music Center, Tokyo, Japan ICU Sacred Music Center SMC-1 (not for sale) (CD 1995)

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1977 Improvisationsconcert Anton Heiller (July 13, 1977) Introduction and Passacaglia on “O Nederland! Let op uw saeck” Fantasia and Fugue on the theme given at the Improvisation Contest 1952 Variations on a Hungarian folksong Fantasia on B–A–C–H Schnitger organ, Grote Saint Michaelskerk, Zwolle, Netherlands STEMRA 6814 183 (1980)

Anton Heiller Conductor or Performer [Date unknown] Pietro Mascagni: Cavalleria Rusticana Intermezzo Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Philharmoniker, Herbert von Karajan (conductor) Columbia LVX 100 = LX 1208; CHAX 455 (shellac, 78 rpm, undated) [Date unknown] J. S. Bach: Die Brandenburgischen Konzerts Brandenburg Concertos nos. 1–6 BWV 1046–51 Jan Tomasow, Hans Reznicek, Paul Angerer, Nicolaus Harnoncourt, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Chamber Kammerorchester der Wiener Staatsoper, Felix Prohaska (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6042/6043 (2 LP, undated). Also as: Vanguard SRV 171/172 (2 LP); Vanguard BG 540–42 (3 LP); Vanguard ATM 1244 (2 CD) [Date unknown] Georg Philip Telemann Sonata á 4, Concerto for Violin in A Minor, Concerto for Viola in G Major,* Concertos for Oboe in E Minor* and D Minor André Lardrot (oboe), Jelka Krek (violin), Stefan Passaggio (viola), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6078 (undated). From that: * Opera—Europäischer Phonoclub—1433 (undated) see next entry [Date unknown] Georg Philip Telemann Concerto for Viola, Concertos for Oboe in E Minor* André Lardrot (oboe), Stefan Passaggio (viola), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Opera—Europäischer Phonoclub—1433 (undated)

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discography 299 [Date unknown] J. S. Bach: Kantaten Nos. 12 und 29 Cantata BWV 12 “Weinen, Klagen, Sorgen, Zagen” Cantata BWV 29 “Wir danken dir, Gott, wir danken dir” Nethania Davrath, Hilde Rössl-Majdan, Anton Dermota, Walter Berry, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Stastsopernorchester, Mogens Wöldike (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6212 (undated). Also as: Vanguard SVC 88 HD; Artemis Classics [Date unknown] F. J. Haydn: Missa Brevis “Rorate Coeli Desuper” Missa brevis alla Capella “Rorate Coeli desuper” with liturgy Emmy Loose (soprano), Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Akademiechor, Choir of Stift Göttweig, Niederösterreichische Tonkünstlerorchester, Hans Gillesberger (conductor) Disco Club CD 11 (undated) [Date unknown] A Bouquet of Tartini and Nardini G. Tartini: Violin Concerto in D Minor, Sinfonia Pastorale for violin and orchestra, works by Nardini Jan Tomasow (violin), Anton Heiller (Harpsichord), Kammerorchester der Wiener Staatsoper Vanguard SRV 154 (undated) [Date unknown] Arcangelo Corelli: Concerto Grosso Op. 6 No. 8 in G Minor, “Fate per la note di natale,” Sonata in D Minor Concerto grosso op. 6, no. 8 in G Minor, “Fato per la note di Natale,” Sonata in D Minor Wiener Kammerorchester, Anton Heiller (conductor) VOX SPLP (Single 45 rpm, undated). Also as Period Records/Vogue Productions EXTP 1001 (single, 45 rpm) 1949 J. S. Bach: Matthäuspassion Saint Matthew Passion BWV 244 Elisabeth Schwarzkopf, Elisabeth Höngen, Walther Ludwig, Karl Schmitt-Walter, Hans Braun, Raoul Aslan, Franz Schütz, Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Singverein, Wiener Sängerknaben, Wiener Philharmoniker, Herbert von Karajan (conductor) Erma-Filmproduktion VHS/PAL—according to http://www.karajan.org (1949) 1950 F. J. Haydn: Concerto for Violin and Orchestra in A Major

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Concerto for Violin and Orchestra in A Major (ca. 1765), Concerto for Harpsichord and Strings in G Major* (First recordings) Elisabeth Bertschinger (violin), Erna Heiller (harpsichord), *Howard Chandler, Robbins Landon (harpsichord continuo), Collegium Musicum Wien, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1014 1950 F. J. Haydn: Concerto for Violin and Orchestra in A Major (ca. 1765) Elisabeth Bertschinger (violin), Erna Heiller (harpsichord), Collegium Musicum Wien, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1017 1950 F. J. Haydn: Symphonie Nr. 83 G-moll “La poulet,” Symphonie Nr. 84 Es-Dur Collegium Musicum Wien, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1015. Also as Odeon ODX 110* 1950 F. J. Haydn: Symphonie Nr. 26 D-moll “Lamentatione,” Symphie Nr. 36 E-Dur Wiener Kammerorchester, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1019 (1950). Also as: NAXOS Classical Archives 9.80532 (CD) 1950 J. S. Bach: Concerto für 3 Cembali und Streicher in C-Dur, Antonio Vivaldi/J. S. Bach: Concerto für 4 Cembali und Streicher in A-moll J. S. Bach: Concerto for 3 Harpsichords and Strings in C Major BWV 1964 A. Vivaldi/J. S. Bach: Concerto for 4 Harpsichords and Strings in A Minor BWV 1965 (after Vivaldi’s Concerto for 4 Violins in B Minor, op. 3/10) Christa Fuhrmann, Bruno Seidlhofer, Erna Heiller, Kurt Rapf (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerorchester, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1024 1950 W. A. Mozart: Idomeneo, re di Creta KV 366 Idomeneo, re di Creta KV 366. Opera seria in two acts Horst Tabmann (Idomeneo), Greta Menzel (Idamante), Herbert Handt (Arbace), Gertrud Hopf (Ilia), Gertrud Grob Prandl (Elettra), Erich Majkot (High Priest of Neptune), Anton Heiller (the voice of Neptune), Wiener Symphoniker, Choir of the Vienna State Opera, Meinhardt von Zallinger (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 2020

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discography 301 1950 J. S. Bach: Mattäuspassion Saint Matthew Passion BWV 244 Irmgard Seefried, Kathleen Ferrier, Anny Felbermayer, Walther Ludwig, Otto Edelmann, Paul Schöffler, Erich Kaufmann, Harald Pröglhöf, Otto Wiener, Walter Berry, Wolfgang Schneiderhahn, Alsois Forer, Anton Heiller (chamber organ), Wiener Singverein, Wiener Sängerknaben, Wiener Philharmoniker, Herbert von Karajan (conductor) Verona (3 LP 1950). Also as Andante (3 CD 2004) 1950 Mass in B Minor—Hohe Messe in H-moll BWV 232 J. S. Bach: Hohe Messe h-moll BWV 232 Emmy Loose, Hilde Geske, Anton Dermota, Alfred Pöll, Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Symphoniker, Herrmann Scherchen (conductor) Westminster WL 50 37 39. Also as: Universal Victor—Westminster MVCW14015; Tarah Tah 618/619 (2 CD 2007) 1951 F. J. Haydn: Konzert für Trompete und Orchester Es-Dur, Konzert für Horn und Orchester D-Dur Trumpet Concerto in E-flat Major (1796),* Horn Concerto in D Major (1762)** *Helmut Wobisch (trumpet), **Franz Koch (horn), **Erna Heiller (harpsichord), *Wiener Staatsopernorchester, **Wiener Symphoniker, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1038 1951 F. J. Haydn: Symphony No. 52 C minor, Symphony No. 56 C Major Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Wiener Symphoniker, Anton Heiller (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1039 (1951) 1951 F. J. Haydn: 2 Konzerte für Orgel und Orchester C-Dur Concerto for Organ and Orchestra in C Major (ca. 1756) Concerto for Organ and Orchestra in C Major (ca. 1760) Wöckerl organ (1642), Franziskanerkirche, Vienna Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Symphoniker, Hans Gillesberger (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1043. Also as Haydn Society HS 9023 (+Haydn Concerto for harpsichord)

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1951 Two Concertos for Organ and Orchestra F. J. Haydn: Concerto for Organ and Orchestra in C Major (ca. 1756)* Concerto for Organ and Orchestra in C Major (ca. 1760)* Concerto for Harpsichord and Orchestra in G Major** Wöckerl organ (1642), Franziskanerkirche, Vienna **Erna Heiller (solo harpsichord), Anton Heiller (*organ, ** conductor), *Wiener Symphoniker, **Collegium Musicum Wien, *Hans Gillesberger (conductor) Haydn Society HSLP 1023 1951 F. J. Haydn: Konzert für Orgel und Orchester C-Dur (ca. 1760) Concerto for Organ and Orchestra in C Major (ca. 1756) Wöckerl organ (1642), Franziskanerkirche, Vienna Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Symphoniker, Hans Gillesberger (conductor) Metronome Records A/S Metronome Extended Playing MCEP 3042. Also as 2 Orgelkonzerte C-Dur on HSLP 1943 1952 J. S. Bach: Kantate BWV 51 “Jauchzet Gott in allen Landen,” Kantate BWV 209 “Non sa che sia dolore” Teresa Stich-Randall (soprano), Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Anton Heiller (conductor) Bach Guild BG 546. Also as: Vanguard AVRS 6004; Bach Guild OVC 2539 (4 CD) 1952 J. S. Bach: Cantata No. 106 “Gottes Zeit ist die allerbeste Zeit” (Actus Tragicus), Cantata No. 84 “Ich bin vergnügt mit meinem Glücke” Magda Laszlo, Hilde Rössel-Majdan, Waldemar Kmentt, Alfred Pöll, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Herrmann Scherchen (conductor) Westminster WL5125 1952 J. S. Bach: Cantata No. 20 “O holder Tag, erwünschte Zeit” (Hochzeitskantate) Magda Laszlo, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Herrmann Scherchen (conductor) Westminster WL5138 1952 J. S. Bach: Cantata No. 76 “Die Himmel erzählen die Ehre Gottes”

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discography 303 Magda Laszlo, Hilde Rössel-Majdan, Petre Munteanu, Richard Standen, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Herrmann Scherchen (conductor) Westminster WL5201. Also as MVCW-18029 1954 Cantata BWV 78, Cantata BWV 106 J. S. Bach: Cantatas BWV 78 “Jesu, der du meine Seele,” BWV 106 Actus tragicus “Gottes Zeit ist die allerbeste Zeit” Teresa Stich-Randall (soprano), Dagmar Herrmann (alto), Anton Dermota (tenor), Hans Braun (bass), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Kammerchor, Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Felix Prohaska (conductor) Bach Guild BG 537. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6003; Bach Guild Historical Anthology of Music HM 21 SD; Vanguard 08 2009 71 (CD); OVC 2009 (CD); Vanguard 08 9180 72 (2 CD) 1954 J. S. Bach: Matthäuspassion—Wilhelm Furtwängler 1954 Saint Matthew Passion BWV 244 [Live recording, April 14–17, 1954] (The recitals took place in the main hall of the Konzerthaus. Performed by the Wiener Singakademie and the Wiener Philharmoniker, although the LPs and CDs list the Musikverein and the Wiener Singverein) Elisabeth Grümmer, Marga Höffgen, Otto Edelmann, Anton Dermota, Dietrich Fischer-Dieskau, Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Wiener Singakademie, Wiener Sängerknaben, Wiener Philharmoniker, Wilhelm Furtwängler (conductor) Centro Movimento Musica 03.006. Also as: Cetra LO 508 (1978); WEA Italiana— Movimento Musica 03.006 (2 CD); EMI Références EMI CHS 5 655092-2 (2 CD 1995) 1955 F. J. Haydn: Nelson-Messe Missa Solemnis D-moll Teresa Stich-Randall (soprano), Elisabeth Hoengen (alto), Anton Dermota (tenor), Frederick Guthrie (bass), Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Akademie Kammerchor, Orchester der Wiener Volksoper, Mario Rossi (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6021. Also as: Vanguard VRS 470; Gramola Special edition Jalons de la Musique Sacree JMS 723; Amadeo 13 PC 18, AVRS 19023 (Japan 1979) 1955 G. B. Pergolesi: Stabat Mater Teresa Stich Randall (soprano), Elisabeth Höngen (alto), Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Akademie-Kammerchor, Orchester der Wiener Staatsoper in der Volksoper, Mario Rossi (conductor)

