Ancient Nepal [Second Edition] 9788129110985, 8129110989

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Abbreviations
Bibliography
Preface to the Third Edition
Preface to the Second Edition
I. Sites
II. The People and Pre-History
III. Source Materials
IV. Early Period of History
V. The Lichhavis, Early Phase
VI. Inscriptions and the Eras
VII. Vrsadeva to Sivadeva
VIII. Amsuvarma and Jisnugupta
IX. The Restoration
X. Political, Social and Economic Condition
Appendix
Errata
Index

Citation preview

ANCIENT NEPAL

PAGES

The Lichhavi Dynasty Origin of the Lichhavis Analytical story of Genealogies Question of External Suzerainty Genealogy of the period Jayadeva I Names omitted in the inscription Successor of Jayadeva I Cultural influence of India in t\ie early period Nepal. and Vaisali VI Insc;riptions and the Eras Inscriptions The Two Eras The Era of Earlier Inscriptions Era of the later Inscriptions Further Evidence Tibetan Tradition I Tibetan Tradition II

64-67 67 67-69 69-73 '73-74 74-77 77-78 78-81 81-83 83-84

CHAPTER

CHAPTER

VII

Vrsadeva .into Sivadeva Early Lichhavi Inscriptions Facts of History in charge !nscriptions . Mahadeva's conquet Mahadeva's successors The Ahir Guptas Historical Traditions of the Abhirs Manadeva II and Sivadeva I Important Inscriptions of Sivadeva's reign Chronology Rectified Coinage of the period Cultural Influence of India CHAPTER

85-119 .85-87 87-89 .89-97 98-106 106-109 109-117 117-119

120-160 121-129 129,130 130~139

139-141 141-142 142-147 148-149 149-153 153 154-155 155-160

VIII

Amsuvarma and Jisnu Gupta The· Thakuries Sources for the life and time of Amsuvarma A. External

161-189 160-163 10'3-178 163-164

CONTENTS PAGES.

E. Amsuvarma's inscriptions Extent of the Kingdom His character and Administrative· capacity Attitude towards religious sects Amsuvarma' s status Death of Amsuvarma Udayadeva Jisnugupta His Inscriptions Visnugupta CHAPTER

l~l-189

189

IX

The Restoration N arendradeva Chinese attack on Tirhut Narendradeva's Documents Sivadeva II Inscriptions. of Sivadeva II and Jayadeva U "Effect of Restoration Lichhavis after Jayadeva II Date of Jayadeva II and Manadeva III Manadeva III Manadeva IV Nepal defeats Kashmir Was Aramudi a Magar Chief Tibet Nepal Relation of the period CHAPTER

164-168 169-172 172-173 173-174 174-178 178 178-179 180

190-22.2 . 190-192 192 193-197. 197-198 198-203 203-204 204-206 206-207 207-208 208-209 210-213 213-214 '214-222

X

Political, .Social and Economic (400-800 A.D.) condition Politics and Administration The Government Kingship The Double Rub Character of Monarchy King's Divine Rights Lichhavi . Monarch Royal Palaces The capital Court Regalia

2~3-336

223-224

-224 224-230 230 23.0-231 231-233 233-2..36 236-239 239-240 240

ANClENT N:E;PAL PAGE·s

Administration. Welfare activity of. the rulers and subjects

War Kotta and Dtanga Taxes ·.Local Self-Government and Judiciary King as Judicial Head Econoi:nic Economic policy o.f state Trade and Industry Communication Currency . Cities ·and Villages Agriculture Landlord Feudalism Land grants Land Measurement Land Tenure Forced Labour· Caste in Ancient Nepal Women in Ancient Nepal The Privileged and the Underprivileged Religion in Early Nepal Earliest Siva-Visnu Images The Pasupati Sect Rituals The Padmapuja Miscellaneous Agrahara Gosthi Food and Drinks Entertainment Respect for cows and bulls Science and Art The Astronomical system Epigraphy General Picture The Architecture of Ancient Nepal

. 240-243 243-245 245 246 246-250 250-257 257-260 260-261 261-262' 262~263·

263 264 264 2()4-265 265 265-266 266-269 269c27(} 270 270-271 271-172 272-274 274"275 275~276

276-281 281-287 28'7-288 288-289 289-290 291 . 291-292 292 292-293 293_-296 296 296-297 297-298 . 298-299 299-301

CONTENTS PAGES

The Chaitya or Stupa The Art of Nepal Early Sculpture Art of the 7-8 centuries Visnu · images of Changu Miscellaneous The Uma-Mahesvara Images Coinage of Ancient Nepal

301-302 302 302-318' 318-322 322-329 329-331 331~336

336~345

LIST OF· ABBREVIATIONS

ABORI

Annals- of the Bhandarkar or1enta1 Re-. search Institute.

.Bendall, History

C. Bendall, A History of Nepal and surrounding kingdoms (1000-1600); in JASB, LXXII (1903), pp. 1-32; reprinted as Historical Introduction at the beginning of CPMDN, L C. Bendall, A ·journey to Nepal and Northern ·India, Cambridge 1886.

.Bendall, Journey

.BGL

Bhagwan Lal Indraji and G. Buhler, In-· scriptio:o:s from Nepal (IA, ix, 1880, 163 ff). Bombay, 1885.

~SOAS

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XX · (1957); Furer-Haimendorf, the · Inter-relations of caste and ethnic groups in Nepal. C. Bendall, Catalogue of the Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts in the University Library, Cambridge, 1883.

CBMC

CPMDN

H. P. Shastri, Catalogue of palm-leaf and selected paper rnanu-scripts belonging tl'l the Durbar Library, Nepal, 2o Vols:, Calcutta 1905 and 1916.

CSBM

C. Bendall, Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the British Museum, London 1902.

CSMASB

H. P. Shastri (et alii), A descriptive catalogue of the Sanskrit manuscripts in the Govern;rnent collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vo1. I ff. Calcutta 1917 ff. (the latest volumes out are XIV of 1955 and XI of 1957). .

CSP MIO

A. B. Keith, Catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakrit manuscripts- in the Libr;:µ-y of the India Office, V oL II., Oxford .(9:35.

ANCIENT NEP.AL

(:IM

V. Smith, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum.

CAI

Cambridge History of (Ancient) India, Vol. I. C. Bendall, Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in the British· Museum, London 1902. A Catalogue of Manuscripts in Darbar Library, Kathmandu.

CSMBM

Darb. Lib. Cat. DHNI

EHD EI Gnoli

GI (CU)

Dyµastic. History of North India by H.C. Ray. Early History of Deccan in ·2 vols., edited by Yazdani. Epigraphia Indica. R. Gnoli, Nepalese inscnpt10ns in Gupta characters (Serie Orientale Roma, X, 2),. Rome 1956. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III Londor:i 1888, edited by J. F. Fleet (Gupta Inscr~ptions).

HCIP

IRQ IA

History & Culture 0f the Indian People, edited by R. C. Majumdar Volumes III & IV . .,, Indian Historical Quarterly. Indian Antiquary.

Italiani Missionari, etc. I Missionari Italiani nel Tibet e nel Nepal,. 7 parts, edited by .L. Petech (in Italian) Rome, 1953. JAs JASB JBORS and JBRS

Journal Asiatique. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, afterwards Journal of the Bihar Research Society.

JIH

Journal of Indian History.

JRAS Kirkpatrick

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. An account of the Kingdo)Il of Nepal,. London, 1811.

LIST OF ABBREVI4.TIONS

K. P. Jayaswal. . , . Le Nepal, Etude historique d'un royaume hindou, 3 Vols., Paris, 1905-08.

KPJ Levi MMK

Manjusrimulakalpa, edited by Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum Sankskrit Series.

Mss.

J:v,fanuscripts.

N.S.

Nepal . Samvat. Political History of Ancient India by H. C. Raychaudhury.

PHAI

Rahul Sankrityayan.

RS .S.S.

•.•

Preliminary Report on two scientific expeditions in Nepal (Serie Orientale Roma, 1956).

Tucci

V1, VU

Sanskrit Sandesa, a. monhtly magazine of antiquity (in Sanskrit).

vm

The three parts- of the Vamsavali in the Darbar Library discovered by Bendall. This is otherwise known as · Gopalaraja Vamsavali.

VK

Vamsavali in possession of F. M. Kaiser.

vs

Vikram Samvat History of _Nepal, translated from Par-' batiya, Cambridge, 1877.

Wright, Daniel

lllBLIOGRAPHY

1. Cecil Bendall

•., A journey of Literary and ·. Archaeological Re. search .in Nepal and · Northern India during the winter of 1884"1885, Cambridge, UniverSity Press 1886.

2, Bhagwanlal ·Indraji and G. Buhler

Inscrip~ions

,from Nepal,. Bombay, 1885 ; Indian · :Antiquary, 1880, Pp. 163 ff. .

3, Sylvain Leri

Le. Nepal, etude histo:i;ique d'un, Royaume Hindou, 3 Vols., Paris, 1909. · .

4. R. Gnoli

Nepalese Iriscriptions in Gupta characters· (SerieOrientale Roma, X, 2) Rome, 1956.

5. Sanskrit Sandesh

Kai:hmandti, a Sanskrit monthly, VS 2010 (19535~.

(j.

.

.Volume I (1955-5.6) 2. Parts. Volume II (1956-57) 2 Parts.

Itihas Prakasa

'1. J. F. Fleet

8.

.

Corpus Inscriptionum InP.icarum, III, Appendix,. iv, the Chronology of the Early Rulers ·or Nepal.

Unpublished inscriptions traced by the aur.hor iIJ Kathinandu and adjoining. ·areas inside the Valley of Nepal.

