Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum (Tigray, Northern Ethiopia) – Ca. 900 BCE–800/850 CE 9781407314747, 9781407344911

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Table of Contents
List of Figures
Introduction
CHAPTER 1. Environmental setting
CHAPTER 2. Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence
CHAPTER 3. Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures
CHAPTER 4. The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment
CHAPTER 5. Classifying surface archaeological records
CHAPTER 6. Modelling ancient settlement patterns
CHAPTER 7. A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city
CHAPTER 8. Ancient land exploitation strategies and soil erosion dynamics: new evidence from palaeoagricultural and archaeological studies
CHAPTER 9. Final overview and future agenda
APPENDICES
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

ANCIENT SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE AREA OF AKSUM

Luisa Sernicola obtained her PhD at the University of Naples ‘L’Orientale’, with a research project on the ancient settlement pattern of the area of Aksum, northern Ethiopia. Since 2005, Luisa has been conducting archaeological investigations in the area and is now co-director of the Italian Archaeological Expedition of ‘L’Orientale’ at Aksum.

SERNICOLA  

________

BAR  S2860  2017  

This English version of the author’s PhD dissertation, revised and updated in the light of the latest research and interpretation, aims to reconstruct the settlement pattern of the area of Aksum between the early 1st millennium BCE and the late 1st millennium CE. It describes the field strategies employed during surveys conducted at Aksum in 2005 and 2006 and the procedures that were adopted for the interpretation and chronological classification of the surface archaeological records. It also provides an updated assessment of the archaeological area of Aksum, including an overview of the taphonomic processes affecting the preservation of archaeological sites, and presents the results of the statistical and spatial analysis undertaken for the reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern and for the investigation of the ancient dynamics of humanenvironmental interactions in the area.

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum (Tigray, Northern Ethiopia) – Ca. 900 BCE–800/850 CE Luisa Sernicola

BAR International Series 2860 9 781407 314747

B A R

2017

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum (Tigray, Northern Ethiopia) – Ca. 900 BCE–800/850 CE Luisa Sernicola

BAR International Series 2860 2017

Published in by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum (Tigray, Northern Ethiopia) – Ca. 900 BCE–800/850 CE © Luisa Sernicola The Author’s moral rights under the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reser ved. No par t of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any for m of digital for mat or transmitted in any for m digitally, without the written per mission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407314747 paperback ISBN 9781407344911 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407314747 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing Banbury Rd, Oxford, [email protected] + ( ) + ( ) www.barpublishing.com

,

To my beloved parents, for teaching me since childhood to look down to test the ground before taking my next step.

To Rodolfo and Laurel, with many, many, many thanks.

To Rocco…and Peppe.

Table of Contents Introduction

1

Aims and methodology The book chapter by chapter Acknowledgements

1 5 6

Chapter 1 Environmental setting

9

Geology and geomorphology Soil types and distribution Water resources Climatic fluctuations and environmental dynamics Vegetation and fauna

9 12 12 13 14

Chapter 2 Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence Sixteenth to nineteenth century European travellers, missionaries and explorers Archaeological research from the early 20th century to present time The Deutsche Aksum-Expedition The Italian occupation The Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology The years between 1970 and 1974 From the recommencement of archaeological research to date Conclusions

Chapter 3 Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures

17 17 19 19 21 22 23 26 29

31

Surveying the landscape: field procedures and data collection The 2005 survey of Bieta Giyorgis and adjacent areas The Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Survey Project

31 32 34

Chapter 4 The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment

39

The archaeological area of Aksum: some quantitative analysis Causes of degradation and alteration of the surface exposure of archaeological records in the area of Aksum Taphonomic processes in farming areas Taphonomic processes in forested areas Taphonomic processes in urban areas Taphonomic processes in fallow grounds and pasturelands Conclusions

Chapter 5 Classifying surface archaeological records

39 42 42 44 44 45 46

47

Site interpretation Chronological classification Conclusions

47 52 53

Chapter 6 Modelling ancient settlement patterns

55

Frequency, dimension and distribution of sites Non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings

55 55 v

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Elite residential and/or administrative buildings Religious buildings, cemeteries and other ritual places Lithic workshops Infrastructures and landmarks Mestah Werki

Chapter 7 A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city The monuments of Aksum: an overview Monumental buildings Funerary structures Thrones The urban landscape at Aksum’s apogee Conclusions

62 70 71 71 76

77 77 77 79 80 81 86

Chapter 8 Ancient land exploitation strategies and soil erosion dynamics: new evidence from palaeoagricultural and archaeological studies The study-area Palaeoagricultural evidence The contribution of archaeology Abandonment as main cause of soil erosion: historical and ethnographical comparisons Conclusions

Chapter 9 Final overview and future agenda

89 89 90 91 92 94

95

Aksum’s development from the early 1st millennium BCE to the late 1st millennium CE: a synthesis Beyond Aksum Future agenda and conclusions

95 102 103

Appendices Appendix 1 List of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale”

105

Appendix 2 Interpretation of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale”

108

Appendix 3 Chronological classification of the Surface Archaeological Records detected at Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” 111

Appendix 4 List of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project

114

Appendix 5 Interpretation of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project

119

Appendix 6 Chronological classification of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project

Bibliography

124

129

vi

List of Figures Fig. 1 – Map showing the location of Aksum. Fig. 2 – The study-area outlined on the 1:50,000 topographic map. Fig. 3a – Map showing the plain of Aksum, the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho in the centre, and the surrounding reliefs. Fig. 3b - 3D model showing the hill of Bieta Giyorgis and its morphology from north-east. The model has been elaborated for the joint University of Naples “L’Orientale” (UNO)/Boston University (BU) Archaeological Research Project at Bieta Giyorgis in the framework of the collaboration between UNO and ITABC/CNR. Fig. 4 – Soils ranging from welka to qeyeh in the plain of Aksum. Fig. 5 – Map showing major rivers and streams of the area of Aksum. Fig. 6 – Vegetation cover north of Bieta Giyorgis with bushes, acacias and eucalyptus. Fig. 7 – Map showing the location of the archaeological remains of the area of Aksum reported by 16th to 19th century European travellers, missionaries, and explorers. Fig. 8 – Map with the location of the Aksumite monumental buildings excavated by the DAE. Fig. 9 – Map showing the location of the archaeological remains of the area of Aksum documented by the DAE. Fig. 10 – Map showing major sites detected and investigated by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology. Fig. 11 – Map showing major sites detected and investigated by the BIEA and by University of Rome “La Sapienza” between 1972 and 1974. Fig. 12 – Map showing the location of the sites of the area of Aksum detected by Michels in 1974. Fig. 13 – Map showing the location of major sites detected and investigated by the BIEA between 1993 and 1997 (triangles are excavated sites, circles are surveyed sites). Fig. 14 - Map showing the location of major sites detected and investigated by the UNO/BU expedition between 1993 and 2003 (triangles are excavated sites, circles are surveyed sites). Fig. 15 – Map showing the location of archaeological sites detected and investigated by UNO, Hamburg University and ARCCH. Fig. 16a – Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005 in the framework of the UNO archaeological expedition at Aksum; on the background topographic map. Fig. 16b – Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005 in the framework of the UNO archaeological expedition at Aksum; on the background Ikonos satellite image (b). Fig. 17 – Map showing the location of sites detected during the 2005 UNO survey project. Fig. 18a – Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005/2006 in the framework of the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project; on the background the 1:50,000 topographic map. Fig. 18b – Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005/2006 in the framework of the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project; on the background Ikonos satellite image. Fig. 19 – Map showing the location of sites detected during the World Bank survey project in the greater area of Aksum. Fig. 20 – Map showing the location of surface archaeological evidence detected during the World Bank survey project in the city centre of Aksum. Fig. 21 – The archaeological map of Aksum with all recorded evidence. Fig. 22a – Map showing Zones A, B, and C; on the background Landsat satellite image. Fig. 22b – Map showing Zones A, B, and C; on the background topographic map. Fig. 23 – Graph showing the distribution of archaeological evidence within the different zones. Fig. 24 – Graph showing the percentage of excavated and surface archaeological evidence in the area of Aksum. Fig. 25 - Graph showing the percentage of mounds and surface scatters in the area of Aksum. Fig. 26 – Mounded site in the plain north of Aksum. Fig. 27 - Graph showing the distribution of archaeological records with respect to the topography of the area. Fig. 28 - Graph showing the distribution of archaeological records with respect to present land-use. Fig. 29a – Parts of Aksumite monumental buildings in the city-centre of Aksum; corner-stone of Enda Semeon. Fig. 29b – Parts of Aksumite monumental buildings in the city-centre of Aksum; threshold of Takha Maryam. Fig. 30 – Eroded down ceramics along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis. Fig. 31 – Map of the slopes of the area of Aksum with the archaeological evidence located in pasture lands and fallow grounds. Fig. 32 - Large, carved corner-stone from a presumably monumental building in the area of Addi Gwatiya (east of Ak-

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

sum), site Ak-04-02. Fig. 33 - Occupation site with no evidence of stone structure at Ma Qono, site 05-40. Fig. 34 - Exposed entrance of a tomb in the area of Enda Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, site AK 04-13. Fig. 35 - Mestah Werki slab at Geza Merchan, north-east of Aksum, site 05-32. Figs. 36a-c – Ancient infrastructures in the area of Aksum: a) water cistern at Ela Nagast, Bieta Giyorgis; b) ; syenite quarry at Gobo Dura; c) wine-press (?) at Addi Tsahafi; d) rock-cut steps at Mai Qoho. Fig. 37 - Possible ancient, isolated, standing monolith at Enda Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, north-east of Aksum, site 0601. Fig. 38 – Evidence of present-day manuring in the area of Aksum (courtesy of Giovanni Ferrari, retired Professor, University of Florence, Department of Soil Science and Plant Nutrition). Fig. 39 – Ancient occupation areas at Aksum. Fig. 40 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the pre-Aksumite period. Fig. 41 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Proto-Aksumite period. Fig. 42 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Early Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend). Fig. 43 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Classic Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend). Fig. 44 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Middle Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend). Fig. 45 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Late Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend). Fig. 46 – Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the post-Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend). Fig. 47 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the pre-Aksumite period. Fig. 48 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Proto-Aksumite period. Fig. 49 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Early Aksumite period. Fig. 50 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Classic Aksumite period. Fig. 51 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Middle Aksumite period. Fig. 52 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Late Aksumite period. Fig. 53 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the post-Aksumite period. Fig. 54 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the pre-Aksumite period. Fig. 55 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Proto-Aksumite period. Fig. 56 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Early Aksumite period. Fig. 57 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Classic Aksumite period. Fig. 58 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Middle Aksumite period. Fig. 59 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Late Aksumite period. Fig. 60 – Distribution of lithic workshops during the Early Aksumite period. Fig. 61 – Distribution of lithic workshops during the Classic Aksumite period. Fig. 62 – Distribution of lithic workshops during the Middle Aksumite period. Fig. 63 – Distribution of lithic workshops during the post- Aksumite period. Fig. 64 – Map showing the location of ancient infrastructures in the area of Aksum. Fig. 65 – Distribution of Mestah Werki sites in the area of Aksum. Fig. 66 – Viewshed analysis on the Mestah Werki sites of the area of Aksum. Fig. 67 – Main districts of Aksum’s city-centre. Fig. 68 – Aksumite remains in the districts of Addi Kilte and Kuduku. Fig. 69 – Aksumite remains at Gangua Edaga. Fig. 70 – Aksumite remains in the north-eastern sector of Aksum’s conurbation; in blue the area where thrones could

viii

List of Figures

have been located on the basis of Alvarez’s account. Fig. 71 - Aksumite remains in the south-western sector of Aksum’s conurbation. Fig. 72 – The northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis; in white the study-area. Fig. 73 – Ancient plough-marks on outcropping boulders. Fig. 74 – Graph showing the NN coefficient in the study-area from early to post-Aksumite period. Fig. 75 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the pre-Aksumite period. Fig. 76 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Proto-Aksumite period. Fig. 77 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Early Aksumite period. Fig. 78 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Classic Aksumite period. Fig. 79 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Middle Aksumite period. Fig. 80 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Late Aksumite period. Fig. 81 – The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the post-Aksumite period.

ix

Introduction

– probably allowed some Aksumites to invest their economic surplus in gaining control over the procurement and long-distance distribution of African goods and products. In this perspective, Aksum’s location at the hub of a radiating network of river valleys along which a complex system of intra-regional and inter-regional communication and exchange routes developed undoubtedly played a significant role [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 191]. Starting from the mid-1st millennium BCE, in fact, the area of Aksum was increasingly directly involved in medium- and long-distance exchange circuits, the latter linking the internal regions of the northern Horn of Africa to the Nile Valley, the southeastern and western Mediterranean regions, Southern Arabia, and, later on, the southwestern coastal regions of India [Bard et al. 2002, 31-42; Fattovich, Manzo & Bard 1998, 43-53, 2000; Manzo 2005, 51-66; Phillipson D.W. 2012, 195-208].

Aims and methodology Located on the Tigrean plateau, in the Central Zone of present-day Tigray Regional State (the northernmost of the nine ethnic regions of Ethiopia) at an average elevation of about 2,200 m asl (Fig. 1), Aksum is a relevant religious and historical centre of northern Ethiopia, an important symbol of Ethiopian cultural identity and one of the prominent archaeological areas of the country, included since 1980 in the UNESCO World Heritage Site List. The scanty archaeological evidence available for the most ancient periods of Aksum’s occupation history suggests that humans entered the area at a very early time, 500,000 or more years ago and inhabited it sparsely and, perhaps, discontinuously, until probably 10,000 years ago, when the area around Aksum probably started to be more or less permanently occupied up to the beginning of the 1st millennium BCE, when first evidence of permanent occupation with constructed structures appears [Finneran 1998, 35-42, 2000a, 21-51, 2000b, 53-73, 2000c, 22-26, 2001, 23-31; Phillipson D.W. 1977; Phillipson L. 2000a, 17-22, 2009, 109; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 1-56]. From about the mid-1st millennium BCE, the area progressively developed, emerging, between the 1st/2nd century BCE and the 7th/8th century CE, as the capital city of a powerful polity. At its greatest extent, Aksum stretched its influence as far as the Red Sea coast to the north-east, the western Sudanese lowlands to the west, and the regions to the west of the Takazze river to the south-west, including during the first half of the 6th century CE part of southwestern Arabia [Fattovich et al. 2000, 25; Finneran 2007; Munro-Hay 1991; Phillipson D.W. 2012, 47-50].The early dates and the particularly high level of sophistication of many of the achievements of the Aksumite culture, make the so-called “Kingdom of Aksum” a significant casestudy in the general debate about the emergence of complex hierarchical societies in sub-saharan Africa [Connah 2001, 66-107; D’Andrea et al. 2008, 151-152; Fattovich 2010, 145-175]. Decades of researches by many scholars have resulted in a general reconstruction of the social, economic and political dynamics which characterized the emergence and development of Aksum, including the reasons for its particular location in the western sector of the generally salubrious highlands of the Tigrean plateau. Favourable environmental and climatic conditions – namely, the abundance of water resources and productive soils generated from volcanic rocks [Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 562-563; Sulas, Madella & French 2009, 2-15; Takla Hagos 2010, 139-156], the occurrence of a relatively stable humid phase recorded over the whole Tigrean plateau between the 5th century BCE and the 5th century CE [Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 312-321], and the effectiveness of a long-established economic system based on mixed agricultural products and domesticated livestock

Fig. 1 – Map showing the location of Aksum

According to historical sources, since at least the mid-1st century CE, a wide range of merchandise from the Mediterranean area, including Egyptian clothing, wraps from Arsinoe, cloaks, cotton, and linens as well as glass, brass,

1

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

copper, iron, silverware and goldware, wine from Laodicea and Italy, and olive oil, was imported at the Aksumite sea-port of Adulis (in present-day Eritrea) and exchanged for obsidian, ivory, tortoise shells, rhinoceros horns, hippopotamuses leather, monkeys, gums, emeralds and slaves from the internal regions of the northern Horn [Casson 1989, 52-57]. Archaeological evidence from the region of Aksum confirm what reported by the classical sources on the type of materials imported and anticipates some of these contacts (at least those with Egypt and Nubia) to the late 1st millennium BCE [Fattovich et al. 2000, 25; Manzo 2005, 51-66; Phillipson D.W. 1998, 63-70, 2012]. The discovery of a hoard of Kushana coins at Debre Damo (Agame, northern Ethiopia) confirms the existence of contacts with northern India already in the 3rd century CE [Mordini 1960, 252-253]. Cattle, salt and iron blocks [Wolska-Conus 1968-1973, 360-363], chert blocks [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 198-200] and perhaps other livestock, hides, animal pelts and grain were exchanged at a regional scale under the control of an increasingly powerful ruling class. At the very end of the 1st millennium CE, during the early post-Aksumite period, inter-regional exchanges were significantly reduced, being limited to very few contacts with the Islamic Middle East [Fattovich 2008]. At its apex, the Aksumite elite erected unique residential and funerary structures utilising substantial quarrying and engineering skills [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II; Phillips & Ford 2000, 229-247; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 2012, 119-157, 174-176; Phillipson L. 2000b, 254266], conducted victorious military campaigns in and out of Africa to increase the amount of land (and, therefore, of economic resources) under their control and to secure the circulation of goods along major trade routes, and had the power to re-settle population masses and to distribute lands and livestocks to villages, armies and religious institutions [Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991-2000; Marrassini 2014]. Starting from the end of the 3rd century CE, Aksumite kings minted gold, silver and bronze/copper coins [Godet 1986; Hahn 1983, 2000; Munro-Hay 1984, 1999; Munro-Hay & Juel-Jensen 1995; Pedroni 1997] and played an increasingly significant role in the political scenario of the Late Antique Near East. It is in the framework of these complex network of international diplomatic relations that, in the mid-4th century the Aksumite king Ezana adopted Christianity as the official religion of the kingdom, thereby reinforcing the economic and political partnership with Byzantium. During the 6th century CE Christianity consolidated as a state religion having been progressively accepted by the population at the expense of pre-Christian cults: Christianity became a fundamental element of Aksum and of the subsequent Abyssinian kingdoms, and churches and monasteries became a prominent component of the ideological landscape. Although the progressive involvement in long-distance

exchange networks was a remarkable factor in the flourishing of Aksum and in the progressive consolidation and emerging of a centralized power in the area, the effectiveness of a long-established economic system based on mixed agricultural products and domesticated livestock played a major role in this process: agriculture and pastoral production, over the long run, were the basic ways for accumulating wealth and sustaining life during Aksumite times. It was probably the reinvestment of agricultural surplus that allowed some Aksumites to gain control over the procurement and long-scale distribution of African goods and thus to initiate a virtuous circle that favoured the emergence of Aksum among the other polities of the Tigrean plateau and the gradual consolidation of a vertical social hierarchy in this region. There is abundant evidence that the dominant form of cultivation during the Aksumite kingdom and in the centuries preceding its expansion was dry-land agriculture based on the ard plough, a composite tool drawn by a couple of yoked oxen [Fattovich 2008, 7; Phillipson D.W. 1998, 2012, 107-117]. Ard plough based pre- and Aksumite agricultural production system was complemented by supplementary hand tools for preparing the soil and for harvesting, whose earliest evidence goes back to the early 1st millennium BCE. These included stone hoes and/or metal picks, stone knives in the shape of quartz, chalcedony or obsidian crescents and bladelets, and metal sickles. Palaeobotanical evidence from stratified and dated Aksumite sites suggests that the crops repertoire included emmer wheat, free-threshing wheat, barley, sorghum, finger millet, teff and oat. A large variety of pulses was also cultivated including peas, chick peas and fava beans. Linseed, cotton, noog, gourd, cress and grapes were also present. Many of these were also cultivated during earlier times. Continuity of cultivation since at least the mid-1st millennium BCE has been demonstrated for emmer wheat, barley, lentil, teff, and, possibly, oats and noog. Finger millet as well as most of the pulses, cotton, gourds, cress and perhaps grapes were introduced during the Aksumite period. Faunal remains suggest that cattle and in a smaller number sheep/goats were the dominant components of livestock since the early 1st millennium BCE. Other domesticated species included equines, dogs, felines, and chickens. No peasant household was self sufficient. Farmers had to share their environment with local and foreign groups of pastoralists. The existence of the latter in the area of Aksum seems suggested by the surface remains of a good number of living areas characterized by shallow deposits, no traces of constructed structures, lithics and very low potsherds, that can be interpreted, as we will see, as temporary residences for family or small groups of shepherds. The recurrent location of these sites on small knobs dominating the plain where grazing areas were abundant after

2

Introduction

the harvest and before the sowing corroborates this hypothesis. Together with pastoralism, handicraft was an additional dimension to the agrarian world of the Aksumite society. Artisans produced clothes, stone and, later on, metal tools, ceramic pots and the like. Artisans, pastoralists and farmers were deeply intertwined and exchanged their products to have access to other goods. Exchange at a local and sub-regional scale played an important role in the lives of all these groups by shaping a network of economic interactions through which not only goods, but also ideas and information circulated, the former by direct barter or, from the late 3rd century CE, with the occasional use of copper alloy coins. Finally, slaves, most likely captured during Aksum’s military exploits as reported by some of the known royal inscriptions [see e.g. RIÉ I 190 in Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991-2000, I, 268-271; Marrassini 2014, 238243], had to be an important component of the Aksumite society providing servants to the elite residences, labour force for the erection of monumental structures, and reinforcements to the military corps [see e.g. RIÉ I 192 in Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991-2000, I, 274-278; Marrassini 2014, 259-266]. The ideological, social and economic interaction dynamics progressively established between the different components of Aksum’s society reached, from the late 1st millennium BCE to the late 1st millennium CE, a certain degree of equilibrium also thanks to generally stable and favourable climatic conditions. This might have allowed the system to survive to minor environmental and other shocks. The stability progressively broke down from the end of the 7th century CE due to uncertain, perhaps environmental and social, causes which resulted in an increasing decline of Aksum’s political and economic power. By the 8th century CE Aksum was no more the capital city of the kingdom; the latter survived and shifted its political core probably to eastern Tigray [Phillipson D.W. 2012, 209-223] and then to the south, in the region of Lasta. Still, even after its decline and the several successive sackings, Aksum remained an important historical and religious centre with the status of sanctuary town, where some of the kings of the later Solomonic dynasty went to be crowned. Due to its historical relevance, Aksum has been undoubtedly the most thoroughly archaeologically investigated of the known Aksumite sites. Here, a great effort has been expended in several research projects aimed at recording archaeological evidence and at developing, through the detailed description of artefacts, a cultural/ chronological framework for the reconstruction of the social, ideological and economic dynamics that accompanied the emergence, flourishing and decline of the area as a capital city. The study of the few available written sources also provided contributions in this sense.

Anyhow, despite decades of archaeological, environmental, philological, historical and ethnographic investigations have been conducted in and about the area of Aksum and the eponymous kingdom, significant questions still remain unsolved. How did ancient Aksumites occupied and managed the territory they inhabited? How were farmsteads organized to sustain the rural population and to support the increasing expansion of the city? How was the land administrated and how land administration changed through time? How did the different social actors interacted through time? Why did Aksum declined at the end of the 1st millennium CE? To help answer at least some of these questions a research project aimed at reconstructing and analysing the ancient settlement pattern occurred in the area of Aksum between the early 1st millennium BCE and the late 1st/early 2nd millennium CE was carried out by the author of this volume as part of a PhD program in African Studies conducted at the University of Naples “L’Orientale” between 2004 and 2008. An integrated approach to the landscape – defined as the sum of the environmental and cultural elements of a certain territory [Anschuetz, Wilshusen & Sceick 2001, 157-211; Ashmore & Knapp 1999; Butzer 1982; Forman 1995; Rossignol & Wandsnider 1992; Wilkinson 2003] – has been adopted in order to detect within the present archaeological landscape all the physical, social, economic and ideological drivers that affected land use during the time period under investigation. In this perspective, palaeolandscapes provide information about the distribution of environmental and economic resources that oriented many aspects of the occupational and land exploitation strategies adopted by ancient human groups, mirror changes in the socio-political organization and religious beliefs of past societies, reflect the mental maps of ancient inhabitants, by presenting a system of economic, political and ideological reference points to which the history and the social memory of the local community and the specific experiences of individuals were attached [Ashmore & Knapp 1999; Assmann 2011; Fisher 2009; Ingold 2000, 178-181; Meusburger, Heffernan & Wunder 2011, 5-6; Wynne-Jones 2007]. An interdisciplinary approach was adopted for data collection, analysis and interpretation: environmental, ethnohistorical and archaeological data resulted in the elaboration of a dynamic model based on the integration of different categories of information. This was made possible thanks to the inclusion of the present study in the framework of the Landscape Archaeology Project conducted at Aksum between 2005 and 2009 by the University of Naples “L’Orientale” (UNO) under the scientific direction of Rodolfo Fattovich, which benefited of the collaboration of numerous scholars from diverse disciplines. The project was the continuation of the ten-year joint research program by “L’Orientale” and Boston University (BU) conducted from 1993 to 2003 at Aksum, on the hilltop of

3

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Bieta Giyorgis, and co-directed by Rodolfo Fattovich and Kathrin A. Bard. A systematic, comprehensive field survey of the whole territory of Aksum, as defined in Chapter 1, has been conducted between 2005 and 2006. An “off-site approach” [Bintliff 1999, 200-2015; Ebert 1992, 53-68; Foley 1981a and b]), directed at registering both sites and off-site evidence has been selected with the purpose of locating and recording all possible traces of past human activities. This kind of approach is one of the most frequently used in the study of ancient landscapes, as landscapes are regarded as a continuous archaeological record characterized by settlements, cemeteries and ritual centres, but also by a remarkable number of infrastructures, showing the organization of the economic activities in the territory, and sparse and/ or poorly spatially defined traces of ancient human activities [Wilkinson 2003, 37-38]. Each evidence, more or less dense, circumscribed or continuous, has been initially defined as Surface Archaeological Record (SAR), according to a concept elaborated by Schott at the end of the last century [Schott 1995, 475476]. SAR constituted the minimum unit of investigation and represents what was visible on the ground. It is characterized, from an archaeological point of view, by the following, principal attributes: · quantity: the number of artefacts visible on surface (in this case expressed, as we will see, as density per surface unit; · composition: the type of materials constituting the assemblage; · distribution: the organization of exposed materials on surface. This, in the case of spatially circumscribed evidence, is accompanied by the dimensions [Schott 1995, 476]. On the basis of these attributes, all surface archaeological records have been interpreted and chronologically classified taking into consideration also the natural and/or anthropic factors that may have affected their preservation and present conditions. A number of systems, undergone to repeated revision, have been proposed for subdividing the period on which this study is centred. In this book, the chronological/cultural sequence recently proposed for the area of Aksum by Bard et al. based on the updated dating of finds and radiocarbon dates from genuine and well defined archaeological contexts from Bieta Giyorgis [Bard et al. 2014, 285-316] has been adopted for the time period comprised between the mid-3rd century BCE and the mid-8th century CE. This includes five major phases: Proto-Aksumite Phase (360 – 120/40 BCE), Aksumite 1 or Early Aksumite Phase (120/40 BCE – 130/190 CE), Aksumite 2 or Classic Aksumite Phase (130/190 – 360/400 CE), Aksumite 3 or Middle Aksumite Phase (360/400 – 550/610 CE), Aksumite 4 or Late Aksumite Phase (550/610 – 800/850 CE). In

the absence of a defined alternative shared by the scientific community, in this book the lower-case term pre-Aksumite is used to refer to the chronological interval from ca. 800 to 360 BCE although there is general agreement among scholars on its inadequacy [Curtis 2009, 347; Fattovich 2012, 1-60; Phillipson D.W. 2009a, 257-274; Schmidt 2009, 309] for both semantic and historical reasons [Phillipson L. in preparation]. On the same basis, the term postAksumite, similarly imprecise and unconvincing, will be conventionally used to label the time period following the decline of Aksum (ca. 800/850 – 1000/1100 CE). Pre-field research has been carried out to scrutinize already known archaeological evidence. This has been fundamental to prepare a preliminary archaeological map of the study-area, to design field procedures, to classify and interpret surface records, to assess the state of preservation of Aksum’s archaeological heritage. Along with archaeological data, environmental, geological and geomorphological elements were recorded both during pre-field and field research. This favoured the inclusion of the archaeological record in a dynamic physical environment and allowed the identification and dating of some infrastructures (remains of ancient terracing systems and palaeoagricultural evidence) connected to the economic organization and exploitation of the territory. Geological, geoarchaeological and palaeoenvironmental data also contributed to the analysis of the depositional and post-depositional processes which affect the formation and preservation of archaeological deposits in the area. Finally, local traditions, historical information, ethnographic data and place-names have been documented and, in some cases, combined to the archaeological evidence for site interpretation. Alpha-numeric data were paralleled by a cartographic apparatus which included topographic maps1 and satellite images2 at different scales of resolution. These were used to generate 3D models of the study-area and to extract information on the physical and biotic environment. Both cartographic and alphanumeric data have been uploaded in a GIS software3 through which statistical, spatial and attribute analysis were performed, and thematic maps were generated. In particular, Buffer and Multiple Ring Buffer from the Analysis ArcToolBox was used for site catchment analysis, Viewshed from the 3D Analyst Extension was selected to test the visibility within the landscape of a particular category of monumental buildings belonging to the Aksumite era, Average Nearest-Neighbour from the Spatial Statistics ArcToolBox were combined to 1  Ethiopian Mapping Authority, 1992 1: 2,000, sheets 1-5; Ethiopian Mapping Authority, 1993, 1:50,000, sheets 1438 D3 and 1438 D4. 2  Low resolution Earthsat TM (acquiring date 11/22/84), medium resolution ASTER (acquiring date 05/21/2001), and high resolution IKONOS covering the area of Bieta Giyorgis, 6x6 km2 (acquiring date 12/12/2000).

ArcGIS 9.0 by ESRI is the GIS software used for the project.

3 

4

Introduction

palaeoagricultural evidence and contributed to the reconstruction of ancient soil erosion processes along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis hill. The study has resulted in a substantial set of data which provided interesting information on ancient Aksum’s demographics, on how Aksumites inhabited their territory and exploited the economic resources at their disposal, and on how changes in the settlement pattern mirrored shifts in the social organization and economic development of the polity. It has also provided indications on the relationship between the organization of the physical space and the manifestation of power through the analysis of the distribution of monumental buildings within the urban context and the broader territory, and evidence for the reconstruction of the co-evolution of the urban and rural area. The resulting model intends to be an integration and adjournment, in the light of latest field researches and updated chronological/cultural sequences, of the one proposed by Michels after his survey of the Aksum-Yeha region conducted in 1973, which is so far the only other attempt at a reconstruction of the ancient occupational strategies in the area of Aksum in the light of the emergence of a social hierarchy [Michels 1988, 173-183, 1994, 61-80, 2005]. Moreover, it will complement the results of recently concluded [D’Andrea et al. 2008,151-176; Finneran et al. 2005, 7-29; Harrower & D’Andrea 2014, 513-541] and on-going archaeological surveys conducted in other areas of the Tigrean plateau for a regional-scale analysis of human-environmental interactions during preand Aksumite times. Finally, the reconstruction of the settlement pattern of the area of Aksum, beside enhancing our knowledge on ancient Aksum and on the Aksumite kingdom, provides, in my opinion, a piece of information for a possible, future longer-term reconstruction of the dynamics of socionatural co-evolution in this area from ancient to present time. This would be extremely useful also for studies on modern and contemporary Ethiopia. Having Aksum been the core area where important social, ideological, political and economic processes – i.e. the rising of a regional power and its role in the geopolitical scenario of the eastern Mediterranean and the Red Sea in Late Antiquity, the progressive inclusion in a global exchange circuit, the adoption of Christianity – which constituted founding elements of the subsequent Abyssinian kingdoms and of the present Ethiopian State actually originated, the study of its development through time will give the opportunity of portraying themes of high relevance for the reconstruction of the social, political and economic history of this region, which could be afterward investigated at a larger spatial and temporal scale. A preliminary attempt to a long-term reconstruction of land exploitation and management strategies in the light of present phenomena of soil erosion and demographic

pressure is presented in this volume. The book chapter by chapter This book is the English version, revised and updated in the light of latest researches and interpretations, of the PhD dissertation defended by the author in 2008. Few articles presenting preliminary results or focusing on specific aspects of the research appeared so far in scientific journals or as conference proceedings [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 219-226; Sernicola in press; Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 190-204; Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 549-573]. Here, anyhow, the final results are presented as well as a detailed description of the approach, field procedures and analysis tools adopted. The complete apparatus of derived maps generated during the study is provided and constitutes a major component of the book. The scale of resolution and printing dimension of the maps varies according to the extension of the portrayed area and to the quantity of information to be conveyed in order to guarantee an acceptable level of legibility. In some cases, two versions of the same map are presented, using satellite images and topographic maps as backgrounds. Place-names and personal names have been spelled following established English usage or, in some cases, the way they first entered in literature. The book primarily addresses two distinct audiences. First of all archaeologists and other scholars whose prime research interest is in the field of Ethiopian/Eritrean studies. Secondarily, archaeologists working in areas other than the northern Horn of Africa but equally interested in problems related to human-environmental interactions and the emergence of complex societies as well as in surveying strategies and in the procedures related to the detection and interpretation of surface evidence. To provide them with all the basic information on the study-area, comprehensive overviews of the natural environment and of the archaeology of Aksum, well-known to those involved in Ethiopian/Eritrean studies, have been included in the book accompanied by an updated bibliographic apparatus. Chapter 1, Environmental setting, provides the definition of the study-area and the description of its major present and past environmental characteristics including both physical and biotic elements. Available information on the geology, geomorphology and pedology are presented alongside a comprehensive description of the hydrography and other water resources, and of present and past vegetation cover and wild and domesticated fauna. Major ancient climatic fluctuations are also described as reconstructed by studies conducted at local and regional scale. Chapter 2, Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence, offers an excursus of the pre-field scrutiny of literary sources starting from

5

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

the early accounts by European travellers and explorers up to the latest scientific reports by archaeological expeditions that have worked in the area. Of course, detailed descriptions of the history of archaeological research at Aksum are already available [see among others Fattovich 1992a] and all scholars working in and about this area are certainly familiar with this topic. Therefore, in this framework particular emphasis will be placed on the ways the various evidences, often unprovided with geographic reference, sometimes simply sketched, in some cases depicted on maps at different scales, have been conveyed in a single geodatabase and resulted in a preliminary archaeological map of the area of Aksum.

ment of the urban area of Aksum during Aksumite times. It describes how the economic and political core of the capital city emerged and monumentalized during the heyday of the polity and how urban space was progressively organized. Chapter 8, Ancient land exploitation strategies and soil erosion dynamics: new evidence from palaeoagricultural and archaeological studies, is a contribution to the use of archaeology for the reconstruction and investigation of problems of human ecology in the area in a longue-durée perspective. It portrays how the concurrence of archaeologically based reconstruction of the settlement pattern and palaeoagricultural studies conducted along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis hill provided information on long-term erosion dynamics and on the strategies adopted by ancient communities to prevent soil erosion and impoverishment.

Chapter 3, Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures, describes the two survey campaigns conducted in the area of Aksum (including field survey methods and archaeological records documentation strategies) and their outcomes, and presents the complete and updated archaeological map of Aksum derived from the combination of published data and newly acquired evidence.

Chapter 9, Final overview and future agenda, concludes the book by providing a general reconstruction and interpretation of the results and addressing possible future research trends.

Chapter 4, The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment, is a brief, general treatment of a relevant and complex problem which would deserve a separate discussion as it touches sensitive topics such as heritage preservation and management and urban development. Here an assessment of Aksum’s archaeological area is presented and major factors affecting sites preservation and the composition and distribution of exposed materials are discussed as they were taken into consideration for the classification of surface evidence.

All the hypothesis, analysis and interpretations presented in this paper are based on available archaeological record; there is certainly the possibility that there were sites which have now neither record nor evidence. It is my hope that the reconstruction here presented will be bettered by future research. Acknowledgements This book is the result of four years of research and of a long process of revision, updating and editing. None of this would have been possible without the support of many people whose assistance has been fundamental to the completion of this work. It is now time to thank them all, hoping not to forget anyone, and remarking that any misuse has been made of their suggestions should be attributed to my sole responsibility. First of all, my deepest gratitude goes to Professor Rodolfo Fattovich, my supervisor during the research project, and Dr Laurel Phillipson. Without their constant stimuli, many aspects of this study would not have been considered nor addressed. Again, many thanks to Professor Rodolfo Fattovich and Ato Takla Hagos for giving me the opportunity to participate in the archaeological survey of the area of Aksum organized as part of the Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project and for entrusting me with the analysis and interpretation of all collected data. I’m particularly grateful to Professor Andrea Manzo and Dr Cinzia Perlingieri for their precious support during my first experiences in the field and for having always been to

Chapter 5, Classifying surface archaeological records, describes how surface archaeological records were analysed for determining their chronology and inferring their function. This phase was preliminary to the reconstruction of the settlement pattern and included the analysis and interpretation of selected attributes of surface records in the light of information from excavated sites and ethnographic evidence. Chapter 6, Modelling ancient settlement patterns, is the first of two chapters that provide detailed description of the settlement patterns occurred in the area of Aksum from the early 1st millennium BCE to the late 1st millennium CE. In this chapter the focus is on the whole study-area: changes in settlement dynamics and land-use strategies are investigated, and the trends in the occupation of the diverse areas of the territory are examined. Chapter 7, A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: forms and aesthetics of a capital city, focuses on the develop-

6

Introduction

me models of competence and professionalism. I would also like to thank Professor Yaqob Beyene, Professor Alessandro Triulzi, Dr Chiara Zazzaro, Dr Federica Sulas, Professor Magaly Koch, Professor Sucharita Gopal, Dr Michael DiBlasi, Professor Giovanni Ferrari, Professor Paolo Billi, Dr Rossano Ciampalini, the late Ato Fisseha Zibelo, Mr Rocco Celentano, Mr Vincenzo Barbarulo. Last, but not less important, a special thanks goes to all the directors, employees and representatives of the Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage, Addis Ababa, the Regional Office of Culture and Tourism, Makalle, the Bureau of Culture and Tourism, Central Zone, Aksum, to Guish Assefa and all Aksum’s guides, workers and landowners, to Aklilu Berhane Wolde, Mrs Anna Vietri, Mrs Rosanna Borgnino and Mr Vincenzo Zinno. Funding for the research on which this book is based has been provided by the University of Naples “L’Orientale” and by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; to them I extend my thanks.