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Amadeo AVRS 6029. Also as: Bach Guild 594; AVRS 12080 St; Vanguard SRV 195D (1966); Hispa Vox (S) 250-42 1956 J. S. Bach: Doppelkonzert—Tripelkonzert Double Concerto in D Minor for violin, oboe, and strings BWV 1060 (BWV 1043? according to Gant) Triple Concerto in A Minor for flute, violin, and harpsichord BWV 1044 Josip Klima, Ivan Pinkava (violin), André Lardrot (oboe), Werner Tripp (flute), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Bach Guild BG 562. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6052; AVRS 19028 St 1956[?] Antonio Vivaldi: The Orchestral Masterpieces Vol. 1 “The Four Seasons” and Other Concertos Concerto in G Major “alla rustica”; Concerto in D Minor for oboe, strings, and harpsichord; Sinfonia no. 1 in C Major; Concerto in E Minor for bassoon, strings, and harpsichord; Concerto in F Major for oboe, strings, and harpsichord; Sinfonia no. 2 in G Major André Lardrot (oboe), Rudolf Klepac (bassoon), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6051 (1956?) 1957 Giovanni Gabrieli: Orchestral and Choral Works. Processional and Ceremonial Music Processional and ceremonial music from Sacrae Symphoniae (1597, 1615) and concertos (1587) [02/1958 Columbia Studio Konzerthaus] Anton Heiller (organ), Franz Eibner (organ), Herbert Tachezi (organ), René Clemencic (organ), choir and orchestra of the Gabrieli Festival 1957, Edmont Appia (conductor), Hans Gillesberger (choir director) Bach Guild BG 611 BGS 5004 (1958). Also as: Vanguard Everyman Classic SVC LC5896; HM 8 SD (1972); Vanguard 08 6116 71 (CD); Bach Guild OVC 2007 (CD); Historical Anthology of Music—Bach Guild 08 2007 71 (CD); Vanguard SACD (2004) 1957 J. S. Bach: Magnificat in D BWV 243 Magnificat in D Major BWV 243 Cantata “Nun ist das Heil und die Kraft” BWV 50 Mimi Coertse (soprano), Margaret Sjöstedt (soprano), Hilde RösselMajdan (alto), Anton Dermota (tenor), Frederick Guthrie (bass), Anton Heiller (organ), choir and orchestra of the Wiener Staatsoper, Felix Prohaska (conductor) Bach Guild 5005. Also as Vanguard 08 2010 71 (CD)

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discography 305 1958 Sonderserie Österreichs geistiges Leben. Max Mell: Das Apostelspiel Hans Thiemig (grandfather), Johanna Matz (Magdalen), Helmust Jantsch (first stranger, Johannes), Michael Janisch (second stranger, Peter), Anton Heiller (organ prelude) Amadeo AVRS 6106 1958 J. S. Bach: Konzerte für Cembalo Concertos for Harpsichord and Orchestra no. 1 in A Minor BWV 1952, no. 4 in A Major BWV 1055, no. 5 in F Minor BWV 1056 [Brahmssaal, Wiener Musikverein, May 1958] Anton Heiller (harpsichord), Orchester der Wiener Staatsoper, Miltiades Caridis (conductor) Vanguard Classics BG 588 BGS 5009. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6120; GT 1074 BGS 5009, 70659; Bach Guild HM 44 SD (1976); Vanguard Classics ATM 1049 (2 CD 2003); Vanguard 08 2025 72 (2 CD) 1958–64 J. S. Bach: Concertos for 1, 2, 3, and 4 Harpschords and String Orchestra Concerto for Harpsichord no. 1 in D Minor BWV 1052 [Brahmssaal, Wiener Musikverein, May 1958] Concerto for Harpsichord no. 4 in A Major BWV 1055 [May 1958] Concerto for Harpsichord No 5 in F Minor BWV 1056 [May 1958] Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Minor BWV 1060 [Mozartsaal, Wiener Konzerthaus, February 1964] Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Major BWV 1061 [February 1964] Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Minor BWV 1062 [February 964] Concerto for 3 Harpsichords in D Minor BWV 1063 [February 1964] Concerto for 3 Harpsichords in C Major BWV 1064 [February 1964] Concerto for 4 Harpsichords in A Minor BWV 1965 [February 1964] Harpsichord: Anton Heiller, Erna Heiller, Kurt Rapf, Christa Landon, I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Vanguard (Bach Guild) BG 588 (mono); BGS 5009 (stereo) (undated). Also as: Bach Guild HM 44 SD (1976); Vanguard Classics ATM 1049 (2 CD 2003); Vanguard 08 2025 72 (2 CD); Bach Guild OVC 2523/24 (2 CD) 1958–64 Baroque 1000 Series. Content: J. S. Bach BWV 1052, 1062, 1065 Concerto for Harpsichord no. 1 in D Minor BWV 1052* [May 1958 Brahmssaal, Wiener Musikverein] Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Minor BWV 1962** [February 1964 Mozartsaal, Wiener Konzerthaus] Concerto for 4 Harpsichords in A Minor BWV 1065** [February 1964]

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Harpsichord: Anton Heiller, **Erna Heiller, **Kurt Rapf, **Christa Landon, *Kammerorchester der Wiener Staatsoper, I Solisti di Zagreb, *Miltiades Caridis (conductor), **Antonio Janigro (conductor) Vanguard Stereolab GT 1074 (1972). Also as Vanguard GT 1074; Original: *BGS 5009, **BGS 70659 1959 Antonio Vivaldi: The Four Seasons Jan Tomasow (violin), Anton Heiller (harpsichord), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Bach Guild BG 564 (mono) BGS 5001 (stereo) (L). Also as: Amanda (Amadeus) AVRS 12007 Bach Guild—Historical Anthology of Music HM 15 SD (1972) 1959 Italian Baroque Violin Sonatas Works by A. Vivaldi, T. Albinoni, T. Vitali, G. Tartini, B. Marcello

Jan Tomasow (violin), Anton Heiller (harpsichord) Bach Guild BG 583. Also as: Vanguard Everyman Classics SRV 197 (1966) KS20041; Vanguard Everyman Classics 08 6127 71 (CD 1996) 1959 Georg Friedrich Händel: Cembalo-Suiten Vol. 1 Harpsichord Suites no. 3 in D Minor, no. 4 in E Minor, no. 6 in F-sharp Minor, no. 2 in F Major Anton Heiller (harpsichord) Bach Guild BG 592. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6143; Bach Guild VY 1005; Amadeo AVRS 12052 1959 Georg Friedrich Händel: Cembalo-Suiten Vol. 2 Harpsichord Suites no. 1 in A Major, no. 5 in E Major, no. 7 in G Minor, no. 8 in F Minor Anton Heiller (harpsichord) Bach Guild BG 593. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6157; Amadeo EVRS 12053 1959 J. S. Bach: Kantate Nr. 4, Kantate Nr. 140 Cantata BWV 140 “Wachet auf ruft uns die Stimme” Cantata BWV 4 “Christ lag in Todesbanden” Laurence Dutoit (soprano), Kurt Equiluz (tenor), Hans Braun (bass), Anton Heiller (continuo), Wiener Kammerchor, Staatsopernorchester, Felix Prohaska (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6194. Also as: Bach Guild—Historical Anthology of Music HM 20 SD; Vanguard Everyman Classics 08.6108.71 (CD); Bach Guild OVC 2001 (CD); Vanguard 08 2001 71 (CD); Vanguard 08 9180 72 (2 CD); also on Bach Guild OVC 2539 (4 CD)

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discography 307 1959 J. S. Bach: Matthäuspassion Saint Matthew Passion BWV 244 Teresa Stich-Randall, Hilde Rössel-Majdan Laurence Dutoit, Christl Zottl-Holmstadt Waldemar Kmentt, Uno Ebrelius, Walter Berry, Willi Boskovsky, Anton Heiller (organ), Wiener Kammerchor, Sängerknaben des Wiener Schottenstifts, Wiener Staatsopernkammerorchester, Mogens Wöldike (conductor) Vanguard BG 594–97 BGS 5022–25 (4 LP 1959). Also as: Vanguard SVR 128 SD; SVC 85–87 HD; Amadeo AVRS 6165–68 (4 LP 1963); Vanguard Classics SVC 85–87 (3 CD 1998) 1961 Das virtuose Cembalo Vol. 1 Selected works by Jean-Philippe Rameau Anton Heiller (harpsichord) Vanguard BG 614. Also as: AMD 7008 (CD); Vanguard 08 6105 71 (CD) 1961 Das virtuose Cembalo Vol. 2 Selected works by François Couperin “Le Grand” Anton Heiller (harpsichord) Vanguard BG 619. Also as: Vanguard AMD 7009 (CD); Vanguard 08 6106 71 (CD) 1961 Die virtuose Trompete Vol. 1 J. Clarke: Trumpet Voluntary; A. Vivaldi: Concerto for Two Trumpets in C Major; G. Perti: Sonata for 4 trumpets; G. Torelli: Sonata à 5; H. Purcell: Sonata for Trumpet, Strings, and Continuo, Trumpet Overture from “Indian Queen”; G. Torelli: Sinfonia for 4 Trumpets, Strings, Oboes, and Timpani; D. Gabrieli: Sonata con tromba; A. Corelli: Sonata con tromba; J. Stanley: Trumpet Tune Helmut Wobisch (trumpet), Adolf Holler (trumpet), Anton Heiller (organ), I Solisti di Zabreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6260. Also as: Bach Guild BG 617, 641, 685 (1961–66); Bach Guild BGS 5041; Bach Guild—Historical Anthology of Music HM 31 SD (1972); Bach Guild 2008 (CD); Vanguard 08 2008 71 (CD) 1961 Die virtuose Trompete Vol. 2 F. J. Haydn: Trumpet Concerto in E-flat Major; H. I. F. Biber: Sonata à 7 in C Major; F. Manfredini: Concerto for 2 Trumpets in D Major; G. Alberti: Sonata for 2 Trumpets, Strings, and Continuo in D Major; L. Mozart: Concerto for Clarino and Strings in D Major; G. Torelli: Concerto for 2 Trumpets in D Major Helmut Wobisch (trumpet), Adolf Holler (trumpet), Anton Heiller (organ), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor)

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Amadeo AVRS 6291. Also as Bach Guild—Historical Anthology of Music HM 63 SD (1972) 1961 Flute Concertos Karl Stamitz: Concerto for Flute and Strings in G Major*; G.  P. Telemann: Concerto for Flute and Strings in D Major*; Michael Haydn: Concerto for Flute and Strings in D Major** Camillo Wanausek (flute), *Wiener Symphoniker, **Orchester der Wiener Musikgesellschaft, Anton Heiller (conductor) Vox STDL 500.810 1961 Karl Stamitz: Clarinet Concerto No. 3 in B-flat Major, Bassoon Concerto in F Major, Flute Concerto in G Major Flute Concerto in G Major Camillo Vanausek (flute), Orchester der Wiener Musikgesellschaft, Anton Heiller (conductor) Turnabout TV 34093S (1968) 1961 Giovanni Gabrieli: Sacrae Symphoniae and Conzoni for Double Choir, Brass and Organ Jubilate deo, Beata es Virgo Maria, Iam non dicam, Domine exaudi, Laudate nomen Domine, Canzona per sonar primi toni á 8, O quam suavis, Hodie Christus natus est, Sonata pian e forte, Diligam te Domine, Canzona duodecimi toni á 8, Audi Domine hymnum “The organ preludes or Intonazioni, preceding each motet played by Anton Heiller” Anton Heiller (organ), Choir and brass ensemble of the Gabrieli Festival, Hans Gillesberger (conductor) Bach Guild BGS 5037 1963 Saul Georg Friedrich Handel: Saul. The complete oratorio Jennifer Vyvyan, Thomas Hemsley, Herbert Handt, Helen Watts, Laurence Dutoit, Margarete Sjöstedt, Erling Thorborg, Peter Wimberger, Anton Heiller (organ), Erna Heiller (harpsichord), Copenhagen Cathedral Choir, Wiener Symphoniker, Mogens Wöldike (conductor) Bach Guild BG 642–44 BGS 5054–56 (3 LP 1963). Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6314–16 (3 LP); Vanguard SVC 112/13 HD (2 CD) 1964 J. S. Bach: Cembalokonzerte Vol. 1 Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Major BWV 1961

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discography 309 Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Minor BWV 1962 Concerto for 4 Harpsichords in A Minor BWV 1965 [Mozartsaal, Wiener Konzerthaus, February 1964]

Harpsichords: Anton Heiller, Erna Heiller, Kurt Rapf, Christa Landon, I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6323. Also as: Bach Guild BG 659 (mono) BGS 70659 (stereo); Bach Guild HM 52 (1976) 1964 J. S. Bach: Cembalokonzerte Vol. 2 Concerto for 2 Harpsichords in C Minor BWV 1960 Concerto for 3 Harpsichords in C Major BWV 1064 Concerto for 3 Harpsichords in D Minor BWV 1063 [Mozartsaal, Wiener Konzerthaus, February 1964] Harpsichords: Anton Heiller, Erna Heiller, Kurt Rapf, I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6324. Also as: Bach Guild BG 660 (mono) BGS 70660 (stereo); Bach Guild HM 53 (1976) 1964 Padre Antonio Soler: 6 Konzerte für 2 Tasteninstrumente Erna Heiller (harpsichord), Anton Heiller (harpsichord, organ) Bach Guild BG 657 BGS 5069. Also as: Amadeo AVRS 6294; Vanguard Everyman Classics 08 6117 71 (CD 1996) 1965 J. S. Bach: Kantaten BWV 53, 54, 169 Cantata BWV 53 “Schlage doch, gewünschte Stunde” Cantata BWV 54 “Widerstehe doch der Sünde” Cantata BWV 169 “Gott soll allein mein Herze haben” Maureen Forrester (contralto), Anton Heiller (harpsichord, organ), I Solisti di Zagreb, Antonio Janigro (conductor) Bach Guild BG 670 (mono) 70670 (stereo). Also as Vanguard Classics 08 9094 72 (1965) 1966 J. S. Bach: Kantate BWV 170, Scarlatti “Salve Regina” Cantata BWV 170 “Vergnügte Ruh’, beliebte Seelenlust”; Alessandro Scarlatti: “Salve Regina” Maureen Forrester (contralto), Erna Heiller (organ), Franz Falter (harpsichord), Die Wiener Solisten, Anton Heiller (conductor) Bach Guild BG 683 (mono) BGS 70683 (stereo). Also as: Bach Guild BGS-70670; Vanguard Classics 08 9094 72 (2 CD 1993): BWV 170; Amadeus 7010 (CD 2000): BWV 170