... An .Account

.9. Kir-kpatrick

of the Kingdom of Nepa.I, London,.

1811.

tlO~

Francis Hamilton

1.1. Daniel ·Wright

12. Vamsavali Vl,

vm

)3,

Vamsavali

14. Vamsavali

An Account of the 'Kingdom of Nepal and of territories annexe-d to this dominion by the House of Gorkha,; Edinburgh, 1819. History of ·Nepal ·translated from Parbatiya, ·Cambridge, 1877.

vu

and . Discovered by Bendall in the Darbar Library. Kathmandu (Gopalaraja Vamsavali). In p68Session of General Kaisar Shumsher.. In the possession of

the

author.

15.

c.

Bendalh

A History of Nepal and surrounding kingdoms. (1000-1600) in JASB, LXXII (1903), Pp. 1-32, reprinted as Historical . Introduction at the beginning of CPMDN 1.

16.

C. Bendall

Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in the British Museum.

17.

C. Bendali

.., Catalogue of Palm-leaf and selected paper manus,cripts belonging to the Durbar Library, Nepal, 2 Vols.,. Calcutta, 1905 and 1916.

ANCIENT NEPAL

18.

H. P. Shastri

Catalogue of Palm-leaf and selected _paper manus... cripts belonging to the Durbar Library, .Nepal. 2 Vol., Calcutta, 1905 and 1916.

19.

H. P. Shastri

... A Desi;riptive Catalogue of the Sansk:rit manuscripts in the Government collection of tbe ASiatic Society of Bengal:, Vol. I, ff., Calcutta, 1917 (Vols. XIV of 1957 and XI just out) •

.20.

A Catalogue of Manuscripts in Darbar Library, Kathmandu (unpublished).

21.

A Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Gutuji's Library, Kathmandu.

22.

N: L .. Mitra

23.

Radhagovihda Basak

The History of North Eastern India_ (c. 320-760) London, 1934 (Chapter ix, Pp. 239-302).

24.

G. Tucci

Preliminary Report on two Scientific expeditions in Nepal (Serie Orientale Roma, XI) Rome, 1956.

25.

L. Petech

Medieval History of Nepal (c. 750-14:80), Roma, 1958.

26.

Percival London

Nepal, 2 Volumes, 1928 (Constable, Lon(l.on).

2.7.

H. C. Ray

The Dynastic History· of Nor.them India 2 Vo1s.

is.

Italiani Missionari nel Tibet nel Nepal, edited by Petech, Roma 1952, in two Volumes, 7 Parts .

.29.

Chronology and History of Nepal 600 B.C. to 800- A.D. in JBORS, XXII (September, 1936), Pp .. _157-264.

30.

I-Tsing. A Record of Buddhist Reiigion as practised: fa India and tbe l\falay Archipdago (A.D. 671-695) tran.slated by J. Talakusu, Oxfo:r;d, 1896. .

31.

Taranath

32. t. A. Waddell

33.

Watters

54. G. Tµcci ..35. ·H. A. Oldfield 36.

E. H. Walsh

,.. _Sanskrit Buddhist Literatuure in Nepal published by Asiatic Society of Bengal, Ciilcutta, 1882. ·

.:... History of. Buddhism in India, Tibetan te)tt, edited by A. SchiefneJ;, St. Petersburg, _1869. The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism, London, 1895. :•.. Yu.il.n Chwang's Travels in India, 2 Vols., London, 1904, and 1905. Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 3 vols., Rome, .194.9. Sketches from

Nepal,

2 Vols.,

London,

1880•

The Coinage of Nepal in JRAS, 1908.

JJ.7. Archaeological Sur-Vey of India Reports, XXVI, .. Pt. l, 1901 (Excavations in Kapilavastu) . . 38.

Ary3lllanjustrimulakalpa, edited by Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series.

39.

Indian Historical Quarterly. IX .(1933) 'Some Points Regal(ding the. Origin of the Llchhavis of Vaisali, Pp. 429-40.

40".

Journal of the Bihai; and Orissa Research Soeiety, Vol. xxii, Pt. 2 Gune, l936)4 lp.vp.sion of Nepal by Sultan Samsuddin.

BIBLlOGRAPIW

4L Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Culture~

(a)

K. P. Chattopadhyaya, An Essay in the History of the Newari Vol. 19 (No. 1923).

(b)

S. K. Chatterji, Kirata Janakriti, Vol. XVI (Third Series, 1950). ·

(c)

Brian Hodgson 'Account of a visit to the Ruins of Simroun once the capital of Mithila, Veil. IV, 1835.

42.

Sadhanamala, edited by B. T. Bhattacharya, Baroda,

43.

TlJ.e Indian Buddhist Iconography by B. Bhattacharya, Calcutta, 1957.

44. E. Btetschneider, Medieval Research from Eastern Asiatic Sources, London (Pp. 222-23).

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION The volume in hand is the Third edition _of 'Ancient Nepal' which is presented to the reading public in a thoroughly revised form. In the process of revision some chapters had had to be re~ written, and one or two new ones added, and consequently the book is also enlarged as new materials came to light to widen the scope of the history of the period. At least one finding which had been left slightly vague in the second edition is now clearly established to the point. This is in regard to the . epoch year of the era of the later group of inscriptions of the age which is fixed to the year 576 A.D. But there are still many chronological-gaps to be bridged, and reigning dates of. abnost all monarchs to be ascertained and settled . correctly. As we know it might require time for the discovery of sources,. and we must conduct ceaseless search laboriously and patiently in this direction before· a tangible result is within our reach. This· edition of the book is _prepared under the auspices of the Nepal Institute of Asian Studies, which was recently founded, and I take the opportunity of expressing my thanks to the scholars: attached .to it and ,many others who have offered me their valuable cooperation. I am also obliged to the publisher for bringing ·out the third ~dition of the book.

D.R.

REGMI

PREFACE TO :THE SECOND EDITION The second· edition of the book was long overdue. This was not ·only because the copies of the first print had been sold out, but also because materials newly discovered had necessitated a revision ·Of certain conclusions adopted earlier. The author, however, was so much pre-occupied with political activities that he hardly .got time enough to devote to the task that came to his hand, with the result that the revision and consequent publication of the volume were delayed. Under rev.ision .the previous volume had been much. enlarged to assume double its original size. Consequently in the second edition it was thought desirable to divide the work into two separate volu;mes with different titles. The titles selected are variously 'Ancient Nepal' for the first volume and 'Medieval History of Nepal' for the ·second volume. As two more volumes follow this publication, the four together .shall cbnstitute a series on Nepalese History designated 'Political and Economic History of Nepal from the Ancient Times to 1846 AD.'. The first edition was ,prepared while the author was living in exile out of Nepal. There he had to work under severe limitations. Source materals were limited. Inside Nepal the Rana rulers had almost a dislike for history writing and frowned on such activities. Since S. Levi made a search of inscriptions in 1900 or so, no attempt was made tO discover original documents because of this attitude of our rulers. While I wrote the edition of Ancient Nepal, the materials I· used were mostfy the same that had been traced by Bhagwanlal Indraji and Levi. A11y one interested in research knew that more inscriptions. lay· scattered, and some were buried under;ground, and it required new- efforts to seek them out. But until 1951 the undertaking of such a venture could not be entertained. In earlyl951 the Rana regime 1\ras overthrown, and consequently research activities could be undertaken without fear of victimisation. Although· the number is yet small, we have both foreigners and na.tionals of Nepal working in the field. Eight years after that date till rtow the vohime of work put up is certainly something to be envied.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

A sizeable bulk. of new data is now available for the historians. The author feels satisfied that he himself did the job of collecting his materials in so far as these were availed of from original sites in the valley of Nepal and adjoining regions. For the rest I am grateful to those who have made things available to me in published or unpublished forms. One special feature of the present edition is that I have added a new chapter to deal with economic problems to each of the volumes. In this way, the narration has also worn the character of economic history for the period concerned. Broadly speaking, the most fundamental changes made in the first volume are in regard to the conclusions earlier reached about .the origin and epoch year of the e:ras followed in the inscriptions of both the series. These have been placed at dates 68-78 A.D. and· 568 A.D. respectively. We have determined these dates . after thoroughly reviewing and examining the arguments for alternate dates suggested in this .connection. Two additional topics are more elaborately dealt with here than in the first edition. These are, (a) the regency of Jisnugupta and his son and (b) the restoration regime of N arendradeva and his successors. The history of ancient Nepal as delineated in the present volume carries the narrative of the events up to the eve of the Nepal era. In the appendices the Teader wilf find statements on castes, religion, the three chanceries and origin of the Lichhavi dynasty as they were found in ancient Nepal in the light of the data of the inscriptions. The work has altogether six chapters and describes in different successive phases the political history of the country from the earliest time. to the end of the Lichhavi period. The paleographic and archaeological data belonging to various reigns have been .systematically described with reference to the evidence available through these records .. For the Second Volume, the title 'Medieval History of Nepal' has been adopted, but here we have again two divisions of the work, i.e. Part I. Early Medieval History of Nepal and Part II. Medieval History of the Nepal Valley and of the Territories of the Baisi and Chaubisi. In the first edition our account closed with the event or Pratapmalla's father's reign (1632 A.D.). But this was an abrupt closing