7

CHAPTER 1

Environmental setting

2010, 153-170; Tekie Fisseha Tesfamichael 2008]. These suggest that the rock sequence exposed in the area of Aksum is part of a 9,500 m thick stratigraphic column formed during a long period of evolution which began during the Precambrian era [Brancaccio et al. 1997, 29-44; Dramis et al. 2003, 274-283; Tadesse T. 1999, 184]. A thick layer of volcanic and plutonic basement rocks (granite, granodiorite and diorite), extremely folded and foliated dating back to Late Proterozoic (ca. 1000-500 my BP), is covered, in discordant layers, by Permo-Triassic sedimentary rocks of detritic origin (Paleozoic and Mesozoic, ca. 570-120 my BP), the so-called Addigrat series [Tadesse T. 1999, 184]. Subsequently, a severe Early Cenozoic volcanic activity (ca. 65-1.8 my BP) covered a large portion of the plateau with a thick layer of Tertiary basalts, Trapp series. Finally, sedimentary deposits from the Quaternary, mainly recorded in river valleys or alluvial areas and including limestone, clay, sand and loose or semi-consolidated gravel, form the upper layers of the geological sequence [Assefa Getaneh & Russo 1997, 12-14; Schmid et al. 2008, 93101]. At Aksum, the lithological units of Tertiary are characterized by two main elements: a) the Koyetsa, stratified flows of volcanic basalts, and b) volcanic channels belonging to the trachytic formation of the Adwa area [Miruts Hagos et al. 2010, 153-170]. The formers determine the typical slightly undulated topography of the plateau characterized by reliefs with flat tops and steep terraced slopes (amba); the trachytes, on the contrary, protrude in the form of circular hills due to the rock composition which is more resistant to erosion than the surrounding basalts. A systematic, detailed geological and geomorphological study involved the hill of Bieta Giyorgis, the most intensively inhabited area of Aksum, as part of the joint UNO/ BU archaeological expedition co-directed by R. Fattovich and K.A. Bard.1 Located in the centre of the study-area, the hill emerges for about 200-250 m over the surrounding plain and consists of two major physiographic units: the slopes (steep on the southern side, largely terraced on the northern one) and the flat hilltop. This, slightly sloping towards the centre, surrounds on three sides a central peak that emerges for about 30-50 m over the surrounding area. The geology of Bieta Giyorgis consists of a large mass of igneous rocks emerging on the hilltop and along the slopes of the relief; small outcrops of fillitic rocks, ranging from 5 to 30 m in length, occur locally within the igneous rocks. The core of the hill is of intrusive syenite of Middle/Late Tertiary, which cuts the oldest metamorphic and sedimentary rocks and is occasionally covered by a thin and discontinuous layered sequence of sandstones

The settlement pattern adopted by a human group reflects several aspects of the economic, social and ideological dimensions of a community’s life. The natural environment plays a significant role in this process as it orientates land occupation and exploitation strategies by affecting the geomorphology of an area and the distribution of economic resources, regulates the rhythm of social life by, for instance, timing resources availability according to the changing seasons, contributes to the shaping of a group’s cultural identity by providing symbolic elements linked to the common and personal history of the individuals, and/or to the religious, political and ideological sphere of daily life. The environment can be, therefore, considered the natural layer on which, and, at a certain extent, according to which, the settlement pattern develops as a consequence of a dynamic interplay between natural and anthropogenic factors via a complex and articulated sequence of actions, reactions and feedbacks [Wilkinson 2003, 15]. Human groups interact with the environment through direct actions of modification and/or the adoption of adaptation solutions in order to gain advantages from the opportunities offered by the natural setting and to come to terms with its constraints. The natural environment, for its part, is a dynamic element whose changes can occur in a slow and steady way or be characterised by sudden and catastrophic events due to sharp climatic factors or to the severe geodynamical activity of the area [Dramis & Fattovich 1994, 9-10]. This continuous interaction between humans and the environment results, over time, in a sequence of landscapes that people constantly reshape according to their economic, social and/or political/ideological needs; the strategies of occupation, exploitation and management of a territory often mirror these factors. In this chapter, attention will be driven at providing a general and comprehensive overview of major physical and biotic elements characterizing Aksum’s environmental context onto which ancient settlement patterns developed through time. Geology and geomorphology Although geologists have visited the area of Aksum since the early 19th century [see e.g. Abul-Haggag 1961, Lejean, 1873; Merla & Minucci 1938; Schimper, unpublished manuscript, British Library, add. ms. 28506 f. 17], localscale intensive geological and geomorphological investigations of Aksum have been only attempted since 1990s. The geology of the area is thus reconstructed by combining data from regional studies [Dramis et al. 2003, 274283; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 14-16; Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 314; Tadesse T. 1999, 184] with the results of occasional localized essays and micro-scale studies [Assefa Getaneh & Russo 1997, 11-18; Brancaccio et al. 1997, 29-44; Ferrari et al. 2015; Miruts Hagos et al.

In 1996, Antonio Vernier carried out a geological survey of the hill as part of a collaboration research program between the University of Cagliari, Italy, and the UNO/BU archaeological expedition. In 1997 and 1998, Gerald Johnson conducted a systematic survey of the hill as part of the same project [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 14].

1

9

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

and conglomerates of the Late Tertiary, colluvium of Late Cenozoic and Holocene anthropogenic deposits. When not covered by sedimentary rocks or sediments, the igneous rocks outcrop on the central relief, on the slopes of the hill and, locally, on the hilltop [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 14-16]. The geological nature of the area strongly influences the geomorphology of the territory which is the result of severe erosion processes derived from the uplifting of Tertiary trachyte on the sedimentary and volcanic sequences [Brancaccio et al. 1997, 31].

As a consequence, the grater area of Aksum (ca. 105 sq km), which corresponds to the study-area considered for this study (Fig. 2), is characterized by a roughly circular etch plain, approximately 6 km in diameter, gently sloping in its southern section from north/north-west to south/ south-east.2 The plain is dominated in the centre by the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho and is naturally bordered by a crown of hills with an average elevation comprised between 2,289 and 2,406 m asl (Figs. 3a and b).

Fig. 2 - The study-area outlined on the 1:50,000 topographic map

The study-area is comprised between: NE X 474682-Y1566467, NW X 462922-Y1566467, SE X 474682-Y1557643, SW X 462922-Y1557643. Coordinates are given in UTM WGS 84.

2

10

Environmental setting

Fig. 3a – Map showing the plain of Aksum, the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho in the centre, and the surrounding reliefs

Fig. 3b – 3D model showing the hill of Bieta Giyorgis and its morphology from north-east. The model has been elaborated for the joint University of Naples “L’Orientale” (UNO)/Boston University (BU) Archaeological Research Project at Bieta Giyorgis in the framework of the collaboration between UNO and ITABC/CNR

11

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Soil types and distribution The strong lithological and topographical variability of the area of Aksum is reflected in a mosaic of soils classified by local farmers in three main types, welka, qeyeh, and baakel, on the basis of colour, thickness, structure, texture and agricultural yield, which correspond to black vertic-like soils, red cambisoils, and brown to light brown sandysoils respectively [Bard 1997, 20; Corbeels et al. 2000; Michels 2005, 44] (Fig. 4).

Water resources As shown in figure 5, the plain of Aksum is crossed by a radial system of river valleys comprising four main watercourses: the Mai Gwodae/Hibay, the Mai Ruba/Atela, the Mai Abak and the Mai Negus/Haselo, in the north, northeast, south-east and south-west, respectively. Additionally, small rivers and streams radiates from the hills and disappear into the plain or flow into the principal water courses. Only few of them keep a water reserve until the end of the dry season, while most have a seasonal duration, often limited to the rainy period, as exhibited in the stratigraphy of exposed profiles along the riverbeds and recorded in historical sources. In his 16th century description of the Tigrean plateau, the Portuguese Françisco Alvarez reports “...we went along dry canals which during the rainy season are great rivers, but it must be said, only as long as the rain lasts. As soon as the rain is over the river is dry” [Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 96]. He also tells about the presence of channels and small dams devoted to minimize the washing out of water along the slopes of the hills surrounding Yeha, ca. 35 km to the east of Aksum [Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 161]. The need to artificially control the rapid desiccation of rivers along the slopes was probably perceived even in ancient times as the remains of a system of bridles has been identified in the upper course of the Gudgwad Agazen, along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis, and dated, on the basis of archaeological materials, to a period comprised between ca. 700 BCE–550CE [Fattovich & Bard 2001, 17-18]. Such infrastructures, far from being planned on a large scale, most likely represent a local reaction of farmers to the problem. As clearly emerges from Alvarez’s account, besides being water resources during and immediately after the rainy season, river valleys were the basis along which a network of regional and interregional roads and tracks developed through time. In the case of Aksum, they linked it since ancient times with Hamasen to the north, Akkele Guzay and the western coastal regions of the Red Sea to the north-east, Agame to the east, Tembien to the south-east, Semien and the internal regions of the Horn to the south-west, Shire to the west, the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands to the north-west and, from there, Upper Nubia and the Sudanese regions of Eastern Desert [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 194-198]. In spite of the short duration of fluvial water, a substantial underground water table supplies a great number of springs, wells and reservoirs, some of which have been most likely used since ancient times [see e.g. Monneret de Villard 1938, 2-3, 8-11]. Although generally more abundant than the riverine one, the water supply coming from the ground table is highly dependent on rainfall and, consequently, on climatic fluctuations.

Fig. 4 – Soils ranging from welka to qeyeh in the plain of Aksum

Black vertic-like soils, rich in dark montmorillonitic clay developed on volcanic and plutonic rocks [Nyssen et al. 2004, 10-12], are primarily found in the plain and are rated by farmers as “good to excellent” as they support a full range of cereal crops and no fallowing is required; red cambisoils, little developed sandy soils, cover large portions of the plateau, recurring mostly along the hill-slopes, and require alternate year fallowing; brown or light brown sandy soils with a loamy or clayish groundmass are generally located on hilltops and rated as “fair” as they require from one to three year fallowing unless systematically fertilized [Butzer 1981, 474; Michels 2005, 44]. A study conducted by Boston University in collaboration with the Geology Department of the University of Makalle has proposed a lithological and pedological classification of the area of Aksum through remote-sensing analysis of medium- to high-resolution satellite images [Schmid et al. 2008, 93-101]. The classification, so far limited to the central area of Aksum’s territory (including the present town, Bieta Giyorgis hill and part of the surrounding reliefs and plain) resulted in a detailed soil map [Schmid et al. 2008, 97, fig. 3]. This was the base for a further classification of the soils on the basis of their productivity which represented an extremely useful tool for analysing the location of ancient settlements with respect to soils distribution (see Chapter 6).

12

Environmental setting

Climatic fluctuations and environmental dynamics The area of Aksum, like the whole Tigrean plateau, is characterized by a tropical climate with an average annual temperature ranging between 15° C and 20° C [Bard 1997, 19] and highly seasonal rainfall regulated by the position of the ITCZ (Inter Tropical Convergence Zone) and of the subtropical anticyclone [Bryson & Bryson 2000, 77-84; Daniel Gamachu 1977; Griffiths 1972, 369-388; McCann 1995, 28-31]. From June to September, when the ITCZ is north of present Eritrea, the movements of moist air masses cause the “big rains” (keremt) which comprises 90% of the annual rainfall, with an annual mean of 630 mm [Machado, Gonzalez & Benito1998, 312]. In moist periods, the area receives a second rainfall, the so-called “little rains” (belg), between March and May. These additional rains replenish the seasonal rivers, add moisture to the soil, and cause a chemical reaction which releases nitrogen and favours seeds germination [McCann 1995, 29]. However, in particularly arid years the second rainy season is much shorter or fails completely thus prolonging the dry season to almost eight months. Despite the role played by Aksum in antiquity, the intensive archaeological research conducted in the area and the high interest in long-term palaeoenvironmental studies related to present ecological problems, the reconstruc-

tion of ancient local environment and climate is still lamentably incomplete, relaying on large-scale regional and continental models. Available evidence suggests that the Ethiopian plateau experienced the same alternation of wet and dry periods which characterized the whole Horn of Africa during the Holocene. A wet period, briefly interrupted by short dry phases, was recorded during the first half of the Holocene, followed by drier conditions with the present-day arid phase established around the 2nd millennium BCE [Brancaccio et al. 1997, 29; Butzer 1981, 471-495]. Palaeoenvironmental studies conducted in the area of Adwa added further details to the climatic reconstruction of Tigray over the last 4,000 years. Five major phases have been identified for the period between the 2nd millennium BCE and the end of the 1st millennium CE: three wet phases (ca. 2000-1500 BCE, 500 BCE- 500 CE and 1000-1040 CE) alternated with drier periods (ca. 1500-500 BCE and 500-1000 CE). A sharp change in river valley sediments during the last 1,000 years reveals six main aggradative periods alternating with three very brief periods of stability dated between 1400-1430, 1440-1460 and 1700-1750. In general, the entire sequence shows an evolution towards more arid climatic conditions starting from 1000 CE, interrupted by moister periods, the brevity of which prevented the system from reaching a new

Fig. 5 – Map showing major rivers and streams of the area of Aksum

13

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

equilibrium and forming well developed soil [Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 316-320]. More arid climatic conditions have also been recorded in the same period in the entire area of the Sahel [Nicholson 1980, 173-200]. Geoarchaeological observations made at Aksum coincide in part with the study carried out in the Adwa area. The Italian scholar Ugo Monneret de Villard identified two main aggradative periods in the stratigraphical sequence exposed along the southern base of Bieta Giyorgis hill attested by soil erosion along the slope: the first apparently prior to the initial phase of erection of the great stelae in the Northern Stelae Field (3rd–early 4th century CE), the latter in the late 1st millennium CE [Monneret de Villard 1938, 7-8]. According to Butzer, four aggradative periods occurred at Aksum during the last millennium (ca. 100-350CE, 650-800CE, late 1st millennium CE,1800-1900CE) [Butzer 1981, 471-495].3 On the contrary, geoarchaeological investigations carried out along the northern slopes and base of Bieta Giyorgis hill and in the plan to the north of it suggest a period of landscape stability and, by implication, some vegetational cover during the Aksumite period, while major aggradation episodes seem to have occurred since the mid-2nd millennium CE [French, Sulas & Madella 2009, 218-233]. This discrepancy may reflect the adoption of different, micro-scale exploitation strategies within the territory of Aksum, thus connecting soil erosion phenomena to cultural rather than solely environmental factors (see Chapter 8). Local oral and written traditions provide additional information for the reconstruction of the environmental history of the area. Some of these claim that the plain where Aksum conurbation progressively emerged was covered by a swamp until the beginning of the 1st millennium CE [Conti Rossini 1910, 3; Monneret de Villard 1938, 49, 54]. This seems corroborated by the presence of an alluvial deposit 4 to 6 m thick recorded below the earliest evidence of occupation of the area dating back to the first centuries CE [Butzer 1981, 483-484; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 19; Monneret de Villard 1938, 7-8; Puglisi 1941, 103-106]. Palaeoenvironmental information are also detectable in Ethiopian hagiographies and royal chronicles, accounts of Arab merchants and European travellers which often report recurring episodes of famine, drought and epidemics [Pankhurst1985]. Historical sources mention frequent earthquakes in northern Ethiopia from the beginning of the 15th century CE [Gouin 1979]. Two telluric events probably occurred at Aksum between 1433 and 1434 and it seems that Aksum was the epicentre of an earthquake in 1880 [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 19; Gouin 1979, 25-26, 43-44].4 Although this type of sources is significantly later

than the period examined in this work, they provide significant information for a long-term reconstruction of the population history and human-environmental interactions in this region. Vegetation and fauna The present-day vegetation cover of the area of Aksum is grassland, with perennial herbaceous plants, thickets of bushes, scattered, medium-height trees including acacias, and few examples of large trees (Juniperus, Olea and Ficus), which cover 0.3% of the total area and are generally located near old churches, monasteries and along river gorges [Butzer 1981, 474] (Fig. 6). Eucalyptus have been planted since the beginning of the 20th century to prevent soil erosion. Pollen analysis conducted at Bieta Giyorgis [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 18-19] on samples from archaeological contexts dating back to the middle to late first millennium BCE suggests that the vegetation pattern at that time was similar to the present one, with a dominance of non arboreal species (bushes and grasses) belonging to families (Graminacee, Composite, Chenopodiacee/Amarantacee) commonly associated with a spontaneous vegetation typical of areas disturbed by human settlement and tillage. Pollens belonging to arboreal families and attributable to forest species are absent or rare. Also absent from the samples are those species (Podocarpus gracilior, Juniperus procera, Olea, Celtis) which produce a large quantity of widely distributed pollen which may be transported over long distances, thus suggesting that arboreal species were not a conspicuous component of the vegetation at Bieta Giyorgis or elsewhere in the Aksum territory. This evidence is corroborated at a regional scale by the results of palaeoenvironmental studies conducted in the northern Ethiopian highland which suggest the presence of a thick vegetation in these regions until themid-2nd millennium BC, then progressively replaced by grasslands which dominated the landscape up to 15th century of present era [Brancaccio et al. 1997, 35; Darbyshire, Lamb & Mohammed Umer 2003, 537-546]. The extent of anthropic influence on the vegetation changes occurred from the 2nd millennium BCE onwards is a topic of great interest for the long-term reconstruction of environmental changes and human/environmental interaction dynamics in this region. Geomorphological and palinological studies conducted at Aksum or in the general northern Ethiopia highlands strongly suggest that deliberate, prolonged deforestation practiced by human groups to increase cultivable and grazing areas played a prominent role [Butzer 1981, 476; Darbyshire, Lamb & Mohammed Umer 2003, 537-546; Nyssen et al. 2004, 273-320] although climatic changes, namely the transition to a more arid phase which affected the whole northern Horn of Africa in this period [Kiage & Kam-biu Liu 2006,

The chronological sequence proposed by Butzer, however, is not completely reliable since it is based on obsidian hydration used by Michels for the classification of the sites recorded during the survey carried out between Aksum and Yeha in 1973-1974 [Michels 2005]. 4 For a discussion on the reliability of Ethiopian sources in the reconstruction of the seismic history of these regions see Lusini 1998, 77-87. 3

14

Environmental setting

Fig. 6 - Vegetation cover north of Bieta Giyorgis with bushes, acacias and eucalyptus

633-658], possibly concurred to this process. A preliminary study, recently conducted in eastern Tigray and aimed at building local-scale climate and land-clearing changes from exposed soil sequences in areas occupied from the early 1st millennium BCE to the late 1st millennium CE, pointed out that intensive land-clearing by mean of human controlled fires heavily affected land coverage during the 1st half of the 1st millennium BCE while less severe changes occurred during the subsequent Aksumite period [Terwilliger et al. 2013,140-161]. Dealing with animal species, faunal remains from archaeological excavations highlight that present domestic species are the same as those recorded in contexts dating between the early 1stmillennium BCE and the late 1st millennium CE, with the clear dominance of cattle (Bos taurus, Bos indicus) followed by sheeps (Ovis aries) and goats (Capra hircus); asses (Equus asinus), poultry and dogs are also represented [Bard & Fattovich 1997, 22-28; Cain 1999, 24-26; Fattovich & Bard 1997, 49-70, 1998, 56-76; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 369-372, 2012,14-15]. Camels (Camelus dromedarius), presently widespread in the area, have not been archaeologically recognised, with

the exception of a tooth from a rock-shelter at Gobedra, the dating of which remains controversial [Phillipson D.W. 1977, 80, 2102, 15], and a few specimens from the preAksumite site of Seglamen, ca. 12 km to the south-west of Aksum5. A clay figurine from a mid-1st millennium CE context at Bieta Giyorgis has been plausibly interpreted as representing a horse [Fattovich & Bard 2003, 26], but no evidence of this species has been so far recorded in faunal assemblages from archaeological contexts [Phillipson D.W. 2012,15]. Present-day wild species include hyenas, baboons and a wide variety of endemic and other birds. Between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the wild fauna of the Tigrean plateau also included gazelles, antelopes and elephants. Wild animal species are scarcely represented in the archaeological record. Bone fragments of wild ruminants were recorded in contexts dated to the early to late 1st millennium CE; these included antelope (Alcelaphus buselaphus), still present in a few ecological 5 The study of fauna remains from archaeological contexts at Seglamen is in progress by Helina Solomon Woldekiros, Department of Anthropology, Washington University in St. Louis.

15

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

niches of Ethiopia, gazelle (Gazella dorcas), now rare in the whole country but probably widespread at the beginning of the historical era, and dogs [Cain 1999, 24-46; Fattovich & Bard 1995, 31, 1998, 70; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 369-372]. Finally, remains of birds (including fowls) from early 1st millennium BCE to late 1st millennium CE contexts have been detected at Bieta Giyorgis and in the pre-Aksumite and Late-Aksumite levels at Kidane Mehret [Cain 1999, 24-46; Fattovich & Bard 1997, 51; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 369-372].

16

CHAPTER 2

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence Present knowledge on the archaeology of Aksum and on the historical-cultural processes which characterized its political emergence and decline is the result of a relatively long tradition of archaeological studies in and about this area. While the initial stages of scientific archaeological research in this region date back to the beginning of the 20th century, mentions of monumental remains testifying of the historical relevance of the ancient capital city are included in a wide range of much earlier documents. Apart from the Ethiopian sources, including hagiographic texts and the documentary and archival literature attested as paratextual information or gathered in individual collections such as those known under the label of Maṣḥafa Aksum [Conti Rossini 1909-10], whose contents of archaeological interest are incidental and often obscure, accounts by European travellers, missionaries and explorers who visited the area between the 16th and the late 19th century provide quite often admirable and reliable descriptions of Aksum’s antiquities, the earliest ones extremely useful as they occur before the obliteration of some monuments by Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi, the Grañ, in the 16th century. These, together with the scientific reports from the early 20th century onwards, form the literary corpus from which information on the nature and location of Aksum’s archaeological remains can be obtained. The scrutiny of all these documents constituted a fundamental stage for the reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern of the area of Aksum as it resulted in a preliminary archaeological map of the area onto which new data from field surveys have been added. This chapter is primarily concerned with providing an overview of all available sources on Aksum’s archaeological remains utilised during pre-field activities. Comprehensive descriptions of the history of archaeological research at Aksum are already available [see e.g. Fattovich 1992a] and all scholars whose prime interests are in this area are certainly familiar with them and, in general, with this topic. In this book emphasis will be placed on maps and attention will be driven on the procedures adopted to include each individual evidence (often unprovided with geographic references, sometimes simply sketched, in some cases depicted on maps at different scales) in a comprehensive geodatabase. These, whether deriving from occasional explorations, systematic surveys or archaeological excavations, have been georeferenced and entered in the GIS directly in the field by using a handle GPS, or by georeferencing available maps by means of control points. Short information on the described evidence has been also reported as it has been used for the final reconstruction of the settlement pattern. Where possible, available information has been integrated with new data gathered during the fieldwork, and the interpretation and chronological classification of sites has been reassessed in the light of present knowledge and of the updated chronological/cultural

sequence of the area. Sixteenth to nineteenth century European travellers, missionaries and explorers Mention of Aksum in European sources can be traced back to the 14th century, when it appears in a series of itineraries which provide fairly detailed accounts of Ethiopian geography. In most cases, however, the information about the city were limited to its location, the relevance of its cathedral, and the habit of kings to be crowned there. “A Turat ad Chaxu(m) due diete sunt. Profecto in hac civitate omnes reges coronantur qui Presto Joh(ann)i sunt subditi. In qua etiam urbe dicunt pulchriorem esse basilicam quam ulla quae toto reperiatur in orbe: ipsa enim intus tota operta tabulis auri electi [sic] et ornata est” [Iter F, from Jerusalem, circa A.D. 1400 in Crawford (ed.)1958, 28].1 Few exceptions are represented by Zorzi’s itineraries III and IV, where long descriptions of Aksum are provided by Zorzi’s informants, Brother Raphael and Brother Thomas of Ganget respectively, the latter also referring to Aksum’s great antiquity and monumental remains including a vague description of the large stelae and, possibly, of some inscribed stones [Crawford (ed.)1958, 138-147, 148-159, 188-191]. “Axon: Cita antiquissima; le fiumare tute nascon per fonti apreso monti, e creson per piogie” [Zorzi’s notes ff. 49, 49v in Crawford (ed.)1958, 170].2 “… Axon, che dicon esser delle magior cita che siano in quelle provincie, e che è unaltra Roma si di grandecie e piu et cosi di edifitii magnifici et antiqui e stupendi; et che ci è tal colone grande come el campaniel di S. Marcho in Veniesia, con grande archi et saxi lavorati con lettere grande Caldee, et che pochi le sano legere” [Zorzi’s notes ff. 57, 57v, 58v in Crawford (ed.)1958, 188, 190].3 From Turat to Chaxum are two days. In this city all the kings subjected to Priest John are crowned. There, they say, there is also a beautiful church, more beautiful than any other in the world for all the inside is adorned and coated with plates of selected gold. 1 

Axon; a most ancient city; the rivers all rise in springs beside mountains, and they swell in rain [Zorzi’s notes ff. 49, 49v in Crawford (ed.)1958, 171]. 2 

… Axon, which is said to be one of the greatest cities in those provinces, and another and greater Rome for grandeur and splendid buildings, ancient and wondrous; and that there are there columns as great as the campanile of San Marco in Venice, with great arches also and worked stones with few Chaldaean letters that few can read [Zorzi’s notes ff. 57, 57v, 58v in Crawford (ed.)1958, 189, 191]. 3 

17

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Despite these earlier sources, it was not until the first half of the 16th century that real knowledge of Aksum’s ancient remains reached Europe. The first volume with descriptions of some archaeological ruins of the area of Aksum, Ho Preste Ioam das Indias. Verdadera informaçam das terras do Presta Ioam segundo vio y escreveo ho Padre Françisco Alvarez, appeared in Lisbon in 1540, collects the chronicles of the Portuguese embassy to Abyssinia of 1520 to form an alliance against the expanding Muslims. The author, Françisco Alvarez, chaplain of the expedition, provides useful information on visible Aksum’s ancient monuments including the precious description of the church of Saint Mary of Sion (also indicated as Maryam Tsion in this book) before its destruction by the invading Muslims [Alvarez 1540, 38-39; Beckingham & Huntingford 1961, 151-153]. He entered Aksum from the north-east, and recorded and described the great stelae with architectural decoration situated in the southern sector of the northern stelae field [Alvarez 1540, 40; Beck-

ingham & Huntingford 1961, 155-158], the two tween churches built over the subterranean tombs traditionally attributed to kings Kaleb and Gabra Masqal [Alvarez 1540, 40; Beckingham & Huntingford 1961, 158-159], the monastery of Abba Pantalewon and the church of Abba Liqanos [Alvarez 1540, 41; Beckingham & Huntingford 1961, 161-164], the former having been an important site, presumably religious, since the early 1st millennium BCE, as can be surmised by the remains of a Sabean inscription [DAE IV 1] absorbed into the modern structure, and the stone thrones clustered in various areas of the city-centre [Alvarez 1540, 39-40; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 153-155], including some no longer existing located north of Mai Shum water reservoir [Alvarez 1540, 40; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 40]. This latter information, as we will see, supplies interesting indications for reconstructing the layout of Aksum’s monumental area during its period of major expansion. Evidence reported by Alvarez have been mapped by de-

Fig. 7 - Map showing the location of the archaeological remains of the area of Aksum reported by 16th to 19th century European travellers, missionaries, and explorers

18

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

riving their coordinates from georeferenced, high resolution satellite images, as all the features described in the report are nowadays still visible; the possible location of the northeastern cluster of thrones, today no more visible, has been broadly outlined on the basis of his description (Fig. 7) (see Chapter 7). Following the expulsion of the Muslims from the northern Ethiopian plateau, relevant information on Aksum’s antiquities appears in the diaries of the Jesuit missionaries present in Ethiopia and Eritrea from the first decades of the 17th century. Among the various accounts, the one by Emmanuel Barradas is rather significant as it adds to the monuments already noticed by Alvarez the first mention of the bilingual inscription of King Ezana celebrating a military expedition against the Beja (RIÉ I 185 I = DAE IV 6, RIÉ I 185 II = DAE IV 7, RIÉ I 270 = DAE IV 4) [Beccari 1912, 129], subsequently copied by Salt [Salt 1816, 317-323], then studied and translated by Littmann [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, IV, 4-18]. The inscription, originally located in the monumental area to the south-east of Aksum’s city centre, nearby one of the thrones there erected, was moved during the Italian occupation in a sort of small archaeological park today known as Ezana Garden (Fig. 7). Moreover, Barradas was the first to correctly attribute a funerary function to the stelae visible in the northern stelae field, previously described by Alvarez [Beccari 1912, 129]. Unlike Alvarez’s and Barradas’ rich and accurate descriptions, two subsequent works do not add any new element to the repertoire of Aksum’s ancient monuments and contain numerous imaginary elements and interpretative errors. In a very brief description of the Aksum monuments by Poncet published in Paris in 1709, the author erroneously describes (and depicts) the architectural stelae as pyramidal and triangular cusps covered in hieroglyphics [Poncet 1709, 106]. Equally inaccurate information is contained in most of the description of Aksum’s antiquities provided by James Bruce in the 1790 volume Travels to discover the Source of the Nile. There the author attributes Aksum’s archaeological remains to a Ptolemaic context and the architectural stelae are erroneously attributed to the Egyptian king Ptolemy Evergetes [Bruce 1790, V, 129-130]. Stone and metal statues of the Egyptian deity Anubis and an inscription in Greek dedicated to Ptolemy Evergetes were presumed to decorate the throne bases north of the city centre and in the compound of the church of Saint Mary of Sion [Bruce 1790, V, 130-132]. The existence of an inscription in Greek with the name of Ptolemy Evergetes was contradicted only a few years later by Salt [Annesley 1809, 90-92; Salt 1816, 314] and statues of Anubis have never been found at Aksum having been the thrones originally decorated with inscribed stone plaques. The commercial, religious and exploratory impulses

which had motivated the European presence in Ethiopia between the 16th and the 18th century continued in the following century. The first European explorer who visited Aksum after Bruce was Henry Salt. Information gathered during his two journeys to Ethiopia in 1805 and 1809 can be considered as the first nucleus of data on which Ethiopian archaeology was subsequently based [Fattovich 1992, 12]. As well as detailed descriptions of the thrones, stelae and cathedral already presented in previous accounts [Annesley 1809, 87-88, 90, 95-97; Salt 1816, 312-316], he provided the first topographic map of the city with the location and illustration of the relevant monuments [Annesley 1809, III, Plan of the Ruins of Aksum with a Sketch of the Adjoining Country]. Confirming what Alvarez had claimed three centuries before, he also reports the presence of thrones to the north-east of Aksum’s conurbation, north of Mai Shum water reservoir [Annesley 1809, III, Plan of the Ruins of Aksum with a Sketch of the Adjoining Country]. Moreover, he copied and translated the inscription of king Ezana mentioned by Barradas in the 17th century [Salt 1816, 317323]. Of equal interest are the illustrative tables which accompany the publication by the German geographer and naturalist, Eduard Rüppel, who was in Ethiopia between 1830 and 1834 [Rüppel 1838-40]. There, clear and detailed reproductions are provided of Aksum’s monuments and inscriptions together with the first reproductions of Aksumite coins [Rüppel 1838-40, 268-289]. Finally, a detailed report of the archaeological ruins present at Aksum is to be found in the six volumes of the Voyage en Abyssinie 1839-1843 published in Paris by the French explorer Theophile Lefebvre [Lefebvre 1845-1854]. Here the first description and reproduction of the so-called “lioness of Gobedra” is included [Lefebvre 1845-1854, Album, Archéologie, Pl. 5], as well as the description of the different types of monoliths erected in the various cemeteries around the city-centre (Fig. 7). With Lefebvre the cycle of the explorers and travellers in Ethiopia comes to an end and the period of proper archaeological exploration begins. Archaeological research from the early 20th century to present time The Deutsche Aksum-Expedition It is widespread opinion among scholars that Ethiopian archaeology was officially born in 1913 when the results of the scientific expedition conducted in Ethiopia and Eritrea between 1905 and 1906 by the Germans Enno Littmann, Samuel Krencker and Theodore von Lüpke were first published in Berlin in the four volumes forming the famous Deutsche Aksum-Expedition [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913]. This, beyond representing a remarkable

19

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

88], to the north-east of Aksum’s conurbation, first recorded by Alvarez, and at the site known as “Tomb of Menelik” [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 134-136; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 89-92]. In addition, two cisterns interpreted as fruit presses at Addi Tsahafi, to the north of Aksum [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 7477; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 162-165], the so-called “Rock cut shrine” decorated with a disc and crescent [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 69-70; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 71-72], and a system of possible ancient steps cut into the rock along the western slope of Mai Qoho hill [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 70-72; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 156-159] were first documented. Excavations were paralleled by accurate typological and metric descriptions and classifications of the Aksumite monuments; detailed maps were also included to show the distributions of archaeological remains within the territory. These have been primarily used for locating each archaeological evidence reported by the DAE within the GIS. DAE’s maps have been georeferenced using envir-

moment in the history of Ethiopian studies, undoubtedly constitute a benchmark in the archaeology of Aksum as excavations were first carried out in the area. The DAE brought entirely to light the monumental complex of Takha Maryam [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 112121, Tafel XIX; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 103-120], conducted test excavations and reconstructed the general plan of the inner buildings of Enda Semeon [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 110-112, Tafel XVIII; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 98-102], Enda Mikael [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 107-110, Tafel XVII; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 94-97] and the so-called Ruins A, B, C and D [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 122-124; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 120-122] in the Kuduku district and of Ruins E and F along the southern edge of Bieta Giyorgis hill [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 125-126; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 6]. Extensive excavations were also carried out at the so-called “Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal” [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 127-134, Tafeln XX, XXI; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 73-

Fig. 8 - Map with the location of the Aksumite monumental buildings excavated by the DAE

20

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

Fig. 9 - Map showing the location of the archaeological remains of the area of Aksum documented by the DAE

onmental and cultural elements as control points from already georeferenced maps and satellite images (e.g. rivers gullies, the church of St. Mary of Sion, Mai Shum water reservoir, larger stelae and visible thrones), but also during field observations with handle GPS (e.g. visible corner-stones of Enda Semeon and Enda Mikael and the threshold of Takha Maryam). Once the DAE maps were georeferenced, all the archaeological features represented have been digitized and thence included in the cartographic and alphanumeric database (Figs. 8, 9). The location of the two “fruit presses” at Addi Tsahafi, which were not reported in the maps, was obtained with a GPS during a visit in that area. On that occasion, remains of two more possible cisterns were noticed and documented. Although over a century has gone by since the DAE expedition at Aksum took place, the information provided in its publication remains valid and relevant and is still fundamental for any study on Aksumite monumental architecture (see Chapter 7).

The Italian occupation During the period of the Italian occupation major contributions of Italian scholars to Ethiopian studies were related to linguistic and philology. Yet few scholars started up archaeological investigations in the area of the ancient capital city. Among these, Ugo Monneret de Villard and Salvatore Maria Puglisi deserve to be mentioned here. Monneret de Villard’s intervention at Aksum was prominently topographical, having been sent to Tigray in 1937 by the Ministero dell’Africa Italiana to plan future archaeological excavations in that area and to supervise the transportation to Italy of architectural stela n. 2. His main objective was to continue the research started by the DAE, in line with the Italian government’s plans for long term colonial projects [Monneret de Villard 1938, v-vi]. During his stay, he outlined what he believed to be the “Archaeological area of Aksum”, reopened some of the DAE’s excavation units to check out the state of preservation of the structures, and started new surveys in order to analyse the features of the city’s subsoil. The results of his work were 21

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

the “Stelae Park”, the southernmost sector of the northern stelae field. Test excavations were carried out to the west of the so-called “Giant stela” (stela n. 1 in the DAE inventory), at the megalithic structure known as Nefas Mawcha, and along the main wall of the artificial terrace upon which the funerary area was installed [de Contenson 1959a, 2534, pl. XIII-XX; Leclant 1959a, 3-12]. These limited surveys provided important information on the chronological and cultural sequence of the area, elucidating for the first time stratigraphic sequences which covered a time-span ranging from the Classic Askumite to the first centuries of the post-Askumite period. In 1954, Doresse excavated some pit tombs found in the southeastern stelae field, around the so-called “Tomb of Bazen”, almost entirely destroyed by the building of the road leading to Adwa [Kebbede Mikael & Leclant 1955, 1-6], and in 1958 de Contenson started up archaeological excavations in the area of Saint Mary of Sion [de Contenson 1959b, 101-104, pl. XLVI, XLVII; 1963a, 3-14, pl. I-XXI]. Excavation units concentrated on the northern side of the modern church and revealed three major architectural levels with evidence of monumental architecture; more than 400 coins were found during the excavations ranging between the 3rd and the 7th century CE.4 The architectural technique and the presence of coins and imported materials, substantiated the hypothesis of the presence of a monumental pre-Christian Aksumite building under the foundations of the church. Previously, its presence had been surmised on account of ancient architectural elements re-utilized or preserved inside the church compound, and by the systematic survey of the visible structures carried out by the DAE. In the same years, de Contenson carried out archaeological investigations in the Aksum’s rural hinterland, thus increasing knowledge of the archaeological heritage of the wider area. The remains of a monumental building, presumably religious, of the Aksumite period were exposed at Ouchatei Golo, about 7 km to the north-west of the citycentre [de Contenson 1961a, 3-7, pl. I-VII] (Fig. 10). A cross-shaped shaft tomb was excavated at Addi Gwatiya, south of Enda Kaleb and Gabra Masqal [de Contenson 1963a, 14, pl. XXIV] (Fig. 10). Ceramic materials of the Aksumite period and an inscription in Geʽez were recorded at Geza Agumai and Malab Dabbas respectively [de Contenson 1963a, 14-15, pl. XXV]. The site at Geza Agumai has been quite precisely identified and georeferenced during the survey conducted between 2000 and 2001 by the joint Italian-American Expedition at Bieta Giyorgis of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” and Boston University (Fig. 10); the inscription at Malab Dabbas has been not yet identified.

published in 1938 in a volume entitled Aksum – Ricerche di topografia generale. There, the author provides a diachronic reconstruction of the development of Aksum by combining available and newly acquired archaeological evidence with ancient inscriptions and later Ethiopian and European documents up to 1936. He also provides the description of the archaeological materials found during the construction of the road linking Aksum to Adwa, which still crosses the city from east to west [Monneret de Villard 1938, 132-133]. The phenomena and information presented in the book are accompanied by two maps reproducing: a) the plan of the city-centre prior the 1910 (based on the one published within the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition in 1913) [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, I, Tafel II], and b) the plan of the city centre dated to 1937 published within the Guida dell’Africa Orientale Italiana in 1938 [Consociazione Turistica Italiana 1938, 262-263]. Although it doesn’t add any new element to the archaeological map of Aksum so far produced, this latter map has been included in the GIS by means of control points with already georeferenced maps and satellite images as it provides valuable information on Aksum’s urban development during the brief period of the Italian occupation, and on the possible location of some test excavations conducted between 1938 and 1940 by Salvatore Maria Puglisi. These brought to the light the remains of an Aksumite building in the area of Addi Kilte [Puglisi 1941, 95-153] and evidence of lithic tools of Aksumite times [Puglisi 1946, 284-290]. While the location of the building has been easily established as the mounded site is still clearly visible on surface, the exact location of the excavation units with lithic materials is much more difficult to determine. On the basis of Puglisi’s description the general area, Daaro Addi Kilte, has been roughly defined, corresponding to the large piazza with the sycamore north of the church of Maryam Tsion [Puglisi 1946, 287]. The Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology In the years from 1952 to 1970 the leading role in the field of Ethiopian archaeology was undertaken by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology, today Authority for Research and Conservation of the Cultural Heritage (ARCCH) founded in 1952 by Emperor Haile Selassie to protect the monuments and other antiquities which testify to the history of the Empire, and to promote archaeological research in Ethiopia [Fattovich 1992a, 41]. The Institute’s scientific activity, which was entrusted to French experts in the framework of an agreement between France and Ethiopia, achieved important results also in the area of Aksum with the identification and excavation of several new sites. Between 1954 and 1959 excavations at Aksum were conducted under the direction of J. Doresse, M. Pironin, J. Leclant and H. de Contenson. Their interest focused on

4  The westward prosecution of the wall of the second level was brought to light in 1962 during work for the building of the new basilica [Anfray 1965, 3-4].

