Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament with Supplement 9781400882762

Table of contents :
Cover
Title
Copyright
Contents
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD EDITION
ABBREVIATIONS
I. MYTHS, EPICS, AND LEGENDS
EGYPTIAN MYTHS, TALES, AND MORTUARY TEXTS
Creation and Myths of Origins
The Creation by Atum
Another Version of the Creation by Atum
The Theology of Memphis
The Repulsing of the Dragon and the Creation
All Men Created Equal in Opportunity
Thebes as the Place of Creation
The Assignment of Functions to Thoth
The Primeval Establishment of Order
The Mythological Origin of Certain Unclean Animals
Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction
Heroic Tales—Exploits of Gods and Human Beings
The Repulsing of the Dragon
The God and His Unknown Name of Power
The Contest of Horus and Seth for the Rule
Astarte and the Tribute of the Sea
The Story of Si-nuhe
The Taking of Joppa
The Story of Two Brothers
The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia
The Legend of the Possessed Princess
The Tradition of Seven Lean Years in Egypt
Mortuary Texts: Life after Death
The Conquest of Death
The Fields of Paradise
The Good Fortune of the Dead
The Protestation of Guiltlessness
SUMERIAN MYTHS AND EPIC TALES
Enki and Ninhursag: a Paradise Myth
Dumuzi and Enkimdu: the Dispute between the Shepherd-God and the Farmer-God
The Deluge
Gilgamesh and Agga
Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living
The Death of Gilgamesh
Inanna’s Descent to the Nether World
The Duties and Powers of the Gods: Inscription on the Statue of King Kurigalzu
AKKADIAN MYTHS AND EPICS
The Creation Epic
The Creation Epic—Additions to Tablets V-VII
The Epic of Gilgamesh
The Epic of Gilgamesh—Notes and Additions
Creation of Man by the Mother Goddess
A Cosmological Incantation: The Worm and the Toothache
Adapa
Nergal and Ereshkigal
Nergal and Ereshkigal—Additions
Atrahasis
Atrahasis—Additional Texts
Descent of Ishtar to the Nether World
A Vision of the Nether World
The Myth of Zu
The Myth of Zu
Etana
Etana—Additions
The Legend of Sargon
A Babylonian Theogony
HITTITE MYTHS, EPICS, AND LEGENDS
The Moon that Fell from Heaven
Kingship in Heaven
The Song of Ullikummis
The Myth of Illuyankas
The Telepinus Myth
El, Ashertu and the Storm-god
UGARITIC MYTHS, EPICS, AND LEGENDS
Poems about Baal and Anath
The Legend of King Keret
The Tale of Aqhat
II. LEGAL TEXTS
COLLECTIONS OF LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR
The Laws of Ur-Nammu
Sumerian Laws, YBC 2177
The Edict of Ammisaduqa
Lipit-Ishtar Lawcode
The Laws of Eshnunna
The Code of Hammurabi
The Middle Assyrian Laws
The Hittite Laws
The Neo-Babylonian Laws
EGYPTIAN AND HITTITE TREATIES
Egyptian Treaty
Treaty between the Hittites and Egypt
Hittite Treaties
Treaty between Hattusilis and Ramses II
Treaty between Mursilis and Duppi-Tessub of Amurru
God List, Blessings and Curses of the Treaty between Suppiluliumas and Mattiwaza
Treaty of Suppiluliumas and Aziras of Amurru
AKKADIAN TREATIES FROM SYRIA AND ASSYRIA
Treaty between Niqmepa of Alalakh and Ir-^dIM of Tunip
Treaty between Idrimi and Pilliya
Treaty between Ashurnirari V of Assyria and Mati’ilu of Arpad
Treaty of Esarhaddon with Baal of Tyre
The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon
HITTITE INSTRUCTIONS
Instructions for Palace Personnel to Insure the King’s Purity
Instructions for Temple Officials
From the Instructions for the Commander of the Border Guards
DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRACTICE OF LAW
Egyptian Documents
A Royal Decree of Temple Privilege
The Vizier of Egypt
Results of a Trial for Conspiracy
From the Record of a Lawsuit
Mesopotamian Legal Documents
Sumerian
Old Akkadian
New Sumerian
Old Assyrian
Old Babylonian
Late Sumerian
Middle Babylonian
Nuzi Akkadian
Middle Assyrian
Neo-Assyrian
Neo-Babylonian
Additional Mesopotamian Legal Documents
Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine
Mibtahiah’s First Marriage
Contract of Mibtahiah’s Third Marriage
Manumission of a Female Slave and her Daughter, June 12, 427 B.C.
Marriage Contract of a Former Slave Girl who is Subject to Paramone, 420 B.C.
III. HISTORICAL TEXTS
EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS
Brief Texts of the Old Kingdom
Asiatic Campaigns under Pepi I
Middle Kingdom Egyptian Contacts with Asia
The Egyptian Mines in Sinai
The Inscription of Khu-Sebek, Called Djaa
Asiatics in Egyptian Household Service
The Hyksos in Egypt
The War against the Hyksos
The War against the Hyksos
The Expulsion of the Hyksos
The Asiatic Campaigns of Thut-mose III
Lists of Asiatic Countries under the Egyptian Empire
A Trip to the Lebanon for Cedar
Pharaoh as a Sportsman
The Asiatic Campaigning of Amen-hotep II
A Syrian Captive Colony in Thebes
Scenes of Asiatic Commerce in Theban Tombs
The Egyptians and the Gods of Asia
Texts from the Tomb of General Hor-em-heb
Tut-ankh-Amon’s Restoration after the Amarna Revolution
The Era of the City of Tanis
A Campaign of Seti I in Northern Palestine
Campaigns of Seti I in Asia
Beth-Shan Stelae of Seti I and Ramses II
The Asiatic Campaigning of Ramses II
The Journal of a Frontier Official
The Report of a Frontier Official
The Pursuit of Runaway Slaves
A Syrian Interregnum
From the Lists of Ramses III
The War against the Peoples of the Sea
The Megiddo Ivories
The Campaign of Sheshonk I
BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS
Texts from the Beginnings to the First Dynasty of Babylon
Historiographic Documents
The Sumerian King List
The “Sargon Chronicle”
Historical Documents
Sargon of Agade
Naram-Sin in the Cedar Mountain
Gudea, ensi of Lagash
Texts from Hammurabi to the Downfall of the Assyrian Empire
Historiographic Documents
List of Date Formulae of the Reign of Hummurabi
List of Year Names: Samsuiluna, King of Babylon
The Babylonian King List B
The Babylonian King List A
The Synchronistic Chronicle
Excerpts from the Lists of Assyrian Eponyms
The Assyrian King List
Historical Documents
Shamshi-Adad I (about 1726-1694): First Contact with the West
The Dedication of the Shamash Temple by Yahdun-Lim
The Story of Idrimi, King of Alalakh
Tiglath-pileser I (1114-1076): Expeditions to Syria, the Lebanon, and the Mediterranean Sea
Ashurnasirpal II (883-859): Expedition to Carchemish and the Lebanon
The Banquet of Ashurnasirpal II
Shalmaneser III (858-824): The Fight against the Aramean Coalition
Adad-nirari III (810-783): Expedition to Palestine
Tiglath-pileser III (744-727): Campaigns against Syria and Palestine
Sargon II (721-705): The Fall of Samaria
Sennacherib (704-681)
Esarhaddon (680-669)
Ashurbanipal (668-633)
The Neo-Babylonian Empire and its Successors
Historiographic Documents
Text from the First Year of Belibni to the Accession Year of Shamashshumukin
Text from the First Year of Esarhaddon to the First Year of Shamashshumukin
Text from the Tenth to the Seventeenth Year of Nabopolassar: Events Leading to the Fall of Nineveh
Text from the Accession Year of Nabonidus to the Fall of Babylon
The Uruk King List from Kandalanu to Seleucus II
A Seleucid King List
Historical Documents
Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562)
The Conquest of Jerusalem
Nabonidus (555-539)
The Mother of Nabodinus
Nabonidus and his God
Cyrus (557-529)
Xerxes (485-465)
Antiochus Soter (280-262/1)
HITTITE HISTORICAL TEXTS
Suppiluliumas Destroys the Kingdom of Mitanni
Suppiluliumas and the Egyptian Queen
Hattusilis on Muwatallis’ War against Egypt
PALESTINIAN INSCRIPTIONS
The Gezer Calendar
The Moabite Stone
The Ostraca of Samaria
The Siloam Inscription
The Lachish Ostraca
A Letter from the Time of Josiah
Three Ostraca from Arad
IV. RITUALS, INCANTATIONS, AND DESCRIPTIONS OF FESTIVALS
EGYPTIAN RITUALS AND INCANTATIONS
A Ritual for Offering Food
The Daily Ritual in the Temple
Circumcision in Egypt
Charms against Snakes
Curses and Threats
Magical Protection for a Child
The Execration of Asiatic Princes
Religious Drama in Egypt
AKKADIAN RITUALS
Temple Program for the New Year’s Festival at Babylon
Ritual to be Followed by the Kalū-Priest when Covering the Temple Kettle-Drum
Temple Ritual for the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Days of an Unknown Month at Uruk
Ritual for the Repair of a Temple
Program of the Pageant of the Statue of the God Anu at Uruk
Daily Sacrifices to the Gods of the City of Uruk
HITTITE RITUALS, INCANTATIONS, AND DESCRIPTION OF FESTIVAL
Ritual for the Purification of God and Man
Ritual to Counteract Sorcery
Ritual against Pestilence
Purification Ritual Engaging the Help of Protective Demons
Ritual against Impotence
Ritual against Domestic Quarrel
Evocatio
The Soldiers’ Oath
Ritual before Battle
Removal of the Threat Implied in an Evil Omen
Ritual for the Erection of a House
Ritual for the Erection of a New Palace
The Festival of the Warrior-God
V. HYMNS AND PRAYERS
EGYPTIAN HYMNS AND PRAYERS
A Hymn to Amon-Re
A Universalist Hymn to the Sun
Amon as the Sole God
The God Amon as Healer and Magician
The Hymn to the Aton
Hymns to the Gods as a Single God
Hymn to the Nile
The Hymn of Victory of Thut-mose III
From Amen-hotep Ill’s Building Inscription
Hymn of Victory of Mer-ne-Ptah (The “Israel Stela”)
Joy at the Accession of Mer-ne-Ptah
Joy at the Accession of Ramses IV
A Prayer of Thoth
A Prayer to Re-Har-akhti
A Prayer for Help in the Law Court
Gratitude for a God’s Mercy
A Penitential Hymn to a Goddess
SUMERIAN PETITION
Petition to a King
SUMERO-AKKADIAN HYMNS AND PRAYERS
Hymn to Ishtar
Prayer of Lamentation to Ishtar
Hymn to the Moon-God
Prayer to the Moon-God
Prayer of Ashurbanipal to the Sun-God
Hymn to the Sun-God
Psalm to Marduk
Prayer to the Gods of the Night
Prayer to Every God
SUMERIAN HYMNS
Hymn to Enlil, the All-Beneficent
Hymn to Enlil as the Ruling Deity of the Universe
Hymn to Ninurta as God of Vegetation
Hymn to Ninurta as a God of Wrath
Ishkur and the Destruction of the Rebellious Land
Self-Laudatory Hymn of Inanna and Her Omnipotence
Hymnal Prayer of Enheduanna: The Adoration of Inanna in Ur
Hymn to the Ekur
Ur-Nammu Hymn: Building of the Ekur and Blessing by Enlil
The King of the Road: A Self-Laudatory Shulgi Hymn
HITTITE PRAYERS
Prayer of Pudu-hepas to the Sun-Goddess of Arinna and her Circle
Plague Prayers of Mursilis
Daily Prayer of the King
Prayer to be Spoken in an Emergency
Prayer of Arnuwandas and Asmu-Nikkal Concerning the Ravages Inflicted on Hittite Cult-Centers
Prayer of Kantuzilis for Relief from his Sufferings
VI. DIDACTIC AND WISDOM LITERATURE
FABLES AND DIDACTIC TALES
Egyptian Didactic Tales
A Dispute over Suicide
The Protests of the Eloquent Peasant
Akkadian Fable
Dispute between the Date Palm and the Tamarisk
Dispute between the Tamarisk and the Date Palm
PROVERBS AND PRECEPTS
Egyptian Instructions
The Instruction of the Vizier Ptah-hotep
The Instruction for King Meri-ka-Re
The Instruction of King Amen-em-het
The Instruction of Prince Hor-dedef
The Instruction of Ani
The Instruction of Amen-em-Opet
Akkadian Proverbs and Counsels
Proverbs
Proverbs
The Instructions of Shuruppak
Counsels of Wisdom
Counsels of Wisdom
Aramaic Proverbs and Precepts
The Words of Ahiqar
OBSERVATIONS ON LIFE AND THE WORLD ORDER
Egyptian Observations
The Divine Attributes of Pharaoh
In Praise of Learned Scribes
The Satire on the Trades
Sumerian Wisdom Text
Man and his God: A Sumerian Variation of the “Job” Motif
Akkadian Observations on Life and the World Order
“I Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom”
Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi, “I Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom”
A Pessimistic Dialogue between Master and Servant
The Dialogue of Pessimism
A Dialogue about Human Misery
The Babylonian Theodicy
ORACLES AND PROPHECIES
Egyptian Oracles and Prophecies
The Admonitions of Ipu-wer
The Prophecy of Nefer-rohu
The Divine Nomination of Thut-mose III
The Divine Nomination of an Ethiopian King
A Divine Oracle through Visible Sign
A Divine Oracle through a Dream
Akkadian Oracles and Prophecies
An Old Babylonian Oracle from Uruk
Oracles Concerning Esarhaddon
Oracles Concerning Esarhaddon
A Letter to Ashurbanipal
A Letter to Ashurbanipal
Oracle of Ninlil Concerning Ashurbanipal
An Oracular Dream Concerning Ashurbanipal
An Oracular Dream Concerning Ashurbanipal
Prophecies
Prophecies
VII. LAMENTATIONS
SUMERIAN LAMENTATIONS
Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur
Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur
VIII. SECULAR SONGS AND POEMS
EGYPTIAN SECULAR SONGS AND POEMS
A Song of the Harper
Love Songs
Songs of the Common People
In Praise of the City Ramses
IX. LETTERS
AN EGYPTIAN LETTER
A Satirical Letter
A SUMERIAN LETTER
Letter of King Ibbi-Sin
AKKADIAN LETTERS
The Mari Letters
The Amarna Letters
AKKADIAN LETTERS
Divine Revelations (Appendix k-x)
The Substitute King
A Happy Reign
A Royal Decree of Equity
A Letter to a God
Punishment by Fire
Treaties and Coalitions (a-b)
“The God of my Father”
A Loan between Gentlemen
A Boy to his Mother
Divine Revelations (Appendix, k-x)
ARAMAIC LETTERS
Letters of the Jews in Elephantine
Assignment to a New Lessor of Land Abandoned in the Egyptian Rebellion of 410 B.c. (For letters in Hebrew see the Lachish Ostraca, pp. 321-322)
X. MISCELLANEOUS TEXTS
EGYPTIAN TEXTS
The Authority of Ancient Documents
The Interpretation of Dreams
SUMERIAN SACRED MARRIAGE TEXTS
Dumuzi and Inanna: Pride of Pedigree
Dumuzi and Inanna: Love in the Gipar
Dumuzi and Inanna: Courting, Marriage, and Honeymoon
Dumuzi and Inanna: The Ecstasy of Love
Inanna and the King: Blessing on the Wedding Night
Dumuzi and Inanna: Prayer for Water and Bread
Dumuzi and Inanna: Prosperity in the Palace
“Lettuce is my Hair”: A Love-Song for Shu-Sin
“Life is your Coming”: The King as Brother and Son-in-law
“The Honey-man”: Love-Song to a King
“Set me Free, my Sister”: The Sated Lover
SUMERIAN MISCELLANEOUS TEXTS
The Curse of Agade: The Ekur Avenged
Ua-aua: A Sumerian Lullaby
SUMERIAN LOVE SONG
Love Song to a King
HITTITE OMEN
Investigating the Anger of the Gods
CANAANITE AND ARAMAIC INSCRIPTIONS
Building Inscriptions
Yehimilk of Byblos
Azitawadda of Adana
Kilamuwa of Y’dy-Sam’al
Barrakab of Y’dy-Sam’al
Cultic Inscriptions
Ben-Hadad of Damascus
Kilamuwa of Y’dy-Sam’al
Zakir of Hamat and Lu‘ath
Yehawmilk of Byblos
The Marseilles Tariff
The Carthage Tariff
The King of Kedar
Punic Ex-voto Inscriptions
Incantations
The Amulet from Arslan Tash
The Uruk Incantation
Political Documents
The Treaty between KTK and Arpad
Sepulchral Inscriptions
Ahiram of Byblos
Agbar, Priest of the Moon-god in Nerab
Tabnit of Sidon
Eshmun‘azar of Sidon
SOUTH-ARABIAN IN SCRIPTIONS
Sabaean Inscriptions
Minaean Inscriptions
Qatabanian Inscriptions
Hadrami Inscriptions
XI. SUPPLEMENT
ADDENDA
Index of Biblical References
Index of Names

Citation preview

Ancient N ear Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament

T R A N SL A T O R S A N D A N N O T A TO R S fW . F. Albright, Johns Hopkins University Robert D. Biggs, University of Chicago J. J. Finkelstein, Yale University H.

L. Ginsberg, Jewish Theological Seminary

tAlbrecht Goetze, Yale University A. K. Grayson, University of Toronto A. Jamme, W.F., The Catholic University S. N. Kramer, University of Pennsylvania fTheophile J. Meek, University of Toronto William L . Moran, S.J., Harvard University A . Leo Oppenheim, University of Chicago fRobert H. Pfeiffer, Harvard University Erica Reiner, University of Chicago Franz Rosenthal, Yale University A . Sachs, Brown University fE . A. Speiser, University of Pennsylvania fFerris J. Stephens, Yale University John A. Wilson, University of Chicago

ANCIENT NEAR

EASTERN

TEXTS

‘Relating to the Old Testament EDITED JAMES

BY

B. P R I T C H A R D

Third Edition with Supplement

PRINCETO N PRINCETO N

• NEW JE R S E Y

U N IVERSITY PRESS 1969

C O P Y R IG H T © C O P Y R IG H T ©

1 9 5 0 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 9 6 9 , B Y P R IN C E T O N U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S R E N E W E D 1 9 7 8 B Y P R IN C E T O N U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S A L L R IG H T S R E SE R V E D SEC O N D E D IT IO N , 1 9 5 5

T H IR D E D IT IO N W IT H S U P P L E M E N T , 1 9 6 9

Third printing, 1974 Fifth printing, 1992 l .c .c . n o . i .s .b . n

7 8 -7 6 4 9 9

. 0 -6 9 1-0 3 5 0 3 -2

11

12

10

ISBN - 13 : 978 -0 - 691 - 03503-1 (doth)

P R I N T E D I N T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S O F A M E R IC A

Contents T H IR D ED IT IO N W IT H SU PPLEM EN T I ntroduction

xix

I ntroduction to t h e T hird E dition

xxv

A bbreviations

677

I. M Y T H S , E P I C S , A N D L E G E N D S E gyptian M yth s , T ales , and M ortuary T exts (John A . Wilson)

3

Creation and Myths of Origins The Creation by A turn Another Version of the Creation by Atum The Theology of Memphis The Repulsing of the Dragon and the Creation A ll Men Created Equal in Opportunity Thebes as the Place of Creation The Assignment of Functions to Thoth The Primeval Establishment of Order The Mythological Origin of Certain Unclean Animals

3 3 3 4 6 7 8 8 9 10

Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction

10

Heroic Tales—Exploits of Gods and Human Beings

11

The Repulsing of the Dragon The God and His Unknown Name of Power The Contest of Horus and Seth for the Rule Astarte and the Tribute of the Sea The Story of Si-nuhe The Taking of Joppa The Story of Tw o Brothers The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia The Legend of the Possessed Princess The Tradition of Seven Lean Years in Egypt

11 12 14 17 18 22 23 25 29 31

Mortuary Texts: Life after Death The The The The

Conquest of Death Fields of Paradise Good Fortune of the Dead Protestation of Guiltlessness

32 32 33 33 34

CO NTENTS

S u m erian M yth s and E pic T ales (S. N . Kramer)

Enki and Ninhursag: a Paradise Myth Dumuzi and Enkimdu: the Dispute between the Shepherd-God and the Farmer-God The Deluge Gilgamesh and A gga Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living The Death of Gilgamesh Inanna’s Descent to the Nether World The Duties and Powers of the Gods: Inscription on the Statue of K ing Kurigalzu A kkadian M yth s and E pics

37

37 41 42 44 47 50 52 57 60

The Creation Epic (E. A . Speiser) The Creation Epic—Additions to Tablets V-VII (A . K . Grayson) The Epic of Gilgamesh (E. A . Speiser) The Epic of Gilgamesh—Notes and Additions(A . K . Grayson) Creation of Man by the Mother Goddess (E. A . Speiser) A Cosmological Incantation: The Worm and the Toothache (E. A . Speiser) Adapa (E. A . Speiser) Nergal and Ereshkigal (E. A . Speiser) Nergal and Ereshkigal—Additions (A . K . Grayson) Atrahasis (E. A . Speiser) Atrahasis—Additional Texts (A . K . Grayson) Descent of Ishtar to the Nether World (E. A. Speiser) A Vision of the Nether World (E. A . Speiser) The Myth of Zu (E. A . Speiser) The Myth of Zu (A . K . Grayson) Etana (E. A . Speiser) Etana—Additions (A . K . Grayson) The Legend of Sargon (E. A . Speiser) A Babylonian Theogony (A . K . Grayson) H ittite M yth s , E pics, and L egends (Albrecht Goetze)

The Moon that Fell from Heaven Kingship in Heaven The Song of Ullikummis The Myth of Illuyankas The Telepinus Myth El, Ashertu and the Storm-god

60 501 72 503 99 100 101 103 507 104 512 106 109 in 514 114 517 119 517 120

120 120 121 125 126 519

U garitic M yths , E pics, and L egends (H . L. Ginsberg)

Poems about Baal and Anath

129 129

vi

CON TEN TS

The Legend of K in g Keret The Tale of Aqhat

142 *49 II. L E G A L T E X T S

C ollections of L aw s from M esopotamia and A sia M inor

The Laws of Ur-Nammu (J. J. Finkelstein) Sumerian Laws, Y B C 2177 (J. J. Finkelstein) The Edict of Ammisaduqa (J. J. Finkelstein) Lipit-Ishtar Lawcode (S. N. Kramer) The Laws of Eshnunna (Albrecht Goetze) The Code of Hammurabi (Theophile J. Meek) The Middle Assyrian Laws (Theophile J. Meek) The Hittite Laws (Albrecht Goetze) The Neo-Babylonian Laws (Theophile J. Meek) E gyptian and H ittite T reaties

159

523 525 526 159 161 163 180 188 197 199

Egyptian Treaty (John A . Wilson)

199

Treaty between the Hittites and Egypt

199

Hittite Treaties (Albrecht Goetze)

201

Treaty between Hattusilis and Ramses II Treaty between Mursilis and Duppi-Tessub of Amurru God List, Blessings and Curses of the Treaty between Suppiluliumas and Mattiwaza Treaty of Suppiluliumas and Aziras of Amurru A kkadian T reaties from S yria and A ssyria (Erica Reiner)

Treaty between Niqmepa of Alalakh andIr-diM of Tunip Treaty between Idrimi and Pilliya Treaty between Ashurnirari V of Assyria andMati’ilu of Arpad Treaty of Esarhaddon with Baal of Tyre The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon H ittite Instructions (Albrecht Goetze)

201 203 205 529 531

531 532 532 533 534 207

Instructions for Palace Personnel to Insure the King’s Purity Instructions for Temple Officials From the Instructions for the Commander of the Border Guards D ocuments from th e P ractice of L aw

207 207 210 212

Egyptian Documents (John A . Wilson)

212

A Royal Decree of Temple Privilege The Vizier of Egypt

212 212

vii

CO NTENTS

Results of a Trial for Conspiracy From the Record of a Lawsuit

214 216

Mesopotamian Legal Documents (Theophile J. Meek) Sumerian Old Akkadian New Sumerian Old Assyrian Old Babylonian Late Sumerian Middle Babylonian N uzi Akkadian Middle Assyrian Neo-Assyrian Neo-Babylonian

2 17 217 2 17 2 17 217 218 219 219 219 220 221 221

Additional Mesopotamian Legal Documents (J. J. Finkelstein)

542

Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine (H . L . Ginsberg)

222

Mibtahiah’s First Marriage Contract of Mibtahiah’s Third Marriage Manumission of a Female Slave and her Daughter, June 12, 427 b .c . Marriage Contract of a Former Slave Girl who is Subject to Paramone, 420 b .c . III.

222 222 548 548

H ISTO RICAL TEXTS

E gyptian H istorical T exts (John A . Wilson)

227

Brief Texts of the Old Kingdom Asiatic Campaigns under Pepi I Middle Kingdom Egyptian Contacts with Asia The Egyptian Mines in Sinai The Inscription of Khu-Sebek, Called Djaa Asiatics in Egyptian Household Service The Hyksos in Egypt The War against the Hyksos The War against the Hyksos (Continued) The Expulsion of the Hyksos The Asiatic Campaigns of Thut-mose III Lists of Asiatic Countries under the Egyptian Empire A Trip to the Lebanon for Cedar Pharaoh as a Sportsman The Asiatic Campaigning of Amen-hotep II A Syrian Captive Colony in Thebes

viii

227 227 228 229 230 553 230 232 554 233 234 242 243 243 245 248

CONTENTS

Scenes of Asiatic Commerce in Theban Tombs The Egyptians and the Gods of Asia Texts from the Tomb of General Hor-em-heb Tut-ankh-Amon’s Restoration after the Amarna Revolution The Era of the City of Tanis A Campaign of Seti I in Northern Palestine Campaigns of Seti 1 in Asia Beth-Shan Stelae of Seti I and Ramses II The Asiatic Campaigning of Ramses II The Journal of a Frontier Official The Report of a Frontier Official The Pursuit of Runaway Slaves A Syrian Interregnum From the Lists of Ramses III The War against the Peoples of theSea The Megiddo Ivories The Campaign of Sheshonk I B abylo nian and A ssyrian H istorical T exts (A . Leo Oppenheim)

Texts from the Beginnings to the First Dynasty of Babylon

248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 255 258 259 259 260 260 262 263 263 265 265

Historiographic Documents

265

The Sumerian K ing List The “ Sargon Chronicle”

265 266

Historical Documents

267

Sargon of Agade Naram-Sin in the Cedar Mountain Gudea, e n s i of Lagash

267 268 268

Texts from Hammurabi to the Downfall of the Assyrian Empire Historiographic Documents

269 269

List of Date Formulae of the Reign of Hummurabi List of Year Names: Samsuiluna,King of Babylon The Babylonian King List B The Babylonian King List A The Synchronistic Chronicle Excerpts from the Lists of Assyrian Eponyms The Assyrian K ing List Historical Documents

269 271 271 272 272 274 564 274

Shamshi-Adad I (about 1726-1694): First Contactwith the West

ix

274

CON TEN TS

The Dedication of the Shamash Temple by Yahdun-Lim The Story of Idrimi, K ing of Alalakh Tiglath-pileser I (1114 -10 76 ): Expeditions to Syria, the Lebanon, and the Mediterranean Sea Ashurnasirpal II (883-859): Expedition to Carchemish and the Lebanon The Banquet of Ashurnasirpal II Shalmaneser III (858-824): The Fight against the Aramean Coalition Adad-nirari III (810-783): Expedition to Palestine Tiglath-pileser III (744-727): Campaigns against Syria and Palestine Sargon II (721-705): The Fall of Samaria Sennacherib (704-681) Esarhaddon (680-669) Ashurbanipal (668-633) The Neo-Babylonian Empire and its Successors Historiographic Documents

556 557 274 275 558 276 281 282 284 287 289 294 301 301

Text from the First Year of Belibnito the Accession Year of Shamashshumukin Text from the First Year of Esarhaddon to the First Year of Shamashshumukin Text from the Tenth to the Seventeenth Year of Nabopolassar: Events Leading to the Fall of Nineveh Text from the Accession Year of Nabonidus to the Fall of Babylon The Uruk King List from Kandalanu to Seleucus II A Seleucid K in g List Historical Documents

301 303 303 305 566 566 307

Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562) The Conquest of Jerusalem Nabonidus (555-539) The Mother of Nabodinus Nabonidus and his God Cyrus (557-529) Xerxes (485-465) Antiochus Soter (280-262/1)

307 563 308 560 562 315 316 317

H rm TE H istorical T exts (Albrecht Goetze)

318

Suppiluliumas Destroys the Kingdom of Mitanni Suppiluliumas and the Egyptian Queen Hattusilis on Muwatallis’ W ar against Egypt P a lestin ian I nscriptions (W . F. Albright)

318 319 319 320

The Gezer Calendar The Moabite Stone The Ostraca of Samaria

320 320 321

x

CON TEN TS

The Siloam Inscription The Lachish Ostraca A Letter from the Tim e of Josiah Three Ostraca from Arad

IV .

321 321 568 568

RITU ALS, IN CAN TATIO N S, AND D E S C R IP T IO N S OF F E S T I V A L S

E gyptian R ituals and I ncantations (John A . Wilson)

A Ritual for Offering Food The Daily Ritual in the Temple Circumcision in Egypt Charms against Snakes Curses and Threats Magical Protection for a Child The Execration of Asiatic Princes Religious Drama in Egypt

325

325 325 326 326 326 328 328 329

A kkadian R ituals (A . Sachs)

331

Temple Program for the New Year’s Festival at Babylon Ritual to be Followed by the Aa/«-Priest when Covering the Temple Kettle-Drum Temple Ritual for the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Daysof an Unknown Month at Uruk Ritual for the Repair of a Temple Program of the Pageant of the Statue of the God Anu at Uruk Daily Sacrifices to the Gods of the City of Uruk H rm TE R ituals , I ncantations , and D escription of F estival (Albrecht Goetze)

Ritual for the Purification of God and Man Ritual to Counteract Sorcery Ritual against Pestilence Purification Ritual Engaging the Help of Protective Demons Ritual against Impotence Ritual against Domestic Quarrel Evocatio The Soldiers’ Oath Ritual before Battle Removal of the Threat Implied in an Evil Omen Ritual for the Erection of a House Ritual for the Erection of a New Palace The Festival of the Warrior-God

xi

331 334 338 339 342 343 346 346 347 347 348 349 350 351 353 354 355 356 357 358

CON TEN TS

V.

Y M N S A N D P R A Y E RH S

E gyptian H y m n s and P rayers (John A . Wilson)

A Hymn to Amon-Re A Universalist Hymn to the Sun Amon as the Sole God The God Amon as Healer and Magician The Hym n to the Aton Hymns to the Gods as a Single God Hymn to the Nile The Hymn of Victory of Thut-mose III From Amen-hotep I ll’s Building Inscription Hymn of Victory of Mer-ne-Ptah (The “ Israel Stela” ) Joy at the Accession of Mer-ne-Ptah Joy at the Accession of Ramses IV A Prayer of Thoth A Prayer to Re-Har-akhti A Prayer for Help in the Law Court Gratitude for a God’s Mercy A Penitential Hymn to a Goddess S u m erian P etition (S. N . Kramer)

365 365 367 368 369 369 371 372 373 375 376 378 378 379 379 380 380 381 382

Petition to a K in g

382

S umero -A kkadian H y m n s and P rayers (Ferris J. Stephens)

Hym n to Ishtar Prayer of Lamentation to Ishtar Hymn to the Moon-God Prayer to the Moon-God Prayer of Ashurbanipal to the Sun-God Hym n to the Sun-God Psalm to Marduk Prayer to the Gods of the Night Prayer to Every God

383 383 383 385 386 386 387 389 390 391

Sumerian H ym ns (S. N . Kramer)

573

Hym n to Enlil, the All-Beneficent Hym n to Enlil as the Ruling Deity of the Universe Hymn to Ninurta as God of Vegetation Hym n to Ninurta as a God of Wrath Ishkur and the Destruction of the Rebellious Land Self-Laudatory Hymn of Inanna and Her Omnipotence

xii

573 576 576 577 577 578

CON TEN TS

Hymnal Prayer of Enheduanna: The Adoration of Inanna in Ur Hymn to the Ekur Ur-Nammu Hym n: Building of the Ekur and Blessing by Enlil The King of the Road: A Self-Laudatory Shulgi Hymn H rm TE P rayers (Albrecht Goetze)

393

Prayer of Pudu-hepas to the Sun-Goddess of Arinna and her Circle Plague Prayers of Mursilis Daily Prayer of the King Prayer to be Spoken in an Emergency Prayer of Arnuwandas and Asmu-Nikkal Concerning the Ravages Inflicted on Hittite Cult-Centers Prayer of Kantuzilis for Relief from his Sufferings V I.

394 396 397 399 400

405

Egyptian Didactic Tales (John A . Wilson)

405

A Dispute over Suicide The Protests of the Eloquent Peasant

405 407

Akkadian Fable

410

Dispute between the Date Palm and the Tamarisk Dispute between the Tamarisk and the Date Palm

(RobertH.Pfeiffer) (RobertD. Biggs)

410 592 412

P roverbs and P recepts

Egyptian Instructions (John A. Wilson) Instruction Instruction Instruction Instruction Instruction Instruction

393

D ID A C T IC A N D W ISDOM L IT E R A T U R E

F ables and D idactic T ales

The The The The The The

579 582 583 584

412

of the Vizier Ptah-hotep for King Meri-ka-Re of K ing Amen-em-het of Prince Hor-dedef of Ani of Amen-em-Opet

412 414 418 419 420 421

Akkadian Proverbs and Counsels

425

Proverbs (Robert H. Pfeiffer) Proverbs (Robert D. Biggs) The Instructions of Shuruppak (Robert D. Biggs) Counsels of Wisdom (Robert H . Pfeiffer) Counsels of Wisdom (Robert D. Biggs) Aramaic Proverbs and Precepts (H . L. Ginsberg) The Words ^f Ahiqar

425 593 594 426 595 427 427

xiii

CONTENTS

O bservations on L ife and th e W orld O rder

431

Egyptian Observations (John A. Wilson)

431

The Divine Attributes of Pharaoh In Praise of Learned Scribes The Satire on the Trades

431 431 432

Sumerian Wisdom Text (S. N . Kramer)

589

Man and his God: A Sumerian Variation of the “ Job” Motif Akkadian Observations on Life and the World Order “ I Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom” (Robert H. Pfeiffer) Ludlul Bel N em eqi, “ I W ill Praise the Lord of Wisdom” (Robert D. Biggs) A Pessimistic Dialogue between Master and Servant (Robert H. Pfeiffer) The Dialogue of Pessimism (Robert D. Biggs) A Dialogue about Human Misery (Robert H. Pfeiffer) The Babylonian Theodicy (Robert D. Biggs)

589 434 434 596 437 600 438 601 441

Oracles and P rophecies

Egyptian Oracles and Prophecies (John A. Wilson)

441

The Admonitions of Ipu-wer The Prophecy of Nefer-rohu The Divine Nomination of Thut-mose III The Divine Nomination of an Ethiopian King A Divine Oracle through Visible Sign A Divine Oracle through a Dream

441 444 446 447 448 449

Akkadian Oracles and Prophecies

449

A n Old Babylonian Oracle from Uruk (Robert D. Biggs) Oracles Concerning Esarhaddon (Robert H. Pfeiffer) Oracles Concerning Esarhaddon (Robert D. Biggs) A Letter to Ashurbanipal (Robert H. Pfeiffer) A Letter to Ashurbanipal (Robert D. Biggs) Oracle of Ninlil Concerning Ashurbanipal (Robert H. Pfeiffer) A n Oracular Dream Concerning Ashurbanipal (Robert H. Pfeiffer) A n Oracular Dream Concerning Ashurbanipal (Robert D. Biggs) Prophecies (Robert H. Pfeiffer) Prophecies (Robert D. Biggs)

604 449 605 450 605 450 451 606 451 606

VII. L A M E N T A T IO N S S u m erian L am entations (S. N . Kramer)

455

Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur

xiv

455 611

CO N TEN TS

VIII.

SECULAR

SONGS AND POEMS

E gyptian S ecular S ongs and P oems (John A . Wilson)

A Song of the Harper Love Songs Songs of the Common People In Praise of the City Ramses

467 467 467 469 470

IX .L E T T E R S A

n

Egyptian L e tte r (John A . Wilson)

475

A Satirical Letter

475

A S u m erian L etter (S. N . Kramer)

480

Letter of King Ibbi-Sin

480

A kkadian L etters (W . F. Albright)

482

The Mari Letters The Amarna Letters

482 483

A kkadian L etters (William L . Moran, S.J.)

623

Divine Revelations (Appendix k-x) The Substitute King A Happy Reign A Royal Decree of Equity A Letter to a God Punishment by Fire Treaties and Coalitions (a-b) “The God of my Father” A Loan between Gentlemen A Boy to his Mother Divine Revelations (Appendix, k-x)

623 626 626 627 6 27 627 628 628 629 629 629

A r am aic L etters (H . L . Ginsberg)

491

Letters of the Jews in Elephantine Assignment to a New Lessor of Land Abandoned in the Egyptian Rebellion of 410 B.c. (For letters in Hebrew see the Lachish Ostraca, pp. 321-322) X.

491 633

L A N E O U S T EMXISCTSE L

E gyptian T exts (John A . Wilson)

495

The Authority of Ancient Documents The Interpretation of Dreams

495 495

xv

CO N TEN TS

S u m erian S acred M arriage T exts (S. N . Kramer)

Dumuzi and Inanna: Pride of Pedigree Dumuzi and Inanna: Love in the Gipar Dumuzi and Inanna: Courting, Marriage, and Honeymoon Dumuzi and Inanna: The Ecstasy of Love Inanna and the K ing: Blessing on the Wedding Night Dumuzi and Inanna: Prayer for Water and Bread Dumuzi and Inanna: Prosperity in the Palace “ Lettuce is my Hair” :A Love-Song for Shu-Sin “ Life is your Coming” : The K ing as Brother and Son-in-law “ The Honey-man” : Love-Song to a K in g “ Set me Free, my Sister” : The Sated Lover S u m erian M iscellaneous T exts (S. N . Kramer)

637 637 638 638 639 640 641 642 644 644 645 645 646

The Curse of Agade: The Ekur Avenged Ua-aua: A Sumerian Lullaby

646 651

S u m erian L ove S ong (S. N . Kramer)

496

Love Song to a K ing

496

H ittite Omen (Albrecht Goetze)

497

Investigating the Anger of the Gods

497

C a n a an ite and A ram aic I nscriptions (Franz Rosenthal)

Building Inscriptions

653 653

Yehimilk of Byblos Azitawadda of Adana Kilamuwa of YVy-Sam’al Barrakab of YWy-Sam’al

653 653 654 655

Cultic Inscriptions

655

Ben-Hadad of Damascus Kilamuwa of YWy-Sam’al Zakir of Hamat and Lu'ath Yehawmilk of Byblos The Marseilles Tariff The Carthage Tariff The K ing of Kedar Punic Ex-voto Inscriptions

655 655 655 656 656 657 657 658

Incantations

658

The Amulet from Arslan Tash The Uruk Incantation

658 658

xvi

CONTENTS

Political Documents

659

The Treaty between K T K and Arpad

659

Sepulchral Inscriptions

661

Ahiram of Byblos Agbar, Priest of theMoon-god in Nerab Tabnit of Sidon Eshmun'azar of Sidon S o u t h -A r a b ia n I n sc r ip t io n s

661 661 662 662

(A . Jamme, W .F.)

663

Sabaean Inscriptions Minaean Inscriptions Qatabanian Inscriptions Hadrami Inscriptions

663 665 667 669 X I. S U P P L E M E N T 671

A d d en d a

Index of Biblical References

683

Index of Names

687

xvii

Introduction ancient Near East, until about a century ago, had as its chief witness the text of the Hebrew Bible. Relatively insignificant was the evidence recovered from sources outside the Bible; that which had been found had not been sufficiently understood to serve as a reliable historical source. Through explorations and excavations carried on within the last century in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and Syria, a wealth of new information has become available. This new light from extrabiblical texts has served not only to enlarge immeasurably the horizon for a knowl­ edge of the ancient Near East, but it has also sharpened considerably the understanding of the content of the Bible itself. Not infrequently has an interest in biblical history and literature led those who pursued it into fields of discovery which have had far-reaching significance for humanistic studies in general. Hitherto unknown languages with considerable literatures have been the by­ products of activity begun by those interested primarily in biblical research. The results of the labor of those whose interest led them beyond the narrower confines have now become the tools of all biblical scholars. The purpose of this work is to make available to students of the ancient Near East—serious stu­ dents of the Old Testament, we believe, are necessarily such—the most important extrabiblical texts in translations which represent the best understanding which present-day scholarship has achieved. Many of the relevant texts have been hitherto accessible only in obscure and highly technical journals. Some have been circulated widely in translations which represent a stage of understanding now happily superseded by more thorough study. Yet other texts included here have not hitherto been published in translation into a modern language. This is not the first attempt of its kind. Extrabiblical sources have long been considered important for an understanding of the Hebrew Bible. Almost three centuries ago, John Spencer, Master of Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, sought to interpret the ritual laws of the Hebrews in the light of the relevant material from Egypt, Greece, and Rome.1 As early as 1714, Hadrian Reland of Utrecht published his monumental work on Palestinian geography,8 in which he recognized the importance of the monuments for biblical study. W. Robertson Smith' and Julius Wellhausen,* in the latter part of the nineteenth century, found in the literature of Arabia a point of vantage for a better understanding of biblical customs and institutions. The importance of Assyriology for biblical studies was widely heralded through the spectacular announcements of George Smith. In a paper read before the Society of Biblical Archaeology on December 3,1872, Smith gave translations from the Assyrian account of the flood and predicted that “we may expect many other discoveries throwing light on these ancient periods.”' Two years later he described the fragments of an extrabiblical account of creation in a letter to the London Daily Telegraph * These sensational announcements served to create interest among biblical scholars in the science of Assyriology, as well as to elicit popular support for further excavation and research. At about the same time that England was becoming aware of the significance of cuneiform studies, Eberhard Schrader published his Die Keilinschriften und das dte Testament (1872), a work which enjoyed the popularity of successive editions in German and an English translation.7 Schrader’s arrangement of the relevant cuneiform material was in the form of a commentary upon the canonical books. Later, H. Winckler published a textbook of the cuneiform inscriptions illustrating the biblical material; this appeared in three editions.*

T

he

1 De lcgibus Hebraeorum ritudibus et earum rationibus (Cambridge, 1685). 2 Pdaestina ex monumentis veteribus iUustrata. * Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (1885). 4 Reste arabischen Heidentums (1887). * Transactions of the Society of Biblicd Archaeology, it (1873), 213-234. * March 4,1875. 7 Second ed., 1883; 3rd ed., entirely rewritten by H. Zimmern and H. Winckler, 1903; English translation of 2nd ed. by O. C. Whitehouse, 1 (1885), 11 (1888). 8Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum dten Testament (Leipzig, 1892, 1903, 1909).

xix

INTRODUCTION

In the same year in which the third edition of Winckler’s textbook appeared, Hugo Gressmann published his Altorientdische Texte und Bidder zum alten Testamente (1909). As general editor, Gressmann was responsible for the choice of the pictures and the accompanying descriptions; A. Ungnad and H. Ranke translated the texts. Ranke’s translations of the Egyptian texts marked the first important collection of Egyptian material made with special reference to the Old Testament. Gressmann, in his general introduction to the work, emphasized the goals of objectivity and com­ pleteness. The translations should serve, he maintained, not only for comparison and illustration, but for contrast. This cooperative enterprise was successful, in that this work quickly became a standard work of reference for biblical scholars. By 1926 the discoveries of new texts and the im­ proved understanding of old ones warranted an entirely new edition of Gressmann’s Texte und Bilder.* The quantity of translations was almost doubled. Ranke translated the Egyptian texts; E. Ebeling was responsible for the Babylonian-Assyrian ones; Gressmantf offered the North Semitic inscriptions and papyri; and N. Rhodokanakis translated a selection of South Arabic inscriptions. This work has remained until now as the most useful collection of extrabiblical material bearing upon the Old Testament. For the service rendered to French readers, mention should be made of Charles-F. Jean, La littirature des Babyloniens et des Assyriens (Paris, 1924), where many of the relevant texts are translated. A more popular treatment of the significance of the extrabiblical ma­ terial appeared in A. Jeremias, Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients, which first appeared in 1904. This book appeared in four German editions and in a two-volume translation into English.10 R. W. Rogers was the first to assemble and to present in English translation a collection of the cuneiform texts bearing upon the Old Testament. In 1912 there appeared his Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, in which the available material was given in transliteration and translation; a second edition appeared in 1926. Even more widely used by English-speaking students of the Bible was G. A. Barton’s Archaeology and the Bible, which first appeared in 1916, containing in Part n a generous selection of translations of Near Eastern texts, those from cuneiform having been trans­ lated by Barton himself. The translations were interspersed with notes calling attention to the biblical parallels. Barton revised this book periodically, bringing in new texts as they appeared; the seventh edition was published in 1937. Invaluable service has been rendered by this popular book in making widely known the epigraphic material which is of importance for biblical study. For English translations of Egyptian literature, students have been able to make use of the works of J. H. Breasted,11 A. Erman,12 and T. E. Peet.12 The embarrassing wealth of comparative material from the ancient Near East has made the task of selecting texts for the present volume a difficult one. Two criteria have been used in choosing the material. First, an attempt has been made to include those texts which have, from time to time, been cited in recognized commentaries as parallel to, or illustrative of, certain passages in the Old Testament. Frequently the appearance of a biblical name has been the criterion for inclusion. In other cases a treatment of a biblical theme by the writer of a text has occasioned the selection. In yet other instances a text has been included because it is representative of a type of literature—such as prayer, lamentation, ritual—which figures prominently in the Old Testament. In no case does the selection of a text commit the editor or the translator to a particular view with regard to the relationship of a biblical passage to extrabiblical material. Secondly, an attempt has been made in selecting texts for this volume to give representative types of literary expression from each of the linguistic and cultural areas of the ancient Near East. This standard has arisen out of a desire to give as broad an interpretation as possible to parallels. Relationships of the Israelites to their neigh9Bilder appeared in 1927. 10 Second ed., 1906; 3rd ed., 1916; 4th ed., 1930; The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East, 2 vols. (London, 19 11). 11 Ancient Records of Egypt, i-v (Chicago, 1906-07); Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (New York, 1912); The Dawn of Conscience (New York, 1934). 12 The literature of the Ancient Egyptians, translated into English by A. M. Blackman (I/>ndon, 1 9 2 7 ) . 19 A Comparative Study of the Literatures o f Egypt, Palestine, and Mesopotamia (London, 1031). XX

INTRODUCTION

bors can be seen to.best advantage only when there is a fairly comprehensive picture of the neighbors. Thus there has been attempted a fair sampling of the extant literature from quarters contiguous to Palestine. This broader selection of materials serves yet another purpose: it makes the collection of use to students of other phases of the history of the ancient Near East. While this is the largest collection of translations of texts relating to the Old Testament yet made, two practical considerations have limited our attainment of the goal of a truly representative selec­ tion. First, the accidents of discovery have frequently—to judge from past experience—presented anything but a representative sampling of the epigraphic material of a particular culture. Thus it may well be that certain types of literary expression from a given area have turned up in abundance, while other types of texts remain either entirely unrepresented, or with but few examples. In ap­ praising any area or period one must keep in mind the real possibility that the sampling obtained from excavations may not necessarily be representative. Secondly, the availability of competent scholars, who could give useful translations of the known texts, has limited at a few points the selection offered in this volume. Certain areas are represented by only a few examples of texts because of the limitations which other duties or interests imposed on the scholars best equipped to make trustworthy translations. No compromise in the quality of translation was considered worth making in the interest of achieving the ideal of a completely representative selection. It should be noted, however, that the number of competent scholars who have contributed to this project is several times more than that of those who have engaged hitherto in such an undertaking. Particularly baffling has been the problem of selecting Babylonian and Assyrian historical texts. Obviously the more important records of Babylonian and Assyrian kings mentioned in the Old Testament should be included—particularly those texts which describe campaigns conducted in Palestine and Syria. The reference in a text to a place or person known from the Bible often has been the criterion for inclusion. This selection with its index should place within ready reach the cuneiform texts containing geographical information about Syro-Palestine as it was recorded by the royal scribes of the invaders from Mesopotamia. While no claim is made for an exhaustive listing of the Palestinian place names in the records from Mesopotamia, one may expect to find here the more important references found in the texts preserved from each of the major periods of Mesopotamian history from the beginning down through the early part of the third century b .c . In addition to the specifically historical material there has been included for each major period of Mesopotamian history a representative selection of historiographic documents, as illustrations of the methods employed by the chroniclers of the names of kings, the years, and the important events in history. These texts, while obviously not relevant to the content of the Old Testament, have been considered important as background material, throwing light upon the methods of ancient historical science. While Gressmann’s Altorientalische Texte zum alten Testament has served as a basis for discussion in the making of the present choice, the selection is a new one. The editor has had the cooperation of the contributors in this task. He, rather than they, must shoulder the final responsibility for the choice made. References are frequently given to significant discussions of the relationship of the texts to biblical passages in order that the student may form his own opinion of the relation of Israel to the surrounding world. The references in the footnotes to biblical material are intended to help the honest student, not to cajole him. It is hoped that this volume of translations, intended primarily for students of the Old Testament, will serve to give a perspective for a better understanding of the likenesses and the differences which existed between Israel and the surrounding cultures. The arrangement of the texts is according to literary types. The advantage of this order over that followed by Gressmann was first suggested by Professor Ferris J. Stephens: the greatest number of readers will approach this work from an interest in the Old Testament rather than primarily from an interest in one of the other linguistic or cultural areas. For those whose interest is regional or linguistic, there has been compiled a second table of contents listing the texts according to languages. The form of the presentation of each text aims at supplying the reader with the greatest amount

xxi

INTRODUCTION

of help within the least possible space. Brief introductions are given, as a rule, to the translations. They are calculated to supply, when available, the following information: a title which indicates something of the contents of the text, the provenience, the date of composition and of the actual writing of the particular text translated, the original or official publication, important translations, references to important discussions or commentaries, and other bibliographical references which might be useful to the reader. In some cases, where the contents of the text are very obscure, a brief note of interpretation has been added. An attempt has been made to keep the introductions brief so that as many texts as possible could be included in the volume. The introduction to the text and the annotations printed in the footnotes are the work of the translator whose name appears at the beginning of the section. The general form of citation and of reference claims only the authority of general usage. At many points, what prevails as general usage in a particular discipline has been surrendered in the interest of consistency throughout the volume. Only in rare instances could the editor find such ancient authority for his demands as in the case of the numbering of every tenth line of poetry, a practice to be seen, for example, in certain cuneiform texts.1* More frequently he has had to adopt a rule and adhere to it, in spite of the good-natured taunts of the contributors. In the interest of readability the text of the translation proper has been kept as free as possible from diacritics. Normalized spellings of proper names have been employed within the translations. This means, for example, that proper names from cuneiform sources have the simple h for the h, to which cuneiformists are accustomed. Thus, every h in proper names from cuneiform texts, except those preceded by s, repre­ sents the h. Also, in the normalization of proper names the / is rendered as sh. Unless some serious misunderstanding is likely to result the differences between s and /, t and f, are not indicated in proper names appearing in the translations. The name of the Assyrian god A llur has been normal­ ized to Ashur, despite the fact that this form so widely used in English publications does not indicate the doubling of the I. Italics within the translations have been used for two purposes: first, to designate a doubtful translation of a known text; secondly, to indicate transliterations. While this second use of italics has been the general rule, in some cases it was necessary to differentiate the languages in transliterations. Here practices prevailing in the particular discipline to which the text belongs have been followed. For example, in texts where it was necessary to indicate that the transliteration was Sumerian, letter-spaced Roman was used; italic was used for the Akkadian; small capitals were used to indicate the ideogram or the cuneiform sign. In transliterations of Akkadian words diacritics have been omitted from all determinatives (indicated by superior letters). Square brackets have been used for restorations; round brackets (parentheses) indicate inter­ polations made by the translator for a better understanding of the translation. Obvious scribal omis­ sions have been placed between triangular brackets; braces indicate instances of scribal repetition of material. In the translations from Ugaritic, half square brackets have been used to designate a text which has been partly restored. A lacuna has been indicated by three dots; in case the lacuna comes before a final sentence dot, four dots appear. Following customary usage in some disciplines, a lacuna in which the text is wholly damaged or missing has been indicated in some translations by three dots enclosed within square brackets. The length of a long broken portion of text has sometimes been indicated by the translator with a statement within parentheses. Short breaks generally have not been indicated as to length; three dots may thus mean a break from as little as one sign or symbol to entire lines or passages. It has been assumed that readers who could make effective use of the information concerning the length of the missing portion of the text would be likely to have access to the original text or its transliter­ ation. References to the tablets, columns, lines of the text have been given usually in parentheses either within the translation, as in prose, or in the right-hand margin, when the form is poetry. Capital Roman numerals indicate the number of the tablet or some other well-recognized division; lower14 e.g. CT, xni ( ig o i), 14-15; K 13,761 (King, STC, 1 , 164).

xxii

INTRODUCTION

case Roman numerals have been used for columns; Arabic numerals indicate the line or lines. The Egyptian hieratic texts often used rubrics for emphasis or punctuation: passages in red ink, where the general context was in black ink. The translations of these texts use small-capital letters to indicate such rubrics. It is a source of considerable pride that there have been eleven translators who have cooperated to produce this volume. Each is a specialist within the fi?ld with which he deals. The competence of the several translators is attested by the scientific literature which they have contributed upon various problems within their respective fields. In many cases the translators have had first-hand acquaintance with the texts themselves; in every case the translator has made use of the original or scientific publication of the text which he has translated. Because of the original character of this work the contributors to the volume have frequently felt it necessary to include in the footnotes matters of considerably more technical nature than the non-specialist is likely to utilize. These notes, it is hoped, will not distract the general reader. They will be of service, where they appear, to the more specialized reader in enabling him to see the grounds for some of the newer readings and translations offered in this volume. The spirit of cooperative scholarship has been apparent throughout the four years this volume has been in preparation. On occasions it has been possible for members of the group to meet together for discussion of the various problems arising out of this collaboration. An advisory committee of three of the contributors has frequently advised the editor on problems which have arisen. The spirit of give-and-take has been evident in the willingness of each of the contributors to submit his completed manuscript to another member of the group for careful reading before publication. While each of the translators bears the sole responsibility for his work, not infrequently have criticisms given by colleagues been gratefully incorporated into the final draft. A word should be said about the particular difficulty of finding general agreement on chronology. Each translator has been responsible for the dates found within the introductions and notes to his own contribution. Attempt has been made, however, to iron out as much of the discrepancy as possible and to offer to the reader a chronology which represents fairly widely held views. Egyptian chronology is still in a state of flux, with major uncertainty for dates before 2500 b.c. and the possibility of minor adjustment for dates after 2000 b.c. The dates suggested in this volume are tentative and are often given in terms of the nearest round number. For example, Amen-em-het III is stated to have reigned “about 1840-1790” rather than “ 1839-1791, with about two years’ margin of error” ; the Old Kingdom is dated “about 2700-2200” rather than “about 2664-2181.” For later periods there is little deviation from such standard reference works as The Cambridge Ancient History. For the dates used in the section devoted to Babylonian and Assyrian historical texts, reference may be made to A. Poebel, The Assyrian King List from Khorsabad, JNES, n (1943), pp. 85-88. The dates as given by Poebel have been used in other places as well. Frequently references in the footnotes will direct the reader to other discussions of chronology upon which the translator has relied. One point at which this volume differs from its predecessors is the inclusion of a sizable body of translations of Hittite texts. These are scattered widely in the various sections of the volume. Since these texts have not been widely discussed as to their relation to the Old Testament, the following paragraphs will serve as orientation for the general reader. Almost all Hittite texts which we possess come from ruins near the Turkish village Bogazkoy in the center of Anatolia. The ruins represent what is left of Hattusa, the capital of the Hittite empire which flourished between 1800 and 1200 b.c. The texts are written—according to a custom which the Hittites adopted from the inhabitants of Mesopotamia—on clay tablets in cuneiform. They once belonged to “archives” or “libraries” buried under the debris when Hattusa was destroyed about

xxiii

INTRODUCTION

1225 b .c . This means that all of them are older than this date. A more exact date can be assigned to those which were composed by, or in the name of, specific kings. For this reason the sequence of the kings, at least for the so-called “later Hittite kingdom” may be given here: Arnuwandas Tudhaliyas Suppiluliumas, Tudhaliyas’ son Mursilis, Suppiluliumas’ son Muwatallis, Mursilis’ son Urhi-Tessub, Muwatallis’ son Hattusilis, Mursilis’’ son Tudhaliyas, Hattusilis’ son Arnuwandas, Tudhaliyas’ son

15th century 15th century about 1390-1354 about 1353-1323 about 1323-1300 about 1300-1293 about 1293-1270 about 1270-1240 about 1240-1225

The Bogazkoy texts, the greater number of which are preserved in the museums of Istanbul and Ankara, a smaller collection being in the Vorderasiatische Abteilung of the Staadiche Museen at Berlin, have been published in various series.1' For general orientadon on the Hittites and the problems connected with them the reader may be referred to the following books: A. Gotze, Das Hethiter-Reich ( =AO , xxvn/2 [1928]); A. Gotze, Kleinasien in Ktdturgesckichte des dten Orients (Handbutch der Altertumsmssenschaft, m, 1, 3) (x933) 5 L* Delaporte, Les Hittites (1936); E. Cavaignac, he problime hittite (1936); G. Furlani, La religione degli Hittiti (1936). 10K B o = Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkpi, i-vi (1916-21); KUB = Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkpi, i-xxxiv (1921-44); H T — Hittite Texts in the Cuneiform Character from Tablets in the British Museum (1920); BoTU = Die Boghaz\6i-Texte in Umschrift (Leipzig, 1922-26); VBoT = Verstreute Boghazkfii-Texte (Marburg, 1930); IBoT = Istanbul ar\eoloji muzelerinde bulunan Bogazkoy tableteri I and II (Istanbul, 1944 and 1947); ABoT = Angara ar\eoloji muzesinde bulunan Bogazkoy tableteri (Istanbul, 1948).

INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION In the preparation of the second edition each of the translators who con­ tributed to the first edidon has had opportunity not only to make corrections of mistakes and misprints, but to add to footnotes and introductions the most urgent bibliographical notations of the advancing research on the texts. Two entirely new sections have been included: a selection of Canaanite and Aramaic Inscriptions, prepared by Franz Rosenthal, of the University of Pennsylvania; and South-Arabic Inscriptions, translated by A. Jamme, of the Society of the White Fathers of Africa. An Addenda has also been added, composed of addi­ tional texts of Akkadian Myths and Epics, translated by E. A. Speiser. An index to the names in the additional materials follows the general index. The translator of the Egyptian texts has modified some of the dates used in the first edition for the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, in order to provide the needed synchronism between Akh-en-Aton and Ashur-uballit I of Assyria, who began to reign about 1356 b .c . See especially M. B. Rowton’s article in JEA , xxxiv (1948), 57-74. Readers should make the following tentative adjustments in dates given below for individual reigns. Amen-hotep II 1439-1406 Ramses I 1303-1302 Thut-mose IV 1406-1398 Seti I 1302-1290 Amen-hotep III Ramses II 1290-1224 1398-1361 Akh-en-Aton Mer-ne-Ptah 1224-1214 I 369-I353 Smenkh-ka-Re Amen-meses 1214 1355-1352 Si-Ptah Tut-ankh-Amon 1352-1344 1214-1207 Eye Seti II 1344-1340 1207-1202 Hor-em-heb 1340-1303 Syrian interregnum 1202-1197

Introduction TO T H E T H IR D ED IT IO N Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament was first published in 1950, many new texts have been discovered and some o£ the older ones have come to be better understood. In 1955 a second, revised edition appeared with changes and corrections in the text and the addition of two new sections, Canaanite and Aramaic Inscriptions and South-Arabian Inscriptions, which were obviously relevant for the study of the Old Testament. Now after eighteen years we have made a more extensive revision in an attempt to keep pace with new discoveries and research. Each surviving contributor to the former editions has been asked to make necessary correc­ tions to his earlier translations, to bring the references in his annotations up to date wherever desirable, and to contribute translations of any relevant texts that have been discovered or pub­ lished since the earlier selections were made. In addition to the translations from original par­ ticipants the work of five new contributors appears in this volume. A. K . Grayson kindly consented to bring up to date Akkadian Myths and Epics, which had been contributed by the late E. A. Speiser. J. J. Finkelstein assumed responsibility for additional Akkadian Legal Texts, a section for which the late T. J. Meek was previously responsible, as well as for the translation of the Sumerian laws of Ur-Nammu. With the recent emergence of interest in the concept of covenant in Old Testament studies, it has seemed appropriate to include an entirely new genre of texts, Akkadian Treaties from Syria and Assyria, translated by Erica Reiner. The understand­ ing of Akkadian Didactic and Wisdom literature has been greatly improved since the late Robert H. Pfeiffer made his translations and new material has become available. Robert D. Biggs has made entirely new translations of the texts within this section. William L. Moran, S.J. has provided translations of a number of new Akkadian letters that belong to the extensive corpus of tablets from Mari. A perusal of the Table of Contents will make it clear that not only these new contributors but a number of the former translators have labored to enlarge considerably the volume of material provided in the earlier editions. Since the additions fall neatly into the general categories and literary types of the first edition and generally supplement rather than antiquate the former translations it was apparent that they could be published in a separate volume. By it an owner of the first or the second edition can bring his collection of ancient Near Eastern texts up to date without discarding an expensive and possibly annotated volume. The third edition of A N E T incorporates these additions of the Supplement and includes those line corrections which translators felt were essential. Whenever these corrections and additions could not be fitted into the line and page of the former edition they have been included in a section on Addenda with reference to the quarter of the page to which the addition applies. It is hoped that the user of the Supplement can see readily the place to which the addition or change belongs. The additional texts of the second edition have been included in the Supplement, so that it will serve to bring up to date the first edition as well as the second. An entirely new index has been constructed for the names appearing in the book.