ANCIENT NEPAL

and any division of the periods coming in its wake will not be scientific. The present edition of 'Early Medieval Nepal' has covered the period of history between the founding of the Nepal era and the rise of Jayasthitimalla after the .Muslim invasion. Part II of this volume with the title "Medieval History of the Nepal Valley and of the Territories of the Baisi and Chaubisi" narrates the eve:nts leadirig to the ·rise .and establishment of the three kingdoms in the valley of Nepal proper and of other principalities· in areas known. today as West and East Nepal. The rise of the Baisi and Chaubisi dates from the early l 4th Century A.D. At about this time the Chronicle (Gopala Vamsavali, introduces into the main history events of Khasia and Magar invasions upon the valley of Nepal. For obvious reasons we can as well accept the facts of Rajput dynasties to have been firmly settled in parts of the Sub-Himalayas ranges in the west of the Nepal Valley at least a hundred years prior to the above date. In Karnali basin there was a flourishing Khasa Kingdom since early llth Century A.D. We have no evidence to prove the suzerainty of Nepal rulers over these States. We do not know if ever the jurisdiction of the Central Kingdom in Nepal proper extended to the areas occupied by the Khasa Mallas and their neighbours of the Gandak basin. Of course, with regard to ancient history no politcal entity other than the one existing in the valley of Nepal has been traced for the entire stretch of the territories between the. Sapta Gandaki and Sapt Kosi and this entity functioned more or less in N epa1 proper and the areas immedately surrounding it in the four directions. Quite possibly the Nepal rulers in the climax of power ruled over a kingdom as extensive as the present-day Nepal, though we cannot say if the extent of territory covered the same areas as they have come to be under its jurisdiction up to date·. ·Probably the same pattern of boundaries continued to exist in early medieval age so that excluding the region of the Baisi, farther west, the history of Nepal proper of the time could very well pass as the history of Nepal with its traditional frontier lines. But the same could not hold ground in regard to the later medieval period. The Sapta Gandaki.pradesh had by this time become a scene of new activity and potentially rival political states had emerged to the detriment of the power in the Nepal Valley. Now in this context the status of the usually functioning state of Nepal has greatly changed. This was the reason we no longer called the second part of our volume as the history of Nepal. Instead we specified the Nepal Valley proper to make it look distinct from the Chaubisi region in our account of the late medieval age,

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

It will appear later that from 1755 onwards the history of the entire central Himalayan region is in a way the history of Gorkha's ruling dynasty which had acquired immense resources .and power to become sovereign in a new political unit with Nepal as capital. Now all these Baisi, Chaubisi and Nepal Valley states lose their importance as separate entities as well as positions of that nature. The development is eventful. In the nature of things the account has had to be incorporated in a separate volume, which is the third volume of our series. The narrative in the second volume covers events only up to the rise of Prithvinarayan, the Gorkha ruler.

CHAPTER I A. GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES AND ANCIENT SITES In the volume dealing with the Medieval history we have shown in relation to ancient literature. Nepal's location and boundaries, however, rough this estimate might be. We noticed that references to Nepal in ancient treatises were obtained no doubt but there were very few ; specially in classical works of the early era the reference was strictly limited. Of the foreigners Hiuen Tsang was the first person to mention Nepal in his note. Greek account of Nepal does not exist. Probably they had not heard of this country. This was probably due to the secluded nature of the country, which because of its forest belt and mountain walls all around was accessible with extreme difficulty. But it appears that some sort of cultural and commereial contact was maintained with Vaisali, Videha and Magadha constantly and regularly. We search in vain for any information on the boundary lines of Nepal as it then existed. This is wholly absent in Indian and Nepalese sources. The Barhaspatya Sa.stra makes a cursory observation, Nepalachatuhsatti which stated without the context looks very obscure. It may mean anything. Perhaps it does not mean that Nepal was situated within an area of 400 miles such .a meaning would be too wide of the mark, so. the observation of Brhaspati fails to have any meaning for us. In effect no information as to the boundary lines -0£ Nepal is forthcoming from our ancient texts. The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang is the only source for the information. But as it will appear his information is incomplete and at the same time confusing. However, in the absence of indigenous source we may take recourse to discussing his points of information and to arrive at some kind of conclusions regarding the frontier of Nepal as well as its area in the same term. S. Beal thinks that Hiuen Tsang did not himself go to Nepal but wrote from reports he got while staying in the capital of the Vrizzis (Fu-li-chih), called Chen-shu-na by the pilgrims.2 Had the Chinese i 2

Published by Motiram Banarasidas, Lahore, 1924, p ..15. Ibid, p. 81 footnote.

2

ANCIENT

NE~AL

pilgrims gone to Nepal, he would have given details of the journey and of the different places within Nepal he would visit. But all this is missing in the account. And this is really what was not desirable. if the account had come from one who had visited the country. Our information about Nepal would have been far richer if it was not so. But in any case we have to utilise whatever information is availaable to us. The capital of the Vrizzi, figuring in Hiuen Tsang's journal is still unidentified. The Chinese Master travelled about 500 Ii or so north-east of the site near Svetapur situated near the bank of the Ganges (obviously south west of the present Bania Basarh in Muzzaffarpur district). According to V de St. Martin Chen-shu-na is Janakpur in the Nepalese Terai. But Cunningham tries to identity present Lauria Nandangarh, close to the Nepal border in the district of Champaran, a place with an Asokan pillar and Stupa, as the capital city of the Vrizzis.3 Hiuen Tsang's life written by one of his disciples and t~an­ slated by S. Beal does not give anything about Vrizzi and Nepal. There the pilgrim is presented to have directly descended to Magadha from Svetapur.~ Thomas Watters thinks on this basis that Hiuen Tsang 'may hav.e got his information he communicates during his stay at Vaisali:'5 It appears more or less certain that Hiuen Tsang did not personally visit Nepal, but wrote about this country on the basis of information he received in Vaisali or in the capital of the Vrizzis. That it is not an account prepared by a man who had been to Nepal in person is apparent from two factors. One is the absence of the description of the route in the record. The second is the- information he gives about the situation of the Nepal Valley to have been, 'among the snowy monutains', which as we know is wrong. The snowy peaks are at least 30 miles farther north from the Valley of Nepal. Any visitor gaining first hand knowledge of the surrounding of the Nepal Valley would not give an account, which is not, however, correct. But whatever that be we can come to a tentative position in regard to the identity of Chen-shu-na so that the exact distance between Nepal and the Vrizzi kingdom could be measured even though to an approximate estimate. As the Valley of Nepal was located at a distance of 300 miles of the capital city of the Vrizzi to the north-west, it is quite likely that the latter was placed somewhere a Ancient Geography of India, p. 445. of Hiuen Tsang by the Shamans Hwui-li and Yen Tsung translated by S. Beal, (London, 19Il), pp. 100-01. 5 On Yuang Chwang's Travels in India, II, pp. 83-85 (London, R.A.S., 1905). ~Life

GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES AND ANCIENT SITE.S

within the confines of ancient Videha with its capital either Janakpur or a place farther south in the present Sitamarhi or Madhuvani subdivision. Hiuen Tsang talks of Buddhist stupa and monuments in connection with this site which Janakpur lacks. Probably Hiuen Tsang meant the people of Mithila while he referred to the Vrizzi people. So even if Janakpur does not exactly correspond to the description drawn by him, the capital must lie somewhere in the plains in the south-east of the Valley of Nepal at a distance of 300 Iniles and 125 miles north-east of the present Digvara in the Saran district (Bihar). Definitely it cannot be either of the two sites, Rampurwa or Lauria Nandangarh, both lying just south of the Nepal Valley at a distance of 140-50 miles. Definitely the Vrizzi capital lay somewhere near about the north eastern part of Mazzaffarpur and north western part of Darbhanga more at a centre where these two meet. The claim of Janakpur in this regard cannot be dismissed lightly. But we shall not be surprised if a site with a Buddhist background is available near about Madhuvani. At any rate, any such site must come close to the Nepalese border. Thus indirectly through this identification Nepal also comes to be exactly located. It answers to the location Nepal occupies at the moment. The present position of the kingdom of Nepal in the map is between the longitude 80th and 88th degrees from east to west and between latitude 26th and 30th degrees north from north to south. The country is situated as it is with 500 miles in its expansion from east to west and about 56,000 sq. miles in area with a population of 8.4 millions. It occupies the central portion of the Himalayas with a narrow breadth varying in extension from north to south from 80 to 100 miles. On three sides Nepal is bounded by the Indian territory. In the north there is Tibet with international boundary touching Nepal at the outer periphery of the Himalayas. The name of the country is derived from the Valley of the same name. But compared to the vast stretch of territory surrounding it under its jurisdiction the Valley of Nepal occupies a small space hardly 32 miles in circumference, about 200 to 250 sq. miles in area and 12 to 14 miles in average width from east to west (Sanga to Thankot) with 10 to 12 miles as average length from north to south. The Valley of Nepal is like a circle in shape situated at an altitude of 4500 ft. high above the sea level. It is surrounded on all sides by mountains ranging in height from 5000 ft. to 8000 ft. For the whole of the Himalayas the Valley of Nepal is most favourably placed on account of its climate and soil. It is suited for an all year vegetation and crops.