22

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

Fig. 10 - Map showing major sites detected and investigated by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology

Between 1967 and 1969 the research activities of the Ethiopian Archaeological Institute were directed by Françis Anfray. At Aksum, extensive excavations were launched at Dungwur, to the west of the of the villa investigated by Puglisi in the area of Addi Kilte, which resulted in the still visible Late Aksumite monumental building also known as “Queen of Sheba Palace” [Anfray 1972a, 63-68, 2012]; remains of additional monumental buildings were revealed in the same area [Anfray 1972a, 6870, 2012]. Five cross-shaped shaft tombs were detected in 1968 and 1969 north-west and east of the “Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal”; one of them was excavated in 1969 [Anfray 1972a, 74]. Almost all the archaeological features detected by the French scholars of the Ethiopian Archaeological Institute have been positioned within the archaeological map of Aksum by taking their coordinates directly in the field. Dungwur building was clearly visible on the Ikonos satellite image and thence its general layout was digitised and positioned directly from there.

The years between 1970 and 1974 In spite of the undeniable boost given to archaeological research at Aksum by the investigations conducted from the mid- 1930s to the late 1960s, most of the work was concentrated in a few limited areas, partly recovering the structures identified by the DAE in 1906, and partly focussing on visible monumental complexes and on those exposed by the demolition of housing following the expropriation of land and the reorganization of the city during the l950s. With very few exceptions, the area investigated was restricted to the ancient city centre that had developed during Akums’s period of greatest economic and political expansion. While this approach contributed at defining the typology and distribution of major monumental structures, other important aspects remained uninvestigated: a welldefined and dated chronological sequence of the cultural materials which would allow the archaeological levels and monuments to be dated was not yet available and there was almost no information on the phase preceding the expansion of Aksum’s polity, which could have helped 23

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

the megalithic structure of “Nefas Mawcha” [Munro-Hay 1989, 47-120]. In the area of Addi Kilte, excavation units ES and IW revealed traces of monumental buildings similar to those excavated by the DAE; IW was seen to be part of the outer enclosure of the great building of Enda Semeon [Munro-Hay 1989, 121-141]. In the Gudit Stelae Field, to the southwest of the city centre, numerous trenches were opened near some of the stelae reported by the DAE and, in one case, they led to the finding of a pit tomb (GT II) [Munro-Hay 1989, 142-149]. To the north of the city, in the area of the “Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal” five surveys brought to light the remains of walls prior to, or contemporaneous with, the main structures (KAL I, KAL Ia, KAL II, KAL IV) and a cruciform pit tomb (KAL III) [Munro-Hay 1989, 42-46]. Finally, archaeological excavations at a rock shelter on the southern side of Gobo Dura hill, the dating of which remains controversial, made it possible to reconstruct for the first time a sequence of lithic industries in this area [Phillipson D.W. 1977, 53-82]. All these evidence, reported in separate maps at different scale

to reconstruct the processes which lead to the emergence of a centralized state on the Tigrean plateau with Aksum as its capital city. Archaeological expeditions working at Aksum between 1972 and 1974 attempted to find answers to some of these questions; these were the archaeological expedition of the British Institute in Eastern Africa directed by Neville H. Chittick, the Italian Archaeological Expedition of University of Rome “La Sapienza” directed by Lanfranco Ricci, and the Pennsylvania State University Archaeological Expedition directed by Joseph W. Michels. The assessment of a detailed chronology of the Aksumite period was the main objective of the research conducted at Aksum by the British Institute in Eastern Africa between 1972 and 1974 under the direction of Neville H. Chittick. Excavations carried out in the northern stelae field revealed numerous previously unrecorded buried stelae, shaft and other monumental tombs (Shaft tombs A, B, C, the Mausoleum, the “East Tomb”, the “Tomb of the False Door” and the “Tomb of the Brick Arches”); additional investigations were also carried out along the perimeter of

Fig. 11 - Map showing major sites detected and investigated by the BIEA and by University of Rome “La Sapienza” between 1972 and 1974

24

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

by Joseph W. Michels. It aimed to reconstruct, through the analysis of settlement patterns, the processes of social and political organization which had characterized the Tigrean plateau during the emergence, expansion and decline of Aksum’s polity. The systematic survey of the area between Aksum and Yeha conducted in 1974 resulted in the identification of 272 sites within about 200 square kilometres of territory explored [Michels 1988, 173-183, 1994, 6180, 2005]. Examination of the aerial photographs which had been used during the survey to navigate the area and locate the sites, as well as the systematic scrutiny of the original forms compiled in the field by the members of Michels’ expedition kept at the African Studies Library of Boston University, made it possible to: a) enter the evidence recorded during the 1974 survey into the GIS by georeferencing the aerial photographs using control points obtained by georeferenced topographic maps and satellite images (Fig. 12), b) reinterpret some surface evidence on the basis of current knowledge and c) integrate the data of the PSU survey with those collected during the fieldwork

of resolution have been included in the GIS by geoferencing the original maps using control points (Fig. 11). The reconstruction of the phases preceding the expansion of Aksum, and the reconstruction of the city’s formation processes were the goals of the research conducted by the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Rome “La Sapienza” at Seglamen, about 12 km out of Aksum, and on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis in 1974. At Bieta Giyorgis, beside the excavation of the remains of churches Bieta Giyorgis Superior and Bieta Giyorgis Inferior [Ricci & Fattovich 1988, 123-197], which had been first reported by DAE as ruins E and F, the expedition discovered inscriptions, ancient syenite quarry-sites, traces of collapsed structures and funerary stelae at the sites of Ona Nagast and Ona Enda Aboy Zewge, preliminary interpreting them as the traces of Aksum’s most ancient monumental area (Fig. 11) [Ricci 1974, 435-441, 1990, 129-141]. A different approach was adopted by the Archaeological Expedition of the Pennsylvania State University directed

Fig. 12 - Map showing the location of the sites of the area of Aksum detected by Michels in 1974

25

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

and anthropic factors have induced radical changes in the last few decades. The three research projects described in this section have considerably enriched the archaeological knowledge of the area of Aksum due to the extension of the area explored and the quantity and variety of data collected. Unfortunately, the critical political situation in Ethiopia in 1974 and 1975 led to a sudden interruption of research in the area until 1991, when the collapse of Mengistu Haile Maryam’s socialist regime gradually reopened the doors to archaeological researches.

conducted for the research project described in this book. Moreover, some adjustments of the chronological classification of the sites proposed by Michels in the light of the chronological and cultural sequence currently in use have been possible on the basis of ceramics descriptions. In general, Michels’ Early Pre-Aksumite period corresponds to the current pre-Aksumite (ca. 800-360 CE) and the Middle Pre-Aksumite and part of the Late Pre-Aksumite correspond to the current Proto-Aksumite (ca. 360 – 120/40 CE). It has not been possible to equate his cultural phases for the Aksumite period. In spite of these chronological limitations, PSU’s work remains important as it represents the first attempt of archaeological analysis on a regional scale in this area. Moreover, it was the first time that an integrated approach to the territory was adopted by recording archaeological but also environmental and ethnographic information. Thus, the textual and photographic material collected during the PSU survey constitute a valuable source of data with respect to a territory where natural

From the recommencement of archaeological research to date Since 1993, two archaeological expeditions, one by the British Institute in Eastern Africa and the Society of Antiquaries of London directed by David W. Phillipson, and the other by University of Naples “L’Orientale” and Boston University co-directed by Rodolfo Fattovich and

Fig. 13 - Map showing the location of major sites detected and investigated by the BIEA between 1993 and 1997 (triangles are excavated sites, circles are surveyed sites)

26

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 218-220; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 20-22] as well as few other tombs in the Gudit Stelae Field [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 225-228]. Excavations were also conducted at the pre- and Late-Aksumite D site at Kidane Mehret [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 267-379; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 39-42; Phillipson & Reynolds 1996, 115-126] and at K site at Malake Aksum [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 381-418; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 2639], respectively to the north-west of the modern urban area and in the northeastern sector of the urban area itself. Extensive non systematic survey of part of the territory led to the identification of numerous pre-Aksumite and Aksumite sites contributing to increase knowledge on the settlement pattern of the area [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 17-26; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 44-47; Phillipson & Reynolds 1996, 143-146]. Two rock shelters were excavated to the east and to the west of the modern urban area respectively, at the sites of Baati Newait [Finneran 1998, 35-42; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 26] and Anqqer Baati

Kathryn A. Bard, highly contributed to the advancement of archaeological research at Aksum, taking up problems previously left unsolved and pointing research in new directions. From 1993 to 1997, the main objective of the BIEA archaeological expedition at Aksum was to acquire greater and more detailed information on the archaeological heritage of the territory and on ancient settlement dynamics in the area, with particular attention to the study of ancient economy and of the strategies of exploitation of environmental resources which led to the development of the city. Beside the completion of excavations at the Tomb of the Brick Arches [Phillipson D.W. 1994, 21-25; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 31-133; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 6-14; Phillipson & Reynolds 1996, 109-115] and the Mausoleum [Phillipson D.W. 1994, 16; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 165-218; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 15-20; Phillipson & Reynolds 1996, 102-108], entrance to the East Tomb was excavated [Phillipson D.W. 1994, 16-21;

Fig. 14 - Map showing the location of major sites detected and investigated by the UNO/BU expedition between 1993 and 2003 (triangles are excavated sites, circles are surveyed sites)

27

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 15 - Map showing the location of archaeological sites detected and investigated by UNO, Hamburg University and ARCCH

[Finneran 1998, 35-42; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 25-26; Phillipson & Phillips 1998, 47-48]. Finally, ancient syenite quarries for the extraction of funerary stelae were documented along the southern and eastern slopes of the Gobo Dura hill [Phillipson D.W. 1994, 25; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 229-243] and along the Mai Gwodae river [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 243-246]. Most of the sites recorded by this expedition have been revisited and located by the author of this book; in other cases, the insertion of the archaeological evidence within the general archaeological map of Aksum was achieved by georeferencing, with the establishment of control points, the maps included in the BIEA final report (Fig. 13). At the same time as the BIEA expedition, the joint UNO/ BU archaeological expedition launched a ten-year project which was completed in 2003. Investigations mostly concentrated on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, at the sites of Ona Nagast and Ona Enda Aboy Zewge, confirming Ricci’s hypothesis that the area was the most ancient political core of Aksum by revealing the remains of monumental build-

ings and elite tombs starting from the Proto-Aksumite period.5 After a first phase of research aimed at the reconstruction of a complete chronological/cultural sequence of the area, the expedition took on a wider dimension by adopting an integrated approach aimed at reconstructing long-term human-environmental interactions. In 2000, a systematic survey of the top and northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis was launched. This led to the identification of settlements and infrastructures, some of which have been subsequently excavated [Bard & Fattovich 2001, 11-13, 2002, 1-4; Fattovich & Bard 2002, 23-36; Fattovich et al. 2000b, 43-67, 2001, 15-22] (Fig. 14). The archaeological evidence recorded during the UNO/BU survey, already included into a GIS software, have been directly exported in 5  For a detailed description of the results see Bard & Fattovich 1993a, 3-6, 1993b, 14-17, 1995, 25-27, 1997, 22-28, 2001, 11-13, 2002, 1-4; Bard et al. 1996, 21-23, 1997, 387-403, 1998, 10-12; Fattovich 1994, 4955, 1995, 34-37; Fattovich & Bard 1993, 41-71, 1995, 5-35, 1996, 71-94, 1997 49-70, 1998, 57-76, 2001, 7-34, 2002, 23-36; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 2000b, 43-67, 2001, 15-22.

28

Mapping literary sources: pre-field studies and the location of archaeological evidence

the new platform used for the project here described. The Landscape Archaeology approach adopted by the UNO/BU expedition has been subsequently carried on by UNO which continued researches at Aksum between 2005 and 2008 under the direction of Rodolfo Fattovich. The expedition employed an interdisciplinary approach with the collaboration of various professionals and institutions including the Center for Remote Sensing and the African Studies Center of Boston University, the Department of Geoarchaeology of the University of Cambridge, and the Department of Soil Science and Plant Nutrition of the University of Florence. In that period excavations were conducted at Gumala, Mahraf, Mekayho, Grat Abba Qaly, Chankwa Mandar and Daaro, and brought to the light the remains of a cruciform structure, part of a monumental building associated to a Mestah Werki-type slab, a church, a possible pre-Christian temple, a monumental building (with a possible ritual function) and few tombs respectively (Fig. 15).6 All these date back to the Classic/Middle Aksumite period with the exception of the tombs which can be dated to Early Aksumite times. In addition to the BIEA, UNO/BU and UNO expeditions, few other archaeological research projects have been conducted at Aksum in the last decade. Between 2000 and 2003, with occasional assays between 2004 and 2006, a German expedition from the University of Hamburg worked at Aksum under the direction of Helmut Ziegert. Its main objective was the investigation of the ancient processes of state control and Christianization in the area. Excavations at the site of Berik Awdi, to the north-east of Aksum conurbation (Fig. 15), uncovered the remains of six Aksumite buildings. Test excavations were also conducted between 2004 and 2006 around the Dungwur palace and in the cathedral enclosure. Of the latter no publication or official document have been provided. The results of the investigation carried out at Berik Awdi are reported in a document presented at Hamburg in 2003 on the occasion of the 15th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies7 and in an article published in Annales d’Éthiopie [Wendowski & Ziegert 2003, 215-230]. Finally, a boost to the documentation and preservation of Aksum’s archaeological heritage has been given in the last few years by the Authority for Research and Conservation of the Cultural Heritage in the framework of the “Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project” under the sponsorship of the World Bank. A brief archaeological survey of the Aksum area carried out in 2004 under the direction of Ato Welelegn Eshete led to the recording of the state of

preservation of the known monuments and to the identification of some new sites (Fig. 15).8 In the framework of the same project, excavations conducted in 2006 by Takla Hagos in the area of Gangua Edaga, on the eastern side of the city along the road to Adwa (Fig. 15), led to the reconstruction of the plan and to the excavation of some rooms belonging to a church dating to the Classic and Middle Aksumite periods (ca. 150-550 CE), known by the local tradition as Arbatu Ensesa [Takla Hagos 2008, 19-78]. In the same year test excavations were conducted in the Stelae Park, on the occasion of the construction of the new archaeological museum and brought to the light traces of pit tombs marked by stelae dating back to the late ProtoAksumite/Early Aksumite phases [Takla Hagos 2008, 84112]. Conclusions Despite Ethiopia’s periods of political instability, archaeological research at Aksum has gradually increased knowledge of the archaeological heritage of the area, with the creation of a rich literary corpus which includes occasional descriptions of monuments by first travellers and explorers up to scientific reports of recent research projects. Research direction has evolved from simple antiquarian curiosity to the investigation of complex phenomena including human-environmental interactions and long-term study of problems of human ecology. Information retrieved by the examination of the literary sources combined to direct and indirect georeferencing procedures allowed to build up a preliminary archaeological map (and database) of the area of Aksum which constituted the core to which new data collected during the systematic survey of the territory have been added. The procedures and results of the latter will be the central topic of the coming chapters.

See on-line preliminary reports of fieldworks from 2005 to 2008 at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_omp_17-03-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf and http://www.unior.it/index2.php?content_id=10892&content_id_ start=1&titolo=aksum-reports&parLingua=ITA

6 

Data from this survey are included in a technical report submitted to the Authority for Research and Conservation of the Cultural Heritage, Addis Ababa, entitled Ethiopia Cultural Heritage Project – Inventory of Archaeological Sites in Axum, Addis Ababa, January 2005. 8 

Wendowski & Ziegert, Statebuilding and Christianity in Aksum, Ziegert, Aksum – quarries and copper processing, paper presented to the 15th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Hamburg, 21-25 July, 2003.

7 

29

CHAPTER 3

Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures Surveying the landscape: field procedures and data collection As previously mentioned, the comprehensive survey of the whole area of Aksum is the result of two different projects carried out between 2005 and 2006. The first one, conducted by the author with the assistance of Laurel Phillipson, was organized as part of the Landscape Archaeology Research Project launched in 2000 by the UNO/BU joint expedition at Bieta Giyorgis [Bard & Fattovich 2002, 1-4; Fattovich & Bard 2002, 3233; Fattovich et al. 2000b, 45-50] and continued between 2005 and 2009 by the UNO. The second survey was realized as part of the Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project – Aksum branch – Site Planning and Conservation Component sponsored by the World Bank for the documentation, preservation and promotion of the archaeological heritage of the area of Aksum. In this case, the survey was directed by Takla Hagos (ARCCH) and Rodolfo Fattovich (UNO) with the participation of Laurel Phillipson and the author. Although the ultimate scopes of the two projects differed substantially, the adoption of a common survey strategy, with the use of the same

Fundamental to the reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern of the area was the systematic, comprehensive archaeological survey of the whole territory of Aksum conducted between 2005 and 2006 as part of two different projects. This provided a large corpus of new data which complemented the information available from previous researches (mostly concentrated in few, specific areas where archaeological excavations had been carried out through time) and substantiated the diachronic study of occupation dynamics and land exploitation strategies at a macro-scale. The first, significant output of the survey was the realization of the archaeological map of the whole area of Aksum, a basic tool for researchers working in this area and for local, regional and federal Ethiopian institutions involved in the preservation and promotion of the cultural heritage. This chapter describes the field procedures and documentation strategies adopted during the two survey projects and their results, including the updated, comprehensive archaeological map of Aksum.

Fig. 16a - Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005 in the framework of the UNO archaeological expedition at Aksum; on the background the 1:50,000 topographic map

31

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 16b - Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005 in the framework of the UNO archaeological expedition at Aksum; on the background Ikonos satellite image

descriptive categories for the documentation of surface evidence, allowed the integration and comprehensive analysis of all collected data.

southeastern and southwestern slopes were investigated [Bard & Fattovich 2002, 1-4; Fattovich & Bard 2002, 3233; Fattovich et al. 2000b, 45-50]. On the whole, an area of about 8.6 square kilometres was systematically investigated (Figs. 16 a and b).1 The area includes: cultivated plains (Zala, Gumala and Asbah) with scattered rural dwellings interspersed with pasture areas with low bushes and shrubs, steep, forested slopes (Ma Qono and Qubie) with eucalyptus, acacias and bushes, and the terraced slopes on the northern and northeastern sides of Bieta Giyorgis (Enda Giyorgis and Asbah). In addition to topographic maps,2 an IKONOS satellite image was used to navigate the area and to organize the survey units. Rather than establishing transects or artificial grids, the survey area was divided and investigated according to the main topographic units, following a survey method

The 2005 survey of Bieta Giyorgis and adjacent areas This survey was aimed at documenting all visible evidence that could contribute to the study of ancient human/environmental interaction dynamics through the reconstruction of the changes occurred in the landscape occupation and exploitation strategies, also in the light of present phenomena of environmental degradation. Thence, all possible archaeological evidence ̶ site and off-site ̶ were taken into account and recorded. The survey was conducted in May and early June, before the beginning of the rainy season, when agricultural fields are free from crops and the general vegetation cover is minimal thus allowing a high degree of visibility. The survey involved the northern, eastern and western slopes of Bieta Giyorgis hill and the areas of Zala, Gumala and Asbah to the northeast, north and north-west of it respectively; the southern footslopes of Kubie hill, to the north-east of Aksum, were also explored. It completed the exploration of Bieta Giyorgis conducted between 2000 and 2002 by the UNO/BU expedition, when the hilltop and the southern,

A preliminary description of the results of the survey carried out in 2005 is available on-line at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_omp_17-032014_5326e737a0b44.pdf. 1 

2  A topographic map on a scale of 1:2,000 created by the Ethiopian Mapping Agency is limited to the urban center of Aksum and the lower southern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho hills.

32

Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures

Fig. 17 - Map showing the location of sites detected during the 2005 UNO survey project

based on “land systems”, or “territorial units”, where “land systems” are defined as areas with homogeneous topographic, pedological and vegetative features [Christian & Stewart 1953; Fanning & Holdaway 2002]. This approach allows a preliminary synthesis of the territory’s physical characteristics and provides useful information concerning land-use and long- term soil sustainability. Moreover, since “land systems” are defined not only on the basis of their geomorphological and topographic features, but also by their current use, the natural and cultural factors which may affect the visibility and surface distribution of archaeological materials vary between units rather than within them. This allows surveyors to make a priori assumptions on which units or system of units will be characterized by greater or lesser surface visibility and to hypothesize which cultural and/or natural factors may affect the density and distribution of surface materials in order to organize early in advance the number, required expertise and spacing of the members forming the survey team. The survey crew was formed by a minimum of five to a maximum of ten people according to the characteristics of the units to be surveyed. The crew included one or two archaeologists, occasionally a geoarchaeologist and three

to eight local workers. Survey team members were spaced at intervals of 2.5 meters in flat, open areas with low vegetation cover and at 1meter in forested slopes and in areas with denser vegetation. Starting from a point identifiable both on the satellite image and in the landscape, the survey crew advanced on foot in a straight line up to a fixed point, which generally coincided with a topographic or geomorphological boundary or element of the landscape, than pivot and back. During the survey, a total of 123 surface archaeological records were detected (Fig. 17).3 Each was located by mean of two hand GPS, coded with a progressive number preceded by 05/, and described using standardized forms including the following information: 1. location: coordinates and elevation, usually taken at the centre of the exposure or, at the centre and along the perimeter in case of large sites, locality name, site name; 2. environmental characteristics: topography, soil type, present vegetation cover, presence of rivers or other water sources, occurrence of raw materials in the immediate vicinity; 3. archaeological evidence: type, extension and density The complete list of surfaces records detected during the 2005 UNO Survey Project is presented in Appendix 1. 3 

33

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 18a - Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005/2006 in the framework of the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project; on the background topographic map

of visible materials and features, the former rated as low, medium and high on the basis of the number of artefacts present in a 1 sqm sample area (low = 1-5 specimens, medium = 6-10 specimens, high = > 10 specimens). This type of classification of surface materials density was the same used during the 2000/2002 survey of the hilltop and southern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis by the UNO/BU expedition and was adopted to compare the two different datasets; 4. ethnographic information: present land-use, traditional soil classification, transcription and translation of placenames, local traditions related to the area and/or to the site; 5. imagery: high resolution photographs and, if necessary, sketches or plans of the record.

The Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Survey Project The archaeological survey conducted in the framework of the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project was aimed at assessing Aksum’s archaeological heritage and its state of preservation through the direct exploration of the whole territory of Aksum and the location, description and inventorying of surface evidence. Four months of fieldwork were conducted to accomplish the task, divided into two periods: a) October/November 2005: exploration of the historical city centre of Aksum which broadly corresponds to the monumental area of the ancient Aksumite capital; b) March/May 2006: comprehensive survey of the surrounding territory.

Random sampling of surface material was conducted over the whole exposure to enable its functional and chronological classification.4 All collected materials have been deposited in the storerooms of the archaeological museum of Aksum.

The following areas were explored:5 1) the urban area encompassing the historical city-centre and the modern urban expansion; 2) the Safeho plain in the south; 3) the northern slopes of Addi Guio and Addi Hankara hills and the adjacent plains;

4  The ceramic materials were analysed and classified by Cinzia Perlingieri, University of Naples “L’Orientale”; glass, metals and imported materials by Andrea Manzo, University of Naples “L’Orientale”; knapped lithics and other stone objects by Laurel Phillipson.

5  The Bieta Giyorgis hill and adjacent plains were excluded from the World Bank survey program as they had already been explored by the UNO/BU and UNO expeditions as described in the previous section.

34

Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures

Fig. 18b - Map showing the general extension of the area surveyed in 2005/2006 in the framework of the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project; on the background Ikonos satellite image

4) the hill of Ziban Aymahak, which marked the southern boundary of Aksum territory; 5) Addi Kerni and the adjacent plain; 6) Mai Qoho hill and the adjacent plain; 7) the western slopes of Addi Zana and the adjacent plain; 8) the hill of Mishilam and the area between the latter and Debre Pantalewon; 9) Enda Kaleb, Enda Liqanos and Addi Gwatiya; 10) the eastern sector of the plain between Enda Kaleb, Enda Liqanos and Kubie; 11) the hill of Godif, which represents the southeastern boundary of the territory; 12) the plain between the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Gobo Dura; 13) the areas of Golo, Ouchatei Golo and Gual Gobo Dura, on the northern slope of Gobo Dura hill; 14) the northwestern slopes of Gobo Dura, the valley between Golo and Zirka and the terraces along the southern and western slopes of Zirka; 15) the southwestern slopes of Gobo Dura and the terraces to the west of the river Mai Negus in the areas of Filifil and Bejerawi; 16) the southeastern slopes of Gobo Dura hill and the southwestern slopes of Addi Hankara;

17) the southeastern, northern and northeastern slopes of Melata hill6 and the adjacent plain; 18) the western slopes of Qubie hill and the valley between the latter and Addi Tsahafi (Fig. 18 1 and b).7 A total area of about 91.4 square kilometres was explored, which included flat areas, steep slopes and terraced hillsides gently sloping towards the plain with a vegetation cover ranging from forests of eucalyptus, areas with a thick coverage of acacias and bushes, to clear agricultural fields and grazing lands with small shrubs and grasses. Also in this case, the survey of the rural area was carried out after the harvest, during the dry season, thus guaranteeing a better visibility and an easy access to cultivated fields. For surveying the urban centre, the cartographic basis was the 100 x 100 m grid of the 1:2,000 scale topographic map of Aksum town realized in 1992 by the Ethiopian Mapping Agency8 combined with the IKONOS satellite image; for The hilltop and western slope of Melata hill were not surveyed because of the severe soil erosion rate that had already compromised the preservation of archaeological deposits, if any. 6 

7  For a detailed description of the World Bank survey procedures and results see Fattovich & Takla Hagos, 2005, 2006.

EMA 1992, Aksum, sheets 2,4,5.

8 

35

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 19 - Map showing the location of sites detected during the World Bank survey project in the greater area of Aksum

the rural area, the 1x1 km grid of the 1:50,000 topographic map was used,9 together with the Earthsat TM and ASTER satellite images. The survey was carried out on foot by a survey team of 5 to 8 members spaced 2.5 m in open areas and 1 m along the hillsides and in the areas of denser vegetation cover. On the whole, 273 surface archaeological records were documented, 51 located in the urban area10 and 222 in the broader, rural territory (Fig. 19).11 Evidence from the urban area included new data, mostly consisting of surface concentrations of ancient ceramics and other materials and/ or architectural remains of possible Aksumite structures, but also visible remains of already known structures that, on this occasion, have been re-described and positioned. Absolute coordinates, for instance, were recorded of some structural elements of the buildings of Enda Semeon, Enda

10  The archaeological evidence recorded in the urban center of Aksum were named using the letters on the grid of the 1:2,000 topographic map followed by a progressive number.

Mikael and Takha Maryam, investigated by the DAE in 1906 [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 107-121; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 94-120] and today almost entirely destroyed or covered by modern housing. (Fig. 20). All records were located by using three hand GPS receivers, and identified with an alphanumerical code formed by the initials of the region (Tg = Tigray) and of the administrative district (LM = Lalay Maichew), the month and year of discovery, and a progressive arabic number (e.g. Tg-LM-05-06-124). Each record was described using a standardized form elaborated by the ARCCH with the following indications: 1. location: coordinates and altitude (taken at the centre of the exposure or, at the centre and along the perimeter in case of large sites), site name, locality name, district and region; 2. environmental characteristics: topography, soil type, present vegetation cover, presence of rivers or other water sources, occurrence of raw materials in the immediate vicinity; 3. archaeological evidence: type, extension and density of visible materials and features,12 functional, chronological

11  For a detailed description of the surface archaeological records registered during the survey carried out as part of the project sponsored by the World Bank see Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2005, 2006. The complete list of the surfaces records is presented in Appendix 4.

12  The parameters used for the description of the density of the materials were the same as those adopted during the survey carried out in 2005 by the University of Naples “L’Orientale” previously described.

9  EMA 1997 1:50.000, Series Eth 4, sheets 1438 D3 (Aksum), 1438 D4 (Adwa).

36

Acquiring new data: the two survey projects, field strategies and procedures

Fig. 20 - Map showing the location of surface archaeological evidence detected during the World Bank survey project in the city centre of Aksum

and cultural classification of the assemblages; 4. ethnographic information: present land-use, traditional soil classification, transcription and translation of placenames, legends and other possible local traditions related to the area and/or to the site; 5. imagery: high resolution photographs and/or plans and sketches of the exposed materials and features; 6. state of preservation and description of the possible natural and cultural elements affecting the site. As the collection of surface artefacts was not expected within the World Bank project, the description and the typological and chronological classification of significant materials was provided directly in the field.13 Only rarely, diagnostic ceramic fragments and lithic artefacts were collected for a more precise description and deposited in the Bureau of Culture and Tourism, Central Zone, Aksum. Finally, an important contribution to the archaeological exploration of the Aksum territory was provided by

the surveys carried out by Laurel Phillipson during the projects previously described. These led to the location and description of 69 surface archaeological records, coded with a progressive arabic number preceded by the initials LP [Phillipson L. 2009]. Also in this case, all collected materials have been stored at the archaeological museum of Aksum. The surveys carried out in 2005 and 2006 throughout the whole territory of Aksum, allowed to identify abundant evidence of past human activities and significantly enhanced the existing knowledge on the archaeological area of Aksum as they led to the registration of 465 new records which represent 64% of the overall evidence attested in the area. All the archaeological evidence documented during the surveys have been combined to surface and excavated data from previous expeditions for an overall amount of 698 records.14 This enabled the creation of the archaeological map of the whole area of Aksum (Fig. 21) and constituted the basic source for an updated assessment of the

Ceramic materials were analyzed by Rodolfo Fattovich and Luisa Sernicola, University of Naples “L’Orientale”, and by Takla Hagos, Authority for the Research and Conservation of the Cultural Heritage, Addis Ababa. Knapped and other stone objects were examined by Laurel Phillipson.

13 

Raw data related to all archaeological records documented for the area of Aksum will be presented in the volume The Archaeological Map of Aksum by Fattovich et al. in preparation. 14

37

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 21 - The archaeological map of Aksum with all recorded evidence

archaeological area of Aksum which will be presented in the following chapter together with a glimpse on the principal natural and anthropic factors which have influenced the formation and preservation of the archaeological deposits.

38

CHAPTER 4

The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment

The archaeological map resulted from the combination of published data and newly acquired ones includes evidence distributed in the whole territory of Aksum as geomorphologically and physically defined and described in Chapter 1. Although a preliminary, detailed analysis of the archaeological area of Aksum had already been carried out by the UNO/BU archaeological expedition at Bieta Giyorgis [Fattovich et al. 2000a], subsequent research including the two survey projects described above, significantly augmented, both in terms of quantity and spatial distribution, the corpus of available data thus allowing to provide a comprehensive assessment of the amount, displacement and preservation of the archaeological heritage within the urban centre and the adjacent areas.

Zone A Zone A (ca. 14 square kilometres, green line in the figures) is bounded on the north by the river Mai Gwodae/Hibay, on the northeast by the Zala plain, on the east and southeast by the river Mai Mekan, on the south by the river Mai Abeqat, and on the west by the plain of Asbah. It includes: a) the historical city-centre of Aksum, situated in the plain to the south of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho hills; b) the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho; c) the plain of Dungwur, immediately to the west of the city-centre; d) the area of Gangua Edaga, along the southern slopes of Mai Qoho hill; e) Addi Gwatiya and Abba Liqanos to the north of Mai Qoho. This has the greatest and denser concentration of archaeological evidence as 46 % of the overall archaeological record is situated in this area which has an archaeological density of 22.9 records per square kilometre (Fig. 23). It includes, as discussed below, the most ancient settlements yet recorded, and the monumental area of the subsequent capital city of Aksumite time. The area is presently intensively settled in the case of the city-centre and the southern slopes of Mai Qoho hill, cultivated with isolated rural dwellings and hamlets on the

The archaeological area of Aksum: some quantitative analysis On the basis of the density of distribution of the archaeological evidence, the archaeological area of Aksum can be subdivided into three zones here arbitrarily denominated as Zone A, Zone B, and Zone C (Figs. 22a and b).1

Fig. 22a - Map showing Zones A, B, and C; on the background Landsat satellite image

1  Zones A, B and C broadly correspond to the “Core Zone”, “Peripheral Zone” and “Marginal Zone” described in Fattovich et al. 2000a, 31-32.

39

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 22b - Map showing Zones A, B, and C; on the background topographic map (b)

hilltop and along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis and at Dungwur, forested with interspersed cultivated fields and grazing lands in the other areas; here almost all the sites visitable by tourists are located.

present. Also cattle grazing was probably intensively practiced in this area, as suggested by the presence, on top of small knolls overlooking the plain, of many small archaeological sites with a variable amount of microliths and potsherds, often with no traces of constructed structures [Phillipson L. 2009, 25] interpreted as temporary settlements possibly belonging to herders. These might explain the paucity of archaeological evidence in this zone. However, a number of discrete patches of Aksumite potsherds and lithics artefacts were noticed during the surveys conducted in 1996 and 1997 by members of the BIEA archaeological expedition at Aksum in parts of Zone B [Phillipson L. 2000c, 434]. None of them was more visible by 2005 [Phillipson L. 2009, 25] suggesting that anthropic and/or environmental factors might have disturbed the preservation of archaeological records in this area thus concurring, together with the possible original land-use, to the low density of archaeological records in this zone.

Zone B Zone B (ca. 24 square kilometres, yellow line in the figures) encompasses the plains surrounding the city-centre and the hills of Bieta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho, which include the plain of: a) Gumala in the north; b) Zala in the north-east; c) the area between Abba Pantalewon and the hill of Mishilam to the east; d) Safeho in the south; e) Asbah in the west. These are mostly cultivated lands with rare, isolated rural settlements often located at the border between the cultivated plain and the footslopes of adjacent hills. This is the less intensively occupied zone (Fig. 23): only 18.8% of the overall archaeological record is present here with an archaeological density of 5.41 records per square kilometre. This area, due to the presence of high productivity black vertic-like soils, might have been mostly devoted to farming also in ancient times. It is not rare the occurrence of remains of ancient isolated settlements at the margins of the plain, between the flat area and the adjacent footslopes, following an occupation pattern similar to the

Zone C Zone C (ca. 67 square kilometres, orange line in the figures) consists of the ring of hills surrounding the plain around Aksum and forming a physical boundary to the territory. It includes: a) Addi Tsahafi and Melata in the north; b) Qubie in the north-east; c) Mishilam and Abba Pantale-

40

The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment

won in the east; d) Godif and Addi Kerni in the southeast; e) Ziban Aymahak in the south; f) Addi Hankara in the south-west; h) Gobo Dura in the west; i) Zirka in the north-west. These are mainly cultivated areas, especially on the hilltops and along the naturally or artificially terraced slopes of certain reliefs, with isolated settlements and hamlets intermitted by grazing spots and forests along the steeper slopes. 35.2 % of the overall archaeological record is located in Zone B, which shows an archaeological density of 3.65 records per square kilometre (Fig. 23).

The surface remains, which form the most conspicuous evidence of Aksum’s archaeological record, can be divided into two groups on the basis of surface distribution of materials: a) variously dense superficial scatters of ceramics, lithics and other artefactual material; this comprises the greater part of the total record (Fig. 25); b) mounds of building rubble resulted by the collapse of architectural structures both monumental or rural often characterized by very few exposed artefactual materials (Fig. 25 and 26).

Fig. 25 - Graph showing the percentage of mounds and surface scatters in the area of Aksum

This is mostly due to the process of formation of this type of sites as the building rubble tends to seal the materials below the surface. In the case of non residential monumental structures, the paucity of exposed materials due to the site formation process is complemented by the scarcity of lithic and ceramic artefacts which is generally recorded at this type of buildings [Phillipson L. 2009, 128].

Fig. 23 - Graph showing the distribution of archaeological evidence within the different zones

Most of the recorded archaeological record is now only surface evidence while a very low percentage corresponds to sites that have been investigated with archaeological excavations (Fig. 24). Among the latter, 82% is situated in Zone A, the core of Aksum’s archaeological area where most of the archaeological expeditions have mostly focused their investigations so far, 4.5% in Zone B and 13.5% in Zone C.

Fig. 26 - Mounded site in the plain north of Aksum

Archaeological records are not uniformly distributed with respect to the topography of the Aksum’s territory: most of them (52%) are found along the hillslopes, 32% in the plain and 16% on the flat top of typical amba (Fig. 27). Finally, figure 28 shows where most of the archaeological evidence is situated with respect to present land-use, with 42% in cultivated areas and 22% in fallow grounds; lower

Fig. 24 - Graph showing the percentage of excavated and surface archaeological evidence in the area of Aksum

41

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

percentages of records are found in settled areas (16%), pasture lands (11%), and forests (9%).

obliteration of the archaeological heritage is displayed. In the case of Aksum, where much effort is put by local authorities into the promotion of the archaeological heritage seen as a marker of the common cultural identity and as an economic resource for the territory, such a map could represent an useful tool for evaluating priorities and planning proper interventions aimed at protecting endangered sites. Several large-scale landscape studies of the Near Eastern regions adopt an environment-based approach when investigating processes of deterioration of the archaeological record due to the climatic and geological variability of the examined regions. The result is quite often represented by a classification based primarily on environmental elements (see e.g. Wilkinson 2003, 41-42). In this case, the study focused on a relatively small and climatically homogeneous territory, the environmental approach – here mostly based on the geomorphological and topographic nature of the area – has been combined to anthropogenic factors, mostly represented by land-use strategies, which severely act on the preservation of archaeological sites and on the appearance of surface scatters in intensively settled and exploited areas. Four diverse land-uses have been documented in the area of Aksum, which include: farming, forest, settlement, and fallow grounds/pasture lands. Although direct, systematic observations through time would be necessary to fully assess the effect of land-use on Aksum’s archaeological deposits and surface scatters, a preliminary description is presented in the following section, which combines occasional on-site observations to general principles gained from researches conducted by various scholars in other regions. This represents a crucial step in order to understand the distribution of artefacts across the area before the question of interpretation is addressed.