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1966 Die Kunst der Verzierung in Renaissance und Barock Merulo, Hofhaimer, Corelli, Nardini, F. Couperin, Marcello, Handel, Vivaldi, Quantz, C. P. E. Bach, Telemann Leopold Stastny (flute), Edward Melkus (violin), Vienna Baroque Players, Anton Heiller (organ, harpsichord) Bach Guild BGS 70697/70698 (2 LP 1966). Also as: Vanguard Historical Anthology of Music HM 47/48 SD (2 LP), Vanguard (Arcade) “The Bach Guild” 08 2036 72 (2 CD Europe); Vanguard (Omega) Classics OVC2537/38 (2 CD USA) 1966 Baroque Cantatas G. F. Handel: Armida abbandonata: “Dietro l’orme fugaci” G. F. Handel: Lucrezia: “O Numi eterni” Fiocco: Lamntatio secunda (from Lamentationes di Jeremia) A. Scarlatti: Su le sponde del Tebro Netania Davrath (soprano), Wiener Solisten, Anton Heiller (conductor, harpsichord) Vanguard Cardinal Series VCS 10028 (1968) 1976 W.  A. Mozart: Messe C-moll KV 427, Internationale Kirchenmusiktage in Niederösterreich Stift Lilienfeld 1976 Mass in C Minor KV 427 Editha Gruberova (soprano), Reginal Winkelmayer (soprano), Anton Dermota (tenor), Robert Holl (bass), ORF-Orchester, ORFChor, Anton Heiller (conductor) ORF 0120 161 1977 Paul Hindemith: Konzert für Orgal—7 Triostücke für 3 Trautonien—Konzertstück für Trautonium Paul Hindemith: Organ Concerto The organ of the Brucknerhaus, Linz [recorded March 19, 1977] ORF-Symphonieorchester, Anton Heiller (organ), Milan Horvat (conductor) Telefunken 6.42529 AW (1980). Also as APEX 2564 60227-2 (CD 2007)

Anton Heiller’s Compositions on Audio Media [Date unknown] Anton Bruckner—Anton Heiller Dem König aller Zeiten Ach wie nichtig, ach wie flüchtig (Choralmotette) Wiener Kammerchor, Hans Gillesberger (conductor)

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discography 311 Amadeo AVRS 6064 (undated) [Date unknown] Ecce Lignum Crucis Robert Anderson (organ) Skinner organ, Zumbro Lutheran Congregation Rochester, Minnesota Aeolian Skinner AS 327 (undated) [Date unknown] Internationale Woche für Chormusik, Graz Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle Wiener Kammerchor, Hans Gilleberger (conductor) Amadeo AVRS 6326 (undated) [Date unknown] Österreichische Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts Vol. 3 Toccata for 2 Pianos (1943) Erna Heiller, Anton Heiller (piano) Österreichische Phonothek ÖPh 10004 (undated) [Date unknown] Serie Österreichischer Musikrat 4. Österreichische Musik der Gegenwart Der Heiland ist erstanden (Choralmotette) Wiener Kammerchor, Hans Gilleberger (conductor) Amadeo Serie Österreichischer Musikrat AVRS 5020 (undated) [Date unknown] A Year of Grace “O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden” Craig Cramer (organ) Paul Fritts organ (1992), Grace Church, Tacoma, Washington Organ Historic Society CDD-008 (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Fanfare! Tanz-Toccata Thomas Froehlich (organ) Organs of the First Presbyterian Church, Dallas, Texas Calcante TFPC (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Gregorian Paraphrase on a New Casavant Organ in Minnesota In Festo Corporis Christi David Heller (organ) Casavant Frères op. 3762 (1998), Church of Saint Louis, King of France, in Saint Paul, Minnesota

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Calcante CAL-037 (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Musica Sacra—Internationale Kirchenmusiktage in Niederösterreich O Jesu Concentus Vocalis, Herbert Böck (conductor) ORF (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Otto Bruckner an steirischen Orgeln Tanz-Toccata Otto Bruckner (organ) Organ of the Stiftskirche Seckau, Styria (Austria) ORF Landesstudio Steiermark LC 4752 (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Principally Organ—20th Century Concertos for Organ and Orchestra Organ concerto Assumption Grotto orchestra, Thomas Schuster (organ), Eduard Perrone (conductor) Austin organ, Saint Raymond Catholic Church, Detroit, Michigan Grotto GP-0003 (CD, undated) [Date unknown] Toccata! Keith John Plays the Organ of St. Mary’s Woodford Tanz-Toccata Keith John (organ) Organ of Saint Mary’s, Woodford, UK Priory Records UK PRCD 002 (CD, undated) 1967 Erschienen ist der herrliche Tag Dem König aller Zeiten Klagenfurter Madrigalchor, Günther Mittergradnegger (conductor) Mace MCM 9078 [mono] Mace S 9078 [stereo] 1970 Produktionsreihe Österreichischer Komponistenbund Vol. 10. Österreichische Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts Ecce lignum crucis Peter Planyavsky (organ) Hradetzky organ, Saint Ursula church, Vienna Östrreichische Phonothek ÖPh 10021 1974 Laurens Orgel Tanz-Toccata Peter Planyavsky (organ)

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discography 313 Marcussen organ, Grote of Sint Laurenskerk, Rotterdam (Netherlands) SIEGRO 9 1977 Chorkonzert Hobokensaal, January 19, 1977 Nicht Knechte, sondern meine Freunde nenne ich euch Kammerchor Musikgymnasium Wien, Friedrich Lessky, conductor CD copy of the original tape (T354-b 9.5am/stereo) (not for sale) 1978 Internationale Orgeltage Düsseldorf Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort (Partita) Peter Planyavsky (organ) Klais organ, Franziskus-Xaverius Church, Düsseldorf, Germany TELDEC 66 21732 1979 Anton Heiller—Organ Works In Festo Corporis Christi Ecce Lignum Crucis Victimae Paschali Laudes Tanz-Toccata Fantasia super “Salve Regina” Thomas F. Froehlich (organ) Robert Sipe organ (1977), First Presbyterian Church, Dallas, Texas Musical Heritage Society MUS 4106 (1979) 1980 Zeitgenössische österreichische Musik 22 Tanz-Toccata Martin Haselböck (organ) Rieger organ (1980), Festival Theatre, Adelaide, Australia Preiser Records SPR 139 1981 Anton Heiller—Sämtliche Orgelwerke Vol. 1 Sonata for Organ Zwei geistliche Gesänge for soprano and organ “Optavi” “Gaudete” Zwei kleine Partiten Freu dich sehr, oh meine Seele Vater unser im Himmelreich Gertraud Schmidt (soprano), Peter Planyavsky (organ) Metzler organ, Stadtpfarrkirche Baden, Switzerland MUSICA VIVA MV 30-1092 (1981)

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1982 Die Domorgel zu St. Pölten Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele (Kleine Partita) Tanz-Toccata Alfred Halbartschlager (organ) Extempore Records AD 82-01 1983 Anton Heiller—Sämtliche Orgelwerke Vol. 5 Choralvorspiele zu Liedern des dänischen Gesangbuchs Jesu meine Freude Prelude and Fugue in A Major Partita “Nun komm der Heiden Heiland” Chorale Prelude Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich Peter Planyavsky (organ) Organ of the parish church Saint Paul, Wien Döbling, Austria MUSICA VIVA MV 30-1096 1984 Anton Heiller: Sämtliche Orgelwerke Vol. 3 In Festo Corporis Christi Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort (Partita) Kleine Partita und Orgelsatz Es ist ein Ros entsprungen Fantasia super “Salve Regina” Ecce lignum crucis Peter Planyavsky (organ) Rudigier organ (Marcussen 1968), Neuer Dom, Linz, Austria MUSICA VIVA MV 30-1094 1989 Toccata Tanz-Toccata Pamela Decker (organ) Organ of Saint Mark’s Cathedral, Seattle, Washington Arkay AR 6091 (CD 1989) 1989 WU-Chor Wien Dem König aller Zeiten, Grad dort WU-Chor Wien, Johannes Prinz (conductor) Schwan 117 005 (CD 1989) 1990 Five Centuries of Sacred German Music O Jesu, all mein Leben bist du* Grad dort**

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discography 315 Harvard-Radcliffe Collegium Musicum, *Scott Tucker (conductor), **Jameson Marvin (conductor) Holden CD001 (CD 1990) 1990 Orgellandschaft Wien In Festo Corporis Christi Elisabeth Ullmann Rieger Organ (1984), parish church Neu-Ottakting, Vienna, Austria MD+G O 3343 (CD 1990) 1990 Tsuji Organ 35th Anniversary. Peter Planyavsky Plays Tsuji Organ *Nun komm’, der Heiden Heiland (Variationen) **Three Chorale Preludes: “Som lilliens hjerte” “Min sjael du Herren love” “Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele” Peter Planyavsky (organ) Tsuji organs: *Salesian Boys Home in Tokyo, **Yashima Church, Kagawa, Japan Tsuji Organ 35th Anniversary (not for sale) (CD 1992) 1991 Organ Music by J. S. Bach, Anton Heiller and Meter Møller Choralvorspiele zu Liedern des dänischen Gesangbuchs Kleine Partita über das dänische Lied “Den klare sol går ned” Sven-Ingvart Mikkelsen (organ) Frobenius organ, Simon Peterskirke, Koldin, Denmark Point records 5104 (CD 1991) 1992 Anton Heiller: Adventmusik Adventmusik for oboe, violin, children’s choir, and organ (1971) Three Chorale Preludes from Choralvorspiele zu Liedern des dänischen Gesangbuchs: “Det hellige kors”; “Sorrig og glaede”; “Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele” Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita) (1944) “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (Orgelsatz) (1977) Nun komm’, der Heiden Heiland (Variationen) (1973) Helmut Binder (organ), Children’s choir of the Sacré Cœr Riedenburg/Bregenz, Hubert Herburger (conductor) Pflüger organ (1991), Chapel of the Vorarlberger Landeskonservatorium, Feldkirch, Austria ORF (Hubert Herburger) HH CD 001 (CD 1992)

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1992 Chorus Viennensis: A Cappella 2 Du liebes Jesulein “Weil der Tag nun fanget an” Chorus Viennensis, Guido Mancusi (conductor) Koch 9205 02 (CD 1992) 1992 Die neue Orgel im Stephansdom zu Wien Ecce lignum crucis (1967) Meditation: für Orgel Peter Planyavsky (organ) New cathedral organ (Rieger 1991), Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna, Austria Motette-Ursina 11641 (CD 1992) 1992 Österreichisches Bundesjugendsingen 1992 in Kärnten Nörgeln Collegium Vocale, Norbert Matsch (conductor) Franz Honegger FH 921 (CD 1992) 1994 Anton Heiller: Vesper Vesper for cantor, soloists, choir, and organ (1977) Klaus Kuchling (organ), Nikolaus Fheodoroff (conductor), Kärntner Madrigalchor Klagenfurt, Austria Tyrolis CD 351 091 (CD 1994) 1994 Peter Planyavsky spielt Werke von A. Heiller und J. S. Bach Victimae Paschali Laudes Tanz-Toccata Drei kleine Choralvorspiele: “Valet will ich dir geben”; “Der Tag ist hin”; “Mit Fried und Freud fahr ich dahin” Peter Planyavsky (organ) Gollini organ (1984), Saint Martin, Klosterneuburg, Austria WAR Records WAR CD 940862 (CD 1994) 1995 1. Internationaler August Gottfried Ritter Orgelwettbewerb Tanz-Toccata Torsten Laux (organ) Jehmlich organ, Georg Philipp Telemann concert hall, Magdeburg, Germany Music Alliance MA-DE 95 09 700 (CD 1995)

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discography 317 1997 Anton Heiller: Adventmusik—Passionsmusik Adventmusik Victimae Paschali Laudes Passionsmusik “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” Helen Tilmans (oboe), Yvonne Franssen (violin), Jan van de Lar (organ), Nationaal Kinderkoor, Silvère van Lieshout (conductor) Stichting Samenwerkende Nederlandse Korenorganisaties SNK 003 (CD 1997) 1997 Die Hildebrandt-Orgel in der Wentzelskirche zu Naumburg Ecce lignum crucis Irene Greulich (organ) Hildebrandt organ, Wentzelskirche, Naumburg, Germany Metrix EW 1001 (CD 1997) 1997 Jozef Serafin—Organy Katedry w Kamieniu Pomorskim Ecce lignum crucis Jozef Serafin (organ) Berendt/Kaminski organ, cathedral of Kamien, Poland DUX 0209 (CD 1997) 1997 Orgelmusik in der Konstantinsbasilika zu Trier Tanz-Toccata Ekkehard Schneck (organ) Organ in the Konstantinsbasilika, Trier, Germany JANSONG Records EMI-F 665 734 (CD 1997) 1997 Scherzo—Skizze—Tanz Tanz-Toccata Elke Völker (organ) Scherpf organ, Kaiserdom, Speyer, Germany Motette-Ursina CD 12341 (CD 1997) 1998 Kirchenmusik aus der Lutherischen Stadtkirche Wien “Gaudete” Andrea Wögerer (soprano), Arno Hartmann (organ) Extraplatte EX 372 098-2 (CD 1998)