4

ANCIENT NEPAL

It shall appear that the Valley of Nepal with a limited stretch of territory outside formi::d in ancient and medieval ages, what was called the kingdom of Nepal. In the 7th century A.D. when Hiuen Tsang wrote his travel diary Nepal was situated among the mountains as the pilgrim had been told about its location. Its 800 miles of circumference restricts its size to two third of its present area. If it was wholly mountainous, its extension on both sides east to west must cover a distance of 300 miles, 150 on either. Perhaps the estimate of the area was a little exaggerated. To the question of estimating the actual extent of territory we shall come a little later. But Nepal must have comprised some area beyond the Churia ranges, at least that much which was inseparable from the hilly base. It is quite likely that Nepal of old had in its eastern sector roughly the same boundary in the immediate south as it has at the moment. But it appears its western extension was much limited. In the mountains it did not surely cover the basins of the rivers Bheri and Karnali and not even those of Rapti and Kali Gandak. In the west Terai the present districts of Taulihawa (Kapilavastu) and Majhkhand to the immediate west of the River Gandak did not fall within Nepal. Hiuen Tsang who visited Kapilavastu, Lumbini and Ramagrama, all important historical sites in this area does not say anything about their relation with Nepal. There is not even a distant reference to Nepal while he describes these places. It appears that Nepal's western boundary in the Terai did not extend beyond the Gandak. East of Kapilavastu about 40 miles (200 Ii), the Chinese Buddhist traveller noted to have passed the deserted capital of the Koliya clan, Ramagrama ; Hiuen Tsang said that the country was 'laid waste and wild' and its population was scanty at the time he visited. The Koliyas were Buddha's mother's paternal family. 6 It is quite possible that the Koliyas occupied the area from the border of the river Gandak westwards covering the present Parasi district of Nepal and a part of the Deoria in U.P. But this was a very old story. In our time the Koliyas were long extinct as were the Sakyas. But what is of interest to us is the fact of Hiuen Tsang's observation about these tribes. Perhaps the more original and permanent dwellers in this region, the Tharus, who were living in the most primitive condition had no idea of political institutions and affiliations. But in view of Ripumalla's inscription on the Lumbini pillar, the ground for s Watters, Op. Cit., II, pp. 20-25; Rockhill, Life of Buddha, pp. 145-47.

GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES AND ANCIENT SITES

5

accepting these areas to have been under the Malla rulers of the Karnali basin is fairly strong. Similarly the identity of the Vrizzi country with Videha, an~ Hiuen Tsang making a statement which implies that it had no relation whatsoever with Nepal as such provides reasonable basis to exclude these parts of Terai from the Nepalese domain. The mountainous region to the north of the present Janakpur was, however, within Nepal, and there is nothing to contradict this position. In the earlier edition of 'Ancient Nepal' we said that Vaisali formed part of the kingdom of the Lichhavi rulers of Nepal. We may add in tbis connection that this might be true only of the time of the early Lichhavis. ·The whole of present day North Bihar merged in the Gupta empire during the time of Chandra Gupta II. The nearest Terai was, of course, inside Nepal and roughiy this extended to a length of 100 miles from West to East. Kamarupa was a frontier state in the east in the time of Guptas (CII, III, p. 14) and in the enumeration it was placed next to Nepal. It must have surely covered tracts in the Himalayan region to the immediate North. Thus it could be said that Nepal and Kamarupa had contiguous boundaries. But the sturdy Kirata tribes intervene. Were they acknowledging the sovereignty of the Nepal ruler? We do not have evidence of this anywhere either in the chronicles or in the inscriptions. We have also no evidence of any other independent political unit in this sector. It will be erroneous to attribute sovereignty of the area to the ruler of the kingdom in the Gangetic plains. None of the rulers have ever in records talked of exercising any kind of suzerainty over this area. As for Nepal extending its sphere of hegemony to this area, absence of any influence even cultural is a pointer. Nowhere any kind of relics of a Buddhist past is traceable. It appears that the whole of the Kiratadesa remained unaffected by Buddhist culture, and even the mixed Vajrayana could not feel its way there. The Himalaya mountain tract to the immediate north of the Champa and Gauda states seems to have been culturally far away from the Nepal Valley. Dolkha in today's East No. 2 district to the immediate north of the Mithila region is often traced in the chronicles and other records. This was a trade centre and often a centre of small subsidiary principality within Nepal. Beyond Dolkha, the Nepalese documents do not mention any places to have been within Nepal. But we can push the frontier line to the Tamakosi. To sum up, Nepal was situated over the hilly region extending west to east from the river Anku to the river Tamor. The northern line probably touched the snowy ranges of the Himalayas. There

6

ANCIENT NEPAL

could be a confusion as to the south em boundary. In all probability the boundary might lie along the socalled Char-kos-ko-jhadi, the forest belt. But it is not unlikely that within the span of territory south of the forest belt the frontier lines between the rivers Garidak and Bagmati stretched a little south. But we do ~ot know how far south it was. Probably it touched the borders of the Vrizzi sangha. At the sametime we can also suggest a patch of territory like a no-man's land between Nepal and its southern neighbour. Different dynasties, local and Imperial, ruled in the areas now known as North Bihar for the whole span of time from ancient days to the beginning of our period. Nothing sort of repetition is intended here. But it will not be improper to recount the various states existing at different stages of history. The old political identities bad lost meaning, when the first Imperial dynasty appeared in Magadha in the 4th century B.C. The Vrizzi sangha disappeared as the first casualty. Thereafter as the Maurya dynasty ended, the imperial Sungas, Kanvas and the Kushanas came to rule one after the other. The Kushanas ruled wh~t is now called North Bihar through their Viceroy. This viceroyalty must have touched Nepal's frontier somewhere in the Terai. We have seen how the Gupta Emperor Samudra Gupta regarded Nepal as a frontier kingdom. We do not know if in the interregnum between the disappearance of the Kushana viceroyalty and rise of the Gupta empire Nepal had pushed its frontier far southwards. Probably the same line of boundary continued under them in regard to Nepal. It is hard to say whether this line ran through the modern International frontier. Probably it did as far as the tract to the immediate south of the Nepal Valley. After the downfall of the Guptas as Imperial Power the Guptas ruled as a second rate country power in this region as late as the end of the 5th century or beginning of the 6th century A.D. In Hiuen Tsang's time we have marked several entities as aforesaid, but it is not so certain if they constituted political units. But a remnant of the Gupta family appears once again in the scene, and he controls North Bihar. For about two centuries till the rise of the Karnata Nanyadeva, this tract was often subjected to invasions by kings of neighbouring countries. Sometimes little earlier from far off Kashmir and Assam also adventurers penetrated into Nepal. 7

7

DNI, I, pp. 272-80.

B. IDENTIFICATION OF SITES: ANCIENT AND MODERN It is a much laborious task to seek identification of old sites. The three prominent towns of the Valley cannot be identified and no idea of their existence can be obtained from records until we reach the llth century A.D. Many more places which are buzzing with life in those days are also not traceable. Either they are buried under debris or their old names are lost so that they have become unidentifiable. In our discourse in the following passages we have suggested. that the sites with the steles could be identified. But the ground is very weak to give us a clear evidence. Therefore whatever we might say about the sites with inscribed stone the validity of identification cannot be admitted. Only such areas which retain the old nomencla· ture in whatever form it might be held the test of identification and these could be deemed as the places named in our record. There are fewer inscriptions giving names of localities which are easily identified. But steles with inscriptions are found here and there in a large number. If area where such steles are traceable and these are to be treated as indicative of old sites then quite a large number of places might come in for proper identification emerge as outstanding and they are easily identified. In fact the remains they possess along with the inscriptions render idootification irrefutable. The sites are those of Changu Narayana ChowkitarBala01bu area and Pasupati. In the former we have the famous victory Pillar of Manadeva, which he erected in honour of the deity, Visnu, whose image is enshrined in the temple facing the memorial. The lines inscribed in the Pillar provide its own history we have also a Trivikrama panel of the same period (Gnoli, n. III) and the inscription on the base of an effigy with 427 date symbol (Gnoli, n. IX). All these establish themselves to the identity of Manadeva's creations. Nalfavarman's inscription on the base of linga in the area is the third remain of that age of antiquity. We notice more objects handed down to posterity as relics (Gnoli, n. XXIV). Although things of the early medieval period are missing, we find numerous art creations of religious significance belonging to the late medieval period. There are steles showing inscriptions to establish

8

ANCIENT NEPAL

their identity. Further, the name of the hillock recorded as Doladri in the first inscription of Manadeva is preserved in all future documents. This leaves no doubt about the present site being the one consecrated in the time of Manadeva. The Pasupati area has two wings, (1) the shrine and courtyard of the principal deity and (2) the surrounding with the extension to the west with a host of temples sheltering images of subsidiary deities. According to inscriptions of the time this was known as Pasupata Ksetra. 8 The latter is known as Deopatan, literally the city of gods. It is in a way a citadel providing residence to the priests and attendants of the many temples of the enclosure and to the various categories of professionals catering to the demands of the visitors. Its Newari name is Gvala. One chronicle associates the site as the city of Deopatan where Asoka met the king of Nepal. According to the legend followed by the chronicle Asoka founded a monastery Closely in the north, and left it in charge of his daughter Charumati who was married to the king of the host country. It was said that the monastery known as the Cha-bahil, was the same one founded by Asoka and bears the abbreviated name of Charumati Vihara after the Magadhan princess. This legend has no support of documentary evidence of proved authenticity. But leaving the Vihara aside, the Pasupati area possesses sufficient proof of its being an ancient site as old as the history of Nepal. This is the oniy spot in the whole of the Valley, which maintains a chain of. records linking it in continuous succession to different phases of Nepal's history. Deopatan as an ancient citadel is recognised and identified with little efforts. The following records and images belong to the Pasupati area (I) a Unga with inscription set up by Ratna Sangha in 398,9 (2) Jayavarman's linga with the inscription dated 413,10 (3) another linga of about the same time,11 (4) Nathesvara Unga of Maharaja Kramalilah, with inscribed lines and date figure 469 (close to the temple of Ramachandra on the stairs leading to Mrgasthali across the Bagmati),12 (5) image of Harihara with lines inscribed on the base, dated 48913 (Tyagaltol. Deopatan), (6) Amsuvarman's stone inscriptionu dated 39, (7) a Pillar of stone in honour of Chandresvara close to the southern B Gnoli,

I. Gnoli, n. VI. lo Gnoli, VIII (BLI, n. 2). 11 Gnoli, n. X. 12 Gnoli, n. XVIII (Sanskrit Sandesh, II, 1·2·3). is Gnoli, n. XX. 14 BLI, n. 6.