S

in c e

I. Myths, Epics, and Legends

Egyptian Myths, Tales, and Mortuary Texts T R A N S L A T O R : JO H N A . W I L S O N

Creation and M yths o f Origins TH E CREATION BY ATUM The following text served in the dedication ritual of a royal pyramid by recalling the first creation, when the god Atum of Heliopolis was on a primeval hillock arising out of the waters of chaos and there brought the first gods into being. In like man­ ner, the god is now asked to bless the rising pyramid, an ana­ logue of the hillock. The text was carved inside the pyramids of Mer-ne-Re and Pepi II (Nefer-ka-Re) of the Sixth Dynasty (24th century B .C .) , from which the following translation is made. Parts of the text were popular in later times, to promote the immortality of individuals.1 The hieroglyphic text appears in K. Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexten, 11 (Leipzig, 1910), §1652-56. Extracts from the whole utterance have occasionally been translated, for example, ). H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (New York, 1912), 76 f.* (See Addenda).

O Atum-Kheprer, thou wast on high on the (pri­ meval) hill; thou didst arise as the ben-bird of the benstone in the Bra-House in Heliopolis;2 thou didst spit out what was Shu, thou didst sputter out what was Tefnut/ Thou didst put thy arms about them as the arms of a \a , for thy J(a was in them/ (So also), O Atum, put thou thy arms about King Nefer-ka-Re, about this construction work, about this pyramid, as the arms of a i(a. For the \ a of King Neferka-Re is in it, enduring for the course of eternity. O Atum, mayest thou set thy protection over this King Nefer-ka-Re, over this his pyramid and this construction work of King Nefer-ka-Re. Mayest thou guard lest any­ thing happen to him evilly throughout the course of eternity, as thou didst set thy protection over Shu and Tefnut. 0 Great Ennead which is in Heliopolis, Atum, Shu, Tefnut, Geb, Nut, Osiris, Isis, Seth, and Nephthys,® whom Atum begot, spreading wide his heart (in joy) at 1 For example, it appears in the 13th century b .c ., in extracts, in Papyrus Chester Beatty IX, recto, viii 3*21 (Hieratic Pdpyri in the British Museum Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift, ed. by A. H. Gardiner, Vol. 1 [London, 1935], 9 1). * The god of Heliopolis was compounded of two phases of the sun, Atum and Kheprer (later Atum and Re). The sanctuary at Heliopolis bad a stone of sacred recognition. Associated with this stone was a bird, which was much later to be taken as the phoenix. This part of the texts is full of plays on words, such as weben “ arise,” and 6en-bird, etc. * The creation of Shu, god of air, and of Tefnut, goddess of moisture, was as explosive as a sneeze, cf. p. 6 below. 4 The k.a was the alter ego, or the guardian spirit, or—perhaps better— the vital force of a personality. Pictorially it was depicted as the sheltering arms. The creator-god Atum put his own vital force into his first creatures. 8 The first nine gods, the Great Ennead, are here given, in their four generations: ( 1 ) Atum, die creator; (2) Shu, god of air, and Tefnut, goddess of moisture; (3) Geb, god of earth, and Nut, goddess of the sky; (4) the god Osiris and die goddess Ids; die god Seth and die goddess Nephthys. cf. p. 6 below.

.

his begetting (you) in your name of the Nine Bows,® may there be none of you who will separate himself from Atum, as he protects this King Nefer-ka-Re, as he pro­ tects this pyramid of King Nefer-ka-Re, as he protects this his construction work—from all gods and from all dead, and as he guards lest anything happen to him evilly throughout the course of eternity. ANOTHER VERSION OF TH E CREATION BY ATUM An ancient Egyptian’s title to eternal happiness was often asserted by associating him with various superhuman forces, including the greatest gods of the land. Thus he secured their invincible immortality. The following extract from the popular 17th chapter of the Book of the Dead sets the deceased Egyptian in juxtaposition with the creator-god Atum, implicidy securing renewed creation of life. This text was used all over Egypt for many centuries. The following translation is taken from the Eighteenth to TwentyFirst Dynasties version of the Book of the Dead (1500-1000 b . c . ) . The text goes back at least as far as the Middle Kingdom ( 2 0 0 0 b . c . ) , when it was inscribed in the coffins of nobles. By the Eighteenth Dynasty, the text had been amplified with ex­ planatory and confirmatory glosses. The current translation of the opening lines of the 17th chap­ ter is made from H. Grapow, Religiose Ur\unden ( Ur\. v, Leipzig, 1915-17), 4-13, including a translation into German. Translations into English are needed for the Book of the Dead? A rendering into German will be found in G. Roeder, Ur\unden zur Religion des alten Aegypten (Jena, 1923), 237 ff.

Tide The beginning of exaltations and beatifications; go­ ing up and down in the necropolis; being an effective spirit in the beautiful west; being in the retinue of Osiris; being satisfied with the food of Wen-nofer.1 The spell for coming forth2 by day, assuming any forms that he may wish to assume, playing at the draughtboard, sitting in the arbor, and coming forth as a living soul, by X, after he moors.2 It is of benefit to him who may do it on earth/ when the speech of the Lord of All takes place: Speech of the Creator, with Glosses “I am Atum when I was alone in Nun;® I am Re in his (first) appearances, when he began to rule that which he had made.” 0 The Nine Bows were the nine traditional, potential enemies o£ Egypt T*'ere is a play on the "Nine (Gods)” and the "Nine (Bows)” here. *ITic magic of the spell protects against the potential enmity of these gods. 1 Osiris. 2 The magic spell which enables the dead to come forth from the tomb. 8 At X are inserted the title and name of the deceased. "Moors” is a euphemism for "dies.” 4 There is a promise of benefit to any living person who recites this spell on behalf of the deceased. 8 The waters of chaos, out of which life arose.

4

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

Who is he? This “Re, when he began to rule that which he had made” means that Re began to appear as a king, as one who was before the liftings of Shu had taken place,6 when he was on the hill which is in Hermopolis.7. . . “ I am the great god who came into being by himself.” Who is he ? “The great god who came into being by himself” is water; he is Nun, the father of the gods. Another version: He is Re. “ He who created his names, the Lord of the Ennead.” Who is he ? He is Re, who created the names of the parts of his body. That is how these gods who follow him came into being.8 “ I am he among the gods who cannot be repulsed.” Who is he ? He is Atum, who is in his sun disc. An­ other version: He is Re, when he arises on the eastern horizon of heaven.8 “I am yesterday, while I know tomorrow.” Who is he? As for “ yesterday,” that is Osiris. As for “tomorrow,” that is Re on that day on which the en­ emies of the All-Lord are annihilated and his son Horus is made ruler.10. . .

AND

MORTUARY

TEXTS

916-50). K . Sethe devoted a masterly study to its contents, Dramatische Texte zu altagyptischen Mysterienspielen ( Untersuch., x, Leipzig, 1928), followed by H. Junker, Die Gotterlehre von Memphis (APAW, 1939, Nr. 23, Berlin, 1940). The present part of the text has been studied by J. H. Breasted, The Dawn of Conscience (New York, 1933), 29-42, and in H. Frankfort et a/., The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man (Chicago, 1946), 55-60.

When the First Dynasty established its capital at Memphis, it was necessary to justify the sudden emergence of this town to central importance. The Memphite god Ptah was therefore proclaimed to have been the First Principle, taking precedence over other recognized creator-gods. Mythological arguments were presented that the city of Memphis was the “ place where the Two Lands are united” and that the Temple of Ptah was the “ balance in which Upper and Lower Egypt have been weighed.” The extracts presented here are particularly interesting, be­ cause creation is treated in an intellectual sense, whereas other creation stories (like pp. 3-4 above) are given in purely physical terms. Here the god Ptah conceives the elements of the universe with his mind (“heart” ) and brings them into being by his commanding speech (“ tongue” ). Thus, at the beginning of Egyptian history, there was an approach to the Logos Doc­ trine. The extant form of this document dates only to 700 b . c ., but linguistic, philological, and geopolitical evidence is conclusive in support of its derivation from an original text more than two thousand years older. The so-called “ Shabaka Stone” is No. 498 in the British Museum. It was published by S. Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions from the British Museum and Other Sources (London, 1837), 1, Pis. 36-38. The first understanding of its contents was that of J. H. Breasted, in ZAeS, xxxix (1901), 39-54, followed by A. Erman, Ein Denkmal memphitischer Theologie (SPA W, 1911,

(1) Live the Horus: Who Prospers the Two Lands; the Two Goddesses: Who Prospers the Two Lands; the Horus of Gold: Who Prospers the Two Lands; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Nefer-ka-Re; the Son of Re: Sha-[ba-ka], beloved of Ptah-South-of-His-Wall, liv­ ing like Re forever. His majesty copied this text anew in the House of his father Ptah-South-of-His-Wall. Now his majesty had found (it) as (something) which the ancestors had made but which was worm-eaten.1 It was unknown from beginning to end. Then [his majesty] copied [it] anew, (so that) it is better than its state formerly, in order that his name might endure and his memorial be made to last in the House of his father Ptah-South-of-His-Wall in the course of eternity, through that which the Son of Re: [Sha-ba-ka] did for his father Ptah-tenen, so that he might be given life forever.. . . (7) The Ennead gathered themselves to him, and he judged Horus and Seth.2 He prevented them from quarreling (further), and he made Seth the King of Upper Egypt in the land of Upper Egypt, at the place where he was (born), Su. Then Geb made Horus the King of Lower Egypt in the land of Lower Egypt, at the place where his father8was drowned, Pezshet-Tawi. Thus Horus stood in (one) place, and Seth stood in (another) place, and they were reconciled about the Two Lands___ 4(io) Words spoken (by) Geb (to) Seth: “Go to the place in which thou wert born.” Seth—Upper Egypt. Words spoken (by) Geb (to) Horus: “Go to the place in which thy father was drowned.” Horus—Lower Egypt. Words spoken (by) Geb (to) Horus and Seth: “I have judged you.” Lower and Upper Egypt. (But then it became) ill in the heart of Geb that the portion of Horus was (only) equal to the portion of Seth. So Geb gave his (entire) inheritance to Horus, that is, the son of his son, his first-born.5 . . . (Thus) Horus stood over the (entire) land. Thus this land was united, proclaimed with the great name: “Ta-tenen, South-ofHis-Wall, the Lord of Eternity.”6 The two Great Sor-

* Before the air-god Shu had lifted heaven apart from earth. 7 Atum-Re began his creation upon a primeval hillock arising out of the abysmal waters, Nun. In this version this hillock is located in the ancient cult-center of Hermopolis. Any important cult-center was regarded by the Egyptians as potentially a place of creation and therefore had its own hill of creation, symbolized in its holy of holies, cf. pp. 3; 8; 3 1, n.io. 8 The first utterance of a name is an act of creation. When Atum-Re named the parts of his body, his Ennead, the nine gods of his immediate family, came into being. 9 TTie eternally rising sun cannot be destroyed. 10 The “ yesterday” of death is associated with Osiris, the god of the dead. The “ tomorrow" of rebirth is associated with the ever-rising sun and with the accession of Horus to the rule of his father Osiris. The continuation of the text is not translated here.

1 The original, rediscovered in the time of Sha'ba-ka, was presumably on papyrus, wood, or leather. 2 The nine great gods attended Geb, the earth-god, for his judicial ruling on the contest between Horus and Seth for the rule of Egypt* 8 Osiris. 4 Here the text exhibits most clearly its form for dramatic purposes. A notation is used for speakers and for stage directions. “ Seth—Upper Egypt” meant either that the priestly actor playing the part of Geb points out the direction to the actor who played Seth or that the Sethactor was to go off to the south. 8 Geb revised his first decision to divide and gave all of his dominion, the earth, to Horus. 6 A form of Ptah was Ta-tenen, “ the land arising” (out of the primeval waters, so that creation might take place).

THE THEOLOGY OF MEMPHIS

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

cercsscs grew upon his head.7 So it was that Horus appeared as King of Upper and Lower Egypt, who united the Two Lands in Wall Nome,8 in the place in which the Two Lands are united. (15c) It happened that reed and papyrus were set at the great double door of the House of Ptah." That means Horus and Seth, who were reconciled and united, so that they associated and their quarreling ceased in the place which they reached, being joined in the House of Ptah, “ the Balance of the Two Lands,” in which Upper and Lower Egypt have been weighed___ (48) The gods who came into being as Ptah:—10 Ptah who is upon the Great Throne. . . ; Ptah-Nun, the father who [begot] Atum; Ptah-Naunet, the mother who bore Atum; Ptah the Great, that is, the heart and tongue of the Ennead; [Ptah]. . . who gave birth to the gods;. . . “ (53) There came into being as the heart and there came into being as the tongue (something) in the form of Atum. The mighty Great One is Ptah, who trans­ mitted [life to all gods], as well as (to) their fa's, through this heart, by which Horus became Ptah, and through this tongue, by which Thoth became Ptah.18 (Thus) it happened that the heart and tongue gained control over [every] (other) member of the body, by teaching that he18 is in every body and in every mouth of all gods, all men, [all] cattle, all creeping things, and (everything) that lives, by thinking and command­ ing everything that he wishes. (55) His Ennead is before him in (the form of) teeth and lips. That is (the equivalent of) the semen and hands of Atum. Whereas the Ennead of Atum came into being by his semen and his fingers, the Ennead (of Ptah), however, is the teeth and lips in this mouth, which pronounced the name of everything, from which Shu and Tefnut came forth, and which was the fash­ ioner of the Ennead.18 The sight of the eyes, the hearing of the ears, and the smelling the air by the nose, they report to the heart. It is this which causes every completed (concept) to come forth, and it is the tongue which announces what the heart thinks.15 7 The crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt. 8 The province (nome) of Memphis was named “ White Wall.’’ 9 The intertwining tutelary plants of Upper and Lower Egypt, the reed(?) and the papyrus, symbolize the reconciliation of the two parts of Egypt and of their gods. 10 Or, with Junker: “ who have (their) form in Ptah.” 1 1 Three other forms of Ptah appear in badly broken context These forms of Ptah apply to the statement that follows. Ptah was both Nun, the abysmal waters, and his consort Naunet, and in these capacities he brought forth Atum, the creator-god of the Heliopolitan theology. 12 Ptah thought of and created by speech the creator-god Atum (“ To­ tality” ), thus transmitting the divine power of Ptah to all other gods. The gods Horus and Thoth, a commonly associated pair, are equated with the organs of thought and speech. 18 Ptah, as heart and tongue. 14 A distinction is made between the act of creation by Atum through onanism (cf. p. 6 below) and the creation by Ptah through commanding speech with teeth and lips. Pronouncing a name was creative. Shu and Tefnut were the first deities to be spoken. 15 The senses report to the heart. With this reported material, the

AND

MORTUARY

TEXTS

5

Thus all the gods were formed and his Ennead was completed. Indeed, all the divine order18 really came into being through what the heart thought and the tongue commanded. Thus the /^a-spirits were made and the hemsut-spirits were appointed, they who make all pro­ visions and all nourishment, by this speech. (Thus justice was given to) him who does what is liked, {and injustice to) him who does what is disliked.17 Thus life was given to him who has peace and death was given to him who has sin. Thus were made all work and all crafts, the action of the arms, the movement of the legs, and the activity of every member, in conformance with (this) command which the heart thought, which came forth through the tongue, and which gives value to everything.18 (Thus) it happened that it was said of Ptah: “He who made all and brought the gods into being.” He is indeed Ta-tenen, who brought forth the gods, for every­ thing came forth from him, nourishment and pro­ visions, the offerings of the gods, and every good thing. Thus it was discovered and understood that his strength is greater than (that of the other) gods. And so Ptah was satisfied,18 after he had made everything, as weli as all the divine order.20 He had formed the gods, he had made cities, he had founded nomes, he had put the gods in their shrines, (60) he had established their offerings, he had founded their shrines, he had made their bodies like that (with which) their hearts were satisfied. So the gods entered into their bodies of every (kind of) wood, of every (kind of) stone, of every (kind of) clay, or anything which might grow upon him,21 in which they had taken form. So all the gods, as well as their fa's gathered themselves to him, content and associated with the Lord of the Two Lands. The Great Seat, which rejoices the heart of the gods, which is in the House of Ptah, the mistress of all life, is the Granary of the God,22 through which the sustenance of the Two Lands is prepared,23 because of the fact that Osiris drowned in his water, while Isis and Nephthys watched. They saw him and they were distressed at him. Horus commanded Isis and Nephthys repeatedly that they lay hold on Osiris and prevent his drowning. (63) They turned (their) heads in time. So they brought him to land.24 He entered the mysterious portals in the glory of the lords of eternity, in the steps of him who heart conceives and releases thought, which the tongue, as a herald, puts into effective utterance. 16 Literally, “ every word of the god.” 17 Following previous translators, we supply something which seems to have dropped out of the text. The exact words are uncertain. 18 “ The dignity (or worth or reverence) of everything.” 18 Or, “ so Ptah rested.” 20 cf. n.16 above. 21 Upon Ptah, in his form of the “ rising land.” Note that divine images were not the gods themselves, but only places in which they might assume appearance. 22 The determinative shows that "the God” was Ptah Ta-tenen. 28 The temple of Ptah at Memphis was called the “ Great Seat,” or throne, and the granary which kept Egypt alive. 24 The rescue of Osiris, the grain-god, from drowning is given in explanation of the position of Memphis as the granary of Egypt. In the following context, one must understand that Osiris's son was Horus and that Horus was the king of Egypt. Hence Horus was correctly located at Memphis.

6

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

shines forth on the horizon, on the ways of Re in the Great Seat. He joined with the court and associated with the gods of Ta-tenen Ptah, the lord of years. Thus Osiris came to be in the land in the “House of the Sovereign” on the north side of this land, which he had reached. His son Horus appeared as King of Upper Egypt and appeared as King of Lower Egypt, in the embrace of his father Osiris, together with the gods who were in front of him and who were behind him. THE REPULSING OF THE DRAGON AND TH E CREATION This text employed myth for ritual and magical recitation. In Egyptian belief the ship of the sun-god Re made a journey through the skies above by day and the skies below by night. Every night this ship faced the peril of destruction from a demon lurking in the underworld, Apophis. An important part of the ritual of Egyptian temples was the repulsing of this dragon, and thus the repulsing of the perils which might face nation or people. The following ritual is an extract from a papyrus containing a group of texts, for which the general heading is: “The

b e g in n in g

op th e

book

o f o v e r t h r o w in g

A p o p h is , t h e

Re a n d t h e e n e m y o f King Wen-nofer—life, pros­ perity, health!—the justified, performed in the course of every day in the Temple of Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Presiding over Karnak.” 1 The particular interest of the section given below is that it adds to these spells against Apophis a statement about creation. The text is preserved in the Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (British Museum 10188), which may have come from Thebes. The present manuscript is dated about 310 B .C ., but the text makes a deliberate attempt to preserve a language two thousand years older than that date. There is no doubt that the basic material derives from a relatively early period. Photographic facsimiles of the papyrus were published by Budge in Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. First Series (London, 1910), Pis. i -x i x . Faulkner gave a transcription from hieratic into hieroglyphic in The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, 111, Brussels, 1933). The latest study and translation of the entire papyrus was given by Faulkner in JEA, xxii (1936), 121 ff.; xxiii (1937), 10 ff., 166 ff.; xxiv (1938), 41 ff.; with the section below (xxvi 21—xxviii 20) treated in xxm, 172 ff. For another reference to the repulsing of a monster at creation, see p. 417, n.49. For another account of the Repulsing of the Dragon, see pp. 11-12. en em y

of

( x x v i 2 1 ) . . . T h e b o ok o f k n o w in g t h e c re a tio n s

of Re and o f

o v e r t h r o w in g A p o p h is. T h e w o r d s t o be

s p o k e n .2

The All-Lord said, after he had come into being: I am he who came into being as Khepri.* When I had come into being, being (itself) came into being, and all beings came into being after I came into being. Many were the beings which came forth from my mouth,* before heaven came into being, before earth came into being, before the ground and creeping things had been created in this place. I put together (some) 1 Papyrus Bremner-Rhind xxii I. Wen-nofer is a name for Osiris. 2 Capital letters show words rubricized in the manuscript. The following words are to be spoken as the magical ritual. 8 Khepri was the morning sun-god, conceived as a scarab beetle. In the following context there is a play on the name Khepri and the word k^heper “ come into being.'* 4 Creation was effected by the commanding utterance of Re.

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TEXTS

of them in Nun as weary ones,5 before I could find a place in which I might stand.* It (seemed) advantageous to me in my heart; I planned with my face; and I made (in concept) every form when I was alone, before I had spat out what was Shu, before I had sputtered out what was Tefnut,7 and before (any) other had come into being who could act with me. Tplanned in my own heart, and there came into being a multitude of forms of beings, the forms of children and the forms of their children. I was the one who copulated with my fist, I masturbated (xxvii 1) with my hand. Then I spewed with my own mouth:* I spat out what was Shu, and I sputtered out what was Tefnut. It was my father Nun who brought them up, and my Eye followed after them since the ages when they were distant from me.9 After I had come into being as the sole god, there were three gods beside me.101 came into being in this land, whereas Shu and Tefnut rejoiced in Nun, in which they were. They brought to me my Eye with them. After I had joined together my members, I wept over them.11 That is how men came into being from the tears which came forth from my Eye. It was angry with me, after it returned and found that I had made another in its place, having replaced it with the Glorious Eye, which I had made. Then I advanced its place on my head,12 and after it had ruled this entire land, its rage jell away to its roots, for I had replaced what had been taken away from it. I came forth from the roots,12 and I created all creeping things and whatever lives among them. Then Shu and Tefnut brought forth (5) Geb and Nut. Then Geb and Nut brought forth Osiris, Horus Khenti-en-irti, Seth, Isis, and Nephthys from the body, one of them after another; and they brought forth their multitudes in this land.14 When (these gods) rich in magic spoke, it was the 6 There is a play on the name Nun, the primordial waters in which creation took place, and nenu "the weary,*' usually a designation of the dead, but here those in inchoate pause. 8 Other texts locate the creation on a primeval hillock arising out of the waters of Nun. cf. pp. 3, 4, and 8. 7 The first two children of the creator-god were Shu, the air-god, and Tefnut, the goddess of moisture. The statement of their election into being contains plays on the words ishesh "spit" and Shu, and tef “ sputter'* and Tefnut. cf. p. 3 above. 8 There is here a fusion of two myths, creation by self-pollution and creation by ejection from the mouth, cf. p. 5 above. 9 Reference to another myth, in which, however, it was Shu and Tefnut who went out after the wandering Eye of Re. See H. Junker, Die Onurislegende (Vienna, 19 17 ). 10 Nun, Shu, and Tefnut. 11 Apparently Re wept when he found that his Eye was missing from his body. He made a substitute eye, which displeased his missing Eye when it returned to him. The labored point of the context is a play on the words remit "tears,** and romet "mankind,** in explanation of human creation, cf. pp. 8a, n.6; 1 1 , n.6; 366, n.17. 12 Re appeased his wrathful Eye by making it the uraeus on his brow, the symbol of rule. 18 An obscure or corrupt statement on the creation of vegetation. In the next sentence, the "among them" may refer to plant life. 14 Shu and Tefnut, the children of Atum-Re, were miraculously brought into being. But their children, Geb (earth) and Nut (sky), were normally born "from the body,” as were also the divine children of Geb and Nut. Thus we have the Ennead, the nine ruling gods, with Horus as an added member, cf. p. 3 above. The context now continues by pointing out how these created beings were to use their magic against the demon enemy of Re.

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

(very) spirit15 of magic, for they were ordered to annihi­ late my enemies by the effective charms of their speech, and I sent out these who came into being from my body TO OVERTHROW THAT EVIL EN EM Y.

H e is o n e f a l l e n t o t h e f l a m e , A p o p h i s with a knife on his head. He cannot see, and his name is no (more) in this land. I have commanded that a curse be cast upon him; I have consumed his bones; I have annihilated his soul in the course of every day; I have cut his vertebrae at his neck, severed with a knife which hacked up his flesh and pierced into his hide.16 . . . ( n ) . . . I have taken away his heart from its place, his seat, and his tomb. I have made him nonexistent: his name is not; his children are not; he is not and his family is not; he is not and his false-door is not;17 he is not and his heirs are not. His egg shall not last, nor shall his seed knit together—and vice versa. His soul, his corpse, his state of glory, his shadow, and his magic are not. His bones are not, and his skin is not. He is fallen and over­ thrown. . . . (xxviii 4) . . . See thou, O Re! Hear thou, O Re! Be­ hold, I have driven away thy enemy; I have wiped him out with my feet; I have spat upon him. Re is trium­ phant over thee—variant reading: over his every fallen enemy.18. . . Drive thou away, consume thou, burn up every enemy of pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!— whether dead or living.18. . . (Thus) thou shalt be in (14) thy shrine, thou shalt journey in the evening-barque, thou shalt rest in the morning-barque, thou shalt cross thy two heavens in peace,20 thou shalt be powerful, thou shalt live, thou shalt be healthy, thou shalt make thy states of glory to endure, thou shalt drive away thy every enemy by thy command; for these have done evil against pharaoh— life, prosperity, health!—with all evil words: all men, all folk, all people, all humanity, and so on, the eastern­ ers of every desert, and every enemy of pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—whether dead or living, w h o m i HAVE DRIVEN AW AY AND ANNIHILATED.

THOU DISSOLVEST,

Re is triumphant over thee, A p o p h i s — (to be repeated) f o u r t i m e s . Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—is triumphant over his enemies—(to be re­ peated) four times. f a l l e n , A p o p h is.

T

h is s p e l l is t o b e r e c it e d o v e r

A

p o p h is d r a w n o n a

NEW SHEET OF PAPYRUS IN GREEN COLOR AND PUT INSIDE A BOX ON W HICH HIS N AM E IS SET, H E BEING TIED AND BOUND an d p u t o n th e fir e

every day,

w ip e d o u t w i t h t h y

LEFT FOOT AND SPAT UPON FOUR TIM ES IN THE COURSE OF 15 The Egyptian word is \a, the accompanying spirit or vital force of a personality. 16 The detailed narration of the destruction of Apophis continues ad nauseam, including the activities of various gods in defense of Re. Extracts only are given here. 17 Destruction involves killing and also the prohibition of maintenance offerings at the false-door of a tomb. 18 Literally: “ The voice of Re is made true against thee—another say­ ing: against his every fallen enemy.” The reciter is permitted a variant. 19 These exorcisms against the enemy of the supreme god were deemed to be effective also against the enemies of the god-king. 20 There was an under-heaven to correspond to the heaven above. In the preceding clauses, the two barques of the sun have been reversed: the sun should go to rest in the evening-barque, for his journey through the under-heaven.

AND

MORTUARY

TEXTS

7

every day. T h o u s h a l t s a y a s t h o u p u t t e s t h i m o n t h e f i r e : “Re is triumphant over thee, O A p o p h i s ! ” —f o u r t i m e s , and “Horus is triumphant over his enemy!”— four times, and “Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—is triumphant over his enemies!”—four times. Now W HEN THOU HAST WRITTEN THESE NAMES OF EVERY M ALE AND FEM ALE WHO IS TO BE OVERTHROWN, ( l8 )

OF WHOM TH Y HEART IS AFRAID, THAT IS, EVERY

Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—whether dead or alive, and the names of their fathers, the names of their mothers, and the names of (their) children, inside the box, they are to be made in wax and put on the fire following the name of Apophis and burned up at the time when Re shows himself. Thus thou shalt do the first time at the height of the sun and (again) when Re sets in the west, when the sunlight is fleeing from the mountain. These things are in truth more advantageous to thee than any (other) procedure. It will go well with him who does them on earth or in the necropolis.21 enem y o f

A LL MEN CREATED EQUAL IN OPPORTUNITY The Middle Kingdom was a period in which social justice and the rights of the common man were emphasized. The text which follows purports to give the words of the creator-god in making all men equal in access to the basic necessities of life. The text is inscribed on four wooden coffins from el-Bersheh in Middle Egypt and dates to the Middle Kingdom ( 2 0 0 0 B .C .) . Thus far, it is known only from that period. The hieroglyphic text is as yet unpublished, except for the reference and translation given by J. H. Breasted, The Dawn of Conscience (New York, 1933), 221 f. It will be published in the volumes by A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts ( OIP). The present translation was made from photographs for Coffin B3C (Cairo Museum 28085) an^ B6C (Cairo 28094) and—in part—BiC (Cairo 28083). The text also appears on B1B0 (Boston Museum 20.1822-27)? (See Addenda). Other texts below deal with creation and origins. For ex­ ample, Amon as creator is presented in the text of pp. 368-369, Aton as creator in pp. 370-371. Other myths of origins deal with the founding of the city of Tanis (pp. 252-253) or the setting up of an estate of a god (pp. 31-32).

The All-Lord says in the presence of those stilled from tumult on the journey of the court:1 “Pray, be prosper­ ous in peace! I repeat for you four good deeds which my own heart did for me in the midst of the serpent-coil, in order to still evil.2 1 did four good deeds within the portal of the horizon.8 “ I made the four winds that every man might breathe thereof like his fellow in his time. That is (one) deed thereof. 21 These instructions for the manual activity accompanying the recita­ tion show that the interest of the exorcism is the application of magic against the dragon-demon to the damnation of the enemies of the pharaoh. 1 In the entourage of the sun-god on the daily journey of his barque are the dead who have been released from the cares of this world. 2 Creation is a sort of release from involvement. Here the creator-god, who is also the sun-god, has freed himself from the serpent-dragon which threatened his daily journey; see pp. 6-7 above. Apparently, the god’s good deeds were the means of his release, stilling the evil of the serpent by stilling inequality in this world. 3 That is, at dawn or at the beginning.

8

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

“I made the great inundation that the poor man might have rights therein like the great man. That is (one) deed thereof. “ I made every man like his fellow. I did not command that they do evil, (but) it was their hearts which violated what I had said.* That is (one) deed thereof. “I made their hearts to cease from forgetting the West, in order that divine offerings might be given to the gods of the nomes.8That is (one) deed thereof. “I brought into being the four gods from my sweat, while men are the tears of my eye.”8 THEBES AS TH E PLACE OF CREATION Every important cult-center of Egypt asserted its primacy by the dogma that it was the site of creation. The following is an extract from a long hymn extolling Thebes and its god AmonRe. It is dated shortly after the Amarna Revolution and is a renewed confirmation of Theban domination. The manuscript is dated to the reign of Ramses II (about 1301-1234 b . c . ) . The hieratic text of Leyden Papyrus I 350 was published by C. Leemans, Monument igyptiens du musie d’antiquitis des Pays-Bas & Leide (Leyden, 1841-82), n, Pis. c l i x - c l x i i i . The text was studied by A. H. Gardiner in ZAeS, x l i i (1905), 12-42, and by A. Erman, Der Leidener Amonshymnus (SPAW, 1923, 62-81). It is translated in Erman, LA E, 293-302. T

e n t h s t a n z a .1

Thebes is normal beyond every (other) city. The water and land were in her from the first times. (Then) (ii 11) sand came to delimit the fields and to create her ground on the hillock; (thus) earth came into being.2 Then men came into being in her, to found every city with her real name, for their name is called “city” (only) under the oversight of Thebes, the Eye of Re.2 Her majesty came as the Sound Eye and the Beneficial Eye,* to bind the land thereby together with (her) \a, coming to rest and alighting in Ishru in her form as Sekhmet, the Mistress of the Two Lands.8 “ How rich 4 The juxtaposition of this statement of god's equalitarian creation and this statement of man's disobedience of god’s command means that man— and not god—is responsible for social inequality. 6 The pious service of local gods would provide credit for continued life in the West, the realm of the dead. This idea is related to the equalitarian statements which precede it. By the Middle Kingdom, the full and powerful afterlife, which had previously been the prerogative of kings alone, had been extended to all worthy men and might be won locally, without attachment to the royal court. 'T h e nomes” were the Egyptian provinces. 6 There arc two puns: fedu “ four” and fedet “ sweat” ; and romet “ men” and remit “ tears.” cf. p. 6, n .n above. In somewhat uncertain terms there is a relation of the creation of gods to the creation of humans, both exudations of the creator-god. The attempt is clumsy, because one pun calls for four gods, instead of the usual nine. These may be the four gods who assist the dead man on his arrival in the next world (e.g. K. Sethe, Die altagyptischen Pyramidentexte, n, §1456-57). 1 The manuscript is divided into a series of numbered “ houses,” i.e. “ chapters” or “ stanzas.” The present stanza is ii 10-15 of the papyrus. Each stanza begins and ends with a pun based on the number. Here the word med “ ten” is picked up by the word meter, which probably means “ nor­ mal” or “ standard.” 2 Thus the primeval hillock, upon which creation took place, is located in Thebes, cf. pp. 3-4 above. 8 One designation of Thebes was “ The City” (biblical No), resulting in this curious claim that all other cities were permitted to use that title under her domination. 4 Allusion to the myth of the restored eye of the sun-god. 6 Ishru, near Karnak, was a cult-seat of the goddess Mut, here equated vith the goddess Sekhmet.

AND

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TEXTS

she is,” they say about her, “in her name of Thebes!”8 She remains sound in her name of the Sound Eye, the eye within, which is in his sun disc; Opposite-her-Lord, appearing and appointed in her place in her name of Appointed-of-Places, without her peer.7 Every (other) city is under (her) shadow, to magnify themselves through Thebes. She is the norm. THE ASSIGNMENT OF FUNCTIONS TO THOTH The Egyptians, like the Hebrews, were fond of punning ex­ planations of names and phenomena. The following text pro­ vides the explanation of a number of cosmological or mytho­ logical phenomena. The sun-god Re here assigns responsibility for the moon to the god Thoth, who thus becomes the “ placetaker” for the sun, an adjutant of the gods. The text is found on the Tut-ankh-Amon shrine, now in the Cairo Museum, and in the Theban tombs of Seti I, Ramses II, and Ramses III. It thus ranges from the middle of the 14th century to the middle of the 12th century b . c . However, its original was probably much earlier. The parallel texts are presented by Ch. Maystre in BIFAO, x l (1941), 93-98. The line numbers, 62-74, follow the Seti I version. There is a translation in G. Roeder, Urkjunden zur Religion des alten Aegyptens (Jena, 1923), 147-48* (See Addenda).

Then the majesty of this god1 said: “Pray, summon to me Thoth!” Then he was brought immediately. Then the majesty of this god said to Thoth: “ Behold ye,2 I am here in the sky in my (proper) place. Inasmuch as I (65) shall act so that the light may shine in the Underworld and the Island of Baba,8thou shalt be scribe there and keep in order those who are in them,* those who may perform deeds of rebellion. . . against me, (70) the followers of this dissatisfied being!" Thou shalt be in my place, a place-taker. Thus thou shalt be called: ‘Thoth, the place-taker of Re.’ Moreover, (I) shall have thee tread upon those greater than thou.” That is how the ibis of Thoth came into being.8 “ Moreover, I shall have thee stretch out thy hand7 in the face of the pri­ meval gods, who are greater than thou. My speech is good, if thou actest (so).” That is how the ibis of Thoth came into being.8 “Moreover, I shall have thee en­ compass the two heavens with thy beauty and with thy rays.” That is how the moon of Thoth came into being.2 6 Pun: weser “ rich” and waset “ Thebes.” 7 “ Opposite-her-Lord” (i.e. Amon) was an epithet of Thebes. “ Appointed-of-Places” was the name of the Temple of Karnak. 1 Re. 2 Re’s commands are for all the attendant gods. 8 An otherwise unknown designation for a part of the Underworld. It may mean a subterranean cavern. 4 Re cannot do full justice to the denizens of the world and to the denizens of the Underworld. Since he feels a responsibility to illumine the latter, he assigns the moon, Thoth, to be his deputy there. 5 A corrupt passage. In the first part there may be reference to man­ kind’s rebellion, as in the passage on the destruction of mankind, pp. io - i i . The second part may refer to the Apophis demon, the enemy of the sungod; cf. pp. 6-7, 11-12 . 8 A play on words: hab: “ tread upon” and hib “ ibis” the bird sacred to Thoth. 7 In command. The gods of primeval chaos were associated with the underworld. 8 Another play on words: hhen "speech” and tehjheni, another term for the ibis. 9 Another play on words: inch “ encompass” and iah “ moon.”

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

“Moreover, I shall have thee go all the way around the Hau-nebut” That is how the baboon of Thoth came into being.10 That is how he became the vizier.11 “More­ over, thou shalt be my place-taker, and the faces of all who see thee shall be opened through thee,12 so that the eye of every man praises god for thee.”13 THE PRIMEVAL ESTABLISHMENT OF ORDER A responsibility of the creator-god Atum was to bring the world into order and to assign places and functions. The con­ quest of hostile forces and the delimitation of the next world are themes of the following text. Insofar as it deals with the place and functions of Osiris, it has been used as a magic spell for the preservation of the dead man, himself an Osiris.1 Here translated from the 175 th chapter of the Book of the Dead, as in the Eighteenth Dynasty (1550-1350 b . c . ) Papyrus of Ani (British Museum 10470; The Papyrus of Ani, ed. by E. A. W. Budge [London, 1913], m, Sheet 29).

Tide ( 1 ) S p e l l f o r n o t d y in g a se c o n d tim e . W o r d s t o be spoken b y

Ani, the triumphant.

Atum’s Question “O Thoth, what is it that has happened ? It is among the children of N ut 2 They have made an uproar; they have seized upon quarreling; they have done evil deeds; they have created rebellion; they have made slaughter­ ings; (5) they have created imprisonment. Moreover, in everything which we might do, they have made the great into the small. Give thou greatly, Thoth!” Thus spoke Atum. Thoth''s Reply “Thou shalt not see (such) evil deeds, thou shalt not suffer, (for) their years are cut short and their months are curbed, inasmuch as the destruction of hidden things was made for them through all that thou hast done.”3 Words of the Deceased “I am thy palette, O Thoth, and I have offered up to thee thy inkwell. I am not among those whose hidden things should be damaged. Damage should not be done to me.”4 W o r d s s p o k e n b y the Osiris Ani ( 1 0 ) : “O Atum, what is it? I am departing to the desert, the silent land!”3 10 Another play, anon “ turn back,” possibly “ go around,” and anan the baboon sacred to Thoth. The Hau-nebut were peoples to the north of Egypt, thus in an outer range of circuit. 1 1 The play on words which led to this identification has dropped out. Thoth was the vizier of the gods. 12 {n the absence of the sun, men can see because of the moon. 18 Men are grateful. 1 The concept was originally related to the kingship, the dead pharaoh becoming Osiris, while his son and successor became Horus. 8 That is, among the partisans of Seth, who was the “ son of Nut.” 8 This seems to be the answer of Thoth, assuring Atum that the punish­ ment of evil resides in the system which Atum created. 4 By identifying himself with the scribal equipment of Thoth, the de­ ceased dissociates himself from the rebellious beings. 8 The deceased ash* the creator-god to describe the land of burial.

AND

MORTUARY

TEXTS

9

Atum’s Answer “It has no water, it has no air—deep, deep, dark, dark, boundless, boundless—in which thou livest in the peace of heart of the silent land. Sexual pleasures are not enjoyed in it, (but) a blessed state0 is given to (thee)T in recompense for water, air, and sexual pleasure, and peace of heart in recompense for bread and beer.” Thus spoke Atum. Protest of the Deceased “In the sight of thy face ? Indeed, I cannot bear the lack of thee!3 Every (other) god has assumed his place in the forefront of (the sun barque) Millions-of-Years!” Atum’s Reply “Thy place belongs to thy son Horus”—-thus spoke Atum—“Indeed, it shall be that he sends forth the great, (15) while he also shall rule thy place, and he shall inherit the throne which is in the Island of Flame.9 It is further decreed that a man shall see his fellow, (so that) my face shall see thy face.”10 Question of the Deceased, as Osiris “O Atum, what is (my) duration of life ?”—thus he spoke. Atum’s Answer “Thou art (destined) for millions of millions (of years), a lifetime of millions. I have caused that he send out the great ones.11 Further, I shall destroy all that I have made, and this land will return into Nun, into the floodwaters, as (in) its first state.12 I (alone) am a survivor, together with Osiris, when I have made my form in another state, serpents which men do not know and gods do not sec.13 “How good is what I have done for Osiris, distinct from all (other) gods! I have given (20) him the desert, the silent land, with his son Horus as heir upon his throne which is in the Island of Flame. Further, I have made his place in the barque of Millions-of-Years. Horus remains upon his throne, for the purpose of founding his monuments also. The soul of Seth has been sent apart from all (other) gods, because I have caused the restraint of his soul, which is in the (sun) barque, be­ cause he wishes to fear the divine body.”14 6 A\h, a state of “effective being,” or “ beatitude.” 7 Text: “ to me.” 8 Osiris—here in the person of die deceased—is being assigned to the region of the dead. He objects that he will not see the face of the sun there. In the reply Atum offers him compensations. 9 The place where the sun was born at dawn. 10 The last sentences uncertain, since the literal runs: “ Further it is decreed that I see his fellow, my face to see the face of the lord.” Atum seems to promise Osiris that they two will not be cut off from each other, even though Horus takes over the rule of his father in the upper world. 11 So literally, but uncertain of meaning and perhaps corrupt. 12 Atum’s purpose in destroying his creation and returning it to primeval chaos is not stated here. It probably has to do with the same kind of a destruction of mankind as in the text of pp. io - i i below. The point here is that Osiris, in the realm of the dead, escapes such destruction. 18 Atum, “Totality,” included the gods of primeval chaos, who were depicted in serpent form. 14 Atum assures Osiris that the latter need not fear his enemy Seth, because Seth is sufficiently under the authority of the supreme god to

10

EGYPTIAN

MYTHS,

TALES,

Words of Horus “ O my father Osiris, mayest thou do for me what thy father Re did for thee! I remain upon earth, so that I may establish my place.”15 Words of Osiris “My heir is healthy, my tomb endures; they are my adherents (still) on earth. (25) My enemies have been given into woes, for Selqet is binding them.161 am thy son, my father Re. Thou dost these things for me for the sake of life, prosperity, and health, while Horus remains upon his throne. Mayest thou cause that this my time of passing to a state of reverence may come.”1T THE MYTHOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF CERTAIN UNCLEAN ANIMALS The Egyptians viewed certain animals as devoted for a defi­ nite purpose and therefore taboo for other purposes, specifically as unclean for eating. The following text is a mythological ex­ planation of a taboo against eating pork. Not all of the text is clear, but it does involve two well-known elements: the conflict of Horus and Seth for the rule, and a damage to one of Horus’ eyes, which were the two heavenly luminaries. The text first occurs in the coffins of the Middle Kingdom, from which it is here translated, and is continued into the Book of the Dead, being used for many centuries. The hieroglyphic text is given by A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 11 ( O IF , x l i x , Chicago, 1938), Spell 157, pp. 326 ff. It later became the 112th chapter of the Book of the Dead and is studied and translated by K. Sethe et she threw away; the gold(en jew­ elry) [she discarded] and wailing she went [to . . . ]. (Ishtar reports to the Storm-god.) (11-c) Otten, Kumarbi, No. 12 iii (The Storm-god instructs Tasmisus:) “. . . . Let them mix fodder, let them bring fine oil! Let them anoint Serisu’s horns, let them plate with gold Tella’s tail!10 Let them turn the . . . , and let them pro­ vide them with strong . . . inside, but outside let them attach strong stones as a head-piece. Let them call out the thunder-storms which scatter the rocks for ninety furlongs . . . ! Let them call the rains (and) the winds! The lightning which flashes frightfully let them bring from the sleeping-chamber. Let them bring out the wagon and make it ready! Word bring me back!” When Tasmisus the words heard, he hurried (and) hastened. Serisu [he drove up]*from Mount Imgarra. In the outer portal [he hitched] them. He brought fine oil and Serisu’s [horns he anointed], Tella’s tail he [plated with gold]. The . . . [he . . . ]ed, on the outside • 123d. from the pasture, Tellas [he drove up] 8 Mount Casius near ancient Ugarit on the Mediterranean coast. 0 A musical instrument

124

HI TTI TE MY T HS ,

he attached strong stones as a head-piece. [The thunder storms he called out which scatter the rocks] for [ninety furlongs . . . ]. (ii-d) KUB, xxxm, 113 iv + Otten, Kumarbi, Nos. 12 + 14 iv . . . to fight he took a stand. Furthermore, his battlegear he took, his wagon he took. From heaven he brought the clouds and the Storm-god set his face upon the diorite (man). He visualized him and in height he was [ . . . ] , his height turned (out to be) . . . [ . . . ]. The Storm-god began to speak to Tasmisus: “. . . .” (The continuation shows that the battle was unde­ cisive.) (m-a) KUB, xxxm, 106 i When the gods heard the word, [they . . . ]. They made ready their wagons and handed [ . . . to . . . ]. Astabis11 jumped [upon his wagon like a . . . ] and [drove] the wagon to [ . . . ] . He gathered the chariots together [ . . . ] and thundered the while, he Astabis. Amid thunder Astabis let [a . . . ] down into the sea. [With] the [ . . . ] they drew [up the water].12 Astabis [ . . . ] and the seventy gods held [the . . . ]. Yet he could not [ . . . ] . As[tabis . . . ] and the seventy gods [tumbled] down into the sea. The diorite man [stayed unchanged], his body [even grew taller]. He made the heaven tremble and made [the earth shak]e. He [pushed upward] the sky like an empty garment. The diorite man increased in height [ . . . ] . Before [ . . . his height was] 1,900 leagues as he stood [upon the dark ear]th. Like a tower he was lifted up, (he) the diorite man, so that he reached up to the kuntarra house. [Alto­ gether his height was 9,000 leagues, that diorite man, and his girth 9,000 leagues. He stood [over] the gate of Kummiya like [a . . . ]. He, the diorite man, made Hebat13 leave her temple. Hence Hebat could no longer hear the message of the gods, nor could she see with her eyes the Storm-god and Suwaliyattas.14 Hebat began to speak this word to Takitis ^ “I cannot hear the mighty word of the Storm-god. Nor can I hear the message of Suwaliyattas and of all the gods. Should that being whom they call Ullikummis, the diorite man, have vanquished my [husband] the mighty [Stormgod]?” Hebat began to speak this word to Takitis: “O Takitis, listen! Take thy staff in thy hand, put swift shoes on thy feet! Go and [call] the gods into afssembly!] The diorite man may have killed [my husband, the no]ble king. [Bring] n[ews back] to me!” [When Takitis heard Hebat’s words], he hastened (and) hu[rried ] was stretched. [ . . . ] he goes, but there is no road. [He could not get through], so he [returned] to Hebat. 10 Scrisu and Telia are the Storm-god’s two bulls. 11 The Hurrian Warrior-god who was identified with Zamama or Ninurta. 12 This seems to be an attempt at preventing the monster’s growth by depriving it of the water in which it is standing. 18 The Storm-god’s wife. 14 A warrior-god, probably brother of the Storm-god. 15 Hebat’s messenger.

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[Takitis be]gan [to speak to Hebat]: . . . [ . . . ] . (Considerable gap, in which apparently the defeat of the Storm-god was related.) (m-b) KUB, xxxm, 106 ii [Whe]n Tasmisus heard the Storm-god’s words, he rose instantly, [took] his staff in his hand, put swift shoes on his feet and went forth to the high watchtower. Facing- Hebat he took [his stand] (saying): “In a lowly place [my lord will have to stay] until he has fulfilled the years ordained for him.” When Hebat saw Tasmisus, she barely missed falling from the roof. She would have fallen down, but her girls caught her and stopped her (falling). When Tasmisus had ended speak­ ing his word, he descended from the watchtower and went to the Storm-god. Tasmisus began to speak to the Storm-god: “Where shall we sit down?—on Mount Kandurna ? [While] we sit on Mount Kandurna, some­ one else will be seated on Mount Lalapaduwa. [If] we move anywhere else, there will be no king in heaven.” Tasmisus began to speak to the Storm-god: “ My lord! Hearken to my words! To the words I am telling thee give ear! Come! Let us go before Ea to Apsu,16 let us ask for the old tablets with the words [of fate] ! [When] we arrive at the door of Ea’s house [we shall bow] to Ea’s doors [five times, and] we shall bow to Ea’s . . . five times. [But when] we arrive [before E]a (himself), we shall bow down to Ea (himself) fifteen times. [By then] Ea’s [heart] will perhaps have been softened and Ea [will] perhaps [listen] and do us a favor. He will hand over to us the old [ . . . tablets].” [When the Storm-god] heard [Tasmisus’] words, he hastened (and) hurried. Instantly he rose from his seat. [The Storm-god] and [Tasmisus] took each other by the hand, covered the distance without stopping a single time and [arrived] in Apsu. [When the Storm-god] came [to the entrance of] Ea’s house, [he bowed at] the front [door five times], [and at] their [ . . . ] . . . he bowed five times. [But before Ea (himself) he] bowed [fiftee]n times. (m-c) KUB, xxxm, 106 iii [Ea . . . ], furthermore . . . ]. They17 [took each other] by the hand [and . . . ] until [they . . . ]. From the assembly [he went to Ellil]. [As he] began to la­ ment, [Ellil began to speak to Ea:] “Long life to thee, Ea! [He] who worships [the gods, brings sacrifices to the gods, lavishes the fine and] soothing [cedarwood] on the gods—why hast thou [come to persecute] him?” Ea [began to speak] to Ellil: [“Listen, Ellil!] To the word [which I am telling thee give ear! Kumarbis has created] a rival to the Storm-god. [ . . . ] he has thrived and in heifght he is like a pillar], like [a tower] he is raised up [ . . . ] . [A rival] to thee [ . . . ] the olden [ . . . . Doest thou know that vig]orous [god] ?” [ . . . , but E]llil [did not know him]. 16 Apsu, the watery deep where Ea is living, has become here a city. 17 Ea and who? Perhaps the Storm-god.

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[ . . . , ] Ea [began to speak to Ellil: “What] can I [say to thee?] He who [ . . . , will block off heaven and the gods’] holy houses.” When Ea [had ended his] wo[rds, he set forth and betook himself] to Ubelluris.18 [ . . . ] . Ubelluris [lifted] (his) eyes [and beheld him]. Ubelluris [began to speak] to Ea: “Long life to thee, Ea! [What makes thee come] up [here?” Ea wished] life to Ubelluris [ . . . ] and [ .. . ] Ubelluris [was standing on] the dark earth, he upon whom [ . . . ] . . . was built. Ea began to speak [these words] to Ubelluris: “Knowest thou not, O Ubelluris? Did no one bring thee the news? Doest thou not know him, that vigorous god whom Kumarbis has fashioned to oppose the gods ? or the frightful death which Kumarbis is plotting for the Storm-god ? He is fashioning for him a rival who has thriven in the sea as a diorite stone. Doest thou not know him? Like a tower he is lifted up and has blocked off heaven, the holy houses of the gods, and Hebat. (Is it) because thou art far away from the dark earth, Ubelluris, (that) thou doest not know of that vigorous god?” Ubelluris began to speak to Ea: “When they built heaven and earth upon me I did not know anything. When they came and severed the heaven from the earth with a cleaver, I did not know that either. Now my right shoulder is a little sore. But I do not know who that god is.” When Ea heard these words, he turned Ubelluris’ shoulder as the diorite man stood upon Ubelluris’ right shoulder like a shaft. Ea began to speak to the olden gods the words: “Listen ye, olden gods, ye who know the olden words! Open ye the ancient storehouses of the fathers and fore­ fathers! Let them bring the olden seals of the fathers and let them seal them up again with them afterward! Let them bring [for]th the olden copper knife with which they severed heaven from earth. Let them cut through the feet of Ullikummis, the diorite man, whom Kumarbis has fashioned as a rival to oppose the gods!” (m-d) KUB, xxxih, 106 iv Tasmisus [ .. . ] was on his knees. [ . . . ] he began to speak [ : “. . . ] In his body [(is) . . . ].” His fists are thrust up, upon his head the hair [stands on end].. . . Ea began to speak to Tasmisus: “Move on! Thou wast assigned to my son10 as [a . . . ]. My soul is sad. I have seen with mine own eyes the dead [people] on the [dark] earth; they (are) strfewn about as] dust while [ . . . ] stand (around).” [Ea] began to speak [to the gods]: “Firstly, I have crippled, [and secondly I have . . . ] the diorite man. Go ye and battle him again! [ ___ ] Let him no longer stand like a shaft!” Tasmisus [took courage] and began to [re]joice. He clapped his hands three times and up [to the gods he shouted and] they heard (him). He clapped again, and the Storm-god, the valiant king of Kummiya, 18 The giant who carries the world on his shoulder and now also Ulli­ kummis. 10 i.e. the Storm-god.

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[hea]rd (him). They came to the place of assembly. All the gods began to bellow like cattle against Ullikum­ mis, the diorite man. The Storm-god jumped upon his chariot like a . . . . With thunder he went down to the sea and engaged him in battle, the Storm-god the diorite man. The diorite man began to speak to [the Storm-]god: “What shall I say to thee, O Storm-god? Keep fight­ ing!” Of his mind [ . . . ] while he stands (there)in. “What shall I say to thee, O Storm-god! [Keep fight­ ing!] Before [ . . . ] string together (thy) wise thoughts like pearls! [Up to heaven] I shall go to assume the kingship. Kummiya [I shall destroy] and the kuntarra house I shall take over. The gods I shall [drive out from] hea[ven].” (The closing lines are almost completely destroyed. They must have told how Ullikummis, despite his boast­ ing, was defeated by the Storm-god.)

T he M yth o f Illuyankas Texts: KBo, iii, 7 and its duplicates KUB, xii, 66, KUB, xvii, 5 and 6. Literature: H. Zimmern in Lehmann-Hass, Textbuch zur Religionsgeschichte (1922), 339 f.; A. H. Sayce, JRAS, 1922, 177-90; H. Zimmern, Streitberg-Festgabe (1924), 430-41; A. Gotze, Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens (1933), 131 f. OLDER VERSION

(i) These are the words of Kellas, the “anointed”1 of the Storm-god of Nerik. What follows is the cult legend of the Purulli Festival2 of the Storm-god of Heaven, (the version which) they no longer tell: (5) May the land flourish (and) prosper! May the land be (well) protected! If it flourishes (and) prospers, they will celebrate the Purulli Festival. When the Storm-god and the Dragon Illuyankas (10) came to grips in Kiskilussa, the Dragon Illuyankas vanquished the Storm-god. The Storm-god besought all the gods: “Come ye to my aid! Let Inaras prepare a celebration!” (15) He made everything ready on a grand scale: amphorae of wine, amphorae of marnuwan, (and) am­ phorae of walhi.“ The amphorae he had filled to the brim. Inaras went to Zigaratta (and) encountered Hupasiyas, a mortal. Thus spoke Inaras: “See, Hupasiyas! Such and such41 want to do. I would have thee aid me!” Thus spoke Hupasiyas to Inaras: (25) “So be it! Let me sleep with thee, and I will come (and) fulfill thy wishes!” And he slept with her. Inaras took Hupasiyas to the place and hid him. Inaras (ii 5°) put on her finery and lured the Dragon Illuyankas up from his lair: “ See! I am holding a cele­ bration. Come thou to eat and to drink!” The Dragon Illuyankas came up with [his children] 1 A priest. 3 Alcoholic beverages. s From here on KUB,

x v ii,

2 Probably the New Year’s festival. 4 Lit.: this and this. 5 offers the best text.

126

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(10) and they ate (and) drank. They drank every am­ phora dry and quenched their thirst. Thereupon they are no longer able to descend to their lair. Hupasiyas came (15) and trussed the Dragon Illuyankas with a rope. “The Storm-god came and killed the Dragon Illu­ yankas and the gods were with him. Inaras built herself a house on a cliff (15) in the land of Tarukka. She made Hupasiyas live in that house. Inaras instructs him: “When I go to the country, thou shalt not look out of the window! If thou lookest out, thou mayest see thy wife and thy children.” When twenty days had passed, that man opened the window and [he saw] his wife and his children. (25) When Inaras came home from the country, he began to moan: “Let me go home!” (ii7) Thus spoke Ina[ras to Hupasiyas]: “Thou shalt [not] op,en the [window again]!” She [killed him] in the quarrel and the Storm-god sowed sahlu* [over the ruins of the house]. That man [came to a] griev[ous end]. (15) Inaras [returned] to Kiskil[ussa. But] her house . . . she placed . . . [in] the hand of the king. From the time on that we celebrated the first Purulli Festival, the hand of [the king has been supreme] in the. . . of InaraS. (There follow two more sections before a break. The word “rain” seems to play an important part in them.) LATER VERSION

iii0) [This is the way in] which [ . . . ] told it [later]: The Dragon Illuyankas vanquished the Storm-god and took (his) heart and (his) eyes away from him. The Storm-god [sought to revenge himself] upon him. He took the daughter of the poor man (5) for his wife and he begat a son. When he grew up, he took the daughter of the Dragon Illuyankas in marriage. The Storm-god instructs his son: (10) “When thou goest to the house of thy wife, ask them for (my) heart and (mine) eyes!” When he went there, he asked them for (the) heart and they gave that to him. (15) Later he asked for (the) eyes, and they gave him those too. He brought them to the Storm-god, his father. Thus the Storm-god got back his heart and his eyes. (20) When his frame had been restored to its old state, he left to the Sea for battle. When he had engaged the Dragon Illuyankas in battle, (25) he came close to vanquishing him. But the son of the Storm-god, who was with Illuyankas, shouted up to heaven to his father: “Count me as with (him)! (30) Spare me not!” So the Storm-god killed the Dragon Illuyankas and his son too. In this way the Storm-god got even with the Dragon Illuyankas. (After a considerable break a quite enigmatic text follows in col. iv. It seems to tell us about a procedure 6 From here on KUB, x v i i , 6 i s followed. 7 Second column of KBo, h i , 7. 8 A weed commonly found on ruins. 9 Third column of KBo, m, 7.

AND LEGENDS

by which the rank and the order of the gods were estab­ lished. The most significant verb in the text is pu-uul(-)tiyanzi-, it may contain an etymology of the name of the Purulli Festival. Unfortunately its meaning is not clear; the context suggests “compete” or “race” as a possibility.) All the gods arrive (15) and they compete. Of all the gods Zashapunas of Kastama was the greatest. Because Zalanuisas is his wife, and Tazzuwasis his concubine, (20) they made these three live in Tanipiyas. (An estate is endowed for them there.)

T he Telepinus M yth Texts: The main text is KUB, x v i i , 10. Numerous additional fragments of a similar character have been edited and classified by H. Otten in KUB, xxxm. The same author has dealt with the whole material in great detail in his book Die Vberlieferungen des Telipinu-Mythus (MVAG, x l v i / i [1942]). He assigns the surviving material to four different versions. A similar tale is also associated with the Storm-god. Literature: Besides the book just quoted, the translation of the main text by A. Gotze in Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens (1933), 134 ff.; 2nd ed. (1957), 143 f. is still of interest; Otten’s book does not deal with the main text.

a. The God’s Anger, His Disappearance and Its Consequences (The upper third of the tablet, about 20 lines, is broken off. It probably told the reasons for the god’s anger.) (i) Telepinus [flew into a rage and shouted:] “There must be no interference!” In his agitation] he tried to put [his right shoe] on his left foot and his left [shoe on his right foot]. . . . [ . . . ] . (5) Mist seized the windows, smoke seized the house. In the fireplace the logs were stifled, at the altars the gods were stifled, in the fold the sheep were stifled, in the stable the cattle were stifled. The sheep neglected its lamb, the cow neglected its calf. (10) Telepinus walked away and took grain, (fertile) breeze, . . . . . . . and satiation to the country, the meadow, the steppes. Telepinus went and lost himself in the steppe; fatigue overcame him. So grain (and) spelt thrive no longer. So cattle, sheep and man no longer (15) breed. And even those with young cannot bring them forth. The vegetation dried up; the trees dried up and would bring forth no fresh shoots. The pastures dried up, the springs dried up. In the land famine arose so that man and gods perished from hunger. The great Sun-god arranged for a feast and invited the thousand gods. They ate, (20) but they did not satisfy their hunger; they drank, but they did not quench their thirst. b. The Search for the Vanished God The Storm-god became anxious about Telepinus, his son: “Telepinus, my son, (he said) is not here. He has

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flown into a rage and taken (with him) every good thing.” The great gods and the lesser gods began to search for Telepinus. The Sun-god sent out the swift Eagle (saying): “Go! Search every high (25) moun­ tain!” “ Search the deep valleys! Search the watery depth!” The Eagle went, but he could not find him. Back to the Sun-god he brought his message: “I could not find him, him, Telepinus, the noble god.” The Storm-god said to Hannahannas1: “What shall we do? (30) We shall die of hunger.” Hannahannas said to the Storm-god: “Do something, O Storm-god! Go! Search for Telepinus thy­ self!” The Storm-god began to search for Telepinus. In his city he [knock] s at the gate, but he is not there and opens not. He broke open his bolt and his lock, [but he has no luck], the Storm-god. So he gave up and sat down to rest. Hannahannas (35) sent [out the Bee]: “Go! Search thou for Telepinus!”2 [The Storm-god s]aid [to Hannahannas]: “The great gods (and) the lesser gods have searched for him, but [did not find] him. Shall then this [Bee] go out [and find him] ? Its wings are small, it is small itself. Shall they admit that it is greater than they ?” 3Hannahannas said to the Storm-god: “Enough! It will go (and) find him.” Hannahannas sent out the little Bee: “Go! Search thou for Telepinus! When thou findest him, sting him on his hands (and) his feet! Bring him to his feet! Take wax and wipe his eyes and his feet, purify him and bring him before me!” The Bee went away and searched . . . the streaming rivers, and searched the murmuring springs. The honey within it gave out, [the wax within it] gave out. Then [it found] him in a meadow in the grove at Lihzina. It stung him on his hands and his feet. It brought him to his feet, it took wax and wiped his eyes (and) his feet, [it purified him] and [ . . . ] . [Telepinus . . . ] declares: “For my part I had flown into a rage [and walked away. How dare] ye a [rouse me] from my sleep? How dare ye force me to talk when enraged ?” He grew [still more infu]riated. [He stopped] the murmuring springs, he diverted the flow­ ing rivers and made them flow over their banks. He [blocked off] the clay pits, he shattered [the windo]ws, he shattered the houses. He had men perish, he had sheep and cattle perish. [It came to] pass that the gods [despaire]d (asking): “Wh[y has Te]lepinus become [so infur]iated ? [Wh]at shall we do ? [What] shall we do ?” [The great Sun-god( ? ?) declares: “ [Fetch ye] man! Let him [t]ake the spring Hattara on mount Ammuna [as . . . ]! Let him (man) make him move! With the 1 The name is ideographically written n i n . t u or m a h ; she is the mother of the gods. 2 For the text of this and the next section see Otten, loc. at., p. 9. 3 The text of the end of the mythological part of the text is regained by combining KUB, xxxm, 5 (and fragment Chantre), i.e. Otten’s B, with KUB, xxxm, 9 and 10, i.e. Otten’s C. The reconstruction may not be correct as to its exact wording; it will, however, cover the course of events ade­ quately.