Fig. 27 - Graph showing the distribution of archaeological records with respect to the topography of the area

Fig. 28 - Graph showing the distribution of archaeological records with respect to present land-use

This information provides a starting point for ascertaining the main natural and cultural factors which affect the preservation of the archaeological evidence in the study-area, a fundamental aspect for scientific research and cultural heritage protection strategies. Experimental studies and models are providing increasing indications for the evaluation of the impact of post-depositional processes on the distribution of artefacts within the archaeological deposit (see e.g. Branthingham, Surovell & Waguespack 2007, 517-540). In this work, we will focus on those affecting surface distribution of archaeological materials. This will provide important indications for the recognition and interpretation of surface patterns, as taphonomic processes act on the typology, density and distribution of surface materials, but also hints on sites preservation and the disturbance they are exposed according to their location. This would allow the creation of a map of the archaeological risk where the susceptibility of Aksum’s areas to the main causes of degradation and

Causes of degradation and alteration of the surface exposure of archaeological records in the area of Aksum Taphonomic processes in farming areas As shown in figure 28, the majority of surface archaeological evidence of the area of Aksum is located in presentday cultivated areas, where it is prone to a variety of processes of alteration of the deposit and surface exposure. The agricultural system of this area and, in general, of the northern Ethiopian highlands has been defined as “grainplough complex” [Westphal 1975]. Tillage is practiced with the traditional ox-drawn ard plough (mahrasha) which reaches an average depth comprised between 10.1 and 15.3 cm in plough furrows [Goe 1999] and of 6.8-8.1 cm of reworked soil during one tillage operation [Nyssen et al. 2000, 6]. Crop repertoire includes mostly barley (Hordeum vulgare), wheat (Triticum sp.) and teff (Eragrostis tef) but pulses are also cultivated. After har-

42

The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment

vesting, stubble grazing is common. If, on the one hand, agricultural activity has the merit, in some cases, of bringing artefacts to the surface, thus giving visibility to an archaeological deposit, on the other hand farming practices jeopardize the interpretation of surface evidence by affecting artefacts distribution. In the last four decades, systematic studies of the influence of post-depositional disturbance on archaeological deposits, especially of those located in cultivated areas, has become an increasingly important component of archaeological research and the interpretation of surface collections, stimulated by the growing number of regional projects and by the progressive standardization of survey procedures [see e.g. Ammerman 1985; Ammerman & Fieldman 1978; Clark & Schofield 1991; Dunnell & Simek 1995, 305; Lewarch & O’Brien 1981b; Schofield (ed.) 1991; Shott 1995, 478]. Field researches conducted on artefacts scatters exposed to agricultural activities have demonstrated that four factors must be considered in pattern recognition of surface materials in plough zones [Boismier 1991, 17; Lewarch & O’Brien 1981a, 1981b]: horizontal displacement, vertical displacement, changes in class frequencies after ploughing, destruction and alteration of artefacts, features and layers. All of these have been taken into account during the survey and classification of Aksum’s surface records, and will be briefly described hereafter.

than 4 cm are moved the least horizontal distance [Boismier 1991, 17, Tab. 3.1; Lewarch 1979, 112; Lewarch & O’Brien 1981b]. 2) Vertical displacement and changes in class frequencies Vertical displacement and the consequent segregation of some artefacts (or classes of artefacts) seems to be the result of a cumulative process influenced above all by artefacts size [Boismier 1991, 18]. Ploughing implements tend to separate soil particles, with large objects found at higher levels and smaller ones at lower levels [Boismier 1991, 18; Lewarch 1979, 116-122]. With repeated ploughing, vertical displacement progressively decreases until a state of equilibrium is reached. The vertical displacement of surface material is, thence, regulated by what Baker termed “size effect” [Baker 1978], as a result of which artefacts larger than 4 cm tend be present on cultivated surface in higher proportions compared to the total artefacts population [Boismier 1991, 18]. The immediate consequence of vertical displacement is the alteration in artefact class frequencies. Ploughing experiments have demonstrated that the surface sample is usually less than 10% of the total artefact population in plough zones [Boismier 1991, 18; Lewarch 1979; Lewarch & O’Brien 1981b], with an average value between 2% and 5% [Ammerman 1985, Clark & Schofield 1991, 100; Shott 1995, 478], although some data show that the rate of exposition might vary, in some cases, between 0.3% and 16.3% [Clark & Schofield 1991: 95; Shott: 478]. Among this, large artefacts tend to be over-represented. This implies that certain classes of small materials as coins, fragments of imported glass containers or ornaments (beads or pendants), small seals, which in the case of ancient Aksum, highly contribute to determine the rank and/or the function of a settlement or a building may be artificially under-represented in plough zones surface scatters

1) Horizontal displacement Horizontal displacement refers to the distance within which materials originating from cultivated areas are susceptible to movement. This aspect has been carefully examined in several research projects diverse for the environmental and cultural conditions of the study area, with consequently variable results. Gingell and Schadla-Hall and Dunnell and Simek showed that in lowland areas, even if the materials are exposed to frequent movement caused by ploughing activities, the rate of horizontal displacement is negligible [Dunnell & Simek 1995, 306; Gingell & Schadla-Hall 1980, 111]. Other territorial studies have suggested that after two or three decades of uninterrupted agricultural activity, the rate of horizontal displacement can be comprised between 20 cm and 10 m [Clark & Schofield 1991, 93; Roper 1976]. On a smaller scale, Ammerman found that after two years of cultivation the average movement of surface materials was between 1.18 and 1.74 m [Ammerman 1985]. All these studies have also pointed out that the horizontal displacement of artefacts patterning depends on materials dimension, climate, ploughing equipment and procedures, and slopes. In semiarid environments like northern Ethiopia, with prevalently light soils, artefacts movement is generally lower than in areas with a temperate climate and heavier soils. Whatever the equipment, artefacts larger than 4 cm tend to be subjected to greater lateral movement while artefacts smaller

3) Destruction and alteration of artefacts, features and layers Ploughing activity, regardless of the implement used, is responsible for most of the alteration of archaeological artefacts (and deposits) from cultivated areas, caused by the direct contact between the plough and the artefacts or by the pressure of surrounding soil. Experimental studies have shown that, in general, artefact breakage decreases with the increasing of ploughing until each class of materials reaches stable dimensions. This depends on diverse variables, among which the most important are the material, the shape and the internal structure of the artefact, its orientation relative to ploughing direction, the weight of the plough, the number of passages and the environmental conditions. In the case of the Tigrean plateau, the number of passages depends on the soils and the type of cultivated crops, with eight passages per season to prepare fields for

43

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

sowing teff, and a single passage for legumes [McCann 1995, 46]. Ceramic, bone and shell artefacts tend to approach a spherical shape whose diameter depends on the original size of the object and the type of raw material [Dunnell & Simeck 1995, 308-309]; for lithic tools, Mallouf has identified twelve types of breakage caused by the plough [Boismier 1991, 18; Mallouf 1982, 79-88]. Finally, ploughing softens and oxygenates the soil, facilitates the passage of moisture and increases its temperature, thus facilitating seed germination [Boismier 1991, 18]. These processes enhance chemical and organic decay, with the result that more fragile materials are less frequent or totally absent [Boismier 1991, 18]. Although experiments conducted over the last decades have provided a general picture of the effects that tillage exerts on the distribution of surface materials, the visible sample is always variable and unpredictable owing, for example, to the fact that subsequent episodes of cultivation do not necessarily uncover the same quantity or type or of artefacts. The reliability of surface association of artefacts in plough zones must in each case be determined empirically, through repeated observations [Shott 1995, 478]. In the case of Aksum, no systematic investigation of these problems has been so far undertaken. Therefore, the general observations resulted by studies in similar areas have been provisionally considered in the classification and interpretation of the surface archaeological records, particularly with respect to the distribution, density and typology of the visible artefacts. It should be remarked that, despite the significant effects of farming activity on artefacts distribution, present-day cultivated areas around Aksum are those where the archaeological evidence and some relicts of the ancient landscape are reasonably well preserved. Stones (including those resulted from the collapse of ancient structures), even if in many cases cover up to 20-25% of the arable land, are generally not removed from fields by farmers as they retain soil moisture, reduce soil erosion during heavy rains and attenuate physical soil degradation [McCann 1995, 58; Nyssen et al. 2002, 3, 6]. This allowed to recognize the presence of buried structures also when walls or other architectural elements were not visible. Moreover, a certain conservatism in some land exploitation and management strategies adopted by local farmers often favours the preservation of ancient infrastructures through constant reutilization. Frequent maintenance of the terracing created for agricultural purposes along the hillslopes for reducing soil erosion, contributes to the preservation of numerous sites, in some cases also preserving traces of the ancient landscape organization.

intensified in the 1970s during the socialist regime of Menghistu Haile Maryam, led to the appearance, particularly along hillslopes, of eucalyptus plantations with the intention of reducing soil erosion. In these areas collection of wood and wild medical and edible plants, hunting of small animals and bee-keeping are also practiced. The creation of small terraces which accompanied reforestation and the digging of tree-planting holes have certainly reshaped the sides of some hills and, together with the influence exerted by floral pedoturbation (tree uprooting), strongly influenced the preservation of archaeological sites and surface distribution of materials. This, in concert with the low visibility due to thick vegetation, probably explains the limited number of archaeological evidence recorded in these areas. Taphonomic processes in urban areas Archaeological evidence in presently settled areas undergoes intense processes of disturbance which vary from the alteration and/or destruction of architectural features for the reutilization of some elements in modern buildings, to the complete obliteration of sites. These occur both in the urban centre and in the marginal rural areas, where isolated homesteads or hamlets may be located on top or in proximity of archaeological sites. In the historical centre of Aksum, which includes the districts of Malake Aksum, Addi Kilte, Kuduku and Dabtara and which corresponds to the area where monumental buildings of the ancient capital city were located, the continuous occupation over time and the construction of the road to Shire caused great disturbance to the archaeological deposits and has gradually destroyed the few Aksumite buildings exposed by the DAE of which few cornerstones and sparse architectural elements remain (Figs. 29 a and b).

Fig. 29a - Parts of Aksumite monumental buildings in the city-centre of Aksum; corner-stone of Enda Semeon

Taphonomic processes in forested areas Intense reforestation, begun in the early 20th century and

44

The archaeological area of Aksum: a reassessment

on valley margins at the base of the slopes. This results in the artificial increasing in concentration of exposed archaeological materials upslope as compared to areas of non erosion. Areas of deposition (erosion pavements), on the contrary, will show a substantial decrease of artefacts density and, ultimately, total burial. During high energy episodes, the output is the exact opposite: artefacts are moved from the areas where they were originally deposited to the plains immediately adjacent [Allen M.J. 1991, 44-47] (Fig. 30). The only way to establish the degree of erosion processes

Fig. 29b - Parts of Aksumite monumental buildings in the city-centre of Aksum; threshold of Takha Maryam

A recent program of resettlement of the people living in this area has been approved by Ethiopian authorities. This will allow the (re)-excavation of several buildings which will increase the visitable sites of Aksum. The recent expansion of the urban area, caused by a sharp demographic growth registered in the last fifteen years, also contributed to the obliteration of a great portion of the archaeological evidence. Taphonomic processes in fallow grounds and pasturelands In the area of Aksum, archaeological remains in present pasture lands and fallow grounds, the latter, similarly to the forests, used for hunting small animals, wood and wild plants collection and bee-keeping, are primarily influenced by soil erosion which, as will be demonstrated in Chapter 7, often depends on lack of maintenance of the abandoned portions of the territory. While the study of the factors affecting archaeological evidence in farmed areas has increased markedly since the early Seventies, only later attention has been given to soil erosion processes [Allen M.J. 1991, 39]. These are generally distinguished as: a) low energy frequent events, which causes the recurrent movement of fine soil particles (small stones to clay fraction) due to natural and/or anthropogenic processes; and b) high energy, occasional events which can remove and redeposit considerable quantities of sediment including large pebbles, stones and boulders [Allen M.J. 1991, 43-45]. In both cases, material is moved downslope as a result of the force of gravity; slope is an important factor in both these processes. Experimental studies have recorded erosion even on slopes as small as 4 degrees, while the erosion of fines can occur on slopes as little as 2 degrees [Boardman J. 1984; Butzer 1974; Evans 1978, 69]. Erosion of fine particles usually do not result in significant downslope movements of artefacts, but it progressively reduces soil depth on hilltop and slopes and increases it

Fig. 30 - Eroded down ceramics along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis

in an area is through a geological and geoarchaeological examination of the resultant deposits. The geoarchaeological and palaeoenvironmental studies recently conducted in the area of Aksum [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 219-226, 2008, 18-27; French, Sulas & Madella 2009, 218-233] could allow future, more accurate reconstructions of the past and present erosion processes of the area of Aksum and the effect they have on the preservation and distribution of surface archaeological materials in this territory. For the moment, a map of the slopes with the archaeological evidence located in pasture lands and fallow grounds has been prepared to evaluate the areas where the preservation of archaeological deposits may be most disturbed by soil erosion (Fig. 31). Additional natural and anthropic factors influence the preservation of archaeological evidence, the most significant of which are earthquakes [Francaviglia 1994, 26-35], intensive stone quarrying and, of course, plundering. However, data from 2005/2006 surveys indicate that farming, soil erosion, urban expansion and reforestation are the main causes of the destruction and alteration of the archaeological record at Aksum. The comparison of the number of sites recorded in the area of Aksum in 1974 by J.W. Mi-

45

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 31 - Map of the slopes of the area of Aksum with the archaeological evidence located in pasture lands and fallow grounds

chaels and those found during the last surveys shows that only 34% of the recorded by Michaels where still visible in 2005/2006; 66% was no longer visible because covered by erosion processes or irreversibly destroyed. The greatest loss occurred along the southern side of Gobo Dura hillslopes, which is now characterized by forests intermitted by abandoned spots used for grazing and stone quarrying, and in the plain of Safeho, to the south of the city, which is affected by the rapid expansion south-eastwards of the urban area.

past attempts in this direction. From quantitative analysis on available data, beside the great loss of evidence registered in the last 40 years, emerges the low percentage of excavated sites with respect to the total amount of available evidence. This is an extremely low value as it is paralleled by the still lamentably scarce knowledge of several aspects of pre-Aksumite and Aksumite periods and of the emergence and decline of Aksum and of its eponymous kingdom. The reconstruction and analysis of the settlement pattern based on this new, enriched corpus of data, aims at addressing some of these aspects by examining and identifying activity episodes and reconstructing a temporal picture of human patterning in an evolving landscape. Investigations of artefacts displacement are necessary for the understanding and interpretation of such distributions as it is only when all the human and taphonomic processes involved in the formation of artefacts scatters are at least acknowledged, if not fully understood, that any sensible interpretation on a spatial and temporal plane can be attempted [Allen M.J. 1991, 39].

Conclusions The surveys carried out in 2005 and 2006 throughout the whole territory of Aksum, allowed to locate evidence of past human activities end significantly enhanced the existing knowledge of known sites as they led to the registration of 465 new records which represent 64% of the overall evidence attested in the area. The archaeological map of Aksum, resulted by the combination of novel and established data, allowed an updated assessment of the archaeological area which complements

46

CHAPTER 5

Classifying surface archaeological records

The classification of surface records is one of the most problematic aspects of survey-based archaeological studies for they often include accidentally associated materials lacking the vertical and horizontal relations typical of excavated assemblages, and, as seen in the previous chapter, are long exposed to severe natural and anthropogenic postdepositional processes. This chapter details the parameters adopted for the interpretation and chronological classification of surface evidence documented during the surveys recently conducted in the area of Aksum and describes the resulting categories (and types) of sites that have been subsequently used for modelling ancient settlement patterns.

coins), imported materials, and medium to high density of local and imported ceramics (low in the case of mounded rubble concentrations or very dense scatter of stone rubble) including both domestic and ceremonial types; lithics are usually also present but in low quantity. This category includes the following types of sites: 1) elite residential and/or administrative buildings;3

Site interpretation The interpretation of surface archaeological records was based on the combined analysis of three parameters: a) quantity of visible artefacts, expressed in density per surface unit, b) composition of the assemblages by type, and c) extension of surface scatters. The comparison between the values of these attributes from solely surveyed evidence with the corresponding ones from sites that were systematically surveyed and then excavated by the UNO/BU archaeological expedition at Bieta Giyorgis between 2000 and 2002 [Bard & Fattovich 2001, 11-13, 2002, 1-4; Fattovich et al. 2000b, 43-67, 2001, 15-22; Fattovich & Bard 2002, 23-36] as well as the indications provided by the general knowledge on the archaeology of this region accumulated over time and by ethnographic observations, allowed to classify the surface records into six main categories: 1) monumental buildings, 2) non-elite residential units, 3) specialized activity areas, 4) cemeteries, 5) Mestah Werki sites, and 6) off-site evidence. Their main characteristics are described in the following sections.1

Fig. 32 - Large, carved corner-stone from a presumably monumental building in the area of Addi Gwatiya (east of Aksum), site Ak-04-02

1) Monumental buildings This category groups all those buildings that were strictly related to the political/ideological and/or ritual dimension of the community and therefore were erected and perceived as significant markers of the landscape. They can be recognized by the surface exposure of typical elements of monumental architecture which included, in the Aksumite period, podiums, protruding and rejecting segments, monumental staircases, large corner stones, and lion-head gargoyles (Fig. 32).2 In most cases these elements are complemented by stepped walls and by the occurrence of administrative devices (e.g. tokens, seals,

2) non-Christian temples; 3) churches. Due to the fact that, especially in Aksumite times, the architectural style of all these structures was identical, the only difference occurring in the internal layout of rooms and chambers, it has been rarely possible to classify them by type on the basis of surface observation; in most of the cases they have been ascribed to the general category of “monumental buildings”. Forty-six surface records have been included in this category, which represent the 6.6% of the overall surface evidence. Among these, only one has been tentatively

The interpretation of all surfaces records documented during the survey projects presented in this book is reported in Appendices 2 and 5.

1 

3  They are commonly defined as palaces but, as noted by Phillipson [Phillipson D.W. 2012, 124], although plausible, there is no direct evidence of the use of such structures as royal residences or administrative centres, or the combination of both.

For a general description of Aksumite monumental architecture see Fattovich 2014, 95-110; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II; Manzo 1997, 155-172; Phillipson D.W. 1997; Sernicola, in press. 2 

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

interpreted as a church (site Tg-LM-05-06-208, Bejerawi Mikael) on the occurrence, among other monumental evidence, of a stone pillar decorated on three sides with a Greek cross cut inside an arch sustained by two columns [Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2006, 173-174] and on the fact that a church is still present in the same compound. On the whole, the available archaeological record of the area of Aksum, including both surveyed and excavated evidence, counts 35 elite residential/administrative buildings, 12 religious buildings including 2 possible nonChristian structures and 10 churches; 16 surface records have been generically classified as “monumental buildings”.

villages (between 5 and 10 hectares), large villages (more than 10 hectares) and urban areas; in the latter, the dimension of the settled area is complemented by the presence of elite structures, monuments and public buildings. 386 surface records have been included in this category, which represent the 55.4 % of the overall surface evidence. Among these, 118 have been identified as isolated compounds, 180 as hamlets and 31 as villages. Isolated compounds are mostly rural homesteads which in few cases are associated to lithic workshops [Phillipson L. 2009]. 60 records have been generally classified as evidence of domestic areas with no further specification; of these, 45 represent remains of walls and ceramics scatters recorded in the city centre of Aksum and which were part of the urban area, 15 are sites with no information on the extension. On the whole, the available archaeological record of the area of Aksum counts 124 compounds, 180 hamlets and 31 villages. Only one area, starting from the 3rd/4th century CE clearly developed as an urban settlement. It is important to remark that in some cases compounds, hamlets and large aggregated areas might have expanded or reduced through time, as a result of demographic changes or different occupation and land exploitation strategies depending on ecological and/or cultural factors. Unfortunately, this process can be rarely detected by mere surface observation, especially when it took place within

2) Non-elite residential units This category includes all types (rural and urban, isolated or aggregated) of permanently built-up areas occupied by non-elite segments of the society. They have been identified on the basis of the surface presence of the following, variously associated, archaeological indicators: a) non monumental architectural remains, stone rubble and sparse distribution of building materials, b) medium to high quantity of local ceramics (low in the case of mounded sites) for prevalently domestic use (storage vessels, water jugs, pots and pots covers) and low to high quantity of lithics. Stepped walls, bricks, imported materials and administrative devices can be occasionally found at domestic areas as suggested by archaeological excavations conducted at four mounded sites on the hilltop and northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis – Gudgwad Agazen (GA I-II) [Fattovich & Bard 2001, 17-18], Tukul Emni (TE I-II) [Fattovich et al. 2000b, 54-55; Fattovich & Bard 2001, 15-16, 2002, 31-32], Qalqal Asbah (QA) [Fattovich & Bard 2002, 29-31] and Enda Giyorgis (EG I-II)4 – which resulted in the exposure of four isolated rural compounds with evidence of stepped walls, possible brick-made upper storeys, imported materials, tokens and coins. Compounds and hamlets with the occurrence of such items provide significant indications of the economic diversity within the rural segment of the Aksumite society. Surface exposure of domestic areas is comprised between 6 and 204,300 sqm. On the basis of ethnographic comparisons [Michels 2005, 23-34] and of excavated sites on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis and in the plain of Aksum [Fattovich & Bard 2001, 1518, 2002, 28-31; Fattovich et al. 2000b, 54-56], domestic areas can occur as isolated family compounds (up to 500 sqm), hamlets (between 500 sqm and 1 hectare), or in large aggregated areas (over 1 hectare). Large aggregated areas include small villages (between 1 and 4 hectares), medium

Fig. 33 - Occupation site with no evidence of stone structure at Ma Qono, site 05-40

the same cultural period and, as a consequence, no difference occurs within the typology of exposed materials. 3) Specialized activity areas This is a quite heterogeneous category which comprises all those areas that are not permanently settled but occasionally occupied or used for specific activities [Sullivan 1995, 49]. Surface indicators of specialized activity areas are: a)

Descriptions of the results of the excavations conducted at Enda Giyorgis by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” are available at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_ omp_17-03-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf and at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavi/2006.pdf

4 

48

Classifying surface archaeological records

are quite easily identifiable within the archaeological landscape of Aksum as, from at least the mid-1st millennium BCE up to the 4th/5th century CE, they were characterized by the presence of specific, frequently prominent features including: a) funerary stelae of various types and size (in the area of Aksum they reach the maximum height of 33 m), either roughly carved or finely worked [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 1-43; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 11-65, 2012, 139-147]; and b) artificial platforms, made of unworked stones in a clay matrix, where stelae were erected and tombs cut [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 50-51; Phillipson D.W. 2012, 139]. Variable density of ceramics (mostly ceremonial types), ornaments and few lithics are sometimes also visible on surface. Occasionally, entrances to tombs are exposed by anthropogenic activity or soil erosion (Fig. 34). Although only a very small portion of the funerary stelae fields of the area of Aksum has been so far excavated, there is cogent evidence for their belonging uniquely to royals and other elite individuals; where and if lower segments of Aksum’s pre-Christian society were buried is still unknown. Starting from the mid-4th century CE, after the adoption

absence of architectural remains related to the presence of permanent structures; b) low to medium quantity of materials with, in some cases, a predominance of lithics sometimes consisting of unfinished cores, flakes and chips. Surface exposures extend between 6 and 22,400 sqm. This category includes: 1) lithic workshops; 2) isolated, possibly temporary dwellings with no evidence of stone structures (Fig. 33); 3) offering places or open air ritual areas. 103 surface records have been included in this category, which represents the 14.7 % of the general evidence. Among these, 14 have been identified as lithic workshops, 91 as non-constructed temporary dwellings. On the whole, the available archaeological record of the area of Aksum counts 16 workshops, 93 temporary dwellings and 1 open air offering place. 4) Cemeteries These areas, designed for burial practices and the performance of rituals connected with the cult of the ancestors,

Fig. 34 -Exposed entrance of a tomb in the area of Enda Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, site AK 04-13

49

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

of Christianity, the use of stelae as markers of funerary areas has been progressively abandoned. Elite tombs were thence covered by increasingly larger and more sophisticated superstructures. The final stage of this process, which presumably started with the so-called “Tomb of the False Door” located in the southwestern sector of the Northern Stelae Field [Chittick 1974, 175-179; Munro-Hay 1989, 55-60; Phillipson D.W. 2012, 149-150], is perhaps represented by the two twin hypogean tombs traditionally attributed to the 6th century kings Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, marked by basilican plan churches erected on a single podium [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 54; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke1913 II, 127-131; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 73-88,

to the north of Gobo Dura hill, in an area where a mounded site (Tg-LM-04/06-100) with traces of walls and rubble is still visible [Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2006, 94-95; Sernicola, in press]. Apart from the alleged one at Ouchatei Golo, other Mestah Werki slabs are apparently associated to dense surface scatters of artefacts, rubble and remains of walls although, according to Laurel Phillipson [Phillipson L. 2006, 33] some of them might not be in their original position. Excavations conducted in 2005 at the Mestah Werki site of Gumala (north of Aksum) by the UNO expedition5 brought to light the remains of overlapping structures the latest of which was apparently directly associated to the Mestah Werki slab [Sernicola, in press6]. The architectural style as well as the symmetrical plan of the structure and the occurrence of two inter-related basins suggest that this was a monumental building where practices related to the use of liquids were possibly performed. Associated materials (a rich pottery assemblage of ceremonial wares, imported amphorae, coins and a great amount of clay tokens as well as a stone incense burner with the typical pre-Christian disc and crescent religious symbol) point out that such activities could have been ritual or administrative, or both, and provide a chronological/cultural attribution of the latest structure to the late Classic Aksumite or early Middle Aksumite period (mid-4th century/early 5th century CE).7 Sutton relates these monuments to the social/religious life of the city [Sutton 2008, 18-35] while, as their name means in Geʽez “the place where gold is scattered”, a possible association of these slabs with gold-washing activities has been proposed by L. Phillipson [Phillipson L. 2006, 27-40]; a funerary function has been proposed by Michels for the Mestah Werki recorded in the area of Asbah [Michels 2005, 180]. Certainly further researches are needed to verify their possible association with monumental buildings and to provide a more precise reconstruction of their original function. For the time being, in the absence of more precise information, they have been grouped in a separate category of sites; their distribution and a tentative interpretation are presented in Chapter 6.

Fig. 35 - Mestah Werki slab at Geza Merchan, north-east of Aksum, site 05-32

2012, 151-153]. Common people burials at this time probably started to be placed in the precincts of churches, as it still happens today. Three areas with evidence of tombs have been detected during the survey of the area of Aksum, in addition to the burial areas already known by previous explorations. 5) Mestah Werki A further, still debated, category of sites is represented by the so-called “Mestah Werki”. With this name, the inhabitants of Aksum refer to large, rectangular stone slabs, between 3.14x1.53 m and 4.50x2.30 m in size, placed on top of a packing of stone rubble (Fig. 35). The slabs have a frame in relief running along the entire perimeter interrupted by a spout. Five Mestah Werki-type slabs have been identified during the surveys carried out in the area of Aksum [Anfray1965, 4, Pl. I fig. B; Littman, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 74-77, 76 fig. 160a-b; Michels 2005, 180; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 421-422; Sutton 2008, 22 fig. 2, 27-31; Takla Hagos 2001, 35-41, 2003, 67-68; Walelegn Eshete et al. 2005, 30-33].Local informants state that up to recent times, a further one was situated at Ouchatei Golo,

6) Off-site evidence Besides the previously described relatively dense and spatially defined clustering of archaeological materials, The excavation was supervised by Andrea Manzo; scientific director of the expedition was Rodolfo Fattovich. 5 

For a detailed description of the results of the excavation at the Mestah Werki site of Gumala see also the technical report available online at www.unior.it/userfiles/workarea_231/file/Contributi/GISArchaeologicalAreaAksum.pdf

6

According to Laurel Phillipson, the style of carving of the Mestah Werki slab at Gumala reminds of Early or perhaps early Classic Aksumite stone works thus suggesting that the monolith was balanced on top of earlier collapsed building remains (L. Phillipson personal communication, November 2014). 7 

50

Classifying surface archaeological records

which are commonly encountered over the landscape in clear assemblages representing sedentary occupation or other distinct activities, territorial studies based on survey archaeology (aimed at recording data from the entire landscape) quite often record the presence of insubstantial, multi-period off-site (or non-site) finds [Cherry 1983, 375416, 2003, 137-160; Foley 1981, 157-183]. In the area of Aksum, three main types of evidence have been recorded which fit this category: 1) infrastructures; 2) landmarks; 3) off-site scatters of materials. Infrastructure refers to those facilities and systems of an area which provide commodities and services essential to enable, sustain, or enhance societal living conditions [Fulmer 2009, 30-32]. Systematic survey of the area of Aksum allowed to record the coordinates of previously known infrastructures (see Chapter 2) in order to analyse their distribution within the landscape, but also led to the identification of unknown evidence by the direct observation of extant remains or by the identification of elements which can be directly associated with certain types of facilities. This is the case, for instance, of a system of ancient terracing and cultivated fields detected in the area of Enda Giyorgis, along the northern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill, thanks to the presence of ancient plough-marks on ex-

posed rocks [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 219-226, 2008, 1827; Ferrari et al.2015, 156-159] (see Chapter 8). On the whole, remains of 59 records have been detected and interpreted as infrastructures. They include: a) cisterns, wells and small bridles for the collection and management of water; b) terracing; c) quarries for the extraction of raw materials (Fig. 36a); d) wine-presses (?) (Fig. 36b), and e) roads, paths and rock-cut steps (Fig. 36c). Landmarks are recognizable natural or artificial features

Fig. 36a - Syenite quarry at Gobo Dura

Fig. 36c - Rock-cut steps at Mai Qoho

Fig. 36b - Wine press (?) at Addi Tsahafi

51

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

stelae; and d) stone thrones with inscribed back- and armrests.

that stand out from their near environment and can be used to orienting, marking boundaries or commemorating significant events. While infrastructures shape the landscape to generate an integrated system of interacting elements or, in general, respond to economic needs, landmarks are much more related to the social, political and/or ideological/ ritual sphere of a community and of the way it perceives the space that inhabits. The highly symbolic nature of this kind of evidence makes it extremely difficult to identify and interpret, both natural or artificial ones. In the former case, references to ancient traditions or legends and historical toponymy may contribute to their identification; in the latter one, the presence of inscriptions or the association with other elements of the ancient landscape make them more easily identifiable [Bradley 2000]. In this work only artificial landmarks have been taken into account, which include: a) isolated, standing monoliths, natural or roughly carved, with no inscriptions or depictions (Fig. 37) ; b) inscriptions or depictions on natural rock outcrops; c) inscriptions on carved, non-funerary

Off-site scatters of materials are characterized by very few fragments, circumscribed into very small spots or spread over the surface. Since the mid-1960s, this kind of evidence has increasingly attracted the attention of archaeologists, stimulating discussions about the potentialities and

Fig. 38 - Evidence of present-day manuring in the area of Aksum (courtesy of Giovanni Ferrari, retired Professor, University of Florence, Department of Soil Science and Plant Nutrition)

the limits of archaeology in the identification and interpretation of this kind of surface record [Foley 1981a, 157183, 1981b; Hayes 1991, 81-82]. One attractive explanation for this evidence is, in the case of Aksum ̶ where all off-site scatters of materials consist of fragmented ceramics ̶ the practice of manuring, still attested among the farmers of this area, which use domestic waste (including potsherds) together with donkey or cattle dung to fertilize agricultural land. This habit produces small, roughly circular concentrations of organic and other materials on cultivated fields, which are over time scattered by ploughing (Fig. 38). While there is no direct evidence of the antiquity of this process, strong rural conservatism of this region may suggest that, like many other agricultural practices, it might occur since ancient times. However, landscape studies and experiments have demonstrated that these patterns can be very hard to distinguish within the off-site material and furthermore, that manuring cannot be explanatory for all off-site densities [see e.g. Given 2003, 13-21]. Chronological classification Chronological classification of the surface archaeological evidence of the area of Aksum was carried out using the cultural and chronological sequence established by the

Fig. 37 - Possible ancient, isolated, standing monolith at Enda Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, north-east of Aksum, site 06-01

52

Classifying surface archaeological records

UNO/BU archaeological expedition at Bieta Giyorgis [Bard et al. 2014, 285-316]. On the basis of visible materials (mainly local and imported ceramics, but also lithics and other local and/or imported artefacts), each assemblage was attributed to one or more periods and, where possible, to cultural phase(s).8 The occasional finding of coins further contributed to the chronological classification of some assemblages. In the case of absence of diagnostic artefacts which would have allowed a classification at phase-resolution, the assemblages were only attributed to the cultural period suggested by clay fabrics or other generic indicators. In case of totally lack of chronological/cultural markers, the record were classified as “uncertain”. Both were excluded from the statistical analyses carried out for the reconstruction of the settlement pattern.9 In addition to the typological analysis of the artefacts, the following theoretical principles were used for the chronological classification of some infrastructures for which archaeological material was not available: a) passive association of structures with dated evidence: mainly used for the dating of terraces and other palaeoagricultural evidence, it is based on the principle according to which physically adjacent structures may have belonged to the same period [Wilkinson 2003, 66]. Even though this kind of dating provides an indicative chronological classification, it reveals a low level of reliability; b) active association of dated structures and evidence: used for the dating of some ancient roads and paths, it is based on the principle according to which, if a structure leads directly to another structure for which the date is known, then it is possible, but not certain, that both structures were used in the same period [Wilkinson 2003, 66].

carried out by means of quantitative and qualitative analyses of the material, allowed to add these new data to the ones already available from past researches, and thence to generate thematic maps showing the distribution of the various categories (and types) of sites during the periods under investigation. These represented the starting point for modeling ancient settlement patterns, which will be described in the following chapter.

Conclusions The chronological and functional classification of the surface archaeological records detected in the area of Aksum, So far, evidence from excavated contexts in the area of Aksum and, in general, on the Tigrean plateau, suggested a dating to the post-aksumite period for those ceramics assemblages characterised by a dominance of black or grey wares with mineral and organic inclusions and incised decorations. This chronological classification has been also used for the dating of surface evidence recorded during the various survey projects conducted in the area of Aksum, including the ones presented in this book. Nevertheless, recent investigations conducted at the pre-Aksumite site of Seglamen (ca. 12 km to the south-west of Aksum)demonstrated that, at least in this region, this type of ceramic was abundantly present also in much earlier contexts, attributable to the 7th/4th centuries of the 1st millennium BCE on the basis of radiocarbon dating (2460±30 BP; cal. 760 BC (95.4 %) 420 BC) [Sernicola, Phillipson & Fattovich 2016, 225-227]. This evidence not only provides new, intriguing data for the reconstruction the population history of this area, but also changes significantly the typological ceramic sequence adopted for chronological and cultural classifications. As a consequence, it is important to remark that, in the light of this recent discovery, some of the surface sites of the area of Aksum that had been dated to the post-Aksumite period might belong to an earlier phase.

8 

9  The chronological classification of all surfaces records documented during the survey projects presented is reported in Appendices 3 and 6.