9

IDENTIFICATION OF SITES :

ANCIENT AND MODERN

9

door to the main shrine,15 (8) Jayadeva's slab of stone16 dated 159, (9) another slab belonging to Sivadeva, dated 103 (BLI, n. 13),17 (10) a slab of stone in Deopatan dated 71 (Gnoli, n. LXVIIl),18 the stone inscriptions of Abhiri the mother of Bhaumagupta (Gnoli, n. XVI) and the pedestal of a linga in the hillock near the temple of Pasupati (Gnoli, n. LXV). For the identification of the images and records, we require no effort as facts are too obvious in view of these being in excellent order of preservation. In the three cities, we have localities which show certain shrines, to which dedication was made by kings and highly placed personages and the inscriptions attached speak volume for these. It appears that the southern part of the present town of Kathmandu was then in existence, and not the other part as all the remains belong to this area (Gnoli, nos. XIII, XVIII, XLIL XLIIJ, L VIII, LXI, LXVI ; BLI, nos. 4, 12). Similarly in Patan the central portion round the palace area appears to be the site known for the period (Gnoli, nos. XXII, XXIIJ, XXXVIII, XLV, LXVII, LXX, LXXI, LXXIV, LXIX; BLI, nos. 9, 10, 14). Within the present district of Kathmandu, two sites are easily identified as ancient as they preserve records as well as remains of the period. These are (1) Harigaon with one pillar and two stone inscrip· tions (Levi, nos. IV, XIII, XIV) and (2) Lazimpat wath the bas relief image of Yamana of Manadeva's time and three more lingas (phallus) structures with inscribed lines (Gnoli, nos. III, IV). Of the two sites Lazimpat was important because of the shrine of Visnu, but Harigaon had assumed political importance with two Charters of Amsuvarma and the devotional hymns in honour of Dvaipayana. Yet one more site in the vicinity of Kathmandu to its north-east, is Naksal Narayana Chaur (Gnoli, nos. LXIX; Levi, nos. XIX and XX). The order prohibiting certan animal transport through this area shows that Naksal was more arban than rural. In Bhatgaon, only a small portion covered by Golmadhitol and Tulachhe possess ancient remains supported by inscriptions (Bendall, n. 1 ; Levi, n. IX). But Bhatgaon was no more important than the site shown in Khopasi or Banepa or Chapagaon or Bungmati. Unlike the identified sites in Patan and Kathmandu which have to their credit compa· ratively largest number of relics and inscriptions, Bhatgaon was much a 15 16 17 18

Gnoli. n. LIX. BLJ, n. 15 (Gnoli, n. LXXXI). Gnoli, n. LXXIII. BLI, n. 11.

rn

ANCIENT NEPAL

smaller site. Farther east Sanga also has a stele (Levi, n. 15) and beyond the Valley Banepa (Gnoli, n. XXXIII) and Khopasi (Levi, n. XII) have each of them preserved a few ancient remains and one inscription. A mile north-west of Banepa, there is a townlet which has also a stone inscription of Sivadeva's time (519) and surely this is suggestive of the fact that the townlet named Nalagagrama in the inscription and now known as Nala was an important site. Other identifiable sites are Thankot, Malitar, Balambu, Satungal and Kisipidi-all situated in the western extremity of the Valley about 5 to 6 miles from the city of Kathmandu (Gnoli, n. XII ; Levi, n. VI ; Onoli, n. XV, XXVIII, XLIV, LI, LV, LVI). The shrine of Budhanilakantha and also Chapaligaon and Dharampur in its vicinity in the extreme north (Gnoli, nos. XXXVI, XXI, XXVI ; BLI, n. 5 ; Levi, nos. X and XI) and Sonaguthi midway between Chapagaon and Patan (Gnoli, nos. LXII, LXXVIII) to the immediate southern extremity also belong to remote antiquity (Chapagaon, Gnoli, n. XXXII). The area round Bungmati about 2 miles south of Patan also had a stele to establish its hoary past (BLI, n. 6). In the north-eastern extremity the present townlet of Sankhu seems also of some importance.19 Here we have a stele of the reign of Vamanadeva dated Samvat 462, which indicates that the site was quite an important one. In considering the question of identification of the sites we have recounted in the above few paragraphs it has to be borne in mind that the nomenclature they bear at the moment started since the tenth or eleventh century AD., and each stood by entirely a different name earlier to this. We have also to realise that it is well nigh impossible to establish with certainty the identity of village areas marked in the inscription. But one inference can be drawn without any risk. This is to suggest that whatever might have been the position of the site enjoying the possession of the stones with inscriptions, the areas round about them were certainly inhabited and sufficiently important economically or otherwise to attract the notice of the power that be. Thus there is reason to believe that the cluster of densely populated villages at Thankot and close by with Satungal and Balambu existed in ancient times and continued to exist several centuries later. So was the case with Dharampur, Tokha and " tions it doubtlessly appears that Sanskrit was the language of the court and was being understood by many in other parts of the kingdom. Literature in Sanskrit. was popular till quite recently up to the end of the so-called Newari dynasty. But there was no independent lndoAryan language getting advantage over the local dialect which continued in its place as a medium in cities and villages amongst the mass of ordinary people. The local dialect was probably the original form of the present day Newari. However, this was subjected to considerable influence in the contact with Sanskrit. A great many words were borrowed and adopted in the dialect. But the borrowing also had not put any strain on Newari. The words were put in proper shape to fit into the texture of a mono-syllabic language. Probably the shaping was done automatically by the faulty way of pronouncing. The phonetic factor had much to do with it. Sanskrit words by those used to converse in Mongoloid dialect became corrupt. The following are Sanskrit words moulded into Newari. Sanskrit Ghrtam Dughdham Sumana Nasika Jalam Vastram Dadhi (Dahi-Indo-Aryan) Babu Varsa Ausadhi

Newari Ghyo Duru Svan Nhya La Vasa Dhau

Bhau Va Vasa

English Clarified butter Milk Flower Nose Water Cloth Curd or yoghut Daughter-in-law Rain Medicine

34

ANCIENT NEPAL

More than seventy per cent. of the vocabulary in the Newari language are of Sanskritic origin but structurally changed. The structural basis, however, had not changed, so even linguistically the influence of Mongoloid and earlier dialects had been strong.

PRE-HISTORY The political boundary of Nepal at the present moment extends to lines very much farther than what they used to be in the ancient times. In ancient times the word, Nepal, meant only the Valley of Kathmandu and the state which came into existence under the same name could just include areas measuring hardly a hundred miles on both sides. Agam surrounded on all sides by inaccessible mountains and forest belts Nepal was like an oasis of civilisation and the wonder of wonders was the thick human habitation in it and the evolution of an advanced culture accompanying the same. The Valley of Nepal is approached from the south through the Sub-Himalayan chains of hills after passing two such, the Mahabharata and the allied ridge, at an interior site some sixty miles north of the Indo-Gangetic plain. Although all the ridges could be crossed on foot,. the difficulties of the thoroughfare were not in any way less, and even at the time when the Valley had advanced to a stage of civilisation its inaccessibility was a factor that could obtain no easy solution. One of the Buddhist Jataka gives a picture of the situation saying that Lord Buddha discouraged his disciples to undertake a journey across as the same was full of perils for reasons of wild beasts and tribes haunting the highways. But the Valley has a fertile soil with a fairly sufficient amount of rainfall and in addition, it is a fiat surface of wide dimensions, the only one of its kind in the entire portion of the central Himalayas. It is washed by numerous rivulets with sources in the north and, though generally enjoying cold climate, is sufficiently vegetated. The mid country consists of black soil and alluvium and the earth of the region in its entirety is such as to make for a very durable and strong type of bricks. Consequently, stone had been totally out of use for buildings of any kind, and its place was taken by bricks, just as it was in Huang valley of ancient China and in some of ancient community on the side of the Himalayas. All these played an important part in determining the demography of the area. Not only the Valley of Kathmandu came to occupy an

THE PEOPLE AND PRE-HISTORV

35

important place as a populated area having attracted migration at a very early age of history, but it was repeatedly subjected to visitation by emigrant hordes, which of course produced its repercussions in shaping the synthetic culture of the area at every phase of its development. The immigration has · been proportionately of a corresponding nature drawing its due from all directions. It is, however, possible that only the most adventurous of the migrants must have penetrated in the beginning. The outlet of the river Bagmati was probably the entrance, arld to the south goes the credit of allowing the passage for the earliest settlers. But the earliest settlers were not those who belonged to Aryan race. As we shall observe later on in this book the people first settling down in the Valley belonged to the same family as the Kols and Bhils in the plains of India. To this was added a significant number of Dravidians. Thereafter came the Tibeto-Burman emigrants and the section of them who had expanded in the north-east of India after being pressed by calamities at home. The process had been thus: the hilly interior of the Terai could readily absorb the migrating hordes, when some of them were pushed fur~her west from Assam hills and again from there they seem to have travelled upwards to the source of the Bagmati. Geological formation of the Nepal Valley points to a stage of its existence totally submerged under water. The hillocks interspersing the Valley at places were the only portions not exactly in that condition. The Valley otherwise happened to be the bed of the lake now dried. up. This accounts for the rich fertiJity of the soil, which nurtures several crops within twelve months of the year. The Nepalese culture evolved and advanced mainly through the topography and soil formation thus outlined. But for the cut provided by the river Bagmati's gorge. Nepal would also not come under superior cultural influences, which seem to have worked without much of physical contact. There has been not a single case of large-scale migration from the western India, the seat of culture at the time of our history. No doubt, we find a few Indian families of rulers and their entourage in the scene, which exerted a very powerful cultural influence but this did not modify in any way the racial composition of local inhabitants. Probably it was mainly due to the very meagre blood contact of the early inhabitants of Nepal with the Aryan stock of the plains, that the principal feature of the facial expresssion of the original stock of the Nepalese remains partly IndoMongoloid and partly Dravido-Austroid. Pre-historic exploration of the Valley of Nepal conducted in 1962 by a team of scholars from India did not bring out any trace of the existence of Paleolithic or earlier man. No stone tool or any kind of