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eagle’s wing let him make him move!4 Let man make him move! With the eagle’s wing [let man make him move]!” (A gap follows in which Kamrusepas, the goddess of magic and healing, is commissioned to pacify Tele­ pinus and to bring him back.) c. The Ritual ENTREATY

(The beginning5 is multilated.) (ii) “O Telepinus! [Here lies] sweet and soothing [cedar essence. Just as it is . . . ], [even so let] the stifled [be set right] again! “Here [I have] upthrusting sap [with which to purify thee]. (10) Let it [invigorate] thy heart and thy soul, O Telepinus! Toward the king [turn] in favor! “Here lies chaff. [Let his heart (and) soul] be segre­ gated [like it]! Here lies an ear [of grain]. Let it attract his heart [(and) his soul]! “ (15) Here lies sesame. [Let his heart (and) his soul] be comforted by it. Here [lie] figs. Just as [figs] are sweet, even so let Te[lepinus’ heart (and) soul] become sweet! “Just as the olive [holds] oil within it, [as the grape] (20) holds wine within it, so hold thou, Telepinus, in (thy) heart (and thy) soul good feelings [toward the king]! “Here lies ointment. Let it anoint Telepin[us’ heart (and) soul]! Just as malt (and) malt-loaves are harmo­ niously fused, even so let thy soul be in harmony with the affairs of mankind! [Just as spelt] (25) is clean, even so let Telepinus’ soul become clean! J[ust as] honey is sweet, as cream is smooth, even so let Telepinus’ soul become sweet and even so let him become smooth! “See, O Telepinus! I have now sprinkled thy ways with fine oil. So walk thou, Telepinus, over these ways that are sprinkled with fine oil! (30) Let lahil wood and happuriaSal wood be at hand! Let us set thee right, O Telepinus, into whatever state of mind is the right one!” Telepinus came in his fury. Lightning flashed, it thundered while the dark earth was in turmoil. (35) Kamrusepas saw him. The eagle’s wing made him move out there. It took off him (iii) the rage, it took off him the anger, it took off him [the ire], it took off him the fury. k a m r u s e p a s ’ r it u a l o p p u r if ic a t io n

Kamrusepas tells the gods: “ Come ye, O gods! See! Hapantallis is shepherding the Sun-god’s sheep. (5) Select ye twelve rams! I want to fix long days for Tele­ pinus. I have taken death, one thousand eyes.6 I have strewn about the selected sheep of Kamrusepas. “Over Telepinus I have swung them this way and that. (10) From Telepinus’ body I have taken the evil, 4 A certain ritual. 5 The rendered text is mainly that of KUB, xvii, 10 ii 6 ff.; at the begin­ ning parallel texts are used for restoration. 6 The meaning of this phrase is unclear.

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I have taken the malice. I have taken the rage, I have taken the anger, I have taken the ire, I have taken the fury. “When Telepinus was angry, his heart (and) his soul were stifled (like) firebrands. (15) Just as they burned these brands, even so let Telepinus’ rage, anger, malice (and) fury burn themselves out! Just as [malt] is barren, (as) people do not bring it to the field to use it for seed, (as) people do not make it into bread (or) put it in the storehouse, even so let Telepinus’ rage, [anger], (20) malice (and) fury become barren! “When Telepinus was angry, [his heart (and) his soul] were a burning fire. Just as this fire [is quenched], even so let (his) rage, anger (and) fury [be quenched] too! “O Telepinus, give up thy rage, [give up] thine anger, (25) give up thy fury! Just as (water in) a pipe flows not upward, even so let Telepinus’ [rage, anger (and) ] fury not [come] back! “The gods [were gathered] in assembly under the hatalhelnal tree. For the hatalkelnai tree I have fixed long [years]. (30) All gods are now present, (including) the [ls]tustayas, the Good-women (and) the Mothergoddesses, the Grain-god; Miyatanzipas, Telepinus, Inaras, Hapantaliyas (and) the Patron of the field. For these gods I have fixed long years; I have purified him, [O Telepinus]! ( 35) * ' [ • • • ] I have taken the evil [from] Telepinus’ body, I have taken away his [rage], [I have taken away] his an[ger], I have taken away his [ire], [I have taken away] his fury, I have taken away his malice, [I have taken away his] ev[il].” (small gap) m a n ’s r it u a l

(The beginning is lost, but Telepinus is addressed:)7 “. . . (When) thou [departedst] from the hatalkesnas tree on a summer day, the crop got smutted. (When) the ox departed [with thee], (iv)8 thou wastedst its shape. (When) the sheep departed with thee, thou wastedst its form. O Telepinus, stop rage, anger, malice (and) fury! 7 Text for the first few lines is taken from KUB, xxxm, 54 13-15. 8 Here the fourth column of KUB, xvii, 10 begins.

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“ (When) the Storm-god comes in his wrath, the Storm-god’s priest (5) stops him. (When) a pot of food boils over, the (stirring) spoon stops it. Even so let the word of me, the mortal, stop Telepinus’ rage, anger, and fury! “Let Telepinus’ rage, anger, malice, (and) fury de­ part ! Let the house let them go, let the interior . . . let them go, (10) let the window let them go! In the . . . let the interior courtyard let them go, let the gate let them go, let the gateway let them go, let the road of the king let them go! Let it not go to the thriving field, garden (or) grove! Let it go the way of the Sun-god of the nether world! “The doorkeeper has opened the seven doors, has un­ locked the seven bolts. (15) Down in the dark earth there stand bronze cauldrons, their lids are of abarumetal, their handles of iron. Whatever goes in there comes not out again; it perishes therein. Let them also receive Telepinus’ rage, anger, malice (and) fury! Let them not come back!” d. The God’s Home-Coming (20) Telepinus came home to his house and cared (again) for his land. The mist let go of the windows, the smoke let go of the house. The altars were set right for the gods, the hearth let go of the log. He let the sheep go to the fold, he let the cattle go to the pen. The mother tended her child, the ewe tended her lamb, (25) the cow tended her calf. Also Telepinus tended the king and the queen and provided them with enduring life and vigor. Telepinus cared for the king. A pole was erected be­ fore Telepinus and from this pole the fleece of a sheep was suspended. It signifies fat of the sheep, it signifies grains of corn . . . (and) (30) wine, it signifies cattle (and) sheep, it signifies long years of progeny. It signifies the lamb’s favorable message.0 It signifies ..............It signifies fruitful breeze. It signifies . . . sati­ ation. .. .10 (end of the text lost) 51 i.e. favorable omens when the intestines of the sacrificial lamb are in­ spected. 10 Compare KUB, xxxm, 12 iv 15 ff. and 24 iv 19 ff.

Ugaritic Myths, Epics, and Legends T R A N S L A T O R : H. L. G I N S B E R G

Ugaritic poetry falls into distinct metrical units, but these were not indicated outwardly by the scribes. In the following trans­ lation, every colon is printed on a separate line. Isolated cola are not common. As a rule there are two, and sometimes there are three, to a stich. In the translation, the second and third cola in each stich are indented. The numbers in the right margin are those of the lines in the Ugaritic tablet, which, as has been ex­ plained, do not coincide with the cola.*

Poems about Baal and A nath Both large and small fragments of tablets containing poetic mythological texts in which the leading role is played by the rain- and fertility-god Baal and the next in importance by the warrior-goddess Anath came to light in the French excavations of Ras Shamra-Ugarit in the years 1930, 1931, and 1933, and at least one small fragment (which may be a duplicate of one of the others) in 1929. Because so many letters, words, lines, columns, and probably some whole tablets are missing, not all of the tablets can be declared, with certainty, to be parts of the great epic of Baal and arranged in their proper order within it. How­ ever, in the following translations, even small fragments whose pertinence to the larger epic is probable have, for the most part, been included (if only, in a few desperate cases, in the form of sketchy summaries) and assigned tentative positions within it. Tablets whose pertinence to the larger poem is doubtful have been added at the end by way of an appendix. In view of all these uncertainties, the tablets will not be desig­ nated as B‘L A, B‘L B, etc., but by the original sigla of the first editor, Ch. Virolleaud. They are all studied together by C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Literature, Rome (1949), pp. 9-55 (56?). Other literature will be given separately for each tablet.

a. VI AB Editions: Ch. Virolleaud, La diesse ‘Anat (Paris, 1938), pp. 91-102 and the last photograph; C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Hand­ book, 11, pp. 189-190, ‘nt, pis. ix-x (transliteration only). Studies: A. Herdner, Syria, x x i i i (1942-43), 283-285. Owing to the very poor state of preservation, connected translation is possible only for groups of lines which, because they are stereotyped, can be completed with the help of parallels; while just the crucial pas­ sages are very doubtful. It seems, however, that El, die head of the pantheon, (1) instructs the craftsman-god Kothar waKhasis to build a palace on his (El’s) grounds, the name of the latter being Khurshan-zur-kas (col. iii), (2) announces that his (eldest? favorite?) son is to be known as El’s Beloved Yamm ( = Sea) and as Master (cf. iv 15, 20 with II AB ii 34-35, and iv 17 with III AB B 17, 33-34), and (3) perhaps authorizes Yamm to banish Baal from his throne (iii 22-25).

b. Ill AB C Editions: Ch. Virolleaud, Syria, xxiv (1944-45), I_la> C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Handbook, 11, Text 129. This fragment com­ prises 24 very mutilated lines from the right-hand column on one of the sides of a tablet with two very broad columns on each side. Such a tablet is the one of whose col. i, III AB B is the lower part, and of whose col. iv, III AB A is the upper part; Virolleaud

therefore surmises that III AB C is part of (the lower half of) col. iii of the same tablet. For its content, however, a position between III AB B and III AB A seems strange; so, perhaps, it belongs to a tablet which preceded, and in outward disposition resembled, the tablet of which III AB B-A is a remnant. In it, El instructs Kothar to build a palace for Yamm. Ashtar complains of not being accorded the like favor.

[ . . . There] he is off on his way (3) To El of the Sources [of the Floods, In the midst of the headwaters of the Two Oceans. He penetrates] E [l]’s field and enters The [pa]vilion of King [Father Shunem.1 At El’s feet he bows] and falls down, Prostrates himself, doing [him] homage. O) Kothar wa-Kha[sis! Quic]\ly bu[ild the h]ouse of Yamm, [Ere]ct the palace of Judge Nahar. Build the house of Prince Yamm, [Ere]ct the pala[ce of Judge] Nahar, In the midst of [ ___ Quickly] his [hou]se shalt thou build, Quickly erec[t his palace].

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(All that can be made out is that Ashtar is displeased.) Quoth the Gods’ Torch Shapsh,2 Raising her voice and [crying: “Heark]en, I pray thee! Thy father Bull El favors Prince Yamm. . . [ . . . ] . . . [Sh]ould thy father Bull [E]l hear thee, He will pull out [the pillars of thy dwelling! Yea, overt]urn [the throne of thy] kingship! Yea, break the sce[pter] of thy dominion!” Quoth [Ashtar] of the [ . . . ] . . . : “ Oh, my father Bull El! I have no house [like] the gods, [Nor] court like \the holy oh]es. (20) >» (the rest obscure) c. Ill AB B-A Editions: (1) Of III AB B: Ugaritic Handbook, 11, Text 137. (2) Of III AB A: Ch. Virolleaud, Syria, xvi (1935), 29-45, with PI. xi; H. L. Ginsberg, JPOS, xv (1935), 327-331; Kitbe Ugarit, 73-76; H. Bauer, AKTRSch., Ca. Studies: W. F. Albright, JPOS, xvi (1936), 17-20; T. H. Gaster, Iraq, 4 (1937), 21-23; JObermann, JAOS, l x v i i (1947), 195-208. See die paragraph preceding the translation of III AB C. 1 One of El’s epithets; vocalization uncertain. Some render “ Father of Years.” 2 The sun-goddess.

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( i ) III A B B

Quoth] Puissant Baal: (3) “ [May’st thou be driven from thy throne of kingship, From thy seat of do]minion! Ayamur* upon thy head, [Prince Yamm; Upon thy back Yagrush,4]5 Judge Nahar. May [Horon] break, [O Yamm, May Horon break] thy head, Ashtoreth [Name of Baal thy pate. . . . ] down may’st thou fall i n . . . [ . . . ] [Messengers Yamm doth send. (Two lines defective and unintelligible.) “Depart ye, lad[s, don’t tarry. There now, be off] on your way Towards the Assembled Body* In the m[idst of the Mo.unt of Lala. At the feet of El] fall not down, Prostrate you not to the Assembled [Body. Proudly standing] say ye your speech. And say unto Bull [my] father [El, Declare unto the Assembled] Body: ‘Message of Yamm your lord, Of your master Ju[dge Nahar]. Surrender the god with a following, Him whom the multitudes worship: Give Baal [to me to lord over], Dagon’s son whose spoil I’ll possess.’ ”— The lads depart, they delay not. [There, they are off] on their way To the midst of the Mount of Lala, Towards the Assembled Body. Now, the gods were sitting to e[at], The holy ones for to dine, Baal attertding upon El. As soon as the gods espy them, Espy the messengers of Yamm, The envoys of Judge Nahar, The gods do drop their heads Down upon their knees And on their thrones of princeship. Them doth Baal rebuke: “Why, O gods, have ye dropt Your head[s] down upon your knees And on your thrones of princeship ? I see the gods are cowed With terror of the messengers of Yamm, Of the envoys of Judge Naha[r]. Lift up, O gods, your heads From upon your knees, From upon your thrones of princeship, And I’ll answer7 the messengers of Yamm, The envoys of Judge Nahar.”

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8 Name of a bludgeon, meaning something like “Driver” ; see episode {2). ♦Name of a bludgeon, meaning “ Chaser” ; see episode (2). 6 Evidently Kothar has already promised Baal the two cudgels which he wields so effectively in episode (2). 6 The assembly of the gods. 7 Or, perhaps, humble.

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The gods lift up their heads From upon their knees, From upon [their] thrones of prin[ceship]. Then come the messengers of Yamm, (30) The envoys of Judge Nahar. At El’s feet they do [not] fall down, Prostrate them not to the Assembled Body. Prou[dly] standing, [they] say their speech. Fire, burning fire, doth flash', A whetted sword [are their e]yes. They say to Bull his father El: “Message of Yamm your lord, Of your master Judge Nahar. Surrender the god with a following, etc.” (see 18-19) [Quoth] Bull, his father, El: (36) “Thy slave is Baal, O Yamm, Thy slave is Baal [for eve]r, Dagon’s Son is thy captive; He shall be brought as thy tribute. For the gods bring [thy gift], The holy ones are thy tributaries.”— Now, Prince Baa[l] was wroth. [Sei]zing [a cudgel] in his hand, A bludgeon in his right hand, He r[eached] to strike the lads. [His right hand Ashtore]th* seizes, (40) Ashtoreth seizes his left hand. “How [canst thou strike the messengers of Yamm, The en]voys of Judge Nahar ? A messenger. . . [ . . . . . . ] a messenger [bears]; Upon his shoulders the words of his lord, And...[...].” But Prince Baal was wroth. The cudgel in ha[nd he. . . He confronts the messengers of Yamm, The [en]voys of Judge Naha[r. . . . ] . . . “I say unto Yamm your lord, [Your] ma[ster Judge Nahar]: >»

(lines 46-47 too defective for understanding) (2)

III A B A

(defective and obscure) “. . . [ho]uses. To the earth shall fall the strong, To the dust the mighty.”— Scarce had the word lef [t] her mouth, Her speech left her lips, As she uttered her. . . voice Under the throne of Prince Yamm, Quoth Kothar wa-Khasis: “ I tell thee, O Prince Baal, I declare, O Rider of the Clouds. 8 Ana]lh or Ashera]h are also possible restorations.

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UGARI TI C

Now thine enemy, O Baal, Now thine enemy wilt thou smite, Now wilt thou cut off thine adversary. Thou’lt take thine eternal kingdom, Thine everlasting dominion.” Kothar brings down two clubs And gives them names. “Thou, thy name is Yagrush (‘Chaser’). Yagrush, chase Yamm! Chase Yamm from his throne, [Najhar from his seat of dominion. Do thou swoop in the hand of Baal, Like an eagle between his fingers; Strike the back of Prince Yamm, Between the arms* of [ J]udge Nahar.” The club swoops in the hand of Baal, Like an eagle between his [fi]ngers; It strikes the back of Prince Yamm, Between the arms of Judge Nahar. Yamm is firm, he is not bowed; His joints bend not, Nor breaks his frame.— Kothar brings down two clubs And gives them names. “Thou, thy name is Ayamur (‘Driver’ ?). Ayamur, drive Yamm! Drive Yamm from his throne, Nahar from his seat of dominion. Do thou swoop in the hand of Baal, Like an eagle between his fingers; Strike the pate of Prince Yamm, Between the eyes10 of Judge Nahar. Yamm shall collapse And fall to the ground.” The club swoops in the hand of Baal, [Like] an eagle between his fingers; It strikes the pate of Prince [Yamm], Between the eyes of Judge Nahar. Yamm collapses, He falls to the ground; His joints bend, His frame breaks. Baal would rend, would smash Yamm, Would annihilate Judge Nahar. By name Ashtoreth rebukes [him]. “For shame, O Puissant [Baal]; For shame, O Rider of the Clouds! For our captive is Prin[ce Yamm], Our captive is Judge Nahar.” As [the word] left [her mouth], Puissant Baal was ashamed . . .

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Hence there is still talk of him, e.g. at the end of coL ii of episode e.) (10)

d. Fragment b This is the current designation of a piece—representing the top of the middle column of the obverse or reverse of a tablet with three columns on each side—of which a copy was published by Ch. Virolleaud, Syria, xm (1932), 158; and transliterated by H. Bauer, AKTRSch., p. 57, and C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Hand­ book, ii, p. 144a, middle. Here Baal apparendy sends his mes­ sengers to Anath to tell her to join him in a demarche before Asherah with a view to procuring a palace.

“. . . Homage to Lady Asherah of [the Sea], Obeisance to the Progenitress of the Gods, (So) [she] will give a house to Baal like the [g]ods’, And a court like [AJsherah’s sons’.”— Loudly to his lads Baal cries: “Look ye, Gapn and Ugar sons of Ghulumat,11 ‘Amamis twain, sons of Zulumat (£/»»*)11 The stately, win[g]-spreading,. . . ; Winged ones twain, flock of clouds, (10) ’Neath [ . . . ] ; Birdlike ones twain, fl[oc\ of . . . snow]. » (obscure beginnings of 5 more lines) (20)

e. IIA B Editions: Ch. Virolleaud, Syria, xiii (1932), 113-163; H. L. Ginsberg, Tarbiz, v (1933), 85-96; J. A. Montgomery, Z. S. Harris, The Ras Shamra Mythological Texts (1935), 58-74; H. L. Ginsberg, Kitbe Vgarit, pp. 18-46; H. Bauer, AKTRSch., 48-56; C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Handbook, 11, Text 51. Studies: J. A. Montgomery, JAOS, u ii (1933), 115-123; W. F. Albright, JPOS, xiv (1934), 115-132; U. Cassuto, Orientalia NS, vii (1938), 265-90; JBL, lx i (1942), 51-56; T. H. Gaster, BASOR, 101 (Feb., 1946), 21-30; ]QR, xxxvn (1946-7), 55-56. At the beginning, Baal’s messengers explain to Anath why a demarche before Asherah is indicated.

(some 20 lines missing, 3 obliterated)

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(The rest is too defective for any meaning to be ex­ tracted, except that Yamm seems to say twice “I am dying, Baal will reign.” But apparently Yamm does not die, but is only confined to his proper sphere, the seas. 9 i.e. on the back; cf. II Kings 9:24; Zcch. 13:6. 10 i.e. on the front of the head; cf. Ezod. 13:9, 16; Dent. 6:8; 1 1 :1 8 ; Dan. 8 :;.

But alas! He cri]es unto Bull El [his father, (5) To E ]1 the King [his begetter; He cries] unto Ashe[rah and her children], To [E]lath [and the band of] her [kindred: Look, no house has Baal like the gods, (10) Nor court like the children of Ashe]r[ah]. The abode of El is the shelter of his son. The abode of Lady Asherah of the Sea Is the abode of the perfect brides: ’Tis the dwelling of Padriya daughter of Ar, The shelter of Talliya(fly) the daughter of Rabb, (And) the abode of Arsiya (orsy) the daughter of Ya'abdar.12 1 1 Means “ darkness.** Ghulumat is also known as the name of a goddess fromRSh 1929, 1:19 ; 3:25. 12 The three names mean "Flashie (or, Lightningette) daughter of Light, Dewie daughter of Distillation, Earthie daughter of . . .’* They are BaaTs wives or daughters, and Baal is the god of rain and dew and “ the Prince, Lord of the Earth.**

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And here’s something more I would tell thee: (20) Just try doing homage to Lady Asherah of the Sea, Obeisance to the Progenitress of the Gods. Hayyin18 would go up to the bellows, In Khasis’ hands would be the tongs, To melt silver, To beat out gold. He’d melt silver by the thousands (of shekels), Gold he’d melt by the myriads. He’d melt. . . and . . . : (30) A gorgeous dais weighing twice ten thousand (shekels), A gorgeous dais cast in silver, Coated with a film of gold; A gorgeous throne resting above A gorgeous footstool o’erspread with a mat; A gorgeous couch having a . . . , He pours it over with gold; A gorgeous table which is filled With all manner of game1* from the foundations of the earth; (40) Gorgeous bowls shaped like small beasts like those of Amurru, Stelae shaped like the wild beasts of Yam’an, Wherein are wild oxen by the myriads.15 (The first lines of the following scene perhaps show Asherah, “Lady Asherah of the Sea,” presenting an offering of fish to El.) (ii) (Some 16 lines entirely missing, then 4 defective and obscure.) Its16 shin, the covering of its flesh. She17 flings its vestment into the sea, Both its skins into the deeps. She puts fire on the brazier, A pot upon the coals, (And) propitiates Bull El Benign, (10) Does obeisance to the Creator of Creatures.— Lifting up her eyes she beholds. The advance of Baal Asherah doth espy, The advance of the Maiden Anath, The onrush of Yabamat [Liimmim]. Thereat her feet [do stumble]; Her loins [do crack be]hind her, Her [face breaks out in s]weat [above her]. Bent are the [joints of her loins], Weakened those of [her] back.18 (20) She lifts up her voice and cries: “ Why is Puissant [Ba]al come? And why the Ma[id]en Anath ? 13 “ Deft,” another name of the craftsman-god. 14 If the translation is correct: rhytons, or vessels having the shape of animals. 15 Uncertain rendering. 16 Of some beast or fish. 17 Apparently, Lady Asherah of the Sea. 18 Because she fears the unexpected visitors bring bad news(cf. Ezek. 2 1:11* 12 ) . This is the standard reaction of a femalecharacter to an un­ expected visit.

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Have my children slain [each other], 0 [r the b]and of my kinsmen [destroyed one an­ other] ?” [The work] of silver Asherah doth espy, The work of silver and [ . . . ] of gold. Lady A[sherah] of the Sea rejoices; Loudly unto her lad [she] doth [cry]: “Look thou, Deft One, yea [give heed], (30) O fisherman of Lady Asher[ah of the Sea]. Take a net in thy hand, A large [seine] on thy two hands. [Cast it] into El’s Beloved [Yamm]18 Into the Sea of El Be[nign, Into the De]ep of E l . . . [ . . . ]. »>

(Only the beginnings of 37-47 preserved, and no con­ nected sense recoverable.) (iii) (about 12 lines missing, 9 lines defective) C[ome]s Puissant Baal, (10) Advances the Rider of the Clouds. Lo, he takes his stand and cries defiance, He stands erect and spits In the midst of the as[sem]bly of the divine beings: “Ab[omination] has been placed upon my table, Filth in the cup I drink. For two [kinds of] banquets Baal hates, Three the Rider of the Clouds: A banquet of shamefulness, A banquet {banquet}80 of baseness, (20) And a banquet of handmaids’ lewdness. Yet herein is flagrant shamefulness, And herein is handmaids’ lewdness.”— After this goes Puissant Baal, Also goes the Maiden Anath. As they do homage to Lady Asherah of the Sea, Obeisance to the Progenitress of the Gods, Quoth Lady Asherah of the Sea: “Why do ye homage to Lady Asherah of the Sea, Obeisance to the Progenitress of the Gods ? (30) Have ye done homage to Bull El Benign, Or obeisance to the Creator of Creatures ?” Quoth the Maiden Anath: “We do homage to [th]ee, Lady Asherah of the Sea, [Obei]sance to the Progenitress of the Gods. »

(Rest of column badly damaged. It is clear that Ashe­ rah makes a feast for her visitors, and it may be inferred that they urge her to intercede for Baal with El, as she does in the next column.) (iv-v) (Some 10 lines missing; lines i-2a too fragmentary to be restored.) [Loudly unto her lad] Ashe[rah doth cry: 19 Yamm (=Sea) is apparently still El's Beloved, despite what he went through above, in episode hi AB A. 20 Dittography.

UGARI TI C MY T H S ,

“Look thou, Qadesh wa-Amrur, Fisherman of Lady] Asherah of the Sea! [Saddle a donkey], Harness a jackass. [Attach trappings of] silver, [A housing] of gol[d], Put on the trappings of [thy] she-asses.” Qad[esh] wa-Amrur obeys. He saddles a donkey, Harnesses a jackass. He attaches trappings of silver, (10) A housing of gold, Puts on the trappings of his she-asses. Qadesh wa-Amrur embraces And places Asherah on the donkey’s back, On the beautiful back of the jackass. Qadesh proceeds to lead, Amrur is like a star in front; The Maiden Anath follows, While Baal leaves for Zaphon’s summit.— There, she21 is off on her way (20) Towards El of the Sources of the Two Floods In the midst of the headwaters of the Two Oceans. She penetrates El’s field and enters The pavilion of King Father Shunem. At El’s feet she bows and falls down, Prostrates her and does him reverence. As soon as El espies her, He parts his jaws and laughs. His feet upon the footstool he puts And doth twiddle his fingers. (30) He lifts up his voice and [cri]es: “Why is come Lady Asher [ah of the S]ea? Why hither the Progenitress of the G[ods] ? Art thou become hungry and fa[int], Or art become thirsty and pa[rched] ? Eat, pray, yea drink. Ea[t] thou from the tables bread; Drink from the flagons wine, From the golden gob(lets) blood of vines. See, El the King’s love stirs thee, Bull’s affection arouses thee.” Quoth Lady Asherah of the Sea: (40) “Thy decree, O El, is wise: Wisdom with ever-life thy portion. Thy decree is: our king’s Puissant Baal, Our sovereign second to none; All of us must bear his gi[ft], All of us [must b]ear his purse.22 [But alas!] He cries unto Bull El his father, To [El] the King his begetter; He cries unto Asherah and her children, Elath and the band of her kin[dred]: Look, no house has Baal like the gods, (50) Nor court like the children of Asherah. 21 Asherah. 22 Must be tributary to him. But the translation is uncertain.

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The abode of El is the shelter of his son. The abode of Lady Asherah of the Sea Is the abode of the perfect brides: The abode of Padriya daughter of Ar, The shelter of Talliya daughter of Rabb, (And) the abode of Arsiya daughter of Ya'abdar.” Quoth the Kindly One El Ben[ign]: “Am I a slave, an attendant of Asherah ? Am I a slave, to handle . . . ? (60) Or is Asherah a handmaid, to make bricks?

(v) Let a house be built for Baal like the gods’, And a court like the children of Asherah’s!” Quoth Lady Asherah of the Sea: “Art great indeed, O El, and wise, Thy beard’s gray hair instructs thee, . . . , [ . . . ] to thy breast. Now, too, the seasons of his rains will Baal observe, The seasons o f . . . with snow, And (he will) peal his thunder in the clouds, (70) Flashing his lightnings to the earth. The house of cedar—let him bum if, Yea, the house of brick—remove it. Be it told to Puissant Baal: Summon weeds into thy house, Herbs into the midst of thy palace.22 The mountains shall bring thee much silver, The hills a treasure of gold; They’ll bring thee god’s grandeur aplenty. So build thou a silver and gold house, (80) A house of most pure lapis lazuli.” The Maiden Anath rejoices, Stamps with her foot so the earth quakes. There, she is off on her way Unto Baal upon Zaphon’s summit, O’er a thousand fields, ten thousand acres. Laughing, the Maiden Anath Lifts up her voice and cries: “Receive, Baal, the glad tidings I bring thee. They will build thee a house like thy brethren’s (90) And a court like unto thy kindred’s. Summon weeds into thy house, Herbs into the midst of thy palace. The mountains shall bring thee much silver, The hills a treasure of gold; They’ll bring thee god’s grandeur aplenty. So build thou a silver and gold house, A house of most pure lapis lazuli.” Puissant Baal rejoiced. He summoned weeds into his house, Herbs into the midst of his palace. The mountains did bring him much silver, (too) The hills a treasure of gold; They brought him god’s grandeur aplenty. Then he (se)nt unto Kothar wa-Khasis. 23 This seems—if the sense is correctly guessed—to imply that Baal had some sort of habitation before, but that it was not one worthy of a “ ranking” god, such as Baal had become by vanquishing Yamm.

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(Direction to the reciter): Now turn to the account of the sending of the lads.2* After this comes Kothar wa-Khasis. Before him an ox is set, A fatted one at his disposal. A throne is placed and he’s seated To the right of Puissant Baal. So ate [the gods] and drank. Then answered Puiss[ant Baal, Responded the Ri\d[er of the Clouds]: “Quickly, a house, 0 K[othar], Quickly raise up a pal[ace]. Quickly the house shalt thou build, Quickly shalt raise up the pa[lace] In the midst of the fastness of Zaphon. A thousand fields the house shall cover, A myriad of acres the palace.” Quoth Kothar wa-Khasis: “Hearken, O Puissant Baal: Give heed, O rider of the Clouds. A window I’ll make in the house, A casement within the palace.” But Puissant Baal replied: “Make not a window in [the house], [A casement] within the pal[ace].” (2 or 3 lines missing ?) (vi) Quoth Ko[thar wa-Khas]is: “Thou’lt heed [my words], O Baal.” Again spake Ko[thar wa]-Khasis: “Hark, pray, Pu[is]sant Baal! A wi[nd]ow I’ll make in the house, A casement withifn the pa]lace.” But Puissa[nt] Baal replied: “Make not a w[ind]ow in the house, A casement with[in the pa]lace. Let not [Padriya] daughter of Ar [be seen] Or T[alliya] daughter of Rabb be espied By [ . . . ] El’s Beloved Yamm!” [ . . . ] cried defiance And spat [ . . . ] . Quoth Kothar [wa-Khasis]: “Thou’lt heed my words, O Baal.” [As for Baal] his house is built, [As for Hadd]25 his palace is raised. They [ . . . ] from Lebanon and its trees, From [Siri]on its precious cedars. . . . [ . . . Le]banon and its trees, Si[r] ion its precious cedars. Fire is set to the house, Flame to the palace.

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24 No doubt refers to an earlier passage, lost to us, in which Baal dis­ patched Gapn and Ugar to Kothar. The reciter is directed simply to repeat that passage verbatim here. 23 Another name of Baal.

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Lo, a [d]ay and a second, Fire feeds on the house, Flame upon the palace: A third, a fourth day, [Fi]re feeds on the house, FIam[e] upon the palace. A fifth, a s[ix]th day, Fire feeds [on] the house, Flame u[pon] the palace. There, on the seventh d[ay], The fire dies down in the house, The f[la]me in the palace. The silver turns into blocks, The gold is turned into bricks. Puissant Baal exults: “My h(ouse) have I builded of silver; My palace, indeed, of gold.” For (his) house preparations [Baa]l makes, [Prepa]rations makes Hadd for his palace. He slaughters both neat [and] small cattle, Fells bulls [together with] fadings; Rams (and) one-year-ol[d] calves; Lambs . . . k[i]ds. He summons his brethren to his house, His ki[nd]red within his palace: Summons Asherah’s seventy children. He sates the he-lamb gods with w[ine], He sates the ewe-lamb goddesses [ . . . ?] He sates the bull-gods with w[ine], He sates the cow-goddesses [ . . . ?] He sates the throne-gods with wi[ne], He sates the chair-goddesses [ . . . ?] He sates the gods with jars of wine, He sates the goddesses with pitchers. So eat the gods and drink. They sate them with fatness abundant, With tender [fat]lingby bounteous knife;26 While drinking the [wine] from flag[ons, From gold cups the blood of vines]. (some 9-10 lines missing)

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(vii) (The first 8 lines are very defective. El’s Beloved Yamm—see above vi 12—figures in lines 3-4. Since Baal’s misgivings about a window are thereupon dispelled—15 ff.—perhaps Yamm is here given his quietus.) Sixty-six towns he took, Seventy-seven hamlets; (10) Eighty (took) Baal of [Zaphon’s] s[ummit], Ninety Baal of the sum[mit. Baal] dwells in his house, Baal in the midst of the house. Quoth Puissant Baal: “I will make (one), Kothar, this day; Kothar, this very hour. 26 Literally: They were sated with sucking of breast; by milch knife, with fading’s teat. (cf. Isa. 6o;i6; 66:11.)

UGARI TI C MY T H S ,

A casement shall be opened in the house, A window within the palace. Yea, I’ll open rifts in the clouds At thy word, O Kothar wa-Khasis!” (20) Kothar wa-Khasis laughs, He lifts up his voice and cries: “ Said I not to thee, Puissant Baal, ‘Thou’lt heed my words, O Baal’ ?”— He opens a casement in the house, A window within the pa[lace]. Baal op[ens] rifts in [the cloudjs. Ba[al gives] forth his holy voice, Baal discharges the utterance of his li\ps. (30) His h[oly] voice [convulses] the earth, . . . the moun­ tains quake, A-tremble are. . . East and west, earth’s high places reel. Baal’s enemies take to the woods, Hadd’s foes to the sides of the mountain. Quoth Puissant Baal: “ Baal’s enemies, why do you quake ? Why do you quake. . . ?” Baal’s eye seeks out for his hand (40) When the yew-club swings in his right hand. So Baal dwells in his house. “Nor king nor commoner The earth my dominion shall. . . Tribute I’ll send not to Divine Mot,” Not dispatch to El’s Darling Ghazir. Mot calls out in his soul, The Beloved thinks in his heart, ‘I alone will have sway o’er the gods (50) So that gods and men may feed, Who satisfies the multitudes of the earth.’ ” Aloud unto [his I]ads Baal doth cry: “Look ye, [Gapn and] Ugar so(ns) of Ghulumat, [‘Amamijs twain, sons of Zulumat [The stately, wing]-spreading,. . . ; Winged ones twain, flock of clouds, [’Neath . . . ; Birdlike ones twain, flocks of . . . snow]. (some 5 lines missing) (viii) There now, be off on your way Unto the Mount of Targhuzizza, Unto the Mount of Tharumegi, Unto the Ridge of the Loam of the Earth. Lift the mount on your hands, The elevation upon your palms, And descend to the depth of the earth, Be of those who descend into earth. There now, be off on your way Into his city Pit, Low the throne that he sits on, Filth the land of his inheritance. 27 God of the rainless season and, apparently, of the nether world.

EPI CS ,

AND LEGENDS

135

Yet beware, divine messengers. Approach not Divine Mot, Lest he make you like a lamb in his mouth, Ye be crushed like a kid in his gullet. Even the Gods’ Torch Shapsh, Who wings over heaven’s expanse, Is in Mot El’s Beloved’s hand!28 From a thousand fields, ten thousand acres,2* To Mot’s feet bow and fall down, Prostrate you and show him honor. And say unto Divine Mot, Declare unto El’s Darling Ghazir: Message of Puissant Baal, Work of the Mighty Wa[rrior]: ‘My house I have builded [of silver, My palace, indeed, of gold.]

(20)

(30)

J »

(Ten lines of which only the ends are preserved, and approximately another 15 lines missing altogether.) (Broken colophon in margin:) [Written by Elimelech(?) Do]nated by Niqmadd, King of Ugarit. f.VAB Only about one-half of this tablet is preserved, essentially the half containing the bottom of the obverse (cols, i-iii) and the top of the reverse (cols, iv-vi). Since the top of the first column on the reverse is always continuous with the bottom of the last column on the obverse, there are not six but only five pieces of continuous text. However, the first editor found it convenient to divide one of these into two episodes, making a total of six episodes designated as V AB A-F. The position assigned to V AB in this translation of the Baal epic was determined by E 25-26; from which it appears that El’s favorite-and-bully is now Mot, whereas he is still Yamm in II AB (our e) vi 12. But final judgment must be reserved. Editions: Ch. Virolleaud, La diesse ‘Anat (Mission de Ras Shamra, iv), 1938 (Part A, already Syria, xvtt [1936], 335-345; Part B, Syria, xvm [1937], 85-102; Part C, ibid., 256-270); Ugaritic Handbook, 11, pp. 187-9. Studies: U. Cassuto, Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Explora­ tion Society, x, 2-3 (1943), 47-54; x i i (1945-6), 40-42; T. H. Gaster, Iraq, vi (1939), 131-143; H. L. Ginsberg, BASOR, 84 (Dec. 1941), 12-14; W. F. Albright, BASOR, 83 (Oct. 1941), 39-42; 84 (Dec. 1941), 14-17; C. H. Gordon, The Loves and Wars of Baal and Anat (1943), pp. 21-27; A. Goetze, BASOR, 93 (Feb. 1944), 17-20; J. Obermann, Ugaritic Mythology (1948), passim (see Index); J. Aistleitnet, ZAW, 57 (1939), 193-211; A. Herdner, RES-Babyloniaca, 1 (1942-45), 33-49.

A

(10)

Serves Puis[sant] Baal, Ministers to the Prince, Lord of Earth. He rises,. . . , and gives him to eat. He cuts the fat meat before him, With bounteous knife fatling’s tenderness. 28 After Yamm, this is the next favorite-and-bully of El that Baal has to vanquish. That is logical: first the earth—Baal’s domain—must be made safe from the encroachments of the sea, then from the blight of sterility. 28 From a safe distance.

136

UGARITIC

MYTHS,

He stands, serves liquor, and gives him drink. He places a cup in his hand, A flagon in the grasp of his hand; A vessel large and conspicuous, A jar to dumbfound a mortal-, A holy cup of woman ne’er seen, Only Asherah1 beholds such a flagon. He takes a thousand pots of wine, Mixes ten thousand in his mixture. He rises, plays, and sings, The musician plays the cymbals; The sweet-voiced youth doth sing Of Baal in the Fastness of Zaphon.— Baal regards his lasses,2 Looks at Padriya daughter of Ar, Also at Talliya [daughter of Ra]bb.

(10)

(20)

EPICS,

AND

LEGENDS

. . . [ . . . ]s the knights’ blood, Pours the fatness of [de]w in a bowl. Ma[id]en Anath washes her hands, Yabamat Liimmim her fingers; [She w]ashes her hands of knights’ blood, Her [fi]ngers of gore of heroes. [ . . . ] . . . to chairs, Table also to table; Footstools turn back into footstools. [She] draws some water and bathes; Sky-[d]ew, fatness of earth,5 Spray of the Rider of Clouds; Dew that the heavens do shed, [Spray] that is shed by the stars. She rubs herself in with ambergris [From a sperm-whale] whose home’s in the sea.

[...]...

[• • • ]•

C « xxxm (1930), No. ix. 22 i.e. the original tablet is to be surrendered and destroyed because the debt is now paid. 24 Published by Fr. Thureau-Dangin, Lettres et contrats de Vipoque de la premibre dynastic babylonienne (19 10), No. 242; discussed at length by J. Lewy, ZA, xxxvi (1925), 139-61. 28Written defectively as Udgari. 28 Published in CT, vm, 28a; translated most recently by M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen ZiviU und Prozessrechts (1913)* No. 257. 2T Lit., “ not from straw to gold.”

28 King of Babylon, about 1816*1780 b . c . 29 Published and translated by T. J. Meek, AJSL, xxxm (19 17 ), 203*44, No. 3; most recently translated by P. Koschaker und A. Ungnad, Ham­ murabi’s Gesetz, vi (1923), No. 1502. 80 This is also the prescription in the Code of Hammurabi, $263. 81 The date formula for the 10th year of Warad-Sin, king of Larsa, about 1771-1759 B .C . "Published by B. Meissner, BeitrSge zur altbabylonischen Privatrecht (1893), No. xo6; translated most recendy by M. Schorr, op. cit.t No. 184. 88 An abbreviated formula for the 9th year of Hammurabi, king of Babylon, about 1728*1686 b . c . 84 Published and translated by E. Chiera, Old Babylonian Contracts (1922), No. 220. 85 An abbreviated formula for the 7th year of Samsu*iluna, king of Babylon, about 1685*1647 b . c . "Published in VS, vn (1909), No. 50; translated by M. Schorr, op. cit., No. 84.

E. OLD BABYLONIAN

DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRACTI CE OF LAW

vestigation (and) one month for epilepsy in order to clear her, in accordance with the ordinances of the king.37 (The names of five persons and the scribe as witnesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Kislim, the 15th day, the year Ammiditana, the king, brought in his statue (representing him as) offering prayer, scepter in hand.38 F.

LATE SUMERIAN

(1) Hire of Laborer38 Shep-Sin hired Sin-ishmeanni from his foreman, Ahum; his hire per year (is to be) 6 shekels of silver, of which Ahum has received 4 shekels of silver. (The names of three persons as witnesses, each pre­ ceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Ab, the 30th day, the 30th year (after) Isin was conquered.40 (Sealed in two places.) (2) Marriage Contract Ama-sukkal, the daughter of Ninurta-mansum, has been taken in marriage by Enlil-izzu, the high priest of Enlil, the son of Lugal-azida; Ama-sukkal has brought 19 shekels of silver to Enlil-izzu, her husband (as dowry). If Enlil-izzu ever says to Ama-sukkal, his wife, “You are no longer my wife,” he shall return the 19 shekels of silver and he shall also weigh out y2 mina as her divorce-settlement. On the other hand, if Ama-sukkal ever says to Enlil-izzu, her husband, “You are no longer my husband,” she shall forfeit the 19 shekels of silver and she shall also weigh out /2 mina of silver. In mutual agreement they have sworn together by the king. (The names of eight men, two women, the scribe, and the notary as witnesses, each preceded by the witnesssign.) (Sealed with two seals, twice each.) The month of Nisan, the 28th day, the year Samsuiluna, the king, by the command of Enlil brought Kisurra and Sabum to obedience.43 G. MIDDLE BABYLONIAN

(1) Court Decision43 One ox from pasture Iqisha-Enlil, the son of HashmaHarbe, received from the hand of Belanu, the son of Urash-amela-uballit, to draw (water), and he broke its leg, whereupon Belanu spoke thus to Iqisha-Enlil, 87 i.e. in the Code of Hammurabi, particularly $§278 f. 88 The date formula for the 7th year of Ammi-ditana, king of Babylon, about. 1619-1582 b . c . 89 Published in VS, xm (19 14), No. 92; translated by P. Koschaker und A. Ungnad, op. cit., No. 1676. 40 The date formula for die 59th year of Rim-Sin, king of Larsa, about 1 759-1698 B .C . 41 Published and translated by A. Poebel, Babylonian Business and Legal Documents (1909), No. 40; most recently translated by M. Schorr, op. cit., No. 1. 42 The date formula for the 13th year of Samsu-iluna, king of Babylon, about 1685*1647 b . c . 48 Published and translated by Albert T. Clay, Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur Dated in the Reigns of Cassite Rulers (1906), No. 41.

219

“ Bring me an ox that I may plow in the field so that you may not hinder me from plowing.” Iqisha-Enlil spoke thus to Belanu, “I will give you an ox in the month of Ab.” Since Iqisha-Enlil has not given the ox to Belanu in the month of Ab, Iqisha-Enlil shall make good to Belanu the crop of the field. (The names of two persons as witnesses, each pre­ ceded by the witness-sign.) (Three thumbnail impressions on the left edge.) The month of Sivan, the first year of Nazi-Maruttash, the all-powerful king.44 (2) Release on Bail*'" As for Mina-egu-ana-Shamash, the son of Salli-lumur, the governor—Awel-Marduk, his lord, shut him up in prison, but Arkat-Nergal, the son of Ardu-nubatti, went bail for him and got him released. So he (i.e. ArkatNergal) shall take 13 1/3 shekels of gold and give it to Marduk-risua, and then Mina-egu-ana-Shamash and his wife,. . . , shall take (it) and give (it) to Awel-Marduk. The month of Tammuz, the 9th day, the 8th year of Shagarakti-Shuriash, the king.40 The thumbnail impression of Arkat-Nergal as his seaL (Six thumbnail impressions on the left edge.) H.

N UZI AKKADIAN

(1) Sale-Adoption47 The tablet of adoption belonging to Kuzu, the son of Karmishe: he adopted Tehip-tilla, the son of Puhishenni. As his share48 (of the estate) Kuzu gave Tehiptilla 40 imers40 of land in the district of Iphushshi. If the land should have a claimant, Kuzu shall clear (it) and give (it) back to Tehip-tilla. Tehip-tilla in turn gave 1 mina of silver to Kuzu as his honorarium. Who­ ever defaults shall pay 2 minas of silver (and) 2 minas of gold. (The names of fourteen persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) (The names of two of the witnesses, one other person, and the scribe, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) (2) Sale-Adoption80 The tablet of adoption belonging to Nashwi, the son of Ar-shenni: he adopted Wullu, the son of Puhi-shenni. As long as Nashwi is alive, Wullu shall provide food and clothing; when Nashwi dies, Wullu shall become the heir. If Nashwi has a son of his own, he shall divide (the estate) equally with Wullu, but the son of Nashwi shall take the gods of Nashwi. However, if Nashwi does 44 One of the kings of the Cassite dynasty in Babylonia who ruled about 1300 B .C . 45 Published and translated by Albert T. Clay, op. cit.. No. 135. 46 One of the kings of the Cassite dynasty in Babylonia who ruled about 1240 B .C . 47 Published by E. Chiera, Joint Expedition with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi (1927), No. 1 ; translated by E. Chiera and E. A. Spciser, JAOS, x l vi i (1927), 37 f. Sale-adoption was a legal device used in Nuzi whereby a landowner could circumvent the law prohibiting die sale of land outside the family by going through the form of adopting the purchaser. The Nuzi tablets come from the middle of the 2nd millennium b . c . 48 The word used here, zittu, means the double share of the first-born son. 49 An imer was approximately 4 Vi acres. 50 Published and translated by C. J. Gadd, RA, xxm (1926), 49-161, No.

5i.

220

DOCUMENTS

FROM

not have a son of his own, then Wullu shall take the gods of Nashwi.61 Furthermore, he gave his daughter Nuhuya in marriage to Wullu, and if Wullu takes an­ other wife he shall forfeit the lands and buildings of Nashwi. Whoever defaults shall make compensation with i mina of silver and i mina of gold. (The names of five persons and the scribe as witnesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) (The names of four of the witnesses and the scribe, each preceded by ‘The seal of.” ) (3) Real Adoption52 The tablet of adoption belonging to [Zike], the son of Akkuya: he gave his son Shennima in adoption to Shuriha-ilu, and Shuriha-ilu, with reference to Shen­ nima, (from) all the lands . . . (and) his earnings of every sort gave to Shennima one (portion) of his prop­ erty. If Shuriha-ilu should have a son of his own, as the principal (son) he shall take a double share; Shen­ nima shall then be next in order (and) take his proper share. As long as Shuriha-ilu is alive, Shennima shall revere him. When Shuriha-ilu [dies], Shennima shall become the heir. Furthermore, Kelim-ninu has been given in marriage to Shennima. If Kelim-ninu bears (children), Shennima shall not take another wife; but if Kelim-ninu does not bear, Kelim-ninu shall acquire a woman of the land of Lullu as wife for Shennima, and Kelim-ninu may not send the offspring away. Any sons that may be born to Shennima from the womb of Kelim-ninu, to (these) sons shall be given [all] the lands (and) buildings of every sort. [However], lif she does not bear a son, [then] the daughter of Kelimninu from the lands (and) buildings shall take one (portion) of the property. Furthermore, Shuriha-ilu shall not adopt another son in addition to Shennima. Whoever among them defaults shall compensate with 1 mina of silver (and) 1 mina of gold. Furthermore, Yalampa is given as a handmaid to Kelim-ninu and Shatim-ninu has been made co-parent. As long as she is alive, she (i.e. Yalampa) shall revere her and Shatim-ninu shall not annul the [agreement]. If Kelim-ninu bears (children) and Shennima takes another wife, she may tabe her dowry and leave. (The names of nine persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) The remaining sons of Zike may not lay claim to the lands (and) buildings belonging to the (above) one (portion) of the property. The tablet was written after the proclamation. (Sealed by eight persons, seven of whom were already named as witnesses.) (4) Lawsuit53 Tarmiya, the son of Huya, appeared with Shukriya 51 Possession of the household gods marked a person as the legitimate heir, which explains Laban's anxiety in Gen. 31:26 ff. to recover his house­ hold gods from Jacob. It is to be noted too that Laban binds Jacob in verse 50 to marry no other wives besides his daughters, just as Wullu is bound in our text. 62 Published by E. Chiera, HSS, v (1929), No. 67; translated by E. A. Speiser, AASOR, x (1930), 31 ff. 58 Transliterated by R. H. Pfeiffer, AASOR, xvi (1936), No. 56; trans­ lated by E. A. Speiser, ibid.

THE

PRACTICE

OF

LAW

and Kula-hupi, with (these) two brothers of his, the sons of Huya, in a lawsuit before the judges of Nuzi with reference to the female slave [Sululi-Ishtar], where­ upon Tarmiya spoke thus before the judges, “My father, Huya, was sick and lay on a couch; then my father seized my hand and spoke thus to me, ‘My other sons, being older, have acquired wives, but you have not acquired a wife; so I give you herewith Sululi-Ishtar as your wife.’ ” Then the judges demanded the witnesses of Tarmiya [and Tarmiya] had his witnesses appear [before the judges]: . . . , the son of Hurshaya, . . . , the son of Ikkiya,. .. , the son of Itrusha, (and) . . . , the son of Hamanna. [These] witnesses of [Tarmiya] were examined before the judges, whereupon the judges spoke to Shukriya and Kula-hupi, “ Go and take the oath of the gods against the witnesses of Tarmiya.” Shukriya and Kula-hupi shrank from the gods54 so that Tarmiya prevailed in the lawsuit and the judges assigned the female slave, Sululi-Ishtar, to Tarmiya. (The names of three persons, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) The signature of Iliya. (5) Hebrew Slave Document35 Mar-Idiglat, a Hebrew from the land of Assyria, on his own initiative has entered (the house of) Tehiptilla, the son of Puhi-shenni, as a slave. (The names of eleven persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) (The names of two of the witnesses and the scribe, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) (6) Hebrew Slave Document53 Sin-balti, a Hebrew woman, on her own initiative has entered the house of Tehip-tilla as a slave. Now if Sin-balti defaults and goes into the house of another, Tehip-tilla shall pluck out the eyes of Sin-balti and sell her. (The names of nine persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) (The names of two of the witnesses and the scribe, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) I.

MIDDLE ASSYRIAN

(i) Deed of Gift37 The (first-born’s) share of the palace together with its grain, belonging to the estate of Mushtepish-ilu, the son of Mar-Idigla, Ashur-uballit, the sovereign, has given to Abi-ilu, the son of Adad-nerari. The month of Kinate, the 6th day, the eponymy of Adad-nasir.38 (Sealed with a seal inscribed, “The seal of Ashuruballit, the king of Assyria, the son of [Eriba]-Adad.” ) 84 i.e. they refused to take the oath in fear of its consequences and thus showed themselves in the wrong. 56 Published by E. Chiera, Joint Expedition with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi (1934), No. 459. 66 Published by E. Chiera, op. cit., No. 452; translated by E. Chiera and E. A. Speiser, JAOS, x lvii (1927), 44 f. 57 Published by Erich Ebeling, KAJ, No. 173; translated by E. Ebeling, MAOG, vii (1933), 88. 88 The date formula for a year in the reign of Ashur-uballit I, king of Assyria, 1363-1328 b .c .

DOCUMENTS

FROM

THE

(2) Sale of House89 The seal of Ashur-apla-eresh. As for the 5 talents 30 minas of lead due Zer-iqisha, the son of Yakiya, debited to Ashur-apla-eresh, the son of Nusku-aha-iddina, the son of Ea-iddina, the gold­ smith, of the inner city (i.e. Ashur)—he is in receipt of this lead as the price of his house in the inner city. (The names of two persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Sin, the 23rd day, the eponymy of Tukulti-Ninurta, the sovereign.60 (The names of two persons, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) (Sealed in two places.) (3) Loan"1 The seal of Shamash-tukulti. He borrowed 12 homers62 of barley by the old measure belonging to Sin-apla-eresh, the son of Ashur-kashid, the son of Bel-qarrad, debited to Shamash-tukulti, the son of Shamash-sharru, the son of Bel-qarrad. He shall [measure] out the principal of the barley at the thresh­ ing floor. When the time-limit has expired, the barley shall bear interest. As countervalue for this barley Sinapla-eresh shall seize as security (and) have the usufruct of the unencumbered property of Shamash-tukulti. (The names of three persons as witnesses, each pre­ ceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Allanatu, the 16th day, the eponymy of Mushibshi-Sibita.66 J . NEO-ASSYRIAN

(1) Loan at Interest64 Three minas of silver according to (the mina) of Carchemish, belonging to Apliya (are) at the disposi­ tion of Sukaya; they shall increase 6 shekels per month. The month of Ab, the 2nd day, the eponymy of Belemuranni, the field-marshal.66 (The names of five persons as witnesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) (2) Sentence for Murder66 (The names of eleven persons, each preceded by “The seal of.” ) Siri (is) the murderer who murdered Silim-ili. In their presence67 he shall compensate for that murder with either his wife or his brother or his son, whichever is forthcoming. 69 Published by E. Ebeling, KAJ, No. 144; translated by E. Ebeling, MAOG, vii (1933), 74 £. 60 Tukulti-Ninurta became king of Assyria in 1243 b . c . 61 Not published; transliterated and translated by E. A. Speiser in Symbolae ad iura orientis antiqui pertinentes Paulo Koschakjtr dedicatae ( 1939), PP- 145-7* 62 A homer or donkey-load contained a little more than 2 % bushels. 68 The date formula for a year in the reign of Shalmaneser I, king of Assyria about 1260 b . c . 64 Published by C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 1 (1898), No. 28; translated by J. Kohler und A. Ungnad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden (19 13 ), No. 248. 65 The date is 685 B .C ., in the reign of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, 704681 B .C . 66 Published by C. H. W. Johns, op. cit., No. 618; translated by J. Kohler und A. Ungnad, op. cit., No. 660. 67 i.e. in the presence of the eleven witnesses just named.

PRACTICE

OF

LAW

221

(The names of six persons and the scribe as witnesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Ab, the 21st day, the eponymy of Labashi.68 K . NEO-BABYLONIAN

(1) Sale of Slave60 As for Dunanu and Nabu-kullimanni, whom Ilubani, the son of Nabu-le’i, the descendant of Ilu-bani, sold to Nabu-mukin-zeri, the son of Apia’a, the descend­ ant of Ilu-bani, for 2 1 / 3 minas of silver at the price agreed on—should there ever be a plaintiff or a claimant thereof, Ilu-bani shall hand back and give up (the purchase-price) to Nabu-mukin-zeri. Borsippa, the month of Tammuz, the 29th day, the 2nd [year] of Nebuchadnezzar,70 [the king of] Babylon. (2) Partnership71 One mina of silver Itti-Marduk-balatu, the son of Nabu-ahhe-iddina, the descendant of Egibi, and Shapikzeri, the son of Nabu-shuma-iddina, the descendant of Nadin-she’im, have undertaken a business in partner­ ship; whatever profit they make therein they shall share equally. (The names of three persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) Babylon, the month of Marchesvan, the 3rd day, the 5th year of Nabonidus, the king of Babylon.72 (3) Receipt of Feudal Dues73 (Late Babylonian) The feudal dues of Guzanu, the son of Hammaqu, the descendant of the appraiser, from the month of Nisan, the 26th year, to the end of the month of Adar, the 27th year of Darius, Shamash-iddina, the son of Arad-Marduk, the descendant of Diki, received from the hand of Shishku, the son of Iddina, the descendant of Egibi, on behalf of Guzanu, the son of Hammaqu, the descendant of the appraiser. They have taken one (document) each. Babylon, the month of Nisan, the nth day, the 27th year of Darius,74 the king of Babylon, the king of the lands. (4) Tax Receipt76 (Late Babylonian) From 1/2 minas of silver, the taxes on a field for the 33rd year of Artaxerxes, the king, belonging to Enlilaha-iddina, the son of Gahla, which is at the disposition of Enlil-nadin-shumi, the son of Murashu—therefrom Enlil-aha-iddina received (and) obtained payment of 1 mina from the hand of Enlil-nadin-shumi. 68The date is 656 B.C., in the reign of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria,

668-633 B.C. 69Published by G. Contenau, Louvre XU, Contrats neo-babyloniens (1927), No. 27; translated by E. W. Moore, Neo-Babylonian Business and Administrative Documents (1935), No. 27. 70i.e. Nebuchadnezzar II, 605-562 b . c . 71 Published by J. N. Strassmaier, Nbn., No. 199; translated by Morris Jastrow, Jr., The Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria (19 15), p. 354. 72Nabonidus was the last king of Babylonia, 555-539 b . c . 73Published by G. Contenau, op. cit., No. 198; translated by E. W. Moore, op. cit., No. 198. 74i.e. Darius I, king of Persia, 521-486 b . c . 75Published by Albert T. Clay, Business Documents of Marashd Sons of Nippur, Dated in the Reign of Artaxerxes I (1898), No. 33; translated by J. Kohler und A. Ungnad, Hundert ausgewdhlte Rechtsurkunden ( 19 11) , No. 28.

DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRACTI CE OF LAW

(The names of seven persons and the scribe as wit­ nesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) Nippur, the month of Tebet, the 9th day, the 33rd year of Artaxerxes,78 the king of the lands. The thumbnail impression of Enlil-aha-iddina, the son of Gahla. (5) Receipt of Provisions1'' (Late Babylonian) 27 qu of barley as provisions, which Nabu-belshunu, the son of Bel-ahhe-iddina, the expiation priest, and Marduk-eriba, the son of Iddina-Bel, the brewer, have received. The month of Sivan, the 4th day, the 6th year of Alexander,78 the son of Alexander. The signet-ring impression of Nabu-belshunu and the signet-ring impression of Marduk-eriba. (Sealed in one place.) (6) Rent of House78 (Late Babylonian) A bftrubbu-house belonging to Nana-iddina, the son of Tanittum-[Anu], the descendant of Ah’utu, which (is) in the district of the great grove which (is) in Erech, which (is) alongside the kurubbu-house of Mushe-zibitum, the daughter of Ishtar-aha-iddina, and alongside the center of the held, (is) at the disposal of Anu-uballit, the son of Kidin-Anu, for 4 shekels of silver as the rent of the house per year. Half the money he shall pay at the beginning of the year (and) the rest of the money in the middle of the year. The bareness (of the walls) he shall rectify; the cracks of the walls he shall close up. The work, the bricks, the reeds, and the beams, as much as he uses therefor, he shall reckon as a credit He shall furnish 3 baskets of dates per year. From the 10th day of the month of Tammuz, the 8th year of Seleucus, the king, that \urubbu-house (is) at the disposal of Anu-uballit, the son of Kidin-Anu, for rent at 4 shekels of silver per year. (The names of five persons and the scribe as witnesses, each preceded by the witness-sign.) The month of Tammuz, the 5th day, the 8th year of Seleucus, the king.80 (The names of the five witnesses, each preceded by “The signet-ring impression of.” ) The thumbnail impression of Anu-uballit.

Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine (Translator: H. L. Ginsberg) MIBTAHIAH’S FIRST MARRIAGE Deed of 459 B . C . , relating to reversion of property. Text: Sayce-Cowley, C; Cowley, 9.

76L c . Artaxerxes I , king of Persia, 464-424 b . c . 77 Published by J. N. Strassmaier, ZA, i i i (1888), 129 ff., No. 12; trans­ lated by J. Kohler und A. Ungnad, op. cit., No. 90. 78 i.e. Alexander II, the son of Alexander the Great, who became king in 316 B .C . 79 Published and translated by Albert T. Clay, Legal Documents from Erech Dated in the Seleucid Era (19 13), No 1. 80 The Seleucid era began in 3 1 1 b . c . according to the Babylonian calen­ dar; so this would be the year 304 B .C ., in the reign of Seleucus I.

On the 21st of Chisleu, that is the ist of Mesore1, year 6 of King Artaxerxes, Mahseiah b. Yedoniah, a Jew of Elephantine, of the detachment of Haumadata, said to Jezaniah b. Uriah of the said detachment as follows: There is the site of i house belonging to me, west of the house belonging to you, which I have given to your wife, my daughter Mibtahiah (Mbfhyh), and in respect of which I have written her a deed. The measurements of the house in question are 8 cubits and a handbreadth (5) by 11, by the measuring-rod. Now do I, Mahseiah, say to you, Build and equip that site . . . and dwell thereon with your wife. But you may not sell that house or give it as a present to others; only your children by my daughter Mibtahiah shall have power over it after you two. If tomorrow or some other day you build upon this land, and then my daughter divorces you and leaves you, she shall have no power to take it or give it to others; only your children by (10) Mibtahiah shall have power over it, in return for the work which you shall have done. If, on the other hand, she recovers from you,2 she [may] take half of the house, and [the] othe[r] half shall be at your disposal in return for the building which you will have done on that house. And again as to that half, your children by Mibtahiah shall have power over it after you. If tomorrow or another day I should institute suit or process against you and say I did not give you this land to build on and did not draw up this deed for you, I (15) shall give you a sum of 10 karshin by royal weight, at the rate of 2 Rs to the ten, and no suit or process shall lie. This deed was written by ‘Atharshuri b. Nabuzeribni in the fortress of Syene at the dictation of Mahseiah. Witnesses hereto (signa­ tures). IN LIQUIDATION OF MIBTAHIAH’S SECOND MARRIAGE See the Aramaic letter, “ Settlement of Claim by Oath,” p. 491.

CONTRACT OF MIBTAHIAH’S THIRD MARRIAGE Text: Sayce-Cowley, G; Cowley, 15. Date: about 440 b . c .