53

CHAPTER 6

Modelling ancient settlement patterns

Many theories have been developed to describe and investigate the spatial distribution of human settlements and the choices that influenced the emergence of a particular settlement pattern in a given area. Such theories attempt to analyse and explain the distribution of settlements and their changes through time [Clark 1977, 17]. Most of these theories have been used also in archaeology, but they are often considered “incomplete” and informal as the ambiguity and the exiguity of the data, due to problems of sampling, intensity and resolution of the research as well as the state of preservation of the sites makes it impossible to test their empirical validity [Harvey 1969, 96-99; Hodder 1977, 223]. However, diachronic analysis of the distribution of archaeological evidence and the reconstruction of spatial associations between sites and between the latter and physical elements of the landscape, supply important information for the study of ancient human behaviour, social systems and economic structures. The fundamental paradigm at the basis of such reconstruction is that settlements belonging to particular periods exhibit specific location characteristics determined by cultural and environmental factors [Chisholm 1962; Roberts 1977, 1987, 1996; Schofield 1991, 118;]. The concept of land-cunning, that is knowledge of the territory, proposed by Roberts [Roberts 1977], is important in all societies and periods, as the occupation and the exploitation of an area are never the result of a random process, but are directed by specific motivations and decisions. Domestic areas, ceremonial centres, cemeteries as well as infrastructures never result as confused smudges on the landscape; they are situated in specific areas, the choice of which depends on environmental, economic, social and ideological factors. Thus, as already suggested by Clarke, the spatial organization of a system of sites is the result of non random processes of selection operated by human groups to distribute structures, activities and artefacts within a specific area [Clark 1977, 10]. In this chapter, the archaeological evidence of the area of Aksum, classified in terms of categories (and, where possible, types) and chronology as shown in the previous chapter, has been analysed in order to reconstruct the changes occurred in the settlement pattern between the early 1st millennium BCE and the late 1st/early 2nd millennium CE, that is during the phases preceding and accompanying the emergence, expansion and decline of Aksum’s polity. The study, based on spatial, quantitative and statistical analysis, has been conducted (and is presented here) by examining diachronically the distribution and frequency of the various types of sites and off-site evidence which represent the diverse dimensions – social, economic, ritual – of the landscape. Of course this division is entirely arbitrary; it is an a priori separation of the elements of a unitary system for the sole purpose of facilitating its analysis. A comprehensive overview will be presented in the final

chapter. Frequency, dimension and distribution of sites The elaboration of thematic maps as well as quantitative and statistical analysis enabled to reconstruct changes in the frequency, dimension and distribution of the sites within the study-area. Three main occupation areas were distinguished within the entire Aksum territory (Fig. 39): a) the plain to the south of Bieta Giyorgis hill, where the ancient urban centre developed and the historical city centre is located; b) the hill of Bieta Giyorgis; and c) the surrounding plain and hills which, as we have seen, mark the physical boundary of the territory. These three areas, being part of a unitary system, have always been closely inter-connected. However, some peculiarities in the occupation strategy deserve to be emphasized. In general, a greater concentration of settlements characterized the occupation of Bieta Giyorgis in every phase of the chronological sequence. The occupation of Bieta Giyorgis and of the surrounding area follows the same trend with the exception of a slight increase during the Classic Aksumite in the number of sites recorded at Bieta Giyorgis. On the contrary, the occupation trend of the urban centre of Aksum is the reverse of that recorded on Bieta Giyorgis and in the surrounding area, the former being characterized by a gradual enlargement of the occupied area during the Classic and Middle Aksumite phases when, as mentioned before, sites in the other two areas are less numerous. Going into the detail, the occupation and exploitation of Aksum’s territory was characterized by a sharp increase (from 21 to 42) in the number of sites between the pre-Aksumite phase (ca. 800 – 360 BCE) and the Proto-Aksumite phase (ca. 360 – 120/40 BCE) followed by a marked augment during Aksumite times (ca. 120/40 BCE – 800/850 CE) and by a sharp decline towards the end of the Aksumite and the early post-Aksumite phase (ca. 800/850 – 1000/1100 CE). Within the Aksumite period, an interesting trend emerges from the analysis of each individual sub-phase. A marked increase (+397 %) in the amount of sites for the Early Aksumite (ca. 120/40 BCE – 130/190 CE) was followed by a gradual decrease (-9%) during the Classic Aksumite phase (130/190 – 360/400 CE) and by a dramatic decline (-68%) during the Middle Aksumite phase (360/400 – 550/610 CE). The decrease continues during the Late Aksumite (550/610 – 800/850 CE) (-18%) while a significant recovery is recorded in the early post-Aksumite with an increase of the number of sites of the 98%. Non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings The same trend is shown by the number of sites classified as non-elite residential units, both rural and urban, isolated

55

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

or aggregated, and as temporary dwellings, whose changes in the frequency can be used, together with other indicators, to reconstruct the fluctuations in population number. Also in this case, a remarkable increase between the pre- and the Proto-Aksumite phases (+83.3%) is followed by an even sharper one during the Early Aksumite (+448.4%) and by a slight decline during the Classic Aksumite (-12.7%). A dramatic decline occurs during the Middle Aksumite phase (-73.4%) and continues during the Late Aksumite (-21.4%) while, again, a significant increase (+145.4%) is observed for the post-Aksumite period. During the pre-Aksumite phase non-elite residential units include 3 compounds, 6 hamlets and 2 small villages; evidence of 5 temporary dwellings have been also recorded (Fig. 40). During this phase the distribution of non-elite living areas appears to be relatively dispersed throughout the study-area. Only the two small villages seem to concentrate at the base of Bieta Giyorgis hill. Both of them, namely the D-site at Kidane Mehret (ca. 1.2 hectares) [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 267-379] and site #23 at Baati Hatsin (ca. 2.5 hectares), are situated in the arable plains to the east/south-east and west/south-west of Bieta Giyorgis respectively. One isolated compound and one hamlet, plus sparse and very disturbed evidence at Daaro, represent the only evidence of occupation of Bieta Giyorgis hill during this period. In the surrounding area, in addition to the two small villages at Kidane Mehret and Baati Hatsin, non-elite living areas include isolated compounds, hamlets and temporary dwellings sparse within the territory, with a denser concentration recognizable around the hill of Addi Hankara, in the plain of Safeho. In this phase, no trace of occupation is recorded in the plain where the urban centre of the capital was subsequently to develop. With few exceptions, people in this period seemed to prefer to locate their settlements at the margins of or within cultivable plans rather than along hillslopes and on the hilltops. A significant increase in the number of evidence characterizes, as we have seen, the distribution of non-elite living areas during the Proto-Aksumite phase which include, on the basis of available data, 5 compounds, 12 hamlets, 3 small villages and 12 temporary dwellings (Fig. 41). At Bieta Giyorgis, two small villages, sites # 01 and #12 (ca. 1.3 and 3 hectares respectively) appear in the southern sector of the hilltop, two hamlets emerge along the southeastern and northwestern slopes and remains of a temporary dwelling are detected along the western footslopes. A significant aspect, in this period, is represented by the intensification of settlements in the peripheral area, mostly around Addi Hankara, Gobo Dura and Addi Tsahafi. Also in this phase, available evidence does not show any trace of occupation of the plain where the urban centre developed. Only 4 out of the 32 settlements recorded for this phase were already present during the pre-Aksumite period; these are: site Tg LM 04-06-12 and site Tg LM 03-06-08

near Addi Hankara, site LP 39 at Golo and the village #23 in the Asbah plain. Intra-site systematic survey conducted at the latter site suggests an increase in its general dimensions from 2.5 to 3 hectares. A remarkable increase in the number and spatial aggregation of the non-elite residences characterizes their distribution during the Early Aksumite phase for which 53 isolated compounds, 76 hamlets, 7 villages and 38 temporary dwellings are recorded, plus the remains of 7 settlements for which the dimensions are not available (Fig. 42). In this phase Bieta Giyorgis results to be the more densely occupied area of the entire territory of Aksum. The intensification of the occupation of the peripheral zone continues, mostly to the west, north and east, in the areas of Gobo Dura, Melata, Addi Tsahafi, Leto and Enda Liqanos. These were probably strategic positions along the river valleys linking Aksum with the neighbouring regions. To the north and east, not only compounds and hamlets but also small villages appear. An increase in the number of sites is also recorded in the southeastern sector of the Aksum area and, finally, the first evidence of occupation appear in the central plain [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 79, figs. 20-21] which at this stage extends over an area of about 85 hectares. Twentythree out of the 181 residences of this period were already recorded in the previous phase, including the village #23 in the area of Asbah whose dimensions remain similar to those attested for the Proto-Aksumite phase. Anyhow, in general, an increase in the average dimensions of settlements is recorded during the Early Aksumite phase. Subsequently, during the Classic Aksumite phase a slight decrease is recorded in the number of residential areas which count: 34 temporary dwellings, 48 compounds, 62 hamlets, 5 small villages and 2 large villages; 5 sites have been generally classified as settlements as dimensions are not available (Fig. 43). In this phase, significant differences are recognized in the occupation dynamics of the three areas. At Bieta Giyorgis, the number of settlements slightly increased, although their average dimensions decreased. Excavations and surface surveys conducted in the area of the city-centre revealed that in this phase the settlement in the central plain increased remarkably [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 79, figs. 20-21] and that the area began to be structured as the new political and administrative centre (see Chapter 7). Simultaneously, in the peripheral zone the frequency and size of settlements sharply decreased, with few major concentrations in the areas of Gobo Dura, where traces were found of a village and of a few hamlets, and to the south-west of Kubie. Anyhow, depopulation of the peripheral zone seems to have been compensated for by the appearance of two large villages, site Tg LM 05-06-138 and site 44-41-90, in the areas of Mai Abeqat and Hamed Gebez respectively. The former, situated in the Safeho plan and currently exposed over a surface area of about 5 hectares, had been originally much greater (ca. 48

56

Modelling ancient settlement patterns

hectares) if, as it would seem, it coincides with the site 4342-032 recorded by Michels in 1974 [Michels 2005, 189].1 Revisited during the survey carried out in 2006 as part of the World Bank project, this site, currently disturbed by agricultural activities and erosion, presents a high density of ceramics and evidence of collapsed structures. Lithics are also present and chert and quartz debris suggest that some areas of the settlement were devoted to stone knapping. Concentrations of ceramic tokens and imported materials including fragments of ribbed amphorae and Byzantine black glass bracelets have been also recorded. In a specular position compared to the site just described is the site 44-41-90, at a distance of about 4.3 km from Mai Abeqat and about 3 km from the urban centre of Aksum. Identified for the first time by Michels during the survey carried out in 1974 [Michels 2005, 193-194] the site, which then covered a surface area of about 20 hectares, is today almost completely destroyed by the expansion of the modern city. The survey conducted in this area in 2006 allowed to record traces of collapsed structures and remains of exposed walls that, together with the high density of ceramics, testify to the presence of permanent stone structures in this area [Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2006, 123]. Also in this case some areas of the settlement appear to have been given over to the manufacture of stone tools. The decrease in the number of non-elite residential units occurred during the Classic Aksumite phase in the peripheral zone of Aksum’s territory also involved Bieta Giyorgis hill during the Middle Aksumite, when a general decrease in the number of settlements was recorded over the whole area. For this phase, available evidence count: 2 temporary dwellings, 15 compounds, 16 hamlets, 2 small villages and 2 large villages (Fig. 44). In the peripheral area the occupation of Gobo Dura and of the area to the south-west of Kubie continued, but here too a considerably reduction in the number of evidence is attested. Although the decline in the number of settlements recorded over the whole area may be due to problems of preservation of the archaeological records caused by the brittle composition of the ceramics of this period whose is generally more fragile than the previous ones [Perlingieri 1999], the continued increase in the dimension of Aksum’s city centre, which reached its greatest extension during this phase (ca. 180 hectares), and the presence, also in this period, of the two large satellite villages to the southwest and the southeast of Aksum’s conurbation, suggest that the decrease in the number of settlements, which had begun in the previous period, continued during the Middle Aksumite phase. A completely different scenario is recorded during the Late Aksumite phase, when the number of settlements continued to decrease over the whole area together with

a marked contraction of Aksum’s city centre which at this time measures about 80 hectares (Fig. 45). In this period 9 compounds, 17 hamlets and 1 village are recorded, plus the remains of 3 temporary dwellings. The northern part of the peripheral zone, which had been densely populated during the previous phases is almost entirely depopulated, and Gobo Dura and the area to the south-west of Kubie were also abandoned. To the south, the disappearance of the two satellite villages seems to have been correlated with the resumption of few scattered hamlets. At Bieta Giyorgis, a further decrease in the number of settlements is attested and a general reduction of the average dimension of sites. The number and distribution of non-elite residential areas changed again during the first centuries of the post-Aksumite phase, when a substantial increase in the number of settlements is recorded over the whole area, for a total amount of 20 compounds, 37 hamlets, 1 small village, and 18 temporary dwellings (Fig. 46), while the city-centre still undergoes a process of reduction (ca. 40 hectares). The reduction of the city-centre is paralleled by the reoccupation of Bieta Giyorgis and of the peripheral hills, where hamlets, compounds and temporary dwellings are documented. After the preliminary assessment of the changes occurred in the frequency and distribution of domestic sites during the period under investigation, the results of the analysis of their situation with respect to major environmental resources is presented in order to highlight at least some of the economic factors that oriented the occupation strategies adopted by the ancient local community. Having agriculture and cattle herding been the basic economic resources during the pre- and Aksumite periods, soils and water resources represent the prominent elements considered. Raw material sources, i.e. ancient syenite quarries, chert outcrops, quartz and chalcedony sources have been also taken into account for this study as the extraction and processing of large syenite blocks used for the realization of funerary stelae, thrones and some architectural elements of Aksumite monumental buildings, lithic knapping for the production of stone tools, and clay extraction for the manufacture of pots were significant additional economic activities which complemented agriculture and cattle breeding. Proximity analysis tools (Single Buffer and Multiple Ring Buffer) have been used to perform spatial analysis for the identification of the economic resources available in the catchment area of the sites in order to highlight possible correlations between the distribution of settlements and natural resources. The analysis has shown that, throughout the period under examination, the location of non-elite settlements was strongly influenced by the immediate availability of water and productive soils. From the pre-Aksumite to the end of the Proto-Aksumite

The site was also noted by the BIEA expedition at Aksum directed by D.W. Phillipson between 1993 and 1997; L. Phillipson personal communication.

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Fig. 39 - Ancient occupation areas at Aksum

Fig. 40 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the pre-Aksumite period

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Fig. 41 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Proto-Aksumite period

Fig. 42 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Early Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend; blue circles indicate unclassified non-elite residential units)

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Fig. 43 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Classic Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend; blue circles indicate unclassified non-elite residential units)

Fig. 44 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Middle Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend; blue circles indicate unclassified non-elite residential units)

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Fig. 45 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the Late Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend; blue circles indicate unclassified non-elite residential units)

Fig. 46 - Distribution of non-elite residential units and temporary dwellings during the post-Aksumite period (see Fig. 40 for legend; blue circles indicate unclassified non-elite residential units)

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phase almost all settlements are situated between 250 and 500 m from the nearest water source (Figs. 47 and 48). This pattern continues without significant changes from the Early Aksumite to the first centuries of the post-Aksumite phase. Also during this long period most of the settlements are 250 to 500 m from the nearest water sources, although many continue to be situated at a closer distance (Figs. 49-53). The only exception is represented by the sites located along the northeastern and southwestern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis; in this case other factors, which will be discussed hereafter, might have influenced their location. Immediate access to water seems to have been one of the parameters which oriented the distribution of the settlements during all phases of the period under investigation. Although watercourses in the Aksum area are seasonal, with only a few retaining some moderate quantity of water from one rainy season to the next, the finding of an ancient system of dykes along the upper course of the Gudgwad Agazen [Fattovich & Bard 2002, 32-33; Fattovich, et al. 2000b, 45-50], on the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis, which was probably created in order to reduce the speed of the downhill flow of water, seems to suggest that at least in some areas small hydraulic infrastructures were used at a very local scale to manage water resources. This water was mostly used for domestic activities and for watering cattle as so far no positive evidence has been detected which suggests that field irrigation was made in a way other than the rain-fed. As the subsistence economy of the Tigrean plateau during the pre-Aksumite and Aksumite phases was based above all on agriculture, as indeed it is today, the spatial correlation between domestic areas and soil types is extremely significant. During the pre- and Proto-Aksumite periods all settlements result to be located in areas were less fertile soils are recorded but within a maximum distance comprised between 500 m and 1 km from more productive soils (Figs. 47 and 48). It is important to remark that the ancient plough, similarly to the present one, is versatile and light enough to be carried by the farmers even at a distance of 1 km from home. This pattern is further reinforced during the Early- to postAksumite period, when despite the increasing in the number of sites, they continue to concentrate in areas characterized by low productivity soils from where more fertile areas are easily accessed, or right at the margins between low productive soils and the fertile plan adjacent to them (Figs. 49-53). The only exception is represented by the large village which appears in the plain of Safeho during the Classic Aksumite period and survives until the Middle Aksumite phase. In this case the proximity to Aksum’s conurbation might have played a prominent role for the development of a large settlement in this area. Finally, the presence of raw material sources seems to have been, in some cases, an additional aspect for the choice of

a settlement area: the exploitation of a syenite quarry, of a clay bank and/or of a chert, quartz or chalcedony source might have complemented agriculture and herding in the economy of an household. Elite residential and/or administrative buildings As already noticed in chapter 5, this type of evidence includes all those buildings, residential and/or administrative, of a quite distinctive architectural style, erected and used by various members of the elite. Also in this case, quantitative analysis have been conducted to evaluate the changes in their frequency throughout the period under investigation, and thematic maps have been elaborated to investigate their distribution through time as they constitute the main indicators of what can be defined as the political landscape of the study-area. The architectural traits typical of Aksumite monumental buildings emerge in the area of Aksum starting from the Proto-Aksumite period. For the pre-Aksumite phase other architectural traits and archaeological indicators should be used to identify elite-related structures. One of the clearest examples is represented by the palace at Graat Beal Guebri, Yeha [Anfray 1972b, 1972c, 1973, 40-44, 1990, 27-30, 1997, 5-23; Gerlach 2013, 264-266; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 87-89]. Although the general plan suggests an interpretation as administrative/ representative building, the occurrence of miniature vessels and miniature incense burners may point to a ritual use of the building [Gerlach 2013, 266] At the pre-Aksumite site of Seglamen, recently investigated by the University of Naples “L’Orientale”, the presence of a more affluent segment of the society which presumably extended its control over the rest of the population is suggested by the greater dimensions of houses and walls, by the presence of seals and clay and metal stamps in both domestic and funerary contexts, and by a certain degree of diversification in burials types and grave goods [Fattovich et al. 2012, 111-228; Sernicola 2014, 479-506, 2015, 267-279; Sernicola, Habtamu Makonnen & Phillipson 2013, 343-439; Sernicola, Phillipson & Fattovich 2016, 223-241]. At Aksum, no pre-Aksumite cemeteries have been ever excavated or detected, nor the exposed materials from surface observation has provided indication of the presence of elite related structures (Fig. 54). The only possible evidence in this sense is represented by the results of the excavations conducted at the D-site at Kidane Mehret [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 267-379]. Here, differences in the dimensions and construction techniques of house walls as well as the occurrence of seals and stamps may suggest of the presence of economic (and social?) inequality in the area of Aksum at that time. During the Proto-Aksumite phase, the only evidence of elite residential/administrative building is represented by the elite complex excavated at Ona Nagast (ON), on the

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Fig. 47 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the pre-Aksumite period

Fig. 48 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Proto-Aksumite period

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Fig. 49 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Early Aksumite period

Fig. 50 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Classic Aksumite period

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Fig. 51 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Middle Aksumite period

Fig. 52 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the Late Aksumite period

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Fig. 53 - Distribution of non-elite residential units with respect to soils, water resources and raw-material sources during the post-Aksumite period

hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis [Fattovich & Bard 1997, 66-69; Fattovich & Bard 1998, 61-62]. During this period the site at Ona Nagast extended over a surface of ca. 7.5 hectares (Fig. 55). In Early Aksumite times a dramatic increase in the number of elite buildings is observed (Fig. 56). Remains of 10 “palaces” dating to this period have been detected in the area of Aksum. They include not only the one at the site of Ona Nagast, which in this period has doubled its dimensions (ca. 15 hectares), but also an elite residential/administrative building at Mai Kerwah (site 03/04), immediately to the north of Bieta Giyorgis, and a series of monumental “palaces” in the city-centre of Aksum. One of these, whose original function, residential/administrative or ritual, is not yet defined, has been detected and only partially excavated within the compound of Maryam Tsion Cathedral [de Contenson 1959a, 1-2, 1963, 1-14].2 A slight decrease is recorded in the Classic Aksumite phase for which the remains of 8 “palaces” have been documented (Fig. 57). These were already present during the previous phase and include: the elite complex at Ona Nagast (the site at this time reaches its greatest extension measuring about 21 hectares), site 03/04 at Mai Kerwah,

Enda Semeon [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, 110-112; Munro-Hay 1989, 121-135; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 98-102], Takha Maryam [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, 113-121; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 103-122] and Enda Mikael [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, 107-110, pl. XVII, XXVII; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 94-97], and sites Tg LM 04-06-73, Tg LM 04-06-75 and Tg LM 04-06-85 in the central plain. During the Middle Aksumite phase there is a remarkable decline in the number of elite buildings in the area of Aksum which counts only the “palaces” of Takha Maryam, Enda Semeon and Enda Mikael, in the city-centre (Fig. 58).3 Also the elite complex at Ona Nagast is no more in use and the whole area is occupied by rural dwellings. The decline in the number of elite buildings continued during the Late Aksumite phase when only the so-called “Queen of Sheba Palace” at Dungwur [Anfray 2012] and a possible later occupation of Enda Semeon are attested (Fig. 59). No evidence of elite related secular structures are attested for the early post-Aksumite period. 3  A small test excavation was started in 2006 at site 03/04 at Mai Kerwah by the Italian archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” under the scientific direction of Rodolfo Fattovich and the field supervision of Andrea Manzo. Excavations brought to the light traces of a possible occupation of the building also during the Middle Aksumite phase. Unfortunately, due to local administrative problems, excavations at Mai Kerwah had to be soon interrupted.

Evidence of a possible earlier dating of the building emerges from the review of the materials collected in its lower levels [Manzo 2003, 37-50].

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Fig. 54 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the pre-Aksumite period

Fig. 55 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Proto-Aksumite period

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Fig. 56 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Early Aksumite period

Fig. 57 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Classic Aksumite period

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Fig. 58 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Middle Aksumite period

Fig. 59 - Distribution of secular and religious monumental buildings and cemeteries during the Late Aksumite period

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The same trend in terms of frequency is attested for those sites which, in the absence of clear evidence, have been generically classified as monumental buildings (see Chapter 5). Although it has not been possible to determine whether they were of secular or religious nature, they have been in any case included in the maps presented as their changes in number and distribution through time might be indicators of the gradual expansion of the control gained by Aksum’s ruling class over the territory and of the increasing vertical hierarchization and economic diversification of the Aksumite society.

increase in the number of settlements and the appearance of a clear elite building at Ona Nagast, seems to indicate radical social and cultural changes (Fig. 55). The cemetery at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge (OAZ), on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, appears in this period and is characterized in this phase by pit-tombs cut in an artificial platform and marked by rough syenite stelae [Fattovich et al. 2000a]. Possibly, the ritual site of Gobo Enda Nebri continues to be used at least in the earliest phase of this period. During the Early Aksumite phase, the ritual landscape of the area of Aksum maintained the same characteristic as the previous one (Fig. 56). The most relevant features are represented by the elite cemeteries marked by funerary stelae, which increased in terms of quantity and extension during this phase. The cemetery at Ona Aboy Zewge was still in use and new cemeteries appeared in the whole area of Aksum, parallel to the appearance of monumental buildings. Traces of Early Aksumite cemeteries have been recorded at Daaro and Chanqwa Mender,5 along the southwestern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis, in the southwestern sector of Aksum’s city-centre where the earliest evidence of the so-called “Gudit Stelae Field” have been documented [Munro-Hay 1989, 142-149; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 225-228], and in the peripheral zone at Gumala, Zirka and Addi Gwatiya. Evidence of tombs dated to the this period have been also detected in the southernmost sector of the Northern Stelae Field [Takla Hagos 2008, 83-112]. In the Classic Aksumite phase the earlier cemeteries continued to be used and, in some cases (Ona Enda Aboy Zewge, Gudit Stelae Field and Northern Stelae Field), increased remarkably their extension if compared to the previous phase (Fig. 57). An additional cemetery, the socalled Southeastern Stelae Field, appears to the southeast of Aksum’s conurbation, in the area known today as Gangua Edaga [Kebbede & Leclant 1955, 1-8; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II; Phillipson D.W. 1997]. Evidence of a possible pre-Christian temple have been brought to the light at Mekayiho, to the south-west of Aksum’s city-centre.6 In the Middle Aksumite phase, most of the evidence recorded during the previous phase continued to be used although significant changes occurred (Fig. 58). The cemetery at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge was abandoned and the area was progressively occupied by rural dwellings [Fattovich 1994, 49-55; Fattovich & Bard 1993, 41-71, 1995, 7-26, 1997, 53-61, 1998, 64-70, 2001, 9-15, 2002, 27-28]. Toward the end of this phase the use of erecting

Religious buildings, cemeteries and other ritual places In the area of Aksum archaeological evidence related to ritual practices includes mainly cemeteries and buildings for non-Christian and Christian worships. The analysis of their distribution will add a piece of information to the general reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern(s) of this region by emphasizing mostly the ritual and ideological dimension of the landscape. For the pre-Aksumite phase, no evidence of pre-Christian temples have been recorded in the area of Aksum (Fig. 54); the nearest religious buildings were located at Haoulti/ Melazo (ca. 15 km to the southeast of Aksum) [de Contenson 1963b, 41-52; Leclant 1959b, 43-47] and presumably at Seglamen (ca. 12 km to the south-west of Aksum), as attested by the remains of a Sabean inscription found at Amda Tsion which commemorates the re-erection or restoration of a temple dedicated to the god HBS in that area [Bernand, Drewes & Scheneider 1991-2000, I, 68, II, pl. 1; Schneider 1976, 47-54]. The only evidence of ritual practices in the area of Aksum is represented by an open-air offering place recorded and excavated at Gobo Enda Nebri, on the northeasterrn upslope of Bieta Giyorgis [Fattovich et al. 200b, 52-54], which can be dated, on the basis of the ceramic materials, to the late pre-Aksumite/early ProtoAksumite period. Few pre-Aksumite materials have been also recorded in the lowest levels of the cemeteries at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge (OAZ) [Fattovich 1994, 49-55], on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, and at Daaro, along the southwestern midslope of the same hill,4 but the evidence is too scanty for any kind of interpretation. Finally, the scanty evidence recorded by the DAE in the compound of the present monastery of Abba Pantalewon [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 90-94; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 165-168] suggests that this area had been a monumental site with religious functions since the beginning of the 1st millennium BCE. In the Proto-Aksumite phase the ritual landscape of Aksum underwent a profound change; this, together with an

A preliminary description of the results of the excavations conducted at Chankwa Mender by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” is available at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2007.pdf 5 

A preliminary description of the results of the excavations conducted at Daaro by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” is available at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2007.pdf

A preliminary description of the results of the excavations conducted at Mekayiho by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” is available at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/ workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2008.pdf

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stelae as markers of funerary areas was progressively abandoned parallel to the consolidation of Christianity and the consequent adoption of different burial practices, thence large cemeteries marked by funerary stelae were no more in use. In the final phase of this period few churches are attested at Aksum, in the areas of Mahraf,7 Gangua Edaga [Takla Hagos 2008, 19-78], along the southern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis (Ruins E and F) [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 125-127; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 159176; Ricci & Fattovich 1988, 123-197] and, most likely, in the city centre, possibly in the area where the Church of Maryam Tsion stands. During the Late Aksumite phase the shift to a different burial practice was definitely completed (Fig. 59). Cemeteries marked by standing stelae were abandoned and common people started to be buried nearby the churches; members of the elite erected churches or chapels under which placed their tombs [see e.g. the so-called “Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 127-134; Munro-Hay 1989, 42-47, 157-158; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 73-88]. In addition to the churches previously recorded, a new one is attested at Bejerawi Mikael (site Tg LM 05-06-208), west of Aksum [Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2006, 176-177]. The church was probably associated with a large settlement which began to develop nearby in this period and included a village but also the remains of a monumental building. Finally, during the early centuries of the post-Aksumite phase several churches would have been present in and around Aksum’s conurbation. The dispersed distribution of the settlements, which at this time reoccupy the peripheral hills, suggests that churches might also have been present in this marginal area, possibly associated to rural dwellings and villages as in the case of Bejerawi. Unfortunately most of them are no longer visible or recognizable as older evidence have been obliterated by new constructions or restorations. For this period there is no available evidence of cemeteries; the comparison with present-day practice suggests that they might have been located within churches compounds.

sic, Middle and post-Aksumite phases, that means during the periods for which we have evidence of lithic workshops, there was no direct spatial association between these and the raw material sources, with the exception of the workshops at Mai Agam [Fattovich & Bard 2002: 32; Sulas & Phillipson 2005, 1-18], Zala (# 05/79) and Mai Gwodae (Tg LM 05-06-143), whose situation appears to be strictly related to the nearby presence of chert outcrops (Figs. 60-63). This may reflect a complex and specialized organization of the manufacturing process of lithic tools in which the raw material extracted and roughly shaped into blocks of regular dimensions (pre-cores according to Laurel Phillipson’s terminology in Phillipson L. 2009, 131) was transported, even over medium to long distances, into the areas designated for knapping activities [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 198-200]. Infrastructures and landmarks Finally, the distribution of infrastructures and landmarks will be described for a complete reconstruction of the way ancient Aksumites organized, managed and exploited their territory through time. As seen in Chapter 5, five types of infrastructures have been detected in the area of Aksum. These include: a) cisterns and small bridles for the collection and management of water, b) terracing, c) wine-presses (?), d) syenite quarries, and e) roads, paths and rock-cut steps (Fig. 64). Three water cisterns have been documented in the area of Aksum whose origin can be traced back to ancient times. The first one is the cistern presently known as Ela Nagast located in the area of Ona Nagast, on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, nearby the remains of the elite palace excavated by Fattovich and Bard. Geological essays conducted in the framework of the UNO/BU archaeological investigations at Bieta Giyorgis did not provide a secure; nevertheless, the occurrence of Aksumite ceramics in the different levels of the clay fill of the pit may point to an ancient use of the cistern [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 42]. The place-name, Ela Nagast, which literally means “The pit of the kings”, and the close proximity to the ancient palace are intriguing elements corroborating this hypothesis. Mai Shum is a large water cistern located at the base of Mai Qoho hill, on its western side. Still used by Aksum’s inhabitants, it is already attested in the 16th century account of the Portuguese Françisco Alvarez [Alvarez 1540, 39; Beckingham & Huntingford 1961, 151-152]. Finally, Mai Kerwah is a relatively small water cistern recently restored, situated north of Aksum conurbation, along the traditional road linking Aksum to the Hamasen. The cistern, which gives the name at the general area where it is located, is mentioned in the so-called Maṣḥafa Aksum (Liber Axumae in the edition by Carlo Conti Rossini) [Bausi 2006, 121; Conti Rossini 1909-10, 5], a collection of manuscripts reporting, among other things, a descrip-

Lithic workshops Another important element for the study of the ancient occupation and exploitation strategies adopted in the area of Aksum is represented by the distribution of lithic workshops and the analysis of their location with respect to raw material sources. Thematic maps and proximity analysis conducted on the available data seem to suggest that during the Early, ClasReports of the results of the excavations conducted at Mahraf in 2005 and 2006 by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” are available at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_ omp_17-03-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf and at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2006.pdf

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Fig. 60 - Distribution of lithic workshops during the Early Aksumite period

Fig. 61 - Distribution of lithic workshops during the Classic Aksumite period

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Fig. 62 - Distribution of lithic workshops during the Middle Aksumite period

Fig. 63 - Distribution of lithic workshops during the post- Aksumite period

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

tion of the city of Aksum, which dates back to the 13th/14th century. The cistern is nearby the remains of a large elite Aksumite palace (site 03/04) whose presence is also reported in the manuscript mentioned before. Finally, a system of small bridles possibly used to retain water along the Gudgwad Agazen stream, on the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis, has been detected and excavated by the UNO/BU expedition which suggests, on the basis of associated ceramic materials, a terminus post quem to the early 1st millennium BCE [Fattovich & Bard 2002, 32-33; Fattovich, et al. 2000b, 45-50]. The upper part of the system seems to be spatially associated to a rural compound (GA I-II) excavated by the same expedition [Fattovich & Bard 2001, 17-18] and dated to the Middle Aksumite period, as they both insist on the same terrace. According to the principle of passive association [Wilkinson 2003, 66], the system of bridles can be tentatively (and preliminary) dated to the Middle Aksumite period too. The same principle has been used to provide a tentative reconstruction of ancient terracing systems along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis hill. Here, the excavation of ancient rural compounds and the detection of ancient plough marks on exposed boulders (see Chapter 8) has allowed to detect possible ancient terraces and the remains of a palaeoagricultural landscape in this area. Four features cut into large boulders of outcropping syenite, each consisting of two rectangular cisterns placed at different levels and connected by a spout have been detected in the area of Addi Tsahafi by the DAE [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 74-77; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 162-165] and by members of the World Bank survey project [Fattovich &Takla Hagos 2006, 130-131]. Commonly interpreted as wine-presses [see e.g. Sutton 2008, 18-34] on the basis of comparisons with similar features recorded in the Syria, the Levant and the Nile Valley [Emery & Kirwan 1935, 108-109], although other interpretations have been proposed [Phillipson L. 2006, 27-40], their dating is uncertain. The presence of lion-head spouts carved into the rock may suggest a chronological attribution to the Aksumite period, when lion-head water-spouts where widely used in monumental buildings [Manzo 1999, 113131; Sernicola, in press]. Systematic investigations in the area are required for a better assessment of these features and for a more precise reconstruction of the general organization of this portion of Aksum’s territory. Seven syenite quarries have been detected in the area of Aksum where wedge marks and other positive evidence proved they were actually exploited during Aksumite times for the extraction and processing of blocks of syenite used for the erection of funerary stelae, thrones and some architectural elements of Aksumite monumental buildings. Their location with respect to the distribution of settlements has been already stressed in this chapter. Here the spatial association of some of them with few traditional

roads and paths documented in the area of Aksum suggesting the antiquity of the latter is remarked. A complex network of traditional roads and paths has been documented by the UNO/BU expedition on and around Bieta Giyorgis. Some of these have been tentatively attributed to well defined cultural phases on the basis of the principle of active association [Wilkinson 2003, 66] as some of them clearly lead to sites (quarries but also settlements, elite buildings, etc.) for which the date is known. On the same basis, the ancient slipway for the downward transportation of unfinished stelae from the quarry site at Gobo Dura has been reconstructed by the BIEA expedition directed by David W. Phillipson [Phillipson & Phillipson 2000, 247-249, figs. 222, 223], and part of an Aksumite road in the area of Addi Tsahafi detected [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 195]. Finally, a few landmarks have been recorded in the area of Aksum and classified in four groups including: a) isolated, standing monoliths, natural or roughly carved, with no inscriptions or depictions, b) inscriptions or depictions on natural rock outcrops, c) inscriptions on carved, nonfunerary stelae, and d) stone thrones with inscribed backand armrests. In this section the first two groups are considered. Three isolated, standing monoliths have been documented in the area of Aksum consisting of rough or partially carved stone. Most of them are unprovided with dating elements although ancient ceramics generically attributable to the Aksumite period have been observed around them. Only the monolith coded as OAZ III, located in the area of Ona Enda Aboy Zewge, on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, has been excavated; few ceramics dateable to the Pre-Aksumite period have been collected in the strata filling the foundation pit of the monolith [Fattovich 1992, 49-55]. Six Geʽez rock inscriptions have been recorded in the area of Aksum: four at Bieta Giyorgis and one in the area of Addi Tsahafi, nearby the Mai Gwodae/Hibay river bed. Among the first four, three are located along the western and southwestern midslopes of Bieta Giyorgis and report the same text consisting of family names or place names, suggesting that the inscriptions marked the limit of a property or of a specific area. A dating prior to the 4th century CE is suggested for these inscriptions on the basis of palaeographic evidence [Fattovich & Bard 2002, 22-23; Ricci 1988, 129-131]. The same interpretation and dating are suggested for the other two rock inscriptions in Geʽez documented at Bieta Giyorgis and located in the vicinity of a syenite quarry in the southwestern sector of the hilltop [Ricci 1990, 131-135], and on a stela in the area of Ona Enda Aboy Zewge [Ricci 1988, 131-135]. In the former one, different family or place names are reported and the limits or property can be referred to the general land or to the quarry, or both; the latter, whose interpretation is not yet certain, might be interpreted as a commemoration of

74

Modelling ancient settlement patterns

Fig. 64 - Map showing the location of ancient infrastructures in the area of Aksum

Fig. 65 - Distribution of Mestah Werki sites in the area of Aksum

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

the erection of the stela or to remark the property of a family on the stela itself or on the land where it was located. The last Geʽez rock inscription is located at Addi Tsahafi [Phillipson L. 2000, 423-424, figs. 375-376] and reports on three lines the same text za-bet which literally means “of or belonging to the house” possibly referring to the land marked by the inscription. In addition to these, an eroded and very badly preserved South Arabic inscription of which only few letters have been recorded has been detected in a quarry site in the north-eastern sector of Bieta Giyorgis hilltop [Ricci 1999, 61-63]. Although very scanty, these types of landmarks are extremely important for the reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern of the area of Aksum as they provide indications on how the territory was organized and divided among the population. Moreover, the possible presence of family names on rocks marking boundaries among portions of land provides intriguing insights for the still poorly explored topic of land tenure in ancient times.

sumite cities or territories controlled by Aksum were situated. Visibility analysis carried out using Viewshed tools provided by ArcGIS and based on a 3D model of the area of Aksum realized with the same software, made it possible to identify the portions of the territory directly visible from the Mestah Werki sites (Fig. 66). Results of the analysis show how the Mestah Werki sites recorded in the Aksum area were projected towards the valleys previously described, possibly controlling the territory in those directions and probably visible to whoever was approaching Aksum from the west, north or northeast. Thence it is possible to hypothesize that, having developed during the period of maximum political and economic expansion of Aksum, the slabs traditionally known as Mestah Werki were part of larger structures located along the main roads leading to Aksum, where ritual and administrative activities were performed. Were they designed to collect the offerings and tributes brought at Aksum by the subdued regions, hence their name? It is not possible to state at this stage of the research; what is proposed here is just a tentative conclusion which is open to reconsideration. Anyhow they might have been important landmarks of the landscape, emphasizing, with their visibility, the activities and/or ceremonies which took place at those sites.