36

ANCIENT NEPAL

cultural traces are available at the sites explored. According to the report only a few places were examined for materials like gravel and sand of the lower beds, which, however, did not yield any stone weapons and household instruments, chips or cone shaped. These places were mostly on the upper reaches of the streams in the Valley upto an altitude of 4500 ft. These emanate from the belts around the Valley. But all that came to hand were 'the pebbles, rolled blocks of granite, granito-genesis, schistos rocks rarely quartzite and a little vein quartly'. In some areas the rock materials also consisted of lime stone and quartzite pebbles. The explorers found at clift section site at site below 4300 ft. sand and clay, in some places black clay and brown to greyish brown clay. 26 Although the possibilities are not all exhausted, yet it is doubtful if ever a stone age culture could be discovered in the historic Nepal Valley. Perhaps the earliest settlers were emigrants from the Gangetic plains who had already developed a higher level of culture. The Valley reached an advanced stage of urban culture from a very long time. Its base was peasant economy like that of any other oriental culture, and the progress was retarded by social conflicts and by feudal forces resisting changes in the economy. And it was a prototype of ancient Indian culture with slight variation which Nepal in that course brought out. The Valley of Nepal was by nature very much favoured. It was free from very many natural calamities, like floods, drought, etc., and though winter was too cold it had a pleasant and working spring and summer. In the circumstances, it could enjoy a surplus of production. It was in the nature of the Ganges basin economy that the development took place. Consequently, a culture of aristocracy was born; fine art, sculpture, etc., flourished triumphantly. But these bear the imprint of Indian influence, as from the southern side all cultural inroads were made when the invaders imposed their own polity and regime on the primitive Nepalese. It seems that Nepal while assimilating all race influences in its own way yielded to some aspects of Indian culture to incorporate the same in its broad outline. Also one has to remember that contact with India was direct and regular as much as it could be with the facilities offered by nature. The country was practically shut in the north for all sorts of contacts till early 7th century A.D. The cultural tradition of Nepal, however, has its own peculiarities. Even if it has indelible impression of the Indian culture, it retained 26

A Preliminary Report issued by the Indian Aid Mission, Kathmandu.

THE PEOPLE AND PRE-HISTORY

37

certain traits of the Indo-Mongoloid culture intact. This was at a later date supplement by cultural contacts with Tibet to assimilate the very late cultural developments in the Lamaist country. Thus at a late period of history the culture of the Nepal Valley had come to resemble to a certain extent partly the Tibetan and partly the Indian cultural tradition of the early age, though essentially it was the latter which had the largest influence. But combining the two the Nepalese culture developed its own features to a certain extent. And let it be understood that by Nepalese culture we mean the one nourished in the Valley of Kathmandu. As till a very late period of history other tribes do not come into the picture, we also omit all the peoples except those enumerated above from the context. In our delineation of the customs and manners of the Newars of Kathmandu we have in detail described the main features of this culture as far as it has survived. We have not been able to give the date for the first settlement in the Valley. Archaeological investigation is practically not done. Nepal's pre-hisory is, therefore, a matter of a convenient guess. It is not even known whether the earliest immigrants entered the Valley in a state of pastoral life or whether any of such ancient communities do really survive today. But some customs can be identified with those of the tribes in the farthest east of India. Possibly when they settled down in the Valley, they were comparatively an advanced community. They manufactured certain pots of ornamented design by using a wheel and worked on copper and bronze. They had also developed a taste for wood carving and meta1 works. The black soil obtained in Nepal might have enabled them to develop a high style of pottery. Their agricultural instruments were spade of a large size and wooden earth breaker, but they did not use bullocks for ploughing. The absence of a method of ploughing by bullocks is attributed to the discovery at the early age that the soil was to be penetrated deeper for cultivation, and this could be only done by a spade. The soil thus rendered was fit for multi-seasonal crops or the peasants might have continued the hoe culture of the north-east region of India and later on found that ploughing did not fully serve the purpose. Other artifacts are not known. Amongst the domesticated animals the cow and buffalo immediately come to our notice, and the inhabitants took its milk as well as consumed its flesh. The foodgrains consisted of wheat, rice and maize, and fowls and ducks formed the birds domiciled by the manking. If the chronicles were to be believed, the class coming into being after a process of separation from the general population saw its light as soon as the migrating hordes from the Indian plains arrived. These came with an aristocratic culture with knowledge, instruments and better

38

ANCIENT NEPAL

skill of warfare and the same even after mixing with the local populace gradually drifted to form a separate ruling class much probably with the help of the indigenous aristocracy with whom they mixed freely and intermarried. The cultural inroad from India seems also to have been accompanied by political influence, which sometime after was responsible for the setting of a class in a community hitherto tribal and free from class domination. Bullock carts were not in use, nor any other conveyance driven by beasts of burden is traced out. For transport the inhabitants had made a peculiar artifact called Khamu still in use by the peasants consisting of two baskets tied in the shoulders of the man carrying the same. Such a type of a basket-like thing was to be found in Indo-Chinese region as well. But in the whole of Nepal it obtains in the Valley only. Horses and elephants did not exist during the very earliest phase of the Nepalese culture. They appeared with the Lichhavis. Because the Kirata emigrants were the most powerful community, probably the Kirati culture was the primitive culture of the area. The advent of the Lichhavis introduced new forms. Horses and elephants then made first appearance but they would not be acclimatised. It was said that they appeared along with the Mauryan expedition in India but no evidence of the practice of riding these animals is forthcoming in regard to Nepal. Probably because the Lichhavis in the plains used these animals for transport services, they carried their use to Nepal. But this did not seem to be operative till eariy first century A.D. For the structure of the building the reader is requested to see the following article in this volume on art and architecture. One does not know when they ceased to bury their dead. About the dress it can be said that it answered to the description of the T'ang history (vide below). This must be the correct manner of the dressing for we know the type of a cover as outlined in that text for upper body is still prevalent in some portions of Nepal, and more specially amongst the primitive Kiratas and also the Gurungs and Magars. Urban centres have not been traced for the period back beyond the 4th century A.D. The state of Nepal was originally tribal in organisation and possibly ruled by tribal heads with the help of customary laws. It was, however, a settled community which we encounter as far as habitation in the Valley comes to our mind, even the earliest of them seem to have been stabilised. The very original settlers as soon as they entered the Valley seem to have shaken off their nomadic habits. This was what the situation of the Valley determined. It provided a ground for a settled agriculture and surplus production for the commercial class of the urban areas. rn that process Nepal's early civilisation came also

THE PEOPLE AND PRE-HISTORY

39

to be associated with the republican structure of V aisali dominated by a cultured aristocracy without a ruling monarch. The same aristocracy was destined to become the ruling group when later on monarchy was introduced. We are yet ignorant of the superstition and religious beliefs of the pre-historic Nepalese. From the earliest times the Nepalese imbibed Saivism and Buddhism. But it is not to be supposed that the Nepalese cultural tradition had no roots· in the soil of Nepal. Much it imbibed from the materials as they existed in the Valley and also developed along a course determined by the isolated character of the region, and we find some original features still persisting to confirm our conclusion. Even the Buddhist principles of life had come to be adopted much modified by influences of the local environment. As common to all the people of Neolithic cultures, the Nepalese primitive also built his beliefs on magical rites performed to enhance and maintain the fertility of the soil and protection of the crops from the ravages of nature over which he had no control. All elements of nature were regarded as spirits beneficent or working for evils and it was thought that they affected man's destiny and sacrifices including those of human beings were offered to propitiate them. It seems that what the legends convey is more or less correct and this cannot· be incorrect because the practice we refer to, i.e., the sacrifice of human beings, continued as late as the beginning of the present century in some shrines inside the Nepal Valley. The Nepalese also believed in an elaborate ritualism accompanying the funefal of the dead to ward off the possibility of its taking demoniac existence likely to haunt the area and it was also seen that death took place inside the house premises. Female deities were regarded more important than the male ones, and this is also a peculiarity of the Neolithic Nepalese culture as also of the same culture in Bengal. We know nothing about the primitive art, the early mode of depicting images have not come to light. As for the writing of the period, the earliest script known happens to be Kharosthi (Asoka Pillar Inscription) but this is not available for the Nepal Valley. How far the script affected the course of cultural development cannot be exactly said. Probably writing began along with the advent of the Aryan aristocratic stock, may be in tHe 4th century A.D., from India and all literary and cultural activity was confined to these people. That is why the local dialect, Newari, would not come up to the level of a language of a literature. This state is also mainly responsible for the total absence of records delineating cultural tradition of the age. This is all for an introduction of the history of ancient and

40

ANCIENT NEPAL

medieval Nepal. We have certainly introduced a pre-historic material to the general narrative of events of the historical period but this was very essential as without this particular item the beginning of the history of Nepal would not be clearly presented. The cultural tradition of Nepal as it existed at the time has thus been aptly described. For the development of the periods following Nepal's pre-history the reader is referred to the chapters forming the main portion of the book.