On the 2[5]th of Tishri, that is the 6th day of the month Epiphi,* [year . . . of] Kin[g Artaxerx]es, said Ashor b. [Seho],5 builder to the king, to Mah[seiah, A]ramean of Syene, of the detachment of Varizata, as follows: I have [co]me to your house that you might give me your daughter Mipht(ah)iah in marriage. She is my wife and I am her husband from this day for ever. I have given you as the bride-price (5) of your daughter 1 Egyptian month-name. 2 This must mean, “ In the event of your divorcing her, in which case she does not forfeit all rights as when she divorces you.” Perhaps there is a lacuna in the text 8 Probably stands for rub'in “ quarters” (of a shekel). Does 2/4 X 10 ( = 1/5 ) indicate the proportion of alloy? 4See n.i. 8 The name of Ashor’s father (sh’) is preserved in another document. Both it and his own are Egyptian, but he eventually adopted the Hebrew one of Nathan.

DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRACTI CE OF LAW

Miphtahiah (a sum of) 5 shekels, royal weight. It has been received by you and your heart is content there­ with.* (Lines 6-16, Miphtahiah’s dowry.) (17) Should Ashor die tomorrow or an[othe]r day having no child, male or female, by his wife Mi[phtah]iah, Miphtahiah shall be entitled to the house, chattels and all worldly goods of Ashor. (20) Should Miphtahiah die tomorrow or (another) day having no child, male or female, by her husband Ashor, Ashor shall inherit her property and chattels. Should [Miphjtahiah, tomorrow [or] an­ other [d]ay stand up in a congregation and say, I divorce my husband Ashor, the price of divorce shall be upon her head: she shall sit by the balance and weigh out to [As]hor a sum of 7 shekels 2 R.7 But all that which she has brought in (25) with her she shall take out, shred and thread, and go whither she will, without suit or process. Should Ashor tomorrow or another day 9 The bride-price was regularly added to the bride’s dowry. In the fol­ lowing lines the value of each item of the dowry is given, and so is the total value; but the latter exceeds the value of the items by exactly the amount of the bride-price. 7 In the light of n.3, this sum is exactly 1 / times the bride-price Ashor paid for her (line 5).

223

stand up in a congregation and say, I divorce my [wif]c Miphtahiah, [he shall] forfeit her bride-price, and all that she has brought in with her she shall take out, shred and thread, on one day at one stroke, and shall go whither she will, without suit or process. And [who­ ever] arises against Miphtahiah (30) to drive her away from the house, possessions, and chattels of Ashor shall give her the sum of 20 \arash,* and the law of this deed shall [ . . . ] for her. And I shall have no right to say I have another wife besides Mipht(ah)iah or other children besides any Miphtahiah may bear to me. If I say I have children] and wife other than Miphtahiah and her children, I shall give to Miphtahiah a su[m] of 20 \arash, royal weight. (35) Neither shall I have the right to [wre]st my property and chattels from Miph[tah]iah. If I take them away from her (erasure), I shall give to Miphtahiah [a sum of] 20 \arash, royal weight. [This deed] was written by Nathan b. Ananiah [at the dictation of Ashor]. Witnesses: (signatures). 8 A hflrash is 10 heavy shekels or 20 light ones.

III. Historical T exts

Egyptian Historical Texts T R A N S L A T O R : JO H N A . W IL S O N

B rief T exts o f the Old Kingdom

clubbing kneeling figures and accompanied by the following legends:

Inscriptional evidence on the relations of Egypt and Asia under the Old Kingdom is slight. For the most part, we rely upon the uninscribed materials coming out of excavations in both areas for evidence on the strength of such contacts. The following are samples of texts playing on the problem of Egyptian interest in Asia* (See Addenda).

Snefru, the great god,. . . Subjugating foreign coun­ tries. Khnum-Khufu, the great god. Smiting the nomads [of Asia].

a The jar-sealing of a Second Dynasty king, who lived about 2850 or 2800 B .C ., may be read as the record of military activity in Asia. Such sealings have been found at Abydos: W. M. F. Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, 11 (London, 1901), PI. xxn; E. Naville et al., The Cemeteries of Abydos, 1 (London, 1914), PI. x.

The Seth: Pcr-ibsen, the tribute of Asia.1 b Three notations from the “Annals” of the Old Kingdom on the reign of Snefru of the Fourth Dynasty (about 2650 or 2600 b . c . ) show trade relations between Egypt and Phoenicia and the use to which the timber brought from Asia was put. These items are extracted from the records of three successive years. The Palermo Stone, recto vi 2-4, was published by H. Schafer, Ein Bruchstuc\ oltagyptischer Annalen (APAW, 1902), and the present extracts by K. Sethe, Vrhunden des alten Reichs ( Ur\., 1, Leipzig, 1933), 236-37. Translated by Breasted, AR, 1, §§146-48. On the interpretation of the text see K. Sethe, in ZAeS, x l v (1908), 7-14.

Bringing forty ships filled (with) cedar logs. Shipbuilding (of) cedarwood, one “Praise-of-the-TwoLands” ship, 100 cubits (long), and (of) meru-wood, two ships, 100 cubits (long). Making the doors of the royal palace (of) cedarwood.8 c We have somewhat more information about the Egyptians’ activity in Sinai, because of their interest in the turquoise and copper mines there. However, under the Old Kingdom the records in the mining area normally give little more than a depiction of the pharaoh smiting a nomad, with the pharaoh’s name accompanying the scene. Such are the records of Semerkhet of the First Dynasty (about 2950 or 2900 B .C .) , and of Djoser and Za-nakht of the Third Dynasty (about 2750 or 2700 b .c . ) , published in Gardiner and Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai, 1 (2nd ed. by J. Cerny, London, 1952), Pis. 1, iv, §§1-4* The same publication (PI. 11, Nos. 5, 7)“ shows also scenes of Snefru and Khufu of the Fourth Dynasty (2650 or 2600 b . c . ) 1 Per-ibsen identified himself as a king with the god Seth, rather than the god Horus. The word Setjet, here translated “ Asia,” cannot as yet be made more precise. It applied to regions east and northeast of Egypt. 2 The word here translated “ cedar” probably applied to that wood and other coniferous woods also. At any rate, it and meru-wood were conifers, brought by sea from Phoenicia or‘Cilicia. The ships were over 50 meters (over 170 feet) long. 3 These two texts also presented in Sethe’s Ur\unden des alten Reichs, 1, 7-8, and translated in Breasted, AR, 1, §§168-69, 176.

Asiatic Campaigns Under Pepi I For the most part, it is an argument from silence to assume that military contact between Egypt and Asia was slight under the Old Kingdom. Rare bits of evidence indicate that a certain amount of aggressive activity was normal on the part of Egypt. We need to interpret the significance of the “ prisoners” in Egyptian ships returning from Asia in the time of Sahu-Re of the Fifth Dynasty (about 2550 b . c . ) . 1 There is a tomb scene of the late Fifth or early Sixth Dynasty (2500-2350 b . c . ) showing the Egyptians making a successful attack on a fortress peopled with Asiatics.2 Finally, there is the text which follows, which may apply to a particularly aggravated situation or which may represent a normal situation of fighting, not otherwise stated to us. A certain career official of the Sixth Dynasty, named Uni, left an inscription in his cenotaph at Abydos, giving us the chief stages of his career under various pharaohs. Under Pepi I (about 2375 or 2350 B .C .) , Uni was particularly active as a military commander against the Asiatics. Cairo Museum 1435 has most recently been published by L. Borchardt, Den\m 'aler des Alten Reiches (Catalogue gineral . . .du Muste du Caire, Berlin, 1937), 1, 115 ff., Pis. 29-30, with antecedent bibliography. See also P. Tresson, L'inscription d'Ouni (Bibliothique d'Etude, vm, Cairo, 1919), and K. Sethe, Ur\unden des alten Reichs ( V r l I, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1932), 1, 98-110. Translated in Breasted, AR, 1, §§306-15. For the presence of Asiatics in the Egyptian Delta between the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see the Instruction for King Meri-ka-Re (pp. 414-418 below), the Prophecy of Neferrohu (pp. 444-446 below), and the Admonitions of Ipu-wer (pp. 441-444 below). For conditions at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, see the Instruction of King Amen-em-het (pp. 418-419 below) and the Story of Si-nuhe (pp. 18-22 above).

When his majesty imposed punishment upon the Asiatics Who-are-Upon-the-Sands,3 his majesty made an 1 Shown in L. Borchardt, Das Grabden\mal des Konigs S’a',hu-re' (Deutsche Orient-Gesellsckaft. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung, 26, Leip­ zig, 19 13), 11, Pis. 12-13, or one boat in J. H. Breasted, Ancient Times (Boston, 1914), 58. 2 Line-drawings in W. M. F. Petrie, Deshasheh (London, 1898), PI. iv, and in W. S. Smith, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom (London, 1946), 212; photograph in W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur altdgyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 11 (Leipzig, 1935), PI. 4. Discussed in Cambridge Ancient History, 1 (Cambridge, 1923), 226, 289-90. Although the names Nedia and Ain-. . . are given in an accompanying broken text, it is not certain that either of these names applies to the fortress, and neither of the names can be located. 8 This should mean desert nomads, and probably did mean that in the first instance. It came to be a term of scorn for all Asiatics. As will appear later in this inscription, these “ Sand-Dwellers” were agriculturalists who built buildings.

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army of many ten-thousands,4 in the entire Upper Egypt, the south being Elephantine and the north being Aphroditopolis, and in Lower Egypt: in both of the (,administrative) sides of the realm, (15) in the (fron­ tier) fortress, and in the midst of the (frontier) for­ tresses; among the Nubians of Irtjet, the Nubians of Madjoi, the Nubians of Yam, among the Nubians of Wawat, among the Nubians of Kaau, and from the land of the Temeh-Libyans.5 His majesty sent me at the head of this army, while the counts, while the SealBearers of the King of Lower Egypt, while the Sole Companions of the Palace, while the nomarchs and mayors of Upper and Lower Egypt, the companions and chief dragomans, the chief prophets of Upper and Lower Egypt, and the chief bureaucrats were (each) at the head of a troop of Upper or Lower Egypt, or of the villages and towns which they might rule, or of the Nubians of these foreign countries. 1 was the one who used to make the plan for them, although my office was (only that of) Chief Domain Supervisor of the Palace, because I was (so) fitted for the post that not one of them (so much as) laid a hand upon his fellow, (20) that not one of them appropriated (so much as) a lump of dough or a pair of sandals from a wayfarer, that not one of them carried off (so much as) a loincloth, from any town, that not one of them carried off any goat from anybody. I Jed them to Northern Island, Doorway of Ii-hotep, and the District of Horus: Neb-maat,8 while I was in this office.. . . All these troops explored for me; never had there been (such) exploration for any other servant.7 This army returned in safety, After it had hacked up the land of the [Sand]Dwellers. This army returned in safety, After it had crushed the land of the SandDwellers. This army returned in safety, After it had thrown down its8 enclosures. This army returned in safety, After it had cut down its8fig trees and its vines. (25) This army returned in safety, After it had cast fire into all its8dwellings. This army returned in safety, After it had killed troops in it by many tenthousands. This army returned in safety, [After it had taken troops] in it, a great multitude as living captives.9 4 The figure is flamboyant, not to be taken literally, 5 There were levies on all parts of Egypt, and soldiers were recruited or drafted from the lands to the south and west of Egypt. 6 These three places cannot be located. One may argue that "Northern Island” might apply to one of the watered parts of the Delta, that a "Door­ way” might be a frontier post, and that the pharaoh Snefru (“ Horus: Nebmaat” ) was a patron of the Sinai area. This would provide three successive stages of exit from Egypt, but it would be based on three guesses. 7 Or, “I opened the number of these troops; never had there been opened for any servant,” in the sense of finding the number of soldiers? 8 The land’s. 9 This hymn of a victoriously returning army shows that the "SandDwellers” had orchards and vineyards, fortified enclosures, and troops in

His majesty praised me for it more than anything. His majesty sent me to lead [this] army five times, in order to repel the land of the Sand-Dwellers each time that they rebelled, with these troops. I acted with regard to that [for which his] majesty would show me favor [more than anything]. When it was said that backsliders because of some­ thing were among these foreigners in Antelope-Nose,10 I crossed over (30) in transports with these troops. I made a landing at the rear of the heights of the moun­ tain range on the north of the land of the SandDwellers.11 While a full half of this army was (still) on the road, I arrived, I caught them all, and every backslider among them was slain.12

Middle Kingdom Egyptian Contacts with Asia The Egyptian Middle Kingdom saw a number of contacts with Asia, even though these do not loom large in inscriptional records? There was exceptionally vigorous activity in the area of the Sinai mines.1 Objects bearing the names of Twelfth Dynasty pharaohs or of members of their families have been found at Byblos, Beirut, and Ugarit on the Phoenician coast, and at Qatna in north central Syria.2 At the minimum, these may have been royal gifts from Egyptian pharaohs to friendly but independent princes in Asia. At the maximum, they may show some kind of Egyptian hegemony in the area. Of a number of monuments found in Asia and bearing the names of Egyptian officials, two examples will suffice. At Megiddo in Palestine there was found the statuette base of Thut-hotep, son of Kay and Sit-Kheper-ka, a High Priest of Thoth at Hermopolis and Nomarch of the Hare Nome, in which Hermopolis lay. This was an official whose career, somewhere between 1900 and 1850 b . c ., was well known from his tomb in Egypt.3 At Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the Phoenician coast there was found the statue group of the

Mayor of the Pyramid City, Vizier, and Chief Justice, Sen-Usert-onekh,. . . [to] whom [was given] the Gold of Honor in the presence of the courtiers.4 (The award of the “Gold of Honor” was normally considerable number. Sinai probably would not fit the case. Uni’s army must have moved into Palestine. 10 The word translated “backsliders” seems to come from a root meaning "slide, be slippery.” In Egyptian propaganda these expeditions into other countries were always punitive against rebellion. The place "AntelopeNose” (?) cannot be located. The beast in question is not a gazelle; it is either a bubalis or a fallow deer. The place may have been a mountain range coming down to the sea, so-named by Egyptian sailors because of a characteristic profile. If so, the Carmel Range may be argued from the context which follows immediately. 11 Uni had gone by land against the “Sand-Dwellers.” For a more northerly expedition his army travelled by boat. Where would a range come to the water so clearly as the Carmel Range?* 12 The translation understands that Uni landed, marched inland, and won a victory while the rear half of his army was still on the march. 1 cf. the inscription of Hor-ur-Re on pp. 229-30 below. 2 References by A. Rowe, A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs . . . in the Palestine Archaeological Museum (Cairo, 1935), xviii-xxii, and by J. A. Wilson in AJSL, l v i i i (19 41), 235. 8 Wilson, op.cit.y 225-36. 4 P. Montet, in Syriay xv (1934), 131-33 and PI. xiv; xvii (1936), 20203; J. H. Breasted, in Syria, xvi (1935), 318-20. C. F. A. Schaeffer, Vgaritica, 1 (Paris, 1939), PI. v.

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made for service outside of Egypt. The presence of the statues of such important officials in Palestine and Syria shows fairly intimate relations between Egypt and Asia. It is possible that they saw service as diplomatic agents or as resident Egyptian commissioners in areas of strong commercial and cultural interest. (The ties between Egypt and Byblos [Gebal] on the Phoenician coast were particularly close. By the end of the Middle Kingdom princes of Byblos, bearing Asiatic names, used Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions showing that they boasted the Egyptian title haty-a “Count,” which in Egypt was a title conferred by the pharaoh. Even though we cannot be sure that the same applied in Phoenicia, the evidence of cultural leadership is clear. Two of these Byblite princes were:)5 The Count of Byblos, Yep-shemu-ib, who repeats life, son of the Count, Ib-shemu, the triumphant. The Count of Byblos, Inten, who repeats life, son of the Count Reyen, the triumphant. (Our evidence on Asiatics in Egypt is disappointingly slight. A testamentary enactment, probably of the time of Amen-em-het III [end of the 19th century b.c.], indicates the presence of Asiatic slaves or serfs in Egypt:)8* (See Supplement, p. 553). I give to her the four Asiatics which my brother X gave to me. (Further, Asiatics seem to have been in some demand as dancers at Egyptian festivals.1 (The most famous record of an Asiatic visit to Egypt at this time is a scene in the tomb of a noble of Middle Egypt, depicting the arrival of gaily garbed Bedouin, who came to trade stibium, the black eye cosmetic loved by the Egyptians.8 The two Egyptians who introduce the visitors are:) The Royal Documents Scribe Nefer-hotep. The Overseer of Hunters Khety. (The sheikh of the Asiatic group is labeled:) The Ruler of a Foreign Country Ibsha.9 (The general label for the scene runs:) The arrival, bringing stibium, which thirty-seven Asiatics brought to him. (The occasion was significant enough for a rather for­ mal record. The Egyptian scribe holds a docket with the following inscription:) 5 Yep-shemu-ib’s name appears on a scimitar: P. Montet, Byblos et Vtgypte (Paris, 1928-29), 174-77, Pis. xcix-c, and on a cloisonne pendant: ibid., 165-66, PI. x c v i i . W. F. Albright, The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven, 1934), 8, suggests the readings Yap&shemu-abi and Abi-shemu for the two names. The name of Inten (Yinnatcn?) appears on objects published in Kemi, 1 (1928), 90-93; in JEA, xiv (1928), 109; and in Syria, x (1929), 12-15. An associated king’s name dates him to the period following the 12th dynasty (after 1775 B . C . ) . • F. LI. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Curob (London, 1898), PI. x i i : i o - i i ; cf. Pis. xn i:i5-i7 ; xxx:35. 7 ibid., PI. x x i v : 4 - 6 , 13-14. 8 A frequently published scene in the tomb of Khnum-hotep III at Beni Hasan. P. E. Newberry, Beni Hasan, 1 (London, 1893), Pis. xxx-xxxi. N. M. Davies and A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Paintings (Chicago, 1936), 1, Pis. x-xi. Other references in B. Porter and R. L. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, iv (Oxford, 1934), 145-46. Texts also in K. Sethe, Historisch-biographische Vrkunden des Mittleren Reiches {Vr\., vii, Leipzig, 1935), 1, 36-37. 9 Albright, op.cit., 8, renders Abt-shar. On the title, “ ruler of a foreign country,** see pp. 20, n.16; 247, n.56.

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Year 6, under the majesty of the Horus: Leader of the Two Lands; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Kha-kheper-Re.10 List of the Asiatics whom the son of the Count Khnum-hotep brought on account of stibium, Asiatics of Shut.11 List thereof: thirty-seven.

T he Egyptian Mines in Sinai Mines in the southern part of the Sinai peninsula provided Egypt with copper, which was an important material for the advancement of her culture, and with turquoise, which she prized for adornment. The Sinai mines were worked by Egypt from predynastic times down into the Twentieth Dynasty. The necessity for securing the ore provided a reason for external conquest and the beginnings of empire. One of the Egyptian records of mining activity is here given as an example.* The inscription of Hor-ur-Re at Serabit el-Khadim in Sinai may be dated from other inscriptions in the same place to the reign of Amen-em-het III of the Twelfth Dynasty (about 18401790 B . C . ) . Published by Gardiner and Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai, 1 (2nd ed., London, 1952), PI. xxv A, No. 90, and by K. Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestiicke (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1928), 86. Studied by V. Loret in Kemi, 1 (1928), 109-14, and by A. M. Blackman, in BIFAO, xxx (1930), 97-101. Translated by Breasted, AR, 1, §§733-38.

The majesty of this god1 despatched the Seal-Bearer of the God, the Overseer of the Cabinet, and Director of Lances, Hor-ur-Re, to this mining area. This land was reached in the 3rd month of the second season, although it was not at all the season for coming to this mining area.2 This Seal-Bearer of the God says to the officials who may come to this mining area at this sea­ son: Let not your faces flag because of it. Behold ye, HatHor turns it (5) to good." I have seen (it so) with regard to myself; I have experienced the like in myself. I came from Egypt with my face flagging? It was difficult, in my experience,4 to find the (proper) skin for it, when the land was burning hot, the highland was in summer, and the mountains branded an (already) blistered skin. When day broke for my leading to the camp? I kept on addressing the craftsmen about it: “ How fortunate is he who is in this mining area!” But they said: “Turquoise is (10) always in the mountain, (but) it is the (proper) skin which has to be sought at this season. We used to hear the like, that ore is forth­ coming at this season, but, really, it is the skin that is lacking for it in this difficult season of summer!” All the time that I was leading (the men) to this mining area, the glory of the king was directing me.8 Then I reached this land, and I began the work under 10 Sen-Usert II. The year would be about 1890 b . c . 11 The reading of the name and the location of this Asiatic area are un­ certain. 1 The pharaoh. 2 About 1830 b . c . , this month would start close to the beginning of June, an almost unbearably hot season in Sinai. 3 The Egyptian goddess Hat-Hor was a patroness of the Sinai mines. 4 “ In my face.** 5 Problematical. The final word has an enclosure determinative and may be a designation or the name for the mines. 6 “ Was giving in my heart”

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good auspices. (15) My entire army returned complete; no loss had ever occurred in it. My face did not flag at the prospect of the work. I succeeded in grasping the best auspices. I left off in the 1st month of the 3rd season,7 and brought away this noble stone. I had surpassed anyone (else) who had come or anything demanded. There was no: “Oh for a good skin!”, (but) eyes were in festivity. It was better than at its normal season. Offer (20) offerings to the Lady of Heaven; pray, satisfy ye Hat-Hor. If you do it, it will profit you. Ye shall surpass because of it; prosperity will be among you. I made my expedition very successfully. There (need be) no loudness of voice about my work: what I accomplished was the success of the expedition.. . .

T he Inscription of Khu-Sebek, Called Djaa The pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom have left us no direct record of their activities in Asia. Therefore we prize any in­ direct records, such as the following reference to an Asiatic campaign by Sen-Usert III (about 1880-1840 b .c . ) . A stela found at Abydos, now No. 3306 in the Manchester Museum, England. Published by J. Garstang, E l Arabah (Lon­ don, 1901), Pis. iv-v, by T. E. Peet, The Stela of Sebe\-\hu (Manchester, 1914), and by K. Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestuc\e (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1928), 82-83. Translated by Breasted, AR, 1, §§676-87. For the real and potential enemies of Egypt at the end of the Middle Kingdom or shortly thereafter, see the Execration of Asiatic Princes (pp. 328-329 below).

(6) The Hereditary Prince and Count, firm of sandal, confident of stride, treading the path of his benefactor, whose good repute the Lord of the Two Lands has granted, whose position his love has advanced, the Chief District Supervisor of the Town, Djaa. He says: I made for myself this cenotaph,1 beatified, with its place established at the stairway of the great god, the lord of life, who presides over Abydos,2 in the district “ Lord of Offerings” and in the district “Mistress of Life,” that I might smell for myself the incense coming forth therefrom and might be provided with the god’s vapor. The Chief District Supervisor of the Town, [KhuSebek]. (11) He says: I was born in the [year] 27, under the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Nub-kau-Re, the triumphant.3 When the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Kha-kau-Re, the 7 A b o u t 18 3 0

b .c

.,

this m o n th w o u ld fa ll ch iefly in A u g u s t

1 E g y p tia n s w e re n o rm a lly b u rie d in th eir h om e districts, b u t those w h o cou ld a ffo rd it m ig h t h a v e a cen otaph a t the O siris shrin e in A b y d o s. O siris. 8 A m c n -em -h e t II (ab o u t 1 9 3 0 - 1 8 9 5 B . C . ) . T h u s u n d e r S e n -U sert III (ab o u t 18 8 0 - 4 0 ) , K h u -S e b e k ’ s a g e ra n g e w o u ld be a m in im u m o f 1 5 an d a m a x im u m o f 50 . In th e 9th y e ar o f A m e n -em -h e t III (ab o u t 18 3 0 B .C .) , K h u -S e b e k , p ro b a b ly o v e r 7 0 , le d a fro n tier p atrol at th e Secon d C ataract, w h e re he le ft an in scriptio n re c o rd in g th e h eigh t o f the N ile a t S em n eh (c f. Pect, op.at ., 1 3 , bottom o f P i. 11; B re asted , op.ctt., 1, § 6 7 9 ).

2

triumphant,4 appeared in the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt upon the Horus-Throne of the Living, his majesty had me work as a fighter behind and beside his majesty, with seven men of the Residence.8 Thereupon I showed keenness in his presence, and his majesty had me made an Attendant of the Ruler, and sixty persons were given to me. His majesty proceeded [south]ward, to overthrow (16) the nomads of Nubia. Then I smote a Nubian in Ken\ef in the presence of my town.6 Then I sailed north, following (the king) with six (men) of the Residence. Then he made (me) Deputy of Attendants, and a hundred persons were given to me as a reward. (1) His majesty proceeded northward to overthrow the Asiatics. His majesty reached a foreign country of which the name was Sekmem.7 His majesty too\ the right direction in proceeding to the Residence of life, prosperity, and health.8 Then Sekmem fell, together with the wretched Retenu.8 While I was acting as rear guard, then I rallied to­ gether the individuals of the army to fight with the Asiatics. Then I smote an Asiatic. Then I had his weapons taken by two individuals of the army, without deviating from the fight, for my face was forward and I did not turn my back to the Asiatic.10 As Se(n)-Usert lives for me, I have spoken in truth! Then he gave me a throw-sticky of fine gold for my hand, a scabbard and a dagger worked with fine gold, together with accessories.11

T he Hyksos in Egypt The greatest indignity suffered by the ancient Egyptians was the conquest and rule of their land by foreigners out of Asia, the so-called “Shepherd Kings,” or Hyksos (ca. 1 7 2 5 - 1 5 7 5 B .C .) . There is surprisingly little in Egyptian literature, in view of the real change which this foreign domination made in the national psychology: the change from a confident sense of domestic security to an aggressive sense of national peril. To be sure, it was not in character for an ancient people to enlarge on defeat and subjection at the hands of others. Only the victorious elimination of peril would enter the literature. Josephus has given us something of the tradition of a harsh foreign rule.1 4 Sen-Usert III. 5 Apparently he headed the personal bodyguard of the pharaoh. 6 His home contingent witnessed the feat. 7 Probably Shechem (cf. p. 329, n.8). 8 “ His majesty gave the good beginning in.” This expression is usually employed for the beginning of an enterprise. Heie it seems that the pharaoh decided to leave the attack on Sekmem and return to Egypt. Then the Asiatic city fell after his departure. The only alternative is to assume that this sentence has been misplaced in the context, cf. n.io below, and note the necessity of reading this stela with lines 6 - 1 7 preceding lines 1-5. 9 Syria-Palestine in general. The implication is that Sekmem was a focal center of an Asiatic “ rebellion” against Egypt. 10 Unless these lines are misplaced, they imply that the Egyptian army was under pressure on its return from the victory over Sekmem. 11 A. M. Blackman, in JEA, 11 (19 15), 13-14, claims “ an indirect refer­ ence to Sesostris Ill’s Syrian campaign” in a tomb scene showing “ cattle of Retenu” in Egypt. Unfortunately, Blackman's “ the cattle of Rlnw during the counting(?)” might equally be translated “ the cattle at every counting,” thus removing the assumed Asiatic country name. 1 Jo sep h u s, Contra Apionem , 1, 1 4 , in H . S t. J. T h a c k e ra y ’ s tran slation fo r the L o e b L ib ra ry , Josephus, 1 ( N e w Y o r k , 1 9 2 6 ) , 1 9 0 - 2 0 1 .

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

a In an inscription written almost a century after the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt, the queen Hat-shepsut (about 14861469 b . c . ) gives some of the national sense of indignation. This inscription was carved on the facade of a temple of hers at Speos Artemidos (Istabl Antar) in Middle Egypt. A new edition by A. H. Gardiner, based on a copy by N. de G. Davies, JEA , xxxii (1946), 43-56, PI. vi, supplants previous presentations of the text by W. Golenischeff, in Recueil de travaux . . . , vi (1885), PL opp. p. 20, and by K. Sethe, Ur\unden der 18. Dynastic ( Ur/£., iv, Leipzig, 1906), 11, 383-91, and the translation by Breasted, AR, ii, §§296-303. The extract below comes from lines 35-42 of this inscription.

Hear ye, all people and the folk as many as they may be, I have done these things through the counsel of my heart. I have not slept forgetfully, (but) I have restored that which had been ruined. I have raised up that which had gone to pieces formerly, since the Asiatics were in the midst of Avaris of the Northland,2 and vagabonds* were in the midst of them, overthrowing that which had been made. They ruled without Re, and he* did not act by divine command down to (the reign of) my majesty. (Now) I am established upon the thrones of Re. I was foretold for the limits of the years as a born conqueror.* I am come as the uraeus-serpent of Horus, flaming against my enemies. I have made distant those whom the gods abominate, and earth has carried off their foot(prints). This is the precept of the father of [my] fathers, who comes at his (appointed) times, Re, and there shall not occur damage to what Amon has commanded. My (own) command endures like the mountains, (while) the sun disc shines forth and spreads rays over the formal titles of my majesty and my falcon is high above (my) name-standard for the du­ ration of eternity.* b Another document on the Hyksos rule might perhaps be among folk tales treated above. It is a legend of later date, carrying the story of a contest between two rulers in Egypt. The Hyksos King Apophis in the Delta held suzerainty over the Egyptian King Seqnen-Rc at Thebes. Apophis laid before Seqnen-Re one of those difficult problems which oriental literature loves, an insulting demand which threatened the dignity of the Egyptian ruler. We lack the end of the story, but the logic of the situation suggests that Seqnen-Re must have extricated him­ self from the indignity by returning to Apophis a proposition which counterchecked the problem set by the Hyksos king. Papyrus Sallier I (British Museum 10185), rect° i i-iii 3; verso ii-iii, was written in the late Nineteenth Dynasty (end of the 13th century B .C .) in the colloquial language.7 It is facsimiled in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, 1 (London, 1841), Pis. i - i i i , and in Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. 2 T h e H y k so s c a p ita l, A v a ris , has been located , w ith som e p ro b a b ility , at th e sam e site as T a n is , S a n e l-H a g a r, in th e n orth east D e lta , c f. p p . 2 3 2 , 233> 2 5 2 b e lo w * 3 “ W a n d e re rs, n o m a d s, stran g e rs.” ♦ R e . G a rd in e r, op.cit., 5 5 , e x p la in s th at th e p h arao h “ ascrib ed a ll his official acts to obed ien ce to orders g iv e n h im by the d e ity .” 5 “ A s a sh e -b ec o m e s-(sh e)-se ize s,” a co m p o u n d expressio n . 6 T h e g o d s h a v e blessed H a t-sh e p su t's ru le , c o n firm in g the n am es u n d e r w h ic h she ru led . 7 F o r e x a m p le , the 2n d person sin g u la r is translated “ y o u ,” ra th er th an “ th o u .”

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231

Second Series (ed. by E. A. W. Budge, London, 1923), Pis. L iH - L V . A transcription into hieroglyphic is given in A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Stories (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, 1, Brussels, 1932), 85-89. Translations by B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, in JE A , v (1918), 40-45, and by Erman, LAE, 1656 7*

Now i t so h a p p e n e d t h a t the land of Egypt was in distress. There was no Lord—life, prosperity, health!— or king of the time. However, it happened that, as for King Seqnen-Re—life, prosperity, health!—he was Ruler —life, prosperity, health!—of the Southern City.® Distress was in the town of the Asiatics, for Prince Apophis— life, prosperity, health—was in Avaris, and the entire land was subject to him with their dues, the north as well, with all the good produce of the Delta. T h e n King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!—made him Seth as lord, and he would not serve any god who was in the land [except] Seth.® And [he] built a temple of good and eternal work beside the House of [King Apo]phis—life, prosperity, health!—[and] he appeared [every] day to have sacrifices made . . . daily to Seth. And the officials [of the King]—life, prosperity, health! —carried wreaths, just exactly as is done (in) the temple of the Re-Har-akhti. Now then, as for (5) [King] A [pophis]—life, prosperity, health!—he wanted to [send] an irritating message (to) King Seqnen-Re— [life, prosperity, health!—the] Prince of the Southern City. Now [ a f t e r ] m a n y d a y s f o l l o w i n g t h i s , then King [Apophis—life, prosperity, health!]—had summoned. (Here the papyrus is badly broken. Apophis appears to be in consultation with his “scribes and wise men,” and they seem to suggest the arrogant demand about the hippopotamus pool at Thebes. If Seqnen-Re should accede to this demand he would lose face, but he was in no position to ignore it. His only recourse would be to devise a logical but equally absurd riposte.) [“So we shall see the power of the god who] (ii 1) is with him as protector. He relies upon no god who is in the [entire land] except Amon-Re, King of the Gods.”10 N O W A F T E R M A N Y D A Y S F O L L O W I N G T H I S , then King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!—sent to the Prince of the Southern City (with) the message which his scribes and wise men had told him. Now when the messenger of King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!—reached the Prince of the Southern City, T h e n h e w a s taken into the presence of the Prince of the Southern City. T h e n t h e y said to the messenger of King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!: “Why were you sent to the South­ ern City? How did you come to (make) this trip?” T h e n the messenger ( 5 ) said to him: “King Apophis— life, prosperity, health!—sends to you as follows: ‘Have the hippopotamus pool which is in the orient of the City 8 T h e b e s. 9 T h e E g y p tia n g o d Seth served a lso as th eir e q u iv a le n t fo r vario us A sia tic g o d s. c f. p p . 2 0 1 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 7 . 10 T h is is taken to be th e en d o f the ad vice o f A p o p h is’ w ise m en . It pits th eir g o d Seth a g ain st the T h e b a n g o d A m o n -R e .

232

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

done [away] with! For they do not let sleep come to me by day or by night,’ and the noise is (in) the ears of his city." T h e n the Prince of the Southern City was dumfounded for a long time, for it happened that he did not know how to return [answer] to the messenger of King Apophis—life, prosperity, health! T h e n the Prince of the Southern City said to him: “Well, your lord—life, prosperity, health!—should hear something about [this pool which is in\ the orient of the Southern City here'' T h e n [the messenger said: “The] matter about which he sent me [must be carried out]!” [Then the Prince of the Southern City had] the [messenger of King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!] —taken care of, [with] good [things]: meat, cakes,.. . [Then the Prince of the Southern City said to him: “ Tell] your [lord]: As for everything which you say to him,11 I will do it. Tell [him] so.” . . . [Then the messenger of King] Apophis—life, prosperity, health!— started out to travel to the place where (iii 1) his lord —life, prosperity, health!—was. T h e n the Prince of the Southern City had his chief officials summoned, as well as every superior soldier that he had, and he repeated to them every message about which King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!—had sent to him. T h e n they were one and all silent for a long time, (for) they did not know how to answer him, whether good or bad. T h e n King Apophis—life, prosperity, health!—sent to . . .1Z

T he W a r Against the Hyksos The expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt was not accom­ plished in a single generation. The Egyptians had to find their strength in a series of campaigns. The account of one such revolt against the foreign rule is found in a characteristic setting: the record of a pharaoh’s superior judgment and prowess. Kamose, who reigned just before the Eighteenth Dynasty (before 1570 B . C . ) , rebelled against a truce which divided Egypt between his Theban rule and the rule of the Hyksos at Avaris, rejected the cautious advice of his officials, and set out to win back a larger dominion. Although the end of the inscription is lost, it may be assumed that Ka-mose was recording some measure of success. Die Carnarvon Tablet I, found in western Thebes, is a schoolboy exercise almost contemporaneous with the events it relates. As will be indicated below, it may have been copied from Ka-mose’s own stela. The tablet was published by Lord Carnarvon and H. Carter, Five Years' Exploration at Thebes (London, 1912), 36-37, Pis. xxvn-xxvin, and by A. H. Gardiner, in JEA, 111 (1916), 95-110, Pis. xii-xiu. It was translated by B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, in JEA , v (1918), 45-47, and by Erman, LAE, 52-54. That this schoolboy’s tablet derived from a genuine historical inscription was demonstrated by the discovery of fragments of a stela found at Karnak, noted in ASAE, xxxv (19 3 5 ), i n , and published by P. Lacau, in ASAE, x x x ix (19 3 9 ), 245-71, Pis. xxxvii-xxxvni. After one allows for the schoolboy’s mistakes, the congruence of the two texts is marked. 1 1 Sic, bu t it seem s p ro b a b le th at it sh o u ld be read “ m e .” 12 T h e sto ry b reak s o ff in the m id d le o f a sentence.

TEXTS

Year 3 of Horus: Appearing upon His Throne; the Two Goddesses: Repeating Monuments; Horus of Gold: Making the Two Lands Content; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt. . . : [Wadj]-kheper-[Re; the Son of Re . . . : Ka]-mose, given life, beloved of AmonRe, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, like Re forever and ever. The mighty king in Thebes, Ka-mose, given life for­ ever, was the beneficent king. It was [Re] himself [who made him] king and who assigned him strength in truth. His majesty spoke in his palace to the council of nobles who were in his retinue: “Let me understand what this strength of mine is for! (One) prince is in Avaris, another is in Ethiopia, and (here) I sit associ­ ated with an Asiatic and a Negro!1 Each man has his slice of this Egypt, dividing up the land with me. I cannot pass by him as far as Memphis, the waters of Egypt, (but), behold, he has Hermopolis.2 No man can settle down, being despoiled by the imposts of the Asiatics. I will grapple with him, that I may cut open his belly! My wish is to save Egypt and to smite (5) the Asiatics!” The great men of his council spoke: “ Behold, it is Asiatic water as far as Cusae,3 and they have pulled out their tongues that they might speak all together,4 (whereas) we are at ease in our (part of) Egypt. Ele­ phantine is strong, and the middle (of the land) is with us as far as Cusae. The slee\est of their fields are plowed for us, and our cattle are pastured in the Delta.5 Emmer is sent for our pigs. Our cattle have not been taken away. . . . He holds the land of the Asiatics; we hold Egypt. Should someone come and act [against us], then we shall act against him!” Then they were hurtful to the heart of his majesty: “As for this plan of yours,. . . He who divides the land with me will not respect me. [Shall I res] peet these Asiatics who . . . from him ? I [shall] sail north to reach Lower Egypt. [If 1 fight with] the Asiatics, success will come.6If he thinks to be content with . . . with weeping, the entire land .. . ( 1 0 ) . .. [rul]er in the midst of Thebes, Ka-mose, the protector of Egypt!”7 I went north because I was strong (enough) to attack the Asiatics through the command of Amon, the just of counsels. My valiant army was in front of me like a blast of fire. The troops of the Madjoi were on 1 A v a ris w a s th e H y k so s c a p ita l in th e D e lta . T h e w o rd tra n sla te d “ E th io p ia ” is th e sam e as th e b ib lic al C u sh . In c on texts o f e arlier tim es, th e w o rd Nehsi w a s ren dered “ N u b ia n ,” b u t is h ere ren d ered “ N e g ro .” S e e the article b y H . Ju n k e r, T h e F irst A p p e a ra n c e o f th e N e g ro e s in H is to ry , in JE A , v n ( 1 9 2 1 ) , 1 2 1 - 3 2 . 2 “ H e ” w a s th e H y k so s ru le r, h o ld in g as fa r south as H e rm o p o lis in M id d le E g y p t , a b o u t 15 0 m ile s sou th o f M em ph is. 3 C u sa e la y a bo ut 2 5 m iles sou th o f H e rm o p o lis. 4 P erh ap s a co llo q u ia lism fo r : T h e y h a ve ov er-e x te n d e d th em selves, since th e fo llo w in g clau se con trasts th e ease o f the E g y p tia n s . T h e K a r n a k stela a d d s the w o rd s “ th at th ey m ig h t sp e a k ,” la c k in g in the tablet. 5 T h e w o rd “ p astu red ” is in th is p lace on th e stela, is m isp laced o n the tablet. U p p e r E g y p t c o m m o n ly h a d h erd s at pasture in the D elta , a practice perm itted b y th e presen t tru ce. E m m e r w h e a t, u sed la rg e ly fo r fo d d e r, w as g ro w n ch iefly in the D elta . 6 In this section o f the te xt bo th tab let a n d stela a re b ro k en , m a k in g the sense u n certain . 7 Sin ce this en ds the a rg u m e n t, p h a ra o h ’ s b o ld e r cou n sel p rev aile d .

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

the upper part of our cabins, to seek out the Asiatics and to push back their positions.8 East and west had their fat, and the army foraged for things everywhere. I sent out a strong troop of the Madjoi, while I was on the day’s patrol . . . to hem in . . . Teti, the son of Pepi, within Nefrusi.9 I would not let him escape, while I held back the Asiatics who had withstood Egypt. He made Nefrusi the nest10 of the Asiatics. I spent the night in my boat, with my heart happy. When day broke, I was on him as if it were a falcon. When the time of breakfast had come, I attacked him. I broke down his walls, I killed his people, and I made his wife come down (15) to the riverbank.11 My soldiers were as lions are, with their spoil, having serfs, cattle, milk, fat, and honey, dividing up their property, their hearts gay. The region of Ne[frusi] was something fallen; it was not (too) much for us before its soul was hemmed in. The [region] of Per-shaq was missing when I reached it.12 Their horses were fled inside. The patrol.. .1S

T h e Expulsion o f the Hyksos It is an irony of history that our best contemporaneous source on the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt comes from the biographical record of a relatively modest citizen of Upper Egypt, the captain of a Nile vessel. In relating his participation in the campaigns of Ah-mose I (about 1570-1545 b . c . ) and of Thutmose I (about 1525-1495), Ah-mose, son of the woman Eben, tells of the successive attacks on the Hyksos in Egypt and then of the follow-up campaigns into Asia. The inscriptions in Ah-mose’s tomb in el-Kab of Upper Egypt were copied in C. R. Lepsius, Den\m'iler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien (Berlin, 1849-59), m> 12 b, c, d, and are also set forth in K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Urk-, iv, Leipzig, 1905), 1, i-ii, accompanied by a translation (Leipzig, 1914). The text was studied by V. Loret, L'inscription d’Ahmes fils d'Abana (Bibliotheque d'Etude, 111, Cairo, 1910). There are translations by Breasted, AR, 11, §§1-13, 81-82, and by B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, in ]EA, v (1918), 48-54.

The commander of a crew, Ah-mose, son of Eben, the triumphant, says: I speak to you, all mankind, that I may let you know the favors which have come to me. I have been awarded gold seven times in the presence of the entire land, and male and female slaves in like manner, and I have been vested with very many fields.1 The reputation of a 8T h e M a d jo i m ercen aries fro m sou th o f E g y p t w e re m o u n te d h ig h in th e sh ip s to spy o u t the e n e m y . 9N e fru s i w a s a sh o rt distan ce n orth o f H e rm o p o lis. N o th in g is k n o w n a b o u t T e t i, the son o f P e p i, w h o se E g y p tia n n am e suggests th at h e w a s a lo cal vassal o f th e H y k so s k in g . See the n e x t note. T h e se w o rd s a re g iv e n o n the stela. P e rh a p s: H e ( T e t i) m a d e th e tow n o f N e fru s i a nest fo r the A sia tic p o w e r, in M id d le E g y p t. In tok en o f su b m issio n a n d as p a rt o f the loot. T h e re a d in g o f the p lace n am e— if su c h it is— a n d its lo c a tio n are un* certain.

10

II 12

18 The scanty remains cannot be translated.* See Supplement. 1 In h is tom b, A h -m o se g iv e s a list o f 9 m a le a n d 10 fe m a le slaves w h ic h w e re h is b o o ty ; see n . n b e lo w . H is g ra n ts o f la n d fro m the k in g cam e to so m e th in g lik e 7 0 acres.

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valiant man is from what he has done, not being de­ stroyed in this land forever.2 He speaks thus: I had my upbringing in the town of el-Kab, my father being a soldier of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Seqnen-Re, the triumphant,8 his name being Bebe, (5) the son of (the woman) Ro-onet. Then I served as soldier in his place in the ship, “The Wild Bull,” in the time of the Lord of the Two Lands: Neb-pehti-Re, the triumphant,4 when I was (still) a boy, before I had taken a wife, (but) while I was (still) sleeping in a net hammock,.* But after I had set up a household, then I was taken on the ship, “Northern,” because I was valiant. Thus I used to accompany the Sovereign—life, prosperity, health! —on foot, following his excursions in his chariot.6When the town of Avaris was besieged,7 then I showed valor on foot in the presence of his majesty. Thereupon I was appointed to the ship, “Appearing in Memphis.” Then there was fighting on the water in the canal PaDjed\u of Avaris. Thereupon I made a capture, (10) and I carried away a hand.8 It was reported to the king’s herald. Then the Gold of Valor was given to me. There­ upon there was fighting again in this place. Then I made a capture again there and brought away a hand. Then the Gold of Valor was given to me over again. Then there was fighting in the Egypt which is south of this town.9 Thereupon I carried off a man (as) living prisoner. I went down into the water—now he was taken captive on the side of the town10—and crossed over the water carrying him. Report was made to the king’s herald. Thereupon I was awarded gold another time. Then Avaris was despoiled. Then I carried off spoil from there: one man, three women, a total of four persons. Then his majesty gave them to me to be slaves.11 Then (15) Sharuhen was besieged for three years.12 Then his majesty despoiled it. Thereupon I carried off spoil from there: two women and a hand. Then the 2 A s B . G u n n h as p oin ted o u t (JEA, xn [ 1 9 2 6 ] , 2 8 3 ) , th is is a p ro ve rb w h ic h occu rs th ree tim es in 18 t h d y n a sty in scrip tio n s. 3 O n e o f th e p h a ra o h s n a m e d S e q n e n -R e in th e 1 7 th d y n a sty . 4 A h -m o se I. 8 P e rh a p s: “ I w a s ( s till) sle e p in g w ith the p h a llic sheath atta ch ed ” ? S o B . G rd se lo ff, in ASAE, x l i i i ( 1 9 4 3 ) , 3 5 7 . 6 N o te th e firs t u se o f the h orse a n d c h a rio t b y th e E g y p tia n s , T h e H y k so s h a d in tro d u ced th is w a r fo rce in to E g y p t , c f. p. 2 3 3 a ab o ve. 7 “ W h e n o n e sat d o w n a t th e to w n o f A v a r is .” W e a re a b ru p tly c o n ­ fro n ted w ith a c u rt statem en t th at the E g y p tia n s a tta c k e d th e H y k so s in th e la tte r's cap ital in th e easte rn D e lta . It is sig n ific a n t th at th e fo llo w in g sentence n am es a bo at as “ H e W h o H a s (C e re m o n ia l) A p p e a ra n c e in M e m p h is,” su g g e stin g th at M em p h is h a d a lre a d y been recap tured b y the E g y p tia n s. 8 It w a s an E g y p tia n a rm y cu stom to cu t o f f th e h a n d o f a d e a d e n e m y as a p ro o f o f k illin g . 9 So u th o f A v a ris . T h is lo o k s lik e a te m p o ra ry re tire m e n t b y th e E g y p tia n s. 10 B esid e the to w n , b u t across a b o d y o f w a te r fro m th e E g y p t ia n a rm y . 1 1 In A h -m o s e ’ s “ list o f th e m a le a n d fe m a le sla ve s o f the sp o il,” m o st o f the 1 9 n am es a re g o o d E g y p tia n . H o w e v e r , th ere a p p e a r a P a -'A a m , “ T h e A s ia tic ,” a T a m u t j, w h ic h is a fe m in in e n a m e sim ila r to A m o s, a n d a n Ish ta r-u m m i, “ Ish ta r is M y M o th e r.” 12 “ T h e n on e sat d o w n at S h a ru h e n in th ree y e a rs.” S h a ru h e n (Jo s h . 1 9 : 6 ) la y in the e x tre m e sou th w estern co rn e r o f the la n d o f C a n a a n , in the te rrito ry o f the tribe o f S im e o n . P e rh ap s it w a s m o d e rn T e ll e l-F a r ‘ a h . It seem s th at it w a s the first stro n g h o ld o f th e H y k so s o n th eir d e p artu re fro m E gypt* “ In th ree y e ars” is a little stran g e a n d m a y m e a n in th ree successive c a m p a ig n in g seasons, ra th er th an a n u n b ro k e n siege.

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Gold of Valor was given to me, and my spoil was given to me to be slaves. Now after his majesty had killed the Asiatics, then he sailed southward to Khenti-hen-nefer, to destroy the Nubian nomads... .1S After this (Thut-mose I) went forth to Retenu,14 to assuage his heart throughout the foreign countries. His majesty reached Naharin,15 (37) and his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—found that enemy1* while he was marshaling the battle array. Then his majesty made a great slaughter among them. There was no number to the living prisoners whom his majesty carried off by his victory. Now I was in the van of our army,17 and his majesty saw how valiant I was. I carried off a chariot, its horse, and him who was in it as a living prisoner. They were presented to his majesty. Then I was awarded gold another time.18. . .

T he Asiatic Campaigns o f Thut-m ose III THE FIRST CAMPAIGN: THE BATTLE OF MEGIDDO Thut-mose III (about 1490-1436 b .c . ) was the conquering pharaoh who set the Egyptian Empire on a foundation firm for almost a century. For twenty years he led campaigns into Asia almost every year. Some of these campaigns involved serious fighting, others were parades of strength. We have detailed in­ formation on his first campaign (perhaps 1468 B .C .) , which attacked the focus of Asiatic resistance in the Canaanite city of Megiddo. The campaigns of subsequent years may have been just as fully recorded, but that detail has been condensed in the texts deriving from those years.1 A.

T H E A R M A N T STELA

A red granite stela, broken and reused in later constructions, was found at Armant in Upper Egypt and published in R. Mond and O. H. Myers, The Temples of Armant. A Preliminary Survey (London, 1940), Pis. xi, No. 5; l x x x v i i i , No. 8; and 13 This translation omits the account of campaigns in Nubia under Ahmose I, Amen-hotcp I, and Thut-mose I, and resumes with the record of an Asiatic campaign under Thut-mose I, when Ah-mose must have been a relatively old man. 14 Syria-Palestine in general. 15 “ The Two Rivers,” the area of the Euphrates bend.

16 "That

fallen o n e," a frequent designation o f a major enemy.

17 It has been pointed out that only in the stretch of patriotic enthusiasm of the first century of the 18th dynasty did the Egyptians speak of “ our army,” instead of ascribing the troops to the pharaoh. 18 Two more documents may be cited on Ah-mose I ’s campaigning in Asia. In the tomb of a certain Ah-mose called Pen-Nekhbet at el-Kab (Sethe, opxit., 35; Breasted, op.cit., §20), a notation runs: “ I followed the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Neb-pehti-Re, the triumphant. I took booty for him in Djahi: 1 person and 1 hand.” In a text of Ah-mose Vs 22nd year in the quarries of Maasara, south of Cairo (Sethe, op.cit., 25; Breasted, opxit., §27), there is a record of the reopening of the quarries for stone to be used in certain temples. Part of the inscription runs: “ The stone was dragged by the cattle which his (victories] thoughout the lands of the Fen'khu had carried off.” The accompanying scene shows Asiatics driving the cattle. Djahi and Fenkhu apply to the Phoenician coast running down into Palestine and including the hinterland—further north than south­ ern Palestine. 1 O n the detail fo r the first ca m p a ig n , cf. n .3 9 b elo w . O n the ab b reviatio n in the ca rve d record o f subseq uen t c a m p a ig n s see the text o f th e seventh c a m p a ig n (p . 2 3 9 b e lo w ).

c iu ; T ext Volume, 182-84, with a translation and commentary by M . S. Drower. Like the Barkal Stela, treated below, this stela does not deal with events in chronological order. Those elements which belong to other campaigns w ill be noted in relation to those campaigns. H ere only the material of the first campaign is translated.

Live the Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes; the Two Goddesses: Enduring of Kingship, like Re in Heaven; the Horus of Gold: Majestic of Appearances, Mighty of Strength; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of Making Offer­ ings: Men-kheper-Re; the Son of Re, of his Body: Thutmose Heqa-Maat, beloved of Montu, Lord of Thebes, Residing in Hermonthis,2 living forever. Year 22, 2nd month of the second season, day io.3 Summary of the deeds of valor and victory which this good god performed, being every effective deed of heroism, beginning from the first generation; that which the Lord of the Gods, the Lord of Hermonthis, did for him: the magnification of his victories, to cause that his deeds of valor be related for millions of years to come, apart from the deeds of heroism which his majesty did at all times. If (they) were to be related all together by their names, they would be (too) numerous to put them into writing___ His majesty made no delay in proceeding to the land of (10) Djahi,4 to kill the treacherous ones who were in it and to give things to those who were loyal to him; witness, indeed, \their\ names, each [country] accord­ ing to its time. His majesty returned on each occasion, when his attack had been effected in valor and victory, so that he caused Egypt to be in its condition as (it was) when Re was in it as king. [Year 22, 4th month of the second season, day . . . Proceeding] from Mem­ phis,5 to slay the countries of the wretched Retenu, on the first occasion of victory. It was his majesty who opened its roads and forced its every way for his army, after it had made [rebellion, gathered in Megid]do. His majesty entered upon that road which becomes very narrow,* as the first of his entire army, while every country had gathered, standing prepared at its mouth. . . . The enemy quailed, fleeing headlong to their town, together with the prince who was in .. .( 15 )... to them, beseeching [breath], their goods upon their backs. His majesty returned in gladness of heart, with this entire land as vassal. . . [Asia]tics, coming at one time, bear­ ing [their] tribute . . . B. THE ANNALS IN KARNAK

The “ Annals” of Thut-mose I l l ’s military campaigns are carved on the walls of the Temple of Karnak, in recognition of 2 H e rm o n th is is m o d e rn A rm a n t. 3 F o r the first tw e n ty -tw o years o f h is re ig n , T h u t-m o se II I h ad been o v e r ­ sh a d o w e d b y the q u een H at-shep su t. T h e n h e seized p o w er w ith som e sh o w o f vio len ce an d in d u lg e d h is d esire fo r m ilita ry a c tiv ity a lm o st im m ed ia tely . T h e presen t date is tw o an d a h a lf m o n ths e arlier th an T h u t-m o se ’ s d e ­ p artu re fro m the E g y p tia n fro n tier (n .9 b e lo w ). D ro w e r, op.cit., 1 8 3 , n . b, su g g e sts th at the presen t d ate m a y be the b e g in n in g o f h is sole reig n . 4 C e n tra lly P h o e n icia , bu t h ere Sy ria -P ale stin e. 5 T h e fo rm a l d ep artu re fro m M em p h is m u st h a v e p receded the passing o f the E g y p tia n fro n tie r (n 9 b e lo w ). 6 T h e p ass th ro u g h the C arm e l ra n g e le ad in g to M e g id d o ; cf. n .2 0 b elow .

EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS the fact that the god Amon-Re had given victory. The text appears in C . R . Lepsius, Den\mdler aus Aegypten und Aelhiopien (Berlin, 1849-59), n l> 3 I *3"32> an^ in K* Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie ( Url(., iv ), in , 647-77. Translations and commentary will be found in Breasted, AR, 11, §§391-443; H . H . Nelson, The Battle of Megiddo (Chicago, 19 13 ) , with topographical study; and R . Faulkner, in JEA, xxvm (19 4 2), 2-15.

The Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes; . . . (Thut-mose III).7 His majesty commanded that [the victories which his father Amon had given to him] should be established [upon] a monument in the temple which his majesty had made for [his father Amon, in order to set down] (5) each individual campaign,8 together with the booty which [his majesty] carried [off from it, and the dues of] every [foreign country] which his father Re had given to him. Year 22, 4th month of the second season, day 25.* [His majesty passed the fortress of] Sile,10 on the first campaign of victory [which his majesty made to ex­ tend] the frontiers of Egypt, in valor, [in victory, in power, and in justification]. Now this was a [long] time in years . . . (10) plunder, while every man was [tributary] before .. .“ But it happened in later times18 that the garrison which was there was in the town of Sharuhen,18 while from Iursa to the outer ends of the earth14 had become rebellious against his majesty.18 Year 23,1st month of the third season, day 4, the day of the feast of the king’s coronation—as far as the town of “That-Which-the-Ruler-Seized,” [of which the Syrian name w] Gaza.1* [Year 23,] (15) 1st month of the third season, day 5— departure from this place, in valor, [in victory,] in 7 The royal titulary, much as translated above for the Armant Stela. 8 “ An expedition by its name.” cf. n.39 below. 0 Tentatively, April 16, 1468 b .c . , accepting, for this translation, the date for the battle of Megiddo (n.35 below), as given by L. Borchardt, Die Mittel zur zeitlichcn Festlegung von Punhjten der dgyptischen Geschichte (Quellen und Forschungen zur agypuschen Geschichte, 11, Cairo, 1935), 120. The

precise date will depend upon an establishment of what the ancient Egyptians meant by a “ new moon.” 10 Or Tjaru, the Egyptian frontier post, at or near modern Kantarah. 1 1 Sethe (see his justification in Z A eS , x l v i i [19 10 ], 74-84) restores a context referring to the Hyksos rule in Egypt, as a forerunner of the present “ revolt” in Palestine: “ Now it was a [long] time in years [that they had ruled this land, which had been] plundered, while every man was [tribu­ tary] before [their princes, who were in Avaris].” This is too specific for a restoration. See n .i5 below. 12 “ In the times of other (persons).” 18 In southwestern Canaan; see p. 233b, n.12, above. 14 From southern Palestine to northern Syria. 15 Sethe’s restoration (n .li above) assumes three steps: (a) the Hyksos ruled Egypt from Avaris; (b) they were driven by Ah-mose I to Sharuhen in Palestine; (c) now, a century later, Asia is in revolt against Thut-mose III—that is, the enemies are these same Hyksos. B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, in JE A , v (19 18), 54, n.2, reject Sethe’s restoration as assuming too much. They translate the last sentence: “ But it happened in other times that the garrison which was there (i.e. in Palestine) was in Sharufren, when from Y rd to the ends of the earth had fallen into rebellion against His Majesty.” This would take the Hyksos out of the context and would assume that an Asiatic rebellion had pushed back an Egyptian garrison from a northern town (like Megiddo) to Sharuhen at the extreme south of Palestine. 16 Instead of the above translation, one may render: “ as far as a town of the holding of the Ruler, [of which the name was) Gaza . . . ” On Borchardt’s reckoning, the Egyptians reached Gaza on April 25, 1468, having traveled at the respectable rate of 150 miles in 9 or 10 days. As this date was the anniversary of Thut-mose Ill's coronation, the year number changed from 22 to 23.

235

power, and in justification, in order to overthrow that wretched enemy,17 and to extend the frontiers of Egypt, according to the command of his father Amon-Re, the [valiant] and victorious, that he should capture. Year 23, 1st month of the third season, day 1618—as far as the town of Yehem. [His majesty] ordered a con­ ference with his victorious army, speaking as follows: “ That [wretched] enemy (20) of Kadesh has come and has entered into Megiddo. He is [there] at this moment. He has gathered to him the princes of [every] foreign country [which had been] loyal to Egypt, as well as (those) as far as Naharin and M[itanni], them of Hurru, them of Kode, their horses, their armies, [and their people], for he says—so it is reported—‘I shall wait [here] (25) in Megiddo [to fight against his majesty].’ Will ye tell me [what is in your hearts] ?”19 They said in the presence of his majesty: “What is it like to go [on] this [road] which becomes (so) narrow? It is [reported] that the foe is there, waiting on [the out­ side, while they are] becoming (more) numerous. Will not horse (have to) go after [horse, and the army] (30) and the people similarly? Will the vanguard of us be fighting while the [rear guard] is waiting here in Aruna, unable to fight?20 Now two (other) roads are here. One of the roads—behold, it is [to the east of] us, so that it comes out at Taanach. The other—behold, it is to the (35) north side of Djefti, and we will come out to the north of Megiddo.21 Let our victorious lord pro­ ceed on the one of [them] which is [satisfactory to] his heart, (but) do not make us go on that difficult road!” Then messages [were brought in about that wretched enemy, and discussion was continued] of [that] problem on which they had previously spoken. That which was said in the majesty of the Court—life, prosperity, health!22—“I [swear], (40) as Re loves me, as my father Amon favors me, as my [nostrils] are rejuvenated with life and satisfaction, my majesty shall proceed upon this Aruna road! Let him of you who wishes go upon these roads of which you speak, and let him of you who wishes come in the following of my majesty! ‘Behold,' they will say, these (45) enemies whom Re abominates, ‘has 17 Not yet specified by name or title. The Prince of Kadesh—probably Kadesh on the Orontes—was the leader of the coalition against Egypt. See n.i9 below. 18 May 7, 1 4 6 8 (Borchardt). After leaving the Egyptian-held city of Gaza, the army’s rate was notably slower through territory which was actually or potentially rebellious. Perhaps 8 0 miles were covered in 1 1 or 1 2 days. Yehem (possibly Jahmai or similar) is tentatively located by Nelson at Yemma on the south side of the Carmel ridge. 19 It is probable from the nature of this coalition and from Thut-mose’s subsequent campaigns that this Kadesh was the city on the Orontes. The Barkal Stela (p. 2 3 8 ) gives the coalition as 3 3 0 princes, i.e. rulers of city states. Naharin and Mitanni (restoration not certain) were at the bend of the Euphrates. Hurru (or Kharu) was generally Syria-Palestine, and Kode the cozst of north Syria and of Cilicia. 20 Nelson’s topographic reconstruction gives the situation confronting the Egyptians. If they went straight ahead on the narrow track debouching just south of Megiddo, they had to go in single file and would be particularly vulnerable. Aruna, perhaps modern Tell 'Ara in the pass, was not “ here” at Yehem, since it was a few miles further north. It was “ here” on the southern side of the mountain range. 21 Two safer mountain tracks were offered as alternatives, one de­ bouching at Taanach, 4 or 5 miles southeast of Megiddo, and one de­ bouching at an unknown point north(west) of Megiddo. 22 That is, the voice from the throne. The Court moved with the pharaoh.