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1998 Orgelweihe 1998 Pfarrkirche St. Jakob und St. Leonhard Hopfgarten im Brixental Tanz-Toccata Peter Planyavsky (organ) Metzler organ, parish church Hopfgarten, Brixental, Austria Nikolaus Erber, 6361 Hopfgarten 001 (CD 1998) 1999 Dances sacreées et profanes (Musik für Harfe und Orgel): Tänze aus 4 Jahrhunderten Tanz-Toccata Sybille Franz (organ) Janke organ (1968), Lutherkirche, Holzminden, Germany Ambiente ACD 9914 (CD 1999) 1999 Glocken und Rudigier-Orgel im Linzer Mariendom In Festo Corporis Christi Fantasia super “Salve regina” Wolfganz Kreuzhuber (organ) Rudigier organ (Marcussen 1968), Neuer Dom, Linz, Austria Motette-Ursina 12521 (CD 1999) 1999 Great European Organs Vol. 40 Fantasia super “Salve Regina” John Scott (organ) Organ in the Cathedral of Saint Giles, Edinburgh, UK Priory Records PRY 485 (CD 1999) 1999 Organ Music for Christmas Nun komm, der Heiden Heiland Roger Judd (organ) Organ at Saint George Chapel, Windsor Castle, England Herald Records HRLD 225 HAVPCD 225 (CD 1999) 1999 Soli Deo Gloria Tanz-Toccata Arvid Gast (organ) Schuke organ, Kirche zum Heilsbronnen, Berlin-Schöneberg, Germany Christophorus CHE 0101-2 (CD 1999) 1999 Stimme und Orgel im 20. Jahrhundert Jubilatio (1976)

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discography 319 Zwei geistliche Gesänge (1959) (“Optavi”, “Gaudete”) “Drei kleine Choralvorspiele”: “Valet will ich dir geben”; “Der Tag ist hin”; “Mit Fried und Freud fahr ich dahin” Junko Baba (soprano), Peter Hödlmoser (organ) Beckerath organ (1980), Wallfahrtskirche, Sankt Wolfgang, Austria HaBa 99103 (CD 1999) 1999 Weihnachtslieder von Advent bis Dreikönig Grad dort Schönster Herr Jesu Wiener Madrigalchor, Xaver Meyer (conductor) Preiser Records Vienna PR 91052 (CD 1999) 2000 Advent und Weihnachten Nun komm der Heiden Heiland Christian Ringendahl (organ) Göckel organ, Saint Nikolaus, Markdorf, Germany Aeolus AE 20151 (CD 2000) 2001 Österreichische Chormusik Gepriesen sei die Heilige Dreifaltigkeit Wir preisen den Himmelsgott Wiener Madrigalchor, Xaver Meyer (conductor) Preiser Records PR 90417 (CD 2001) 2002 Nachtgebet (Die Koberorgel Stift Heiligenkreuz) “Valet will ich dir geben” “Der Tag ist hin” “Mir Fried und Freud fahr ich dahin” Hannes Marek (organ) Kober organ, Stift Heiligenkreuz, Austria Preiser Records PR 90510 (CD 2002) 2002 Orchesterkonzert. Leitner—Sauseng—Gattermeyer—Heiller. ÖGZM live recording, June 6, 2002 (broadcast for ORF radio Ö1) Organ Concerto Roman Summereder (organ), Niederösterreichisches Tonkünstlerorchester, Peter Planyavsky (conductor) ORF: Radio Kulturhaus Wien ÖGZM CD-0152

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2003 Die Jann-Orgel von St. Josef in Memmingen. Christian Weiherer spielt Orgelmusik aus drei Jahrhunderten Tanz-Toccata Christian Weiherer (organ) M7 Records 8.10305 (CD 2003) 2004 Modern Organ Music In Festo Corporis Christi Peter Sykes (organ) Organ at the Neskirkja (Noack op. 135), Reykjavik, Iceland Raven OAR-640 (CD 2004) 2004 Orgel Krems: Ronald Peter—Orgel / Martin Klimek—Violine Tanz-Toccata Vesper (Vorspiel/Zwischenspiel/Nachspiel) Ronald Peter (organ) Hradetzky organ (1986), Stadtpfarrkirche Saint Veit, Krems, Austria KirchenTonArtKrems, Kobalt Records AustroMechana 001014 (CD 2004) 2004 Orgellandschaft Oberösterreich VIII Fantasia super “Salve Regina” Roman Summereder (organ) “Bruckner organ,” Stift Sankt Florian, Oberösterreich, Austria Weinberg records SW 010226-2 (CD 2004) 2004 Salve Regina. Chor- und Orgelmusik in der Basilika Mariazell Lasst uns erfreuen herzlich sehr Wunderschön prächtige Gerhard Rehor (organ) Mathis organ, Basilika Mariazell, Austria RLB 2004 (CD 2004) 2005 Cathedral Music. Klemens Schnorr an den Orgeln im Freiburger Münster Ecce lignum crucis* Victimae paschali laudes** Klemens Schnorr (organ) The organs of the Freiburg Münster: *choir organ: Rieger 1964/ Fischer+Krämer 1990; **Marienorgel: Rieger 1965 Motette MOT 13236 (CD 2005)

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discography 321 2005 In Dulci Jubilo. Orgelmusik zur Weihnacht Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita) (1944) “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (Orgelsatz) (1977) Elisabeth Ullmann (organ) “Paul Peuerl organ” (Felsberg Orgelbau/CH 2003), Saint Georg, Horn, Niederösterreich, Austria IFO 00 075 (CD 2005) 2006 Christmas Rhapsody (A Christmas Organ Tour—Five Organs in and near Boston) “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” Marian Ruhl Metson (organ) Five organs in and near Boston, Massachusetts Raven OAR-260 (CD 2006) 2007 Gillian Weir on Stage at Symphony Hall, Birmingham Tanz-Toccata Gillian Weir (organ) Klais organ, Symphony Hall, Birmingham, UK Priory PRCD-86 (CD 2007) 2007 The English Cathedral Series Vol. 13—Roger Sayer Plays Organ Music from Rochester Tanz-Toccata Roger Sayer (organ) The organ of Rochester Cathedral, UK Regent REGN 227 (CD 2007) 2008 Klangfarben Grad dort Wiener Kammerchor, Michael Grohotolsky (conductor) WKC 38 003 (CD 2008) 2012 Orgellandschaft Oberösterreich XVI Variationen über “Nun komm der Heiden Heiland” Peter Planyavsky (organ) Pirchner organ, Stadtpfarrkirche Saint Michael, Steyr, Oberösterreich, Austria Weinberg records SW 010425-2 (CD 2012) 2013 Anton Heiller (1923–1979) Sämliche Orgelwerke Vol. 1

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discography

(Erste) Sonate (1944/45) Zwei kleine Partiten (1947): Freu dich sehr, oh meine Seele; Vater unser im Himmelreich Zweite Sonate (1947) Präludium und Fuge A-Dur (1949) Roman Summereder (organ) “Bruckner organ,” Stift Sankt Florian, Oberösterreich, Austria Ambiente Audio ACD-2027 (CD 2013) 2013 Anton Heiller (1923–1979) Sämtliche Orgelwerke Vol. 2 In Festo Corporis Christi (1957) Postludium super “Ite missa est XI” (1958) Fantasia super “Salve Regina” (1963) Ecce Lignum Crucis (1967) Victimae Paschali Laudes (1974) Drei kleine Choralvorspiele (1975) Jubilatio (1976) Es ist ein Ros entsprungen (Partita and Orgelsatz) (1944/77) Roman Summereder (organ) “Bruckner organ,” Stift Sankt Florian, Oberösterreich, Austria Ambiente Audio ACD-2028 (CD 2013) 2013 The Organ Music of Anton Heiller Tanz-Toccata (1970) Kleine Partita über das Dänische Lied “Den klare sol går ned” (1977) Passacaglia c-Moll (ca. 1940/42) Kleine Partita “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (1944) Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich (1974) “Som lilliens hjerte” (1977) “Freu dich sehr, o meine Seele”: Vorspiel, Choral, Nachspiel Vorspiel, Zwischenspiel und Nachspiel aus der Vesper für Kantor, Chor und Orgel (1977) Jubilatio (1976) Orgelsatz “Es ist ein Ros entsprungen” (1977) Mark Steinbach (organ) Rudolph von Beckerath organ (1962), Saint Paul’s Cathedral, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania LOFT, LRCD-1136

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Bibliography Essays and Articles Published by Anton Heiller “Chorales of the Clavierübung Part 3.” Diapason 53, no. 10 (October 1962): 8. “Franz Schmidt in memoriam.” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 3, no. 5 (1949): 8–9. “Liturgisches Orgelspiel.” Der Alpenländische Kirchenchor 4, nos. 4–5 (1950): 59–60, 72–73. “Matrei 1949.” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 4, no. 1 (1949): 10–11. “Neue Kirchenmusik—Ihre Bedeutung für die praktische Chorarbeit.” Musica Orans 2, nos. 4/5 (1950): 15–16. “Probleme um die neue Orgel des Stephansdomes.” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 15 (October 1960): 457–60. “Zur Kantate ‘In principio erat verbum.’” Musik und Kirche 35 (1965): 111–12. “Zur ‘Passionsmusik’ für Kinderchor und Orgel.” Musik und Gottesdienst 28, no. 1 (1974): 26–27.

Other Sources Aigner, Clemens Franz. “O Meer der Seligkeiten: Stilistische Entwicklungen im geistlichen Chorwerk Anton Heillers.” Master’s thesis, University of Vienna, 2002. Anglberger, Albert. “Anton Heiller: Schwerpunkt im Fest zur Orgelweihe.” In Domorgel St. Stephan, Wien: Festschrift zur Orgelweihe am 13. September 1991, edited by Peter Planyavsky and Walter Sengstschmid, 40. Vienna: Orgelmusikverein St. Stephan, 1991. Bach, Carl Philipp Emanuel. Versuch über die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen. Berlin, 1753. Reprint, edited by Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1976. Bailey, Thomas Lee. “Anton Heiller and His Influence on American Organists and Organ Builders.” Unpublished, 2002. Bamer, Alfred. “Unsere Komponisten—Franz Krieg.” Chorblätter 6, no. 3 (1951): 16–17. Barnes, William “Europe’s Old Organs as Seen by American Designer and Critic.” Diapason (October 1955): 11, 32; and (November 1955): 23, 31. Botz, Gerhard. “‘Deutsche Auferstehung’: Die Verführung des greisen Tonsetzers Franz Schmidt.” In Musik in Wien 1938–1945: Symposium 2004, edited by Carmen Ottner, 33–65. Vol. 15 of Studien zu Franz Schmidt. Vienna: Doblinger 2006.

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Careek, Arthur. “Letter to the Editor.” Diapason (February 1959): 19. Davidowicz, Anton. “Rund um die Orgel: Anno Domini 19. . .” Singende Kirche 7, no. 4 (1960): 162–64. Dietrich, Ronny. “Das Wiener Konzerthaus.” In Musik in Österreich, edited by Gottfried Kraus, 327. Vienna: Brandstätter, 1989. Dupré, Marcel. Erinnerungen. Translated by Hans Steinhaus. Kassel: Merseburger, 1981. Egger, Joseph. “Zur 10. kirchenmusikalischen Werkwoche in Matrei am Brenner (August 25–30, 1952).” Musica orans 5, no. 1 (1952): 11–12. Estermann, Kurt. “Neue Orgel in der Stiftskirche Wilten.” Das Orgelforum 11 (2008): 52–64. Gamsjäger, Rudolf. “Aus dem Tagebuch nach Noten.” In Hundert Jahre Goldener Saal: Das Haus der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde am Karlsplatz (unpaginated). Vienna: Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, 1970. Gant, Robert E.“Gespräch mit Anton Heiller: Winston-Salem/USA, 26–29 Oktober 1972; zusammengestellt und übersetzt von Thomas Schmögner.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 11–16. ———. “The Organ Works of Anton Heiller.” PhD diss., Eastman School of Music, University of Rochester, 1975. https://urresearch.rochester.edu/institutionalPublicationPublicView.action;?institutionalItemId=5830 (accessed March 15, 2013). Gartner, Sigrid Maria. “Anton Heiller als Pädagoge.” Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts, Graz, 2004. Gauss, Karl-Markus. Die sterbenden Europäer. Vienna: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 2001. Glück, Sebastian M., Thomas Lee Bailey, and Monica Torrey. “One Heart, One Soul: Anton and Erna Heiller.” American Organist, March 2004, 52–55. Harison, Marie Aimé Joel. Anton Heiller: Pionier der Orgel- und Kirchenmusik Österreichs nach der Kriegszeit. Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kova
, 2005. Harmon, Thomas. “A Tribute to Anton Heiller.” American Organist, July 1979, 38–39. Harvard CD Booklet. “Anton Heiller. The Legendary Performances at Harvard University.” Two booklets included in a boxed set of 3 CDs. Produced by Josiah Fisk and David Moran, undated (probably 2001). Haselböck, Hans. “Begegnungen mit Anton Heiller: Stationen auf dem Weg zur Meisterschaft.” In Musikalische Dokumentation Anton Heiller, 10–18. Vienna: Musiksammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek/Institut für österreichische Musikdokumentation, 1999. ———. Die Hradetzky-Orgel im Stift Wilten.” In Studia Wilthinensia Artis Organi, Band 2. Orgelrestauration und Orgelbau in Österreich nach dem 2. Weltkrieg. Egon Krauss zum 100. Geburtstag. Tagungsbericht 2006, edited by Kurt Estermann, 46–55. Innsbruck: Helbling, 2008. ———. Ein Dokument neoklassischer Orgelkunst.” Singende Kirche 46, no. 1 (1999): 15–20. Herzfeld, Friedrich. Musica Nova: Die Tonwelt unseres Jahrhunderts. Berlin: Ullstein Verlag, 1954. Hufnagel, Markus. “Der Orgelprospekt am Beispiel der von Carry Hauser gestalteten Anton Heiller Orgel der Universität für darstellende Kunst und Musik