CHAPTER III SOURCE MATERIALS For the history of Nepal of this period we have as sources some inscriptions and foreign accounts but they exist only for the period after the 4th century A.D. The earlier part of the history has had to be, therefore, referred to the accounts of the chronicles called Vamsavalis in Nepal, of which there are altogether four in our hands including the more authoritative find of Bendall. Hindu mythological works (The Puranas) available in the plains have almost without exception left Nepal out of their elaborate discourse. Only a few of them have passing reference, but these are quite unhelpful for our purpose in as much as they relate to the very dawn of the Nepalese history, and no amount of efforts would facilitate their verification. We shall refer to these texts a little later. The value of the chronicles on that account is so great that although the narrative is fantastic yet as the only available material for the period under review, they are indispensable. We shall now proceed to consider the extent to which the references in Purana and the Vamsavalis provide a source for the history of our period from 600 B.C. to 450 A.D. 1 Before considering the authenticity or otherwise of the chronicles let us now refer to some other treatises belonging to the Indian plains as different from those traced in the Nepal Valley proper. We have also a small Puranic literature originating in Nepal. We have two principal treatises on the subject, the (1) Nepala-mahatmya as it is incorporated in Skandapurana and (2) Svayambhu Purana. These have extensively described the religious centres of the Nepal Valley, but like other sources of the type they are valueless for our purpose. The dynasties of rulers they purpose to show seem as much fictitious as those of the chronicles. Their account is full of myths which are not reliable. Chronologically they belong to the recent past, so that their evidences seem not at all applicable to the ancient history. Now to take up the evidence of ancient texts of Indian origin. It so happens that he earliest reference to Nepal is in Kautilya's Arthasastra, where 1 Wright, History of Nepal, translated from the Vamsavali, 1867; Captain Klrkpatrick's Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, Sylvain Levi, Le Nepal, Vols. II, III, and Vamsavalis in possession of some individuals in Kathmandu; Bendall's find of the chronicles in 3 parts called the Gopala Rajavamsavali.

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the author talks of a woollen Nepali blanket to have been selling in Pataliputra.2 Attharva Parisistha has placed Nepal alone with Udumbara and Kamrupa (Weller, Ind. Studien, VIII, 413, X. 319). In the Brhatkatha Paisachi of Gunadhya there is a line about one Raja Yasaketu who was ruling in the city of Siva in Nepaladesa (Somadeva, Kathasaritsagara, XII, 22, V. 3; Ksemendra, Brhatkathamanjari, IX, V, 728). In the sixth century A.D. Varahamihira has mentioned Nepal along with certain other hill principalities (Levi, II, 63). Bharata's Natyasastra has also a like reference (XIII, 32). Susruta whose age is fixed before the 6th century B.C. also talks of Nepal but this might not be a part of the original text. The Mulasarvastivada-vinaya which was traced out by Hsing in 700 A.D. gives a story about how Buddha persuaded some of his disciples not to enter Nepal, as in his conception .the country was impassable, and full of ferocious tribes (Levi, II, p. 181). But all these references are as much inadequate in points of historical data as they relate to persons and places not identified, and therefore, the whole trend of findings as to the chronology and incidents is inconclusive. It may be noted here that the first reference to the country by its name in Napalese records is3 available in an inscription of Visnugupta dated Samvat 64, where the expression used is Nepa/a bhubhujo. The chronicles happen to be the only source of information for the very early period of Nepalese history in the circumstances. These serve as excellent materials so far as they provide a clue, however defective, to the chronology of the period. The long list of names appearing like an unbroken chain is a very valuable contribution of the chronicles towards framing a chronology. But unfortunately these lose much of their significance in view of their undue emphasis on the numerical strength of the genealogy, whiQb. they have pushed to a limit unwarranted by facts. They suffer mainly from inaccuracy of dates and inexactitude of regnal years which have been carelessly inserted to render the whole work fantastic and consequently unreliable. The very basis of a factual chronology is undermined under a false notion that the history of a country has had to be connected with the episode of the Mahabharata, if it had to inspire faith and reverence in the readers in respect of the country's past achievement. But this gave a result which proved itself on verification basically wrong, as it involved undesirable manipulation of names and years contrary to all factual presentation. a Kautilya : 4.staplauti sanghatva krsnabhingisi varsavarana mapasarka iti Naipalikan (Arthasastra 2 Adhikarana 11 Adhyaya JO Prakarana). s Gnoli: Nepalese Inscriptian in Gupta Characters, LXI, p. 81.

SOURCE MATERIALS

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An analysis of the account of the V amsavalis shows beyond doubt they have allotted :fictitiously long years of rule, introduced imaginary dynasties, reversed the order of succession and sacrificed contemporaneity of events to effect a wrongly detailed adjustment.' In almost all places the error has been too glaringly manifest to escape our notice, which may be taken as a general example of chronological disorder. Their beginning is full of errors. Genealogical tables of 6-7 centuries are nowhere near to correction. To take only one example of erroneous statement made out of time. This is about Amsuvarma whose regnal period is a settled fact. Amsuvarma who according to Hiuen Tsang (Yuan Chwang) flourished in about the time he visited India figures in the list of those who ruled the Valley some seven hundred years earlier. We cannot dispute Hiuen Tsang's statement. According to the chronicle he ascended the throne in 3100 years past Kaliyuga corresponding to 101 B.C., whereas his inscriptions have put that date in between c. 576-615 A.D. In the same strain all events preceding and following Amsuvarma have been wholly misplaced earlier than warranted by factual evidence, though the divergence of years seems to narrow down as the chronology approaches the thirteenth century A.D. But there too it is only a case of narrowing down and misplacement does not disappear, as in many instances contemporaneity has been sacrificed to fill the gap, and the two rulers who should have come in one place at the same time come one after the other. This method of juxtaposition and transposition has been very generally followed by the chroniclers.for almost every period of the Nepalese history. Of course, the chroniclers were hard put to it to follow such a course of action. As inadequacy in the numerical strength of the ruling dynasties would have it, they had to resort to a process of filling by imaginary dynasties, but this also not being widely possible they thought to mend matters by remoulding the entire order. So they lengthened reign periods, ·and the order of contemporary names was entirely recast to make them succeed one after the other. It follows that the chronicles have generally allotted sixty or seventy years to one reign, and in one particular instance, for six successors of Amsuvarma, a reign of hundred years each, an instance of exaggeration, which beat down all the cases of fantastic enumeration. In this strain even a few fictitious dynasties of rulers had to be introduced, and the most prominent example of such insertion is provided by the Ayodhya stock which is indisputably proved 'Levi, II, Ch. II; IA, XIII, 412c; IA, XIV, 345 ff; Kirkpatrick, 260 ff. Hamilton, Ch. IV; Wright, Ch. I; IA, VIII, p. 89.

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to be only a product of the chronicler's imagination. Likewise the Regent Premier Ahirs, the predecessors of Amsuvarma, whose contemporaneity with some notable Indian princes of the period has been incontrovertibly established by the Manjusrimulakalpa and the local inscriptions, were put in the early years of Kaliyuga some three thousand years earlier. Notwithstanding these errors the Vamsavalis have invariably supplied names in regard to the history of the period, which had to go without them for lack of authentic materials given by the inscriptions or foreign accounts, as the case may be. To this extent they have proved immensely helpful to the historian of Nepal. 5 Incidentally as far as the research material available up-to-date is concerned, there is little glimpse of the time in question in inscriptions or available narratives. These are traced to belong to a very late period of our history to the 4th century A.D., and as such one has to depend exclusively on the chronicles for the history of the entire period previous to that century. Our conclusiOns, therefore, are independent of the universally acknowledged evidence of inscriptions or like data for the history of that period. We can discern similar irregularities almost at every turn. All these are fully dealt with in the volume, Medieval Nepal Part I (pp. 21ff). We should note that not a single chronicle is an exception to the general character. Even the ancient chronicle V 1 composed in the l 4th century A.D. is full of mistakes as far as it gives the chronology of the ancient history of Nepal. We have divided the chronicles into two groups, the ancient and later, the latter again divided into two, the B and B,1 to which again the reader is directed to refer for further information to the passages in Medieval Nepal, Part I.

Inscriptions

Because the chronicles are of little value for the writing of the ancient history of Nepal, our only source for that period is the group of inscriptions available to us. We shall deal with the details of the inscriptions at a later stage. But we must remember that they start only since the 5th century A.D., and therefore the earlier centuries remain s The chronicles though all of them agreeing on the main point of chronological order do differ in details, but this alone does not make any difference as to their utility as historical treatises. Some of them have also persued a particular theme in the story.

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as dark as ever. However. we may utilise the information supplied by the chronicles for any worth they possess. All inscriptions are on stones though there is one reference to a copper plate (Gnoli, LXVIII). These are considerable in number, though the important 011es are limited. Two inscriptions provide genealogy of the Lichhavi kings. As the inscriptions stand in chronological order. the information collected from their statements is coherent and historically most useful. It is possible that the absence of any sort of mention in the Puranic texts might have been due to ignorance about the country which, because of the insurmountable barriers of the mid-Himalayan ranges. was virtually closed to outsiders for a long time. The chronicles have tried to trace the history of Nepal to the very early years of world history, but in the absence of authentic records, the account they produce loses much of its significance as far as it reminds to be corroborated by factual evidence. Yet there is no other way save to form an outline of the early history on the materials supplied by them, and we have to guard ourselves against taking very seriously the order of events they have so laboriously presented. In any case some anecdotes have come as a link between important events of proved reliability, and we have used them in probable details as we give the following narrative for the dawn of Nepalese history and culture. Numismatic

There are copper coins variously called Mananka, Gunanka and Pasupati as well as those struck in the names of Amsuvarma and Jisnugupta for our period. By themselves they might not be as useful but in the light of the information provided by the inscriptions. they are quite important for us in as much as they go to support the evidence of the inscriptions in respect of the genealogy of the kings who are easily identified as those figuring in the coins. No new coin giving a historical name has been traced since E. H. Walsh published his book in 1908. The Chinese who visited Nepal in 646 A.D. tell us that copper coins were in circulation, and they bore the images of bull or horse respectively. Archaeological Sources

Having spoken of inscriptions. we would like to talk of archaeological sources of the ancient history, which, however, are conspicuous by their absence.