Mestah Werki To conclude, a brief overview of the distribution of the Mestah Werki type of monuments is presented in this chapter as their location within the ancient landscape, as already noticed by Sutton [Sutton 2008, 32], might represent a significant element for their interpretation. As stated in Chapter 5, five Mestah Werki slabs have been documented in the area of Aksum; indications of the existence of a sixth one, nowadays no more visible, have been provided by local inhabitants of the area of Golo. Their situation is presented in figure 65. Excavations at the Mestah Werki site of Gumala proved that, at least in that case, the slab was directly associated to a rectangular building where administrative and ritual practices were performed.8 Surface observations at the two Mestah Werki sites at Asbah and Gaza Merchan pointed out also in these areas the existence of collapsed structures and high density of ceramics in the same areas as the slabs. The same has been recorded in the area of Golo, at the site where, according to local inhabitants, a Mestah Werki slab was present until few decades ago. By analysing their location and the composition of associated artefacts assemblages, it emerges that all Mestah Werki monuments: a) were created and used during the Classic and the Middle Aksumite period, when Aksum reached its greatest expansion; and b) were located along major river valleys linking Aksum with the neighbouring western, northern and north-eastern regions, where Ak-

Fig. 66 - Viewshed analysis on the Mestah Werki sites of the area of Aksum

Descriptions of the results of the excavations conducted at Gumala by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” are available at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_omp_1703-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf

8 

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CHAPTER 7

A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city As shown in the previous chapter, archaeological excavations and surface reconnaissance conducted in the area of Aksum suggest that, between the 4th century BCE and the 1st/2nd century CE, during the phases of formation and progressive expansion of Aksum’s polity, its political and ideological focus was located on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, where the remains of monumental buildings and elite tombs cut in artificial stone platforms and marked by monoliths dated to the mid-1st millennium BCE/early 1st millennium CE have been recorded at the sites of Ona Nagast and Ona Enda Aboy Zewge respectively [Fattovich 2014, 99-102; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 27; Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 555]. From the early 1st millennium CE, traces of elite-related structures start to appear also in the plain, pointing to a progressive shift of the political core of Aksum’s territory from the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis to the plan south of it. There, the capital centre of the developing kingdom progressively expanded while the elite sites at Ona Nagast and Ona Enda Aboy Zewge disappeared and the whole area was occupied by rural dwellings. Noteworthy, traces of the changes in the location of Aksum city centre emerged from the analysis of the archaeological record, are also present in local oral and written traditions according to which the capital city had three different locations through time: Mazber, built by Ithiopis son of Kush, Asba (or Asfa), built by the Queen of Sheba, and Aksum, founded by Kings Abraha and Asbaha [Conti Rossini 1909-10, 3; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 26-27; MunroHay 1991; Sergew Hable Sellassie 1972]. Whether this moving reflects solely pragmatic reasons responding to environmental and/or commercial requirements (e.g. from the healthier and secure hilltop to the better connected plan to the south of it), or is the sign of a deep social change, perhaps related to the shift of power from one lineage to another, is still unclear. Certainly, it constitutes a remarkable aspect of Aksum’s ancient history as it parallels Aksum’s political and economic expansion which is mirrored by the progressive organization and monumentalization of the city-centre. It has been widely demonstrated by several studies that the transformations in a city emphasize the close association between the constitution of political authority and the layout of urban space; such close association has been described for numerous early complex polities [see e.g. Smith 2004, 185]. The main goal of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive description of the form and aesthetics of the city centre of Aksum at the heyday of its political expansion which might be used, together with other types of evidence, as archaeological indicator in the topical, debated problem of the nature, origin and development of Aksum’s polity. The study will be essentially based on the analysis of Aksumite monuments and their distribution within the city-centre to provide information on how the urban space was organ-

ized and how it could have been experienced, perceived and imagined by locals and foreigners. The monuments of Aksum: an overview Although general information on Aksumite monuments has been offered in a series of narratives by European missionaries, travellers and explorers who visited Aksum from the early 16th century onwards [Fattovich 1992], the first comprehensive account of Aksumite monumental architecture is represented, as we have seen in Chapter 2, by volume II of the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition (DAE) [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II]. As general descriptions of Aksumite monumental architecture have been presented in detail in the report of the DAE and by several other scholars [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 49-55; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II; Manzo 1997,155-172; Munro-Hay 1989, 159-167, 1991, 118-125; Phillipson D.W. 1997; Sernicola in press] here the focus of the discussion will be on those monuments that characterize the urban landscape of Aksum; their major distinctive traits will be only briefly outlined here, major emphasis being placed on recently acquired data and on the analysis of monuments’ spatial distribution within the city centre. Three main categories of monuments will be considered: 1) monumental buildings, 2) funerary structures, and 3) celebrative thrones. Monumental buildings This category includes two different groups of monuments: a) elite residential/administrative buildings, and b) religious buildings (pre-/non-Christian temples and churches). Aksumite elite residential/administrative buildings were of a quite distinctive architectural style [Anfray 1972a, 60-78; Buxton & Matthews 1974, 53-77; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 49-50; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 107-121; Manzo 1997, 155-172; Munro-Hay 1991, 107; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 93-122]. Mostly N/NW-S/SE oriented in the Aksum city-centre, the largest were built on a masonry square podium accessed by a large stairway on the front, and, in some cases, by additional less impressive staircases on the back and/or on one or both sides. The podium had a stepped profile and massive, granitic, finely carved cornerstones, each the height of a step, which extended for varying distances into the outer walls. Both the podium and the upper structure of the building had an indented plan with alternately recessed and projecting segments. Construction material was mostly local, consisting of granitic and basalt mud-mortared slabs and rubble; horizontal courses of thin schist slabs were often placed in the walls at regular intervals. Indirect evidence suggests that timber was used for the upper structure following a constructional method that left the ends of some beams projecting from

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

the walls. This technique, commonly known as “monkeyhead”, is reproduced on the largest Aksumite funerary stelae and attested in early medieval churches [Buxton 1947, 1-42, 1971, 33-100; Buxton & Matthews 1974, 5377]. The central building was surrounded by a number of courtyards and rooms, the latter forming a quadrangular or rectangular precinct where numerous people could have been housed and goods stored. A study conducted by the author demonstrated proportionality between the dimensions of the internal building and of the external precinct of these structures. Calculations based on fully excavated structures at Aksum and Matara suggest that, in case of square precincts, the external walls were three times longer than the internal ones; in case of rectangular precincts, the short and the long external walls were three and, respectively, five times longer than the internal ones. This evidence, which demonstrates the standardised nature of the construction of these buildings, allowed to surmise the dimensions of the precincts of elite structures which were only partially unearthed and to create an archaeological map with their location and hypothetical extension within the city centre used by local authorities for urban planning and heritage management (see Fig. 68). Remains of internal stairs demonstrate that some of the buildings had at least one upper floor. Although Anfray questioned whether such structures would have supported more than two storeys [Anfray 1981, 370], several hypothetical reconstructions, some of which excessively grandiose, have been attempted proposing the presence of three or even four storeys [Buxton 1970, 94-95; Buxton & Matthews 1974, figs. 12, 18, 28; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 107 fig. 245, 113 fig. 251; Phillipson D.W. 1997, figs. 124, 135]. Calculations were conducted on the central building of Takha Maryam by means of a structural engineering software (Computer Design of Masonries) which takes into account construction material and technique, dimensions of the building, depth and type of the foundations. This revealed that the structure could have been stable up to the maximum height of 15 m, that points to more than two storeys.1 Whether ancient Aksumites fully exploited this potentiality is unknown. Whatever the height, the presence of a stepped podium combined with the indented plan from which projecting corner “towers” emerged suggests that these monumental structures “were attempting to achieve the impression of great heights” [Connah 2001, 85]. They were usually situated as prominent markers within the urban landscape. Unfortunately, except for the external perception, very little can be said of the way the local com-

munity and/or foreign people used or experienced these structures as most of the excavations carried out at these sites were focused on unearthing architectural features and some individual objects without identifying coherent contexts of chronologically and spatially related artefacts. As noted by Phillipson [Phillipson D.W. 2012,124], although plausible, there is no direct evidence of the use of such structures as royal residences or administrative centres, or the combination of both. Their large amount in all investigated Aksumite centres suggests that it is unlikely that they were all houses of the royal family unless one accepts the hypothesis that, at least in the area of the capital city, a new “palace” was erected by each king [Phillipson D.W. 2012, 90; Wendowski & Ziegert 2006, 387-395]. Most likely, they were erected and used by various members of the Aksumite elite and imitated by affluent people to show their economic and social status. This seems indicated by the different sizes of the buildings and by the different level of accuracy in the planning and organization of the complex recorded in the excavated structures [Anfray 2012, 7-21, 31-36]. Sparse elements indicate that, whatever the function of the central building, at least some of the numerous external rooms forming the precinct and separate blocks around the internal courtyards were probably devoted to domestic activities, as suggested by the brick ovens and possible hypocaust found at Dungwur [Anfray 2012, 2122, 23-24] and by the presence of storage jars and cooking pots in the ceramics assemblages from the buildings excavated at Aksum and Matara [Anfray 1968, 5-74, 2012, 45-52; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II/Tafeln XXVIII-XXXI]. Other rooms, but this is pure speculation, could have been used to house soldiers, guards, craftsmen and servants, and/or, as suggested by Connah [Connah 2001,87] an elite extended family. Munro-Hay argued that these complexes might have been village centres surrounding landlord’s houses [Munro-Hay 1991, 49]. Monumental buildings at Aksum have been recorded at Ona Nagast [ON], on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 49-50, figs. 3a-b, 6], where, as we have seen, the ideological and political focus of the territory was situated during the second half of the 1st millennium BCE and the early 1st millennium CE [Fattovich 2014, 99-102; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 27; Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 555]. They were also built in the areas of Addi Kilte and Kuduku, in the plain of Aksum, where, starting from the early 1st millennium CE the urban centre progressively moved and expanded [Fattovich 2014, 102; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 27-28; Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 556-558]. Surface evidence of the presence of monumental residential/ administrative buildings of Aksumite style has been also recorded in the peripheral territory of Aksum during the survey conducted between 2005 and 2009 [Fattovich &

The study was conducted by the author in collaboration with the engineer Dr Riccardo Pallino as part of the research for the MA thesis by Sernicola, Architettura e Urbanistica ad Aksum tra I e VII sec. d.C., defended in 2001 at the Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientaleˮ, then Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples, Italy.

1 

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A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city

Takla Hagos 2005, 2006; Fattovich et al., in prep.].2 Such distinctive elements as the stepped podium, indented plan and protruding timber beams, typical of elite residential buildings, were also present in early Christian churches with the only difference that the latter had almost always a basilican plan and that their internal organization (single or double aisle on either side of the central nave defined by lines of pillars, circular or inscribed apse with two side chambers in some cases semi-subterranean) obviously reflected their diverse function [Buxton & Matthews 1974; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 49; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 107 fig. 245, 113 fig. 251; Paribeni 1907, 530-531; Peacock & Blue 2007, 112-117, 119-124; Phillipson D.W. 2009b, 29-50; 2012, 126-132; Takla Hagos 2008, 19-76]. Evidence of ancient churches in the area of Aksum occur possibly at the Cathedral of Maryam Tsion [Fattovich 2014, 105; Phillipson D.W. 2009b, 37-40], in the areas of Mahraf and Gangua Edaga, to the northeast and south-east of Aksum conurbation respectively [Fattovich 2014, 105; Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 195197; Takla Hagos 2008, 19-76], along the southern edge of Bieta Giyorgis hill [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913, II, 125-127; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 159-176, 2009, 42-43; Ricci & Fattovich 1988, 123-197], and on the surrounding hills. Unfortunately, available information on Aksumite nonChristian religious buildings is still lamentably poor. Evidence from the site of Mekayiho, in the vicinity of Aksum,3 points out that some of the typical architectural features of residential buildings and churches, namely the presence of a podium, stepped walls and indented plan, were recurrent elements also in this case. Two other buildings showing the typical traits of Aksumite monumental architecture were excavated in the area of Ouchatei Golo, about 7 km west of Aksum [de Contenson 1963a, 1-16], and at Gumala, to the north of Aksum;4 their interpretation (religious or secular) is still uncertain [Munro-Hay 1991, 213; Phillipson D.W. 2009b, 42-43].5

and stelae. Major cemeteries with evidence of high-status tombs were located at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge [OAZ], on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis, along the Mai Heggia river (the so-called “Northern Stelae Field”), in the area of Gangua Edaga, to the south-east of Aksum conurbation (the so-called “Southeastern Stelae Field”), and in the plain of Safeho, to the south-west (the so-called “Western Stelae Field” or “Gudit Stelae Field”). Traces of funerary areas marked by stelae have been recorded during the 2005 survey at Gumala [Fiaccadori 2007, 70-76], to the north of Aksum’s territory, and at Addi Gwatiya, to the north-east. According to the classification proposed by Fattovich [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 52-55], four main types of tombs have been detected at Aksum: a) pit-graves, simple or elaborate, characterised by a single, circular pit or by two shafts (an upper and a lower one, respectively trapezoidal and rectangular in cross section) cut into the bedrock at the bottom of which the burial was located [Fattovich et al. 2000a, fig. 129]. Tombs of this type have been recorded at the elite cemetery of Ona Enda Aboy Zewge [OAZ], on the hilltop of Bieta Giyiorgis [Fattovich & Bard 1993, 47-58, 1995, 7-9, 1927, 1997, 58-61, 1998, 64-70] and in the southern sector of the Northern Stelae Field [Takla Hagos 2008, 83-112] and can be dated to the Proto-Aksumite and the earliest phase of the Aksumite period; b) shaft tombs consist of rock-cut quadrangular shafts at the bottom of which one or more burial chambers were located [Fattovich et al. 2000a, fig. 13]. Shaft tombs have been detected at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge [OAZ] [Fattovich & Bard 1993, 47-58], in the Northern, Southeastern and Western Stelae Fields [Chittick 1974; Munro-Hay 1989, 78-100], near Addi Gwatiya and in the area of Enda Kaleb[Fattovich et al. 2000a, 53]; c) staircase tombs are characterised by a rock cut staircase giving access to the burial chambers. Staircase tombs have been detected at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge [OAZ] [Fattovich & Bard 1995, 10-19, 1998, 54-58], in the Southeastern Stelae Field (“Tomb of Bazen”) [Kebbede & Leclant 1955, 1-8; Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 425-427] and in the southern sector of the Northern Stelae Field (“Tomb of the Brick Arches”) [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 31-133, 165-218]; and d) constructed tombs. These are excavated or covered tombs with masonry walls and are quite often characterised by a superstructure. This type includes the “Mausoleum”, the so-called “Tomb of the False Door” [Chittick 1974, 172-190; Munro-Hay 1989, 55-60, 100101, 104-110, 116-120] and “Nefas Mawcha” [Munro-Hay 1989, 165-166; Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II/ Tafeln: XVI; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 68-71] in the southern sector of the Northern Stelae Field, and the so-called “Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal” [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 127-134; Munro-Hay 1989, 42-47, 157-158; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 73-88, 2000, 427-431], to the north-east of Aksum’s conurbation.

Funerary structures This category includes all the features related to funerary structures, namely tombs, artificial stone-platforms A general description of the activities and results conducted during the 2005/2006 surveys is also available at http://www.unior.it/ateneo/8766/1/ the-archaeological-map-of-aksum.html

2 

A preliminary description of the results of the excavations conducted at Mekayiho by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” is available at http://www.unior.it/userfiles/ workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2008.pdf

3 

Descriptions of the results of the excavations conducted at Gumala by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” are available at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_omp_1703-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf

4 

5  For a detailed discussion on the interpretation of the Mestah Werki monument at Gumala see also Chapter 6 in this book.

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Pre-Christian elite tombs were always associated to artificial stone platforms wherein the openings of the tombs were located [Fattovich et al. 2000b, 50-51]. Syenite stelae erected in the platform marked the funerary areas. These monoliths could be rough, natural or slightly carved slabs, or smoothly worked monoliths, rectangular in section, tapering on all sides to a flat, pointed, pointed-arch or rounded top [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 1-43; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 11-65]. In most cases, baseplates to the front and rear embraced the foot of the stela. Among the regularly shaped round-topped stelae, six, the so-called “architectural” stelae, are carved in representation of multi-storey buildings showing all the traits typical of Aksumite elite palaces: podium accessed by a stairway, stepped walls, indented plan, protruding beams [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 1-33; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 11-43]. These stelae are the largest and most elaborated monoliths recorded in the area (the tallest one measures 33 m, n. 3 in the DAE numbering scheme) and are all clustered in the southernmost sector of the Northern Stelae Field, where also the richest and most elaborated hypogean tombs so far investigated are located. After the adoption of Christianity, occurred around the mid-4th century CE during the reign of king Ezana, the style of elite tombs changed. As suggested by the so-called “Tomb of the False Door”, the use of the stelae was abandoned and structures serving as religious or secular building were erected above subterranean stone-built burial chambers. The final stage of this process is most likely represented by two twin subterranean tombs marked by basilican plan churches erected on a single podium, traditionally attributed to the 6th century kings Kaleb and Gabra Masqal. This tradition seems to reflect the early Byzantine martyria attested in the eastern Mediterranean regions [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 54; Phillipson D.W. 2009b].

the thrones.6 The thrones recorded at Aksum are clustered into two groups. Thrones number 1 to 15 (according to DAE numbering scheme) are located in the precinct of the Cathedral of Maryam Tsion; thrones from number 16 to 25 are located along the south-western and southern footslopes of Mai Qoho hill, in the south-eastern sector of the city. Françisco Alvarez, who visited Aksum in 1520 reports the occurrence of thrones also to the back of the Cathedral, close to a large water reservoir (presumably Mai Shum) [Alvarez 1540, 40; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 153-155]. The occurrence of thrones in this area is also described by Salt [Annesley 1809, III, Plan of the Ruins of Aksum with a Sketch of the Adjoining Country] who visited Aksum in the early 19th century. In the precinct of Enda Maryam Tsion, two thrones, the so-called “King’s throne” and “Bishop’s throne”, are in the most prominent position, side by side, facing thirteen thrones, the so-called “Judges thrones” aligned about 30 meters to the west. According to local and European sources, these were used for the coronation ceremony of many kings of the Solomonic dynasty, which gained power toward the end of the 13th century and ruled up to the dethronement of Emperor Haile Selassie, claiming its direct relation with the glorious tradition of the Aksumite kings. But this was the later function of these monuments. Despite their apparent coherent distribution, there is indeed clear evidence that the whole complex of thrones in the compound of the Cathedral has been assembled from disparate elements brought from elsewhere at various times [Phillipson D.W. 1997, 129, 134, 137]. This seems confirmed by both Ethiopian and European sources: the chronicle of King Zara Yaqob (1434-1468) [Perruchon 1893, 50-51], the ritual of coronation of the kings of the Solomonic dynasty [Munro-Hay 1991, 61-65], and, again, the account by Alvarez [Alvarez 1540, 39-40; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 153-155] report that, at least between the 15th and 16th centuries the thrones in the precinct of the cathedral were only twelve. Even the Liber Axumae whose writing, at least with regard to the section where the cathedral and the monuments of the city of Aksum are described, is traced back to the 14th century, mentions twelve thrones, nine for the Nine Saints, one for Kaleb, one for Gabra Masqal and one for Ker Iyefareh [Conti Rossini 1909-10, 5]. This discrepancy, already noticed by Ugo Monneret de Villard [1938, 25] was interpreted by the Italian scholar as the result of the omission from the counting of the King’s and Bishop’s thrones but this interpretation is not convincing. Evidence of re-arrangement and re-use of the thrones, an extremely precise description of monuments in Alvarez’s account, and the presence of

Thrones Twenty five stone thrones were recorded by the members of the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition in the area of Aksum, plus, according to them, the remains of an unfinished seatblock in a quarry to the north-east of the town [Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II, 45-69; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 123-154]. Most consisted of a square seat-block between 0.83 and 1.20 m wide sitting upon a base-stone with a foot-rest. The seat and the base-stone sat on a podium made of partially dressed syenite slabs; their outer surfaces might have been plain or cut in the shape of a protruding plate at the top and bottom which gives them a stepped profile. Four corner-stones with worked inner angles fitted against the base-stone; in some cases the corner-stones had carved depressions to receive the bases of pillars possibly supporting a canopy. On the upper face of the seat-block, three slots housed the back and sides of

Thrones n. 19 and 20 were slightly different from the others. For a detailed description see Littmann, Krencker & von Lüpke1913 II, 45-69 but also Phillipson D.W. 1997, 139-144, figs. 200-205. 6 

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thrones in the north-eastern sector of Aksum documented in the 16th and early 19th centuries but no longer present when the DAE visited Aksum in 1906, suggests that the present layout of the thrones is the result of later rearrangement. This may have started prior to the visit of Alvarez, when some of the thrones (perhaps those located to the north of Mai Shum) were moved to the Cathedral precinct to be reused for the coronation of the kings, and continued up to the early 19th century. The thrones located in the south-eastern sector of the town, even if slightly displaced, seem to have substantially maintained their original location and can be used to reconstruct the original purpose of these monuments and the urban topography of the ancient capital city. As already remarked by several scholars [see among others Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991-2000; Schneider 1976, 47-54], the frequent occurrence of the words “and built this throne” recorded in many of the inscribed stone plaques presently stored in the treasury and museum of the church of Maryam Tsion, indicates the close connection between these inscriptions and the thrones and implies that these inscribed plaques, made of a softer stone than the granitic one used for the general structure, most likely formed the backs and sides of the thrones [Bernand, Drewes and Schneider 1991-2000; Phillipson D.W. 1997, 150]. On this basis, Aksumite thrones may be interpreted as commemorative monuments used by Aksumite kings to celebrate their military exploits and, through this, their greatness and strength. This assumption is complemented by the marble inscribed throne of Adulis, described in the 6th century CE by Cosmas Indicopleustes”, where the military enterprises of an anonymous king have been cut [Wolska-Conus 1968, 364-366].7 The same source provides us with indications on the possible location of this type of monuments within Aksumite city centres. According to Cosmas account, the throne at Adulis was located “at the entry of the city, on its western sector, facing the road to Aksum” [Wolska-Conus 1968, 364-366]. On this basis we can advance the hypothesis that south-eastern complex of thrones recorded at Aksum was situated at the entry of the city, along one of the major roads giving access to it. This hypothesis seems corroborated by the general layout of the thrones, arranged on two lines and facing each other as a large road passed between them. In this perspective, the presence of thrones to the north of Mai Shum reported by Françisco Alvarez and, later on, by Henry Salt makes sense as in this area a road giving access to Aksum from the north was certainly located. Thence, the original function of Aksumite thrones could have been of celebrative monuments with commemorative royal in-

scriptions placed along the roads entering major Aksumite cities. Possibly, in some cases, the throne was accompanied by a further inscription on a rectangular carved stone block where, again, the royal military enterprises were celebrated and the dedication to deities of statues, inscriptions and thrones mentioned. Examples in this sense are the inscriptions listed as RIÉ 185/270, 185bis/270bis [Bernand Drewes & Schneider 1991 I, 241-245, 246-250, 363-367, 367-370] found close to the south-eastern and the possible northern group of thrones respectively, where the fourth century CE king Ezana provides an account of his successful expedition against the Beja [Marrassini 2014, 212224], and RIÉ 188 [Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991 I, 258-261], where the same king reports of the erection of a throne in the same area of the inscription after a war against the Ṣerane [Marrassini 2014, 228-230]. The urban landscape at Aksum’s apogee Despite their diverse function and spatial distribution, most Aksumite monuments had several traits in common: high podium, stepped profile and indented plan, which possibly constituted distinctive stylistic markers of elite-related architectural features. These, beside an aesthetic function, might have served to another, fundamental task: to confer to some of them greatness and in some cases visibility. This aspiration to grandeur of Aksumite elite was already noticed by Kobishchanow, who states: “The mania for the gigantic reflects the tastes of the Axumite monarchy and the monuments were the concrete realization of its ideological purpose, which was to instil awe-inspiring admiration for the greatness and strength of the potentate to whom the monuments were dedicated.” [Kobishchanov 1981, 394]. If, on the one hand, this architecturally based political/ideological propaganda was widely spread over the whole territory under Aksum’s control, it was in the area of the capital city that, not surprisingly, it reached its greatest manifestation. Between the 4th and the 7th century CE, at its greatest extent, the city centre encompassed an area of about 180 ha, corresponding to the present districts of Dabtara (around Maryam Tsion Cathedral), Malake Aksum, Kuduku and Dungwur/Addi Kilte (Fig. 67). Beyond its substantial size, Aksum boasted a number of features that, to quote Adam Smith [2004, 192], can be regarded as markers of distinctly urban built environment, including differentiated zones for residence, production, and religious and political institutions, and a monumental architectural fabric that provided the city with a sense of grandeur. In the areas of Addi Kilte and Kuduku monumental buildings – large elite residences and/or administrative centres as well as religious structures – were located (Fig. 68). The cathedral of St. Mary of Sion, possibly one of the most ancient of all Ethiopia’s churches, built on pre-Christian foundations [de Contenson 1963a, 3-14, pl. I – XXI,

7  On the debate about the attribution of the royal inscription on the throne of Adulis see the overviews by Shitomi 1997, 81-102 and Fauvelle-Aymar 2009, 135-160. For a stimulating description of the throne of Adulis within the political scenario of the 6th/7th century CE Red Sea regions see Bowersock 2013.

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Fig. 67 - Main districts of Aksum’s city-centre

1959b, 101-104, pl. XLVI – XLVII] probably constituted the city’s religious and ritual focus after the adoption and diffusion of Christianity, together with the nearby church presently dedicated to “Arbatu Ensesa”, where evidence of ancient tombs have been reported by Anfray [1965, 5, 1972, 73]. To the west the great “palaces” were located, in the areas of Addi Kilte and Kuduku, while to the north of these, in the Malake Aksum district, deep stratigraphic excavations exposed remains which suggest that this built-up area might have been dedicated to production activity [Anfray 1972, 63-70]. Middle-rank houses were probably also present, as suggested by surveyed and excavated evidence [Puglisi 1941, 95-153; Phillips & Reynolds 2000, 280-301; Phillipson & Phillips 2000, 267-280] and by the comparison with the plans of the two other known Aksumite-style urban areas: Adulis and Matara [Anfray 1974, fig. 7; Paribeni 1907, 437-572; Peacock & Blue, 2007]. The city centre was accessed by three major entrances situ-

ated to the south-west, north-east and south-east of Aksum conurbation, where major roads linking Aksum with the surrounding regions conveyed [Sernicola in press; Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 195-198]. To the south-east, in the area of Gangua Edaga (Fig. 69), a comparison of the surveys carried out by the DAE 1906 [Littman, Krencker & von Lüpke 1913 II; Phillipson D.W. 2000], the results of the excavations performed [Kebbede & Leclant 1955, 1-6; Takla Hagos 2008] and recent surface observations, indicate that the area was characterized by the presence of a cemetery marked by syenite stelae associated to pit tombs and staircase tombs. In this area one of the so-called “pseudo-trilingual” inscription of king Ezana (RIÉ 185/270) mentioning his raid against the Beja [Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991 I, 241-245, 246-250], currently preserved a short distance away in the “Ezana Park” and ten monumental thrones which, arranged in two lines and facing each other, are also located. Finally, the remains of a church dating back to

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A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city

Fig. 68 - Aksumite remains in the districts of Addi Kilte and Kuduku

the late Classic Aksumite/Late Aksumite period have been exposed [Takla Hagos 2008, 19-78]. A plan of the city of Aksum included into Beckingham and Huntingford’s 1961 edition of Alvarez’s account, shows the presence of another building, immediately to the north of this church, indicated with the name of Mahraf [Beckingham & Huntingford 1961, 146; Monneret de Villard 1938, 16]. An almost identical pattern can be recognized in the northeastern sector (Fig. 70). There a monumental cemetery marked by various types of syenite stelae, the so-called “Northern Stelae Field”, extended along the Mai Hegga river up to the present-day Stelae Park. An Ezana inscription (RIÉ 185bis/270/bis) [Bernand, Drewes & Schneider 1991 I, 363-367, 367-370] , similar to the one recorded in the thrones’ area to the south-east, was also present and the occurrence of thrones in the same area is suggested by Alvarez and Salt [Alvarez 1540, 40; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 40; Annesley 1809, III, Plan of the Ruins of Aksum with a Sketch of the Adjoining Coun-

try]. A late Classic/Middle Aksumite church located on a small natural knoll a little north of the Ezana inscription, at the crossing point of roads connecting Aksum to the Hamasen (central Eritrea) to the north and to Sudan to the north-west via the Mareb river valley, has been exposed by Fattovich and Sernicola in 2005 and 2006.8 This suggests that, similarly to the southeastern one, also this area anciently might have served as a marker of the city limits to the north. Intriguingly, also in this case, the area where the church is located is known as Mahraf, a place-name already attested in the Liber Axumae [Bausi 2006, 121] which literally means “the stopping place” or “the resting place”. According to a local oral tradition, as recently as the early 20th century pilgrims, travellers and merchants arriving at Aksum from the north used to stop here for restReports of the results of the excavations conducted at Mahraf in 2005 and 2006 by the Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” are available at http://www.unior.it/doc_db/doc_ omp_17-03-2014_5326e737a0b44.pdf and http://www.unior.it/userfiles/ workarea_231/file/Contributi/Rapporti%20di%20scavo/2006.pdf 8 

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 69 - Aksumite remains at Gangua Edaga

ing and leaving their horses and other beasts of burden, as entrance to Aksum was allowed only on foot. Whether this practice had more ancient roots is presently not known. The above mentioned tradition seems to echo a medieval coronation ritual of the Solomonic dynasty, according to which the king, who arrived at Aksum on the coronation day, dismounted on reaching the stelae and the thrones in the Gangua Edaga area and entered the city on foot [Monneret de Villard 1938, 54-56; Munro-Hay 1961, 161-165; Perruchon 1893]. To the south-west the access to the city was marked by the “Western” or “Gudit Stelae Field” where funerary stelae and elite burials were located (Fig. 71); opposite to this, some of the monumental residential/administrative buildings were erected. While it can’t be excluded that one (or more) of the so far not excavated mounded sites with the remains of stone walling and blocks of dressed stones detected in the area of Addi Kilte, opposite to the south-western cemetery, both to the west and to the east of

the complex of Dungwur investigated by Anfray [Anfray 1972, 60-78, 2012], is a church, no traces of the presence of thrones nor inscribed monoliths - which marked, in association to a royal cemetery and a church, the eastern major entrances - have been so far detected or reported in travellers accounts for this area. It is possible that such monuments have not been preserved or so far found in this sector, but it is also likely that this access to the city, being almost exclusively used by people from the inner regions of the kingdom, had a different pattern than the others, which also presumably welcomed foreigners (e.g. ambassadors and merchants) from the Nile Valley, the western and eastern Mediterranean, the Arabian Peninsula, and possibly some regions of India. An unexcavated archaeological site in this western periphery of Aksum’s conurbation, in the area of Chandug, has been detected and interpreted by Laurel Phillipson as an entrance marker and taxation point for Aksumite travellers coming from the regions to the west

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Fig. 70 - Aksumite remains in the northeastern sector of Aksum’s conurbation; in blue the area where thrones could have been located on the basis of Alvarez’s account

of Aksum [Phillipson L. 2009, 37-38; Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 197-198].9 This hypothesis is based on its location at the hub of a network of traditional and ancient roads [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 197-198, 196 fig. 3] and on the occurrence of imported goods (including millefiori glass and ribbed amphorae), tokens, small fragments of gold and other evidence of wealth [Phillipson L. 2009, 37] gathered from surface collections. Another territorial landmark in this area may be a rock engraving of a lioness and a cross on a syenite boulder on the southern slope of Gobo Dura hill. Unfortunately, its dating and significance are uncertain. No evidence has been found, so far, for defining the possible ancient location of the market area(s). The earliest known location dates back to the early 16th century, when, according to Alvarez, it was situated in the area between

the cathedral, the southern end of the “Northern Stelae Field” and the Mai Shum water reservoir [Alvarez 1540, 39; Beckingham & Huntingford (eds.) 1961, 151-152; Monneret de Villard 1938, 14]. After that, the market area changed its location at least two times. During the first half of the 20th century, at the time of the Italian occupation, the market was located further south, in the Daaro Ela square. It is not known when it was moved, but its presence there is already attested in the late 19th century, although its relocation might have taken place long before. According to Ugo Monneret de Villard [1938, 14-15] it could be connected with the drying out of the plain to the south of the city and with the necessity of having the commercial centre closer to the main road to Adwa in order to facilitate the arrival of the goods. Currently it is situated in the Safeho plain, to the south-west of the city along the road to Shire. Future analysis, based on the detection of the possible factors that oriented the attested periodic relocation of the market area (for instance: proximity to major trade routes,

In the same area archaeological essays conducted by Françis Anfray brought to the light the remains of other Aksumite monumental buildings associated to local and imported ceramics [Anfray 2012].

9 

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Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 71 - Aksumite remains in the southwestern sector of Aksum’s conurbation

distance from major settlements, and so on) may allow to identify areas where such parameters could have been satisfied in ancient time and to propose hypothesis about its possible ancient location. This will be an extremely important contribution to the reconstruction of the ancient urban organization as it will tentatively provide the localization of one of the areas that played a central role in the economic and social life of the local population. The market, in fact, represented a crucial area with a significant economic, social, ideological and symbolic role within the town and the broader territory as it was, and still is, a place where not only goods and crafts, but also information and ideas were exchanged.

ation which paralleled the increasing power of the polity at a regional and interregional level. This process of urbanization had crested by the end of the Classic Aksumite period in the mid-4th century CE. At that time, and for at least the following three centuries, the built aesthetics of Aksum city reflected the sense of its cohesiveness and grandeur. Surface survey and excavations at the old city centre of Aksum suggest some functional differentiation of urban zones, with a focus on administrative/residential buildings in the west, a concentrated religious quarter in the centre (at least after the adoption of Christianity), and areas of production at discrete points in between. At the northeastern and south-eastern accesses, from where local but also foreign people entered the city, elite cemeteries, commemorative thrones and inscriptions celebrating the war exploits of Aksumite kings, and, later on, churches [Sernicola & Phillipson 2011, 195-198; Takla Hagos 2008, 1976] were also placed.

Conclusions During the phases of expansion of Aksum, the ideological and political focus of the polity gradually shifted from the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis to the plan south of it. There it underwent to a progressive expansion and monumentaliz86

A zoom in on Aksum’s ancient city-centre: form and aesthetics of a capital city

The most significant built features promoting the perception of urban coherence were the similarly organized monumental entries to the city, that differentiated the urban space from the countryside and produced a clear marking of inclusion and exclusion. Also the administrative and/or residential complexes of city rulers, usually defined with the short-hand term “palaces”, concur to this aesthetics of coherence as there is high regularity in the positioning of these buildings within the urban landscape in terms of orientation, spatial distribution and internal proportion. In contrast to the relatively well attested secular complexes, few features of the city of Aksum are as elusive as the pre-Christian temples. Although Aksumite kings claimed their divine descent, the spaces of pre-Christian cults within the city centre are not particularly well known. Certainly a significant role in this sense was played by the funerary stelae in front of which, as suggested by Manzo [in press], public rituals were performed. The majesty of some of them makes them undoubtedly the most architecturally imposing features of the urban area, to which the social, religious and cultural identity of the Aksumites was probably attached.

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CHAPTER 8

Ancient land exploitation strategies and soil erosion dynamics: new evidence from palaeoagricultural and archaeological studies The northern regions of Ethiopian highlands and, in general, most of the countries of the Horn of Africa, are characterised by extremely fragile ecosystems where natural factors such as climatic fluctuations and/or cultural dynamics periodically result in severe phenomena of environmental, social, and economic deterioration. Episodic events or long-enduring processes threaten local communities with chronic drought, famine, and starvation. Among these, soil erosion and the impoverishment of agricultural land are prominent factors affecting the country as a whole and its food security as 85% of Ethiopia’s economy is based on agriculture, mostly practiced with traditional techniques and equipments.1 Today, as in the past, Ethiopian economy is deeply rooted in peasant agricultural production. In an historically agrarian society like Ethiopia’s, a longterm reconstruction of soil erosion dynamics and agricultural strategies is undoubtedly of high relevance, as farming procedures and their environmental, economical and social consequences have been major problems of the daily life of most of the people during the overall country’s history. Indeed, the identification of the causes of these phenomena and the reconstruction of the response strategies adopted in the long term by human communities constitute topical problems also in the light of present day problems of environmental degradation. However, it is clear that, like many other serious problems facing society today, ecological and palaeoecological problems are complex enough to require interaction and collaboration between various disciplines. This chapter will describe the results of combined archaeological and palaeoagricultural studies conducted in the area of Aksum by the University of Naples “L’Orientale” in collaboration with soil scientists from the University of Florence and the University of Ferrara, and aimed at investigating ancient land manipulation and exploitation strategies and at reconstructing ancient soil erosion dynamics in the area. This, beside enriching our knowledge on the Aksumite period, would contribute to a long-term reconstruction of human-environmental interactions in the region which would be extremely useful also in the light of present phenomena of environmental degradation and demographic pressure. The basic theoretical assumption is that archaeology can give a significant contribution to larger debates on present environmental degradation and on the role played by human communities in ecological dynamics by providing evidence about long-term ecological processes and on their temporal nature [Birks et al. 1988; Butzer 1996, 141-150; Hill 2004, 389; van der Leeuw & Redman 2002, 597]. Archaeologists have developed very sophisticated

procedures to recover, analyse and explain, by means of cultural materials, the traces left by human actions on a specific territory and to organize such evidence in spatialtemporal sequences with century scale resolution for the Late Holocene. Soil erosion is a dominant problem in the analysis of environmental degradation phenomena and is one of the most frequently mentioned problems in the study of human impact on the ancient environment. Although it is immediately recognizable and easy to record even for the most ancient times, its causes are much more difficult to determine, above all because it is a complex phenomenon which may involve several factors simultaneously. For this reason, it is not easy to attempt to establish a direct connection between cultural development and the increase in erosion which is still the subject of widespread debate today, especially as geological and pedological evidence relating to ecologically important episodes of erosion is difficult to date at a resolution comparable to that of the archaeological record [Bintliff 2002, 417- 435]. The study here described intends to provide a contribution in this sense by presenting a case-study in which archaeological data and geoarchaeological and palaeoagricultural observations interact in an interdisciplinary approach designed to test a method of analysis for ancient soil impoverishment and erosion phenomena. The investigation, carried out on a strictly local scale, involves the northeastern slopes of the Bieta Gyorgis hill and is based on two different types of data: archaeological data from the surveys carried out in the area between the 2000 and 2006 as well as geoarchaeological and archaeological evidence collected by means of a systematic exploration of the area under examination which led to the identification of exposed paleosols and to the retrieval, within the present-day landscape, of the remains of an ancient system of terracing and traces of ancient cultivated fields [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 220-221; Ciampalini et al. 2008, 18-27]. The work has here been further documented with analysis on settlements distribution, historical data and ethnographic comparisons; the latter seem to confirm, at least in this preliminary stage of the research, the reliability of the results obtained. The study-area The northeastern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill include the areas of Enda Giyorgis and Ma Qono and are characterized, from a geological and geomorphological point of view, by a stepped structure, made up of three wide natural terraces. A seasonal stream, the Gudgwad Agazen, cuts the slope draining downhill from south to north into the course of the river Mai Hibay (Fig. 72). This area is nowadays subject to severe phenomena of environmental degradation due above all to soil erosion which despoils the slopes and reduces the productivity of the soil [Butzer

1  In the country, over a total area of about1,250,000 square kilometers, the total land devoted to agriculture is some 18,5 million hectares, 14.8% of the country.

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1981, 471-495; Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 312321; Nyssen et al. 2004, 273-320].

lowed to reconstruct part of the ancient rural landscape and to create a diachronic model of the interaction between humans and the environment at a local level. Moreover, the numerous archaeological sites recorded during the surveys bear witness to the fact that the area under examination was the most densely populated in the Aksum territory, at least from the Proto-Aksumite period onwards and certainly during the whole of the Aksumite period. This makes the area an interesting laboratory for the reconstruction and analysis of the causes of the increase in soil erosion. The most common interpretation, which is still a subject of debate among scholars, generally links the phenomena of soil erosion and impoverishment with increases in demographic pressure and excessive agricultural exploitation of the area. Nonetheless, the geoarchaeological and statistical analyses carried out along the north-eastern side of the Bieta Giyorgis hill seem to refute this interpretation and point to different causes from those commonly identified. Palaeoagricultural evidence The new methodology tested to reconstruct ancient soil erosion rates in the study-area described above is based on the plough-marks. These are marks made on boulders by the maresha, the ard plough used on the Tigrean plateau since at least the early 1st millennium BCE introduced by Semitic peoples from southern Arabia or even earlier, by Cushitic people from northeastern Sudan [Gebregziabher 2006, 129-143]. During ploughing operations, the frequent impact of the plough against exposed and/or buried boulders causes scratches of various thickness and orientation which may affect the upper side of the rocks, if these are buried at a lower depth than that reached by the plough (ca. 15-20 cm according to the number of passages and to the compactness and moisture content of the soil [Goe 1999, 127-156; McCann 1995, 45-46]) or the sides, if the rocks emerge from the soil [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 220; Ciampalini et al. 2008, 22-23]. The presence of marks left by the plough on the rock is reliable evidence that farming activity was practiced in areas which are deserted today. In the case of Aksum, the systematic finding of large boulders with plough-marks in the now abandoned landspots between Enda Giyorgis and Ma Qono has made it possible to reconstruct, albeit for a limited area, the ancient cultivation system and soil loss rates. Analyses of the position, orientation and thickness of the marks in relation to the orientation of the rocks allowed to reconstruct the ancient ploughing technique demonstrating that ploughing was characterised by concentric movements of the plough from the perimeter of the cultivated terrace/field inward, similarly to that practiced by local farmers today. Moreover, as the marks left by the plough may be found at different levels on the protruding rocks, they can provide reliable indications of the quantity of eroded soil during the various chronological phases. The chromatic differ-

Fig. 72 - The northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis; in white the study-area

At present the area is largely given over to farming and the landscape is characterized by scattered rural dwellings alternated with cultivated fields. A few small areas are devoted to grazing. On the upper slopes, small terraces and eucalyptus woods try unsuccessfully to minimize soil erosion. In the area farming has been practiced since at least the early/mid-1st millennium BCE, by means of terracing systems which help to reduce the gradient and improve the drainage of the soil [Hurni 1985, 654-674]. This strategy, similar to that adopted in the agricultural areas of the Near and Middle East, organizes and manages the hill as a single unit in which, as in the case of Bieta Giyorgis, the higher part is given over to grazing and, during the rainy season, to the control of the rainwater which feeds the streams or flows downhill in small brooks, while the lower areas are used for farming. Thus, the system is implemented in a single period and the terracing of the higher part should not be interpreted as the result of subsequent enlargement or addition [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 221; Ciampalini et al. 2008, 20]. Here the identification of an ancient system of check dams presumably used to control the waters along the higher course of the Gudgwad Agazen, probably associated with a rural house dating to the mid- 1st millennium CE (360/400 – 550/610 CE) [Fattovich & Bard 2001, 17-18],2 and the identification of exposed paleosols and traces of ancient ploughing activities in areas which are now deserted al2  Fragments of pre-Aksumite ceramics (ca. 800-360 BCE) were found at the base of the southernmost feature and may suggest an utilization of the structure earlier than that of the building.