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his majesty set out on another road because he has be­ come afraid of us?’—so they will speak.” They said in the presence of his majesty: “ May thy father Amon, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Presiding over Karnak, act [according to thy desire] ! Behold, we are following thy majesty everywhere that [thy majesty] goes, for a servant will be after [his] lord.” [Then his majesty laid a charge] (50) upon the en­ tire army: “ [Ye] shall [hold fast to the stride of your victorious lord on] that road which becomes (so) na[rrow. Behold, his majesty has taken] an oath, saying: ‘I will not let [my victorious army] go forth ahead of my majesty in [this place!’ ” Now his majesty had laid it in his heart] that he himself should go forth at the head of his army. [Every man] was made aware (55) of his order of march, horse following horse, while [his majesty] was at the head of his army. Year 23, 1st month of the third season, day 1923—the awakening in [life] in the tent of life, prosperity, and health, at the town of Aruna.24 Proceeding northward by my majesty, carrying my father Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, [that he might open the ways] before me,28 while Har-akhti established [the heart of my victorious army] (60) and my father Amon strengthened the arm [of my majesty].. . . Then [his] majesty issued forth26 [at the head of] his [army], which was [prepared] in many ranks. [He had not met] a single [enemy. Their] southern wing27 was in Taanach, [while their] nothern wing was on the south side [of the Qina Valley.™ Then] (65) his majesty rallied them saying: “ . . . ! They are fallen!26While that [wretched] enemy . . . [May] ye [give praise] to (70) [him; may ye extol the might of] his majesty, because his arm is greater than (that of) [any \ing. It has in­ deed protected the rear of] his majesty’s army in Aruna!” Now while the rear of his majesty’s victorious army was (still) at [the town] of Aruna, the vanguard had come out into the [Qi]na Valley, and they filled the mouth of this valley. Then they said to his majesty—life, prosperity, health! —( 75) “ Behold, his majesty has come forth with his victorious army, and they have filled the valley. Let our victorious lord listen to us this time, and let our lord await for us the rear of his army and his people. When the rear of the army comes forth for us into the open, then we shall fight against these foreigners, then we 28 Three days after the arrival in Yehem. See n.18 above, 11,35 below. 24 An impersonal expression for the beginning of the day with the king’s awaking. 25 The standard of Amon led the way. See it thus leading the way in the time of Ramses III, in the Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, /. The Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III ( OIP, viii, Chicago, 1930), PI. 17. 26 From the pass on to the Megiddo plain. 27 “ Horn.” TTiis was the Asiatic wing. Why they were drawn up opposite the mouth of the pass and yet had not held die pass against the thin Egyp­ tian line is inexplicable. 28 The Qina is still represented by a brook flowing south of Megiddo. 29 The preceding verb means “ summon,” rather than "cry out.” There­ fore, we should have Thut-mose’s rallying cry to his army behind him. When he said: “ They are fallen 1” he was anticipating the fall of the Asiatics, because they had failed to guard the pass.

shall not trouble our hearts [about] the rear of (80) our army.” A halt was made by his majesty outside, [seated] there and awaiting the rear of his victorious army. Now the [leaders] had just finished coming forth on this road when the shadow turned.30 His majesty reached the south of Megiddo on the bank of the Qina brook, when the seventh hour was in (its) course in the day.31 Then a camp was pitched there for his majesty, and a charge was laid upon the entire army, [saying]: “Pre­ pare ye! Make your weapons ready, since one32 will engage in combat with that wretched enemy in the morning, because one is . . . !” Resting in the enclosure of life, prosperity, and health.33 Providing for the officials. Issuing rations to the retinue. Posting the sentries of the army. Saying to them: “ Be steadfast, be steadfast! Be vigilant, be vigi­ lant!” Awakening in life in the tent of life, prosperity, and health. They came to tell his majesty: “The desert is well,34 and the garrisons of the south and north also!” Year 23, 1st month of the third season, day 21, the day of the feast of the true new moon.38 Appearance of the king at dawn. Now a charge was laid upon the entire army to pass by . . . (85) His majesty set forth in a chariot of fine gold, adorned with his accoutre­ ments of combat, like Horus, the Mighty of Arm, a lord of action like Montu, the Theban, while his father Amon made strong his arms. The southern wing of his majesty’s army was at a hill south of [the] Qina [broof(], and the northern wing was to the northwest of Megiddo, while his majesty was in their center, Amon being the protection of his person (in) the melee and the strength of [Seth pervading] his members. Thereupon his majesty prevailed over them at the head of his army. Then they saw his majesty prevailing over them, and they fled headlong [to] Megiddo with faces of fear. They abandoned their horses and their chariots of gold and silver, so that someone might draw them (up) into this town by hoisting on their garments. Now the people had shut this town against them, (but) they [let down] garments to hoist them up into this town. Now, if only his majesty’s army had not given up their hearts to capturing the possessions of the enemy, they would [have captured] Megiddo at this time, while the wretched enemy of Kadesh and the wretched enemy of this town were being dragged (up) hastily to get them into their town, for the fear of his majesty entered 30 It was noon, and the shadow clock should be turned around. The Egyptian van thus reached the Megiddo plain seven hours (see the next note) before the rear of the army emerged and Thut-mose could go into camp. 81 Presumably seven hours after the turning of the sun, although this is not certain. 82 Pharaoh. 88 These brief notations, without true sentence form, probably derive from the army’s daybook. The royal enclosure was doubtless an elaborate pavilion such as that shown in scenes of Ramses H’s campaigns, e.g. A. Erman and H. Ranke, Aegypten (Tubingen, 1923), 635. 84 Faulkner suggests that this is the equivalent of “ The coast is clear.” 85 Borchardt’s date for the battle is May 12, 1468. However, this rests on his understanding of “ the true(?) new moon.” In addition, Faulkner points out that “ day 20” seems to have dropped out since the departure from Aruna (n.23 above).

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[their bodies], their arms were weak, [for] his serpentdiadem had overpowered them. Then their horses and their chariots of gold and silver were captured as an easy [prey.86 Ranks] of them were lying stretched out on their backs, like fish in the bight of a net, while his majesty’s victorious army counted up their possessions. Now there was captured [that] wretched [enemy’s] tent, which was worked [with silver],. . . Then the entire army rejoiced and gave praise to Amon [because of the victory] which he had given to his son on [this day. They lauded] his majesty and ex­ tolled his victories. Then they presented the plunder which they had taken: hands,87 living prisoners, horses, and chariots of gold and silver and of painted work• ( 9° ) ---[Then his majesty commanded] his army with the words: “Capture ye [effectively, my] victorious [army]! Behold, [all foreign countries] have been put [in this town by the command] of Re on this day, inasmuch as every prince of every [northern] country is shut up within it, for the capturing of Megiddo is the capturing of a thousand towns! Capture ye firmly, firm ly!. . . ” [Orders were issued to the com]manders of the troops to pro[vide for their divisions and to inform] each [man] of his place. They measured [this] city, which was corralled with a moat and enclosed with fresh timbers of all their pleasant trees, while his majesty him­ self was in a fortress east of this town, [being] watchful ............[enclosed] with a girdle wall,. . . by its girdle wall. Its name was called “Men-kheper-Re-is-the-Corraller-of-the-Asiatics.” People were appointed as sentries at the enclosure of his majesty, and they were told: “ Be steadfast, be steadfast! Be vigilant, [be vigilant]!” . . . his majesty . . . . [Not one] of them [was permitted to go] outside from behind this wall, except to come out at a knock on the door of their fortress.88 Now everything which his majesty did to this town and to that wretched enemy and his wretched army is set down by the individual day, by the individual ex­ pedition, and by the individual [troop] commanders.89 . . . They [are] set down on a roll of leather in the temple of Amon today. Now the princes of this foreign country came on their bellies to kiss the ground to the glory of his majesty 86 “ As a go-[and-take].” 87 Cut off from the fallen foe as tokens of battle accomplishment. 88 The besieged Asiatics were permitted only to appear if Egyptians called them out? Alternatively: “ except to come out to surrender(?) at the door of their fortress." The siege lasted seven months (Barkal Stela, p. 238 below). Further information on the siege is given on a stela from the Ptah Temple at Karnak (Sethe, op.cit.i 767): “My majesty returned from the foreign country of Retenu on the first occasion of the victories which my father Amon gave to me, when he gave me all the countries of Djahi, gathered together and shut up in a single town. The fear of my majesty pervaded their hearts; they were fallen and powerless when I reached them. There was no lack of runaways among them. I corralled them in a single town. I built a girdle wall around it, to cut them off from the breath of life." 89 “ On the day in its name, in the name of the journey, and in the names of the commanders of [troops].” In the Theban tomb biography of “ the Army Scribe” Tjaneni, who served under Thut-mose III (Sethe, op.cit.f 1004), we read: “ I was the one who set down the victories which he achieved over every foreign country, put into writing as it was done."

237 and to beg breath for their nostrils, because his arm was (so) great, because the prowess of Amon was (so) great [over (95) every] foreign [country]40. . . [all] the princes whom the prowess of his majesty carried off, bearing their tribute of silver, gold, lapis lazuli, and turquoise, and carrying grain, wine, and large and small cattle for the army of his majesty, with one gang of them bearing tribute southward.41 Then his majesty appointed princes anew for [every town].. . . [List of the booty which his majesty’s army carried off from the town of] Megiddo: 340 living prisoners and 83 hands; 2,041 horses, 191 foals, 6 stallions, and . . . colts; 1 chariot worked with gold, with a body of gold, belonging to that enemy, [/] fine chariot worked with gold belonging to the Prince of [Megiddo] . . . , and 892 chariots of his wretched army—total: 924; 1 fine bronze coat of mail belonging to that enemy, [/] fine bronze coat of mail belonging to the Prince of Meg[iddo, and] 200 [leather] coats of mail belonging to his wretched army; 502 bows; and 7 poles of meru-vtood, worked with silver, of the tent of that enemy. Now the army [of his majesty] carried off [cattle] . . . : 387 . . . , 1,929 cows, 2,000 goats, and 20,500 sheep. List of what was carried off afterward by the king from the household goods of that enemy, who [was in] Yanoam, Nuges, and Herenkeru,42 together with the property of those towns which had made themselves subject to him 38 [maryanu] belonging to them,48 84 children of that enemy and of the princes who were with him, 5 maryanu belonging to them, 1,796 male and female slaves, as well as their children, and 103 pardoned persons, who had come out from that enemy because of hunger—total: 2,503—apart from bowls of costly stone and gold, various vessels, (100) . . . , a large «^«««-jar in Syrian work, jars, bowls, plates, various drinking vessels, large kettles, [* + ] 17 knives —making 1,784 deben ;44gold in discs, found in the proc­ ess of being worked, as well as abundant silver in discs —966 deben and 1 kidetf* a silver statue in the form of .. .,[ a statue]. . . , with head of gold; 3 walking sticks with human heads; 6 carrying-chairs of that enemy, of ivory, ebony, and carob-wood, worked with gold, and the 6 footstools belonging to them; 6 large tables of 40 On the surrender, see also the Barkal Stela (p. 238). 41 Toward Egypt. 42 Elsewhere in the Temple of Karnak (Sethe, op.cit.t 744), Thut-mose III states that he presented to Amon “ three towns in Upper Retenu—Nuges the name of one, Yanoam the name of another, and Herenkeru the name of another—taxed with annual dues for the divine offerings of my father Amon.” “ Upper Retenu” properly stands for the mountain territory of north Palestine and southern Syria, and Yanoam seems to have been in the Lake Huleh area. The three towns would then be somewhere in that area. See A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947), 1, 168* ff. We do not know what is meant by “ that enemy" being in these towns. The dedicatory inscriptions translated under d below suggest that Thut-mose had time for a campaign in the Lebanon while Megiddo was under siege, 48 The maryanu were the warrior or officer class in Asia at this time, cf. p. 22, n.2. “ Belonging to them" refers to listed individuals in the lost context above (474 are missing from the total), and probably includes the women of the Asiatic princes. 44 About 435 lb. Troy of metal value (probably reckoned in silver) in the listed pieces. 45 About 235 lb. Troy. Uncertain whether of silver only, or of the com­ bined value of gold and silver.

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238

ivory and carob-vtood; 1 bed belonging to that enemy, of carob-wood, worked with gold and with every (kind of) costly stone, in the manner of a \erker*f‘ completely worked in gold; a statue of that enemy which was there, of ebony worked with gold, its head of lapis [lazuli] . . . ; bronze vessels, and much clothing of that enemy. Now the fields were made into arable plots and as­ signed to inspectors of the palace—life, prosperity, health!—in order to reap their harvest. List of the harvest which his majesty carried off from the Megiddo acres: 207,300 [ -f- *] sacks of wheat,47 apart from what was cut as forage by his majesty’s army,. . .

Then my majesty had them given leave to (go to) their cities. They all went on donkey(back), so that I might take their horses. I took captive the townspeople thereof for Egypt, and their possessions likewise. D. FROM A DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION

In the Temple of Karnak Thut-mose III recorded the offerings and feasts which he established for the god Amon-Re in return for his victories. An extract from the beginning of this text gives further information on the first campaign. Perhaps during the seven months’ siege of Megiddo, the pharaoh had been able to send a detachment north and establish a fortress outpost somewhere in the Lebanon. The text appears in Lepsius, op. cit., 30b, and in Sethe, opxit., 739-40. It is translated in Breasted, op.cit., §§548-49.

C. THE BARKAL STELA

In his 47th year, Thut-mose III erected at Gebel Barkal near the Fourth Cataract a granite stela summarizing some of the achievements of his reign. It was published, with photograph, transcription, and translation, by G . A . and M . B . Reisner in ZAeS, l x i x (19 3 3 ), 24-39, Ph- in-v. Only that part of the text which deals with the first campaign is translated below. A n­ other extract w ill be found below under the eighth campaign.

I repeat further to you—hear, O people! (19) He4® entrusted to me the foreign countries of Retenu on the first campaign, when they had come to engage with my majesty, being millions and hundred-thousands of men, the individuals of every foreign country, waiting in their chariots—330 princes, every one of them having his (own) army. When they were in the Qina Valley and away from it, in a tight spot, good fortune befell me among them, when my majesty attacked them. Then they fled im­ mediately or fell prostrate. When they entered into Megiddo, my majesty shut them up for a period up to seven months, before they came out into the open, plead­ ing to my majesty and saying: “Give us thy breath, our lord! The countries of Retenu will never repeat rebellion another time!” Then that enemy and the princes who were with him sent out to my majesty, with all their children carrying abundant tribute: gold and silver, all their horses which were with them, their great chariots of gold and silver, as well as those which were plain, all their coats of mail, their bows, their arrows, and all their weapons of warfare. It was these with which they had come from afar to fight against my majesty, and now they were bringing them as tribute to my majesty, while they were standing on their walls, giving praise to my majesty, seeking that the breath of life might be given to them. (24) Then my majesty had administered to them an oath of fealty* with the words: “We will not repeat evil against Men-kheper-Re, who lives forever, our good lord, in our time of life, inasmuch as we have seen his power, and he has given us breath as he wishes! It was his father who did it—[Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands]—it was not the hand of man!” 46 An unknown object of wood. 47 Something like 450,000 bushels. 48 Amon-Re.

. . . in the country of Retenu, in a fortress which my majesty built through his victories, a central point of the princes of Lebanon, of which the name shall be “Menkheper-Re-is-the-Binder-of-the-Vagabonds.” Now when he landed at Thebes, his father Amon was [in joy] , . . . My majesty established for him a Feast of Victory anew, at the time when my majesty returned from the first victorious campaign, overthrowing the wretched Retenu and extending the frontiers of Egypt, in the year 23, as the first of the victories which he decreed to me. SUBSEQUENT CAMPAIGNS Thut-mose III conducted at least sixteen campaigns into Asia in a period of twenty years. Some campaigns involved difficult fighting, some were mere parades of strength to organize the new empire. The records of some campaigns consist simply of statements of “tribute” to Egypt—from Retenu, Djahi, and Cyprus; from Nubia, Ethiopia, and Punt; and from Naharin, Hatti, Assyria, and Babylonia. Obviously, some of this was truly tribute from conquered countries, but some of it consisted of gifts from distant and sovereign lands. This translation includes only those campaigns having greater interest. For Thut-mose I ll’s Hymn of Victory, see pp. 373-375 below. For a legend about the capture of Joppa under Thut-mose III, see pp. 22-23 above. A. FIFTH CAMPAIGN

By his fifth campaign, in his 29th year, Thut-mose was moving as far north as the towns of Tunip and Ardata, somewhere in north Syria. From the “ Annals” in Karnak: Sethe, opxit., 68588; bibliography on 680. Translation in Breasted, op.cit., §§45462.

(3) Year 29.1 Now [his] majesty [was in Dja]hi, destroying the countries which had been rebellious to him, on the fifth victorious campaign. Now his majesty captured the town of Wartet.2 . . . List of the plunder which was taken from this town, from the garrison of that enemy of Tunip: 1 prince of this town; 329 teher1 A date isolated in broken context on the Armant Stela (p. 234 above) gives: “ Year 29, 4th month of the second season, day . . . which would correspond to the earliest month dates in the first campaign. The Egyptian campaigning season normally fell just after the Egyptian harvest, but just before the Asiatic harvest, for maximum advantage to Egypt 2 Unknown, but apparently a garrison town for Tunip, which seems to have been in the north Syrian plain.*

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warriors;3 100 deben of silver;4 100 deben of gold;4lapis lazuli, turquoise, and vessels of bronze and copper. Now there was a seizing of two ships,. . . loaded with everything, with male and female slaves, copper, lead, emery, and every good thing, after his majesty proceeded southward to Egypt, to his father Amon-Re, with joy of heart.5 Now his majesty destroyed the town of Ardata, with its grain. All its pleasant trees were cut down. Now [his majesty] found [the] entire [land of] Djahi, with their orchards filled with their fruit. Their (7) wines were found lying in their vats, as water flows, and their grains on the threshing floors, being ground. They were more plentiful than the sands of the shore. The army overflowed with its possessions. . . . Now his majesty’s army was as drunk and anointed with oil every day as if at feasts in Egypt. B. SIXTH CAMPAIGN

In his 30th year, Thut-mose moved against the focal center of opposition to Egypt, Kadesh on the Orontes. The word “destroy,” used with reference to this town, is not to be taken literally; Thut-mose may have done no more than destroy its food supplies. The record of the year is notable for the statement of the policy of holding the heirs of Syrian princes in Egypt. From the “Annals” in Karnak: Sethe, op.cit., 689-90. Translation by Breasted, op.cit., §§463-67.

Year 30. Now his majesty was in the country of Retenu on his majesty’s sixth victorious campaign. Arrival at the town of Kadesh. Destroying it. Felling its trees. Cutting down its grain. Proceeding by passing Reyet6 and reaching the town of Simyra.7 Reaching the town of Ardata. Doing the same to it. List of the tribute (10) brought to the glory of his majesty by the princes of Retenu in this year. Now the children of the princes and their brothers were brought to be hostages8in Egypt. Now, whoever of these princes died, his majesty was accustomed to make his son go to stand in his place.9 List of the children of princes carried off in this year: 36 men; 181 male and female slaves; 188 horses: and 40 chariots, worked with gold and silver or painted. C. SEVENTH CAMPAIGN

In his 31st year, Thut-mose captured the Phoenician town of Ullaza. He had now proceeded so far north that the control of the Sea was essential to the maintenance of empire. The record of this year tells of the Egyptian concern for holding the 8 A foreign word (perhaps Hittite) for chanot-warriors. cf. pp. 258, n.23; 263, n.12; and 469, n.io. 4 About 25 lb. Troy. 8 The loaded cargo-vessels were seized after the pharaoh had left for Egypt. Thus this does not state that he returned by water. See T. SaveSoderbergh, The Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty (Uppsala, 1946), 34 -35 6 Unknown. 7 A town on the north Phoenician coast. Its location and that of Ardata are still to be established with precision. 8 Or “ captives” ; less likely: “ to be in strongholds.” 9 Elsewhere in Karnak (p. 242 below), Thut-mose III listed “ the foreign countries of Upper Retenu, . . . whose children his majesty carried off as living prisoners to the town . . . in Karnak.” The name given to this section of Karnak is unfortunately unreadable, cf. pp. 247, 248-49, 257.

239

Phoenican harbors. References as above: Sethe, op.cit., 690-96; Breasted, op.cit., §§468-75.

Year 31, 1st month of the third season, day 3.10 Summary of the plunder of his majesty in this year. Plunder which was carried off from the town of Ullaza, which is on the shore of Meren:u 492 living captives, [/] commander belonging to the son of the enemy of Tunip, 1 superior of the . . . who was there— total: 494 men—26 horses, 13 chariots, (12) and their equipment of all (kinds of) weapons of warfare. Then his majesty captured this town within a short hour, all its goods being an easy prey.12. . . Now every port town which his majesty reached was supplied with good bread and with various (kinds of) bread, with olive oil, incense, wine, honey, fr[uit], . . . They were more abundant than anything, beyond the experience of his majesty’s army, without equivocation. (15) They are set down in the daybook of the palace— life, prosperity, health! That the list of them has not been put upon this monument is in order not to multiply words and in order to put their content in that place [in which] I made [them].1* . . . D. EIGHTH CAMPAIGN

In his 33rd year, Thut-mose achieved one of his most ambitious campaigns, crossing the bend of the Euphrates and fighting against “ that enemy of the wretched N aharin.” It is not certain whether this opponent was the K in g of Naharin or was a lesser prince. W e have four sources for the events of this campaign. On the campaign in general, see the discussion by R . Faulkner, in JEA, x x x h (19 4 6 ), 39-42. D.-A TH E ANNALS IN KARN AK

T he references are as above: Sethe, opxit., 696-703; Breasted, op.cit., §§476-87.

Year 33. Now his majesty was in the country of Retenu. Reach [ing the district of Qatna on the eighth victori­ ous campaign. Crossing the Great Bend of Naharin by his majesty at the head of his army, to the] east of this water.14 He set up beside the stela of his father, (20) the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Aa-kheper-ka-Re,19 another (stela). Now his majesty went north,1* plunder10 This would be the last day of Thut-mose Ill’s 31st year. See n.16 on the first campaign above. 11 Reading and location uncertain. Ullaza was a north Phoenician coast town. The Egyptians located a garrison here; cf. against n.28 below* 12 “ Being a go-and-take.” 18 On the army daybook, cf. against n.39 of the first campaign. 14 Sethe’s restoration, used above, depends upon several other contexts. In a broken Karnak inscription (Sethe, op.cit., 188), there is reference to “ . . . [the dis]trict of Qatna on the 8th victorious campaign.” Qatna lay northeast of modern Horns. Part of the restoration depends upon the Hymn of Victory (p. 374 below): "Thou hast crossed the waters of the Great Bend of Naharin,” and on an inscription on the obelisk now in Istanbul (Sethe, op.cit., 587): “ He who crossed the Great Bend of Naharin in valor and victory at the head of his army and made a great slaughter.” The general sense of the restoration is probably correct. On Naharin, see A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 1, 17 1* ff. 15 Thut-mose I (ca. 1 5 2 5 - 1 4 9 5 b.c.). Thut-mose Ill’s 33rd year should b e about 1 4 5 8 B .C . 16 In Egypt this word would mean both "go north” and “go down­ stream.” Since the Euphrates flows south, the direction is uncertain in the present context See A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947), 1, 160* ff.

240

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journeyed in [front of] my majesty, in order to cross that great river which lies between this foreign country and Naharin.28 A king indeed to be boasted of in proportion to (the success of) his arms in the melee, he who crossed the Great Bend in pursuit of him who had attacked him, as the foremost of his army, seeking for that wretched enemy [in]** the countries of Mitanni, when he was a fugitive before my majesty to another land, a distant place, because of fear. Then my majesty set up on that mountain of Naharin D.-B TH E ARMANT STELA my stela, which was dug out of the mountain on the See the reference, Mond and Myers, as the first text translated west side (of) the Great Bend___ under the first campaign, p. 234 above. When I proceeded (15) south to Egypt, after I had put the sword (to) Naharin, great was the terror in the He finished off 120 elephants in the country of Ni, mouth of the Sand-Dwellers.25 Their doors were closed on his return from Naharin. He crossed the river Great because of it; they would not come out into the open Bend, and he crushed the towns of its two sides, con­ for fear of the Bull.. . . sumed by fire forever. He set up a stela of victory on its [west] side. . . . Still another instance of the victory which Re decreed to me: he repeated for me a great (feat of) valor (at) D.-C THE BARKAL STELA the water hole of Ni, when he let me make droves of For the reference, G. A. and M. B. Reisner, see under the first elephants and my majesty fought them in a herd of campaign, p. 238 above. 120. Never was the like done since (the time of) the (6) . . . The many troops (of) Mitanni were over­ god by a king (of) them who took the White Crown. thrown in the completion of an hour, quite gone, as if I have said this without boasting therein, and without they had never come into being.. . . His southern fron­ equivocation therein.. . . tier is to the horns of the earth, to the southern limit 26Every year there is hewed [for me in Dja]hi genuine of this land; (his) northern to the marshes of Asia, to cedar of Lebanon, which is brought to the Court—life, the supporting pillars of heaven. They come to him prosperity, health! Timber comes to Egypt for me, with bowed head, seeking his breath of life. He is a advancing (31) . . . New [wood] of Negau27 [« king, valiant like Montu;20 a taker, from whom no one brought], the choicest of God’s Land . . . , to reach the can take, who crushes all rebellious countries. Residence City, without passing over the seasons thereof, There is none who can protect them in that land of each and every year. When my army which is the garri­ Naharin, which its lord abandoned because of fear. I son in Ullaza28 comes, [they bring the tribute], which desolated his towns and his tribes and set fire to them. My majesty made them mounds, and their (re) settle­ is the cedar of the victories of my majesty, through the ment will never take place. I captured all their people, plans of my father [Amon-Re], who entrusted to me all carried off as living prisoners, the (10) cattle thereof foreign countries. I have not given (any) of it to the without limit, and their goods as well. I took away the Asiatics, (for) it is a wood which he loves.. . . very sources of life, (for) I cut down their grain and felled all their groves and all their pleasant trees. . . . I D.-D THE BIOGRAPHY OF AM EN-EM -HEB destroyed it; it became a . . . upon which there are no Amen-em-heb was an Egyptian soldier of moderate military trees. rank, who has left us a lively account of his deeds of valor in following Thut-mose III. H is autobiography is painted on the When my majesty crossed over to the marshes of walls of his tomb (N o. 85) in Thebes. Although he gives us Asia, I had many ships of cedar built on the mountains no chronology, it has been argued that his narrative “ almost of God’s Land near the Lady of Byblos.21 They were certainly deals with the events of this one campaign in chrono­ placed on chariots,22 with cattle drawing (them). They logical order, the only exception being the second assault on

ing towns and laying waste encampments of that enemy of the wretched Naharin.. . . [Then] he [pursued] after them an iter of sailing.17 Not one (of them) looked behind him, but was fleeing continually like a herd of desert beasts. [Now] there were galloping horses.. . . His majesty reached the town (23) of Ni, going south,1* when his majesty returned, after he had set up his stela in Naharin, (thus) extending the frontiers of Egypt.. . ,18

17 Perhaps ten and a half kilometers. 18 Or “ going upstream,” which would be north on the Euphrates; cf. n.16 above. Ni (or Niya) may be located south of Carchemish on the Euphrates, and the Amen-em-heb inscription (p. 241) makes the crossing possible in the Carchemish district.* 19 On the elephant hunt in Ni, see the three texts which follow. The only other element of interest in the "Annals” of this year is in the tribute of an Asiatic country of which the name is lost: “ 4 birds of this country—now they [give] birth every day.” This, as Sethe has pointed out (Die alteste Erwahnung des Haushuhns in einem agyptischen Texte [Festschrift fur F. K. Andreas, Leipzig, 1916; 109]), is the earliest record of the domestic hen. 20 The Egyptian god of war. 21 “ God’s Land” was the east in general. The goddess of Byblos, whom the Egyptians equated with their Hat-Hor, stands here for the town. 22 Stcy both in word and determinative, although heavier carts must have been used.

Kadesh, which is the last batde in which Amenemhab fought” (A . H . Gardiner, on the authority of R. Faulkner, in JEA, x xxii [ 1946], 39 ). The text appears in W . M. M uller, Egyptological Researches (W ashington, 1906), 1, Pis. x x x iii -xx x ix , and in Sethe, opxit., 889-97; a translation in Breasted, op.cit., §§574-92. See also A . H . Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947) . «. r 53 * 28 i.e. the Euphrates. This feat of transporting boats from Phoenicia to the Euphrates gives some measure of the military genius of Thut-mose III. 24 Or “ [o/]” ? 25 The Asiatic nomads of the deserts near Egypt. 26 The following paragraph does not refer to the eighth campaign, but is a general statement of the pharaoh’s power. 27 Frobably a Lebanese or Phoenician area; cf. Syria, iv (1923), 181-92. 28 cf. n .n above.

EGYPTI AN HI S T ORI CAL TEXTS

I made captives in the country of (5) Negeb.291 took three men, Asiatics, as living prisoners. When his majesty reached Naharin, I took three men captive there, so that I might put them before thy30 majesty as living prisoners. Again I made captives within this campaign in the country, the Ridge of Wan, on the west of Aleppo. I took Asiatics as living prisoners: 13 men; 70 live asses; 13 bronze battle-axes; and . . . of bronze, worked with gold. Again I took booty within this campaign in the country of Carchemish. I took (10) . . . as living prisoners, and I crossed over the water of Naharin, while they were in my hand. . . ; I [placed] them before my lord. Then he rewarded me with a great reward; the list thereof:. . . I saw the victory of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Men-kheper-Re, given life, in the country of Sendjer,81 when he made [a great] slaughter [among] them. I made captives in the king’s presence; I took a hand there, and he gave me the Gold of Favor; the list thereof:. . . , and two rings of silver. Again I saw how valiant he was, while I was in his retinue, when [he] captured the [city of] (15) Kadesh, without my swerving from the place where he was. I took two men, maryanu, 3 2 as [living prisoners and set them] before the king, the Lord of the Two Lands: Thut-mose-Ruler-of-Thebes, living forever. He gave me gold because of my valor, in the presence of everybody . . . ; the list thereof: a lion, two necklaces, two flies, and four rings of finished gold.33. . . (20) Again I saw his victory in the country of the wretched Takhshi,34 in the town of Meriu. . . I took booty from it in the presence of the king; I took three men, Asiatics, as living prisoners. Then my lord gave to me the Gold of Favor; the list thereof: two necklaces, four rings, two flies, and one lion of gold; a female slave and a male slave. Again [I saw] another successful deed which the Lord of the Two Lands accomplished in Ni. He hunted 120 elephants at their mudhole™ Then the biggest elephant which was among them began to fight before the face of his majesty. I was the one who cut off his hand36 while he was (still) alive, (25) in the presence of his majesty, while I was standing in the water between two rocks. Then my lord rewarded me with gold :. . . , and five pieces of clothing. Then, when the Prince of Kadesh sent out a mare, which [was swift\ on her feet and which entered among the army,371 ran after her on foot, carrying my dagger, and I (ripped) open her belly. I cut off her tail and set it before the king. Praise was given to god for it. He gave joy, and it filled my belly, jubilation, and it imbued 29 Apparently the same as the modern Negeb, south of Palestine. 80 Sic, but read “ his.” 31 Perhaps modern Sheidjar, northwest of Hama. 82 cf. n.43 on the first campaign. 83 Decorations of gold in various forms. Flies and lions' heads of gold have been found in Egyptian excavation. 84 Takhshi lay near Damascus. Meriu . . . is unknown* 35 Their “ slime-placc” ? Less likely: “ because of their ivory.” 36 Sic, for "trunk.” See P. E. Newberry, in JEA, xxx (1944), 75. 37 To stampede the stallions of the Egyptian chariotry.

24I

my body. (30) His majesty sent forth every valiant man of his army, to breach the new wall which Kadesh had made. I was the one who breached it, being the first of every valiant man, and no other did (it) before me. When I came out, I brought two men, maryanu, as living prisoners. Then my lord again rewarded me for it, with every good thing of heart’s satisfaction. Now really, I made these captures while I was a soldier of [User-het-A]mon.38... E. NINTH CAMPAIGN

The success of Thut-mose’s first eight campaigns seems to be re­ flected in the dull, statistical character of the records of the final campaigns. They consist chiefly of lists of “ tribute” from de­ pendent or friendly countries. The 9th campaign, in the 34th year, contains a slightly different statement about pharaoh’s concern for the harbors of Phoenicia. The references are to the “Annals” in Karnak: Sethe, op-cit., 707; Breasted, op.cit., 5 492 N ow every port town of his majesty was supplied with every good thing which [his] majesty received [in the country of Dja]hi, with Keftiu, Byblos, and Sektu ships of cedar,39 loaded with columns and beams, as well as (37) large timbers for the [major wood]working of his majesty___ F . FIN AL CAMPAIGN

In his 42nd year, Thut-mose conducted his 16th or 17th campaign, the last listed. Apparently he met somewhat more resistance than in other late campaigns. The references are to the “ Annals” in Karnak; Sethe, opjdt., 729-34, with antecedent bibliography on 724; Breasted, opxit., §§528-40.

. . . the Fenkhu.40 Now his majesty was on the coast road, in order to destroy the town of Irqata,41 together with those towns which (11) [were in its district] . . . . Arrival at Tunip. Destruction of the town. Cutting down its grain and felling its trees.. . . Coming (back) successfully. Arrival at the region of Kadesh. Capturing three towns therein.42. . . [Now his majesty captured the foreigners] of the wretched Naharin, who were auxiliaries among them, together with their horses: 691 individuals; 29 hands; 48 horses,. . . (20) . . . Now his majesty commanded that the vic­ tories which he had accomplished from the year 23 to the year 42 should be set down at the time when this monument was established in this chapel, in order that he might achieve “given-life-forever.” 38 The sacred barge of Amon at Thebes. The implication seems to be that Amen-em-heb was only an official of relatively low rank. The text goes on to record the death of Thut-mose III and Amen-em-heb’s elevation to the rank of “ Lieutenant of the Army” under Amen-hotep II. 39 Keftiu was Crete—or the eastern Mediterranean coast generally—and Byblos was trie Phoenician town. For the identification of the Sektu ships with Ugaritic and Hebrew (Isaiah, 2:16) words for ships, see the refer­ ences given by W. F. Albright in JAOS, l x x i (19 5 1), 261. The names of the three vessels indicate the commercial carriers of the time within the eastern Mediterranean. For tentative adjustments in dates see p. xvm. 40 Phoenicians. 41 Modern ‘Arqah, northeast of Tripoli. 42 These words do not actually claim the capture of Kadesh itself, al­ though that may have been one of the three towns.

(a) Roster of the countries of Upper Retenu which his majesty shut up in the town of the wretched Megiddo, whose children his majesty carried off as living prisoners to the town . . . in Karnak,1 on his first victorious cam­ paign, according to the command of his father Amon, who led him to the good ways. (b) All the mysterious lands of the marshes of Asia which his majesty carried off as living prisoners, while he made a great slaughter among them, (lands) which had not been trodden by other kings except for his majesty. The reputation of a valiant man is from [what he bas done], not being destroyed in this land [forever].2 (c) Roster of the countries of Upper Retenu which his majesty shut up in the town of the wretched Megiddo, whose children his majesty carried off as living prisoners to the town of Thebes, to fill the workhouse of his father Amon in Karnak, on his first victorious cam­ paign, according to the command of his father Amon, who led him to the good ways.

3Achshaph Acre Adummim

Ramses III

Ramses II

iSeti I

Hor-em-heb

Amen-hotep III

Thut-mose IV

Amen-hotep II

Thut-mose III

Subsequent kings followed Thut-mose III in compiling such lists. The result is only a partial historical gain. Identifications are often difficult or impossible, and some of the later lists are suspect as having a strong fictional coloring. Selections from these lists are given below, with attempted identifications. It will be understood that the name is not always the biblical site; it may be a Kadesh, a Hamath, or a Geba. Those names which are checked with numbers derive from the longer lists and—with the exception of Ramses III—may more truly represent historical achievement than those names which occur in briefer lists of strong propagandists force (here checked with x). The names are taken from J. Simons, Handbook for the Study of Egyptian Topographical Lists Relating to Western Asia (Leyden, 1937), in which antecedent bibliography is given. The numbers used below are those of Simons’ lists. Important for the identification of place names are M. Burchardt, Die alt\anaanaischen Eremdworte und Eigennamen im dgyptischen (Leipzig, 1909), and W. F. Albright, The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven, 1934).*

c 0 tq/5 j c/5

40

47 36

S4

X

98

1 The name of the town of captives at Karnak is unfortunately broken and untranslatable. 2 A proverb. See n.2 on p. 233. 3 Many identifications may be open to more question than is indicated.

Sheshonk I

Ramses III

Ramses II

26

Aijalon Alashiya Aleppo

2 I3 (?) 3 11

Altaku Anaharath Apheq Arrapkha Aruna Arzawa Ashtaroth Assyria Beeroth

X

6

X

X

X

Beth-Olam Beth-Shan Beth-Tappuah Byblos Carchemish Chinneroth Damascus Deper Dibon Dothan Edrei Em eq

X

X

X

52 3 o (? ) 80 x (?)

X

27

32

i 7 5 ( ?)

X

X

X

X

X

X

59

X

X

X

X

X

19

124 72 24 36

no

5i

16

X

39 X

270

29

X

34

*3

X X

98 9 91 107

65

Abram

Geba Geba-Shumen Gezer Gibeon Ham Hamath H a n d o f the K in g Hapharaim Hatti H azor Ibleam Isy (Cyprus) Iteren Iursa Jacob-El Joppa Jordan Joseph-El Kadesh Karm aim Keftiu ( “ Crete” ) Khashabu Kiriath-Anab Kishion Kum idi Laish

X

28

Beth-Anath Beth-Dagon Beth-Horon

F ie ld o f

S e til

The conqueror Thut-mose III initiated the custom of listing the Asiatic and African countries which he had conquered or over which he claimed dominion. In the Temple of Amon at Karnak three of his lists bear superscriptions. The texts are published in K. Sethe, Ur\unden der 18. Dynastic {Ur\., iv, Leipzig, 1907), 78o-8r, with translations in Breasted, AR, 11, §402.

Thut-mose III

Lists o f Asiatic Countries Under the Egyptian Empire

Hor-em-heb

TEXTS Amen-hotep III

HISTORICAL

Thut-mose IV

EGYPTIAN

Amen-hotep II

242

7 1.7 2 114

X

41 104

23 118

X

16

X

X

29

18 X 32

X

X

22

X

X

X

X

X

64

43 31 230

60

9 104

102 62

15 0

78 I

X

X

3i

x

X

28

X

96

74 X

55

X

63

37 55 31

X

X

Yehem

Sheshonk I

Ramses II X

Ramses III

Seti I

Amen-hotep III

Thut-mose IV

X

HISTORICAL

III

64

22

40 2

X

27

12

X

32(F)

7i 39

x(?)

X

X

82

58

28

TEXTS

243

agyptische Expedition nach dem Libanon im 15. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (SPAW, 1906, 356-63).

. . . above the clouds. I entered the forest-fpreserve]. . . . [I caused] that there be presented to her offerings of millions of things on behalf of [the life, prosperity, and health of thy majesty].1 . . . (10) in Byblos, that I might give them to her lord for her [heart’s] satisfaction. . . . gave . . . of the choicest thereof. I brought away (timbers of) 60 cubits in [their] length.2. . . They were sharper than the beard of grain,8 the middle thereof as thicl^ . . . I [brought] them [down] from the high­ land of God’s Land. They reached as far as the forestpreserve.4 . . . [7 sailed on the] Great [Green] Sea with a favorable breeze, land[ing in Egypt] . . .

X X

X

X

23

X

X

142

X

84

57

X

Pharaoh as a Sportsman

X

65 33 X

X

29

X

X

X

49

X

X

X

30

X

X

X

105

13 65

82

X

87

17

24 24

X

X

48

5i

X X

I 108

X

X

X

26

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

38

15

38

67

42

14 X

X

X

X

X

X

342

127

X

X

x(?) X

166 148

X

X

57

x( ?)

X

12 1

X

56

X

58

X

X X

68

The following texts have place in the record of the Egyptian Empire because they present to us the invincible being who conquered and held foreign countries. As a god-king, he was placed beyond any mortals of his day. Yet he led his armies into battle and arrows were aimed at him. He had to present himself and he had to be presented h.y the dogma of the state as un­ surpassed and unsurpassable in physical prowess. In addition to the accumulating legend of his triumphs in batde, a legend was fostered of his invincibility in competitive sport.

a The first document deals with Thut-mose III (about 14901436 B . C . ) and is extracted from his Armant Stela, for which the bibliography was given on p. 234 above.

21

U zu

Yaa4 Yanoam

X

X

U e a r it

Ullaza Unqi

Hor-em-heb

Levt-El Lullu Lydda Mahanaim Makkedah Megiddo Merom Migdol Mishal Mitanni Moab Naharin Negeb Ni Nukhashshe (Neges) Ono Papkhi Pella (Pahel) Qatna Qedem* Rabbah Raphia Rebi Rehob Retenu, Lower Retenu, Upper Rosh-Kadesh Shamash-Edom Shankhar (Shinar) Sharon Shasu (Bedouin) Shunem Socho Taanach Takhshi Tjerekh (Zalkhi) Tunip Tyre

Amen-hotep II

Thut-mose III

EGYPTIAN

52 28 78 35

A T rip to the Lebanon for Cedar An official of Thut-mose III has left us an inscription—un­ fortunately badly damaged—on a commission which he under­ took to secure cedar from the Lebanon. The inscription appears in the tomb of the Chief Treasurer Sen-nefer (No. 99 at Thebes). The text appears in K. Sethe, Ur\unden der 18. Dynastic (Ur\., iv, Leipzig, 1906), m, 531-36, and was studied by Sethe, Eine * O n the h isto rical v a lu e o f the n am es Y a a an d Q e d em , A . H . G a rd in e r, Notes on the Story of Sinuhe (P a ris, 1 9 1 6 ) , 1 5 5 , p oin ts o u t th at in th is on e list th e tw o n am es “ o c c u r beside on e a n oth er, o b v io u sly rem in iscen ces o f th e sto ry o f S in u h e a n d w ith o u t fu rth e r h isto rical v a lu e .” c f. p. 1 9 abo ve.

(4) He shot at an ingot of copper, every shaft being split like a reed. Then his majesty put a sample there in the House of Amon, being a target of worked copper of three fingers in thickness,1 with his arrow therein. When it had passed through it, he made three palms2 come out at the back of it, in order to grant the request of those who followed: the success of his arms in valor and victory. I speak to the water of what he did,3 without lying and without equivocation therein, in the face of his entire army, without a phrase of boasting therein. If he spent a moment of recreation by hunting in any foreign country, the number of that which he carried off is greater than the bag of the entire army. He killed seven lions by shooting in the completion of a moment. He carried off a herd of twelve wild cattle within an hour, when breakfast time had taken place, 1 In the lost context there must have been reference to the goddess of Byblos, whom the Egyptians equated with their Hat-Hor. The “ presenta­ tions” to her are a polite statement of the payment for cedar. TTie term kkenti-she, here translated “ forest-preserve,” was used in Egypt for royal domains. 2 Slightly over 100 feet long. The numeral is partly destroyed on the wall, but is considered by Sethe to be certainly 60. 3 Not literally sharp. This word is elsewhere used in various forms of approval, somewhat like the modern juvenile “ keen, neat.” 4 Perhaps*. "When I [brought] them [down] upon the country of God’s Land,” i.e. the Orient in general, they were so many that “ they reached as far” back as the edge of the forest in the mountains. 1 A little over 2 in. in thickness. 2 Nearly 9 in. of the arrow protruding from the back of the target. 3 So literally. Is it an idiom for: I speak the unadulterated truth?

244

EGYPTI AN HI S T ORI CAL TEXTS

the tails thereof for his back.4 . . . He carried off a rhinoceros by shooting, in the southern country (9) of Nubia,5 after he proceeded to Miu9to seek him who had been rebellious to him in that country. He set up his stela there, like that which he had made at the ends [of the earth\.7. . . b The pharaoh who has left us the most numerous records of his physical prowess was Amen-hotep II (about 1447-1421 b.c.).8 A stela recently discovered near the Sphinx at G izeh gives the most telling record of his triumphs at sport. It was published by Selim Hassan in A S A E , xxxv ii (19 3 7 ), 129-34, Pis. i-h, and by A . Varille in B I F A O , x l i (19 4 2 ), 31-38, PI. 1. It was translated by G . Steindorff and K . C . Seele, W h e n E g y p t R u l e d t h e E a s t (Chicago, 1942), 68-70. The conventional praise of the pharaoh in the first ten and a half lines is here omitted.

Now, further, his majesty appeared as king as a goodly youth.9 When he had matured10 and completed eighteen years on his thighs in valor, (12) he was one who knew every task of Montu:11 there was no one like him on the field of battle. He was one who knew horses: there was not his like in this numerous army. There was not one therein who could draw his bow.12 He could not be approached in running. Strong of arms, one who did not weary when he took the oar, he rowed at the stern of his falcon-boat as the strode for two hundred men.13 When there was a pause, after they had attained half an iter’s course,14 they were weak, their bodies were limp, they could not draw a breath, whereas his majesty was (still) strong under his oar of twenty cubits in its length.15 He left off and moored his falcon-boat (only after) he had attained three iters in rowing,19 without letting down (15) in pulling. Faces were bright at the sight of him, when he did this. He drew three hundred stiff bows in comparing the work of the craftsmen of them, in order to distinguish the ignorant from the wise. When he had just come from doing this which I have called to your attention, 4 The pharaoh wore a bull’s tail in ceremonial appearance. There follows the account of the elephant hunt, translated on p. 240 above. 0 Also depicted at the temple of Armant (Mond and Myers, op.cit.) Pis. ix, xcm; translation by Drawer, pp. 159-60) is a rhinoceros, which may be this same beast, although the dating of the scene is uncertain. The depiction of the animal is accompanied by its dimensions. 6 A Sudanese place name which occurs elsewhere, but which cannot be located. 7 That is, the stela at the Euphrates, p. 239 above. There follows the text about the Battle of Megiddo, p. 234 above. 8 Drawer, in Mond and Myers, op.cit.> 184, n. e, gives a bibliography of the texts on the pharaoh as a sportsman. They are also treated by B. Van der Walle, Les rots sportifs de Vanciennc tgypte, in Chronique d't-gyptCy No. 26 (1938), 234*57. New material to be added to these is in the Memphis Stela of Amen-hotep II, p. 246 below. 9 For an uncertain number of years he was coregent with his father, Thutmose III. 10 “ When he had counted his body,” in the sense of developing to maturity. 11 The god of war. 12 The same claim in his Amada inscription, p. 247 below. Breasted, AR, 11, p. 310, n. d, calls attention to the legend in Herodotus (111, 2 1) that Cambyses could not draw the bow of die king of Ethiopia. 18 The “ falcon-boat” was the king’s official barge. The word translated “ stroke” may come from a root, “ to destine, to determine.” 14 Probably about a kilometer, five-eighths of a mile. 15 About 34 feet. 16 Probably about 4 miles.

he entered into his northern garden and found that there had been set up for him four targets of Asiatic copper of one palm in their thickness,17 with twenty cubits18 between one post and its fellow. Then his majesty appeared in a chariot like Montu in his power. He grasped his bow and gripped four arrows at the same time. So he rode northward, shooting at them like Montu in his regalia. His arrows had come out on the back thereof while he was attacking another post. It was really a deed which had never been done nor heard of by report: shooting at a target of copper an arrow which came out of it and dropped to the ground—except for the king, rich in glory, whom [Amon] made strong, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Aa-khepru-Re, heroic like Montu. Now when he was (still) a lad,19 he loved his horses and rejoiced in them. It was a strengthening of the heart to work them, to learn their natures, to be skilled in training them, and to enter into their ways. When (it) was heard (20) in the palace by his father, the Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes,20 the heart of his majesty was glad when he heard it, rejoicing at what was said about his eldest son, while he said in his heart: “ He it is who will act as Lord for the entire land, with­ out being attacked, while the heart moves in valor, re­ joicing in strength, though he is (only) a goodly, beloved youth. He is not yet sagacious; he is not (yet) at the time of doing the work of Montu. He is (still) un­ concerned with carnal desire?1 (but) he loves strength. It is a god who puts (it) into his heart to act so that Egypt may be protected for him and so that the land defers to him.” 22 Then his majesty said to those who were at his side: “Let there be given to him the very best horses in my majesty’s stable which is in Memphis, and tell him: Take care of them, instil fear into them, make them gallop, and handle them if there be resist­ ance to thee!’ ” Now after it had been entrusted to the King’s Son to take care of horses of the king’s stable, well then, he did that which had been entrusted to him. Rashap and Astarte23 were rejoicing in him for doing all that his heart desired. He trained horses without their equal: they would not grow tired when he took the reins, nor would they sweat (even) at a high gallop. He would harness with the bit in Memphis and stop at the rest-house of (25) Harmakhis,24 (so that) he might spend a moment there, going around and around it and seeing the charm of this rest-house of Khufu and Khaf-Re, the triumphant. His heart desired to perpetuate their names, (but) he still put it into his heart—so he said—until that which 17 A little less than 3 inches. 18 About 34 feet 19 The word means “ puppy,” but in no derogatory sense. 20 Thut-mose III. 21 “ Thirst of the body.” 22 The old warrior king apparendy feels that his son’s athletic preparation for kingship is god-given. 28 Two Asiatic deities. See pp. 249-50 below. 24 The Sphinx at Gizeh, dominated by the pyramids of Khufu (Cheops) and Khaf-Re (Chephren).

EGYPTI AN HI S T OR I CAL TEXTS

his father Re had decreed to him should have come to pass.25 After this, when his majesty was made to appear as king, the uraeus-serpent took her place upon his brow, the image of Re26 was established at its post, and the land was as (in) its first state, at peace under their lord, Aa-khepru-Re. He ruled the Two Lands, and every foreign country was bound under his soles. Then his majesty remembered the place where he had enjoyed himself in the vicinity of the pyramids and of Harmakhis, and One27 ordered that it be caused that a resthouse be made there, in which was set up a stela of lime­ stone, the face of which was engraved with the Great Name of Aa-khepru-Re, beloved of Harmakhis, given life forever.

T he Asiatic Campaigning o f Amen-hotep II Amen-hotep II (about 1447-1421 b .c . ) gloried in his reputation for personal strength and prowess. His records therefore contrast with those of his predecessor and father, Thut-mose III, in em­ phasizing individual achievement, cf. the translations immedi­ ately preceding. A. THE M EM PH IS AND KARNAK STELAE

There are two sources, in partial duplicate, for Amen-hotep’s first and second campaigns into Asia. The more extensive text was recendy discovered at Memphis, having been reused by a prince of the Twenty-second Dynasty as the ceiling of his burial chamber about 875 b . c . It was published by A. M. Badawi, Die neue historische Stele Amenophis’ II, in ASAE, x l i i (1943), 123, PI. 1. The more damaged source is a stela standing at the south of the Eighth Pylon at Karnak. It was translated, with notes on antecedent bibliography, by Breasted, AR, 11, §§781-90. Both stelae were hacked up under the Amarna Revolution and restored in the Nineteenth Dynasty—badly restored, in the case of the Karnak stela. Both stelae were collated in 1946, the Memphis stela being mounted in the Cairo Museum under ex­ hibition No. 6301. The line numbers below follow the Memphis stela.* A study of both stelas by E. Edel, ZDPV, l x i x (1953), 97-176.

Year 7,1st month of the third season, day 25,1 under the majesty of Horus: Mighty Bull, Sharp of Horns; the Two Goddesses: Rich in Dread, Made to Appear in Thebes; Horus of Gold: Carrying Off and Gaining Power over All Lands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Aa-khepru-Re; the Son of Re, Lord of Diadems, Lord of the Strong Arm: Amen-hotep-the-God-Ruler-of-Heliopolis, given life forever; the good god, likeness of Re, son of Amon upon 25 He postponed his act of appreciation until he should become king. 26 The king. 27 A circumlocution for the king. 1 Around 1 440 B .C ., this date will have fallen in the latter part of May. The translator finds it impossible to reconcile the dates in these several stelae. The Memphis stela places the first campaign in Amen-hotep II’s 7th year, the second in his 9th year. The Amada stela below is dated in his 3rd year, to record a celebration in Egypt after the return from the first campaign! Further, it is understood that Amen-hotep was coregent with his father, Thut-mose III, for a minimum of 1 year and up to a possible 1 1 years. A possible reconciliation would be that die 7th year after the coregency began was the 3rd year of sole reign.* See the criticism of this reconciliation by D. B. Redford, ]EA, u (1965), 120-21.

245

His throne, for He built him as strong and powerful in distinction to that which had been. His majesty has trod Naharin, which his bow has crushed, being devastated, carrying off by victory and power, like Montu2 adorned with his equipment. His heart is at rest when he sees them, (for) he has cut off the heads of the attackers. His majesty proceeded to Retenu on his first victorious campaign to extend his frontiers, made from the prop­ erty of them who are not loyal to him, his face terrible like (that of) Bastet,8like Seth in his moment of raging. His majesty reached Shamash-Edom.* He hacked it up in a short moment, like a lion fierce of face, when he treads the foreign countries.5 (His) majesty was in his chariot, of which the name was: “ Amon, the val­ iant . . List of the booty of his arm: living Asiatics: 35; cattle: 22/ His majesty crossed the Orontes8 (5) on dangerous waters, like Rashap.8 Then he turned about to watch his rear, and he saw a few Asiatics coming furtively,10 adorned with weapons of warfare,11 to attack the king’s army. His majesty burst after them like the flight of a divine falcon. The confidence of their hearts was slack­ ened, and one after another fell upon his fellow, up to their commander.12 Not a single one was with his majesty, except for himself with his valiant arm. His majesty killed them by shooting.18 He returned thence, his heart glad like Montu the valiant, when he had triumphed.1* List of what his majesty captured within this day: two princes and six maryanu,15 in addition to 2 God of war. 9 The slaughtering cat-goddess. 4 The Karnak variant, abusively restored (ASAE, iv [1903], 126-32): “ the town of Shamash-Edom.*’ This town occurs also in the geographical lists of Thut-mose III (p. 243 above), in an association which seems to place it in Palestine.* 6 Karnak variant: “ His majesty achieved a happy feat there, (for) his majesty himself took booty. Now he was like a fierce lion, smit[ing the] foreign countries [of Ret] en[u]. . . . ” 6 An argument with regard to this apparently corrupted passage and the consequent name of the pharaoh’s horses and chariot was undertaken by E. Drioton in ASAE, x liv (1945), 5' 9» and B. Grdseloff in ibid., x lv ( i 947)» 107-15. Our translation agrees in part with Grdseloff’s rendering. 7 Karnak variant: “ lis t of the booty of his majesty himself on this day: 26 (perhaps 18) living Asiatics; 19 cattle.” 8 Karnak variant: “ 1st month of the third season, day 26. His majesty’s crossing the ford of the Yerset on this day, (when) [he] caused to cross.. . The date is die day following die date given at the beginning of the Memphis stela. The writing Yerset for Yemet, “ Orontes,” is probably a product of ignorant restoration under the 19th dynasty. 9 On the Asiatic god Rashap, see p. 250 below. The Karnak variant: ". . . being dangerous, like the strength of Montu, the Theban.” Drioton, op.cit., 9-12, tentatively renders our “ dangerous” above as “ shaking with fury” ; Grdseloff, op.cit., 115-20, emends the same to “ at a gallop.” 10 Karnak variant: “ his majesty turned about to see the ends of the earth. (Th)en his majesty saw a few Asiatics coming in chariots.” 1 1 For once, the Karnak variant is preferable, since it adorns the pharaoh: “ Now his majesty was adorned with his weapons of warfare, and his majesty became terrible in proportion to the hidden strength of Seth in his hour.” 12 Karnak variant: “ They quailed when (they) saw his majesty alone . . . among them. Then his majesty felled their commander himself with his batde-axe.” Karnak variant follows this with a text garbled by the restoration under the 19th dynasty. 18 Karnak variant: “ Now he carried off this Asiatic at the side [of his chariot, and also captured] his team, his chariot, and all his weapons of warfare.” 14 Karnak variant: “ His majesty returned in joy of heart (like) his father Amon, who had given to him the earth, when he had triumphed.’* 15 Tlie term maryanu (related to the Vedic mdrya "male, noble*’) was used for Asiatic warriors in this period, cf. p. 22, n.2. Karnak variant: "List of what his majesty captured on this day: . . . » the 2 horses, x chariot, a coat of mail, 2 bows, a quiver filled with arrows, . . . and an inlaid axe**

246

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their chariots, their teams, and all their weapons of war­ fare. His majesty, going south, reached Ni.19 Its prince and all his people, male as well as female, were at peace with his majesty, (for) their faces had received a bedazzlement.17 His majesty reached Ikat.18 He sur­ rounded everyone rebellious to him and killed them, like those who have never existed, put on (their) side, upside down. He returned thence in joy of heart, with this entire country in bondage to him. Rest in the tent of his majesty19 in the neighborhood of Tjerekh on the east of Sheshrem. The settlements of Mendjet20were plundered. His majesty reached Hetjra.20 Its prince came out in peace to his majesty, (10) bring­ ing his children and all his goods. Submission was made to his majesty by Unqi.21 His majesty reached Kadesh. Its prince came out in peace to his majesty. They were made to take the oath of fealty, and all their children as {well). Thereupon his majesty shot at two targets of copper in hammered w o r l in their presence, on the south side of this town.22 Excursions were made in Rebi20 in the forest, and there were brought back ga­ zelles, maset, hares, and wild2* asses without their limit. His majesty proceeded by chariot to Khashabu,24 alone, without having a companion. He returned thence in a short moment, and he brought back 16 living maryanu on the two sides of his chariot, 20 hands at the foreheads of his horses, and 60 cattle being driven before him. Submission was made to his majesty by this town. While his majesty was going south in the midst of the Plain of Sharon?* he met a messenger of the Prince of Naharin, carrying a letter of clay at his throat.29He took him as a living prisoner at the side of his chariot. His 16 Karnak variant: ‘‘2nd month of the third season, day 10. Advancing on . . . [by going sou\th toward Egypt. His majesty proceeded by chariot against the town of Ni.” The date will have been two weeks after the fording of the Orontes. Ni was somewhere near the bend of the Euphrates; cf. p. 240, n.i 8 above. The Karnak text tends to confirm the meaning, “ to go south,” for cm \hentit, since movement toward Egypt would be south, but the same doubt arises as on p. 239, n.16 above. 17 Karnak variant: “ Now the Asiatics of this town, male as well as female, were upon their wall, praising his majesty and . . . the good god.” 18 Karnak variant: “ Now his majesty heard that certain [of] the Asiatics who were in thtf town of Ikat were conspiring to accomplish the abandon­ ment of his majesty’s garrison . . . in this town, in order to turn upside down . . . who was loyal to his majesty. . . . Then everyone rebellious to him was surrounded in this town. . . . He [frilled] them immediately, and he quieted [this] town, . . . the whole country.” The two texts agree on the writing of the town Ikat, the location of which is unknown. By a simple emendation one could read Ikjxrit, Ugarit. 19 Karnak variant: "2nd month of the third season, day 20. . . . in the encampment which was made. . . .” The date would be 10 days after that of n .i6 above. 20 Unknown. 21 Territory between the Euphrates and the sea. Thus the Kadesh which follows was Kadesh on the Orontes. 22 Emphasizing the pharaoh's skill at sport (pp. 243-45 above), in order to impress the locals. 28 Here written khtm, with determinative of motion, as if related to the word “ ignorant,” but probably related to the later 'aa shema “roaming = wild ass.” The maset animal is unknown. 24 Egyptian Kh-sh-b, cuneiform Khashabu, temptingly identified by Badawi with Hasbeya, west of Mt. Hermon. 25 The stela is broken at this point, but pa 'am . . w sau-ri-na is probably visible, to be completed to “ the 'Emeq of Sharon.” 26 Although the text shows sh'atu in, there can be little doubt that it is to be corrected to sh'at sin “ a letter of clay.” “ At his throat” would mean “ hanging around his neck,” probably in a pouch.

ORICAL

TEXTS

majesty went forth in chariot by a track?7 to Egypt, (15) with the marya28 as a living prisoner in the chariot alone with him. His majesty reached Memphis, his heart joyful, the Mighty Bull. List of this booty:29 maryanu: 550; their wives: 240; Canaanites: 640; princes’ children: 232; princes’ children, female: 323; favorites*0 of the princes of every foreign country: 270 women, in addition to their paraphernalia for entertaining the heart, of silver and gold, (at) their shoulders-, total: 2,2i4;81 horses: 820; chariots: 730, in addition to all their weapons of warfare. Now the God’s Wife, King’s Wife, and King’s [Daughter] beheld the victory of his majesty.82 Year 9, 3rd month of the first season, day 25." His majesty proceeded to Retenu on his second victorious campaign, against the town of Apheq.34 It came out in surrender to the great victory of Pharaoh—life, pros­ perity, health! His majesty went forth by chariot, adorned with weapons of warfare, against the town of Yehem.35 Now his majesty captured the settlements of Mepesen, together with the settlements of Khettjen, two towns on the west of Socho.89Now the Ruler was raging like a divine falcon, his horses flying like a star of heaven. His majesty entered, and (20) its princes, its children, and its women were carried off as living prisoners, and all its retainers similarly, all its goods, without their limit, its cattle, its horses, and all the small cattle (which) were before him. Thereupon his majesty rested. The majesty of this august god, Amon, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, came before his majesty in a dream, to give valor to his son, Aa-khepru-Re. His father Amon-Re was the magical protection of his person, guarding the Ruler. 27 An unknown cm sibiny, with a determinative which looks like two plants. The tentative translation assumes that it is Hebrew shebil “ path”— perhaps “ two tracks,” not a road, but two traces of chariot wheels across the wilderness—and that the determinative is borrowed from the root which appears in Assyrian shubultu “ ear (of grain).” 28 This seems to be the only occurrence of the singular marya, for what normally appears in a plural or collective, maryanu, n.15 above. Of course, the writing here may be defective. 29 The Karnak variant has a date: . . [of the third] season, day 27,” followed by a broken and uncertain context, which seems to apply to the temple of Ptah at Memphis: “ His majesty came forth from the House . . . of the Beautiful of Face.” Then, "[H is majesty] proceeded [to] Memphis, bearing the booty which he had carried off from the country of Retenu. List of the booty: living maryanu: 550; the[ir wijves: 240; kin . . . 0/ fine gold: 6,800 deben", copper: 500,000 deben\ . . . total: 2 heads', horses: 210; and chariots: 300.” Thus, the Memphite text’s kin'anu> which can only be understood as Kena'ani “ Canaanite,” has been turned by the Karnak text into some object related to gold—perhaps *kjendah “ baggage, pack,” of Jer. 10:17. The gold would amount to about 1,700 lb. Troy, the copper to 125,000 lb. Troy. 80 Or “ (woman) singers,” particularly in view of their entertainment paraphernalia. However, 270 women minstrels seems a very high number, and the translation assumes that these were simply harem women, who would also have entertainment paraphernalia. 81 Sic, 2,214, although the total by addition comes to 2,255. 82 Probably the queen Ti-‘aa or the queen Hat-shcpsut II. Karnak variant: “ The entire land beheld the victory of his majesty.” 88 See n.i above. About 1440 B .C ., the present date would fall in the early part of November, an unusual season for an Egyptian campaign in Asia. 84 Of several Apheqs, the one at Ras el-Ain in Palestine seems to fit the apparent itinerary best. 85 On Yehem see p. 235, n.i 8 above. 88 Of these three names, only Socho can be identified, Karnak variant: “ His majesty . . . ed the tribe of Khettjen . . . Now the prince . . . [aban­ doned] the city for fear of his majesty. His princes (or officials?), his women, his children, and all his [retain]ers as well, were carried off. List of that which his majesty himself captured: . . . , his horses.”