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No archaeological ruins have been noticed. which would provide clue to the many spots our inscriptions talk about. But recently at a site known as Dhumvarahi, about 2 miles northwest of the heart of the city of Kathmandu, excavations have yielded results in the direction, though much inadequate. The materials discovered are terracotta images and inscribed seals. The latter show characters of the 4th century A.D. Thus the site historically might belong to the period corresponding to the script on seals. We shall have occasions to refer to excavated articles. But it is enough to state here that these materials by themselves do not throw any more light on the history of the time about which we are so much concerned.

External Sources In the volume dealing with the early Medieval history we have shown Nepal in relation to ancient literature as to how it was located and depicted historically or otherwise. We noticed that references to Nepal in ancient treatises were obtained no doubt but these were very few ; specially in classical works of the early era the reference was strictly limited. Of the foreigners Hiuen Tsang was the first person to mention Nepal in his note. Greek account of Nepal does not existProbably they had not heard of this country. This was probably due to the secluded nature of the EVA TO SIVADEVA

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far as it applies to Nepal. The work was composed by Gos-lo-stsa-ba gzon-nu-dpal (1392-1481 A.O.). According to Roerich this work 'shares with Bu-ston Rimpoche's the distinction of having been the main source of information for all 'later historical compilations in Tibet'. The author of the Blue Annals was familiar with the text of MMK, but found the relevant passage under discussion referring to Tibet. He thinks that all the royal names from Lichhavi Manadeva to Jisnu are those of the Tibetan kings. 42 It is beyond the scope of this book to discuss the validity or otherwise of Gos-lo-stsa-ba's contention. But broadly as other dynasties of India are treated in the text by the author of the MMK in this way, the passage must refer to Nepal. The point, however, is to decide whether the various names in its list of Nepalese rulers could ever be identified. To my mind the author of the MMK had a very hazy knowledge of the history of Nepal, and thus he produced a confusing list of royal names. His talk of chaos after Manadeva's 80 years might be somewhat true. But why call the rulers Mlechas ? If it was done with a bias against the Abhira feudatories this may not hold ground as none of them had ever usurped the throne. An attempt might be made to identify certain Gupta potentates with the names of the MMK but we shall do this without imparting any kind of regnal glory to them. It has to be understood that they were utmost Regents of the Lichhavi kings. Bhumigupta seems to be the same person as Bhugupta whose name the MMK has noted. He is Bhaumagupta in all inscriptional records . 0 Except in Jisnugupta's reference to him as his grandfather. where he spells Bhumi. He might be an earlier contemporary of Amsuvarma and according to Kirkpatrick's authority his son and successor was the last ruler of this line. The chronicle mentions the present day little village of Matatirtha on the north west ridge of the Valley as the capital of the Ahir Guptas. According to chronicles the following is the list of powerful personages belonging to this dynasty who preceded Bhagupta. K. P. Jayaswal allocates the following probable dates for their reigns: Paramagupta c.500 A.D. Harsagupta c.525 A.O. Manigupta c.550 A.O. Visnugupta c.575 A.D. Yaksagupta- Jayagupta II (K) c.590 A.O. 42 Blue Annals or Deb-ther snon-po translated by George N. Roerich, Calcutta, 1949, Pt. I, pp. 44 ff. o Gnoli, XIX, XX.

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Paramagupta is identified with Parakrama of MMK, who wrested power from the Lichhavis. We might suggest that he had rendered the throne of the Lichhavis ineffective by overshadowing it. He is probably Kramalilah, the Maharaja Samanta of the reign of Vasantadeva and Ramadeva.u His grandson Bhismagupta had two sons, one of whom ruled from Simraongarh, twenty miles south east of Raxaul. The other son Visnugupta had to leave the Nepal Valley under pressure of invasion by Manadeva II identified with the one of Sumatitantra, but the final expulsion of the dynasty took place some years later at the hands of Manadeva's successors. There was a shortlived revival under Yaksagupta who is identified with Vatsaka of MMK. There is also a coin with the legend V aisravana, which is ascribed to Yaksagupta. But this coin which has the image of a man with a cow has, on all opinions, been declared to belong to Amsuvarma era and therefore not to the reign of Yaksagupta. 4' K. P. Jayaswal said that there was another line of the same dynasty seated in the Terai, which had branched off from the main line since the time of Jisnugupta. Its foremost representative was Jayagupta II whose coins in gold and copper, were dug out from the ruins in Champaran. These coins give inscriptions in Guptan character of the age of Harsa. A clay mould also has been traced to him out of the Nalanda excavated store (JBORS, Ibid, p. 215). But whether it will be proper to connect him with Jisnugupta cannot be said with certainty, for the above is just a guess and interpretation. The chronicles give yet one more line of three rulers following Jayagupta II. It is not at all improbable in view of the coins of Varasimha available in the Terai that Jayagupta's dynasty was superseded by that of Varasimha. It may be that this line continued to rule in the Terai as feudal lords up to the accession of Amsuvarma to power, who finally liquidated the Gupta dynasty. However, before they were ousted, the Guptas appear to have held the most predominant place in the affairs of the state. The account of their having set up their own regime must not be true. But there cannot be any doubt that for about a period of 75 years they constituted the real power behind the throne. In all records ·of inscriptions issued by Vasantadeva, Ramadeva and Ganadeva they enjoy the same status "Inscriptions, Gnoli, op. cit. Because of the common legend Kamadohi in the. Vaisravana (Walsh, I, 4) and one of Amsuvarma's coins (Walsh, .I, 5), quite likely that the former also belongs to Amsuvarma. 45

VRSADEVA TO SIVADEVA

147

as goes to Amsuvarma and Jisnugupta under their respective sover· eigns. If Amsuvarma and Jisnugupta have been designated as de facto rulers, there is no reason that the same designation should be denied to Ravigupta, Kramalilah and Bhaumagupta who figure in the earlier inscriptions. The author of the Manjusritantra had probably accepted his story from a biased source. It shows bias against the Gupta family. I do not know of any evidence of an Abhira invasion from Nepalese or foreign records. Nor I know of Ahir Gupta rulers usurping the throne at any time as suggested by R. C. Majumdar.1.6 We shall have occasion to say about their relation with Amsuvarma who dominated Nepal in the early 7th century A.O. Jayaswal's theory of Kirata revival in the last quarter of the 6th century rests on a weak ground. Further again, we are not justified to call the Gupta potentates as Mlechas and deviating from the path of religious duty. The inscriptions show that they were deeply religious. We have the inscription of one Abhiri, mother of Bhaumagupta, who had set up a Sivalinga after. her husband's name (Gnoli, XVI). Also, the image of Harihara was set up for the blessing of Bhaumagupta, Bhaumagupta's grandson Jisnugupta who ruled as a Regent for sometime in early 7th Century A.O. always showed in his records his deep devotion to Pasupatinatha and Narayana (Gnoli. LIV). Nowhere these Abhira potentates show disrespect towards the deities. R. C. Majumdar talks of an invasion by the Abhiras towards the close of the 6th century A.O. He thinks that the victorious Abhiras ruled for sometime ousting the Lichhavis, but they were defeated by AQ)suvarma. I think that this kind of surmise cannot be supported. As we shall find later there is no evidence of the Abhiras fighting anybody who supported the throne, nor by their actions they seem to have destroyed the throne as such. It is yet difficult to find out how the disturbances before Sivadeva's accession were caused. Amsuvarma who in the many inscriptions of Sivadeva47 is called the destroyer of enemies rises soon after. Therefore it can be said definitely that he was the rising star emerging triumphant out of the situation. 46

47

B. C. Law Volume, pp. 634-35. XXVII, XXVIII, XXXI.

HCIP. The Classical Age, pp. 85-86.

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Manodeva If tmd Sivadeva I We in vain look for Manadeva in the list (c) above. But as the noting of the Sumatitantra states he was flourishing in Saka 498 (=576 A.D.). We shall again at this stage have a look into the genealogy of the chronicles. After Gunadeva :

y1

1. Gunakamadeva 40 2. Sivadeva 41 3. Champadeva who came from Bhota 41, 9 He built monasteries, and staged a dance Act of Ramayana. 4. Narendradeva 34 5. Bhimadeva 14-Thereafter the Solar dynasty was overthrown 6. and Sivagupta reigned 77 7. Visnugupta 71 8. Bhumigupta 45 of the Solar dynasty restored with Sivadeva but he gave his throne to Amsuvarma, his sister's son. Group B 2 The genealogy agrees in toto with the V1 but year varies a little. The chronicles say that after Mahideva eight generations ruled. Thereafter the Gopala dynasty started, Visnugupta 71, Bhumigupta 45, restoration of the Solar dynasty with Sivadeva who gives his throne to Amsuvarma. The chronicler of Group B2 says that Sivadeva built the nine storey palace in Deopatan. According to the same chronicle Cham· padevi (and not Champadeva) a female ascetic from Bhot visited Nepal. Wright omits Champadeva and calls Narendradeva the brother of Sivadeva, who ruled be