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ence in the superficial alterations of the rock (becoming progressively darker as exposure to outside pressure and atmospheric agents increases) highlights different layers corresponding to different phases of soil loss (Fig. 73). The connection between different levels of alteration recorded on the rocks and the phases of utilization of the terraces, testified by the associated archaeological materials, historical information and ethnographic enquiries, made it possible to construct a chronological framework within which it was possible to estimate the rate of soil erosion occurred in the area from the Aksumite period up to present.

Fig. 73 - Ancient plough-marks on outcropping boulder

Madella 2009, 218-233]. Thus, the output of the research may be summarized as follows: 1) the northern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill have been exploited for farming purposes ever since the early Aksumite period, or even earlier; 2) the ancient exploitation system of the north-eastern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill should be regarded as the result of an unitary landuse strategy characterized, then as now, by the cooperation of different types of infrastructures (check dams, terraces, etc.) created to reduce soil erosion and retain the moisture supplied by the rain water; 3) the study of the traces of ancient ploughing activities together with chemical and micromorphological analysis of paleosols seems to confirm the efficiency of the ancient system of terracing and agricultural exploitation of the area even during the phases of greatest demographic pressure; 4) the increase in the demographic pressure should not, therefore, be considered the principal cause of soil erosion and impoverishment; on the contrary, the analyses carried out suggest that the anthropic presence is necessary for the maintenance and preservation of the infrastructures. Rather, soil erosion and impoverishment seem to be the result of a progressive lack of maintenance of the structures connected with the abandonment of the area. The relationship between soil erosion and anthropic activity in the Aksum area should therefore be considered in a new perspective, probably nearer to the paradigm More people less erosion introduced by Tiffen at the end of the last century [Tiffen, Mortimore & Gchuki1994].

The study suggests that the level of erosion occurring in the area throughout the Aksumite period (ca. 120/40 BCE – 800/850 CE) ranges from 1.9 to 4.8 Mg ha-1 y-1 [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 221; Ciampalini et al. 2008, 27]. This value, which is much lower compared to the highest level of erosion commonly accepted by international agencies, shows that the ancient farming techniques and agricultural exploitation strategies were effective in controlling soil erosion on the long-term, and that the whole ecosystem was extremely stable. A dramatic increase in soil erosion rates is documented for the second half of the last century, when the agrarian reform and land-use reorganization promoted by the Derg regime led to the abandonment of the area under examination. This seems to have caused an incredibly high rate of soil loss which sharply accelerated the environmental degradation process in the area. The results of chemical and micromorphological analyses conducted on samples from exposed paleosols and from ancient horizons in the stratigraphy of cultivated terraces confirm this reconstruction suggesting that ancient pedogenesis occurred in a generally humid and stable environment [Ciampalini et al. 2008, 18-27; French, Sulas &

The contribution of archaeology The systematic archaeological surveys carried out in the study-area and the reconstruction of the settlement pattern during pre- and Aksumite times have made it possible to perform further analyses to complement the results obtained from geoarchaeological and palaeoagricultural evidence. In this case, the contribution of archaeology consists in the reconstruction and analysis of the changes in the level of spatial aggregation between in the area, a method which is considered to be one of the most efficient for measuring anthropic reaction to environmental changes [Hill 2004, 394]. If, as is commonly claimed, excessive anthropic pressure determined the impoverishment of the soil by accelerating the erosion process, the people who occupied and exploited the north-eastern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis would have abandoned this part of the territory and moved their activity and residence to more productive areas. This process of periodic relocation of the settlements would be traceable, in the archaeological record, in the form of spatial segregation between sites during adjacent chronological periods [Hill 2004, 395] and by the reduction in the number of settlements in the area under examination in favour of an increase of the latter in different parts of the territory. On the contrary, in the absence

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of erosion or environmental degradation phenomena, an economically productive area will be exploited constantly over time and the distribution of the settlements will show a high degree of spatial aggregation. Statistical analyses have been performed for reconstructing the spatial correlation between settlements in the study-area between the Early Aksumite (120/40 BCE – CE 130/190) and the first centuries of the post-Aksumite period (ca. 800/850 – 1000/1100 CE). The analyses were conducted on a reasonable sample of sites, considered to be representative of the domestic and farming activities performed in the area, in order to clearly link the spatial distribution to the environmental dynamics. For this reason, some categories of sites (cemeteries and workshops) whose location, due to their function, is less related to environmental fluctuations were excluded from the sample. The statistical function adopted was the nearest-neighbour (NN), a tool frequently used in archaeology and human geography. The nearest-neighbour coefficient is a ratio of the actual average distance between the nearest neighbours among a set of points, and the expected average distance if the same number of points were randomly distributed in the same area [Whallon 1974, 16-34]. Values around 1.0 indicate a random and homogenous distribution, values greater than 1.0 are indicative of spatial segregation, values lower than 1.0 indicate a concentrated distribution with a high rate of spatial aggregation. According to Kintigh, the calculation of the NN factor has been used in a relative rather than an absolute manner [Kintigh 1990, 165-200]. In this case, the coefficients of spatial correlation recorded between one period and the next were analysed in relation to the diachronic distribution of the number of settlements recorded in the area under examination and in the whole Aksum territory. The diagram hereafter presented (Fig. 74) clearly shows how, during the whole of the Aksumite period and at least during the first phase of the post-Aksumite period, the area under examination was generally characterized by a spatially aggregated distribution of the settlements with an NN factor which reaches its lowest value (and thus the highest point of spatial correlation) during the Middle Aksumite phase (360/400 – 550/610 CE) and which increases slightly during the Late Aksumite and the early post-Aksumite (ca. 550/610 – 1000/1100 CE). This occupation pattern seems to confirm the hypothesis gained from geoarchaeological and palaeoagricultural analyses according to which, during the Aksumite period, characterized by intense demographic pressure and by constant agricultural exploitation of the northeastern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill, the traditional management system of the territory proved to be sufficient to reduce to a minimum the rate of soil erosion (and thence of soil impoverishment) along the slopes, allowing constant occupation and agricultural exploitation of the area.

A slight reduction of the coefficient of spatial aggregation between the settlements occurred during the passage from the Middle Aksumite to the Late Aksumite and between this period and the next (ca. 360/400 – 1000/1100 CE). This might be associated to the progressive decline of Aksum recorded in this period. If, as it would seem, the fall of Aksum was brought about by a severe outbreak of plague which caused, as suggested by the changes in the settlement pattern, a sharp demographic decrease, it cannot be excluded that the progressive increase in spatial segregation of the settlements recorded for this period is related to this phenomenon. Soil erosion phenomena, generated by environmental factors and by the lack of maintenance of infrastructures due to demographic decline and the economic crisis, may have caused a decrease in the spatial aggregation of the settlements. In fact, geoarchaeological evidence suggests that, between the 7th and 8th century CE, the whole Aksum territory was subjected to an increase in environmental degradation [Butzer 1981, 471-495] and that, towards the end of the 1st millennium CE, the whole Tigrean plateau was affected by a period of environmental instability [Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 316-321].

Fig. 74 - Graph showing the NN coefficient in the study-area from early to post-Aksumite period

Abandonment as main cause of soil erosion: historical and ethnographical comparisons The interpretative model emerged by palaeoagricultural and archaeological analyses, pointing to abandonment as the main cause of soil erosion and environmental degradation in the studied region, seems to have parallels in recent data, collected on a national scale, according to which the areas worst hit by soil erosion in the Ethiopian highlands are those which are not currently exploited (3.8% of the total) with an erosive intensity of 70 tons per hectare per year [Abebe Zegeye 1994, 173]. The abandonment of an area may be the result of the interaction of various factors of environmental, economic or social nature, for which reason it is generally very difficult

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to sharply separate the anthropic from the environmental influence. In fact, drought, epidemics, famine and conflict may, alone or together, cause the resident community to abandon an area. From this point of view, it must be emphasized that most of the regions of the Horn of Africa have recently suffered due to endemic problems which are both environmental (drought, famine, epidemic) and anthropic (wars and minor conflicts) [Abebe Zegeye 1994, 173-191]. In this scenario, the Tigrean plateau is no exception. Among the above mentioned problems, although military action contributes greatly to an increase in the environmental degradation of the region by forcing local communities to abandon the areas they live in and to find different ways of exploiting the environment, the periods of famine caused by drought, invasions of locusts or epidemics which affect both men and animals, are also very frequent. Historical sources show that these problems are not limited to the recent history of the region. Leaving apart the 6th century “Justinian Plague”, for which, as we will see, there is not yet direct evidence in the area of Aksum, historical sources suggest that eastern Africa has been a hotbed of plagues at least since ancient times. Richard Pankhurst and Charles Wood showed that the history of famine on the Tigrean plateau, recorded in literature and in the local and foreign chronicles, goes back at least to the 8th - 9th century CE, and that the phenomenon has periodically recurred ever since then [Pankhurst 1985]. The consequences that periods of famine have on farming and on the organisation of the rural communities are well-known today: as well as the loss of human lives and livestock, famine reduces the energy of the farming communities and leads to the destruction of natural resources through a system of progressive actions and reactions which culminate in the weakening of the social structures and the abandonment of the populated area. This process, which has been extensively studied by anthropologists and historians, is characterized by four successive phases [Dessalegn Rahmato 1994, 201-202]. Presuming the cause of a food crisis to be a poor harvest in the autumn season, the reaction of the rural community is structured according to the following process: 1) reduction of consumption (January-April); 2) temporary migration, generally limited to the head of the family (April-May); 3) divestment of the environment and the available resources (June-August); and 4) migration of the entire household (August-October). The first and most frequent reaction to food crises is reduced consumption, a resource management strategy which is rooted in the heritage of knowledge of farming communities, and which takes the form of an alteration in the normal diet followed by the family and a reduction in the quantity and variety of food consumed. In this phase, the division of labour within the household remains unchanged: the women are in charge of the management of immediately available food resources, while the men make

agreements with neighbouring families for reciprocal support and exchange of resources. During the whole crisis period, until the final relocation of the household, food management goes hand in hand with an increasingly intense exploitation of natural resources; throughout the cycle the peasants attempt to enrich their diet with a choice of plants, roots and wild berries and to make money from the sale of timber and above all, livestock [Dessalegn Rahmato 1994, 202-203]. Often, in the most severe cases, the central government has used the mass relocation of entire communities from the areas worst hit by famine to less densely populated regions as a long-term solution to the problem of management of the soil and food production [Abebe Zegeye 1994, 179]. During the famine in the 1980s, a total of one million peasants, from about 14,000 families, mostly from Tigray, Wallo and northern Shoa, were forced to move to the western lowlands of the country, to the regions of Wallaga, Illubabor e Kafa [Dessalegn Rahmato 1994, 196]. A concrete example of the consequences of periods of famine for the settlement and abandonment of a region is shown by the so-called “Great Famine” recorded between 1888 and 1892, the first of which the peasants from the Tigrean plateau have direct memory, thanks to the tales of the elders, and one of the best documented in the long history of the region. On that occasion, the causes of the disaster were probably due to a combination of several climatic factors, among which there was an unusual increase in the aridity of the climate, repeated invasions of caterpillars and locusts and, above all, a period of excessive heat and drought, causing great damage to agriculture, and during which the total lack of rain brought about an almost total crop failure [Pankhurst 1985, 57-120]. An outbreak of cattle plague, which killed off most of the livestock, further contributed to the agricultural paralysis, bringing ploughing activity to a complete halt. Moreover, in the same period, the region was undergoing a period of instability and tension due to fighting with Sudan to the west and the Italian army to the north [Pankhurst 1985, 58]. The epidemic made its first appearance in the north of the region, in the province of Hamasen (in present-day central Eritrea) where, in three days, it devastated all the livestock farms in the region. At the same time, the arrival of locusts and caterpillars contributed to the destruction of the harvest as the insects devoured everything that had been saved from the drought [Flad 1922, 405; Pankhurst 1985, 69]. The bovine plague and the crop failure caused an abrupt and considerable increase in the prices of all foodstuffs and, naturally, of livestock; the increase in prices was so high that it affected all social classes and led automatically to a critical poverty level. The lack of food inevitably generated severe famine with both economic and social consequences. The peasants, who traditionally used a plough drawn by oxen were forced to adopt new

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farming techniques, substituting the hoe for the plough or trying to yoke up horses and asses. Moreover, cases of suicide, abandonment of children and cannibalism, a practice which was totally alien to the Ethiopian culture, were recorded in many areas [Bottego 1895, 423; Ferrandi 1902, 39; Keller 1918, 89; Neumann 1902, 388; Wurtz 1898, 492]. Famine, as often happens in the history of the Tigrean plateau, was followed by the outbreak of epidemics and infections brought about by conditions of sanitation exacerbated by physical weakness and the presence of a large number of unburied corpses [Pankhurst 1985, 86; Wurtz 1898, 492]. Hunger and epidemics were so severe that they caused the death of about one third of the population [Wurtz 1898, 492] with the consequent depopulation of all the areas in the region. During these years, the Italian scholar Perini, noticed that a large part of the Serae region was abandoned [Pankhurst 1985, 86] and listed a large number of villages which were completely left over. The English explorer, Bent, referring to the same period notes:

have contributed to a reconstruction and an integrated interpretation of the various types of data at our disposal. The results seem to suggest that the demographic pressure and intense agricultural exploitation of the hillsides during the phases of expansion of Aksum’s polity did not cause, at least in the study-area, severe soil erosion phenomena, showing the effectiveness in the long-term of the ancient strategies of land exploitation along the hillsides. On the contrary, the decrease in population number towards the end of the Aksumite period and, more dramatically, the recent abandonment of the area following the agrarian reform, have favoured soil loss due to the lack of control and maintenance of the infrustructures [Ciampalini et al. 2006, 221; Ciampalini et al. 2008, 27]. Thus, the abandonment of the area, due to environmental and/or social factors and, consequently, the lack of maintenance and control of the hillsides, could be identified as the main cause of the erosion phenomena which affect, today as in the past, the Aksum territory and the Tigrean plateau in general. However, the methodology presented here is still in the experimental phase and the results proposed are preliminary. Further verifications are necessary in different sectors of the territory and should be paralleled by archaeological test excavations for a more precise reconstruction and dating of human activities performed in the areas where plough-marks are recorded.

“Civil war, famine and cholera epidemics have, in the last ten years, played a dreadful role in Abyssinia; the villages are abandoned, the fields lie uncultivated and the few survivors are moving to the lowlands in the hope of finding work and means of sustenance” [Bent 1893, 11-12]. Recovery was inevitably a slow process. Livestock had become so scarce in the whole country that many years passed before natural increase made it plentiful again. As a result, the reserves of cereals continued to be extremely scarce in the following years, above all in the Tigray region, where a food shortage was recorded at least until 1905 [Pankhurst 1985, 107]. Conclusions This chapter presents the results of an interdisciplinary study in which data from archaeological investigations and palaeoagricultural observations conducted on the north-eastern slopes of the Bieta Giyorgis hill, have been integrated in order to explore the role of ancient human activity in the environmental degradation processes of the area and, in particular, in soil erosion and impoverishment phenomena. As a result of the study it has been possible to experiment an innovative method based on the identification of terracing and ancient cultivated fields and on the reconstruction of ancient soil levels through the typological classification of the marks left by the plough on boulders over time and an examination of the associated archaeological material. As well as palaeoagricultural observation, statistical research into the dynamics of settlement and agricultural exploitation of the area under examination

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CHAPTER 9

Final overview and future agenda

Human settlement patterns are the result of a complex process in which environmental, economic, and socio-political factor as well as ritual, symbolic and ideological elements play a significant role. The area of Aksum has several features which supported intense human occupation and exploitation since ancient times and promoted its emergence among the other polities of the Tigrean plateau. The foremost of these, as we have seen, is certainly the abundance of local water resources: four major watercourses and a radial system of small rivers and streams supplemented by cisterns and wells constituted, during humid climatic phases, a perennial reserve of water which supported the daily needs of a rural society. Some of the several tentative interpretations proposed for the toponym “Aksum” link this area to the presence of water in the case of both a Semitic or Cushitic derivation [Takla Hagos 2010, 139-140; Tubiana 1958, 25-26]. Another relevant element is represented by the geology of the area. The Tertiary volcanic plugs intruding the generally low Pre-Cambrian metamorphic base originated a hilly landscape dotted by several reliefs, most of them characterized by flat top and naturally terraced slopes, which constituted defensible and salubrious areas for human occupation. Furthermore, the rocks available in the area generated abundant fertile soils and provided a variety of raw materials for the production of tools and the erection of rural dwellings as well as of sophisticated buildings and monuments. Finally, but not less important, the location of Aksum at a crossroad of a long-distance exchange circuit linking inland Africa, the Red Sea, the Mediterranean, and the Indian Ocean, facilitated by the above mentioned system of river valleys along which local, regional and inter-regional trade routes developed, highly contributed to Aksum’s progressive emergence and expansion. The relevance that these three elements, paralleled by favourable climatic conditions and by the economic and political dynamics that affected eastern Africa, southern Arabia and the Mediterranean between the early 1st millennium BCE and the mid-/late 1st millennium CE, played in the development of Aksum emerges from the analysis of the occupation history of the area and from the following comprehensive examination of the different aspects of the settlement pattern presented in the previous chapters.

sources and at the margins of the more productive agricultural lands. During this phase which, according to palaeoenvironmental reconstructions, was relatively arid (at least more arid than the subsequent ones) [Brancaccio et al. 1997, 29; Butzer 1981, 471-495; Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 316-320], most of the sites were located in the plan rather than on hilltops. No traces of ceremonial complexes nor evidence of prominent elite-related structures are attested for this period although the existence of a certain degree of economic (and social ?) inequality seems proved by the differences in the architecture and in the composition of artefacts assemblages resulted from the test excavations conducted at the D-site at Kidane Mehret [Phillipson D.W. (ed.) 2000, 267-379]. This pattern, as also highlighted by Michels [Michels 2005, 55-81], suggests that during this period Aksum was one of the several rural centres of the Tigrean plateau with no particular political and/or commercial significance. Other centres, primarily Yeha, and, perhaps, Matara [Fattovich 2014, 95-110], but also Seglamen and Haoulti/Melazo, 12 and 15 km to the south-west and south-east of Aksum respectively, were relevant political/ideological foci and commercial hubs in the regions of the central and eastern Tigrean plateau. These developed parallel to the intensification of contacts between peoples of the Northern Horn and southern Arabia, stimulated by the Kingdom of Saba and its confederates in search of ivory after the extinction of elephants in northern Arabic Peninsula during the 9th century BCE [diBlasi 2005, x]. During this period, a complex polity, labelled by some scholars as DʼMT on the basis of few inscriptions [Anfray 1967, 33-88; Conti Rossini, 1928] emerged on the Tigrean highlands.1 Around the mid-1st millennium BCE, following a period of strong internal competition, the Kingdom of Saba gradually lost its control over the South Arabian states and over the trade routes along the Red Sea [Audouin, Breton & Robin 1987; diBlasi 2005, xii; Doe 1971, 75; Muller 1987, 49]. As a consequence, its contacts and cultural influence in eastern Africa underwent a dramatic decline. During this period, that in the area of Aksum is represented by the Proto-Aksumite archaeological culture, (ca. 360 – 120/40 BCE), a completely different settlement pattern emerges in the study-area, which reflect substantial cultural and socio-economic changes (Fig. 76). The establishment of a residential complex with elite-related structures at Ona Nagast associated with an elite cemetery at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge, indicates that a polity had emerged at Aksum with its focus on the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis. This is perhaps confirmed by an Ethiopian tradition reported in the Liber Axumae where it is stated that Aksum occupied

Aksum’s development from the early 1st millennium BCE to the late 1st millennium CE: a synthesis During the pre-Aksumite period (ca. 800 – 360 BCE), the settlement pattern of the area of Aksum was characterized by sparse rural dwellings and two small villages, the latter respectively to the south-west and south-east of Bieta Giyorgis footslopes (Fig. 75). All settlements, following an occupation pattern which will continue during the following phases, were located in close proximity to water

On recent debates about the nature and extent of the so-called DʼMT polity and of the contacts between local Africans and South Arabian peoples see e.g. Curtis 2008, 65-108; Fattovich 2012, 1-60; Finneran 2007, 117-118; Phillipson D.W. 2009, 257-274, 2012, 38-40, but also Gerlach 2012, 215-240, 2013, 254-277; Japp et al. 2011, 1-16. 1 

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Fig. 75 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the pre-Aksumite period

two different areas before finally being located in the plain where it stands today [Conti Rossini 1909-10, 3; Fattovich et al. 2000a, 26-27; Monneret de Villard 1938, 12; MunroHay 1991; Sergew Hable Sellassie 1972]. According to a further local tradition, the Ona Nagast site (originally known as Ela Nagast, “the king’s well”) was the residence of the kings before the emergence of the “Kingdom of Aksum” [Fattovich & Bard 1993, 42; Ricci 1990, 137]. The choice of a prominent and defensible site for the location of the elite centre seems to respond to practical and ideological needs in a period of deep cultural and sociopolitical changes. Climatic factors could also be taken into account to explain the topographically high situation of the elite centre as the hilltop of Bieta Giyorgis might have represented a more salubrious area than the plain at the beginning of a long, humid phase. The sharp increase in the number of settlements reflects a significant demographic increase, suggesting that the community benefited on the long-term of a more humid climatic condition. The appear-

ance of new settlements in the northern and northeastern part of the territory might have been the consequence of this demographic increase but also the result of profound changes occurred in the economic scenario of northeastern Africa in this period. The presence of settlements in the area of Addi Tsahafi, along the Mai Gwodae river which connects the Tigrean plateau to the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands to the north-west and to the Hamasen to the north, may reflect the revitalization of these trade routes after the decline of the South Arabian States, the emergence of Ptolemaic Egypt as the leader of the Red Sea maritime routes [Connah 1987, 40-41; diBlasi 2005, xii; Welsby 1998, 64-65], and the flourishing of Meroe as the dominant polity in Nubia, controlling exchange routes along the Nile Valley in Lower Nubia and land routes linking the Nile River with the internal regions of the Northern Horn and the sea ports along the Red Sea [diBlasi 2005, xii; Jackson 2002, 86; Sidebotham 1986, 2-4]. It is probably not by chance that imported materials from Proto-Aksum-

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Fig. 76 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Proto-Aksumite period

ite tombs at Bieta Giyorgis point to contacts with Egypt and northern Nubia [Manzo 2005, 51-53]. Thus, the Proto-Aksumite settlement pattern of the area of Aksum reflects deep cultural and socio-economic changes, and a gradual increase in Aksum’s political and social complexity which developed further in the Aksumite period. Other local polities were probably situated around Aksum. An important Proto-Aksumite centre was possibly located at Medogwe, about 6 km to the south-west of Aksum [de Contenson 1961b, 15-23; Gezau Hailemaryam 1955, 5051; Sernicola 2014, 480-481, 2015, 267], and others are attested to the west, in Shire, where numerous previously unknown Proto-Aksumite sites have been documented in the recent past [Finneran et al. 2005, 7-29]. The systematic investigation of at least some of these would highly contribute to the understanding of this socially and economically crucial phase of the ancient history of the Tigrean plateau. The formative process of Aksum’s polity started during

the Proto-Aksumite period continued during the Early Aksumite phase (ca. 120/40 BCE – 130/190 CE), when Aksum gradually emerged as the main political entity of the Tigrean plateau parallel to the intense Roman trading activities in the Red Sea. The progressive consolidation and expansion of Aksum is attested in the settlement pattern of the area by: a) the augment in the number and size of settlements and cemeteries which testify of a demographic increase; b) the increase in the dimension of the elite complex at Ona Nagst and of the cemetery at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge; and c) the considerable increase in the number of monumental buildings (including elite “palaces”) over the territory (Fig. 77). During this period a more aggregated sites distribution is recorded with most of the settlements located along the northern slopes of Bieta Giyorgis and, in general, in the northern sector of the study-area. Possibly due to the higher demographic pressure, settlements definitely concentrate along hillslopes or foothills leaving as much as possible the plain free for agriculture and graz-

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Fig. 77 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Early Aksumite period

ing. To this period dates back the first evidence of landmarkers possibly related to a land-tenure system organized on a family base. Since the beginning of this phase, elite “palaces” and cemeteries appear also in the plain to the south of Bieta Giyorgis, marking the beginning of the occupation and monumentalization of the Aksum plain itself which was to reach its apogee in the subsequent phases. Settlement dynamics in the Classic (ca. 130/190 – 360/400 CE) and Middle Aksumite (ca. 360/400 – 550/610 CE) periods mark the definite emergence of Aksum as a capital city of vast polity (Figs. 78, 79). As emphasized in chapter 6, a gradual decrease in the number of settlements occurs in the so-called peripheral zone in Classic Aksumite times, later on involving also Bieta Giyorgis. During the Middle Aksumite period a sharp reduction is recorded in the extension of the settlement at Ona Nagast, and the cemetery at Ona Enda Aboy Zewge is no more in use; from this time onwards both areas are occupied by rural dwellings. On the contrary, the monumental centre emerged in the plan to the south of Bieta Giyorgis continues its expan-

sion and two satellite villages emerge in the Mai Abeqat and Hamed Gebez areas, southwest and southeast of the city-centre. A third, smaller satellite village possibly developed to the northeast of Aksum’s conurbation, in the area of Berik Awdi.2 It seems likely that, rather than a demographic decline, urban migration can explain this process of depopulation of the peripheral area, strictly related with the progressive expansion of the city centre. Whether this shift from the rural areas to the city centre reflects also a change in land administration strategies, based on the ultimate emergence of a centralized power with its political and administrative core in the Aksum plain, is not yet proved; further studies comparing archaeological Archaeological investigations were conducted at this site in 2002 and 2003 by Hamburg University under the direction of Helmut Ziegert. Data from Hamburg University excavations and from the analysis of surface materials carried out in 2006, during the World Banks survey project suggest a dating of the site to the Classic Aksumite period [Fattovich & Takla Hagos 2006, 60-61; Wendowski & Ziegert 2003, 215-230]. 2 

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Fig. 78 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Classic Aksumite period

and textual evidence may contribute to clarify this aspect. The only hills which continued to be populated were Gobo Dura, to the west of Aksum, and the area of Kubie/Leto to the north. Settlement continuity in these areas may be due to the presence of syenite quarries which provided construction material for elite buildings and monuments. Moreover, the location of Kubie/Leto along the northern trade route which connected Aksum to the Red Sea and the Nile Valley may further explain the continued presence of scattered settlements, small villages and monumental buildings in this area. All these elements point to the gradual emergence in this period of a settlement pattern which mirrors a new political scenario characterized by the definite emergence at Aksum of a vertical social hierarchy with a centralized power which exerted its control over a progressively broader territory. As emerges from the few available royal inscriptions, with their military campaigns the kings of Aksum not only secured long-distance routes for inter-regional exchanges (in which they were directly involved), but also annexed new territories whose tributes

had to be used to support the ruling class and, probably, the greater amount of people (elite members, farmers, shepherds, merchants, craftsmen, soldiers, servants and slaves) living in the area of Aksum [Marrassini 2014]. Finally, the introduction of Christianity during the mid-4th century and its diffusion between the 5th and the 6th centuries highly impacted on the religious landscape of the area. Churches were certainly erected at least by the mid-6th century both in the rural area and at specific, monumentalized districts of Aksum’s conurbation, the latter remarking the new religious identity of Aksum and of its ruling class. Aksum’s gradual process of decline probably started as early as the end of the 6th century CE. According to some scholars, it was mainly due to the increasing control exerted by Persians in South Arabia and over the trades along the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean [diBlasi 2005, xv; Lapidus 1988, 16; Munro-Hay 1991, 260]. Anyhow, in my opinion, ecological elements and the resulting deep economic and social changes played a major role in this process by causing the progressive weakening of Aksum and, as a 99

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Fig. 79 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Middle Aksumite period

consequence, of its prominent role in the northern Horn of Africa and in the Red Sea trade. The Late Aksumite (ca. 550/610 – 800/850 CE) settlement pattern reflects this decline, by showing a substantial decrease in the number of settlements and in the dimensions of the city centre (Fig. 80). The satellite villages which had developed around the expanding city centre disappeared and many monumental buildings were abandoned. During this period, a revival in the occupation of the peripheral hills is registered, mostly consisting of small rural dwellings, sometimes clustered around churches, as attested in the area of Bejerawi at Gobo Dura. All these elements suggest that a progressive shift from a strongly centralized social structure to a less cohesive social system occurred during the Late Aksumite period. Unlike the preceding phases, when the decreased number of settlements appears to have been closely connected with the city’s expansion and with the growth of satellite centres at the margins of Aksum’s conurbation, that is with urban migration, during this period there was

probably a significant population reduction. Archaeological evidence seems to suggests that during the 7th century CE a sharp demographic decline affected also other regions of present-day northern Ethiopia and Eritrea: two important Aksumite cities, Adulis, in the Gulf of Zula, and Matara, on the Akkele Guzay plateau, were indeed abandoned during this period [Anfray 1974, 745-765]. As pointed out by some scholars, this demographic decline could have been related with the widespread in Northeastern Africa and in the Mediterranean regions of a severe plague epidemic, the so-called “Justinian’s plague”, described in detail in several Roman and Byzantine historical sources [Phillipson D.W. 2012, 206-207; Sernicola 2008; Yohannes Gebre Selassie 2011, 35-60]. According to the Byzantine historian Procopius, the epidemic reached the Byzantine Empire in 541 CE from the city of Pelusio, in Egypt; from there it spread to Alexandria and then reached the Palestine and a large part of the Near East [Dewing (ed.) 1914, 450-455]. The plague returned periodically un-

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Final overview and future agenda

Fig. 80 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the Late Aksumite period

til the 8th century; between 541 and 750 about eighteen waves of disease struck the Near East and the Mediterranean regions [Stathakopoulos 2007, 100] causing an overall decrease of the population of about 25% [Dauphin 1998, 515]. According to Evagrius, the original source of the contagion was Eastern Africa; in the 4th book of The Ecclesiastical History he clearly states that the plague originated in Ethiopia [Bidez & Parmentier (eds.) 1898, 177179]. Although some scholars claim that the assertion of Evagrius cannot be considered reliable as he might have intentionally imitated Thucydides, who traced the hotbed of the pestilence which hit Athens in 430 BCE to the same region [Allen P. 1979, 6], early medieval Arabic sources report that both Ethiopia and Sudan were continually affected by the outbreak of epidemics at that time [Dols 1974, 372-373; Sarris 2007, 123]. Letting apart the historical sources, environmental factors and the characteristics of the species of rodents responsible of the diffusion of the Yersinia pestis, the bacterium responsible for bubonic plague, point to three possible regions as primary sources

of the contagion; these are Himalaya, the lake regions of Central/Eastern Africa, and the Eurasian steppe between Ukraine and Manchuria [Mc Neill 1981, 139; Sarris 2007, 119]. Among the three, some scholars agree in identifying in Central/Eastern Africa the origin of the outbreak of the pandemic in the 6th century CE [Allen P. 1979, 6].3 At that time, Aksum controlled the exchange of products between the internal regions of the Horn and the Red Sea. As attested in 6th century written sources, at that time groups of people regularly moved between the salubrious regions of the plateau and the inland of nowadays Western Ethiopia thus possibly facilitating the transmission of infection from Central/Eastern Africa to the Tigrean plateau [Wolska-Conus (ed.) 1968-73, 360-363]. Moreover, the strong diplomatic relationships between Byzantium and Aksum promoted frequent contacts 3  Even if we assume an Asian origin of the contagion, the contacts between Byzantium and the Kingdom of Aksum might have contributed to the spreading of the pestilence from the Near East to Northeastern Africa.

101

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Beyond Aksum Landscape-scale occupational dynamics in the area of Aksum provide useful indications to increase understanding of human-environmental interactions and the emergence (and decline) of complex polities in sub-saharan Africa. Comparisons with other regions of present-day Tigray and Eritrea will help refine the picture by providing evidence of settlements distribution and of the changes occurred in the political and power landscape at inter-regional scale. Unfortunately, very few systematic surveys at a large territorial scale have been conducted so far. These concentrated mainly on the Qohaito plateau, in south-central Eritrea [Wenig 2006; Wenig & Curtis 2008], the greater Asmara area, in Hamasen, in central Eritrea [Curtis & Schmidt 2008; Schmidt 2011], and, of course, at Aksum, Yeha, and in the area in between, in central Tigray [Michels 2005; Sernicola & Sulas 2012, 555-558]. Detailed information also come from the systematic survey recently conducted at Gulo Makeda and its surroundings, in eastern Tigray [D’Andrea et al. 2008, 154-161; Harrower & D’Andrea 2014]. Statistical and spatial analysis conducted on the data collected in this area show significant associations between settlements, landforms, and water sources, reveal no definite evidence of site-size hierarchies and a spatial distribution of sites lacking pronounced clustering/dispersion [D’Andrea et al. 2008, 156-161; Harrower & D’Andrea 2014]. Data from these surveys suggest that during the 1st half of the 1st millennium BCE, when the so-called “DMT” polity developed, the settlement pattern of present-day central and eastern Tigray and central-southern Eritrea mostly consisted of scattered compounds and hamlets surrounding small villages [D’Andrea et al. 2008, 154161; Fattovich 2014, 101; Harrower & D’Andrea 2014; Michels 2005]. Few larger settlements were also present, two of them having been identified at Seglamen (ca. 7 ha), to the south-west of Aksum [Fattovich 2014, 101; Fattovich et al. 2012], and at Enda Gully (ca. 6 ha), east of Yeha [Fattovich 2014, 101; Michels 2005, 69]. A large settlement, (over 20 ha), was possibly situated at Matara [Anfray 1970, 53-60; Anfray & Annequin1965, 49-86; Fattovich 2014, 101], and a very large settlement (ca. 208 ha) was located at Yeha [Fattovich 2014, 101]. Starting from the late 1st millennium BCE, the settlement pattern of the whole region underwent a process of significant transformations with the definite development of a urban society which mirrored the emergence and expansion of Aksum. Anyhow, while the settlement pattern of Aksum and of the area between Aksum and Yeha, shows a clear hierarchy in the size of the settlements and a progressively more aggregated distribution around the urban areas [Fattovich 2014, 102; Michels 2005; Sernicola 2008], the landscape in eastern Tigray and central Eritrea, on the contrary, was characterized by a less marked site-

between the two shores of the Red Sea. These included also the movements of soldiers and military troops from Aksum to Byzantium which could have favoured the transmission of the plague in the regions of the Near East [diBlasi 2005, xv; Kobishchanov 1979, 99-108]. Unfortunately, no direct evidence of the widespread of the plague throughout the Tigrean highlands is presently available. The decline and dispersal of Late Aksumite settlements and the reduction in the size of the city-center seems to suggest a period of demographic crisis and social imbalance which, at the moment, can be only hypothetically connected with the outbreak of the pestilence. Palaeoenvironmental studies and geoarchaeological evidence suggests that during the 7th and the 8th centuries CE the Tigrean plateau experienced a period of environmental instability and greater aridity [Machado, Gonzalez & Benito 1998, 316-320] and that Aksum territory experienced a phase of intense environmental degradation [Butzer 1981, 471-495]; the depopulation and the consequent lack in the maintenance of terraces and others agricultural infrastructures might have caused the severe erosion processes attested for this period. In any agricultural society, a period of high mortality generates catastrophic effects, the primary consisting in labour shortage. This rises a vicious circle within which one crisis generates the other. In the case of Aksum, whatever the cause, mortality might have generated labour shortage which, in turn, created economic stress and social imbalance. Political instability, decline in the number and density of settlements, absence of prominent monumental structures, and the cessation of monetization at the end of the 7th century CE [Fattovich et al. 2000a, 26; Phillipson D.W. 2012] undoubtedly reflect the social and financial crisis which affected Aksum and the Aksumite society on a local and inter-regional scale. This crisis, which weakened Aksum, favoured the increase of the Arab control over the trades along the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Although the kingdom survived, Aksum was no ore its capital city and gradually lost its leadership in the exchanges between inland Africa and the coast. Between the 9th and the 12th century CE, during the early Post-Aksumite period, the settlement pattern of the area of Aksum was characterized by the scattered distribution of small rural dwellings on its peripheral hills; the most densely populated zone continued to be Bieta Giyorgis, probably due to the naturally terraced topography of its northern slopes (Fig. 81). Nothing but few dwellings around the cathedral remained of the monumental city centre which had developed at the apogee of Aksum’s expansion: after its decline as the capital city of the kingdom, Aksum, and its city-centre, definitely lost their function of economic and political hub and social coherer.