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bibliography 325 in Wien.” Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts, Vienna, 2006. Isser, Wilhelm. Karl Koch. Innsbruck: Tyrolia, 1969. Jakob, Friedrich. Die Festorgel in der Stiftskirche Klosterneuburg: Geschichte und Restaurierung der Freund-Orgel von 1642. Vol. 133, Veröffentlichung der Gesellschaft der Orgelfreunde. Vienna: Mayer, 1990. Jaud, Reinhard. “Egon Krauss (1905–2005) . . . ein Nachruf aus Tirol.” Das Orgelforum 7 (2005): 3652. Jaud, Reinhard, and Gottfried Almer. “Von Wilten nach Stephanshart.” Das Orgelforum 11 (2008): 34–50. Kahmann, Ben. “In Memoriam Anton Heiller.” Gregoriusblad 103, no. 2 (1979): 114–15. Katt, Leopold. “Der Junge Chor: Vom einstimmigen Singen.” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 6, no. 3 (1950): 9–12. Kaunzinger, Günther. “Notizen zum Orgelspiel in den USA.” Musik und Kirche 51, no. 5 (1981): 231–33. ———. Zum Tode von Virgil Fox.” Musik und Kirche 51, no. 5 (1981): 238. Klein, Rudolf. “Anton Heiller.” Östereichische Musikzeitschrift 9 (1954/55): 143. ———. “Programmheft Konzerthaus.” June 14, 1973. Kloppers, Jacobus. Die Interpretation und Wiedergabe der Orgelwerke Bachs: Ein Beitrag zur Bestimmung von stilgerechten Prinzipien. Frankfurt/Main: 1966. Kosch, Franz. “Akademie für Musik Wien.” Singende Kirche 4, no. 1 (1956): 27. ———. “Anton Heiller: A Viennese church musician.” Program booklet for a Philharmonic concert (which Heiller conducted), January 21, 1968. ———. “Bedroht das Vatikanische Konzil unsere traditionelle Kirchenmusik?” Singende Kirche 11, no. 2 (1963/64): 53–57. ———. “Die Kirchenmusikabteilung der Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Wien.” Singende Kirche 1, no. 1 (1953): 31–32. ———. “40 Jahre Abteilung für Kirchenmusik.” Musica orans 2, nos. 4–5 (1950): 4–6. ———. “Neue Kirchenmusik.” Musica orans 1, no. 5 (1949): 2–3. Krauss, Egon. Die Orgeln Innsbrucks. Vol. 1, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft, edited by Walter Salmen. Innsbruck: Musikverlag Helbling, 1977. ———. “Zur Neuorientierung des Orgelbaus: In memoriam Sybrand Zachariassen.” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 15, no. 12 (1960): 593–94. Krieg, Franz. “Das kirchenmusikalische Schaffen in Österreich. Teil 2: Seit Lechthaler.” Singende Kirche 2, no. 1 (1954): 25–31. ———. “Neue Noten und Bücher: Anton Heiller: Kleine Messe über Zwölftonmodelle für gem. Chor acapp.” Singende Kirche 10, no. 3 (1963): 139. ———. “Notizen: Aus aller Welt.” Der alpenländische Kirchenchor 1, no. 6 (August 25, 1947): 13–14. Krones, Hartmut. “Das Reich . . . ein Volk . . . zu Deutschlands Größe: Große Intervalle für große Inhalte in Franz Schmidts Deutsche Auferstehung.” In Ottner, Musik in Wien 1938–1945, 141–72. Lawrence, Arthur. “Anton Heiller Taken by Death in Vienna: Famed Organist Dead at 55.” Diapason 17, no. 5 (April 1979): 1, 15.

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Latzin, Ellen. Lernen von Amerika? Das US-Kulturaustauschprogramm für Bayern und seine Absolventen. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005. Liske, Anja. “Gregor Hradetzky—Mensch und Werk 1909–1964.” Master’s thesis, University for Music and Performing Arts, Vienna, 2005. Lukan, Danja. “Anton Heiller und seine zwei geistlichen Gesänge Optavi und “Gaudete”.” Master’s thesis, College for Music and Performing Arts, Vienna, 1991. Marigold, W. G. “Austrian Church Music Experiences Extensive Revival.” Diapason (May 1956): 18. McNaspy, C. J. The Motu Proprio of Church Music of Pope Pius X: A New Translation and Commentary. Toledo: Gregorian Institute of America, 1950. Meyer, Michael. The Politics of Music in the Third Reich. New York: Peter Lang, 1991. Nadler, Hans. Der Orgelbau in Vorarlberg und Liechtenstein. 4 vols. Dornbirn: Vorarlberger Verlagsanstalt, 1985. Ottaway, Hugh. “Unmodish Music.” Musical Times 106, no. 1472 (1965): 786. Ottner, Carmen, ed. Musik in Wien 1938–1945: Symposium 2004. Vol. 15: Studien zu Franz Schmidt. Vienna: Doblinger 2006. Permoser, Manfred. “Die Wiener Symphoniker im NS-Staat.” Musikleben: Studien zur Musikgeschichte Österreichs. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Musikgeschichte an der Universität für Musik und Darstellende Kunst 9. Frankfurt: Lang, 2000. Peeters, Paul. “Die ‘Nederlandse Organisten Vereniging’ und die Orgelreformbewegungen des 20. Jahrhunderts.” In Aspekte der Orgelbewegung, edited by Alfred Reichling, 139–82. Kassel: Merseburger 1995. Pius X. “Motu proprio.” In Sacra Musica: Lexikon der Katholischen Kirchenmusik, edited by Andreas Weissenbäck, 133–46. Klosterneuburg bei Wien: Verlag der Augustinus-Druckerei, 1937. Planyavsky, Peter. “Die Kirchenmusik in Österreich trägt ein deutsches Antlitz: Miscellen zur Situation der Orgel-und Kirchenmusik in Österreich 1938–1945.” In Ottner, Musik in Wien 19381945, 25668. Poulenc, Francis. “D’Autriche: Un nouveau musicien: Anton Heiller.” Countrepoints nos. 5–6 (1946): IV. Prilisauer, Richard. “Erinnerungen an Anton Heiller.” Vol. 39, ARS ET VITA. Vienna: private publication, 1990. Richter, Ursula. “Kompositionstechniken bei Anton Heiller.” Master’s thesis, Mozarteum, University of Salzburg, 2003. Rainer Maria Rilke, Briefe an einen jungen Dichter. Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1929. Romanovsky, Erich, ed. Congress Report Second International Congress on Catholic Church Music Vienna, October 4–10, 1954. Vienna: Exekutivkomitee des 2. Internationalen Kongresses für katholische Kirchenmusik, 1955. Rotter, Herbert. “Orgelneubauten in Wien von 1945–1985 oder der zaghafte Wandel.” Master’s thesis, University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, 2002. Schabasser, Josef. “Merkwürdig!” Singende Kirche 14, no. 3 (1967): 133. ———. “Neue Noten und Bücher: Anton Heiller—Deutsches Ordinarium.” Singende Kirche 14, no. 4 (1967): 189.

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bibliography 327 ———. “Neue Noten und Bücher: Anton Heiller—Missa super modus duodecimalis für gem. Chor und sieben Instrumente.” Singende Kirche 9, no. 1 (1961): 39. ———. “Zu unserer Notenbeilage.” Singende Kirche 8, no. 1 (1960): 19. Schosland, Wilhelm. “Berliner Tage der Musica Sacra vom 15.–18. September 1962.” Singende Kirche 10, no. 2 (1962–63): 62–63. Schmit, Jean Pierre. “Liturgie und Volksgesang: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Forderung der lateinischen Sprache.” In Romanovsky, Congress Report, 203–7. Schmögner, Thomas. “Anton Heiller—A Controversial Composer.” American Organist, June (1995): 50–51. ———. “Gespräch mit Marie Claire Alain.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 33–36. ———. “Gespräch mit Nicholas Danby.” Unpublished. ———. “Gespräch mit Hans Haselböck.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 43–48. ———. “Gespräch mit Erna Heiller.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 17–26. ———. “Gespräch mit H. C. Robbins Landon.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 53–58. ———. “Gespräch mit Gustav Leonhardt.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 41–43. ———. “Gespräch mit Kirsten Pedersen.” Unpublished. ———. “Gespräch mit Richard Prilisauer.” Unpublished. ———. “Gespräch mit Michael Radulescu.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 49–51. ———. “Gespräch mit Luigi Ferdinando Tagliavini.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 37–39. ———. “Gespräch mit Roman Summereder.” Unpublished. ———, ed. In memoriam Anton Heiller (1923–1979). Vienna: Österreichisches Orgelforum, 1989. ———. “Zeittafel.” In Schmögner, In memoriam Anton Heiller, 5–10. Schosland, Wilhelm. “Berliner Tage der Musica Sacra: 31. Generalversammlung des ACV.” Singende Kirche 10, no. 2 (1965/66): 62–63. Schuhenn, Rainer. “Franz Schmidts oratorische Werke.” Vol. 8, Studien zu Franz Schmidt. Vienna: Doblinger, 1990. Schütz, Karl. “Der Mozartsaal des Wiener Konzerthauses hat keine Orgel mehr!” Österreichisches Orgelforum, nos. 2 and 3 (1992): 335–37. Summereder, Roman. Aufbruch der Klänge. Materialien, Bilder, Dokumente zu Orgelreform und Orgelkultur des 20. Jahrhunderts. Innsbruck: Helbling, 1995. Szeless, Georgina. Augustinus Franz Kropfreiter. Linz: Trauner Verlag, 2006. Tittel, Ernst. “Der schaffende Musiker und die Enzyklika.” Singende Kirche 4, no. 4 (1957): 8–9. ———. Die Lechthaler-Schule.” Musica Orans 1, no. 3 (1949): 3. ———. Die Wiener Musikhochschule. Vienna: Verlag Elisabeth Lafite, 1967.

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———. Österreichische Kirchenmusik: Werden, Wachsen, Wirken. Vol. 2, Schriftenreihe des Allgemeinen Cäcilien-Verbandes für die Länder der Deutschen Sprache. Vienna: Herder, 1961. ———. “Zur Entwicklung der modernen Kirchenmusik.” Singende Kirche 8, no. 1 (1960): 6–12. Urbancic, Sybill. “Anton Heiller: Zum Orgelkonzert.” In Domorgel St. Stephan, Wien: Festschrift zur Orgelweihe am 13. September 1991, edited by Peter Planyavsky and Walter Sengstschmid, 4041. Vienna: Orgelmusikverein St. Stephan, 1991. Vardell Sandresky, Margaret. “Fulbright Fragments from Germany 1955–56.” American Organist May (2003): 58–61. Voss, Peter L. “Neue Orgelreihe.” Musik und Kirche, no. 4 (1981): 196–98. Walcha, Ursula. “Helmut Walchas Lebenslauf.” In Bachstunden: Festschrift für Helmut Walcha, edited by Walter Dehnhard and Gottlob Ritter, 174–78. Frankfurt: Evangelischer Pressverband Hessen und Nassau, 1978. Walter, Rudolf. “Gregorianischer Choral und gottesdienstliches Orgelspiel.” In Romanovsky, Congress Report, 254–57. Watchorn, Peter. Isolde Ahlgrimm, Vienna and the Early Music Revival. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007. Winkler, Gerhard J. “Deutsche Auferstehung: Plan und Gestalt einer Huldigungsmusik.” In Ottner, Musik in Wien 19381945, 113–40. Whitney, Craig R. All the Stops: The Glorious Pipe Organ and Its American Masters. New York: Public Affairs, 2003.