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

His majesty went forth by chariot at dawn, against the town of Iteren, as well as Migdol-yen.87Then his maj­ esty—life, prosperity, health!—prevailed like the pre­ vailing of Sekhmet, like Montu over Thebes. He carried off their princes: 34; m eru it 57; living Asiatics: 231; hands: 372; horses: 54; chariots: 54; in addition to all the weapons of warfare, every able-bodied man39 of Retenu, their children, their wives, and all their prop­ erty. After his majesty saw the very abundant plunder, they were made into living prisoners, and two ditches were made around all of them. Behold, they were filled with fire, and his majesty kept watch over it until day­ break, while his (25) battle-axe was in his right hand, alone, without a single one with him, while the army was far from him, far from hearing the cry of Pharaoh.40 Now after daybreak of a second day, his majesty went forth by chariot at dawn, adorned with the equipment of Montu. The day of the Feast of the Royal Coronation of his majesty:41 Anaharath was plundered. List of the booty of his majesty alone within this day: living maryanu: 17; children of princes: 6; living Asiatics: 68; hands: 123; teams: 7; chariots of silver and gold: 7; in addition to all their weapons of warfare; bulls: 443; cows: 370; and all (kinds of) cattle, without their limit. Then the army presented very abundant booty, without its limit. His majesty reached Hua\ti. 4 2 The Prince of GebaShumen,43 whose name was Qaqa,44 was brought, his wife, his children, and all his retainers as well. Another prince was appointed in his place.45 His majesty reached the town of Memphis, his heart appeased over all countries, with all lands beneath his soles. List of the plunder which his majesty carried off: princes of Retenu: I27;40 brothers of princes: (30) 179; Apiru:47 3,600; living Shasu: 15,200; Kharu: 36,300; living Neges: 15,070; the adherents thereof: 30,652; 87 Two unknown places. The translation ignores the final -t, which might make a Migdol-yeneth. 38 Corrupt. Hardly to be emended to maryanu. Possibly to be emended to read: “ their serfs." 39 “ Every strong of arm," i.e. every adult. 40 This episode was sheer bravura on the part of the pharaoh, of a spec­ tacular nature in order to create a legend of his personal prowess. 41 Which was the 4th month of the first season, day 1 (cf. A. H. Gardiner in JEA, xxxi [1945], 27), or 6 days after the date against n.33 above. 42 Perhaps “ the vicinity of ‘Akti.” In either case, unknown. 43 Here Qeb4dsemen. Elsewhere Keb'asemen, which M. Burchardt, Die all\anaandischen Eremdworte und Eigennamcn im Aegyptischen (Leipzig, I 9° 9 )> 11, 49-50>makes into a possible Geba-shemoneh, “ Hill of Eight." 44 Badawi suggests a name like Gargur. 45 cf. the policy of Thut-mose III on Asiatic princes, p. 239 above. 46 Or 217 or 144. 47 The appearance of the Apiru (cf. pp. 22, 255, 261) in a list of Asiatic captives is unusual. They are listed as the third element in a list, preceded by princes and princes’ brothers(?), followed by three terms having geographic connotation—Shasu, the Bedouin, especially to the south of Palestine; Kharu “ Horites," the settled people of Palestine-Syria; and Neges, perhaps “ Nukhashshe,” the people of northern Syria—and terminated by an expression of attribution, here translated: “ the adherents(P) thereof,” with a miscarved hr sign, but perhaps to be read: “ the families thereof," with the word abet “family.” The Apiru are notably greater in cumber than the princes and princes’ brothers; they arc notably fewer in number than the three regional listees or the retainers (or families). It is quite clear that the Egyptians recognized the Apiru as a distinct entity from other peoples, clearly countable. See also A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 1, 184*.

TEXTS

247

total: 89,600 men;48 similarly their goods, without their limit; all small cattle belonging to them; all (kinds of) cattle, without their limit; chariots of silver and gold: 60; painted chariots of wood: 1,032; in addition to all their weapons of warfare, being /3,050 ;49 through the strength of his august father, his beloved, who is thy50 magical protection, Amon, who decreed to him valor. Now when the Prince of Naharin, the Prince of Hatti, and the Prince of Shanhar51 heard of the great victory which I had made, each one vied with his fellow in making offering, while they said in their hearts to the father of their fathers, in order to beg peace from his majesty, seeking that there be given to them the breath of life: “We are under thy sway, for thy palace, O Son of Re: Amen-hotep-the-God-Ruler-of-Heliopolis, ruler of rulers, raging lion in . . . this land forever!”52 B. THE AMADA AND ELEPHANTINE STELAE

A different treatment of Amen-hotep II’s achievements em­ phasizes the nature of his triumphs in Egypt after his return from Asiatic campaigning. This is also on two monuments, both published in Ch. Kuentz, Deux steles d’Amenophis II (Bibliotheque d'Dtude, x, Cairo, 1925). The stela in the Temple of Amada in Nubia was published by H. Gauthier, Le temple d’Amada (Les temples immergis de la Nubie, xhi, Cairo, 19131926), 19 ff., PI. x. The stela from Elephantine is now divided between Cairo (No. 34019: P. Lacau, Steles du nouvel empire [Catalogue general. . . du Musee du Caire, Cairo, 1909], 38-40, PI. xii) and Vienna (W. Wreszinski, Aegyptische Inschriften aus dem K. K. Hofmuseum in Wien [Leipzig, 1906], No. 141). Translation in Breasted, AR, 11, §§791-97. The line numbers be­ low follow the Amada Stela.

Year 3,3rd month of the third season, day 15,53 under the majesty of . . . Amen-hotep-the-God-Ruler-of-Heliopolis54. . . He is a king very weighty of arm: there is none who can draw his bow55 in his army, among the rulers of foreign countries,56 or the princes of Retenu, because his strength is so much greater than (that of) any (other) king who has existed. Raging like a panther when he treads the field of battle; there is none who can fight in his vicinity. . . . Prevailing instantly over every foreign country, whether people or horses, (though) they have come in millions of men, (for) they knew not that Amon-Re (5) was loyal to him.57. . . (15) . . . Then his majesty caused that this stela be 48 The figures given total 101,128, instead of 89,600. Even though two of the figures give questionable readings, no clear alternatives will supply the total given on the stela. 49 The phrasing is peculiar, and a palimpsestic text makes the reading uncertain. 50 Sic, but read “ his.” 51 Shin'ar, or Babylonia. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 1, 209* ff. 52 The end of the inscription has been badly garbled by the restoration of the 19th dynasty. Of course, the historicity of the frightened submissive­ ness of distant and independent rulers is out of the question, and represents a literary device for the climax of a swashbuckling account. 53 See n.i above. Around 1440 B .C ., the present date would have fallen in July. 54 The long titulary of the king and many of the epithets applied to him are omitted in this translation. 55 See the claims made for him in the text describing his athletic ac­ complishments, p. 244 above. 56 “ Rulers of foreign countries" here seems to be distinct from the princes of Syria-Palestine, and it was the term from which the designation “ Hyksos” arose; cf. pp. 20, n.16; 229, n.9 above. 57 “ Was upon his water,” which normally means: “ was subject to him."

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EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS

made and set up in this temple at the place of the Station of the Lord,58 engraved with the Great Name of the Lord of the Two Lands, the Son of Re: Amen-hotepthe-God-Ruler-of-Heliopolis, in the house of his fathers, the gods, after his majesty had returned from Upper Retenu, when he had overthrown all his foes, extending the frontiers of Egypt on the first victorious campaign.53 His majesty returned in joy of heart to his father Amon, when he had slain with his own mace the seven princes who had been in the district of Takhshi,59 who had been put upside down at the prow of his majesty’s falcon-boat, of which the name is “Aa-khepru-Re, the Establisher of the Two Lands.” Then six men of these enemies were hanged on the face of the wall of Thebes, and the hands as well.80 Then the other foe was taken upstream to the land of Nubia and hanged to the wall of Napata,81 to show his majesty’s victories forever and ever in all lands and all countries of the Negro land; inasmuch as he had carried off the southerners and bowed down the northerners, the (very) ends of the (20) entire earth upon which Re shines, (so that) he might set his frontier where he wishes without being opposed, according to the decree of his father Re. . . .

A Syrian Captive Colony in Thebes Little is known of the activities of Thut-mose IV (about 14211413 b . c . ) in Asia. The energies of Thut-mose III and of Amenhotep II may have left him little need for military prowess. Some of the Asiatic regions which he claimed to have conquered will be found in the lists on pp. 242-43 above. He continued his predecessors’ practice of introducing foreign captives into the Egyptian temple estates, as is evidenced by a brief text on a stela found in his mortuary temple in western Thebes. The inscription was published by W. M. F. Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes (Lon­ don, 1896), PI. 1, No. 7, and translated by Breasted, AR, 11, §821. For the “ Dream Stela” of Thut-mose IV, see p. 449 below. For a hymn of victory of Amen-hotep III, see pp. 373-375 below.

The settlement of the Fortification of Men-khepru-Re1 with the Syrians2 [of] his majesty’s capturing in the town of Gez[er].s

Scenes o f Asiatic Commerce in Theban Tombs The Egyptian Empire brought an abundance of Asiatic goods into Egypt. The formal Egyptian records called all of this “ tribute,” whether it was enforced dues, the product of com88 The king’s official post in a temple; cf. pp. 375, 446 below. 59 In the Damascus area. The temple scenes often show the pharaoh clubbing captured enemies with his mace. Our text shows that this depiction had its reality, carried further by the public and derogatory exposure of the enemies, here at the prow of the royal barges and on city walls. 60 The hands of the enemy were cut off as recordable trophies. 61 Near the Fourth Cataract of the Nile. 1 Thut-mose IV. The “ Fortification of Men-khepru-Re” may be a name

merce, or came as princely gifts. Scenes in the Theban tombs often show subservient Asiatics humbly offering their produce and begging mercy from the pharaoh.

a The first instance is from the Theban tomb (No. 100) of Rekh-mi-Re, vizier under Thut-mose III (about 1490-1436 B .C .) . In two registers Asiatics are depicted bringing their characteristic goods to the vizier. It is definitively published by N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Re\h-mi-Re at Thebes (Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Egyptian Expedition, xi, New York, 1943), 1, 27-30; 11, Pis. xxi-xxin. Details of the scenes are shown in color by Davies, Paintings from the Tomb of Re\h-miRe at Thebes (Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Egyptian Expedition, x, New York, 1935), Pis. ix-xii. The text is also in K. Sethe, XJr\unden der 18. Dynastie ( U r\., iv, Leip­ zig, 1909), iv, 1101-03.

Coming in peace by the princes of Retenu and all northern countries of the ends of Asia, bowing down in humility, with their tribute upon their backs, seeking that there be given them the breath of life and desiring to be subject to his majesty, for they have seen his very great victories and the terror of him has mastered their hearts. Now it is the Hereditary Prince, Count, Father and Beloved of the God, great trusted man of the Lord of the Two Lands, Mayor and Vizier, Rekh-mi-Re, who receives the tribute of all foreign countries. . . Presenting the children of the princes of the southern countries, along with the children of the princes of the northern countries, who were brought as the best of the booty of his majesty, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Men-kheper-Re, given life, from all foreign countries, to fill the workshop and to be serfs of the divine offerings of his father Amon, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, according as there have been given to him all foreign countries together in his grasp, with their princes prostrated under his sandals.. . . b Men-kheper-Re-seneb was High Priest of Amon under Thutmose III. The scenes and texts in his Theban tomb (No. 86) give us a suggestion of the importance of the riches of Asia to the temple of the imperial god Amon. See N. and N. de G. Davies, The Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose, and Another ( Theban Tomb Series, v, London, 1933), Pis. iv, vii. Texts in K. Sethe, op.cit., 929-30. Details in color in N. M. Davies and A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Paintings (Chicago, 1936), 1, Pis. xxi-xxiv. In the scenes, an individual labeled “ the Prince of Keftiu” 1 prostrates himself, “ the Prince of Hatti” kneels in adoration, “die Prince of Tunip” 2 presents his infant son, and “ the Prince of Kadesh” offers an elaborate vessel. A procession of Asiatics voices their submission in a broken text, of which the final words are legible: “The fear of thee is in all lands. Thou hast annihi­ lated the lands of Mitanni; thou hast laid waste their towns, and their princes are in caves.” The general legend for this scene runs: for the compound of his mortuary temple, including the temple storehouses, workshops, and quarters for the temple serfs. 2 Egyptian Kharu, or Horites. 8 Qedj . . . , probably to be completed Qedjer, Gezer; less likely, to Qedjet, Gaza, which was more often written Gedjet in Egyptian. 1 Crete and the Aegean world, probably including the Aegeanized coastlands. 2 A city-state of north Syria.

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

Giving praise to the Lord of the Two Lands, kissing the ground to the good god by the princes of every land, as they extol the victories of his majesty, with their tribute upon their backs, consisting of every [substance] of God’s Land:3 silver, gold, lapis lazuli, turquoise, and every august costly stone, seeking that there be given them the breath of life. c Two generations later, under Thut-mose IV (about 14211413 b . c . ) , the form of expression remains the same, as in the Theban tomb (No. 74) of Tjaneni, an officer of the Egyptian army. The texts were published by Sethe, op.cit., 1007; full pub­ lication of the tomb by J. V. Scheil, Le tombeau de Djanni (Mission archeologique franfaise au Caire. Memoires, v, Paris, i894), 591-603.

Presenting the tribute of Retenu and the produce of the northern countries: silver, gold, turquoise, and all costly stones of God’s Land, by the princes of all foreign countries, when they come to make supplication to the good god and to beg breath for their nostrils, and by the real Scribe of the King, his beloved, the Commander of the Army, and Scribe of Recruits, Tjaneni. d The Amarna Revolution drastically altered the direction of empire, but the modes of expression remained much the same— as, for example, in the Memphite tomb of Hor-em-heb, pp. 250251 below. Huy, the Viceroy of Nubia under Tut-ankh-Amon (about 1361-1352 b . c . ) , continues the earlier scenes and texts in his Theban tomb (No. 40). The publication is N. de G. Davies and A. H. Gardiner, The Tomb of Huy ( Theban Tomb Series, rv, London, 1926), 28-30, Pis. xix-xx. Translated in Breasted, AR, 11, §§1027-33.

Presenting tribute to the Lord of the Two Lands, the produce of the wretched Retenu, by the King’s Envoy to Every Foreign Country, the King’s Son of Ethiopia, the Overseer of Southern Countries, Amen-hotep,* the triumphant. Vessels of all the choicest and best of their countries: silver, gold, lapis lazuli, turquoise, and every august costly stone. The princes of Upper Retenu, who knew not Egypt since the time of the god,5 begging for peace before his majesty. They say: “ [Give] us the breath which thou givest! Then we shall relate thy victories. There are none rebellious in thy vicinity, (but) every land is at peace!”

T he Egyptians and the Gods o f Asia* In earlier history the Egyptians had identified foreign gods with their own deities, so that the goddess of Byblos was a HatHor to them and various Asiatic gods were Seth to them.1 This 8 The orient as the land of the rising sun. Here Syria-Palestine—as the shipping source of the goods, not the native source of those ores listed. 4 Huy was an abbreviated form of the name Amen-hotep. 5 Since the time of the creator, i.e. for a long time. 1 For example, such was still the case in the Egyptian-Hittite treaty at

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process of extending their own into other countries continued un­ der the Empire. Ramses III built a temple of Amon in Asia,2 and Ptah had a sanctuary at Ashkelon.8 There were also two cosmo­ politan forces at work: a worship of Asiatic gods as such at their shrines in Asia and a domestication of Asiatic gods in Egypt. The first of these processes began at least as early as the time of Thut-mose III (15th century B .C .) . A stela found at Beisan in Palestine shows the Egyptian architect Amen-em-Opet and his son worshiping the local god Mekal. “ Mekal, the god of BethShan,” is depicted as unmistakably Asiatic in features and dress, with a pointed beard and a conical headdress with horns and streamers. Amen-em-Opet addresses a perfectly normal Egyptian mortuary prayer to this god.4 Beisan also yielded a stela of the Ramses III level (12th cen­ tury B .C .) , on'which an Egyptian is shown worshiping the goddess “ Anath, Lady of Heaven, Mistress of All the Gods.” 5 Near Sheikh Sa'ad, east of the Sea of Galilee, a badly worn stela was found depicting Ramses II making offering to a deity with an elaborate headdress. The name of this deity, with some uncertainty, might be read as Adon-Zaphon, “Lord of the North.”6 From about the same period ( 13th century b.c.) comes a stela found at Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the north Phoenician coast. Here the “Royal Scribe and Chief Steward of the Palace Memi” addresses his mortuary prayer to “ Baal-Zaphon, the great god,” a being with the Asiatic conical cap with streamers.7 From the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty on (14th cen­ tury b.c.), there is an abundance of evidence on Asiatic gods wor­ shiped in Egypt. The most frequendy mentioned deity was Baal.8 As the god of the heavens, the mountain tops, and of thunder—the Semitic Baal-Shamaim—he was the counterpart of the Egyptian god Seth, and his name was used in figures of speech relating to the pharaoh in batde:

His battle cry is like (that of) Baal in the heavens.® In this terrorizing capacity the texts equate him with the Egyptian war-gods Montu and Seth.10 He was used in magical texts to frighten away evil forces:

Baal smites thee with the cedar tree which is in his hand.11 However, his role might be beneficent, as when a woman mu­ sician wrote from Memphis, appealing to various gods on behalf of her correspondent:

. . . to the Ennead which is in the House of Ptah, to the time of Ramses II (13th century); cf. pp. 200-201 above: Seth of Hatti> equated to the Storm-god of the land of Hatti; Seth of various Hittite towns, equated to the Storm-gods of those towns; Re, lord of the sky, equated to the Hittite Sun-god. Cf. p. 231, n.9. 'l pp. 260-261. 8 p. 263. 4 A. Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Philadelphia, 1930), 1, 14-15; PI. 33. 5 ibid,, 32-33; PI. 50, No. 2. 6 So W. F. Albright, in AASOR, vt (1926), 45-46, n.104. This so-called “ Job Stone” was originally published by G. Schumacher in an article by A. Erman, in ZDPV, xv (1892), 205-11. Erman, in ZAeS, xxxi (1893), ioo-oi, tentatively read the name as Arcana-Zaphon. 7 C. F.-A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica, 1 (Paris, 1939), 39-41. 8 Most of the occurrences of the name of Baal in Egyptian texts were covered by H. Gressmann, in Beikefte zur ZAW, xxxm (19 18), 19 1 ff. 9 The Epigraphic Survey, Later Historical Records of Ramses III (Medinet Habu, 11, OIP, ix, Chicago, 1932), Pis. 79:22; 87:2-3. Translated in W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramses III (SAOC, 12, Chicago, 1936), 73, 94. 10 In the Poem on Ramses II’s Battle of Kadesh, a Luxor text makes the pharaoh say: “ I was like Seth in his time (of might),” where the Abydos text has “Montu” and a papyrus text has “ Baal” (J. A. Wilson, in AfSL, x l i i i [1927], 271). The same poem puts into the mouths of the enemy the words: “It is not a man who is in our midst, (but) Seth, the great in strength, or Baal in person,” {ibid,, 272). 11 Papyrus Leyden 345, recto, iv 12-v 2, quoted in Gressmann, op.cit.y 201.

250

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Baalat, to Qedesh, to Meni, (to) Baali-Zaphon, to Sopdu,.. ,12 Baal had his own priesthood in Egypt from the late Eighteenth Dynasty on.13 Toward the end of the Empire, the presence in Egypt of such a personal name as Baal-khepeshef, “ Baal-is(Upon )-His-Sword,” 14 corresponding to good Egyptian names like Amon-her-khepeshef, Montu-her-khepeshef, and Seth-herkhepeshef, shows the domestication of this immigrant god from Asia. Also popular in Egypt were the Semitic goddesses Anath and Astarte (Ishtar).15 They served as war-goddesses, with a par­ ticular interest in horses and chariots. As early as Thut-mose IV (late 15th century), the pharaoh was described as “mighty in the chariot like Astarte.” 16 In a poem in praise of the king’s war chariot (13th century), a dual part of the chariot is likened to Anath and Astarte.17 It was said of Ramses III (12th century):

Montu and Seth are with him in every fray; Anath and Astarte are a shield to him.18 By the Eighteenth Dynasty, Astarte had become a goddess of healing in Egypt, in the name of “ Astar of Syria.” 19 Anath, Astarte, and Qedesh each bore the Egyptian title, “Lady of Heaven,” generally equivalent to the Hebrew Mele\eth Hashshamaim, “ Queen of the Heavens.” Like Baal, Astarte had her own priesthood in Egypt.20 The egyptianization of Anath and 12 Papyrus Sallier IV, verso, i 5-6; text in A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vii, Brussels, 1937), 89. The Ennead of gods in Memphis and Sopdu are good Egyptian, although the latter, as a god of the east, integrates with the Asiatic deities here. Baalat is, of course, the female counterpart of Baal. Baali-Zaphon, “ the Baals of the North,” may not be a true plural, but a plural of majesty, cf. the Baal-Zaphon, which Exodus 14:2 uses as a place-name on the Asiatic frontier of Egypt. The goddess Qedesh will be discussed below. The reading “ Meni” is quite uncertain and attempts to relate the name to a god “ Fortune” in Isaiah 6 5 :11. The Egyptian might equally be read “ Ini.” * 13 C. R. Lepsius, Denkrndler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Text (ed. by E. Naville et al; Leipzig, 1897), 1, 16, shows a Memphite individual of the time of Akh-en-Aton, who was “ Prophet of Baal” and “ Prophet of Astarte.” By the Twenty-second Dynasty, a family had several generations in which there had been a “ Prophet of the House of Baal in Memphis,” Aegyptische Inschriften aus den staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (ed. by G. Roeder; Leipzig, 1924), 11, 233, no. 8169. 14 A. H. Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus (Oxford, 1941), 1, PI. 3 1, lxvi:28. A team of Ramses Ill’s horses bears the same name; the Epigraphic Survey, Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III (Medinet Habu, 1, OIP, v i i i ; Chicago 1930). PI- 23:5915 For the two as wives of Seth, see p. 15. For the legend of Astarte and the Sea, see pp. 17-18. For a cult-seat of Astarte in the city Ramses, see p. 470. Much of the material on Astarte is assembled by H. Ranke in Studies Presented to F. U . Griffith (London, 1932), 412-18. 18 H. Carter and P. E. Newberry, The Tomb of Thoutmosis IV {Catalogue general . . . du Musie du Caire, Westminster, 1904), 27, PI. x. As late as the Ptolemaic period, a goddess depicted in a war chariot was designated as “ Astarte, Mistress of Horses, Lady of the Chariot” ; E. Naville, Textes relatifs au mythe d ’Horus (Geneva, 1870), PI. x i i i . For Asti (Astarte) on horseback, with shield and spear, in the 19th dynasty, see C. R. Lepsius, Denhmaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien (Berlin, 1849-59), in> 738, o; JEA , iv (19 17), 251. 17 W. R. Dawson and T. E. Peet in JEA, xix (1933), 167-74; translated in Erman, LAE, 280-81. I8 Edgerton and Wilson, op.cit., 75. For Astarte with shield and spear, see W. M. F. Petrie, Memphis, 1 (London, 1909), PI. xv, No. 37, of the 19th dynasty. For Anath similarly equipped, see British Museum stela 191 (Exhibition No. 646), in A Guide to the Egyptian Collections of the British Museum (London, 1909), opp. p. 248. Papyrus Chester Beatty v i i , verso i 8-9 {Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift, ed. by A. H. Gardiner [London, 1935], 1, 62-63) has a passage in a myth about Anath, in which her warlike nature is taken up in the words: “ Anath, the goddess, the victorious, a woman acting (as) a man, clad as a male and girt as a female.” For Anath in the name of Seti I’s team, see p. 254. For the delight of Astarte and the god Rashap in horsemanship, see p. 244. 19 Ranke, op.cit., gives a stela of worship to “ Astar of Kharu” and a statuette with a prayer for health addressed to “ Asti of Kharu, the Lady of Heaven, the Mistress of the Two Lands, and the Mistress of All the Gods,” and to “ Qedesh, the Lady of Heaven and Mistress of All the Gods.” 20 See n .i3 above; also E. von Bergmann in Recueil de travaux . . . , xu (1892), 10, and H. Brugsch, Recueil de monuments egyptiens (Leipzig,

Astarte is indicated by the compounding of their names into personal names of normal formation.21 Something has already been said about the goddess Qedesh, “the Holy,” and about the god Rashap (or Resheph or Reshpu).22 These two, together with the Egyptian god Min, are associated on a stela in Vienna, where the goddess Qedesh stands on the back of a lion.23 So also, on a stela in the British Museum, a goddess Kenet stands on the back of a lion, flanked by Min and by “Rashap, the great god, lord of heaven, and ruler of the Ennead.” 24 On a stela in Turin are associated “ Qedesh, Lady of Heaven, Mistress of All the gods, the Eye of Re, without her peer,” and “Rashap, the great god, lord of heaven, ruler of the Ennead, and lord of eternity.” 25 A stela in Aberdeen shows the worship of “ Rashap-Shulman.” 26 Rashap, like Baal, was a wargod and thunder-god. It was said of Ramses Ill’s army:

The chariot-warriors are as mighty as Rashaps.27 Finally, as a forceful and exotic deity, Rashap was used in magical texts, as in this formula against some ailment:

with the poisons of the Upper God and Neker, his wife; the poisons of Rashap and Item, his wife .28

T exts from the T om b o f General Hor-em-heb History may reach a point where the repetition of old and successful formulae is more important than the recording of contemporary events. The historian often cannot be sure whether he is dealing with truthful records or with stereotyped claims of accomplishment. The following extracts constitute a case in point. Under the Amarna Revolution, Egypt lost the greater part of her Asiatic Empire. A commander of the Egyptian armies at that time was the Hor-em-heb who later became pharaoh (reign­ ing about 1349-1319 b.c.). While still an official, he erected a tomb at Sakkarah, of which the remains are now scattered in three continents. The claims of foreign conquest and tribute may enlarge a limited reality or may be the protestations which covered failure. The texts of (a) below are in the British Museum, the Cairo Museum, and the Louvre; of (b) in a private collection in Alex­ andria; of (c) in the Civic Museum in Bologna; of (d) in the Rijksmuseum at Leyden; and of (e) in the Vienna Museum. The bibliography for these pieces is in B. Porter and R. L. B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hier­ oglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, III. Memphis (Oxford, 1931), 195-97. Translations in Breasted, AR, in, §§1-21.

a The titles of Hor-em-heb in his tomb show his responsibilities toward Asiatic countries. He was the “ Hereditary Prince, Fan1862), i, PI. iv, 3, the last being a prophet of the Moon, of the 5th dynasty pharaoh Sahu-Re, and of Astarte, “ the Lady of the Two Lands.” 21 e.g. Anath-em-nekhu and Astart-em-heb in H. Ranke, Die dgyptiscken Personennamen, i (Gluckstadt, 1935), 69:15 and 71:7. 22 Notes 12, 18, and 19 above. For the latest statement on Rashap, see W. K. Simpson’s note in JAOS, l x x i i i (1953), 86-89.* 23 For Qedesh see J. Leibovitch’s study, ASAE, x l i (1942), 77-86. 24 This is the British Museum stela showing Anath in war panoply, mentioned in n .i8 above. 25 H. Brugsch, Thesaurus inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum, vi (Leipzig, 1891), 1434. A late 18th dynasty stela {Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, etc., in the British Museum, v i i , cd. by H. R. Hall [London, 1925], PI. 41) has a hymn to Rashap. 26 F. LI. Griffith, in PSBA, xxii (1900), 271-72, with Plate; W. F. Albright, in AfO, vii (1931-32), 167. 27 Edgerton and Wilson, op.cit., 24. Here the plural may be a true plural or a plural of majesty. 28 A passage in a Leyden papyrus (I 343), discussed by A. H. Gardiner in ZAeS, xliii (1906), 97. The “ Upper God” is assumed to be the sun-god, and Neker may stand for the Babylonian Ningal. The wife of Rashap, as here given, is unknown, but might be a goddess Edom.* See also Helck, op.cit., 501-02.

EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS Bearer on the K in g’s Right Hand, and Chief Commander of the A rm y” ; the “ attendant of the K in g in his footsteps in the foreign countries of the south and the north” ; the “ K in g’s Messenger in front of his army to the foreign countries of the south and the north” ; and the “ Sole Companion, he who is by the feet of his lord on the battlefield on that day of killing Asiatics.” 1

b Hor-em-heb was sent by an unnamed pharaoh to bring tribute from countries to the south of Egypt, for the occasion of the formal presentation o f tribute o f Africa and Asia.

. . . He was sent as King’s Messenger as far as the sun disc shines, returning when he had triumphed, when his [conquest] was effected. No land could stand before him, (but) he [cap]tured it in the completion of a moment. His name is pronounced in [awe in] the coun­ try o f . . . ,2 and he does not \leave\ off in going north. Now his majesty appeared upon the throne of the offer­ ing of tribute, which the [countries] of the south and the north offered, while the Hereditary Prince Hor-emheb, the triumphant, was standing beside . . . c The following lines probably come from the same scene of the presentation of foreign tribute.

. . . introducing the tribute into its place and what was selected from it to clothe . . . . . . . the army, filling the storehouse of the god, who was satisfied of heart, . . . which Syria gave to them.. . . he was serviceable to the king. d W hen Hor-em-heb introduced to the unnamed pharaoh Asi­ atics, the king was graciously pleased to reward the general with gold.

. . . The princes of all foreign countries come to beg life from him. It is the Hereditary Prince, Sole Com­ panion, and Royal Scribe Hor-em-heb, the triumphant, who will say, when he answers [the \ing: “ The coun­ tries'| which knew not Egypt—they are under thy feet forever and ever, for Amon has decreed them to thee. They mustered [every] foreign country [into a confed­ eracy] unknown since Re. Their battle cry in their hearts was as one. (But) thy name is flaming [against them, and they become] subject to thee. Thou art the Re [who causes] that they [abandon] their towns . . . ” e Hor-em-heb issued an order to his subordinate officers on the treatment of restless enemy peoples.

. . . Now Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—has put 1 T h e only one o f the A m arna pharaohs w ho has left us visible claim to foreign conquest w as T ut-ankh-A m on, whose decorated box (N . M . D avies and A . H . Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Paintings [Chicago, 19 3 6 ], 11, PI. l x x v h i) shows a battle scene o f the pharaoh decim ating the Asiatic enemy, w ith the legend: “ T h e good god, son o f Am on, hero w ithout his peer, possessor o f a strong arm , crushing hundred-thousands and m aking them prostrate/’ One m ay hold some scepticism about the historicity o f any such encounter. 2 In view o f the follow in g clause and the probable balanced statement o f south and north, this unreadable nam e w as probably that o f a country to the south o f Egypt— perhaps N epau, w hich appears in a long list o f A frican regions conquered by Thut-m ose III.

251

them into your hands to guard their boundaries . . . of Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—after the manner of their fathers’ fathers since the first times . . . that cer­ tain of the foreigners who know not how they may live have come . . . Their countries are starving, and they live like the beasts of the desert . . . The Great of Strength3 will send his mighty sword before . . . destroy­ ing them and desolating their towns and casting fire . . . (so that) the foreign countries will set others in their places.4

T ut-ankh-A m on’s Restoration after the Am arna Revolution The Am arna movement barely survived the reign of Akh-enAton. H is son-in-law Tut-ankh-Amon was forced to make his peace with the older priesthoods and civil officials and return to Thebes. On a stela erected in the Temple of Am on at Karnak, he tells of his pious acts of restoration after the heresy. The stela was later usurped by Hor-em-heb (about 134 9 -1319 B .C .) , who inserted his name in place of the name of Tut-ankh-Amon (about 136 1-13 52 B .C .) , since the latter had been stained by re­ lation to the heresy. The stela was found by G . Legrain at Karnak, and is now 34183 in the Cairo Museum. It was published by Legrain in R e c u e i l d e t r a v a u x . . . , x x ix (19 0 7 ), 162-73, and by P . Lacau, S te le s d u n o u v e l e m p ir e ( C a ta lo g u e g e n e r a l . . . d u M u s e e d u C a i r e ; Cairo, 1909), 224 ff., PI. l x x , with the fragment of a duplicate inscription, Cairo 34184, on p. 230 f. There is a trans­ lation and commentary by J. Bennett in J E A , x x v (19 3 9 ), 8-15. The year date at the beginning of the inscription is unfortunately lost.

. . . The good ruler, performing benefactions for his father (Amon) and all the gods, for he has made what was ruined to endure as a monument for the ages (5) of eternity and he has expelled deceit throughout the Two Lands, and justice was set up [so that] it might ma\e lying to be an abomination of the land, as (in) its first time.1 Now when his majesty appeared as king, the temples of the gods and goddesses from Elephantine [down] to the marshes of the Delta [had. . . and] gone to pieces. Their shrines had become desolate, had become mounds overgrown with [weeds]. Their sanctuaries were as if they had never been. Their halls were a footpath. The land was topsy-turvy,2 and the gods turned their backs upon this land. If [the army was] sent to Djahi to ex­ tend the frontiers of Egypt, no success of theirs came at all. If one prayed to a god to seek counsel from him, he would never come [at all]. If one made supplication to a goddess similarly, she would never come at all. 8 The pharaoh. 4 Revised since the first edition o f this volum e, follow ing the dem on­ stration by A . H . Gardiner in JE A , x x x ix ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 6-9, that the inscription was actually written retrograde on the w all. T hus it does not deal w ith the relocation of transplanted peoples. 1 A lthough the entire context w as inevitably fram ed w ith reference to the restoration after the A m arna heresy, these same expressions w ere used about the accession o f any pharaoh, w ho had a responsibility to restore order (m dat “ truth, justice” ) as order had been given by the gods. 2 A compound expression, seni-meni “ was passed-by-and-sick.”

252

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

Their hearts were hurt in their bodies, (10) (so that) they did damage to that which had been made. Now after days had passed by this,8 [his majesty] appeared [upon] the throne of his father. He ruled the regions of Horus; the Black Land and the Red Land4 were under his authority, and every land was bowing down to the glory of him. Now when his majesty was in his palace which is in the House of Aa-kheper-ka-Re,5 like Re in the heavens, then his majesty was conducting the affairs of this land and the daily needs of the Two Banks. So his majesty deliberated plans with his heart, searching for any beneficial deed, seeking out acts of service for his father Amon, and fashioning his august image of genuine fine gold. He surpassed what had been done previously. He fashioned his father Amon upon thirteen carrying-poles, his holy image being of fine gold, lapis lazuli, [tur­ quoise], and every august costly stone, whereas the majesty of this august god had formerly been upon eleven carrying-poles. He fashioned Ptah, South-of-HisWall, Lord of Life of the Two Lands, his august image being of fine gold, [upon] eleven [carrying-poles], his holy image being of fine gold, lapis lazuli, turquoise, and every august costly stone, whereas the majesty of (15) this august god had formerly been on [ * + ] 3 carrying-poles.6 Then his majesty made monuments for the gods, [fashioning] their cult-statues of genuine fine gold from the highlands, building their sanctuaries anew as monu­ ments for the ages of eternity, established with posses­ sions forever, setting for them divine offerings as a regular daily observance, and provisioning their foodofferings upon earth. He surpassed what had been pre­ viously, [he] went beyond what had [been done] since the time of the ancestors. He has inducted priests and prophets from the children of the nobles of their towns, (each) the son of a known man, whose (own) name is known. He has increased their [property] in gold, silver, bronze, and copper, without limit in [any respect].7 He has filled their workhouses with male and female slaves, the product of his majesty’s capturing {in every foreign country]. All the [property] of the temples has been doubled, tripled, and quadrupled in silver, [gold], lapis lazuli, turquoise, every (kind of) august costly stone, royal linen, white linen, fine linen, olive oil, gum, fat, (20) . . . incense, benzoin, and myrrh, without limit to any good thing. His majesty—life, prosperity, health!— has built their barques upon the river of new cedar from 8 This was a phrase from story telling, and is not to be taken literally. It is an example of the vulgarization of the formal language under the influence of the Amarna movement and of empire. 4 Egypt itself was the land of the fertile black soil; the desert was the Red Land. 5 Thut-mose I (about I 5 2 5 ' i 4 9 5 B . C . ) . From another inscription, this estate seems to have been at Memphis, a religious center which has unusual promi­ nence in a text located at Karnak. 6 The portable statues of Amon and Ptah seem to have had an “ august image" {tit shepset) and also a “ holy image" {tit dje$ret)> the distinction between which is not clear. These were carried by priests, the number of carrying-poles being a factor in the number of priests and thus in the honor paid to die god. 7 In this sentence and the following, “ their” refers to the gods.

TEXTS

the terraces, of the choicest (wood) of Negau,8 worked with gold from the highlands. They make the river shine. His majesty—life, prosperity,health!—has consecrated male and female slaves, women singers and dancers, who had been maidservants in the palace. Their work is charged against the palace and against the . . . of the Lord of the Two Lands. I cause that they be privileged and protected to (the benefit of) my fathers, all the gods, through a desire to satisfy them by doing what their \a wishes, so that they may protect Egypt.6 The hearts of the gods and goddesses who are in this land are in joy; the possessors of shrines are rejoicing; the regions are in jubilee and exultation throughout the [entire] land:—the good {times] have come! The Ennead of gods who are in the Great House,10 (raise) their arms in praise; their hands are filled with jubilees [for] (25) ever and ever; all life and satisfaction are with them for the nose of the Horus who repeats births,11 the beloved son [of Am on],. . . , for He fashioned him in order that He (Himself) might be fashioned.12. . .

T he Era o f the C ity o f Tanis About the year 1330 b.c., when Hor-em-heb was pharaoh, a vizier of Egypt named Seti came to the city Tanis in the Delta to celebrate a four hundredth anniversary. This anniversary took the form of the worship of the Egyptian god Seth, who is repre­ sented in the scene carved on the stela as an Asiatic deity in a distinctively Asiatic dress. Somewhere close to four hundred years before 1330 b.c., the Hyksos had begun their rule in Egypt, and the Hyksos capital Avaris was probably the later Tanis and the later city Ramses, while the god of the Hyksos was equated by the Egyptians with Seth.1 The celebration therefore com­ memorated the four hundredth year of the rule of Seth as a king, and apparendy also the four hundredth year since the founding of Tanis.2 It was, of course, out of the question that the Egyptians should mention the hated Hyksos in such a commemoration, but Seth held a high position under the Ninteenth Dynasty, with two pharaohs named Sed, “ Seth’s Man.” Later the father of this vizier Sed became the pharaoh Ramses I and founded a dynastic line. Seti himself became the pharaoh Seti I. When his son Ramses II enlarged the city Tanis to be his capital city Ramses,8 he set up a stela to justify Tanis’ claim to rule, on the ground that the god Seth had ruled there for four hundred years. 8 Negau lay in or near the Lebanon, a region of coniferous woods: see Helck, op.cit., 277. 9 The use of the first person singular in this sentence suggests that it was a quotation from a royal decree for the immunity of temples from taxes. "Hie expenses of the slaves and musicians whom the pharaoh gave to the temples were charged against the royal estate and not against the temples. 10 Since this is the home of the Ennead, it is probably the Temple of Heliopolis. 1 1 Pictorially a god held the hieroglyph of life to the nose of the king; or he might hold strings of “ year” or “ jubilee" hieroglyphs for the king's long life. 12 Amon made Tut-ankh-Amon the divine king in order that Amon might be advanced. 1 cf. p. 231, n.9. 2 Numbers (13:22), carries the tradition that Tanis (Zoan) and Hebron in Palestine were founded at approximately the same time. 3 For the argument that Tanis, the Hyksos capital Avaris, and the city Ramses were one and the same, see A. H. Gardiner in JEA, xix (1933), 12 2 - 2 8 .

EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS The “Stela of the Year 400” was found at Tanis. See the latest publication by P. Montet in Kim i, iv (1933), 191-215. The sig­ nificance of the stela was stated by K. Sethe in ZAeS, l x v (1930), 85-89. There is a translation in Breasted, AR, h i , §§538-42. The scene above the inscription designates the Asiatic-garbed Seth as “ Seth of Ramses,” thus locating him in the residence city of that name.

(1) Live the Horus: Mighty Bull, Who Loves Truth, . . . (Ramses II).4 (5) His majesty commanded the making of a great stela of granite hearing the great name of his fathers, in order to set up the name of the father of his fathers5 (and of) the King Men-maat-Re, the Son of Re: Seti Mer-ne-Ptah,6 enduring and abiding forever like Re every day: “Year 400, 4th month of the third season, day 4/ of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Seth-the-Great-ofStrength; the Son of Re, his beloved: The-Ombite,8 be­ loved of Re-Har-akhti, so that he exists forever and ever. Now there came the Hereditary Prince; Mayor of the City and Vizier; Fan-Bearer on the Right Hand of the King, Troop Commander;8 Overseer of Foreign Countries; Overseer of the Fortress of Sile;10 Chief of Police, Royal Scribe; Master of Horse; Conductor of the Feast of the Ram-the-Lord-of-Mendes; High Priest of Seth; Lector Priest of Uto, She-Who-Opens-the-TwoLands; and Overseer of the Prophets of All the Gods, Seti, the triumphant,11 the son of the Hereditary Prince; Mayor of the City and Vizier; (10) Troop Commander; Overseer of Foreign Countries; Overseer of the Fortress of Sile; Royal Scribe; and Master of Horse, Pa-Ramses, the triumphant,12 and child of the Lady of the House and Singer of the Re, Tiu, the triumphant. He said: ‘Hail to thee, O Seth, Son of Nut, the Great of Strength in the Barque of Millions,18 felling the enemy at the prow of the barque of Re, great of battle cry. . . ! Mayest [thou] give me a good lifetime serving [thy] \a, while I remain in [thy favor] . . . ’ ”14

A Campaign o f Seti I in N orthern Palestine Internally and externally the Amarna Revolution had dealt a serious blow to Egyptian empire. Domestic reorganization was the first need. Then, when Seti I (about 1318-1301 b .c . ) became pharaoh, he returned to campaigning in Asia. This stela from Palestinian soil gives a brief statement of his energy in meeting an attempted coalition of Asiatic princes. A basalt stela, found by the University of Pennsylvania in the mound of Beisan (Beth-Shan) and now in the Palestine Museum at Jerusalem. Published by A. Rowe in Museum Journal. Uni4 The long titulary of Ramses II is here omitted. 5 The god Seth, conceived as the ancestor of the royal line. 6 Seti I. 7 Around the year 1330 B .C ., this date would have fallen late in June. 8 The god is supplied with a “great name,” a pharaonic titulary, to en­ force the claim of dynastic ancestry. 9 This title is carved twice through dittography. 10 Or Tjaru, the frontier fortress on the eastern Delta. 11 By the time his son Ramses II set up this stela, Seti was dead. 12 “ The Ramses,” the later Ramses I. 18 Referring to Seth’s activity in repelling the serpent demon which attacked the sun barque. See pp. 6*7. 14 The remainder of the stela is broken away.

253

versity of Pennsylvaniar xx (1929), 88-98, and in The Topogra­ phy and History of Beth-Shan (Philadelphia, 1930), 1, 24-29, PI. 41-

Year i, 3rd month of the third season, day io.1 Live the Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes, Making the Two Lands to Live; the Two Goddesses: Repeating Births, Mighty of Arm, Repelling the Nine Bows; the Horus of Gold: Repeating Appearances, Mighty of Bows in All Lands; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Men-maat-Re [Ir]-enRe; the Son of Re, Lord of Diadems: Seti Mer-ne-Ptah, beloved of Re-Har-akhti, the great god. The good god, potent with his arm, heroic and valiant like Montu, rich in captives, (5) knowing (how to) place his hand, alert wherever he is; speaking with his mouth, acting with his hands, valiant leader of his army, valiant warrior in the very heart of the fray, a Bastet2 terrible in combat, penetrating into a mass of Asiatics and making them prostrate, crushing the princes of Retenu, reach­ ing the (very) ends of (10) him who transgresses against his way. He causes to retreat the princes of Syria,8 all the boastfulness of whose mouth was (so) great. Every foreign country of the ends of the earth, their princes say: “Where shall we go?” They spend the night giving testimony in his name, saying: “ Behold it, behold it!" in their hearts. It is the strength of his father Amon that decreed to him valor and victory. On this day4 one came to speak to his majesty, as follows: (15) “The wretched foe who is in the town of Hamath5 is gathering to himself many people, while he is seizing the town of Beth-Shan. Then there will be an alliance with them of Pahel. He does not permit the Prince of Rehob to go outside.”8 Thereupon his majesty sent the first army of Amon, (named) “Mighty of Bows,” to the town of Hamath, the first army of the (20) Re, (named) “Plentiful of Valor,” to the town of Beth-Shan, and the first army of Seth, (named) “ Strong of Bows,” to the town of Yanoam.7 When the space of a day had passed, they were overthrown to the glory of his majesty, the King 1 Around 1318 B .C ., this date fell late in May. 2 Bastet, an Egyptian cat-goddess, merged with Sekhmet, the lioness god­ dess of war. 3 Kharu, Syria-Palestine in general. 4 The date at the beginning of the inscription. 5 Not necessarily the Prince of Hamath, for which we should expect “ the wretched foe of the town of Hamath.” This may have been a prince from the north; note that Seti sends one army division north to Yanoam. 6 Ancient Beth-Shan is modern Tell el-Husn, just northwest of modern Beisan. Hamath is almost certainly Tell el-Hammeh, about 10 mi. south of Beisan. Pahel or Pella is Khirbet Fahil, about 7 mi. southeast of Beisan and across the Jordan. Rehob is probably Tell es-$4rem, about 3 mi. south of Beisan. These cities all seem to have lain within a small range. It would seem that Hamath and Pahel were acting against Beth-Shan and Rehob. 7 “ First army” has something of the sense of corps d’ilite. As in Ramses IVs campaign against Kadesh, each division of the Egyptian army marched under the aegis of a god, whose image led the way. cf. pp. 255-56. Seti I’s dispositions were rapid and effective. One problem here is the reason for sending a unit against Yanoam, which was apparently considerably north of the center of disaffection. Yanoam may be modern Tell en-N4'ameh, north of Lake Huleh and thus nearly 50 mi. north of Beisan. Perhaps the real opposition to Egypt lay to the north, in the territory dominated by the Hittites. Perhaps the leader of this coalition came from the north; cf. n.5 above. By throwing a road-block against reinforcements from the north, Seti I would be able to deal with a localized rebellion around Beth-Shan, without outside interference.

EGYPTI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

254

of Upper and Lower Egypt: Men-maat-Re; the Son of Re: Seti Mer-ne-Ptah, given life.

Campaigns o f Seti I in Asia On the north exterior wall of the great hypostyle hall at Karnak Seti I (about 1318-1301 b . c . ) has left scenes of his mili­ tary activity with at least four objectives: against the ShasuBedouin of Sinai and southern Palestine, against the mountain region of Palestine-Syria, against the Hittites in central and northern Syria, and against the Libyans. Extracts from this ma­ terial will illustrate the problem which this pharaoh faced in attempting to reconstitute the Egyptian Empire. Bibliography of the publications and translations of the texts will be found in Breasted, AR, 111, §§80-156, and bibliography also in B. Porter and R. L. B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography . . . II. Theban Temples (Oxford, 1929), 19-23. A convenient transcription of the texts, but without improvement over the earlier copyists, will be found in C. E. Sander-Hansen, Historische Inschriften der ig. Dynastie (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, 1v, Brussels, 1933), 3-12. In the following (a) is Breasted, scene 8 = Porter and Moss, scene 57 bottom; (b) is Breasted, scenes 8, 2, and 1 = Porter and Moss, scenes 55-57 bottom; (c) is Breasted, scenes 3, 4, and 5 = Porter and Moss, scenes 54, and 55 top; (d) is Breasted, scenes 9-10 = Porter and Moss, 59 top and bottom; (e) is Breasted, scenes 16, 17, 19 = Porter and Moss, scenes 62 top, 62 bottom, and 64 bottom.

a This scene gives Seti’s return from a campaign, but the text states the reasons for his activity. The resdessness in Palestine was an aftermath of the disturbances in the Amarna period.

Year 1 of the Renaissance,1 and of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Men-maatRe, given life. Then one came to say to his majesty: “The foe belonging to the Shasu are plotting (5) rebel­ lion. Their tribal chiefs are gathered in one place, wait­ ing on the mountain ranges of Kharu.2 They have taken to clamoring and quarreling, one of them killing his fellow. They have no regard for the laws of the palace.” The heart of his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—was glad at it. (10) Now as for the good god, he exults at under­ taking combat; he delights at an attack on him; his heart is satisfied at the sight of blood. He cuts off the heads of the perverse of heart. He loves (15) an instant of trampling more than a day of jubilation. His majesty kills them all at one time, and leaves no heirs among them. He who is spared by his hand is a living prisoner, carried off to Egypt. b Three scenes show the pharaoh on the march and list the stadons on the military road through Sinai, running close to the sea between the Egyptian frontier at Sile (near modern Kantarah) and Raphia in Palestine. This was the main avenue of intercourse between Egypt and Palestine. The route has been studied by A. H. Gardiner in JEA, vi (1920), 99-116, in relation to the similar listing in the satirical letter of p. 478 below. 1 “ Repeating Births.” Seti I’s reign inaugurated a new era; sec ZAeS, lxvi

(T 9 3 1 ), 4.

2 Probably, as in the Beisan stela of this same year (pp. the mountains of northern Palestine.

2 5 3 -5 4

above),

An interesting touch of evidence on the international forces playing upon the imperial religion of the time is the fact that the pharaoh’s team of horses has an alternative name: “The great team of his majesty (named) ‘Amon Decrees to Him the Valor,’ which is (also) called ‘Anath is Content.’ ” * C

Somewhere in Palestine Seti I attacked a fortified place, “the town of the Canaan,” which we cannot locate. As the accompany­ ing text indicates, this was on the same expedition as that of the scenes just mentioned.

Year 1 of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Menmaat-Re. The desolation which the mighty arm of Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—made among the foe belonging to the Shasu from the fortress of Sile to the Canaan. His majesty [prejvailed over them like a fierce lion. They were made into corpses throughout their valleys, stretched out in their (own) blood, like that which has never been. Another scene shows the pharaoh capturing a town surrounded by a forest, “ the town of Yanoam.” This may have been the same thrust as that mentioned in the Beisan stela.4 A third scene depicts the Asiatics cutting down trees for the pharaoh, at “ the town of Qeder in the land of Henem,” which cannot be located.8 However, the local rulers are “ the great princes of Lebanon,” and the descriptive legend runs:

. . . Lebanon. Cutting down [cedar for] the great barque upon the river, “ [Amon]-U[ser-h]et,”® as well as for the great flagpoles of Amon. . . d The texts of the scenes following Seti’s triumphal return to Egypt link the campaign against the Shasu-Bedouin with the mountain area of Syria-Palestine, called “ Upper Retenu.”

The return [of] his majesty from Upper Retenu, having extended the frontiers of Egypt. The plunder which his majesty carried off from these Shasu, whom his majesty himself captured in the year 1 of the Renaissance. e Other scenes show Seti I engaged with the Hittites in Syria. He is shown attacking a mountainous settlement, “ the town of Kadesh.” That this was Kadesh on the Orontes seems certain from the fact that the fragment of a monumental stela of this pharaoh was found on that site.7 The legend for the scene at Karnak runs:

The going up which Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—made to desolate the land of Kadesh and the land of Amurru.* Either on this expedition or on a subsequent campaign, the pharaoh came into military competition with the powerful state of Hatti. He is shown in battle, with the legend:

The wretched land of the Hittites, among whom his 8 On this goddess see pp. 249-50 above. 4 cf. pp. 253-54 above. 5 Perhaps a Gedor or Geder in a land of Hinnom. 8 cf. Wen-Amon’s expedition to get cedar for this sacred barque of Amon, pp. 25-29. 7 M. Plzard, in Syria, hi (1922), 108-10; G. Loukianoff, in Ancient Egypt, 1924, 101-08. 8 A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947), I, 140* f., does not believe this to be Amurru.

EGYPTI AN HI S T ORI CAL TEXTS

majesty—life, prosperity, health!—made a great slaugh­ ter. On his return to Egypt, the pharaoh enjoyed the usual triumph and made the customary gift acknowledgement to the imperial god Amon.

[Presentation of] tribute by the good god to his father Amon-Re, Lord of the [Thrones] of [the Two Lands, at] his return from the country of Hatti, having an­ nihilated the rebellious countries and crushed the Asi­ atics in their places. . . The great princes of the wretched Retenu, whom his majesty carried off by his victories from the country of Hatti, to fill the workhouse of his father Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, according as he had given valor against the south and victory against the north. . .

Beth-Shan Stelae o f Seti I and Ramses II The excavations at Beth-Shan produced commemorative stelae of Seti I and Ramses II. cf. pp. 253-54 above.

a A basalt stela, now Jerusalem Museum 885, published by B. Grdseloff, Une stele scythopolitaine du rot Sethos ler (Cairo, 1949); see also W. F. Albright, BASOR, 125 (1952), 24-32. Herewith extracts from lines 9-19 of the stela’s 20 lines.

On this day,1 lo (10) [one came to tell] his [majesty]: The Apiru2 of Mount Yarmuta,3 with Teyer . . . , [have ari\sen in attac\ upon the Asiatics of Rehem. Then [his majesty] said: How can these wretched Asiatics think [of taking] their [arms] for further disorder? . . . (16) . . . Then his majesty commanded a certain number of people from his [infantry and his] numerous chariotry that their faces turn back to the foreign country Djahi.4 The space of two days elapsed, [and they returned in triumph from] the country Ye . . . , having [their] levy [consisting of] living [captives] as plunder

b The basalt stela of Ramses II, now in the University Museum in Philadelphia, is thoroughly conventional. It was published by Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Philadel­ phia, 1930), 1, 33-36, PI. 46, with a translation also in Museum Journal, The University of Pennsylvania, xx (1929), 94-98. Only the date in line 1 and the passage about the Asiatics com­ ing to the city of Ramses in Egypt are translated here.

Year 9, 4th month of the second season, day i.5 . . . When day had broken? he made to retreat the Asi­ atics. . . . They all come bowing down to him, to his palace of life and satisfaction, Per-Ramses-Meri-Amonthe-Great of Victories.7 . . . 1 On a date lost at the beginning of the stela. 2 The Apiru are probably etymologically related to the Habiru. See p. 247 . n-47 s cf. Josh. 21:29. Identified by Albright as at or near Belvoir (Kokab el-Hawa), a dozen kilometers north of Beth-Shan. 4 Unfortunately a vague term for Syria-Palestine, and not to be taken for precise location. The military action must have been in the vicinity of Beth-Shan and Yarmuta. 5 Around 1280, this date fell in the month of February. 6 Apparently military action on the date above. 7 ‘‘The House of Ramses,” the Residence City Ramses or Raamses in the Egyptian Delta. See A. H. Gardiner in JEA, v (19 18 ), 127 ff.

255

T he Asiatic Campaigning o f Ramses II By length of years and sheer self-assertiveness Ramses II (about 130 1-12 34 b . c . ) left his name scrawled across Egyptian history out of all proportion to his personal achievement. In physical content his texts bulk large, but they lack historical relevance or clear applicability to the Old Testament. A. THE FIRST TWO CAMPAIGNS

A t the mouth of the D og River (N ah r el-Kelb) between Beirut and Byblos, Ramses II left three nearly illegible stelae of triumph, one of which bears the date, “ Year 4,” and testifies to his consolidation of territory north to that point by that date.1 In the following year the pharaoh engaged upon the exploit of his life, the battle against the Hittite king Muwatallis at Kadesh on the Orontes. N o other text occupies so much wall space in Egypt and Nubia. However, it is dear that Ramses did not win a victory, but succeeded only in extricating himself from a tight spot by his personal valor. The full statement of this campaign is of litde immediate concern here, as the action took place north in Syria and the Hittite confederation was almost completely northern. W e give here only those extracts which relate to his crossing Palestine and southern Syria on his way to Kadesh. The texts have been best gathered in Ch. Kuentz, La bataille

de Qadesch (Mimoires pub. par les membres de Tlnstitut Franqais d’Archeologie Orientate, l v , Cairo, 1928), to which the most recent addition is an extract in Papyrus Beatty 111 ( Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift, ed. by A . H . Gardiner [London, 19 35 ], 1, 23-24; 11, Pis. 9-10). The texts appear also in Selim Hassan, Le poime dit de Pentauor et le rapport officiel sur la bataille de Qadesh (Cairo, 1929). There are translations in Breasted, AR, i i i , §§298-351, and by J. A . W ilson in AJSL, x l iii (19 2 7 ), 266-87. The poem is also translated by Erm an, LAE, 260-70. The poem on the battle deals briefly with the departure from Egypt, the organization of the Egyptian army, and the approach to Kadesh (Kuentz, opjcit., 220-25, 230-33).

Now then, his majesty had prepared (8) his infantry, his chariotry, and the Sherden2 of his majesty’s cap­ turing, whom he had carried off by the victories of his arm, equipped with all their weapons, to whom the orders of combat had been given. His majesty journeyed northward, his infantry and chariotry with him. He began to march on the good way in the year 5, 2nd month of the third season, day 9, (when) his majesty passed the fortress of Sile.8 [He] was mighty like Montu4 when he goes forth, (so that) every foreign country was trembling before him, their chiefs were presenting their tribute, and all the rebels were coming, bowing down through fear of the glory of his majesty. His infantry went on the narrow passes as if on the highways of Egypt. Now after days had passed after this, then his majesty was in Ramses Meri-Amon, the town which is 1 C. R. Lepsius, Denhjnaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien (Berlin, 184959), i i i , 197; F. H. Weissbach, Die Denhjndler und Inschriften an der Mundting des Nahr el-Kelb (Berlin und Leipzig, 1922), 17-22. 2 One of the Peoples of the Sea who served as Egyptian mercenaries, cf. pp. 260, 262, 476. 3 Or Tjaru, the fortress at the Suez frontier. The date, around 1296 B.C., would fall around the middle of April. 4 The Egyptian god of war.

256

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

in the Valley of the Cedar.5 His majesty proceeded northward. After his majesty reached the mountain range of Kadesh, then his majesty went forward like his father Montu, Lord of Thebes, and he crossed (12) the ford of the Orontes, with the first division of Amon (named) “He Gives Victory to User-maat-Re Setep-enRe.”6 His majesty reached the town of Kadesh... .7 Now the wretched foe belonging to Hatti, with the numerous foreign countries which were with him, was waiting hidden and ready on the northeast of the town of Kadesh, while his majesty was alone by himself (17) with his retinue. The division of Amon was on the march behind him; the division of Re was crossing the ford in a district south of the town of Shabtuna, at the disstance of one iter from the place where his majesty was;8 the division of Ptah was on the south of the town of Arnaim; and the division of Seth was marching on the road. His majesty had formed the first ranks of battle of all the leaders of his army, while they were (still) on the shore in the land of Amurru.. . .9 The briefer account of the battle, called the Record, adds only a few details to the account of the march toward Kadesh (Kuentz, opxit., 328-30).

Year 5, 3rd month of the third season, day 9, under the majesty of (Ramses II).10 When his majesty was in Djahi on his second victorious campaign, the goodly awakening in life, prosperity, and health was at the tent of his majesty on the mountain range south of Kadesh. After this, at the time of dawn, his majesty appeared like the rising of Re, and he took the adorn­ ments of his father Montu. The lord proceeded north­ ward, and his majesty arrived at a vicinity south of the town of Shabtuna.1 1 . . . The only other detail from the Battle of Kadesh which need be noted here comes from a legend attached to a scene in which a military detachment of Egyptians is shown coming to the rescue of the hard-pressed pharaoh. It seems that this was a separate unit from the four army divisions named above and came by a separate route, arriving in the nick of time for the pharaoh. Kuentz, opxit., 366.

The arrival of the Nearin-tioops of Pharaoh—life, prosperity, health!—from the land of Amurru.12. .. 5 An Asiatic town named after Ramses, presumably in the Lebanon. For the “ Valley of the Cedar,” see also the Story of the Two Brothers, p. 25. 6 For the naming of the units of the army after gods, each one of whom extended his special sanction to that unit, cf. the Beisan Stela of Seti I, P* 2 53* . 7 The omitted context lists the northern confederation which the Hittite king had gathered. 8 Ramses encamped west of the city of Kadesh. An iter may have been about 2 kilometers at this time* 9 “ The shore in the land of Amurru” must have been the Phoenician coast. The omitted continuation of the text then details the battle, beginning with the charge of the concealed Hittite chariotry. 10 fust one month after the date of n.3 above, Ramses had marched from the Egyptian frontier to the highland south of Kadesh. 1 1 The omitted continuation tells how the Hittite king employed Bedouin agents to lull Ramses II into a false security. 12 Nearin is a Semitic word for “ boys” or “ young men.” cf. pp. 476, 478 below. However, these troops are shown as Egyptian. The statement that they arrived from “ the land of Amurru” must mean that they came by a different route from the rest of the army. One might assume that they were sent up the Phoenician coast to secure communications by water, and then cut inland to join the rest of the army. See A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica> 1, 17 1*, 188* f.

TEXTS B. LATER CAMPAIGNING

The campaigns of Ramses II’s subsequent years cannot be arranged in historical sequence and ran from southern Palestine to northern Syria. This is true for the activities of his eighth year, as indicated by the legends attached to four of a number of Asiatic strongholds, shown on the back of the first pylon of the Ramesseum at Thebes. These were published by W. M. Muller, Egyptological Researches (Washington, 1906-), 11, Pis. 100-03; W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur altdgyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 11 (Leipzig, 1935-), 90-91. Translations in Breasted, AR, h i , §§356-62.