102

Final overview and future agenda

Fig. 81 - The settlement pattern of the area of Aksum during the post-Aksumite period

size hierarchy and by the lacking of pronounced clustering/dispersion in the spatial distribution of sites [D’Andrea et al. 2008, 156-161; Harrower & D’Andrea 2014]. Scattered elite residential/administrative buildings and churches and two towns, Adulis and Matara, complete the picture [Fattovich 2014, 102]. According to the comprehensive reconstruction and analysis of the political landscape of these regions proposed by Fattovich, available evidence suggests that the emergence of complex polities on the Tigrean plateau, both the so-called “DʼMT” and “Kingdom of Aksum”, was paralleled by a progressive shift from a rural settlement pattern characterized by isolated compounds, hamlets and villages, to a urban pattern with towns [Fattovich 2014, 101]. The DʼMT pattern reveals a political landscape with no conclusive evidence of a clear hierarchy of settlements, except for a few large villages (where perhaps members of the elite lived), and two possible towns. Yeha was the dominant settlement of the polity [Fattovich 2014, 101-

102]. In Aksumite times, the progressive emergence and expansion of Aksum, heavily influenced the political landscape of central Tigray. The differences in the settlement pattern recognized between this region and eastern Tigray/ central-southern Eritrea may reflect the emergence of a stratified society at a state scale of complexity in central Tigray which progressively incorporated a hierarchical society in the eastern region [Fattovich 2014, 102-103]. Future agenda and conclusions During its long history, Aksum experienced the political leadership and its decline, economic successes and downturns, population growths and decreases, environmental favours and the crisis. This makes Aksum the ideal scenario, among the overall cities of the country, for a longterm reconstruction and analysis of significant ecological and cultural dynamics also in the light of present-day Ethiopia’s demographic increase, infrastructures improvement, economic development, progressive inclusion in the

103

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

global market, but also proneness to environmental stress and social pressure. This book intended to contribute to this line of research by providing the results of several years of study in and about the area of Aksum aimed at investigating its emergence and decline through the reconstruction and analysis of ancient occupational and land-exploitation strategies. It certainly does not presume to be perfect nor definitive; as it always happens in archaeology, future researches and further studies will rise up new questions, generate new hypothesis and provide new interpretations. However, with the publication of this work, the first phase of research in the reconstruction of the ancient settlement pattern(s) of the area of Aksum can be considered mostly complete. The quantity of data that has now been recorded and the extent of the surveys on which this work is based allowed to provide a comprehensive reconstruction and a rich corpus of sites distribution maps which will be used, it is hoped, by scholars, students, local administrators, tour guides and policy makers, as base tools for future researches and for the implementation of suitable strategies for the protection, preservation, and presentation of the archaeological heritage of this area. Here, only few of the several aspects that require further investigation are presented. There are, for instance, some specific types of sites where proper excavations will be of fundamental importance for our understanding of their function and/or for refining knowledge on pre- and Aksumite population history, culture, and economy. The most obvious of these is certainly represented by the so-called Mestah Werki monuments, whose spatial and temporal situation suggests they were important markers of the sacral and/or economic landscape at the time of Aksum’s apogee. Another type of sites which certainly requires increasing investigations consists of the villages. Both intensive and extensive excavations will help defining the economic activities in which the inhabitants were involved and might provide relevant information on pre- and Aksumite social organization. In the light of recent investigations at the site of Seglamen, where, as we have seen, evidence of the abundance of a type of grey and black ceramics so far attributed to the Post-Aksumite period is attested in secure contexts dated to the 7th/4th centuries BCE, all surface sites of the Aksum area so far dated to the end of the 1st millennium/beginning of the 2nd millennium CE should be revisited for more precise chronological classification. Finally, but not less important, additional systematic surveys at large territorial scale as well as more detailed palaeoenvironmental reconstructions are required to acquire new data for the study of ancient human-environmental interactions and of the cultural, social and economic dynamics which resulted in the emergence of complex so-

cieties in these regions of northern Horn of Africa. In this perspective, the detection, documentation and investigation of sites going back to the 3rd/2nd millennium BCE will be of greater relevance.

104

APPENDICES

Appendix 1 List of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” LOCALITY Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Geza Merchan Ma Qono Mai Hibay Mai Hibay Mai Hibay Mai Hibay Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Asbah Enda Yasus Asbah Asbah Asbah Enda Giyorgis Enda Giyorgis Enda Giyorgis Enda Giyorgis Enda Giyorgis Gumala Zala Geza Merchan Tseg Nahso Qubie Gumala Gumala Gumala Enda Giyorgis Ma Qono

CODE 05/01 05/02 05/03 05/04 05/05 05/06 05/07 05/08 05/09 05/10 05/11 05/12 05/13 05/14 05/15 05/16 05/17 05/18 05/19 05/20 05/21 05/22 05/23 05/24 05/25 05/26 05/27 05/28 05/29 05/30 05/31 05/32 05/33 05/34 05/35 05/36 05/37 05/38 05/39

105

X (UTM WGS 84) 469728 469772 469670 471223 469449 467512 467535 467556 467502 467218 466895 467036 466984 466950 467068 467231 467254 466889 466921 466837 467603 467380 467362 467299 467820 467823 467820 467931 467943 470180 470531 471321 470808 470282 470150 470190 470180 468292 468642

Y (UTM WGS 84) 1564246 1564202 1564241 1565339 1564427 1564665 1564607 1564574 1564472 1564205 1564527 1564088 1563936 1563557 1563716 1563897 1563937 1563740 1563426 1563285 1563115 1564274 1564493 1564564 1564427 1564609 1564726 1564761 1564731 1565315 1564841 1565375 1565200 1565343 1565282 1565283 1565290 1564859 1564751

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Mai Kerwah Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Mai Zedfi Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Mai Kerwah Mai Kerwah Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Mai Menchi Mai Kerwah Enda Giyorgis Ma Qono Enda Giyorgis Maado Gaza Addi Keyeh Leto Mai Filfil Mai Filfil Zala Zala Tseg Nahso Tseg Nahso Zala Zala Zala Zala

05/40 05/41 05/42 05/43 05/44 05/45 05/46 05/47 05/48 05/49 05/50 05/51 05/52 05/53 05/54 05/55 05/56 05/57 05/58 05/59 05/60 05/61 05/62 05/63 05/64 05/65 05/66 05/67 05/68 05/69 05/70 05/71 05/72 05/73 05/74 05/75 05/76 05/77 05/78 05/79 05/80 05/81 05/82

106

469475 469486 469523 469675 469185 469228 469188 469163 469114 469286 469860 469279 469244 469114 468970 469045 469341 469542 469034 468992 469704 469809 468677 469115 469324 469594 469600 468450 468074 468325 470026 469665 469848 469928 469968 470215 470271 470466 470485 470490 470484 470476 460367

1564416 1564181 1564110 1564508 1564189 1564717 1564749 1564761 1564752 1564619 1565678 1564148 1564185 1564242 1564316 1564380 1564281 1564326 1564518 1564517 1564411 1564868 1564607 1564685 1564786 1564730 1564435 1564750 1564601 1564792 1566350 1566374 1567062 1565598 1565623 1564951 1565071 1565265 1565275 1565001 1564931 1564880 1564872

Appendices

Gumala Merai Gebeta Merai Gebeta Merai Gebeta Merai Gebeta Gumala Zala Tseg Nahso Mai Zedfi Bageo Gumala Gumala Gumala Gumala Gumala Enda Teklewene Enda Teklewene Gumala Gumala Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Mai Kerwah Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Gumala Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono Ma Qono

05/83 05/84 05/85 05/86 05/87 05/88 05/89 05/90 05/91 05/92 05/93 05/94 05/95 05/96 05/97 05/98 05/99 05/100 05/101 05/102 05/103 05/104 05/105 05/106 05/107 05/108 05/109 05/110 05/111 05/112 05/113 05/114 05/115 05/116 05/117 05/118 05/119 05/120 05/121 05/122 05/123

107

469945 469811 469900 469712 469851 469913 470326 470526 469586 469292 470222 470202 470118 470085 469865 469991 469992 469649 469804 468837 468792 469120 469237 469183 469598 469735 469145 468866 468978 468729 468442 468354 468410 469950 469188 469162 468927 468893 468849 468902 468981

1565322 1565085 1565097 1565275 1565366 1565496 1565053 1565265 1565628 1565590 1565206 1565246 1565337 1565523 1565586 1565738 1565713 1565462 1565378 1564962 1565037 1564906 1564856 1564872 1564900 1564598 1565079 1565321 1565238 1565291 1565204 1565211 1565120 1565397 1564407 1564359 1564686 1564672 1564538 1564475 1564445

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Appendix 2 Interpretation of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” CODE 05/01 05/02 05/03 05/04 05/05 05/06 05/07 05/08 05/09 05/10 05/11 05/12 05/13 05/14 05/15 05/16 05/17 05/18 05/19 05/20 05/21 05/22 05/23 05/24 05/25 05/26 05/27 05/28 05/29 05/30 05/31 05/32 05/33 05/34 05/35 05/36 05/37 05/38 05/39

CATEGORY Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Cemetery Monumental building Mestah Werki Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit

TYPE Hamlet Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet / Compound Compound Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Compound Hamlet / Hamlet Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / / / Hamlet / Compound / / Hamlet Hamlet

108

Appendices

05/40 05/41 05/42 05/43 05/44 05/45 05/46 05/47 05/48 05/49 05/50 05/51 05/52 05/53 05/54 05/55 05/56 05/57 05/58 05/59 05/60 05/61 05/62 05/63 05/64 05/65 05/66 05/67 05/68 05/69 05/70 05/71 05/72 05/73 05/74 05/75 05/76 05/77 05/78 05/79 05/80 05/81 05/82

Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit

Compound with lithic workshop Compound Hamlet / Hamlet / Compound Compound Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet Compound / Compound Compound / Compound / Compound Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet / Compound with lithic workshop Compound Compound Compound with lithic workshop Compound / Compound with lithic workshop Compound with lithic workshop Compound Workshop / / Workshop / / Compound

109

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

05/83 05/84 05/85 05/86 05/87 05/88 05/89 05/90 05/91 05/92 05/93 05/94 05/95 05/96 05/97 05/98 05/99 05/100 05/101 05/102 05/103 05/104 05/105 05/106 05/107 05/108 05/109 05/110 05/111 05/112 05/113 05/114 05/115 05/116 05/117 05/118 05/119 05/120 05/121 05/122 05/123

Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Off-site evidence Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Off-site evidence Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit

Compound / Compound Compound Hamlet Hamlet Infrastructure / Compound Hamlet Compound / / Compund Hamlet Compound Compound Infrastructure Hamlet Compound Compound Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet / Hamlet Compound / Compound / / / Compound / Compound Compound / Compound Compound Hamlet

110

Appendices

Appendix 3 Chronological classification of the Surface Archaeological Records detected at Aksum during the 2005 survey project of the Italian Archaeological Expedition at Aksum of the University of Naples “L’Orientale” CODE 05/01 05/02 05/03 05/04 05/05 05/06 05/07 05/08 05/09 05/10 05/100 05/101 05/102 05/103 05/104 05/105 05/106 05/107 05/108 05/109 05/11 05/110 05/111 05/112 05/113 05/114 05/115 05/116 05/117 05/118 05/119 05/12 05/120 05/121 05/122 05/123 05/13 05/14 05/15

pre-Aks.

Proto-Aks.

#

Aks. 1 Aks. 2 Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks. # # # # # #

Aksumite

Uncertain

# # # # # # #

# #

# # #

# #

#

# # # #

# # # # # # # # #

# # # # # # # # # # #

#

#

#

#

#

# #

# #

# # # # # # # # # #

# # # # # # # # # #

# 111

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

CODE 05/16 05/17 05/18 05/19 05/20 05/21 05/22 05/23 05/24 05/25 05/26 05/27 05/28 05/29 05/30 05/31 05/32 05/33 05/34 05/35 05/36 05/37 05/38 05/39 05/40 05/41 05/42 05/43 05/44 05/45 05/46 05/47 05/48 05/49 05/50 05/51 05/52 05/53 05/54 05/55 05/56 05/57

pre-Aks.

Proto-Aks.

Aks. 1 Aks. 2 Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks. # # # # # #

Aksumite

# #

#

. # # #

# # # #

#

#

# # #

# # # # # #

# # #

# # # # # # # # # # # #

#

# # # #

# # # # # # # #

# # # # # # # #

# #

#

# #

#

# #

# # #

# # # #

# # # # #

# # # # #

#

112

#

Uncertain

Appendices

CODE 05/58 05/59 05/60 05/61 05/62 05/63 05/64 05/65 05/66 05/67 05/68 05/69 05/70 05/71 05/72 05/73 05/74 05/75 05/76 05/77 05/78 05/79 05/80 05/81 05/82 05/83 05/84 05/85 05/86 05/87 05/88 05/89 05/90 05/91 05/92 05/93 05/94 05/95 05/96 05/97 05/98 05/99

pre-Aks.

Proto-Aks.

Aks. 1

Aks. 2 # #

Aks. 3

Aks. 4 post-Aks.

Aksumite

# # # # # #

# # # #

# #

# # #

#

# # # # # # # # # # # # #

# # # # # # # # #

#

#

# # # # #

# # # # # # #

# # # # # #

# #

# # # # # # # # # #

# # #

113

#

#

Uncertain

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Appendix 4 List of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project LOCALITY Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Sefeho Addi Hankara Addi Guio Golo Golo Golo Golo Golo Golo Addi Guio Golo Golo Golo Filifil Addi Guio Addi Guio Safeho Semeret Semeret Semeret Mai Qoho Mai Qoho Mai Qoho Mai Qoho Mai Qoho Mai Qoho Safeho Safeho Semeret Semeret Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho

CODE Tg LM 03-06-01 Tg LM 03-06-02 Tg LM 03-06-03 Tg LM 03-06-04 Tg LM 03-06-05 Tg LM 03-06-08 Tg LM 03-06-09 Tg LM 03-06-10 Tg LM 04-06-100 Tg LM 04-06-101 Tg LM 04-06-104 Tg LM 04-06-105 Tg LM 04-06-107 Tg LM 04-06-108 Tg LM 04-06-11 Tg LM 04-06-112 Tg LM 04-06-113 Tg LM 04-06-114 Tg LM 04-06-115 Tg LM 04-06-12 Tg LM 04-06-13 Tg LM 04-06-14 Tg LM 04-06-15 Tg LM 04-06-16 Tg LM 04-06-17 Tg LM 04-06-18 Tg LM 04-06-19 Tg LM 04-06-20 Tg LM 04-06-21 Tg LM 04-06-22 Tg LM 04-06-23 Tg LM 04-06-24 Tg LM 04-06-25 Tg LM 04-06-26 Tg LM 04-06-27 Tg LM 04-06-28 Tg LM 04-06-29 Tg LM 04-06-30 Tg LM 04-06-31

114

X (UTM WGS 84) 468036 467900 467881 467796 467035 466533 465855 466722 465758 465645 465799 465528 465476 465396 466969 464479 464311 465135 464541 466939 466710 468917 472432 472223 472036 471290 471293 471282 471256 470698 470611 470763 470840 471430 471432 470950 470882 470647 470548

Y (UTM WGS 84) 1566016 1560088 1560201 1560185 1560226 1559498 1559426 1559226 1562671 1562782 1562313 1562287 1562499 1562685 1558924 1562453 1562744 1562833 1563618 1558717 1558690 1558468 1558776 1558564 1558377 1562261 1562440 1562426 1562493 1562466 1562669 1557869 1557920 1558268 1558464 1558319 1558334 1558198 1558095

Appendices

Sefeho Sefeho Sefeho Sefeho Sefeho Sefeho Mishilam Mishilam Mishilam Mishilam Adì Sanda Abba Pantalewon Abba Pantalewon Enda Kaleb Enda Kaleb Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Addi Gwatiya Berik Awdi Enda Kaleb Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Enda Liqanos Addi Gwatiya Addi Gwatiya Addiì Gwatiya Semeret Semeret Semeret Semeret Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur

Tg LM 04-06-32 Tg LM 04-06-33 Tg LM 04-06-34 Tg LM 04-06-35 Tg LM 04-06-36 Tg LM 04-06-37 Tg LM 04-06-38 Tg LM 04-06-39 Tg LM 04-06-40 Tg LM 04-06-41 Tg LM 04-06-42 Tg LM 04-06-43 Tg LM 04-06-44 Tg LM 04-06-45 Tg LM 04-06-46 Tg LM 04-06-47 Tg LM 04-06-48 Tg LM 04-06-49 Tg LM 04-06-50 Tg LM 04-06-51 Tg LM 04-06-52 Tg LM 04-06-53 Tg LM 04-06-54 Tg LM 04-06-55 Tg LM 04-06-56 Tg LM 04-06-57 Tg LM 04-06-58 Tg LM 04-06-59 Tg LM 04-06-60 Tg LM 04-06-61 Tg LM 04-06-62 Tg LM 04-06-63 Tg LM 04-06-64 Tg LM 04-06-65 Tg LM 04-06-66 Tg LM 04-06-67 Tg LM 04-06-68 Tg LM 04-06-69 Tg LM 04-06-70 Tg LM 04-06-71 Tg LM 04-06-72 Tg LM 04-06-73 Tg LM 04-06-74

115

469746 469713 469546 469476 469184 469516 474266 474107 473903 473588 472886 472509 472278 470974 471077 471305 471492 471404 471262 471148 471118 471049 470732 470890 471033 471612 471786 471556 472036 470338 470415 470504 473958 474427 473904 473488 468596 468678 468733 468669 468671 468715 468641

1559188 1559058 1559082 1559098 1559200 1559057 1561853 1562058 1562429 1562509 1562442 1562429 1562696 1563512 1563517 1563633 1563171 1563193 1563125 1563089 1563138 1563228 1563252 1564361 1563990 1563987 1564128 1564286 1564765 1563186 1563118 1563018 1559750 1559101 1559729 1559996 1561665 1561743 1561842 1561894 1561949 1561980 1562060

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur

Tg LM 04-06-75 Tg LM 04-06-76 Tg LM 04-06-77

468564 468417 468335

1562144 1562144 1562136

Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Dungwur Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Safeho Filifil Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Golo Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Golo Golo Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Ketet Aheli Safeho Safeho

Tg LM 04-06-78 Tg LM 04-06-79 Tg LM 04-06-80 Tg LM 04-06-81 Tg LM 04-06-82 Tg LM 04-06-83 Tg LM 04-06-84 Tg LM 04-06-85 Tg LM 04-06-86 Tg LM 04-06-87 Tg LM 04-06-88 Tg LM 04-06-90 Tg LM 04-06-91 Tg LM 04-06-92 Tg LM 04-06-93 Tg LM 04-06-96 Tg LM 04-06-98 Tg LM 04-06-99 Tg LM 05-06-116 Tg LM 05-06-117 Tg LM 05-06-118 Tg LM 05-06-119 Tg LM 05-06-120 Tg LM 05-06-121 Tg LM 05-06-122 Tg LM 05-06-123 Tg LM 05-06-125 Tg LM 05-06-126 Tg LM 05-06-127 Tg LM 05-06-128 Tg LM 05-06-129 Tg LM 05-06-130 Tg LM 05-06-131 Tg LM 05-06-132 Tg LM 05-06-133 Tg LM 05-06-134 Tg LM 05-06-135 Tg LM 05-06-136 Tg LM 05-06-137 Tg LM 05-06-138

468309 468445 469528 468562 468561 468433 468240 468077 467438 467231 467183 467127 467079 467086 467045 466887 466949 466220 464602 464741 464740 464637 464738 464735 464858 465390 465221 465708 465800 465731 465923 466034 465822 465828 465805 465984 466102 466248 467448 467711

1562101 1561982 1561948 1561853 1561775 1561780 1561974 1561761 1561429 1562279 1562308 1562352 1562339 1562578 1562644 1562857 1562657 1562856 1563807 1564284 1564520 1564793 1564977 1564945 1564958 1564034 1562945 1564167 1564184 1564032 1563463 1563829 1564449 1564565 1564643 1564647 1564626 1564372 1560690 1560787

116

Appendices

Safeho Safeho Safeho Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae

Tg LM 05-06-139 Tg LM 05-06-140 Tg LM 05-06-141 Tg LM 05-06-142 Tg LM 05-06-143 Tg LM 05-06-145

467853 468042 468474 468888 468877 468875

1560732 1560816 1561124 1565641 1565814 1566435

Kolakul Kolakul Kolakul Kolakul Kolakul Addi Kolakul Addi Kolakul Mai Gwodae Addi Tsahafi Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Leto Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Mai Gwodae Leto Leto Leto Akeltegna Akeltegna Leto Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi

Tg LM 05-06-146 Tg LM 05-06-147 Tg LM 05-06-148 Tg LM 05-06-149 Tg LM 05-06-150 Tg LM 05-06-151 Tg LM 05-06-153 Tg LM 05-06-154 Tg LM 05-06-156 Tg LM 05-06-157 Tg LM 05-06-158 Tg LM 05-06-159 Tg LM 05-06-160 Tg LM 05-06-161 Tg LM 05-06-162 Tg LM 05-06-163 Tg LM 05-06-164 Tg LM 05-06-165 Tg LM 05-06-166 Tg LM 05-06-167 Tg LM 05-06-168 Tg LM 05-06-169 Tg LM 05-06-170 Tg LM 05-06-171 Tg LM 05-06-172 Tg LM 05-06-173 Tg LM 05-06-174 Tg LM 05-06-175 Tg LM 05-06-176 Tg LM 05-06-177 Tg LM 05-06-178 Tg LM 05-06-179 Tg LM 05-06-180 Tg LM 05-06-181 Tg LM 05-06-182 Tg LM 05-06-183 Tg LM 05-06-184

468706 468676 468705 468771 468627 468504 468400 468475 468962 468953 469285 469078 469349 469440 469208 469063 469016 469520 469596 469645 469766 469534 469236 467229 467312 467428 467387 467379 467171 467302 467121 467135 467257 467589 467032 466959 466927

1566290 1566214 1566176 1566124 1566182 1566181 1566178 1565893 1566004 1565663 1565892 1566105 1566156 1566253 1566315 1566387 1566735 1566996 1566946 1567013 1565984 1566095 1567563 1565648 1565691 1565326 1565822 1565474 1566410 1566659 1566391 1566193 1566044 1566132 1566252 1566201 1566123

117

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi

Tg LM 05-06-185 Tg LM 05-06-186 Tg LM 05-06-187 Tg LM 05-06-188 Tg LM 05-06-189 Tg LM 05-06-190 Tg LM 05-06-191 Tg LM 05-06-192 Tg LM 05-06-193

467465 467537 467617 467962 467983 468068 467932 468057 467841

1565736 1565710 1565723 1565881 1565608 1565637 1565652 1565769 1566025

Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Addi Tsahafi Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Filifil Filifil Bejerawi Bejarawi Gobo Dura Filifil Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Gobo Dura Addi Hankara Addi Hankara Adege

Tg LM 05-06-194 Tg LM 05-06-195 Tg LM 05-06-196 Tg LM 05-06-197 Tg LM 05-06-198 Tg LM 05-06-199 Tg LM 05-06-200 Tg LM 05-06-201 Tg LM 05-06-202 Tg LM 05-06-203 Tg LM 05-06-204 Tg LM 05-06-205 Tg LM 05-06-206 Tg LM 05-06-207 Tg LM 05-06-208 Tg LM 05-06-209 Tg LM 05-06-210 Tg LM 05-06-211 Tg LM 05-06-212 Tg LM 05-06-213 Tg LM 05-06-214 Tg LM 05-06-215 Tg LM 05-06-216 Tg LM 05-06-217 Tg LM 05-06-218 Tg LM 05-06-219 Tg LM 05-06-220 Tg LM 05-06-221 Tg LM 05-06-222 Tg LM 05-06-223 Tg LM 05-06-224

467857 467955 468501 468714 468734 468465 467911 468705 463599 463693 463364 463362 462978 463165 463166 463530 463599 463612 463739 463833 463910 463795 463766 463776 463281 463225 463258 463299 464944 464484 466866

1566067 1566065 1566495 1566285 1566154 1566423 1566033 1566198 1560813 1560997 1562036 1562317 1563185 1563161 1563295 1562052 1560946 1560958 1561001 1561107 1561153 1561247 1561242 1561343 1561450 1561688 1561693 1561761 1558663 1558054 1566199

118

Appendices

Appendix 5 Interpretation of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project CODE Tg LM 03-06-01 Tg LM 03-06-02 Tg LM 03-06-03 Tg LM 03-06-04 Tg LM 03-06-05 Tg LM 03-06-08 Tg LM 03-06-09 Tg LM 03-06-10 Tg LM 04-06-100 Tg LM 04-06-101 Tg LM 04-06-104 Tg LM 04-06-105 Tg LM 04-06-107 Tg LM 04-06-108 Tg LM 04-06-11 Tg LM 04-06-112 Tg LM 04-06-113 Tg LM 04-06-114 Tg LM 04-06-115 Tg LM 04-06-12 Tg LM 04-06-13 Tg LM 04-06-14 Tg LM 04-06-15 Tg LM 04-06-16 Tg LM 04-06-17 Tg LM 04-06-18 Tg LM 04-06-19 Tg LM 04-06-20 Tg LM 04-06-21 Tg LM 04-06-22 Tg LM 04-06-23 Tg LM 04-06-24 Tg LM 04-06-25 Tg LM 04-06-26 Tg LM 04-06-27 Tg LM 04-06-28 Tg LM 04-06-29 Tg LM 04-06-30 Tg LM 04-06-31

CATEGORY Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit / / Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Mestah Werki Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit / Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit / Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit

119

TYPE / Hamlet / / Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / / Hamlet Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet Compound Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet / Compound Hamlet Compound / / Hamlet Compound Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Compound

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Tg LM 04-06-32 Tg LM 04-06-33 Tg LM 04-06-34 Tg LM 04-06-35 Tg LM 04-06-36 Tg LM 04-06-37 Tg LM 04-06-38 Tg LM 04-06-39 Tg LM 04-06-40 Tg LM 04-06-41 Tg LM 04-06-42 Tg LM 04-06-43 Tg LM 04-06-44 Tg LM 04-06-45 Tg LM 04-06-46 Tg LM 04-06-47 Tg LM 04-06-48 Tg LM 04-06-49 Tg LM 04-06-50 Tg LM 04-06-51 Tg LM 04-06-52 Tg LM 04-06-53 Tg LM 04-06-54 Tg LM 04-06-55 Tg LM 04-06-56 Tg LM 04-06-57 Tg LM 04-06-58 Tg LM 04-06-59 Tg LM 04-06-60 Tg LM 04-06-61 Tg LM 04-06-62 Tg LM 04-06-63 Tg LM 04-06-64 Tg LM 04-06-65 Tg LM 04-06-66 Tg LM 04-06-67 Tg LM 04-06-68 Tg LM 04-06-69 Tg LM 04-06-70 Tg LM 04-06-71 Tg LM 04-06-72 Tg LM 04-06-73 Tg LM 04-06-74

Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Cemetery Cemetery Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building

120

/ / Compound Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet Village Hamlet Hamlet Village Village / Village / / Hamlet / Hamlet / Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building

Appendices

Tg LM 04-06-75 Tg LM 04-06-76 Tg LM 04-06-77

Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building

Elite building Elite building Elite building

Tg LM 04-06-78 Tg LM 04-06-79 Tg LM 04-06-80 Tg LM 04-06-81 Tg LM 04-06-82 Tg LM 04-06-83 Tg LM 04-06-84 Tg LM 04-06-85 Tg LM 04-06-86 Tg LM 04-06-87 Tg LM 04-06-88 Tg LM 04-06-90 Tg LM 04-06-91 Tg LM 04-06-92 Tg LM 04-06-93 Tg LM 04-06-96 Tg LM 04-06-98 Tg LM 04-06-99 Tg LM 05-06-116 Tg LM 05-06-117 Tg LM 05-06-118 Tg LM 05-06-119 Tg LM 05-06-120 Tg LM 05-06-121 Tg LM 05-06-122 Tg LM 05-06-123 Tg LM 05-06-125 Tg LM 05-06-126 Tg LM 05-06-127 Tg LM 05-06-128 Tg LM 05-06-129 Tg LM 05-06-130 Tg LM 05-06-131 Tg LM 05-06-132 Tg LM 05-06-133 Tg LM 05-06-134 Tg LM 05-06-135 Tg LM 05-06-136 Tg LM 05-06-137 Tg LM 05-06-138

Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit / / Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Cemetery Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit

Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Elite building Hamlet Hamlet Lithic workshop / / Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet / Compound / Compound / Hamlet / / Hamlet / Hamlet Hamlet Lithic workshop / / Compound / Hamlet / Compound / Village

121

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Tg LM 05-06-139 Tg LM 05-06-140 Tg LM 05-06-141 Tg LM 05-06-142 Tg LM 05-06-143 Tg LM 05-06-145

Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area

Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Lithic workshop /

Tg LM 05-06-146 Tg LM 05-06-147 Tg LM 05-06-148 Tg LM 05-06-149 Tg LM 05-06-150 Tg LM 05-06-151 Tg LM 05-06-153 Tg LM 05-06-154 Tg LM 05-06-156 Tg LM 05-06-157 Tg LM 05-06-158 Tg LM 05-06-159 Tg LM 05-06-160 Tg LM 05-06-161 Tg LM 05-06-162 Tg LM 05-06-163 Tg LM 05-06-164 Tg LM 05-06-165 Tg LM 05-06-166 Tg LM 05-06-167 Tg LM 05-06-168 Tg LM 05-06-169 Tg LM 05-06-170 Tg LM 05-06-171 Tg LM 05-06-172 Tg LM 05-06-173 Tg LM 05-06-174 Tg LM 05-06-175 Tg LM 05-06-176 Tg LM 05-06-177 Tg LM 05-06-178 Tg LM 05-06-179 Tg LM 05-06-180 Tg LM 05-06-181 Tg LM 05-06-182 Tg LM 05-06-183 Tg LM 05-06-184

Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Monumental building Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit

/ Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / / Compound Compound Compound Compound Compound Hamlet Hamlet Compound Village / / / Hamlet Hamlet / / / / / Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Compound Hamlet Hamlet / Compound Hamlet

122

Appendices

Tg LM 05-06-185 Tg LM 05-06-186 Tg LM 05-06-187 Tg LM 05-06-188 Tg LM 05-06-189 Tg LM 05-06-190 Tg LM 05-06-191 Tg LM 05-06-192 Tg LM 05-06-193

Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit

Compound Hamlet Compound Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / / Hamlet

Tg LM 05-06-194 Tg LM 05-06-195 Tg LM 05-06-196 Tg LM 05-06-197 Tg LM 05-06-198 Tg LM 05-06-199 Tg LM 05-06-200 Tg LM 05-06-201 Tg LM 05-06-202 Tg LM 05-06-203 Tg LM 05-06-204 Tg LM 05-06-205 Tg LM 05-06-206 Tg LM 05-06-207 Tg LM 05-06-208 Tg LM 05-06-209 Tg LM 05-06-210 Tg LM 05-06-211 Tg LM 05-06-212 Tg LM 05-06-213 Tg LM 05-06-214 Tg LM 05-06-215 Tg LM 05-06-216 Tg LM 05-06-217 Tg LM 05-06-218 Tg LM 05-06-219 Tg LM 05-06-220 Tg LM 05-06-221 Tg LM 05-06-222 Tg LM 05-06-223 Tg LM 05-06-224

Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Off-site evidence Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Non-elite residential unit Monumental building Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Off-site evidence Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Non-elite residential unit Specialised activity area Non-elite residential unit Monumental building

Compound / Hamlet Compound Infrastructure Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet Hamlet / Compound Church / Lithic workshop Lithic workshop Compound Hamlet Compound Compound Compound Hamlet Landmark / Compound Hamlet / Hamlet /

123

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

Appendix 6 Chronological classification of the Surface Archaeological Records detected in the area of Aksum during the World Bank Ethiopian Cultural Heritage Project CODE Tg LM 03-06-01 Tg LM 03-06-02 Tg LM 03-06-03 Tg LM 03-06-04 Tg LM 03-06-05 Tg LM 03-06-08 Tg LM 03-06-09 Tg LM 03-06-100 Tg LM 04-06-101 Tg LM 04-06-104 Tg LM 04-06-105 Tg LM 04-06-107 Tg LM 04-06-108 Tg LM 04-06-11 Tg LM 04-06-112 Tg LM 04-06-113 Tg LM 04-06-114 Tg LM 04-06-115 Tg LM 04-06-12 Tg LM 04-06-13 Tg LM 04-06-14 Tg LM 04-06-15 Tg LM 04-06-16 Tg LM 04-06-17 Tg LM 04-06-18 Tg LM 04-06-19 Tg LM 04-06-20 Tg LM 04-06-21 Tg LM 04-06-22 Tg LM 04-06-23 Tg LM 04-06-24 Tg LM 04-06-25 Tg LM 04-06-26 Tg LM 04-06-27 Tg LM 04-06-28 Tg LM 04-06-29 Tg LM 04-06-30 Tg LM 04-06-31 Tg LM 04-06-32

Pre-Aks. Proto-Aks. Aks. 1 Aks. 2 # #

Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks.

Aksumite

Uncertain

# # # #

#

#

# #

#

# # #

#

# # # #

#

#

#

# # #

# #

# #

#

#

# # # # # #

# # # # #

#

# # # # # #

# # #

# 124

#

# # #

Appendices

CODE Tg LM 04-06-33 Tg LM 04-06-34 Tg LM 04-06-35 Tg LM 04-06-36 Tg LM 04-06-37 Tg LM 04-06-38 Tg LM 04-06-39 Tg LM 04-06-40 Tg LM 04-06-41 Tg LM 04-06-42 Tg LM 04-06-43 Tg LM 04-06-44 Tg LM 04-06-45 Tg LM 04-06-46 Tg LM 04-06-47 Tg LM 04-06-48 Tg LM 04-06-49 Tg LM 04-06-50 Tg LM 04-06-51 Tg LM 04-06-52 Tg LM 04-06-53 Tg LM 04-06-54 Tg LM 04-06-55 Tg LM 04-06-56 Tg LM 04-06-57 Tg LM 04-06-58 Tg LM 04-06-59 Tg LM 04-06-60 Tg LM 04-06-61 Tg LM 04-06-62 Tg LM 04-06-63 Tg LM 04-06-64 Tg LM 04-06-65 Tg LM 04-06-66 Tg LM 04-06-67 Tg LM 04-06-68 Tg LM 04-06-69 Tg LM 04-06-70 Tg LM 04-06-71 Tg LM 04-06-72 Tg LM 04-06-73 Tg LM 04-06-74

pre-Aks. Proto-Aks. Aks. 1 Aks. 2 # #

Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks.

#

Aksumite

# # #

# # # #

# #

# # #

# # # # #

# # #

#

# # #

#

# #

#

# #

# # # #

#

# # # #

# #

#

#

#

#

# # #

# # # #

# # #

#

#

# #

125

Uncertain

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

CODE Tg LM 04-06-75 Tg LM 04-06-76 Tg LM 04-06-77 Tg LM 04-06-78 Tg LM 04-06-79 Tg LM 04-06-80 Tg LM 04-06-81 Tg LM 04-06-82 Tg LM 04-06-83 Tg LM 04-06-84 Tg LM 04-06-85 Tg LM 04-06-86 Tg LM 04-06-87 Tg LM 04-06-88 Tg LM 04-06-90 Tg LM 04-06-91 Tg LM 04-06-92 Tg LM 04-06-93 Tg LM 04-06-96 Tg LM 04-06-98 Tg LM 04-06-99 Tg LM 05-06-116 Tg LM 05-06-117 Tg LM 05-06-118 Tg LM 05-06-119 Tg LM 05-06-120 Tg LM 05-06-121 Tg LM 05-06-122 Tg LM 05-06-123 Tg LM 05-06-125 Tg LM 05-06-126 Tg LM 05-06-127 Tg LM 05-06-128 Tg LM 05-06-129 Tg LM 05-06-130 Tg LM 05-06-131 Tg LM 05-06-132 Tg LM 05-06-133 Tg LM 05-06-134 Tg LM 05-06-135 Tg LM 05-06-136 Tg LM 05-06-137

pre-Aks. Proto-Aks. Aks. 1 Aks. 2 Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks. # #

Aksumite #

# # #

# # # # # # #

#

# # #

# # # #

# # # # #

#

#

# #

# # #

# #

# # #

# # # # #

# #

# # # #

# # #

# #

# # # # # #

#

#

#

126

Uncertain

Appendices

CODE Tg LM 05-06-138 Tg LM 05-06-139 Tg LM 05-06-140 Tg LM 05-06-141 Tg LM 05-06-142 Tg LM 05-06-143 Tg LM 05-06-145 Tg LM 05-06-146 Tg LM 05-06-147 Tg LM 05-06-148 Tg LM 05-06-149 Tg LM 05-06-150 Tg LM 05-06-151 Tg LM 05-06-153 Tg LM 05-06-154 Tg LM 05-06-156 Tg LM 05-06-157 Tg LM 05-06-158 Tg LM 05-06-159 Tg LM 05-06-160 Tg LM 05-06-161 Tg LM 05-06-162 Tg LM 05-06-163 Tg LM 05-06-164 Tg LM 05-06-165 Tg LM 05-06-166 Tg LM 05-06-167 Tg LM 05-06-168 Tg LM 05-06-169 Tg LM 05-06-170 Tg LM 05-06-171 Tg LM 05-06-172 Tg LM 05-06-173 Tg LM 05-06-174 Tg LM 05-06-175 Tg LM 05-06-176 Tg LM 05-06-177 Tg LM 05-06-178 Tg LM 05-06-179 Tg LM 05-06-180 Tg LM 05-06-181 Tg LM 05-06-182

pre-Aks. Proto-Aks. Aks. 1 Aks. 2 Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks. # # #

Aksumite

# # # # #

# # #

# # #

# # #

# # # # #

# # # # # # # # # # # # #

#

#

# # #

# #

# # # # #

# # # # # # #

127

Uncertain

Ancient Settlement Patterns in the Area of Aksum

CODE Tg LM 05-06-183 Tg LM 05-06-184 Tg LM 05-06-185 Tg LM 05-06-186 Tg LM 05-06-187 Tg LM 05-06-188 Tg LM 05-06-189 Tg LM 05-06-190 Tg LM 05-06-191 Tg LM 05-06-192 Tg LM 05-06-193 Tg LM 05-06-194 Tg LM 05-06-195 Tg LM 05-06-196 Tg LM 05-06-197 Tg LM 05-06-198 Tg LM 05-06-199 Tg LM 05-06-200 Tg LM 05-06-201 Tg LM 05-06-202 Tg LM 05-06-203 Tg LM 05-06-204 Tg LM 05-06-205 Tg LM 05-06-206 Tg LM 05-06-207 Tg LM 05-06-208 Tg LM 05-06-209 Tg LM 05-06-210 Tg LM 05-06-211 Tg LM 05-06-212 Tg LM 05-06-213 Tg LM 05-06-214 Tg LM 05-06-215 Tg LM 05-06-216 Tg LM 05-06-217 Tg LM 05-06-218 Tg LM 05-06-219 Tg LM 05-06-220 Tg LM 05-06-221 Tg LM 05-06-222 Tg LM 05-06-223 Tg LM 05-06-224

pre-Aks. Proto-Aks. Aks. 1 Aks. 2 Aks. 3 Aks. 4 post-Aks.

Aksumite #

Uncertain

# # #

# #

# #

#

#

#

# #

#

# # # #

# # #

# # #

# # # # #

# # # # # #

# #

#

# # # # #

#

# # # # #

# # #

#

# # # # #

# # #

128

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abebe Zegeye, 1994. Environmental Degradation, Population Movement and War, in Abebe Zegeye & S. Pausewang (eds). Ethiopia in Change – Peasantry, Nationalism and Democracy. London – New York: British Academic Press, 172-191.

Anfray, F., 1981. The civilization of Aksum from the first to the seventh century, in G. Mokhtar (ed.) Ancient Civilizations of Africa (General History of Africa II). London: Heinemann Educational Books, Berkeley: University of California Press, UNESCO, 362-380.

Youssef Abul-Haggag, 1961. A contribution to the physiography of northern Ethiopia. London: Athlone Press.

Anfray, F., 1990. Les Anciens Ethiopiens (Collections Civilisations). Paris: Colin. Anfray, F.,1997. Yeḥa. Les ruines de Grat Beʼal Gebri. Recherches Archéologiques, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 39, 5-23.

Allen, M.J., 1991. Analysing the Landscape: a Geographical Approach to Archaeological Problems, in E.J. Schofield (ed.) Interpreting Artefact Scatters: Contributions to Ploughzone Archaeology (Oxbow Monographs in Archaeology 4). Oxford: Oxbow, 39-57.

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