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Index of Names Works by Anton Heiller are indexed separately in the list of compositions. Abas, Mathys, 180 Aeschlimann, Hans Peter, 115 Ahlgrimm, Isolde, 12, 14, 43, 97 Ahrend, Jürgen, 36, 62 Ahrens, Joseph, 5, 31, 52, 151 Alain, Jehan, 46, 54, 111, 177, 226, 227 Alain, Marie Claire, 39, 53–55, 64–69, 79, 87, 88, 94, 110, 113, 117, 121, 177, 185, 198, 220, 223, 226 Alain, Olivier, 69 Alcini, Ilaro, 198, 199 Anderson, Aksel, 210 Anderson, Robert, 92 Andriessen, Hendrik, 55 Angerer, Paul, 5, 13–5, 27–30, 152, 169 Anglés, Higini, 165 Ansermet, Ernst, 15, 32 Apostel, Hans Erich, 98, 164 Asma, Feike, 74 Atkinson, Gordon, xi Auer, Werner, 106 Bach, Carl Philipp Emanuel, 29, 219 Bach, Johann Christoph, 29 Bach, Johann Sebastian, 47, 15, 24, 27–29, 31, 35, 38, 39, 41, 43, 45, 67, 69, 72, 80, 84, 107, 108, 119, 133, 152, 210, 232, 235 Badings, Henk, 48, 76 Bailey, Thomas Lee, 91, 186 Barone, Michael, 67 Bartok, Bela, 28, 98, 151–52 Becker, Willy, 9 Beethoven, Ludwig van, 7, 31 Beneder, Friedl, 35, 161, 165 Berg, Alban, 98, 151

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Berger, Theodor, 30 Berlioz, Hector, 8 Bernstein, Leonard, 28 Bialas, Günter, 116, 178 Bihn, Friedrich, 45, 51, 53, 63, 64 Billeter, Bernhard, 47 Bish, Diane, 77 Böhm, Georg, 30, 31, 226 Bolt, Klaas, 53, 56 Bonnet, Joseph, 77, 78 Boulez, Pierre, 234, 235 Bozeman, George, 83 Brahms, Johannes, 5, 8, 27, 31, 101, 226 Braun-Becker, Emmi, 9 Bresgen, Cesar, 15 Britten, Benjamin, 138 Brix, Hans, 130, 132 Brombaugh, John, 93, 94 Bruckner, Anton, 8, 32, 107, 157, 164, 170 Bruhns, Nikolaus, 5, 31, 73, 226 Brunzema, Gerhard, 62 Bucher, Josef, 191 Buchsbaum, Elisabeth, 19, 124, 125 Bunting, Suzanne Kidd, 91 Busch, Wilhelm, 166 Buxtehude, Dietrich, 5, 28, 31, 93, 226 Byrd, William, 21 Caldara, Antonio, 6 Casella, Alfredo, 15, 50, 51 Cavaillé-Coll, Aristide, 50, 51, 196, 230 Cochereau, Pierre, 74 Colbert, Henry, 77 Collon, Patrick, 123 Corelli, Antonio, 28

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330

index of names

Corrinth, Hans Martin, 115 Costa, Othmar, 38 Couperin, Francois, 117, 118 Craighead, David, 78 Crozier, Catherine, 78, 113 Dallapiccola, Luigi, 116, 151 Danby, Nicolas, 68 Daveluy, Raymond, 77 David, Johann Nepomuk, 5, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 62, 80, 84, 111, 152, 153, 155–57, 160, 163, 164, 170, 179, 183, 197, 207, 226, 227, 235 Dawidowicz, Anton, 24, 98 Daxsberger, Ludwig, 49 de Klerk, Albert, 48–50, 76, 176, 178 de Klerk, Jos, 48, 196 Debussy, Claude, 15 Demessieux, Jeanne, 49, 51–53, 74, 76 Denis, Michael, 162 Desormière, Roger, 14 Dichler, Josef, 4, 18 Distler, Hugo, 153, 157 Dittrich, Rudolf, 5 Dopf, Hubert, 12 Doppelbauer, Josef Friedrich, 166, 190 Downes, Ralph, 68, 69 Dresden, Sem, 53 Dunkin, Miriam Klapp, 77 Dupré, Marcel, 6, 46, 72, 74, 77, 78, 94 Duruflé, Maurice, 61, 77 Ebert, Jörg, 35, 39 Eckert, Jean, 58 Eckhardt-Gramattè, Sonia, 27, 138, 151, 166 Edelmann, Otto, 19 Eder, Helmut, 98 Edskes, Bernhard, 119n54 Edskes, Cor, 53 Egk, Werner, 15 Eibner, Franz, 25, 97 Erb, James, 91 Erb, Ruth, 91 Extermann, Marinette, 102, 104, 132, 134, 142, 143, 182, 203

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Falter, Franz, 58 Farr, Robert, 77 Ferris, John, 92, 148, 149 Fheodoroff (Groysbeck), Annemarie, 40, 62 Fiala, Erich, 14, 97 Fisk, Charles, 76, 83, 84, 92, 93, 122 Flentrop, Dirk, 26, 44, 63, 64, 93 Forer, Alois, 25, 37, 38, 104–7, 111, 144, 230, 231 Fox, Virgil, 74, 87 Franck, Cesar, 54, 170, 226, 227 Frescobaldi, Girolamo, 118, 232 Freundt, Johann, 23 Fricker, Peter Racine, 116 Fricsay, Ferenc, 31 Frieberger, Rupert Gottfried, 214 Froberger, Johann Jakob, 37 Froitzheim, H. (?), 191 Füssl, Karlheinz, 172 Fuhrmann, Christa, 44 Furtwängler, Wilhelm, 8, 9, 18, 151 Gallos, Hermann, 97n13 Gamsjäger, Rudolf, 13, 25, 108 Gant, Robert, 115, 155, 177 Gartner, Sigrid, 10, 97, 98, 101 Gavoty, Bernard, 135 Gebhard, Hans, 191 Geluk, Daaf J. A., 48 Gerhard, Wiltrud, 16 Germani, Fernando, 60, 74, 77, 109 Gillesberger, Hans, 9, 12, 20, 110, 159, 160, 163, 190 Giraudoux, Jean, 150, 151 Glass, Judy, 57, 78, 90, 94, 122, 126, 147, 148 Gleason, Harold, 78 Gollini, Herbert, 39, 66, 121, 227 Gresser, Hans, 27 Griesinger, David, 148–49 Groer, Cardinal, Hans Hermann, 66 Grossmann, Ferdinand, 14, 17, 166, 168, 192 Groysbeck. See Fheodoroff Gruber, Heinz Karl, 235 Grünberger, Bruno, 38–39

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index of names Guillou, Jean, 109 Guilmant, Alexandre, 227 Gullo, Danielle, 115 Händel, Georg Friedrich, 8, 29, 95, 109, 119, 121 Haerdtel, Heinrich, 117 Hallock, Peter, 86 Hambraeus, Bengt, 235 Handel (née Salis-Samaden), Johanna, 179, 186 Handel, Bernhard, 118 Harison, Marie Aimé Joel, 70 Harmon, Thomas, 148 Haselböck, Hans, 34, 56–59, 65, 96, 98, 105, 110, 114, 116, 122, 126, 178–79, 218–19, 225, 228, 230–31 Haselböck, Luzia, 101 Hasse, Adolph, 162 Hauer, Joseph Matthias, 98, 170, 182 Hayashi, Yuko, 77–78, 90–91, 121, 131 Haydn, Joseph, 107, 157 Heer, Friedrich, 201 Heiller, Anton (sr.) Max, 1–3, 7, 10, 12, 83, 120, 127, 132, 141, 202 Heiller, Bernhard, 126, 128, 138–39, 141–42, 144, 206 Heiller, Birgit, 126, 131, 138–42 Heiller, Erna, 1, 3, 4, 6–10, 14–19, 27–28, 30–32, 35, 37–39, 42–43, 45–46, 50–59, 63, 65, 76–78, 83, 90, 96, 101–2, 106, 110, 120, 124–26, 128, 130–32, 135–38, 140–43, 146, 150–52, 165, 206 Heiller (née Senfelder), Lina, 1, 120, 127–28, 137–38, 141–42 Heintze, Hans, 59 Heitmann, Fritz, 59 Hellmers, Grant, 91 Hendrix, Wim, 59 Henking, Arwed, 46 Henking, Monika, 46, 115–57, 120, 144, 157, 184, 211–12 Henze, Hans Werner, 174 Hesse, Hermann, 127, 194 Hilber, Johann Baptist, 45–46 Hilbert, Egon, 19

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Hindemith, Paul, 5, 14–15, 27–30, 36, 56, 69, 82–84, 96, 98–99, 111, 120, 122–23, 148–49, 151–52, 154, 164, 169–70, 183, 196, 224, 226–27 Hochstetter, Armin Caspar, 15 Högner, Friedrich, 59 Höller, Karl, 61 Hoffmannsthal, Hugo von, 177 Hofhaymer, Paul, 39 Holloway, Robin, 69 Holtkamp, Walter Jr., 143–44 Honegger, Artur, 14–16, 27, 173, 177 Horvath, Milan, 123 Howes, Arthur, 75–77, 79 Hradetzky, Gerhard, 111, 114 Hradetzky, Gregor, 39, 66, 110–12, 114, 119 Hurford, Peter, 69 Illenberger, Franz, 24 Innitzer, Cardinal Theodor, 172 Isaak, Heinrich, 15n34 Jacob, Werner, 54 Jaeggi, Oswald, 21, 45, 190–91 Jamöck, Ludwig, 3 Jaud, Reinhard, 22 Jeans, Susi, 68 Jelinek, Hans, 155n11 Jenkins, Paul, 77 Jeritza, Maria, 172 Jolivet, André, 116 Justitz, Heinz, 122 Kabasta, Oswald, 17 Kahmann, Bernhard, 59 Karajan, Herbert von, 6, 18, 32, 151 Kastner, Gertrud, 145, 194 Katt, Leopold, 166–68 Kauffmann, Johann, 5, 23, 26 Kaufmann, Armin, 30 Kaufmann, Franziska, 99, 161–62, 190 Kayser, Leif, 191 Kee, Cor, 51, 53, 54 Kee, Piet, 50, 51, 56, 196 Keller, Hermann, 61 Keller, Wolfgang, 169

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Kennedy, John. F., 133 Kerll, Johann Kaspar, 6 Keyzer, Arie, 54 Kidd Bunting, Suzanne, 91 Klebel, Arnulf, 107 Klein, Rudolf, 160–61, 163–64, 172 Klemperer, Otto, 14, 29 Kloppers, Jacobus, 225 Klotz, Hans, 59 Kluge, Manfred, 177 Klump, George, 79, 92, 227, 233 Kneihs (Urbancic), Sibyl, 91, 133, 182, 186, 194, 196 Knessl, Lothar, 234 Knessl, Paul, 202 Kobald, Karl, 97n13 Koch, Karl, 33 Kodaly, Zoltan, 15, 55, 164 König, Cardinal Franz, 111–12 Körner, Theodor, 95 Konrath, Anton, 15 Kont, Paul, 95 Koppitz, Erna, 130 Kosch, Franz, 12, 35, 61, 99–100, 160, 162, 193 Krapf, Gerhard, 85 Krauss, Egon, 22–25, 34–40, 42–43, 47, 52, 57–58, 62–63, 65–66, 107, 110, 228–230 Krebs, Johann Ludwig, 44 Kremer, Marie, 121, 142, 147, 203 Kremer, Rudolf, 77, 105 Krenek, Ernst, 14–15, 27, 116 Kreuzhuber, Wolfgang, 125 Krieg, Franz, 35, 158–59, 163, 165, 173, 187 Krips, Joseph, 17, 19–20 Kronsteiner, Hermann, 99, 193 Kronsteiner, Joseph, 24 Kropfreiter, Augustinus Franz, 235 Kroschy, Karoline, 9 Kubizek, Augustin, 98 Kundi, Paul, 97 Kurz, P. Severin, 130 LaBerge, Bernard R., 77 Labor, Josef, 5

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Lafite, Peter, 27 Langlais, Jean, 74, 77, 203 Lechthaler, Josef, 12–13, 21–22, 96, 99–100, 153, 158, 160, 173 Lemacher, Heinrich, 61 Leonhardt, Gustav, 46–49, 53–54, 78, 98, 113, 128, 219, 221, 223–24 Lerperger, Kurt, 4, 12, 29, 42, 152 Lessky, Friedrich, 124 Ligeti, György, 235 Lindner, Alf, 61 Liszt, Franz, 73, 226 Litaize, Gaston, 37, 51, 69, 113, 117, 232 Löbl, Karl, 173 Loriod, Yvonne, 14 Lübeck, Vincent, 6, 44 Lully, Jean Baptist, 210 Lutz, Verena, 148 Mahler, Gustav, 151 Marchal, André, 68, 74, 94 Marckhl, Erich, 15 Marier, Theodore, 203 Marksteiner, Leopold, 13 Martin, Frank, 19, 30–32, 47, 95, 98, 173–74, 177, 198, 226–28, 235 Martinez, Maria Teresa, 115 Martinu, Boleslav, 32 Marx, Joseph, 4, 9, 15, 166 Mautner-Markhof, Manfred, 13, 172 Mayr, Michael, 144, 187 McFarlane, Karen, 89 Melles, Carl, 17, 122 Mendelssohn, Felix, 226 Mertens, Volker, 275n61 Mertin, Josef, 3, 24, 97, 100, 153 Messiaen, Olivier, 13–14, 16, 46, 116, 120, 123, 135, 177–78, 202–3, 226 Metson, Marian Ruhl, 91, 148 Metzger, Hans-Arnold, 59 Meyer-Welfing, X., 19 Meyer, Xaver, 161 Milaud, Darius, 28 Miller, Max, 91 Mitterhofer, Alfred, 234 Mlczoch, Franz, 3