The town which his majesty desolated in the year 8, Merom.13 The town which his majesty desolated in the year 8, Salem.13 The town which his majesty desolated on the moun­ tain of Beth-Anath, Kerep. The town which his majesty desolated in the land of Amurru, Deper. Here Beth-Anath is probably in Palestine, but Deper (not Tabor!) is to be located in north Syria, in the general region of Tunip. In one of these campaigns Ramses II took action against Ashkelon in southern Palestine. The scene showing the storming of this town is carved in the Temple of Karnak, was published by Wreszinski, op.cit., 58, and was translated by Breasted, AR, §§3 53 -5 5 -

The wretched town which his majesty took when it was wicked, Ashkelon. It says; “Happy is he who acts in fidelity to thee, (but) woe (to) him who transgresses thy frontier! Leave over a heritage, so that we may relate thy strength to every ignorant foreign country!” The Egyptians related all this disturbance to the machinations of the Hittites, even down into Palestine. A scene in Karnak (Muller, op.cit., Pis. 37-38; Wreszinski, op.cit., 55a) shows an attack upon the “ town which his majesty desolated, Acre,” and has a broken text in which one may read the words: “ when the princes of Kadesh see him, the [terror] of him is in their hearts.” The Hittite confederation of the Battle of Kadesh was still considered the main foe of Ramses II. Of the same general attitude are the references to the ex­ cursions into the region of Tunip and Deper in north Syria, as shown in scenes in the Temple of Luxor and the Ramesseum (Muller, opxit., Pis. 44-45; Wreszinski, op.cit., 77-80; 107-09; Breasted, op.cit., §§364-156). There the claim of Ramses II that he fought “ the fallen ones of Hatti” shows this larger resdessness, covering all of the empire which he claimed in Asia. C. PEACE BETWEEN EGYPT AND HATTI

Ultimately, both the Egyptians and the Hittites found the war expensive of energies which had to be saved against the en­ croachments of the Peoples of the Sea. In the 21st year of Ramses II (perhaps 1280 b .c . ) , a treaty was concluded between Egypt and Hatti, providing for an offensive and defensive alli­ ance; see pp. 199-201. By Ramses II’s 34th year (perhaps 1267 b .c . ) , the alliance between Egypt and Hatti was given visible expression through a royal marriage between the pharaoh and the eldest daughter of the Hittite king. This was not the first international marriage, as the pharaohs preceding the Amarna period had taken royal

18The pictured determinative of the name Merom is a man with arms raised high in the air, corresponding to the meaning of “ height” for the word Merom. The pictured determinative of the name Salem shows a man with arms raised in greeting or salutation, corresponding to the meaning of “ Peace!” for this word.

EGYPTI AN HIS wives from the Mitannian princesses. Egyptian texts treated such a marriage as a surrender of the Hittites, on the theme that the princess was the chief element of “tribute” sent to Egypt, after Hatti had been defeated by the pharaoh. The “ Marriage Stela” is a document which mingles bombast with genuine relief at a successful peace after years of fighting. The stelae at Karnak, Elephantine, and Abu Simbel are presented, with translation, by Ch. Kuentz in ASAE, xxv (1925), 181-238. A recendy discovered version at Amarah in the Sudan is still unpublished {JEA, xxiv [1938], 155). An abbreviated version of the text from Karnak, published by G. Lefebvre in ASAE, xxv (1925), 34-45, aids in giving the end of the text. The earlier treatment of the text is given in Breasted, AR, 111, §§41524.

. . . Then the (21) great princes of every land heard of the mysterious, qualities of his majesty. Then they were dismayed and afraid, and the terror of his majesty was in their hearts, while they lauded his glory and gave praise to his beautiful face, . . . [making offer]ing to him with their children, namely the great lords of Retenu and of strange countries—no matter which14—in order to appease the heart of the Bull and to beg peace from him. *Ramses II.15 They despoiled themselves of their own goods, being charged with their annual dues, with their children at the head of their tribute, in praise and homage to his [name]. *Ramses II. So every foreign country was in humility under the feet of this good god, for he made his frontiers (so that) they were held in [checl(]—except for that land of Hatti. It did not do the same as these princes. Words spoken by his majesty: “As my father Re favors me forever as Ruler of the Two Lands, as I rise like the sun disc and shine like Re, as the heaven is firm upon its supports, I will attain the (25) limits of the land of Hatti, and they shall be prostrate under (my)16 feet forever! #Ramses II. I will make them turn back from fighting at the pass and stop the boasting in their land, for I know that my father Seth has made victory to flourish against every land, since he has made my arm mighty to the height of heaven and my strength to the width of earth! *Ramses II.” Then his majesty prepared his infantry and his chariotry, and they were launched in the land of Hatti. He despoiled them alone by himself17 . . . entirely, so that he [made] himself a name forever in the midst of it. *Ramses II. They have memory of the victories of his arm. He makes the survivors of his hand curse, for his prowess among them is like a blazing torch. No prince (s) remain upon their thrones, or their brothers [either], *Ramses II. They fulfilled many years while they were destroyed and . . . from year to year through the prowess of the great living god, #Ramses II. Then the Great Prince of Hatti sent [to] his majesty, magnifying his prowess and extolling. . . , saying: “ . . . We are charged with [dues], 14 “ They are not known,” in the sense: they need not be specified. 15 This text uses the two formal names of Ramses II as a mark of punctuation, here abbreviated with an asterisk for the purposes of this translation. 16 The two texts give “ thy” and “ his.” 17 The theme of solitary victory derives from Ramses’ personal achieve­ ments at the Battle of Kadesh.

ORICAL

TEXTS

257

and we [carry] them to thy august palace. Behold, we (30) are under thy feet, O victorious king! May we act according to all that thou hast commanded! *Ramses II.” So the Great Prince of Hatti sent and appeased his majesty year by year. #Ramses II. (But) he never lis­ tened to them. Now after they saw their land in this destroyed state under the great prowess of the Lord of the Two Lands, *Ramses II, then the Great Prince of Hatti said to his army and his officials: “What is this? Our land is deso­ lated; our lord Seth is angry with us, and the skies do not give water over against us.18. . . Let us despoil our­ selves of all our goods, with my eldest daughter at the head of them, and let us carry gifts of fealty19 to the good god, so that he may give us peace, that we may live! #Ramses II.” Then he caused to be brought [his] eldest daughter, with noble tribute before her: gold, silver, many great ores, horses without limit to them, cattle, goats, and sheep by the ten-thousands, without limit to the products of their [land.] * Ramses II. [Then one] came to make communication to his majesty, saying: “Behold, even the Great Prince of Hatti! His eldest daughter is being brought, carrying abundant tribute of everything. They cover the [valleys with] their [numbers], the daughter of the Prince of Hatti and the [daughter of the] Great Princess of Hatti among them. They have passed difficult mountains and wicked ravines. *Ramses II. They have reached the frontier of his majesty. Let (35) our [army] and the officials [come] to receive them. *Ramses II.” Then his majesty received [great] joy, and the palace was in happiness, when he heard these mysterious matters, which were completely unknown in Egypt.20 So he despatched the army and the officials hastily, in order to make the reception before them. *Ramses II. Then his majesty took deliberate counsel with his heart, saying: “How will it be with those whom I have sent, going on a mission to Djahi,21 in these days of rain and snow which come in winter?” Then he offered a great oblation to his father Seth, appealing to him about [it] with the words: “ Heaven is in thy hands, and earth is under thy feet. What happens is what thou commandest. Mayest thou [delay] to make the rain, the cold wind, and the snow, until the marvels which thou hast assigned to me shall reach me.22 #Ramses II.” Then his father Seth heard all that he had said. So the skies were peaceful, and days of summer fell to [him], while his army went, being gay, their bodies freestriding, their hearts in joy. *Ramses II. So the daughter of the Great Prince of Hatti marched to Egypt, while the infantry, chariotry, and officials of his majesty accompanied her, mingling with the infantry and char18 Seth—corresponding to the Hittite storm god—is here working against Hatti to the advantage of Egypt. Cf. the claim, p. 471, that the pharaoh is able to withhold ram from Hatti. 19 A Semitic word like the Hebrew beraf(ah. 20 The Egyptian account insists that the entire initiative was Hittite. 21 The area of Phoenicia and its hinterland, down into Palestine. Note that this is claimed above as “ the frontier of his majesty.” 22 Seth is here in a dual role: the god cf the Hittites and the god of storm; cf. p. 17, n.27.

258

EGYPTIAN

HIS

iotry of Hatti, for they were (40) fcAer-warriors28 like the troops of *Ramses II and like his chariotry, all the people of the land of Hatti being mingled with those of Egypt. They ate and drank together, being of one heart like brothers, without shunning one another, for peace and brotherhood were between them, after the manner of the god himself, *Ramses II. Then the great princes of every land, when they passed by them, were dismayed, turned back, shrinking, when they saw all the people of Hatti as they [joined] with the army of the king *Ramses II. So one of these princes said to his fellow: “What his majesty has said is true How great are these [things] which we have seen with our own faces! Every foreign country is with [him] as slaves, in one accord with [Egypt]! *Ramses II. That which had been the land of Hatti, behold, it has come to be like Egypt with him. What is the heaven? It (also) is under his seal, so that it acts according to all that he has wished! *Ramses II.” Now after [many days they] reached (the city) Ram­ ses Meri-Amon,. . . and we celebrated the great marvels of valor and victory in the year 34, 3rd month of the second season.24 *Ramses II. Then they ushered the daughter of the Great Prince of Hatti, who had come marching to Egypt, into the presence of his majesty,25 with very great tribute following her, without limit.. . . Then [his] majesty saw that she was fair of face [like] a goddess. Now (it was) a great, mysterious, marvellous, and fortunate affair. It was unknown, unheard of from mouth to mouth, not mentioned in the writings of the ancestors . . . *Ramses II. So she was beautiful in the heart of his majesty, and he loved her more than any­ thing, as a good fortune for him through [the command of] his father Ptah-tenen.26 *Ramses II. 27Then his majesty caused that her name be made to be: the King’s Wife Maat-nefru-Re,28 the daughter of the Great Prince of Hatti and the daughter of the Great Princess of Hatti.. . . And so it was that, if a man or a woman proceeded on their mission to Djahi, they could reach the land of Hatti without fear around about their hearts, because of the greatness of the victories of his [maj]esty. For the treaty of peace between Egypt and the Hittites in the reign of Ramses II, see pp. 199-201 above. For the “Israel Stela,” a hymn of victory of Mer-ne-Ptah, see pp. 376-378 below. For a literary document giving a satirical account of conditions in Syria-Palestine from the standpoint of an Egyptian official, see pp. 475-479 below. 23 In the account of the Battle of Kadesh, this term is applied to the Hittite chariot-warriors. See also p. 239, n.3. 24 About 1267 B . C ., this date would coincide generally with the month of January. 25 The relief above the inscription in the temple of Abu Simbel shows the Hittite king and his daughter coming into the presence of Ramses II. 26 In the “ Blessing of Ptah" (Breasted, AR, 111, §410), it is this god who delivers Hatti and its princess to Ramses II. 27 From this point on, the longer texts are badly damaged, and the trans­ lation uses the abbreviated version: Lefebvre, op.cit., 40-41, lines 16-18. 28 In Egyptian: “ She Who Sees the Beauty of Re” ; cf. p. 29.

ORI CAL TEXTS

T he Journal o f a Frontier Official On the verso of a papyrus devoted to texts for school use, there are records of an official of the eastern frontier post of the Egyptian Delta. They illustrate the traffic between Egypt and A sia at the time of the pharaoh Mer-ne-Ptah. Papyrus Anastasi III (British Museum 10246), verso vi i-v 9, probably from Memphis. Facsimiled in Select Papyri in the

Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, 11 (London, 1842), back of Pis. lx xix -lx xv iii , and in G . Moller, Hieratische Lesestiic\e, in (Leipzig, 19 35), 26-27. Transcription into hieroglyphic in A . H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies ( Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, v ii , Brussels, 19 37 ), 31-32. Translated by Breasted, AR, §§629-35, by A . Erm an and FI. Ranke, Aegypten (Tubingen, 19 23), 645-46, and by W . W olf in ZAeS, lxix (19 3 3 ), 39-45.

I Year 3, i s t m o n t h o f t h e 3RD s e a s o n , d a y 15.1 The Guardsman2 Baal-roy, son of Zippor, of Gaza, went up,8 who had two different despatches for Syria:4 the Com­ mander of the Garrison Khay, one despatch; the Prince of Tyre Baal-termeg,5 one despatch. II (4) Year 3, i s t m o n t h o f t h e 3RD s e a s o n , d a y 17. The Chief of Bowmen of the Wells of Mer-ne-Ptah Hotephir-Maat—life, prosperity, health!—which is (on) the mountain range,6 arrived for a (judicial) investigation in the fortress which is in Sile.7 III (6) Year 3, i s t m o n t h o f t h e 3RD s e a s o n , d a y 22. The Guardsman Thuti, son of Tjekrem, of Gaza, came, in company with Tjedet, son of Shemu-Baal, of ditto, and Seth-mose, son of Apar-dagal, of ditto, who had with him, for the place where One was,8 (for) the Com­ mander of the Garrison Khay, gifts and one despatch.9 ( v 1 ) T h e r e w e n t u p the Guardsman Nakht-Amon, son of Tjer, of the Castle of Mer-ne-Ptah Hotep-hirMaat—life, prosperity, health!10—which is near Sar-ram, who had with him two different despatches for Syria: the Commander of the Garrison Pen-Amon, one des­ patch; the Steward (of) this town Ramses-nakht, one despatch. (4) T h e r e c a m e the Overseer of the Stable of the town Mer-ne-Ptah Hotep-hir-Maat—life, prosperity, 1 About 1230 b . c . , the dates in these entries would f a l l in the month o f March. 2 “ Follower,” i.e. one of the retinue, perhaps of the bodyguard. 3 The text uses “go up” for the journey out of Egypt to Asia and “ arrive” or “ come” for the arrival from Asia. 4 Egyptian Kharu or Hurru. 5 The name contains the elements indicated, but perhaps should be divided Baalat-remeg. 6 Of Palestine? If one reads Josh. 15:9 and 18:15 “ the Fountain of Merne-Ptah,” instead of “ the Fountain of the waters (mai) of Nephtoah,” and if the equation is correct, the location will have been near Jerusalem. 7 Egyptian Tjaru or Tjile, the chief frontier post, located near modern Kantarah. 8 “ One” is a respectful circumlocution for pharaoh. 9 In Section I above Khay is in Syria; here apparently at the Egyptian capital. If the same man is meant the translation is faulty. 10 The location of this castle is unknown, pace A. H. Gardiner in JEA, vi (1920), III.

EGYPTI AN HI S T ORI CAL TEXTS

health!—which is in the district of the Arem,11 Pa-merkhetem, son of Ani, who had with him two different despatches for the place where One was: the Com­ mander of the Garrison Pa-Re-em-heb, one despatch; the Deputy Pa-Re-em-heb, one despatch.12 IV (8) Year 3, i s t m o n t h o f t h e 3RD s e a s o n , d a y 25. The Charioteer of the Great Stable of Ba-(en)-Re MeriAmon—life, prosperity, health!—[of] the Court, Inwau, went up.

T h e Report o f a Frontier Official In a group of letters which served as models for schoolboys, one communication presents the form in which an official on the eastern frontier of Egypt might report the passage of Asiatic tribes into the better pasturage of the Delta. Papyrus Anastasi VI (British Museum 10245), ^nes 51-61 ( = iv 11-v 5), of the late Nineteenth Dynasty (end of the 13th century b - c . ) and presumably from Memphis. Facsimiled in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, in (London, 1844), Pis. cxxv-cxxvi. Transcription into hieroglyphic by A. H. Gardiner, Late Egyp­ tian Miscellanies ( Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, v i i , Brussels, 1937), 76-77. Translated by Breasted, AR, in, §§636-38*

(51) The Scribe Inena communicating to his lord, the Scribe of the Treasury Qa-g[abu], . . . :—In life, pros­ perity, health! This is a letter [to] let [my lord] know: An [other communication to] my lord, to wit:1 [I] have carried out every commission laid upon me, in good shape and strong as metal. I have not been lax. Another communication to my [lord], to [wit: We] have finished letting the Bedouin2 tribes of Edom pass the Fortress [of] Mer-ne-Ptah Hotep-hir-Maat—life, prosperity, health!—which is (in) Tjeku,8 (56) to the pools* of Per-Atum6 [of] Mer-[ne]-Ptah Hotep-hirMaat, which are (in) Tjeku, to keep them alive and to keep their cattle alive, through the great \a of Pharaoh —fife, prosperity, health!—the good sun of every land, in the year 8,5 [intercalary] days, [the Birth of] Seth.8 I have had them brought in a copy of the report to the [place where] my lord is, as well as the other names of days7 when the Fortress of Mer-ne-Ptah Hotep-hir-Maat —life, prosperity, health!—which is (in) [Tj]ek[u], may be passed.. . . 11 Or Parem? Perhaps to be revised to Amurru. 12 In JEA, xxv (1939)* 103, P. C. Smither draws an interesting analogy between this postal register and one of Ptolemaic times. 1 The pupil, Inena, addresses his master, Qa-gabu; cf. p. 25 above. 2 The Egyptian word is Shasu, which became Coptic shds "shepherd.” 8 The location is the eastern end of the Wadi Tumilat, the "land of Goshen.” The Fortress of Mer-ne-Ptah will have been a frontier fortress. Tjeku—or probably Teku—could only with difficulty be Succoth and seems to be a broad designation for the region. 4 The Semitic word birkch is used. 9 Per-Atum, "the House of Atum,” is probably biblical Pithom, located by A. H. Gardiner (JEA, xix [19 33], 127) at Tell er-Retabeh, about 22 miles west of modern Ismailiyeh. 6 “ The Birth of Seth” was the 3rd intercalary day at the end of the year. Around 12 15 b . c . this would be after the middle of June. 7 That is, the names of other days.

259

T he Pursuit o f Runaway Slaves Among the model letters set for the instruction of schoolboys, there is one reporting the pursuit of two slaves escaping from Egypt into Asia. Papyrus Anastasi V (British Museum 10244), xix 2-xx 6, of the end of the 13th century b .c . and probably from Memphis. Fac­ similed in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, in (London, 1844), Pis. cxm-cxiv. Transcribed into hieroglyphic by A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vii, Brussels, x9 3 7 )> 66-67. Translated by Erman, LA E, 198-99, and an extract by A. H. Gardiner in JEA , vi (1920), 109-10*

The Chief of Bowmen of Tjeku,1 Ka-Kem-wer, to the Chief of Bowmen Ani and the Chief of Bowmen Baken-Ptah: In life, prosperity, health! In the favor of Amon-Re, King of the Gods, and of the ka of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: User-kheperu-Re Setep-en-Re2—life, prosperity, health!—our good lord—life, prosperity, health! I say to (xix 5) the Re-Har-akhti: “Keep Phar­ aoh—life, prosperity, health!—our good lord—life, pros­ perity, health!—in health! Let him celebrate millions of jubilees, while we are in his favor daily!” Another matter, to wit: I was sent forth from the broad-halls of the palace—life, prosperity, health!—in the 3rd month of the third season, day g,‘ at the time of evening, following after these two slaves.* Now when I reached the enclosure-wall of Tjeku on the 3rd month of the third season, day 10, they told [me] they were saying to the south that they6 had passed by on the 3rd month of the third season, day io.8 (xx 1) [Now] when [I] reached the fortress,7 they told me that the scout* had come from the desert [saying that] they had passed the walled place north of the Migdol of Seti Mer-ne-Ptah—life, prosperity, health!—Beloved like Seth.8 When my letter reaches you, write to me about all that has happened to [them]. Who found their tracks? Which watch found their tracks ? What people are after them ? Write to me about all that has happened to them and how many people you send out after them.10 [May your health] be good! 1 Or Teku. Probably not Succoth. Gardiner (JEA, vi [1920], 109) locates it at Tell el-Maskhuteh in the Wadi Tumilat. It seems more likely that it is not yet identifiable, and it may be generally equivalent to the Wadi Tumilat. 2 Seti II (about 1222-1212 B.C.). 8 About 1220 b .c., this date would fall in the month of May. 4 For the Egyptian word bak as "slave,” rather than "servant,” cf. JEA , xxvi (19 41), 26, n.i; 73*74. 8 The slaves. The two preceding uses of “ they” arc impersonal. 6 Thus on the same day, but, on rumor, further south. 7 Perhaps the frontier fortress of Sile, near modern Kantarah. 8 This word masharui is probably corrupt and has usually been emended to marui "groom.” In the present context it might be emended to a noun based on the Hebrew word shamar "watch, guard.” 8 For the location of this Migdol at Tell el-Her in Sinai and about a dozen miles northeast of Sile, see Gardiner in JEA, vi (1920), 109-10. 10 Since Ani and Bak-en-Ptah seem to be still in pursuit of the slaves, these officers may have been located in Asia.

EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS

260

A Syrian Interregnum

From the Lists o f Ramses III

For an unknown number of years between the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties Egypt was in a chaotic state and for a part of the time was under the rule of a Syrian. All that we know of this episode comes from the following text. The Great Papyrus Harris comes from Thebes and dates to the end of the reign of Ramses 111(about 1164 B.C.), forming a kind of last will and testament for him. The troubles which he here describes lay between the reign of the last king of the Nineteenth Dynasty (about 1205 b .c . ) and the beginning of the reign of Ramses Ill’s father, Set-nakht (about 1197 B.C.). Papyrus Harris I (British Museum 10053), lxxv 1-9. Fac­ simile of the text edited by S. Birch in Facsimile of an Egyptian Hieratic Papyrus of the Reign of Rameses III, now in the British Museum (London, 1876). Transcribed into hieroglyphic by W. Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, v, Brussels, I 9 3 3 )> 9 I"9 2- Translated by Breasted, AR, iv, §§397-99.

The course of the Egyptian Empire was marked by a rapid increase in the wealth and power of the Egyptian temples. We have a kind of testamentary enactment of Ramses III (about 1195-1164 b .c . ) of the Twentieth Dynasty stating the accumu­ lated properties of the temples through his benefactions. One authority has estimated that at the close of this pharaoh’s reign the temples owned about 20% of the population of Egypt as serfs and about 30% of the arable land.1 Our interest in the long document will be confined to the indications of Egyptian contacts with Asia. Papyrus Harris I (British Museum 10053), edited by S. Birch in Facsimile of an Egyptian Hieratic Papyrus of the Reign of Rameses 111, now in the British Museum (London, 1876). Tran­ scribed into hieroglyphic by W. Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, v, Brussels, 1933). Translated by Breasted, AR, iv, §§151-412. The extracts given below, with the §§ of Breasted’s translation are: (a) activity on the Mediter­ ranean: Papyrus Harris vii 8—Breasted §211; xxix 1—§270; xlviii 6—§328; (b) temple in Asia: ix 1-3—§219; (c) towns of Amon’s estate: xi 10-11—§226; Ixviii 1-2—§384; (d) serfs of the temples: viii 9—§217; x 15—§225; xxx 2—§278; xxxi 8—§281; xlvii 10—§322; lia 9—§338; (e) temple cattle: xiib 8—§229; lxix 10—§387; (f) temple grain: xxxiva 10—§287; liiia 7—§344; lxxib 1—§391; (g) temple oil: xva 4-6—§233; lxiiic 11-12—§376; (h) temple cedar: xvb 12-13—§234; liiia 12—§345; lxva 14— §379; lxxia 1 1 —§391; (i) summary of northern wars: Ixxvi 6-11 —§§403-04.

S aid King User-maat-Re Meri-Amon1— life, prosper­ ity, health!—the great god,2 to the officials and leaders of the land, the infantry, the chariotry, the Sherden,8 the many bowmen, and all the souls of Egypt: Hear ye, that I may make you aware of my bene­ factions which I accomplished while I was king of the people. The land of Egypt had been cast aside, with every man being his (own standard of) right. They had no chief spokesman for many years previously up to other times. The land of Egypt was officials and mayors,4one slaying his fellow, both exalted and lowly. Other times came afterwards in the empty years,5 and . . . ,e a Syrian (5) with them, made himself prince. He set the entire land as tributary before him. One joined his companion that their property might be plun­ dered. They treated the gods like the people, and no offerings were presented in the temples. But when the gods reversed themselves to show mercy and to set the land right as was its normal state, they established their son, who had come forth from their body, to be Ruler—life, prosperity, health!—of every land, upon their great throne: User-kha-Re Setep-en-Re Meri-Amon—life, prosperity, health!—the Son of Re: Set-nakht Merer-Re Meri-Amon—life, prosperity, health! He was Khepri-Seth when he was enraged. He brought to order the entire land, which had been rebel­ lious. He slew the disaffected of heart who had been in Egypt. He cleansed the great throne of Egypt. 1 Ramses III (about 1195-1164 B.C.). 2 The epithet normally means that the king is already dead. For the thesis that Papyrus Harris was actually promulgated by Ramses IV in the name of his father Ramses III, sec W. Struve, in Aegyptus, v i i (1926),

3 s' 8 Egyptian captive or

* the Mediterranean mercenary troops, coming from

area. cf. p. 255, n.2. 4 That is, broken down under local rule only, without king or other central government. 5 Either years void of orderly rule, or years of emptiness, i.e. of economic distress. 6 This translation treats the text on the assumption that the actual name of the Syrian has dropped out, leaving only the determinatives which show a foreigner. Alternatively, instead of translating “ made himself,” one may treat these elements as a proper name and read: “ and Irsu, a Syrian, was with them as prince.” In either case, the rule of an otherwise unknown Syrian (“ Horite” ) is certain.

A. ACTIVITY ON THE MEDITERRANEAN

Section for Amon of Thebes (vii 8) I made for thee qerer-ships, menesh-ships, and fwi-ships,2 with bowmen equipped with their weapons on the Great Green Sea. I gave to them troop command­ ers and ship’s captains, outfitted with many crews, without limit to them, in order to transport the goods of the land of Djahi and of the countries of the ends of the earth to thy great treasuries in Thebes-the-Victorious. Section for Re of Heliopolis (xxix 1) I made for thee qerer-ships and menesh-ships, outfitted with men, in order to transport the goods of God’s Land3 to thy treasury and thy storehouse. Section for Ptah of Memphis (xlviii 6) I made for thee qerer-ships and meneshships in the midst of the Great Green Sea, outfitted with crews of menesh-ships in abundant number, in order to transport the goods of God’s Land and the dues of the land of Djahi to thy great treasuries of thy city Memphis. B. TEM PLE OF AMON IN ASIA

(ix 1) I built for thee a mysterious house in the land of Djahi,4 like the horizon of heaven which is in the 1 So H. D. Schaedel, Die Listen des grossen Papyrus Harris (Leipziger agyptologische Studien, 6, Gluckstadt, 1936), 67. However, the true meaning of the lists is still in debate, and the number of unknown factors is large. Breasted, op.cit., §1166-67, estimated that the temples owned 2% of the people and 15% of the land. 2 Three separate types of ships, perhaps all cargo vessels capable of sea travel. a The east generally, the Arabian or east African coast as well as the Palestinian-Phoenician coast. 4 Djahi here clearly includes “ the Canaan” and is an area to which the people of Retenu (the Syrian-Palestinian highland) normally would come. One may point to a settlement of Ramses III at Beth-Shan in Palestine, but this may have been one of several such settlements; see A. Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Philadelphia, 1930), 38 ff.

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

26l

sky, (named) “the House of Ramses-Ruler-o£-Heliopolis —life, prosperity, health!—in the Canaan,” as the vested property of thy name. I fashioned thy great cult image which rests in it, (named) “Amon of Ramses-Ruler-ofHeliopolis—life, prosperity, health!” The foreigners of Retenu come to it, bearing their tribute before it, accord­ ing as it is divine.

thy divine offerings, full and pure, in order to provision the House of Ptah with food and supplies, and in order to double what was before thee, O South-of-His-Wall! Thy Ennead is content of heart and gay over them. (lia o) Syrians and Negroes of the captivity of his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—whom he gave to the House of Ptah: 205 cases.'

C. TOWNS OF AMON’ s ESTATE

E. TEM PLE CATTLE

Theban Section (xi 10) Towns of Egypt Towns of Syria and Ethiopia5 to ta l

Summarizing Section (lxviiia 1) Towns of Egypt Towns of Syria to ta l

Theban Section 56 9

(xiib 8) Oxen, steers, various long-horns, short-horns, and10 cattle from the dues of the lands of Syria: 19.11

65

Summarizing Section

160 9 169

D. SERFS OF TH E TEMPLES

Theban Section (viii 9) I fashioned thy august cult image.. . . I filled its house with male and female slaves whom I had carried off from the lands of the Asiatics. (x 15) Syrians and Negroes" of the captivity of his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—whom he gave to the House of Amon-Re, King of the Gods, the House of Mut, and the House of Khonsu: 2,607 cases.' Heliopolitan Section (xxx 2) I made for thee a fresh foundation from the many classes whose sons I carried off to thy house, (named) “Taking the Others.”8 (xxxi 8) Warriors, sons of (foreign) princes, mary­ anu, apiru,” and people settled who are in this place: 2,093 persons.7

(lxix 10) Oxen, steers, various long-horns, short-horns, and cattle from the dues of the lands of Syria: 19. F . TEM PLE GRAIN

Heliopolitan Section (xxxiva 10) Syrian grain: 5 he\et.l2 Memphite Section (liiia 7) Syrian grain: 40 he\et. Summarizing Section (lxxib 1) Syrian grain: 45 helmet.1* G.

Theban Section (xva 4) Oil of Egypt: 2,743 twe«-measures.14 Oil of Syria: 53 mere^A-measures.1* Oil of Syria: 1,757 twen-measures. Small Temples Section (lxiiic 11) Oil of Egypt: 513 we«-measures. Oil of Syria: 542 wew-measures. H.

Memphite Section (xlvii 10) I made for thee workshops for the Feasts of Epiphany in thy divine house. They were built upon a ground effected with labor. I filled them with slaves whom I had carried off in captivity, in order to serve 5 “ Towns of Kharu and Cush." Note that the summarizing section below —perhaps only by inadvertence—gives only “ towns of Kharu," and that all the foreign towns are credited to the god Amon. 6 "Kharu" (Hurra, Horites) and " Nehsi,” the two terms used at this time for the northern and southern neighbors. 7 Amon, Mut, and Khonsu formed the Theban triad of gods. The 2,607 foreigners are part of a total of 86,486 persons added to the Theban estates under Ramses III. The 2,093 foreigners are part of a total of 12,364 persons added to the Heliopolitan estates. The 205 foreigners are part of a total of 3,079 persons added to the Memphite estates. In these lists of temple serfs, the word tep “ head,” is regularly used for the Egyptian serfs. In the case of the Theban and Memphite lists, the word sep “ case,” is used for the foreign serfs. 8 It is not absolutely certain that these were foreigners. “ Others” may mean “ outsiders, foreigners,” or it may mean “ the common people, the rabble.” 9 The term maryanu was used for Asiatic warriors in this period, cf. p. 22, n.2. The term 'apiru has been argued to mean “ aliens,” particularly applicable to foreign slave labor, perhaps the same word as tfabtru, and thus etymologically related to “ Hebrew” —but not implying that these captives were Israelites, See p. 247, n.47 above.

TEM PLE OIL

TEM PLE CEDAR

Theban Section (xvb 12) Slabs of cedar: 6.15 A mast of cedar: 1.” Memphite Section (liiia 12) Beams of cedar: 8.16 10 Four or five terms for cattle are used, and we do not know enough about the different kinds to translate with precision. Further, it is not clear whether we have four kinds followed by a fifth or whether we have four kinds followed by an apposition: “ (which are the) cattle from the dues of the lands of Syria.” 11 Amon’s Asiatic cattle numbered 1 9 , out of a total of 866 presented annually to his temple. For the argument that this was annual delivery, see A. H. Gardiner in JEA, x x v i i ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 72-73. The summarizing section, here translated immediately after the Theban section, shows that only Amon received these Asiatic cattle. 1 2 Sherit (a plant, assumed to be a kind of barley) of Kharu. The annual amount would be less than 3 pecks. 13 A little over 6 bushels, of which Memphis received 8/9 annually. 14 The amounts in volume of the men-jar measure and of the mesc\hjar measure are unknown. 15 The word translated “ slabs” might mean “ beams” or similar. The word translated “ mast” was a major timber in shipbuilding. 16 The word translated “ beams” is used in shipbuilding—apparently for the ribs or side-planks.

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EGYPTI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS

Small Temples Section (lxva 14) Various logs of cedar: 336. Summarizing Section (lxxia 11) Various logs of cedar: 351.17 I.

SUM M ARY OF NORTHERN WARS

I extended all the frontiers of Egypt and overthrew those who had attacked them from their (lxxvi 7) lands. I slew the Denyen in their islands, while the Tjeker and the Philistines were made ashes. The Sherden and the Weshesh of the Sea were made nonexistent, cap­ tured all together and brought in captivity to Egypt like the sands of the shore.18 I settled them in strong­ holds, bound in my name.19 Their military classes were as numerous as hundred-thousands. I assigned portions for them all with clothing and provisions from the treasuries and granaries every year.20 I destroyed the people of Seir among the Bedouin tribes.211 razed their tents: their people, their property, and their cattle as well, without number, pinioned and carried away in captivity, as the tribute of Egypt. I gave them to the Ennead of the gods, as slaves for their houses.

T h e W a r Against the Peoples o f the Sea In the latter half of the second millennium b . c . there were extensive movements in the eastern Mediterranean area. Masses of homeless peoples moved slowly across the sea and its coastlands, displacing or merging with the older populations. These migrations ended the Minoan civilization in Crete, contributed to the historical populations of Greece and Italy, wiped out the Hittite Empire, thrust the Philistines into Canaan, and washed up on the shores of Egypt. In Ramses I ll’s eighth year (about 1188 b . c . ) the pharaoh met and checked their attempt to push into the rich lands of the Nile. The victory was only a check, because the Egyptian Empire in Asia ended shortly after. The following accounts of this war come from Ramses I ll’s temple of Medinet Habu at Thebes. The texts were published by the Epigraphic Expedition, 17 The total of the three preceding sections. 18 The reference is to Ramses Ill’s war against the Sea Peoples in his 8th year; cf. pp. 262-263 below. For the Tjeker, cf. the Wen-Amon story (p. 26, n.5 above). The Denyen (Danaoi), the Sherden (Sar­ dians?), and the Weshesh (Wasasa?) were also participants in this great restlessness on the eastern Mediterranean in the latter half of the 2nd millennium b . c . 19 Foreign captives were branded with the name of pharaoh. cf. Breasted, op.cit., §405; The Epigraphic Survey, Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III {Medinet Habu, 1, OIP, vm, Chicago, 1930), PI. 42. 20 Not: “ I taxed them all with,” etc. Foreign captives were not tax­ worthy, but did need food and clothing from the state stores. 21 It is interesting that Ramses Ill’s only statement here of a campaign against Semitic peoples deals with the nomads of the region to the south of the Dead Sea. His scenes depicting campaigns into Syria-Palestine on the walls of his temple of Medinet Habu may all be pious or propagandists forgeries—The Epigraphic Survey, Later Historical Records of Ramses 111 {Medinet Habu, 11, OIP, ix, Chicago, 1932), Pis. 87-99; cf* W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramses III (SAOC, 12, Chicago, *936)> 94> 0.3b. Ramses III did have a temple at Beth-Shan and did have relations with Megiddo (p. 263 below), but he may have been unable to campaign north of Palestine, and he may have held garrison posts in Palestine without fighting. The complete collapse of the Egyptian Empire in Asia seems to have come shortly after his reign.

Medinet Habu, i. Earlier Historical Records of Ramses III (OIP, vm, Chicago, 1930). They are translated in W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramses III (SAOC, 12, Chicago, 1936), and by Breasted, AR, iv, §§59-82. See also the extract from Papyrus Harris, p. 262a above. In the following (a) is PI. 46 of the Epigraphic Expedition publication; (b) PI. 28; (c) PI. 3 1; and (d) Pis. 37-39. For the harem conspiracy at the end of the reign of Ramses III, see pp. 214-216 above.

a (1) Year 8 under the majesty of (Ramses III)___ (16) . . . The foreign countries made a conspiracy in their islands. All at once the lands were removed and scattered in the fray. No land could stand before their arms, from Hatti, Kode, Carchemish, Arzawa, and Alashiya on,1 being cut off at [one time\. A camp [was set up] in one place in Amor.2 They desolated its people, and its land was like that which has never come into being. They were coming forward toward Egypt, while the flame was prepared before them. Their confederation was the Philistines, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n), and Weshesh,8 lands united. They laid their hands upon the lands as far as the circuit of the earth, their hearts confident and trusting: “Our plans will succeed!” Now the heart of this god, the Lord of the Gods, was prepared and ready to ensnare them like birds.. . . I or­ ganized my frontier in Djahi,4 prepared before them:— princes, commanders of garrisons, (20) and maryanu.“ I have the river-mouths6 prepared like a strong wall, with warships, galleys and coasters, (fully) equipped, for they were manned completely from bow to stern with valiant warriors carrying their weapons. The troops consisted of every picked man of Egypt. They were like lions roaring upon the mountain tops. The chariotry consisted of runners, of picked men, of every good and capable chariot-warrior. The horses were quivering in every part of their bodies, prepared to crush the foreign countries under their hoofs. I was the valiant Montu,7 standing fast at their head, so that they might gaze upon the capturing of my hands___ Those who reached my frontier, their seed is not, their heart and their soul are finished forever and ever. Those who came forward together on the sea, the full 1 Hatti was the Hittite Empire, Kode the coast of Cilicia and northern Syria, Carchemish the city on the Euphrates, Arzawa somewhere in or near Cilicia, and Alashiya probably Cyprus. 2 Perhaps in the north Syrian plain or in Coele-Syria. 8 Except for the Philistines (Pelesct), these names are rendered close to the Egyptian writings. For the Tjeker, cf. the Wen-Amon story (pp. 25-29 above). The Shekelesh might be the Siculi, the Denyen (cunei­ form Danuna) might be the Danaoi. The Weshesh cannot easily be related to any later people, cf. G. Bonfante, Who were the Philistines?, in A]A, l (1946) 251-62. 4 The Phoenician coast, running down into Palestine. From what little we know of Ramses Ill’s sway, his defensive frontier was not north of Palestine. It is possible that the land battle against the Peoples of the Sea was in Asia, whereas the sea battle was on the coast of Egypt; cf. n.6 below. 5 From its pictured determinative, the word “ princes” meant Asiatics. The maryanu were Asiatic warriors; see p. 22, n.2. 6 Normally used for the mouths of the branches of the Nile in the Delta. Hence probably the line of defense in Egypt Just possibly, the word might have been extended to harborages on the Asiatic coast. 7 The Egyptian god of war.

EGYPTI AN HI S T OR I C AL TEXTS

flame was in front of them at the river-mouths, while a stockade of lances surrounded them on the shore.8 They were dragged in, enclosed, and prostrated on the beach, killed, and made into heaps from tail to head. Their ships and their goods were as if fallen into the water. I have made the lands turn back from (even) men­ tioning Egypt; for when they pronounce my name in their land, then (25) they are burned up. Since I sat upon the throne of Har-akhti and the Great-of-Magic® was fixed upon my head like Re, I have not let foreign countries behold the frontier of Egypt, to boast thereof to the Nine Bows.101 have taken away their land, their frontiers being added to mine. Their princes and their tribespeople are mine with praise, for I am on the ways of the plans of the All-Lord, my august, divine father, the Lord of the Gods. b ” (51) . . . The northern countries quivered in their bodies, the Philistines, Tjekk[er, and . . . ]. They cut off their (own) land and were coming, their soul finished. They were teher-warriors on land;12 another (group) was on the sea. Those who came on [land were over­ thrown and killed . . . ]. Amon-Re was after them, destroying them. Those who entered the river-mouths were like birds ensnared in the net. . . . Their leaders were carried off and slain. They were cast down and pinioned.. . . c This is a scene showing Ramses III and his troops on the march against the Peoples of the Sea. It moves forward into a scene (PI. 32 of the publication), in which the pharaoh is en­ gaged in a land battle with the invaders. The logic of this arrangement is that the land battle was in Djahi.

His majesty sets out for Djahi, like unto Montu, to crush every foreign country that violates his frontier. His troops are like bulls ready upon the field of battle; his horses are like falcons in the midst of small birds.. . . d This scene shows a naval battle, in which the Egyptian ships grapple with the vessels of the Sea Peoples, while the pharaoh and his land troops fight from the shore.

Now then, the northern countries which were in their islands were quivering in their bodies. They penetrated the channels of the river-mouths. Their nostrils have ceased (to function, so) their desire is to breathe the breath. His majesty has gone forth like a whirlwind against them, fighting on the battlefield like a runner. The dread of him and the terror of him have entered 8 One body had to be met on land (in Djahi?), whereas another body had to be met on sea (in the Delta?). The scenes show the boats of the Peoples of the Sea and also a movement by land in oxcarts, with women, children, and goods. 9 The uraeus'serpent, symbol of kingship. 10 The traditional enemies of Egypt. II From “ the Inscription of the Year 5,” but here recording events in the Year 8. 12 On teher as foreign warriors, see p. 239, n.3.

263

into their bodies. They are capsized and overwhelmed where they are. Their heart is taken away, their soul is flown away. Their weapons are scattered upon the sea. His arrow pierces whom of them he may have wished, and the fugitive is become one fallen into the water.18 His majesty is like an enraged lion, attacking his assail­ ant with his arms: plundering on his right hand and powerful on his left hand, like Seth destroying the serpent “Evil of Character.”14 It is Amon-Re who has overthrown for him the lands and has crushed for him every land under his feet.

T h e Megiddo Ivories A large collection of “ Phoenician ivories” was found by ex­ cavation in a palace at Megiddo in Palestine. The carved designs were cosmopolitanly derived from various culture areas of the ancient Near East. The excavator tentatively dates the manu­ facture of the pieces between 1350 and 1150 b .c . Among the ivories are five bearing Egyptian hieroglyphs. A model pen case of an Egyptian envoy to foreign countries bears the name of Ramses III (about 1195-1164 b .c . ) , setting the terminus ad quern for the collection. The ivories were published by G. Loud, The Megiddo Ivories ( OIP, l i i , Chicago, 1939), with a translation of the hieroglyphic inscriptions by J. A. Wilson on pp. 11-13. Photographs of the Egyptian pieces appear on Pis. 62-63. Three plaques, which may have been used for inlay in furni­ ture, bear the name of

the Singer of Ptah, South-of-His-Wall, Lord of the Life of the Two Lands, and Great Prince of Ashkelon, Kerker. Kerker (or Kurkur or Kulkul) seems to have been a woman minstrel for the Egyptian god Ptah in Palestine, like the woman singer at the court of Byblos in the Wen-Amon story (pp. 28, n.39; 246, n.30, above). The first two of Ptah’s titles apply to his cult-home at Memphis in Egypt, the third—“ Great Prince of Ashkelon”—implies a cult-seat at that Palestinian city* For the relations of Egypt and Asia about 1100 B .C ., see the Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia (pp. 25-29 above).

T he Campaign o f Sheshonk I Sheshonk I (about 945-924 b .c . ) is the Shishak of the Old Testament. It is disappointing to find that the Egyptian texts do not enlarge our understanding of his campaign in Palestine in a sense which constitutes a real addition to the biblical account. To be sure, he has left us a listing of the Palestinian and Syrian towns which he claimed to have conquered, and this list may be reconstructed into a kind of itinerary.1 There is, however, no narrative account of the campaign by the pharaoh. The references in his inscriptions to “tribute of the land of Syria” or to his victories over the “ Asiatics of distant foreign countries” are vague and generalized. How unhistorical his large claims were is clear from a statement to the pharaoh by the god Amon: “ I have subjugated [for] thee the Asiatics of the armies of 13 The scene shows the capsized boats, the drowning Peoples of the Sea, and Ramses III shoodng with unerring arrows. 14 The god Seth defended the barque of the sun-god from a dragon, see pp. n - 12 . 1 See pp. 242-243 above. For the reconstruction of a possible itinerary, see A. T. Olmstcad, History of Palestine and Syria (New York, 19 3 1), 35436.* See also S. Yeivin, JEA, x l v i i i (1962), 75-80.

264

EGYPTIAN

HISTORICAL

Mitanni.” 2 Mitanni as a nation had ceased to exist at least four centuries earlier. In addition to the list of towns, we do possess two documents attesting the name of Sheshonk on Asiatic soil. At Megiddo in Palestine was found a fragment of a monumental stela bearing the name of Sheshonk I and permitting the conclusion that the pharaoh had set up a triumphal monument there.8 At Byblos in 2 J. Lammeyer, Das Siegesden\mal des Konigs Schcschonk. /. zu Karnak. (Neuss a. Rhein, 1907), 29. This text and the list noted above are treated by Breasted, AR. iv, §§709-22, where additional bibliography will be found. 8 R. S. I .amon and G. M. Shipton, Megiddo 1 (01 P, x l i i , Chicago, 1939), 60-61.

TEXTS

Phoenicia another fragment, this time the chair of a seated statue, bears his name, although this monument may well be a princely gift, rather than a symbol of conquest.8 Finally, the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore has a basalt statuette of an Egyptian, the “ Envoy of the Canaan and of Palestine, Pa-di-Eset, the son of Apy,” which may date to the Twenty-second Dynasty. This piece does not involve conquest, but rather diplomatic relations.8 4 R. Dussaud in Syria, v (1924), 145-47. 5 G. Steindorff in JEA, xxv (1939), 30-33, PI. vn. Steindorff points out that the father’s name may be Canaanite in origin.

Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts T R A N S L A T O R : A. L E O O P P E N H E I M

T exts from the Beginnings to the First Dynasty o f Babylon For this section, two documents have been selected to illustrate the content and the stylistic features of early Mesopotamian historiography, while two groups of texts have been translated to represent the historical source material, which is rather rare in this period. The texts of the first part are: ( i) an excerpt of the Sumerian King List, and (2) the “ Sargon Chronicle.” The second part contains (1) two inscriptions from statues of Sargon of Agade, (2) an excerpt from an inscription of Naram-Sin, and (3) excerpts from three inscriptions of the well-known Gudea of Lagash. H IS T O R IO G R A P H IC D O C U M E N T S I.

THE SUM ERIAN KING LIST

In his book The Sumerian King List (AS, No. 11) , Thorkild Jacobsen offers not only a critical edition of the entire text material1 and an excellent translation,2 but also critical exami­ nation of all textual, stylistic, and historical problems involved. On the basis of a systematic study of the numerous variant readings, Jacobsen has shown that all extant “manuscripts” go back to one single original written at the time of Utu-hegal, king of Uruk, the liberator of Sumer from the yoke of the Guti domination. To demonstrate that his country had always been united under one king—though these kings were ruling succes­ sively in different capitals—the learned and patriotic author compiled this interesting document from two types of literary sources: from lists containing the names of the kings, the places and the lengths of their rules (established originally for practical chronological purposes), and from epical texts, legendary stories, local anecdotic traditions, etc., dealing with the biography and the marvelous deeds of some of these primeval kings. This literary material is referred to in very succinct sentences scat­ tered throughout the monotonous enumeration of royal names, figures, and place names. To this opus has later been added a section dealing with the events before the Flood. This “preamble” has an entirely different literary background8 and does not appear in all manuscripts. The entire text material has been utilized by Thorkild Jacobsen (The Sumerian King List) to establish a “ standard version” of this document on the basis of the most extensive “manuscript” published by S. Langdon from the Weld-Blundell Collection ( = Oxford Edition of Cuneiform Texts, Vol. 11 [Oxford, 1923]), No. 1923, 444, pp. 13 ff. and Pis. i-iv. The following translation contains lines i 1—iv 5 with the “ ante-diluvian” preamble (cf. above) and the historical survey from the beginnings to the end of the First Dynasty of Ur. This section has been selected because it contains the names of the kings who ruled for an excessive length of time as well as nearly all the passages of mythological and literary interest. 1 An additional text has been published since by V. Scheil, Liste susienne des dynasties de Sumer-Accad, in Memoires, inn. franq. d'archcol. orientalc . . . du Caire, l x i i (1934), ( = Melanges Maspcro, 1), 393-400. 2 My translation differs only slightly and in minor points from that of T. Jacobsen. 8 cf., for a more detailed discussion, Jacobsen, op.cit.i pp. 63 f.

When kingship was lowered from heaven, kingship was (first) in Eridu. (In) Eridu, A-lulim* (became) king and ruled 28,800 years. Alalgar ruled 36,000 years. Two kings (thus) ruled it for 64,800 years. I drop (the topic) Eridu (because) its kingship was brought to Bad-tibira. (In) Bad-tibira, En-men-lu-Anna ruled 43,200 years; En-men-gal-Anna ruled 28,800 years; the god Dumu-zi, a shepherd, ruled 36,000 years. Three kings (thus) ruled it for 108,000 years. I drop (the topic) Bad-tibira (because) its kingship was brought to Larak. (In) Larak, En-sipa-zi-Anna ruled 28,800 years. One king (thus) ruled it for 28,800 years. I drop (the topic) Larak (because) its kingship was brought to Sippar. (In) Sippar, En-men-dur-Anna be­ came king and ruled 21,000 years. One king (thus) ruled it for 21,000 years. I drop (the topic) Sippar (because) its kingship was brought to Shuruppak. (In) Shuruppak, Ubar-Tutu be­ came king and ruled 18,600 years. One king (thus) ruled it for 18,600 years. These are five cities, eight kings ruled them for 241,000 years. (Then) the Flood swept over (the earth). After the Flood had swept over (the earth) (and) when kingship was lowered (again) from heaven, king­ ship was (first) in Kish. In Kish, Ga[ . . . ]ur became king and ruled 1,200 years—(original) destroyed! legi­ ble (only) to heavenly Nidaba (the goddess of writing) —ruled 960 years. [Pala-kinatim ruled 900 years; Nangish-lishma ruled . . . years] ;* Bah[i]na ruled . . . years; b u .a n . [ . . ] . [um] ruled [8]40 ye[ars]; Kalibum ruled 960 years; Qalumum ruled 840 years; Zuqaqip ruled 900 years; Atab ruled 600 years; [Mashda, son]6 of Atab ruled 840 years; Arwi’um, son of Mashda, ruled 720 years; Etana, a shepherd, he who ascended to heaven (and) who consolidated all countries, became king and ruled 1,560 (var.: 1,500) years; Balih, son of Etana, ruled 400 (var.: 410) years; En-me-nunna ruled 660 years; Melam-Kishi, son of En-me-nunna ruled 900 years; Bar-sal-nunna, son of En-me-nunna, ruled 1,200 years; Samug, son of Bar-sal-nunna, ruled 140 years; Tizkar, son of Samug, ruled 305 years; Ilku’ ruled 900 years; Ilta-sadum ruled 1,200 years; En-men-barage-si, he who carried away as spoil the “weapon” of Elam, became king and ruled 900 years; Aka, son of En-menbarage-si, ruled 629 years. Twenty-three kings (thus) ruled it for 24,510 years, 3 months, and 3% days. 4 For a late (Neo-Assyrian) reference to this first king of Mesopotamia, cf. my note in BASOR, 97 (1944), 26-27. 5 The passage in square brackets does not appear in the Weld-Blundell text. 6 Emendation of T. Jacobsen; cf. Jacobsen, op.cit., p. 24.

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BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

Kish was defeated in battle (lit.: was smitten with weapons), its kingship was removed to Eanna (sacred precinct of Uruk). In Eanna, Mes-kiag-gasher, the son of the (sun) god Utu, became high priest as well as king, and ruled 324 years. Mes-kiag-gasher went (daily) into the (Western) Sea and came forth (again) toward the (Sunrise) Moun­ tains; En-me-kar, son of Mes-kiag-gasher, he who built Uruk, became king and ruled 420 years; the god Lugal­ banda, a shepherd, ruled 1,200 years; the god Dumu-zi, a su.PES-fisherman7—his (native) city was Ku’a(ra),— ruled ioo years; the divine Gilgamesh, his father was a lillu,6 a high priest of Kullab, ruled 126 years; UrNungal (var.: Ur-lugal), son of Gilgamesh, ruled 30 years; Utul-kalamma, son of Ur-nun-gal (var.: Urlugal), ruled 15 years; Laba[h. . . ]ir ruled 9 years; Ennun-dara-Anna ruled 8 years; mes( ?).he, a smith, ruled 36 years; Melam-Anna ruled 6 years; Lugal-ki-tun( ?) ruled 36 years. Twelve kings (thus) ruled it for 2,310 years. Uruk was defeated in battle, its kingship was removed to Ur. In Ur, Mes-Anne-pada became king, ruled 809 years; Mes-kiag-Nanna10 became king, ruled 36 years; [Elulu ruled 25 years; Balulu ruled 36 years. Four kings (thus) ruled it for 177 years. Ur was defeated in battle]. 2 . THE “ SARGON CHRONICLE”

While in the Sumerian King List the references to legendary, pseudo-historical, and historical traditions occur only sporadically and are subordinated to the chronological framework elaborated by the author, here they have overgrown the basically annalistic structure in a type of chronicle to be represented by two tablets of the same series.1 This literary work centers its attention around the most interesting of the historical figures and reports their outstanding achievements in peace and war with special regard to the unique and the memorable. Important events in neighboring countries as well as foreign invasions are recorded from time to time. For a literary evaluation of this document, cf. H. G. Giiterbock, ZA, x l i i (N F v i i i ) , i ff.

a The tablet (British Museum 26,472), written in the NeoBabylonian Period, has been published by L. W. King in his Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings (London, 1907), 11, 113-119. Transliteration and translation: op.cit., pp. 3-14. Latest complete translation: Ebeling in AOT, 335-336.

Sargon (Sarru-^Sn), king of Agade, rose (to power) in the era of Ishtar2 and had neither rival nor opponent. He spread his terror-inspiring glamor over all the coun­ tries. He crossed the Sea in the East and he, himself, conquered the country of the West, in its full extent, 7 For this profession, cf. Jacobsen, op.cit., p. 88, n.125. 8 For this difficult word, cf. Jacobsen, o p . c i t p. 90, n .13 1; also, my re­ marks in Orientalia, NS xvi (1947), 233, n.3. 9 For this figure, cf. Jacobsen, op.cit., p. 93, n.145. From historical in­ scriptions of his own, we know that the name of the son of this king was A-anne-pada. For unknown reasons, he is not mentioned in the present list. 10 Nanna to be emendated to nunna; cf. Jacobsen, op.cit., p. 94, n.146. 1 This tablet belongs to the same literary work as the text translated p. 303. cf. B. Landsberger-Th. Bauer, ZA, xxxvn, (NF in), 61 ff. 2 For the latest discussion of the enigmatic expression “ era of Ishtar,” cf. J. Lewy, HUCA, xix (1946), 420, 480.

in the nth year (of his rule). He established there a central government (lit.: he made its mouth be one). He erected his stelae in the West. Their booty (i.e. the booty of the countries in the Eastern and Western Seas) he ferried over on rafts. He made his court officials live (around his residence, thus covering an area) of five double-miles, and held sway over the totality of the countries, without exception. He marched against the country of Kazalla8 and turned Kazalla into ruin-hills and heaps (of rubble).8” He (even) destroyed (there every possible) perching place for a bird. Afterwards, in his old age, all the countries revolted against him and they besieged him in Agade. (But) Sargon made an armed sortie and defeated them, knocked them over, and crushed their vast army. Later on, Subartu4 rose with its multitudes, but it bowed to his military might. Sargon made sedentary this nomadic society.5 Their possessions he brought into Agade. He took away earth from the (foundation)pits6of Babylon and he built upon it a(nother) Babylon beside the town of Agade. On account of the sacrilege he (thus) committed, the great lord Marduk became en­ raged and destroyed his people by hunger. From the East to the West he alienated7 (them) from him and inflicted upon [him] (as punishment) that he could not rest (in his grave).8 Naram-Sin, son of Sargon, marched against the town of Apishal9 and made a breach (in its wall to conquer it). He personally caught Rish-Adad, king of Apishal, and the su ^ a l of Apishal. He (also) marched against the country Magan and personally caught Mannudannu, king of Magan.10 Shulgi,11 son of Ur-Nammu, took very good care of the town of Eridu which is on the seashore (but) he had evil intentions and he removed the property of the 8 The British Museum text K 2130, a collection of hepatoscopic omina referring to historical events and personalities (first published in Rawiinson, Vol. iv, PI. 34, No. 1), gives the name of the king of Kazalla, to wit: Kashtubila. 88 For this translation of the well-known nouns tillu u \armu cf. E. F. Weidner in Melanges syriens, i i , 924, n.5. 4 My translation differs from the usual by emending the vertical wedge before matSu-bir£{. The use of the verbs tebu and k.amdsu fits much better into the thus corrected phrase, and so does the word gipsu, which normally describes an unorganized army and therefore seems more likely to refer to the army of Subartu than to that of Sargon. The lines 15-16 (abtfya-Iu-nu im-has \a-mar-lu-nu il-kjtn um-man-lu-nu rapaJtimtim u-lam-qi-it) have been omitted as an erroneous repetition of lines 12-13. 8 Conjectural translation, text in disorder. 8 This passage (and its parallel in the so-called “ Weidner-Chromcle,” cf. H. G. Giiterbock, ZA, x l i i [NF v i i i ] , 47 ff., rev. 17) has been lately elucidated by Giiterbock, in AfO, xm (1940-41), 50, who connected it with is(s)A “ pit.” The passage seems therefore to suggest that the contents (clean earth and sand) of the well-known deep pits under the emplacements of the images were considered endowed with the very essence of the “ holiness” which pervaded the image, its temple, and its sacred city. 7 The subject of all three verbs is necessarily Marduk. 8 For this punishment, cf. lately E. F. Weidner, AfO, xm (1940-41), 236, n.26. 9For this town, cf. I . J. Gelb, AJSL , l v (1938), 70 f. 10 For a recent statement concerning the often discussed problem of the identification of Mannu-dannu (var.: Manium) with Mencs, the first king of the list of Manetho, cf. E. Drioton and J. Vandier, L'Egypt (Paris, 1946), pp. 162 ff.; and of Magan with Egypt, cf. A. Ungnad, AfO, xiv (194144>» 199 *• 11 For the still uncertain reading of this name of the second king of the Third Dynasty of Ur, formerly often read Dungi, cf. T. Jacobsen, in BASOR, 102 (1947), 16 ff., where the transliteration Sa# - g i is proposed.

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

temple Esagila and of Babylon sacrilegiously. Bel be[came angry] and his corpse (i.e. of Shulgi) he (illegible) him. Irra-imitti,12 the king, installed Bel-ibni, the gardener, on his throne as a “substitute king”12 and he (Irraimitti) (even) placed his own royal crown on his (i.e. Bel-ibni’s) head. (During the ceremonial rule of Belibni) Irra-imitti died in his palace while sip[ping]14 hot porridge, and Bel-ibni who was (still) sitting on the throne did not rise (any more), he (thus) was elevated to (real) kingship. Catchline:18 Ilishuma was king of Assyria in the time of Su(mu)abu (king of Babylon).18 b Continuation of the preceding text on tablet British Mu­ seum 96,152, published by King, opxit., pp. 121-127; translitera­ tion and translation: opxit., pp. 17 ff. and Ebeling, AOT, 337.

(obverse 8—reverse 17) Hammurabi, king of Babylon, called up his army and marched against Rim-Sin, king of Ur. He personally conquered Ur and Larsa, he took their possessions to Babylon. The . . . of . . . he threw down, the [booty o f . . . ] he carried away. [Samsuilu]na, king of Babylon, son of Ha[mmura]bi, the king, [did . . . , his army he cal]led up and. . . RimSin . . . he marched. He personally conquered [Ur and Larsa]; [he caught] him alive in the palace. . . . He marched [against. . . ] and laid siege. . . its inhabitants. (end of obverse and beginning of reverse destroyed) [Ili]ma-ilum . . . water, he built. . . and made an attack against him . . . , their corpses [filled] the sea. For a second time, Samsuiluna rose to [attack] Ilima-ilum and [he inflicted] a defeat [upon his army]. Abishi ( = Abieshuh), son of Samsuiluna, did . . . to defeat Ilima-ilum and he had the idea of damming up the Tigris;17 he actually dammed up the Tigris, but he did not [catch] Ilima-ilum. In the time of Samsuditana, the country of Hatti [marched] against Akkad.18 Ea-gamil, king of the Sea-Country, [marched] against Elam. After him, Ulamburiash, brother of Kashtiliash, of the country of the Kassites, called up his army and con12 The ninth king of the Dynasty of Isin. 18 cf. for this incident and its background R. Labat, Le caractbe religieux de h royaute assyro-babylonienne (Paris, 19 39 ), pp. 103 f., and H. Frank­ fort, Kingship and the Gods (Chicago 1947)* pp. 263 f. 14 According to the very suggestive explanation of A. Ungnad in Orient* alia, NS x i i (1943), 194 ff., this rite was performed on account of an eclipse of the moon which portended evil for the king. For sardpu “ to sip,” cf. H. G. Giiterbock, ZA, x lii (NF vm ), 60, n.a. 15 This “ catchline” (colophon) indicates the first line of the next—here the third— tablet of the series. 16 The founder of the First Dynasty of Babylon (“ Hammurabi Dynasty” ). 17 For the strategic use made in war of the changing levels of the Mesopotamian rivers, cf. also the damaged evidence contained in the report on the first campaign of Samsuiluna against Ilimailum of the Sea-Country, cf., further, n.12, p. 270. cf. also CT, 36, 4:5 f. (Ashduni-Erim, of Kish). 18 These words are written, in smaller characters, over the line which separates the paragraphs.

267

quered the Sea-Country. He held (thus) sway over the (entire) country. Agum, son of Kashtiliash, called up his army and marched against the Sea-Country. He conquered the town Dur-Ea. He demolished the temple e . e g a r a . u r u . n a19 of Ea in Dur-Ea. H IS T O R IC A L D O C U M E N T S I.

SARGON OF AGADE

The tablet is large, with 14 columns on either side, containing copies of inscriptions on votive objects and statues set up in the temple Ekur in Nippur. According to its paleographic features, the tablet was written soon after the rule of the Dynasty of Agade. The inscriptions are those of Lugalzaggisi, king of Uruk, and of Sargon, Rimush, Manishtusu, kings of Agade. Two frag­ ments of this tablet have been successively published by A. Poebel in Historical and Grammatical Texts (Philadelphia, 1914, UM, v), PI. xx, No. 34, and by L. Legrain, The Museum Journal (University of Pennsylvania), xiv (1923), 203 ff., Figs. 42-44. Transliterations and translations: Poebel (UM, iv), 173 ff., Legrain (UM, xiv), 12 ff.; G. A. Barton, The Royal Inscriptions of Sumer and Atyad (New Haven, 1929), pp. 101 ff. (Inscrip­ tion AB.) Latest translation of v-vi 5-52, Ebeling, AOT, 338.