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index of names Molzer, Ferdinand, 23, 26 Monn, Georg Matthias, 29 Moralt, Rudolf, 8, 14 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 4, 7–8, 21, 48, 157 Mück, Wilhelm, 3, 5, 25, 153, 231–32 Müller, Christian, 48 Müller, Eduard, 46 Muffat, Georg, 5, 118, 226 Murtagh, Lilian, 69, 77, 79, 81–83, 87–89, 122 Nadler, Hans, 41 Nebois, Josef, 12, 24 Nelson, Steve, 21 Neumann, Hubert, 24, 35, 40–41 Neumann, Paul, 35, 61 Neumann, Richard J., 28 Nilius, Rudolf, 30 Nowakowsky, Anton, 59, 61 Obermayr, Joseph, 48–50, 52–53, 55, 63–64 Ochse, Orpha, 77 Österreicher, Karl, 197 Olsen, Charley, 104 Orff, Carl, 15 Ortner, Erwin, 194 Oussoren, Hendrik Leendert, 63–64 Pach, Walter, 6, 42, 57, 97, 105, 193 Pachelbel, Johann, 6, 118 Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, 21, 29, 157, 170 Palmer, Larry, 77 Panhofer, Walter, 30 Paukert, Karel, 77, 84 Pedersen, Kirsten Stig, 104, 123, 209–10 Peeters, Flor, 50, 61, 74, 77 Peeters, Paul, 53 Penderecki, Krzysztof, 116, 204 Perkins, Franklin E., 77, 223 Peterson, Jay, 78, 148 Peterson, Sheryl, 78 Pfiffner, Ernst, 45, 191 Pfitzner, Hans, 7, 15–16, 30

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Pirchner, Johann Jr., 35, 41–42 Pirchner, Johann Sr., 24, 34, 38, 40–42 Pirckmayer, Georg, 32 Piston, Walter, 13, 28 Pius X., Papst, 157, 169 Planyavsky, Peter, 115 Porpora, Nicola, 28 Poulenc, Francis, 13, 95, 121, 150–51 Power Biggs, Edward, 35, 74, 74, 87, 92, 119 Praetorius, Michael, 4 Prilisauer, Richard, 6, 12, 16, 18, 22 Prohaska, Felix, 5, 27 Quack, Erhard, 179 Radulescu, Michael, 90, 109, 113–15, 123, 204, 207 Rakich, Christa, 91, 121 Rameau, Jean-Philippe, 118, 221 Ramin, Günter, 6 Rapf, Kurt, 6, 12–14, 27–28, 31, 37–38, 154 Rasmussen, Mary Jeane, 123 Ravel, Maurice, 15 Reckling, Michael, 69–70 Recktenwald, Fritz, 7 Reda, Siegfried, 54 Reger, Max, 5–6, 15, 27–28, 34, 44, 58, 61, 68, 84, 93, 111, 117, 152, 154, 200, 208, 226–27 Reichel, Helmut, 46 Reidinger, Friedrich, 4, 8, 15, 100–101, 164 Reimann, Alfred, 192 Respighi, Ottorino, 16, 30 Reubke, Julius, 226 Reutter, Hermann, 8 Richter, Karl, 50, 60, 74, 107, 110–11 Richter, Ursula, 202 Rilling, Helmuth, 60 Ritter, Gottfried August, 226 Robbins Landon, H. C., 20, 43–44, 98, 146, 164, 170 Robert, Georges, 48 Roberts, Steve, 87, 104, 183

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334

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Röttger, Heinz, 15 Rohner, Hans, 125 Romanovsky, Erich, 162, 179, 193 Roschitz, Karlheinz, 205 Rossini, Giacomo, 8 Rubin, Marcel, 172 Rumsey, David, 66, 147 Saathen, Friedrich, 172 Sacher, Paul, 14, 16, 30 Saint-Saens, Camille, 196 Salis-Samaden. See Handel Scarlatti, Domenico, 119 Schabasser, Josef, 23–24, 188, 192, 202 Schack, Graf Hans, 65, 132, 225 Scheidt, Samuel, 6, 226 Schein, Johann Herrmann, 168 Scherchen, Hermann, 156 Schildknecht, Josef, 185 Schiske, Karl, 14–15, 30, 169 Schlick, Arnold, 125 Schmid, Ludwig, 4 Schmid, Marcel, 115 Schmid, Reinhold, 16 Schmidt, Franz, 1, 5–7, 15–17, 28, 30–32, 34, 36, 55, 61, 64, 68, 95, 101, 107–8, 111, 117, 122, 137, 151–53, 155, 179, 227 Schmögner, Thomas, 98, 121, 181 Schneider, Michael, 37, 59, 61, 74 Schnitger, Arp, 59 Schönberg, Anton, 14, 98 Schoenberg, Stig Gustaf, 227 Schollum, Robert, 107 Scholz, Rudolf , 17, 38, 105, 122–23 Schott, Anselm OSB, 132n13 Schouten, Henri, 76 Schreier, Peter, 17, 122 Schreker, Franz, 101 Schröder, Hermann, 61 Schrödter, Fritz, 2–3 Schubert, Franz, 2, 8, 139 Schütz, Franz, 4–7, 12, 22, 24–25, 68, 98 Schütz, Heinrich, 6, 29, 168 Schütz, Karl, 113 Schwarb, Egon, 47

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Schweitzer, Albert, 58, 122, 228 Seebohm, Andrea, 109 Seefehlner, Egon, 13, 19 Segond, Pierre, 37, 50 Seidlhofer-Suchanek, Hilde, 101 Seidlhofer, Bruno, 4, 6–7, 30, 97–98, 150, 152, 218 Senfelder. See Heiller Siegl, Otto, 15 Sittner, Hans, 97n13, 114–15 Skelton, Carolyn, 78, 91 Skelton, John, 91 Skorzeny, Fritz, 15, 172 Smend, Friedrich, 61 Smith, Carl, 9, 84 Sokolowski, Viktor, 15 Solomon, Seymour, 117–19 Sonnleitner, Johann, 219 Sowerby, Leo, 13 Spitzl, P. Bruno, 130 Spitzmüller-Harmersbach, Alexander, 164 Sprongl, Norbert, 15 Stadlmair, Hans, 98 Staeps, Hans Ulrich, 15 Staplin, Carl, 77 Steemers, Jos, 59 Steinbauer, Othmar, 15 Steuermann, Eduard, 151 Stevens, Bruce, 91 Stockhausen, Karlheinz, 234–35 Straube, Karl, 5, 46, 59, 68 Strauss, Richard, 15 Strawinsky, Igor, 14–16, 98, 170, 173, 175 Summereder, Roman, 182, 218, 232 Supper, Walter, 109n36 Sutherland, W. J., 57 Swarowsky, Hans, 21 Sweelinck, Jan Pieterszoon, 5 Tachezi, Herbert, 123 Tagliavini, Luigi Ferdinando, 37, 39, 54, 56, 62, 64, 68, 80–81, 87–88, 110, 113, 121, 198, 220 Takács, Jenö, 15 Tallis, James, 78

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index of names Tchaikovsky, Piotr Iljitsch, 18 Tittel, Ernst, 35, 61, 100–101, 115, 158, 166, 170, 187, 190, 193 Toebosch, Louis, 49, 51, 56, 171 Tournemire, Charles, 178 Trummer, Johann, 214 Tully, Alice, 87 Uhl, Alfred, 15, 169, 234 Uray, Ernst Ludwig, 15 Urbancic. See Kneihs, Sibyl van der Horst, Anton, 49 van der Meulen, Marius, 43 Vente, Maarten Albert, 76 Verdi, Giuseppe, 8, 19 Veselá, Alena, 70 Viderø, Finn, 74, 76 Vierne, Louis, 77, 170, 226–27 Viganelli, Ferruccio, 61 Villon, Francois, 173–74, 191 Vivaldi, Antonio, 28 Vogel, Ernst, 98 Vogel, Harald, 76n12 Vogel, Rudolf, 125 Vogg, Herbert, 14, 173 von Beckerath, Rudolf, 63, 111 Wagner, Oswald, 114 Wagner, Richard, 107 Walcha, Helmut, 44, 59–60, 68, 74, 76, 109, 116, 119

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Walcker-Meyer, Werner, 108 Walter, Karl, 5–6, 12, 23, 25, 97–99, 101, 105–6, 144, 153, 217, 231 Walter, Rudolf, 179 Walton, William, 16, 30 Watchorn, Peter, 97–98 Wawak, Milo von, 28 Webern, Anton von, 151, 235 Weinrich, Carl, 119 Weir, Gillian, 69 Weiser, Peter, 110, 113 Weiss, Dieter, 206 Weissensteiner, Raimund, 12, 164 Welitsch, Ljuba, 172 Wellesz, Egon, 116 Werba, Erik, 166 Wesely, Anton, 23, 25–26, 132 Widor, Charles-Marie, 226–27 Wieninger, Herbert, 166 Wildgans, Friedrich, 164, 174 Wiltrud, Gerhard, 115 Wobisch, Helmut, 21 Woolen, Russell, 203 Wührer, Friedrich, 31 Zachariassen, Karin, 57, 65 Zachariassen, Sybrand, 52–53, 57, 62, 64–65 Zallinger, Meinhard von, 4, 21 Zehnder, Jean Claude, 47, 95, 115 Zika, Wilhelm, Jr., 66 Zika, Wilhelm, Sr., 3, 39–40, 153

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Index of Subjects Aarhus, Denmark, 64, 123, 209–10 Åbenraa, Denmark, 65 Absam, Austria, 33–37, 227 Aigen, Austria, 214 Akademie-Kammerchor, 21 Albuquerque, New Mexico, 78, 86, 90, 148 Alkmaar, Netherlands, 50–51, 58, 196 Amden, Switzerland, 26 Amersvoort, Netherlands, 230 Amras, Austria, 38–39, 41 Amsterdam, Netherlands, 48, 55, 58, 62, 65, 89 Andover, Massachusetts, 75–76, 79–80 Ann Arbor, Michigan, 85 Arnhem, Netherlands, 115 Arosa, Switzerland, 115 Australia, 101 Bach interpretation (Heillerb’s), 27, 41, 44, 60–62, 66–67, 72, 76–79, 81, 85–86, 90, 92–94, 96, 99, 102, 105, 109, 11, 113, 115, 117–18, 144–45, 216–25 Bach interpretation (of others), 59–63, 74, 109, 216–25 Bach masterclasses, 46, 54, 56–57, 77, 79, 81, 84–86, 98–90, 92, 94, 102, 125, 224–25 Bad Gastein, Austria, 7 Baden-Baden, Germany, 166, 191 Baden, Austria, 2 Baltimore, Maryland, 76 Barcelona, Spain, 69 baroque music revival, 6, 26, 60–62, 68, 74, 76, 97, 218 Bartholomäberg, Austria, 39, 42, 133 Basel, Switzerland, 26, 46, 58

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Belgrade, Serbia, 70 Bergöntzle (Organ builder), 39 Berlin, Germany, 8–9, 33, 59, 96, 170, 190, 197, 201 Bern, Switzerland, 26, 65, 226 Beverwijk, Netherlands, 58 Bielefeld, Germany, 58 Bludesch, Austria, 23 Bogota, Colombia, 83 Boise, Idaho, 180 Bologna, Italy, 68, 115 Bolzano/Bozen, Italy, 190 Boston, Massachusetts, 78, 82–84, 91, 148, 203–4 Boy Town, Nebraska, 91 Bratislava, Slovakia, 70 Bregenz, Austria, 17, 107, 203 Bremen, Germany, 59 Brno, Czech Repubic, 70–71 Brugge, Belgium, 115 Brussels, Belgium, 50, 71, 123, 152, 161, 169, 179 Budapest, Hungary, 164 Cambridge, Massachusetts, 74, 83, 86–87, 91–92, 148–49, 182, 203 Canada, 74, 77, 79, 83, 87 catholic, specific mention, 56, 58, 131– 34, 136, 142–43, 157–58, 199, 212 Caux-au-Lac, Switzerland, 130 Charlotte, North Carolina, 85 Chartres, France, 69 Christiansborg, Denmark, 64 Cincinnati, Ohio, 86 Claremont, California, 86 Cleveland, Ohio, 84, 86, 143, 225 Collegedale, Tennessee, 94 Cologne, Germany, 59, 61

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338

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Copenhagen, Denmark, 63–64, 66, 80, 152 Czerny. See Hoffmann & Czerny

Gregorian chant, 99–100, 152, 156–63, 167–71, 174, 176, 178b83, 185–86, 193–95, 204, 214, 232

Dallas, Texas, 87, 198 Den Haag, Netherlands, 58, 222 Denmark, 45, 63, 65–67, 101, 114, 117–18, 123, 125, 132, 209–10, 220, 229 Denver, Colorado, 89 Doetinchem, Netherlands, 26 Donaueschingen, Germany, 166, 191 Dorking, Great Britain, 68, 132 Dornbach (Vienna), Austria, 1–3, 10, 100, 120, 125–26, 130, 138–39, 140–41 Dubrovnik, Croatia, 70 Düsseldorf, Germany, 208

Haarlem, Netherlands, 44-46, 48-59, 61–62, 64, 71, 75–77, 82, 87–88, 102, 104, 117, 125, 137, 141–42, 145, 176–77, 196, 220, 223, 230 Hälsingborg, Sweden, 66–67, 104, 119 Hälsingør, Denmark, 66n32 Hamburg, Germany, 51, 53, 96, 111 Hartford, Connecticut, 91 Hastings, Nebraska, 78 Heemstede, Netherlands, 48 Heeswijk, Netherlands, 58 Heiligenkreuz, Austria, 1, 24 Heiller as a coach, 6–7, 16–18 Heiller as a conductor, 8, 16–18, 20–21, 26, 29–31, 35, 46, 54, 56, 69, 87, 95–95, 107, 121–25, 152, 173, 197–98 Heiller as a continuo player, 6, 21, 28, 85, 98 Heiller as a harpsichordist, 6, 18, 20, 28–29, 32, 97–98, 118 Heiller as a jury member, 38, 55, 61, 69, 85, 145 Heiller as a pianist, 7, 27–31, 138, 150–52 Heiller as a singer, 3–4, 6, 22, 26, 29 Heiller as organ consultant, 21–26, 40–41, 63–64, 110 Heiller recordings: radio, 36, 60–62, 64, 69, 96, 111, 123 Heiller recordings: records, 39, 43–44, 58–59, 60–62, 66–67, 75, 84, 104, 117–20, 123, 146, 148–49 Heiller, health issues, 45, 57, 83, 89, 102, 104, 121–26, 128, 148 Heiller, teacher in Vienna, 96–98, 101, 104–95, 115, 118, 123, 144 Helsinki, Finland, 67 Herzogenburg, Austria, 231 Hilversum, Netherlands, 55, 64 Hladik. See Heiller, Erna Hoffmann & Czerny (organ builder), 24

Edinburgh, Great Britain, 168 Edlitz, Austria, 40 Eisenstadt, Austria, 18 electric action. See key action ERATO (record company), 117, 120 Essen, Germany, 96, 176–77 Esslingen, Germany, 59 Evanston, Illinois, 86, 92 Flentrop (organ builder), 52–53 Fort Collins, Colorado, 86–87, 89, 91 Fort Wayne, Indiana, 85 France, 46, 69, 88, 113, 121, 151 Frankfurt, Germany, 59, 96, 116 Freiburg, Germany, 63, 191 Fulda, Germany, 61, 156 GDR (German Democratic Republic), 70 Geneva, Switzerland, 45, 50, 104, 115, 119 Germany (FDR), 33, 59, 88, 101 Glendale, California, 81 Göttweig, Austria, 66n29 Götzis, Austria, 35 Gottschee, 168 Graz, Austria, 24, 40, 115, 204, 214 Great Britain, 121, 131–32

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index of subjects Hollabrunn, Austria, 68 Holstebro, Denmark, 64 Houghton, New York, 85 hymn playing, 13, 35, 45, 84, 98. 106, 231–34 Iceland, 83, 91 Igls, Austria, 38 improvisation, 22, 49–52, 68, 74, 92, 102, 117, 124, 181, 225, 231–34 improvisation, contest, 48–51, 54, 56 improvisation, teaching, 45, 52–53, 57, 84, 145, 231–34 improvisation, themes, 51 Independence, Missouri, 86 Innsbruck, Austria, 22, 24, 33, 35, 37–39, 42, 61, 118, 133, 161–62 Italy, 67, 101, 121, 220 Ithaka, New York, 85 Japan, 101, 131 Kammerchor (Vienna), 14 Kammerorchester (Vienna), 14, 30 Karnabrunn, Austria, 25 key action, electric, 23, 66, 73, 76, 93, 108, 117, 229 key action, tracker, 34, 37, 39–40, 66, 74, 76, 90, 93, 108, 110, 117, 218, 227 Klagenfurt, Austria, 40–41, 66 Klosterneuburg, Austria, 4, 23, 42, 47, 62, 117, 227, 232 Konzerthaus (Vienna), 5–6, 12–14, 16–17, 21, 27–32, 109–14, 134, 152 Korneuburg, Austria, 113 Krems, Austria, 66 Kuhn (organ builder), 25, 42, 58, 87 Lauterach, Austria, 40 Lawrence, Kansas, 86 Leipzig, Germany, 60 Lemgo, Germany, 37, 62 Lemvig, Denmark, 64 Lilienfeld, Austria, 117, 122 Linz, Austria, 24, 49, 66, 116–17, 122 Lissabon, Portugal, 70

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liturgy rule after Vatican II, 169, 193, 202, 204 liturgy rule before Vatican II, 99, 131, 133–34, 157, 165, 169, 178, 132n13 Ljubljana, Slovenia, 168 Loenen, Netherlands, 44 London, Great Britain, 68, 116 Los Angeles, California, 80 Lourdes, France, 141 Lübeck, Germany, 60 Luzern, Switzerland, 17, 45, 122, 179 Madrid, Spain, 69 Manchester, Great Britain, 69 Marbella, Spain, 70 Marcussen (organ builder), 57–58, 63, 66, 114, 116 Mariazell, Austria, 139, 141 Matrei, Austria, 21, 35, 167, 232 Mauracher (organ builder), 43 Messina, Italy, 75 Metzler (organ builder), 42–43, 58, 119, 229 Milano, Italy, 68, 110, 197 Minneapolis, Minnesota, 176 Møgeltønder, Denmark, 65 Montreal, Canada, 77, 81 Montserrat, Spain, 116 Mount Vernon, Iowa, 86 Münster, Germany, 190–91 Munich, Germany, 50, 59, 61, 96, 107, 109, 131, 145 Music Academy of Vienna, Austria, 5, 13, 18, 35, 65, 96, 98, 104–5, 113–15, 138–39, 144 Musikverein (Vienna)5–7, 12–14, 19, 23, 25–26, 28–29, 32, 96, 99–100, 107–9 Netherlands, 26, 43, 48, 53, 58–59, 62–63, 71, 86, 121, 132, 137, 147 Netstal, Switzerland, 119 New Haven, Connecticut, 91 New York City, New York, 54, 82–83, 86–87, 96, 117–19 Nijmegen, Netherlands, 58–59

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nondiatonic, 99–100, 155n11, 158, 166, 168, 170–71, 178, 181–83, 186–94, 196–98, 201–4, 234 Nuremberg, Germany, 63, 115, 178, 197 Nyborg, Denmark Oberlin Conservatory, 91 objectivism as a musical concept, 59, 109, 158–59, 161, 194, 219 Odense, Denmark, 64 Oldenburg, Germany, 206 Olomuc, Czech Republic, 70 Opera, Vienna. See Wiener Staatsoper organ building (in general), 21–26, 63–66, 72–73, 91, 93–96, 100, 106–8, 114, 116, 120–21 organ concertos, 21, 56, 69–70, 82–83, 87, 107, 110, 113, 121–22, 196–98 organ restoration, 23, 34–35, 38–39, 42, 45, 53, 62–64, 85, 110, 113, 230–31 Ottobeuren, Germany, 181 Palo Alto, California, 86 Paris, France, 49, 151, 164, 169, 177, 230 Pasadena, California, 80, 86 performance of Heillerb’s works, 167, 180, 182–85, 202, 207, 210 Perugia, Italy, 18 Philharmoniker, Wiener, 6, 8, 14–15, 18, 21, 48, 108 Philips (record company), 43–44, 118 Pisa, Italy, 115 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 85 playing from memory, 68, 73, 79 Poiters, France, 69 Poland, 70, 101 Portugal, 69, 119 Prague, Czech Republic, 71, 84 Preiser (record company), 43–44 programming, 5–6, 34, 65, 80, 111, 113, 179, 225–28, 230 Providence, Rhode Island, 86, 93 Quebec City, Canada, 86 Quedlinburg, Germany, 152

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Ravenna, Italy, 115 registration aids, 58, 68, 73, 88, 117, 218 registrations, 109, 113, 216–29 registrations, Heillerb’s, 111, 180, 182– 83, 185–86, 207, 216–29 Reichsmusikhochschule. See Music Academy of Vienna, 1, 4, 6, 7, 22 religiosity, Heillerb’s, 26, 38, 56, 128, 130–36, 140, 142–43 Richmond, Virginia, 91 Rieger (organ builder), 110 Rochester, New York, 86 Rohrbach, Austria, 124 romantic music (in general), 5, 34–35, 162, 226–27 romantic organs, 5, 113, 170, 196, 226–27, 230 Rome, Italy, 18, 19, 165, 187, 198 Rotterdam, Netherlands, 58, 227 s’Hertogenbosch, Netherlands, 230 Salzburg, Austria, 19, 24, 31, 39, 48, 107, 151, 177 San Diego, California, 86 San Francisco, California, 86 Schackenburg, Denmark, 65 Schaffhausen, Switzerland, 184 Scheveningen, Netherlands, 62 Schlägl, Austria, 38–39, 118, 157, 214, 230 Schruns, Austria, 39 Schuke (organ builder) (Berlin), 96 Seattle, Washington, 86, 90 Seckau, Austria, 106 Semmering, Austria, 104, 206 Sibratsgfäll, Austria, 40 Singakademie (Vienna), 17, 31, 125 Singverein (Vienna), 1, 2, 6, 7–8, 12, 17–19, 28 Sorø, Denmark, 125 South Africa, 125 Spain, 69 Speyer, Germany, 179 St. Albans, Great Britain, 69, 115 St. Florian, Austria, 24, 42, 47, 117, 235

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index of subjects St. Germain-en-Laye, France, 69 St. Johann am Wald, Austria, 159 St. Louis, Missouri, 54, 77, 80, 82, 84, 90–91, 132, 142, 147, 203, 223 St. Maurice, Switzerland, 44, 58 St. Stephen’s Cathedral (Vienna), Austria, 3-4, 23, 25–26, 66, 113, 124, 132, 148 Staatsakademie (Vienna). See Music Academy of Vienna, 12 Staatsoper (Vienna), 2, 9, 10, 19–20, 23, 46, 106 Stephanshart, Austria, 39 Stockholm, Sweden, 163 stop action, electric, 23, 68, 73, 76, 93, 108, 117, 229 stop action, mechanical, 34, 37, 39, 68, 74, 76, 88, 93, 108, 110, 117, 218 Stuttgart, Germany, 59, 62 Sweden, 86, 101, 118 Switzerland, 22, 26, 33, 42, 44–48, 58, 67, 88, 101, 121, 130, 143, 220, 227 symbols, musical, 61, 94, 163, 168, 181-82, 185, 197, 197n42, 201, 203–4, 206–7, 212, 214, 224, 225 Symphoniker (Vienna), 4, 15, 30–32 Syracuse, New York, 86 Thalwil, Switzerland, 44, 69, 121–22, 147, 211–12, 214 Tirol. See Tyrol, Austria Tokyo, Japan, 197 Toledo, Ohio, 94 Tønder, Denmark, 64 Tonkünstler Orchester Niederösterreich, 16, 29 tracker action. See key action

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twelve tone composition, 126, 155n11, 166, 168, 170–71, 174–75, 181, 186–94, 196–98, 201–4, 206, 209, 214, 234 Tyrol, Austria, 24, 26, 33, 35, 38, 47 Udine, Italy, 157 Unterweissenbach, Austria, 35 Urbana, Illinois, 86 Utrecht, Netherlands, 57–58, 227, 230 Vanguard (record company), 117–20 Venice, Italy, 152 Vevey, Switzerland, 60 Vienna, Austria, 1, 8, 9, 13, 16, 133, 153 Volksoper (Vienna), 1 von Beckerat (organ builder), 77, 93 Vorarlberg, Austria, 26, 33, 35, 39, 41–42, 47, 176 Wädenswil, Switzerland, 26 Walcker (organ builder), 5, 37, 39, 119, 218 Wald, Switzerland, 44, 156 Waldhausen, Austria, 42, 167 Waterbury, Connecticut, 85 Wayne, Pennsylvania, 86 Wettingen, Switzerland, 42 Wiesbaden, Germany, 19 Wilten, Austria, 38, 119 Winston Salem, North Carolina, 87 Winterthur, Switzerland, 102 Wolfurt, Austria, 40, 229 Wooster, Ohio, 85 Zürich, Switzerland, 46, 96, 207 Zwolle, Netherlands, 44, 53, 58

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“Peter Planyavsky’s book accomplishes a difficult task: that of doing justice to the life of a monumental musician. Planyavsky, himself an organist of international prominence, avoids the pitfall of presenting Heiller as primarily an organist, instead presenting a compelling picture of Heiller as the complete musician, giving ample room to a discussion of his career as a conductor as well as to a discussion of his many compositions. The result is a comprehensive and engaging account of a person who was a dominant figure in European musical culture for several decades of the twentieth century and whose influence was felt far beyond the circle of the Viennese musical scene.” —WILLIAM PORTER, Eastman School of Music (University of Rochester)

Front cover image: Anton Heiller at the organ, about 1969. Back cover image: Anton Heiller conducting, about 1957. Courtesy of the Anton Heiller Estate.

668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620-2731, USA P.O. Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.urpress.com

PLANYAVSKY

PETER PLANYAVSKY was Anton Heiller’s successor as an organ professor in Vienna, and organist of St. Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna from 1969 through 2004. He is also a prolific composer, improviser, and conductor. CHRISTA RUMSEY, a former student of Heiller’s, translated the book from the original German.

A N TO N H E I L L E R

A

NTON HEILLER is one of the twentieth century’s most renowned and influential organists. Born in 1923, Heiller was trained in Vienna and rose to prominence quickly, giving his first solo recital at the age of twenty-two. Before concentrating on the organ exclusively, he was a successful conductor of the symphonic repertoire, and, from 1945 until his untimely death in 1979, he was professor of organ at the University of Music and Performing Arts in Vienna. His interpretations of Bach, which included registration and articulation, as well as a consideration of the theological underpinnings, would change the way Bach is played. Anton Heiller: Organist, Composer, Conductor provides an assessment of Heiller’s works and teaching, while also examining his complex personality, one torn between strong religious devotion and the world of artistry. The narrative also offers a unique view of the organ world in the decades after World War II, featuring the important organs, builders, and organists across North America and Europe.

A N TO N HEILLER

Organist, Composer, Conductor PETER PLANYAVSKY Translated by Christa Rumsey