(i-ii 1—iii-iv 44) Sargon, king of Agade, overseer of Ishtar, king of Kish,1 anointed priest of Anu, king of the country, great e n s i 2 of Enlil; he defeated Uruk and tore down its wall; in the battle with the inhabitants of Uruk he was victorious. Lugalzaggisi, king of Uruk, he captured in (this) battle, he brought him in a (dog) collar to the gate of Enlil. Sargon, king of Agade, was victorious in the battle with the inhabitants of Ur, the(ir) town he defeated and tore down its wall. He defeated (the town) E-Ninmar and tore down its wall and defeated (also) its (entire) territory from Lagash as far as the sea. His weapon (then) he washed in the sea. In the battle with the inhabitants of Umma he was victorious, the(ir) town he defeated and tore down its wall. Enlil did not let anybody oppose Sargon, the king of the country. Enlil gave him (the region from) the Upper Sea (to) the Lower Sea. From the Lower Sea onwards, natives of Agade are holding the governor­ ships. Mari and Elam are standing (in obedience) before Sargon, king of the country. Sargon, king of the country, restored Kish, he ordered them to take (again) posses­ sion of the(ir) city. May Shamash destroy the potency8 and make perish every offspring of whosoever damages this inscription. Inscription on the pedestal of (a statue of) Sargon, king of the country. 10 Not in Deimel, $L. For the sign a g a r a , cf. R. T. Hallock, The Chicago Syllabary and the Louvre Syllabary AO 7661 {AS, No. 7 [1940]), line 244* = bit ku-mu-ri-e “ store house.” The name e . a g a r a . u r h . n a could therefore mean “ temple . . . with an urunah\u" (cf. Deimel, SL, 331/20, for this building [?]). 1 For this title and its political implications, cf. T. Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List, pp. 181 f.; also, J. Lewy in HUCA, xix (1946), 476. Further­ more, p. 274-275, n.2. 2 Formerly read patesi\ the new reading has been proposed by A. Falkenstein in ZA, x l i i (NF vm), 152 ff., and has been generally accepted (cf. F. M. Th. Bochl, MAOG, xi [1937], p. 37, n.i, but contrast A. Deimel in $L, Sumerisch-akXadisehcs Glossar [Rome, 1934], p. 94a). 8 This is the exact meaning of the idiom ildd nasdhu.

268

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

(v-vi 5-52) . . . Sargon, king of Kish, was victorious in 34 cam­ paigns and dismantled (all) the cities, as far as the shore of the sea. At the wharf of Agade he made moor ships from Meluhha,* ships from Magan,* (and) ships from Tilmun.6 Sargon, the king, prostrated (himself) in prayer before the god Dagan in Tutul8 (and) he gave (him) the Upper Region (i.e.) Mari, Iarmuti (and) Ibla as far as the Cedar Forest and the Silver Mountain. Enlil did not let anybody oppose Sargon, the king. 5,400 soldiers ate daily in his palace (lit.: presence). May Anu destroy the name and Enlil finish off the offspring, Inanna do . . . to whosoever destroys this in­ scription. Inscription on a statue the pedestal of which is not inscribed. 2 . NARAM-SIN IN THE CEDAR MOUNTAIN1

The text, published, transliterated, and translated by C. J. Gadd and L. Legrain in UET, as No. 275 (Vol. 1, pp. 74 ff.; Vol. 11, PI. l v i ) is taken from a collection of late copies (approximately, Dynasty of Isin or First Babylonian Dynasty) made on a clay tablet from inscriptions of the kings of the dynasty of Agade The copies are negligendy made and offer therefore many difficulties.

(i I—ii 28) Although since the era of the of man(kind) none of the kings has ever destroyed3 (the towns) Arman and Ibla, now* the god Nergal did open up the path for the mighty5 Naram-Sin, and gave him Arman and Ibla, and he presented him (also) with the Amanus, the Cedar Mountain and (with) the Upper Sea. And mighty Naram-Sin slew Arman and Ibla with the “weapon” of the god Dagan who aggrandizes his king­ dom. And he.. .* all the peoples with which Dagan had presented him for the first time,7 from the Euphrates frontier as far as Ulisum and . . .8 the corvee-basket for his god Amal. And he overpowered* the Amanus, the Cedar Mountain. 4 At this period, Magan and Meluhha are probably denominations of still unidentified countries on the eastern shores of Arabia. With the expanding geographical horizon, these names shift constantly towards the southeastern peripheral regions of the known orbis terrarum. cf. e.g., W. F. Albright, J AOS, x l i i (1922), 3 17 ff. 6 For this country, its geographical location, and its meaning within a certain type of Mesopotamian literature, cf. S. N. Kramer, BASOR, 96 (1944), 18-26; and A. L. Oppenheim, JAOS, l x x i v (1954), 6-17. ®cf, for this town I. J. Gelb in AfSL, l v (1938), 74. *In the context, the expression “ Cedar Mountain’* clearly refers to the Amanus, but there are indications that this basically “ mytho-geographic” term denotes also a region east of Mesopotamia, cf. S. N. Kramer BASOR, g6 (1944), 20 ff. 2 Though one expects here a reference to the creation of man or the like, the term Hkittu is difficult to interpret in this sense. 8 Text: u-sa-al-bt-tu. 4 For in Iu(?)-e in this very dubious meaning, reference has to be made to Landsberger’s guess in OLZ, xxxiv (19 3 1), 13 1. 5 Translation uncertain; “ mighty” is nominative. 6 Text: u-raAs which is usually interpreted (cf. von Soden, ZA, x li [NF vii], 170) as “ he crushed,” but the context and the reference to the corvee-basket suggest a verb (expected: wara’u) referring to a transfer of the conquered population for forced labor. 7 For this translation, cf. Jacobsen in AJSL, x lv i (1929), 70. 8 The text seems to have na-n-ni/um (to nald'u “ to carry” ?) not na~ab~ num. 9 Text: i-ikjg-mu-ur.

3.

GUDEA, E N S I OF LAGASH

a From the “Cylinder A ” published by E, de Sarzec and L. Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee (Paris, 1884 ff.), Pis. 33-35. Latest translation: G. A. Barton, The Royal Inscriptions of Sumer and A \\ad (New Haven, 1929), pp. 205 ff.

(xv 1—xvi 24) . . . from Elam came the Elamite(s), from Susa the Susian(s). Magan and Meluhha collected timber from their mountains, and—in order to build the temple of Ningirsu—Gudea brought (these materials) together in his town Girsu. After the god Ninzagga had given him a (pertinent) order, they brought copper for Gudea, the templebuilder as if it be n i . s e . m a h ; after the god Ninsikila had given him a (pertinent) order, they brought great willow-logs, ebony-logs, together with a b b a -logs to the e n s i , the temple-builder. Gudea, the en -priest of Ningirsu, made a path in(to) the Cedar Mountain which nobody had entered (before); he cut its cedars with great axes. With axes he fashioned (them) for the s a r . u r , the “Right Arm of Lagash,” the “FloodstormWeapon” of his king. (Like) giant snakes, cedar rafts were floating down the water (of the river) from the Cedar Mountain, pine rafts from the Pine Mountain, z a b a l u m -wood rafts from the z a b a l u m -wood Mountain, and with them were floating down (stream) large rafts with great logs of u -wood, t u l u b u m -wood and of e r a l u m -wood, in the main quay of Kasurra___ [In the quarries which nobody had entered (before), Gudea], the e n -priest of Ningirsu, ma[de] a path and (thus) the stones were delivered in large blocks. Boats (loaded) with h a 1 u n a -stone, boats (loaded) with n a 1 u -stone, they brought to Gudea, e n -priest of Nin­ girsu, also bitumen (filled) in buckets, i g i . e n g u r -bi­ tumen1 and gypsum from the mountains of Madga as (if they be) boats bringing in barley from the fields. Many other precious materials were carried to the e n s i , the builder of the Ninnu-temple: from the copper moun­ tains of Kimash—(after) the soil had been prospected (for copper ore)—its copper was mined in clusters;2 gold was delivered from its mine (lit.: mountain) as dust for the e n s i who wanted to build a house for his king, for Gudea they mined silver from its mine (lit.: mountain), delivered red stone from Meluhha in great amounts. In the s i r -quarry, they mined s i r -stone (alabaster) for him. b From the “ Statue B” published by E. de Sarzec and L. Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee (Paris, 1884 ff.), Pis. 16 ff., and p. vii. Latest translation: G. A. Barton, op.cit., pp. 181 ff.

(v 21—40, v 53—vi 63) When he (Gudea) was building the temple of Nin1 Probably, “ bitumen from a well.” 2 Text: u I u b . b a which could refer to copper ore found in globular druses, rather than describe the way in which the ore was transported from the mine. For u 5 ub “ nest, basketlike boat,” cf. Deimel, SL, 85/242.

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI S TORI CAL TEXTS

girsu, Ningirsu, his beloved king, opened up for him (all) the (trade) routes from the Upper to the Lower Sea. In (lit.: from) the Amanus, the Cedar Mountain, he formed into rafts cedar logs 60 cubits long, cedar logs 50 cubits long (and) xu-wood logs 25 cubits long, and brought them (thus) out of the mountain. He fashioned (from this wood) for him (i.e. Ningirsu) the s a r .u r , his Floodstorm-Weapon for the battle, and he made for him the SAR.GAZ-mace with seven copper knobs (lit.: eyes). In the town Ursu1 in the mountains of Ibla,1 he formed into rafts the timber of the moun­ tain region: z a b a l u m -logs, great u.KU-wood logs and t u 1 u b u m -logs. He made them into roof beams for (lit.: in) the Ninnu-temple. In (lit.: from) Umanum, in the mountains of Menua, he quarried great blocks of stone (and also) in Basalla, in the mountains of Martu (i.e. the Westland). He made stelae of them and set them up in the courtyard of the Ninnu-temple. From Tidanum2 in the mountains of Martu (West­ land) he brought alabaster in great blocks and fashioned it into u r . p a d . d a -slabs and erected them in the temple as barriers. In k a .g a l . a d , a mountain (region) in Kimash, he mined copper and fashioned it into the Mace-of-the-Relentless-Storm. He imported (lit.: brought out) e s i -wood from the mountains of Meluhha and built ( . . . ) . He imported n i r -stone and made it into a mace with three lion-heads; from the Hahhum8-mountains, he imported gold in dust-form and mounted with it the mace with the three lion-heads. From the mountains of Meluhha he imported gold in dust-form and made (out of it) a container (for the mace). He (also) imported a b r i , he imported willow logs from Gubin in the Willow Mountains and fash­ ioned (them) into the bird(-shaped part) of the s a r .u r mace. From Madga in the mountains of the Luruda river, he imported bitumen4 and built (with it) the supporting wall ( k i s a ) of the Ninnu temple. He im­ ported (also) h a . u m -earth. From the mountains of Barsip he loaded n a l u a -stones on large boats and surrounded (with them) the foundation of the Ninnu temple. c “ Macehead A,” published by E. de Sarzec and L. Heuzey, opxit., PI. 25 bis, No. 1. Latest translation: G. A. Barton, op.cit., p. 261.

For his king Ningirsu, the powerful hero of Enlil, Gudea, the e n s i of Lagash, had quarried and imported (this) I i r . g a 1 -stone (marble) from the Uringirazmountains of the Upper Sea (Mediterranean Sea) and fashioned (it) into a macehead with three lion-heads, and dedicated it to him for (the preservation of) his life. l cf. for these place names, I. J. Gelb, AJSL, l v (1938), 77 and 84. 2 For the location of this country, cf. A. Poebel, JNES, 1 (1942), 257 f. 8 cf. Gelb, AJSL, l v , 75 f. 4Text: c s i r . g + k a s k a l . For the last sign (not in Deimel, $L), cf. F. Thureau-Dangin, Recherches sur Vongine de Vecriture cuneiforme (Paris, 1898), No. 214.

269

T exts from Hammurabi to the Downfall of the Assyrian Empire The six texts of the first part (Historiographic Documents) illustrate the development of official historiography in Meso­ potamia; at the same time, they give the chronological frame­ work (in terms of the sequence of dynasties) and most of the royal names from the First Babylonian Dynasty to the end of the Assyrian domination in Babylonia. The first text (r) contains the full wording of the names of the forty-three years during which Hammurabi was king of Babylon. The present list is based upon the compilation of A. Ungnad in his article, Datenlisten, in the Reallexikpn der Assyriologie, n, 187 ff., in which he collected the names and arranged them in the sequence indicated by the official lists of abbreviated year-names. Such a list, compiled for obvious practi­ cal purposes, is given in the next text (2) which covers the thirty-eight years of the rule of Samsuiluna, son of Hammurabi. The so-called Babylonian King List B, translated here under (3), shows a further step of this development. It contains the names of all the kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon with the lengths of their reigns and—as a rule—their relation to their predecessors. The last line sums up the number of kings and indicates the name of the dynasty. The reverse of the same tablet lists the kings of another dynasty in exactly the same way. The unfortunately damaged tablet known as Babylonian King List A (4) lists first the kings of the Hammurabi Dynasty and continues the sequence of dynasties to the domination of Babylon by Assyrian kings, Kandalanu, the Babylonian successor of Shamashshumukin, being the last name before a break. From this “raw material” the historiographers of later periods compiled such lists as are exemplified in the famous Assyrian King List of Khorsabad, for which I refer—provisionally—to the articles of A. Poebel in the JNES, 1, 247 ff., 460 ff.; and 11, 56 ff. (cf., also, E. F. Weidner, AfO, xiv j 1944], 362 ff.) The Synchronistic Chronicle (5) deals with the period covered by the preceding text; its author, however, is not interested in dynasties and lengths of rule, but in relating chronologically, or synchronizing, the kings of Assyria (left column) with those of Babylonia (right column). The basic principle of arrangement is to mention within the same paragraph the names of the kings of one country who ascended the throne during the reign of the king of the other country. As an interesting innovation, the name of the vizier is mentioned in certain cases beside that of the ruling king. The Excerpts from the Lists of Assyrian Eponyms (6) illus­ trate these Assyrian historiographic documents as a source of historic information. H IS T O R IO G R A P H IC D O C U M E N T S I.

LIST OF DATE FORMULAE

OF THE REIGN OF HAMMURABI

This list has been compiled by A. Ungnad, in Reallexikpn der Assyriologie, 11, 178-182. For the official lists containing the abbre­ viated names of the years of the kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon, cf. the text material collected by Ungnad, opxit., pp. 164 ff.

1. Hammurabi (became) king. 2. He established justice1 in the country. 1 This refers to a royal act aiming at the restoration of the social equity whenever economic or other changes created a discrepancy between the social status established and protected by law (termed kittu “ correct/normal [status]” ) and the needs, or claims, of certain groups of the population. Under such circumstances, it is the official duty of the king to “make (Akk.: saf{dnu, Sum.: g a r ) misaru (Sum.: n f g . s i . s £ ) “ i.e., to readjust the law to the necessities of an ever changing world. In prac­ tice, however, milaram Jakjinum refers probably always to a remission of (certain) debts or to a moratory, cf. also B. Landsberger, Die baby-

270

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

3. He constructed a throne for the main dais of the god Nanna (var. adds: in the temple € . k i S. I i r5. g a 1 ) in Babylon. 4. The wall of (the sacred precinct) Gagia was built. 5. He constructed theen k a . a g . b a r . r a 2. 6. He constructed the Sirs of the goddess Laz. 7. Uruk and Isin were conquered. 8. The country Emutbal (var.: the land on the embankment of the Shumundar-canal8). 9. The canal (called) Hammurabi-hegal (was dug). 10. Army (var.: City) (and) inhabitants of Malgia were crushed. 11. He conquered Rapiqum and Shalibi (var.: Rapiqum and Ibiq-Adad). 12. He constructed a throne for the goddess Sar­ panit. 13. A copper stand for a royal statue (and) the pertinent d u8. m a Ij .* 14. He constructed a throne for the goddess Inanna of Babylon. 15. The seven statues. 16. He constructed the throne of the god Nabium (Nebo). 17. He made the image of the goddess Inanna of Kibalbarru “as high as the sky.” 18. He constructed the main dais for Enlil in Baby­ lon. 19. The big wall of Igi-hursag. 20. The year following: “The wall of Igi-hursag.” Also: The throne of Meri (i.e., Adad). 21. The wall of the town Bazu8was built. 22. The statue of Hammurabi (as) king (granting) justice. 23. The APiN6 of the wall of Sippar. 24. He redug the tilida'-caml for (the benefit of the temple of) Enlil, and (also the bed of) the Eu­ phrates. 25. The great wall of Sippar8was built (var.: for the gods Shamash and Shenirda). 26. The great daises of gold. 27. He constructed the main emblem of reddish gold which is carried in front of the army, for the great gods, his helpers. 28. The temple £. n a m . h e (“House of Abun­ dance” ) of Adad in Babylon was built. lonischen Termini fuer Gesetz und Recht (Studia et Documenta ad Iura Orientis antiqui pertinentia, 11, pp. 219 0 .) and B. A. Prossdij, Sar mil&rim, titre des rois babyloniens comme legislateurs (tbtd. vol. m, p. 29 0.). 2 For this obscure term, cf. Deimel, $L, 15/35, and 556/310 and 3 11. 8 For the country Sumandar, cf. B. Landsberger, OLZ, xix (19 16), 33 f. 4cf. A. Schott, ZA , x l (NF vi), 20 0 . for this term. 5 This town was, later on, the seat of a dynasty, cf. p. 272. 6 For this term which corresponds to A*kk. ullu and refers to the ledge of a wall, cf. my Mesopotamian Mythology III, Orientalia, NS xix, 138,

n*3*

7 Meaning: “ Flowing Vase Canal” (reading after B. Landsberger, AfO, xu [1938], 140). For the pertinent implications and the iconographic material, cf. £ . (Douglas) van Buren, The Flowing Vase and the God with Streams (Berlin, 1933). 8 For die wall of Sippar, cf. H. G. Giiterbock, ZA, x l i i (NF vm), 85. Also, below, n.13.

29. He constructed the image of the goddess Shala. 30. The year following, “He constructed the image of Shala.” Also: The leader, beloved of Marduk, after having defeated the army which Elam—(counting9) from the frontier of Marhashi, also Subartu, Gutium, Esh­ nunna, and Malgi—had raised in masses, through the mighty power of the great gods, re-established/con­ solidated the foundations of (the empire of) Sumer and Akkad. 31. (Encouraged) by an oracle (given) by Anu and Enlil who are advancing in front of his army, (and) through the mighty power which the great gods had given to him, he was a match10 for the country (var.: army) of Emutbal and its king Rim-Sin, and . . . and (thus) forced Sumer and Akkad to (obey) his orders. 32. The hero who proclaims the triumphs of Mar­ duk, overthrew in battle with his powerful weapon the army of Eshnunna, Subartu (and) Gutium and was a match (also) for the country Mankizum and the country along the bank of the Tigris as far as (the frontier of) the country Subartu. 33. He redug the canal (called) “Hammurabi(spells)-abundance-for-the-people, the Beloved-ofAnu-and-Enlil,” (thus) he provided Nippur, Eridu, Ur, Larsa, Uruk (and) Isin with a permanent and plentiful water supply, and reorganized Sumer and Akkad from (its) confusion (lit.: scattering). Mari and Malgi he overthrew in battle and made Mari, and . . . and also several other cities of Subartu, by a friendly agreement, (listen) to his orders. 34. He built the temple e . t u r . k a l a m . m a (“Fold of the Country” ) for Anu, Inanna and Nana. 35. Upon the command of Anu and Enlil he de­ stroyed the wall(s) of Mari and Malgia. 36. He restored the temple e . m e . t e . u r . s a g (“The Pride of the Hero” ) and built the temple tower, the mighty abode of Zababa11 (and) Inanna, whose top is sky-high and (thus) he greatly increased the glamor of Zababa as well as of Inanna in a pious man­ ner. 37. Through the great power of Marduk he over­ threw the army of (var.: Sutium), Turukku, Kakmu and of the country Subartu. 38. Upon the command of Anu and Enlil—and with the splendid wisdom with which Marduk has endowed him—he . . . Eshnunna which a flood had destroyed12. . . 39. With the mighty power which Anu (and) Enlil have given him, he defeated all his enemies as far as the country of Subartu. 9 The translation of this year name follows T. Jacobsen, Philological Notes on Eshnunna and Its Inscriptions (AS, No. 9 [19 34]), p. 7. 10 The text uses the verb s i . . . s i which, in legal texts, means “ to correspond in value." 1 1 The reading Ilbaba (cf. R. Labat, in Revue des Studes semitiques 1942-45/1, pp. 1-8) has to be abandoned (cf. E. F. Weidner, AfK, 11, 1925, p. 13 n. 1, 7, AfO, xm, 1939-40, p. 318). 12 The reference to the wisdom which inspired this warlike exploit seems Co suggest an attack made by Hammurabi upon the stricken city. This would o0 er an interesting parallel to the incident reported by the Pharaoh Pi-ankhi at the conquest of Memphis.

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSYRIAN

40. He made the temple e . m e s . l a m (“Temple of the spreading m e s -tree” ) as high as a mountain. 41. The goddess Tashmetum (who listens) to his supplication. 42. After the year “Tashmetum.” Also: He made the great wall at the embankment of the Tigris high as a mountain, called its name “Pier of Shamash,” and built also the wall of Rapiqu at the embankment of the Euphrates. 43. (As to) Sippar, the primeval city of the sun-god Utu, he provided (it) with a wall made of piled-up earth.13 2.

LIST OF YEAR NAM ES:

SAMSUILUNA, KING OF BABYLON

British Museum Bu 91-5-9,284, published in CT, vi, Pis. 9 f. (rev. iii 45—iv 35) and by L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, etc. (London, 1898 f.), 11, Nos. 101, 217 ff. Latest translation: A. Ungnad, Reallexi\on der Assyriologie, 11, Nos. 146-183, p. 165 f.

Year: Samsuiluna (became) king. Year: He established freedom (from taxation)1 for Sumer and Akkad. Year: Canal Samsuiluna-naqab-nuhU (“Samsuiluna is a source of prosperity [for the people]” ). Year:2Canal Samsuiluna-he g a l (“Samsuiluna is abundance” ). Year: b i z e m8-throne. Year: Statues of adorants. Year: Emblem weapon. Year: Copper stand for royal statue. Year: Kassite army. Year: Army of Idamaras. (10) Year: Wall of Uruk. Year: All the enemies. Year: Kisurra as well as Sabu. Year: The evil usurper-king. Year: The wall of Isin was demolished. Year: The sky-reaching wall. Year: The several great walls. Year: e . b a b b a r (the temple of the sun-god) Utu in Sippar. Year: The two golden thrones for the dais. Year: The rebellious (lit.: not obedient) foreign countries. (20) Year: The throne for the great dais. Year: The temple tower, the mighty abode. Year: (Through) the terrible power. Year: The wall of Kish. 18 cf. W. F. Albright in IL4SOR, 88 (1942), 33, for this date formula; also, A. Poebel in AfO, ix (1933-4), 283 f. 1 cf. for this institution, E. F. Weidner, ZA, x l i i i (NF i x ) , 1 2 2 . 2 Break in the tablet; restored after BrM No. 16,324 published by King, opxtt., No, 102, p. 231. 8 The sign which appears here is explained in the syllabary Poebel, UM, v, 108:7 as pi‘s[a]-an-nu, Sumerian reading: [ b i ] . z e . e m . It recurs in the list of names of gods CT, xxv, 27c (K 2 117 ), line 8, with the gloss b i . z i . e m while the parallel passage (CT, xxiv, 48, K 4349B, line 17) has clearly p is a iu . These quotations have been indicated to me by Dr. F. W. Geers. The bizem -thron e could etymologicaliy be explained as a “covered throne,” because b i z e m (which through the process of Ruc\entlehnung became pisanntt “ box” in Akkadian) seems to be a loan from a Semitic word (psnlm “ to cover” ).

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

271

Year: (His) statue brandishing the weapon. Year: (In) the mountains of Amurru. Year: A shining votive object. Year: Upon the command of Enlil. Year following (the year): Upon the command of Enlil. Year following (the year): Following (the year): Upon the command of Enlil. (30) Year: His statue of n i m -wood he [fashioned]. Year: He redug the canal Durul and Taban.* Year: The town Kagaratum. Year: The palace of rulership. Year: (The countries) Amal (and) Arkum. Year: The army of (the country of) Amurru. Year: In the land Akkad. Year: Ubanuil (name of the mace of Ninurta). 38 year-(names) of king Samsuiluna. (Written) Aiaru 2nd (of) the year: Ammi-zaduga (son of Samsuiluna, became) king. 3.

THE BABYLONIAN KIN G LIST B

British Museum 80,11-12-3 (now No. 38122), published by H. Winckler, Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Geschichte (1889), p. 145, and P. Rost, MVAG, 11/2 (1897), 240. Latest translation: E. Ebeling in AOT, 332.

(obverse) Sumuabi,1 king, 152 years. Sumulail,1 35 years. Sabu, his son, same (i.e. king) 14 years. Apil-Sin, his son, same, 18 years. Sinmuballit, his son, same, 30 years. Hammurabi,1 his son, same, 55 years. Samsuiluna,1 his son, same, 35 years. Ebishum,1 his son, same, 25 years. Ammiditana,1 same, 25 years. Ammisaduga,1 same, 22(!) years. Samsuditana(l),1 same, 31 years. Eleven kings, dynasty of Babylon. (reverse) Uruku(g): Ilimailum, king. Ittiilinibi. Damqiilishu. Ishkibal. Shushshi. Gulkishar. Peshgaldaramash, his son, same (i.e. king). Adarakalama, his son, same. Akurulanna. Melamkurkurra. Eagamfil], Ten (sic) kings, dynasty of Uruku(g). 4 For the names of these canals, cf. the inscription of Samsuiluna pub­ lished by A. Poebel, AfO, ix (1933-4). 241 ff., col. ii 27. 1 For these names (meaning and language), cf. Th. Bauer, Die Ost\anaander (Leipzig, 1926), pp. 10, 13, 19, and 38. 2 For the figures of this list, cf. A. Poebel, The Use of Mathematical Mean Values in Babylonian King List B (Study v, Miscellaneous Studies = AS, No. 14 [ I 947D-

272

BABYLONIAN

4.

AND

ASSYRIAN

THE BABYLONIAN KIN G LIST A

BrM No. 33332; published by T. G. Pinches, PSBA, vi (1884), pp. 193 f. (CT, xxxvi, Pis. 24-25); H. Winckler, Unte'suchungen zur dtorientdischen Geschichte (Leipzig, 1889), pp. 146147; P. Rost, Untersuchungen zur dtorientdischen Geschichte (M VAG, 11/2, 1897), 241-242. Latest translation: Ebeling in AOT, 332-333.

(i) ( 11 lines missing) [■. . . ] (years), 11 kings, dyn[asty of Babylon] 60 (years) Ilima1 56 Ittili 36 Damqiili 15 Ishki 26 Shushshi, brother 55 Gulki...3 50 Peshgal 28 Aiadara 26 Ekurul 7 Melamma 9 Eaga 368 (sic) (years), 11 kings, dynasty of Uruku(g) 16 Gandash 12 Agum the First, his son 22 Kashtiliashi 8 Ushshi, his son . ] Abirattash . ] Tazzigurumash (ii) (more than 13 lines missing) x + 22 (years) [ . . . ] 26 [ . . . ] 18 [ . . . ] [ • • . ] Kadash [ . . . ] 6 Kudur-[Enlil], his [so]n 13 Shagarakfti], his [so]n 8 Kashtil, his son 1 year 6 months Ellilnadinshumi 1 year 6 months Kadashman-Harbe 6 Adadnadinshumi 30 Adadshumnasir 15 Melishipak 13 Mardukaplaiddin, his son 1 year Zababafshumiddin] 3 Ellilnadinfahhe] 576 (years) 9 months, 36 kingfs, dynasty of . . . ]. 17 (years) Marduk[shapikzeri]

6

...

(destroyed) (iii) (destroyed)

22 (years) [ . . . ] 1 year 6 months Marduka [hheriba ] 1 The names of the kings of this dynasty appear here in abbreviated forms; cf. King List B for the full names. 2 Follows one horizontal wedge (as between lines 5 and 6) of obscure meaning.

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

12 Mardukzer [ . . . ] 8 Nabushum [libur] 132 (years) 6 months, i i kings, dynasty of Isin.______ 18 (years) Simmashshi 5 months Eamukin 3 (years) Kashshunadinahhe 21 (years) 5 months, 3 kings, dynasty of the Sea Coun­ try-________________________________________ 17 (years) Eulmashshakinshumi 3 Ninurtakudurra 3 months Shi[riqti]-Shuqamu 20 (years) 3 months, 3 kings, dynasty of Bas[u]. 6(?) (years) ![■ ■ ■ ]__________________________ 38(F) (years) [ . . . ] 8 months 12 [days. . . ] (destroyed) (iv) (destroyed) [ . . . ] Nabushumishkun [his] s[on] [ . . . ] Nabunfasir] 2 (years) Nabunadinzeri, his son, 1 month 12 days Nabushumukin, his son, 22 (years or kings ?), dynasty of E. 3 (years) Ukinzer, dynasty of Shashi 2 Pulu3 5 Ululaia,4 dynasty of Bal-til3 12 Mardukaplaiddin, dynasty of the Sea Country, 5 Sargon 2 Sennacherib, dynasty of Habigal, 1 month Mardukzakirshumi, son of Ardu, 9 months Mardukaplaiddin, a native of Habi, 3 (years) Belibni, dynasty of E, 6 Ashurnadinshumi, dynasty of Habigal, 1 Nergalushezib 5 Ushezib-Marduk, dynasty of E, 8 Sennacherib [ . . . ] Esarhaddon [ . . . ] Shamashshum8 [ . . . ] Kandal1 (destroyed) 5.

TH E SYNCHRONISTIC CHRONICLE

Istanbul, Assur 14616c; latest publication by E. F. Weidner, Die grosse Konigsliste aus Assur, AfO, in (1926), 66-70 (copy: 70-71). Latest translation: Ebeling, AOT, 333-335.

(i) (destroyed) Ad[asi, same (i.e., king of [Damiqilishu, same (i.e., Assyria)] king of Babylon)] 8 =Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria (744-727). 4 = Shalmaneser V of Assyria (726-722). 5 The name of this town ( b a l . b a d or b a l . t i l ) was discussed recently by J. Lewy in HUCA, xix (1946), 467 ff. (especially, n.305), who considered it as denoting the “ innermost, and, hence, oldest part of the city of Assur.” 8 Short for Shamashshumukin, son of Esarhaddon and brother of Ashurbanipal. 7 Short for Kandalanu (formerly identified with Ashurbanipal), a Baby­ lonian successor of Shamashshumukin ruling in Babylon for 22 years, cf. W. H. Dubberstein, JNES, m (1944), 38 ff.

BABYLONIAN

Belbani, same Lubaia, same Sharma-Adad, same LiK.KUD-Shamash, same Bazaia, same Lulla, same Shininua, same Sharma-Adad, same Erishu1 Shamshi-Adad, same same same same same same same same same same same same same same same [Ishme]-Dagan, same [Shamshi]-Adad, same [Ashurnira]ri, same [Puzur-Ashur], same [Enli]lnasir, same [Nu]rili, same [Ashurshadu]ni, same

AND

ASSYRIAN

HISTORICAL

I[shk]ib[al, same] Shush[i, same] Gulkisha[r, same] [ . . . ]en[ . . . , same] Pesh[gal]daramash, same Aiadarakalamma, same Ekurulanna, same Mela[m]kurra, same Eagamil, G[and]ush, same [Ag]um, the former, his son, same Kashtil[a]shu, same Abirattash, same Kashtil[ashu, same] Tazzigurumash, same Harba[shipa]k, same Tiptakzi, same Agu[m], same Burnab[uri]ash, same

Ashurbelkala, same same same same same

Kashtil[ashu, same] Ula[mb]uri[ash, same] same same same

same

(») (one line destroyed) Tukulti-[Ninurta, king of [Kashtiliash . . . ] Assyria] [NN his vizier] Ashurnadinapli, same [Enlilnadinshumi, same] same same Ka[dashmanharbe, same] [AJshurnirari, same Adadfshumiddin, same] Enlilkudurrausur, same same [Ni]nurtaapilekur, same Adad-shumiddin, same same same M[el]ish[i]pak, same same same [Marduk]aplaiddin, same [Ashurdan], same Zababafshumiddin, same] same same [Enlil]nadin[ahhe, same] Ninurtatukulti-Ashur, same Marduk[shapikzeri, same] Mutakkil-Nusku, same [NN his vizier] Ashurreshishi, same Ninurta[nadinshumi, same] same same Nabukudurrausur, same same same Enlilnadinapli, same Tukultiapil[e]sarra, same [Marduk]nadinahhe, same Ash [arid ]apilekur, Itti-Mardukbalati, same same NN his vizier Ashurbelkala, same Marduk[shapikzermati, same] Ashurbelkala, same Adadfaplaiddin, same] 1 First of the royal names of the present list to be mentioned (as No. 33) in the Assyrian King List of Khorsabad, cf. A. Poebel in JNES, 1 (1942), 282.

TEXTS

273

[Mardukahheriba, same] [Mardukzer-. . . ] [Nabushumlibur, same] (iii)

Eriba Adad, king [of Assyr]ia Shamshi-Adad, same Ashurnasirpal, same Shulmanuasharidu, same Ashurnirari, same Ashurrabi, same Ashurreshishi, same Tukultiapilesharra, same same same

Ashurdan, same Adad-nirari

same

[NN his vizier . . . ] Ea[mukinshumi, same] Kashshu[nadinahhe, same] Ulmash [shakinshumi, same] Ninurtaku[durrausur, same] Shiriqti [ Shuqamuna, same] Marbiti[aplausur, same] [Nabumukin]apli, same [Ninurtakudurr]ausur, same [Marbiti]ahiddin, same . . . his vizier Shamashmudammiq, king of Babylon same Qalia [his vizier] Nabushumfukin, same] [his] vizier Nabuaplaiddin [his] vizifer] [Nabuzakirshumi, same]

Tukulti-Ninurta, same Gabbiilanieresh Ashurnasirpal, same Gabbiilanieresh Shulmanuasharidu, same [Me]luhhaia [his] vi[zier] (destroyed)

(iv) Sennacherib (\Sin\ahheriba), king of Assyria [and of Babylon] Nabuaplaiddin [his] vizier (anepigraph) [for two] years Sennacher­ ib was king of Akkad; then the inhabitants of Akkad revolted and Ashurnadinshumi, the father [ceded] him the throne,2 Sennacherib Nergalushezib, son of Gahul, Mushezib-Marduk, a native3 of Bit-Dakkuri were the kings of [Ak]kad. Sennacherib, king of Assyria and of Babylon, Belupahhir (and) Kalbu, his viziers; 2 cf. for this passage E. F. Weidner in AfO, m (1926), 75 f. 3 cf. below p. 308, n.9 for a possible different interpretation of the phrase mar Bit Dakhfiri*

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

274

Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria and of Babylonia Nabuzerlishir (and) Ishtarshumeresh, his viziers, Ashurbanipal, same Shamashshumukin, same Ashurbanipal, same Kandalanu, same Ishtarshumeresh, his vizier. 82 kings of Assyria from (the time of) Erishu, son of Ilushuma, to Ashurbanipal, son of Esarhaddon (cor­ respond to) 98 kings of Akkad from (the time of) Sumulail to Kandalanu. 6.

(campaign) against Damascus (Di-mat-qa). (Reign of Tiglath-pileser III) (reverse) (40) [In the eponymat of Beldan], (governor) of Kalha: (campaign) against Palestine (m0‘Pi-lil-ta). (41) [In the eponymat of Ashurdanninanni], (gov­ ernor) of Mazzamua: (campaign) against Damascus (Di-mat-qa). (42) [In the eponymat of Nabubelusu]r, (governor) of Si’me: (campaign) against Damascus (Di-mat-qa). H IS T O R IC A L D O C U M E N T S

EXCERPTS FROM THE LISTS OF ASSYRIAN EPONYMS

In contradistinction to the Babylonian custom (attested from the time of the kings of Agade to that of the Kassite rulers) of naming each year after an important event, the Assyrians used the names of certain high officials for the same purpose. The first (full) year of the reign of a king is always named after himself, the following years have originally been named after that official who won when lots were thrown to determine the eponym.1 Later on, the position of the official within the hier­ archy was decisive for the sequence, the highest official (tartanu) following the king immediately, while important palace officers (such as, e.g. the ndgir e\alli “overseer of the royal property,” the chief cupbearer, etc.) and the governors of the foremost provinces took their turn in well-established order. After the ex­ haustion of all eligible candidates for the office of the limu, within the rule of one and the same king, the sequence of officials started anew, beginning with the king. For the throwing of lots (done by means of a “ die” called puru thrown into a bowl), cf. E. F. Weidner, AfO, x i i i (1941), 308 f.;2 for the sequence of officials, cf. E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches '(Leipzig, 1921), after p. 6, with an instructive diagram. For practical and chronological purposes, the Assyrian scribes made elaborate lists3 of the names of the limu -officials which either contain only name and rank (termed by Delitzsch: C[anon]a) or additional short notices referring to historical events (Cb).4 These lists have been studied and edited repeatedly, the most recent studies being those of A. Ungnad in Reallexi\on der Assyriologie, 11, sub Eponym, 412-457, and E. F. Weidner, AfO, x i i i (1941), 308-318. The following excerpts utilize A. Ungnad’s transliteration and restoration of Cb on pp. 428 ff., to the arrangement of which the numbering of lines refers.

(Reign of Adad-nirari II) (obverse) (15) [In the eponymat of Ashurbaltinishe, (gover­ nor) of Arrajpha: (campaign) against the sea; a plague. (Reign of Shalmaneser IV) (43) [In the eponymat of] Pali[lerish, (governor) of Rasjappa: 1 For literature on puru, cf. J. Lewy, Revue Hittite et Asianique, v ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 117 fT. (especially p. 117 , n.2); also, A. Ungnad, in Reallexi&n, 11, 412, n . 2 ; E. F. Weidner, AfO, x i i i ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 3 0 8 . 2 Such a “ die” has been preserved—as Weidner has ingeniously estab­ lished—and is published in F. J. Stephens, Votive and Historical Texts frkm Babylonta and Assyria (YOS, Vol. ix), No. 73, and Pi. x l v . 3 The possibility that the rows of stelae found in Ashur are meant to serve as a sort of monumental “ index” of limu -officials, has been discussed by A. Ungnad, op.cit., p. 412. These officials would then have had two essentially royal prerogatives: to give their name to the year and to set up stelae. 4 Various other types of such lists (rarely attested, however) are men­ tioned by Ungnad, op.cit., p. 414.

This part contains the records which ten kings of Assyria have left us—on stone slabs, clay foundation documents, in­ scribed stelae, etc.—of their campaigns for the conquest of Syria, Palestine, the island of Cyprus, Arabia, and, eventually, of Egypt. I.

SHAMSHI-ADAD I (ABOUT 1 7 2 6 - 1 6 9 4 ) ? FIRST CONTACT W ITH THE WEST

L. Messerschmidt, KAH , 1, No. 2. Transliteration and trans­ lation: B. Meissner, in Die Inschriften der altassyrischert Koenige, (Altorientalische Bibliothel(), 1 (Leipzig, 1926), 24 f.

(iv 4—17) At that time, I received in my town Ashur the tribute2 of the kings of Tukrish and of the kings of the Upper Country.3 I erected a stela (inscribed) with my great name in the country Lab’an (La-ab-a-anu) on the shore of the Great Sea. 2.

TIGLATH-PILESER I ( 1 I I 4 - I O 7 6 ) : EXPEDITIONS

TO SYRIA, TH E LEBANON, AND THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA

a Foundation document (clay) of the Anu-Adad temple in Ashur. Published by O. Schroeder, in KAH , 11, No. 68. Trans­ lation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §§300-303. cf. also Schroeder, JSOR, x,

291' (1—29) Tiglath-pileser, the legitimate1 king, king of the world,2 king of Assyria, king of (all) the four rims (of 1 The dates given after the names of Assyrian kings are those of A. Poebel in JNES, 11 (1943), pp. 85-88. 2 For the various terms appearing in the historical texts with the approxi­ mate meaning “ tribute” or the like—such as biltu, mandattu, mihirtu, etc. —cf. W. J. Martin, Tribut und Tributlcistungen bei den Assyrern, Studta Orientalia, vm (1936), 20 ff. The hendiadys biltu mandattu is, in the present pages, translated by one English term (to wit, “ tribute” ), because it is not admissible to render literally the well-known stylistic feature of the Akkadian (cf. H. Ehelolf, Ein Wortfolgeprinzip im Assyrisch-Babylonischen, LSS, vi/3 [19 16 ]) to use two nearly synonymous nouns to express one concept on the level of a solemn and dignified diction. Therefore I translate, e.g., qablu (u) tdhazu simply with “ battle,” buiu (u) mafyuru with “ possessions,” kittu (u) milaru with “ justice,” etc. 3 cf. B. Maisler, Untersuchungen zur alien Geschichte und Ethnographic Synens und Paldstinas (Giessen, 1930), p. 10. Mn the title l u g a l . k a l a . g a (Akk.: larru dannu), the adjective k a 1 a ( g ) or dannu has a definite meaning which is difficult to render exactly. From such references as e.g. nalparu dannu (cf. below p. 309, n.4), sukXallu dannu (“ regular sukXallu -official” ), etc., the meaning “ legitimate, orderly, correct” results (cf. also Deimel, $L, 322/18 for the Sum. verb k a 1a ( g ) “ to deliver regularly” ), while other references point towards dannu in the meaning “ potent, full-grown, powerful.” With re­ gard to the ancient Near Eastern concept of kingship, it seems possible that the title is meant to express both aspects: the legitimacy of the ruler and his full personal vigor, both being equally essential prerequisites for the exercise of kingship. 2 For the history of this age-old royal title, cf. p. 267, n.i. The rendering

BABYLONI AN AND AS S YRI AN HI STORI CAL TEXTS

the earth), the courageous hero who lives (guided) by the trust-inspiring oracles given (to him) by Ashur and Ninurta, the great gods and his lords, (and who thus) overthrew (all) his enemies; son of Ashurreshishi, king of the world, king of Assyria, (grand)son of MutakkilNusku, also king of the world, king of Assyria. At the command of my lord Ashur I was a conqueror (lit.: my hand conquered) from beyond the Lower Zab River to the Upper Sea which (lies towards) the West. Three times I did march against the Nairi coun­ tries. The widespread Nairi countries I conquered from the country Tumme as far as Daiaeni, Himua, and even as far as Paiteri and Habhi. I made bow to my feet 30 kings of the Nairi countries, I took hostages from them. I received as their tribute horses, broken to the yoke. I imposed upon them (regular) tribute and tdmartu-gihs. I went to the Lebanon (Lab-na-a-ni). I cut (there) timber of cedars for the temple of Anu and Adad, the great gods, my lords, and carried (them to Ashur). I continued (my march) towards the country of Amurru. I conquered the entire country of Amurru. I received tribute from Byblos (Gu-bal), Sidon (Si-du-ni), and Arvad (Ar-ma-da). I crossed over in ships (belonging) to Arvad, from Arvad which is on the seashore, to the town Samuri which (lies) in Amurru (a distance of) 3 double-miles overland. I killed a narwhal® which they call “sea horse,” on high sea. And (afterwards) on my return march (towards Ashur) I subjected the entire country of Great-Hatti, I imposed upon Ili-Teshup, king of Great-Hatti a tribute of [ . . . ] talents [of . . . ] and of cedar beams. b Two excerpts from a fragmented octagonal prism (perhaps the foundation document of the royal palace). Published by O. Schroeder, in K A H , n, No. 63. Translation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §§286 and 287.

(11 10—16) Upon the command of Anu and Adad, the great gods, my lords, I went to the Lebanon mountains (ladSe Labna-ni), I cut cedar beams for the temple of Anu and Adad. (iii 3—14 = KAH , 11, 71 [tablet] 19—23 Twenty-eight times (I fought) the Ahlamu peoples and the Arameans, (once) I even crossed the Euphrates twice in one year. I defeated them from Tadmar (Pal­ myra) which (lies) in the country Amurru, Anat1 which (lies) in the country Suhu as far as the town Rapiqu which (lies) in Kar-Duniash (i.e. Babylonia). I brought their possessions as spoils to my town Ashur. c Rock Inscription from Sebeneh-Su. Published first by Rawlinson, Vol. i i i , PI. 4, No. 6, and again by F. Lehmann-Haupt, in Materidien zur aeltercn Geschichte Armeniens u n i Mesopotamiens (Abh. Kgl. Ges. d. Wiss. Gottingen N F ix/3, 1907), “ king of the world" does not do justice to the complex political and emotional implications involved. 8 For n&htru “ narwhal," cf. B. Landsberger and I. Krumbiegel, Die Fauna des alten Mesopotamiens etc. (Leipzig, 1934), p. 142. 1 For the town Anat, cf. J. Lcwy in HUCA, xix, 431, n.18.

275

No. 7 (cf. also King, A K A , p. 127, n.i). Translation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §271.

With the help of Ashur (and) Shamash, the great gods, my lords, I, Tukultiapilesarra, king of Assyria, son of Ashurreshishi, king of Assyria, son of MutakkilNusku, likewise king of Assyria, am a conqueror (of the regions) from the Great Sea which is in the country Amurru as far as the Great Sea which is in the Nairi country. I have marched three times against the Nairi country. 3.

ASHURNASIRPAL II

(883-859) :

EXPEDITION TO CARCHEMISH AND THE LEBANON

From the annals inscribed on the large pavement slabs of the temple of Ninurta in Calah, the new royal residence built by Ashurnasirpal II. Published by Rawlinson, Vol. 1, Pis. 17-26; also, by King, AK A, p. 254 ff. (with transliteration and trans­ lation) and I. Y. Le Gac, Let inscriptions de Assur-nasir-aplu III (Paris, 1907), p. 3 ff. Translation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §§475-479-

(iii 64—90) I departed from the country Bit-Adini and crossed the Euphrates at the peak of its flood by means of (rafts made buoyant with inflated) goatskin (bottle) s. I ad­ vanced towards Carchemish. (There) I received from him (self) the tribute of Sangara, the king of the Hit­ tites (amounting to): 20 talents of silver, a sa’aru ob­ ject of gold, a ring of gold, golden daggers, 100 talents of copper, 250 talents of iron, (furthermore) bullimages1 of copper, copper basin-and-ewer sets2for wash­ ing, a copper brazier—(all) his own furniture,8 the weights of which were not taken (separately),—(fur­ thermore) beds of boxwood,4a J t i -chairs5 of boxwood, tables of boxwood, (all) inlaid with ivory, also 200 young females (clad in) linen garments with multi­ colored trimmings* made of dark and reddish purple(dyed) wool, (also) alabaster, elephants’ tusks (and even) a shining chariot (and) a golden nimattu -chair7 with panels8—his (own) royal insignia. I took over the chariot (-corps), the cavalry (and) the infantry of Carchemish. The kings of all (surrounding) countries came to me, embraced my feet and I took hostages from them and they marched (with me) towards the Leb­ anon (Lab-na-na) forming my vanguard. 1 This translation is based upon the variants a m “ wild bull,” and d i n g i r “ (image of a) god," describing the very same object, cf. for these variants, L. W. King, AKA, I, 366, n.3. 2 The words haritu and narmaktu refer to the two containers needed in the Orient for washing and taking a bath: a spouted vessel to pour the water and a recipient with wide opening to collect it. cf. the corresponding Egyptian word hsmn. 8 Literally: “ furniture of his palace"; the term e{allu denotes in Meso­ potamia the personal property of the king. 4 The reading tas\arinnu (instead of *ur\arinnu) was indicated to me by Dr. B. Landsberger, who made reference to syllabic spellings in CMdAssyrian and texts from Nuzi as well as to Aram, ’cihjd “ boxwood." 5 The Sumerian words a S t i o r a S t e denote a special type of chair, often a royal throne. 6 This refers to linen garments decorated with sewn-on narrow woven bands or tresses made of wool thread in various colors (termed birmu). This typically Syrian technique is often depicted on Egyptian murals and reliefs. The Assyrian kings mention these garments always in their reports on booty or tribute received from Upper Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine. 7 A certain type of easy chair. 8 For the technical terms thzu “ frame, border, mounting" and tamlti “ panel, filling," cf. e.g., F. Thureau-Dangin, Arslan Tosh (Paris 19 31), p. 139.

276

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSY

I departed from Carchemish, taking the road between the mountains Munzigani and the Hamurga, leaving the country Ahanu on my left. I advanced towards the town Hazazu which belongs to Lubarna from Hattina. (There) I received gold and linen garments. I proceeded and crossed the river Apre9 (where) I passed the night. From the banks of the Apre I departed and advanced towards the town Kunulua, the royal residence of Lubarna from Hattina. Afraid of the terrible weapons of my ferocious army, he embraced my feet to save his life. Twenty talents of silver (the equivalent10 of) one talent of gold, 100 talents of tin, 100 talents of iron, 1,000 (heads of big) cattle, 10,000 sheep, 1,000 linen garments with multicolored trimmings, easy chairs of boxwood with insets (and) mountings, beds of boxwood, beds provided with in­ sets, tables with ivory(inlay) (on) boxwood—(all) his own furniture, the weights of which were not taken (separately), also female singers (with) [nu­ merous \an\ .. . j, large pagutu -instruments11 (and) great EN-objects I received from him as his tribute, and himself I pardoned. I took over the chariot (-corps), the cavalry (and) the infantry of Hattina and seized hostages from him. At that time I received (also) the tribute of Gusi from Iahani (consisting of): gold, silver, tin, [iron], large and small cattle, linen garments with multi­ colored trimmings. From Kunulua, the royal residence of Lubarna from Hattina, I departed; I crossed the river Orontes ( [Aran]tu) and passed the night on the banks of the Orontes. From the banks of the Orontes I departed, taking the road between the mountains Iaraqi and Ia’turi, and crossed over the [ . . . ] moun­ tain to pass (the night)10 on the banks of the Sangura river. From the banks of the Sangura river I departed, taking the road between the mountains Saratini and Duppani, and (passed the night)12 on the banks of the . . . [la]ke. I entered Aribua, the fortress of Lubarna from Hattina, and seized (it) as my own (town). I harvested the grain as well as the straw13 of the Luhuti country and stored (them) therein. In his own palace I performed the tattltu -festival14 and (then) settled natives of Assyria in it (the town). While I stayed in Aribua, I conquered the (other) towns of Luhuti, de­ feating their (inhabitants) in many bloody battles. I destroyed (them), tore down (the walls) and burned (the towns) with fire; I caught the survivors and im­ paled (them) on stakes in front of their towns. At that time I seized the entire extent of the Lebanon mountain and reached the Great Sea of the Amurru country. I 9 This is the river Afrin of today, cf., also, Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, p.

56*

10 This interpretation of the frequent phrase “ x silver, y gold” yields additional material for the study of the history of the gold-silver ratio in Mesopotamia. II For this musical instrument, cf. C. Frank, Studien zur babylonischen Religion (Strassburg, 19 11) , 1, 70, n.175. 12 Omission of the scribe. 18 Since the stalks were cut rather high, it was necessary to cut them again to make use of this product as feed for animals, etc. 14 This seems to have been a ceremonial banquet of inauguration.

IAN

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

cleaned my weapons in the deep13 sea and performed sheep-offerings to (all) the gods. The tribute of the seacoast—from the inhabitants of Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, Mahallata, Maiza, Kaiza, Amurru, and (of) Arvad which is (an island) in the sea, (consisting of): gold, silver, tin, copper, copper containers, linen garments with multicolored trimmings, large and small mon­ keys,10 ebony, boxwood, ivory from walrus tusk17— (thus ivory) a product of the sea,—(this) their tribute I received and they embraced my feet. I ascended the mountains of the Amanus (Hama-niy8 and cut down (there) logs of cedars, stonepines, cypresses (and) pines, and performed sheep-offer­ ings to my gods. I (had) made a sculptured stela (commemorating) my heroic achievements and erected (it) there. The cedar beams from the Amanus mountain I destined/ sent™ for/to the temple Esarra for (the construction of) a iasma\u -sanctuary20 as a building for festivals serving the temples of Sin and Shamash, the light(giving) gods. 4.

SHALMANESER III

(858-824) :

TH E FIGHT AGAINST TH E ARAMEAN COALITION1

(a) Texts of a General Nature (a) From the “ Thron-Inschrift” : A. H. Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character (London, 1851), p. 76 f.; trans­ lation: F. Delitzsch, in BA, vi/i, 151 f., Luckenbill, AR, 1, §674.

(1—20) (I am) Shalmaneser, the legitimate king, the king of the world, the king without rival, the “Great Dragon,”2 the (only) power within the (four) rims (of the earth), overlord of all the princes, who has smashed all his enemies as if (they be) earthenware, the strong man, unsparing, who shows no mercy in battle,—the son of Ashurnasirpal, king of the world, king of Assyria, (grand)son of Tukulti-Ninurta, likewise king of the world, king of Assyria, a conqueror from the Upper Sea 15 The adjective rabd, when referring to water, means- always “ deep, navigable.” 16 Monkeys (here: pagu) appear rarely in lists of tributes, cf. the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (below, p. 281b, n.4) where baziate- and *udumi •monkeys are mentioned and depicted as coming from Musru. cf. also [ba]zdtipagu-, and uqupu- monkeys taken from Thebes (cf. n.4, p. 297). Note in this context W. C. McDermott, The Ape in Antiquity (Baltimore, 1938) and M. F. Ashley Montague, Knowledge of the Ape in Antiquity, in Isis, xxxii (1947), 87 ff. The spelling *udumi has to be corrected and read u-qup-pu(l) according to Landsberger, Fauna p. 88, n.i. 17 For this passage, cf. P. Haupt, Der assyrische Name des Potwals, in AJSL, xxiii (1906/7), 253 ff. 18 For this mountain chain, cf. Julius Lewy, HUCA, xvm (1944), 454 ff. 19 Text unintelligible: /a-^«-nu-^«(?). 20 Is iasmahh* to be connected with simai(J(u (cf. for the latter, von Soden, ZA, xl.i [NF vn], 17)? 1 For the historical background, cf. E. G. H. Kraeling, Aram and Israel (New York, 1918); A. Jiiku, Der Kampf um Syrien-Palastina im orientkitchen Altertum (AO, xxv/4 [Leipzig, 1926]); A. T. Olmstead, History of Palestine and Syria (New York, 19 3 1); A. Alt, Voider und Staaten Syriens im friihen Altertum, AO, xxxiv/4 [Leipzig, 1936]. Finally, B. Landsberger, Sam’al, Vol. 1 (Ankara, 1948). 2 The designation of a ruler as u 5 u m . g a 1 “ Giant Snake” (attested al­ ready in the Prologue of the Code of Hammurabi, then taken up by the Assyrian kings) is borrowed from the vocabulary of hymnical religious texts which reserve this title to the most important figures of the pantheon (cf. K. Tallquist, Atyadtsche Gotterepitheta [Studia Orientalia vn, Helsinki, *938], p. 34). The terror-inspiring aspect of kingship is the tertium comparationis of this simile which, to a certain extent, can be compared with the function and role of the Egyptian uraeus.

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSYRIAN

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

277

to the Lower Sea (to wit) the countries Hatti, Luhuti, Adri, Lebanon (Lab-na-na), Que, Tabali, Militene (Me-li-di); who has visited the sources of (both) the Tigris and the Euphrates. I marched against Akkad ( = Babylonia) to avenge Mardukshumiddin and inflicted a defeat upon [Mar-] dukbelusate, his younger brother. I entered Kutha, Babylon, and Borsippa, offered sacrifices to the gods of the sacred cities of Akkad. I went (further) downstream to Chaldea and received tribute from all kings of Chaldea.

great gods, my lords, (and) inflicted a . . . defeat upon him. I shut him up in his town. From the town K i [ . ]qa I departed, the town Bur-mar’ana which (belongs to) Ahuni, man of Adini, [I approached]. I stormed and conquered (it). I slew with the sword 300 of their war­ riors. Pillars of skulls I erec[ted in front of the town]. I received the tribute of Hapini from the town Tilabna, of Ga’uni from the town Sa[ll]ate, (and) of GiriAdad (to wit): . . . silver, gold, large and small cattle, wine. From Bur-mar’ana I departed, I crossed the Euphrates on rafts (made buoyant by means) of (in­ (b) From the inscription on the bronze gates of Balawat. flated) goatskins and received the tribute of Qatazi[l]i from Commagene (Kummuhiy (to wit): silver, gold, First publication, T. G. Pinches, in TSBA, v i i (1880-2), 89 f.; translation: F. Delitzsch, in BA, vi/i (1908), 133 ff., and large and small cattle, wine. I approached the town Luckenbill, AR, 1, §§616 ff. of Pakaruhbuni (and) the towns of Ahuni, man of Adini, on the other side of the Euphrates. I defeated (i 6—ii 5) (his) country, turning his towns into ruins. I covered At that time [Ashur, the great lord . . . gave me the wide plain with the corpses of his warriors: 1,300 scepter, staff] . . . necessary (to rule) the people, (and) of their battle-experienced soldiers I slew with the I was acting (only) upon the trust-inspiring oracles sword. From Pakaruhbuni I departed, I approached the given by Ashur, the great lord, my lord, who loves me towns of Mutalli from Gurgume. I received the tribute to be his high priest and. . . all the countries and moun­ of Mutalli from Gurgume (to wit): silver, gold, large tain regions to their full extent. [I (am) Shalmaneser and small cattle, wine (and) his daughter with her . . . conqueror from] the sea of the Nairi country and big dowry. From Gurgume I departed and I approached the sea of the Zamua country which is nearer (to Lutibu, the fortress town of Hani from Sam’al.2* Hani Assyria) as far (text: and) the Great Sea of Amurru. I from Sam’al, Sapalulme from Hattina, Ahuni, man of swept over Hatti, in its full extent (making it look) Adini, Sangara from Carchemish put their trust on like ruin-hills (left) by the flood.. . . (thus) I spread the mutual assistance, prepared for battle and rose against terror-inspiring glare of my rule over Hatti. me to resist. I fought with them (assisted) by the mighty On my (continued) march to the sea, I made a stela power of Nergal, my leader, by the ferocious weapons (representing) myself as the supreme ruler and set it up which Ashur, my lord, has presented to me, (and) I beside that of the god Hirbe.1 . . . I marched [to the inflicted a defeat upon them. I slew their warriors with Great] Sea, washed my weapons in the Great Sea; I the sword, descending upon them like Adad when he offered sacrifices (there) to my gods. I received the makes a rainstorm pour down. In the moat (of the tribute from all the kings of the seacoast. [I made a stela town) I piled them up, I covered the wide plain with representing myself as king and warrior] and inscribed the corpses of their fighting men, I dyed the mountains upon it [the deeds which] I had performed [in the with their blood like red wool. I took away from him region of the] sea[coast]; I set it up by the sea. many chariots (and) horses broken to the yoke. I erected pillars of skulls in front of his town, destroyed (b) Annalistic Reports his (other) towns, tore down (their walls) and burnt First Year according to the so-called “ Monolith Inscriptions” (them) down. (from Kurkh), published by Rawlinson, Vol. in, Pis. 7-8. Trans­ lation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §§599-600. At that time, I paid homage to the greatness of (all) the great gods (and) extolled for posterity the heroic (i 29—ii 13) achievements of Ashur and Shamash by fashioning a In the month Aiaru, the 13th day, I departed from (sculptured) stela with myself as king (depicted on it). Nineveh; I crossed the Tigris, by-passed the countries I wrote thereupon my heroic behavior, my deeds in Hasamu and Dihnunu and approached the town of combat8 and erected it beside the source of the Saluara La’la’te which (belongs to) Ahuni, man of Adini. The river which is at the foot of the mountains of the terror and the glamor of Ashur, my lord, overwhelmed Amanus. From the mountain Amanus I departed, [them] . . . and they dispersed.1 I destroyed the town, crossed the Orontes river (A-ra-an-tu) and approached tore down (its wall) and burnt (it) down. From Alimush, the fortress town of Sapalulme from Hattina. La’la’ti I departed, I approached the town of Ki[ . ]qa, To save his life, Sapalulme from Hattina [called for] the royal residence] of Ahuni, man of Adini. Ahuni, Ahuni, man of Adini, Sangara from Carchemish, Haianu man of Adini, [putting his trust] upon his numerous from Sam’al, Kate from Que, Pihirim from Hilukka, [army, ro]se for a decisive battle.. . . I fought with him Bur-Anate from Iasbuq, Ada[ . . . ] . . . Assyria.. . . upon a trust(-inspiring) oracle of Ashur and the (other) 1 cf. E. Unger, Das Bild des Gottes yirbc auf dem Atalur, in MAOG, iv (1930), 212 ff. 1 Technical term: el4 .

2 For this identification, cf. L. W. King, Kummufr= Commagene, in Manchester Egypt. and Oriental S o c ii (19 13 ), 47 ff. 21 Ha(i)ani of Sam’al is the father of Kilamua, whose inscription is trans­ lated in AOT, 442. 8 To tainintUy cf. now von Soden in Orientaliat NS xvi (1946)9 70 £

278

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSYRIAN

(ii) [their/his army] I scattered, I stormed and conquered the town . . . I carried away as booty . . . , his horses, broken to the yoke. I slew with the sword. . . . Dur­ ing this battle I personally captured Bur-Anate from [Iasbuk], I con[quered] the great cities (mahazu) of Hattina. . . . I overthrew the . . . of the Upper [Sea] of Amurru and of the Western Sea (so that they became) like ruin-hills (left by) the flood. I received tribute from the kings of the seashore. I marched straightaway,* unopposed... throughout the wide seashore. I fashioned a stela with an image of myself as overlord in order to make my name/fame lasting forever and efrected it] near the sea. I ascended the mountains of the Amanus, I cut there cedar and pine timber. I went to the mountain region Atalur, where the statue of the god Hirbe is set up and erected (there) a(nother) statue (of mine) beside his statue. I de[parted] from the sea; I conquered the towns Taia, Hazazu, Nulia (and) Butamu which (belong) to the country Hattina. I killed 2,900 of [their] battle-experienced soldiers; 14,600 I brought away as prisoners of war. I received the tribute of Arame, man of Gusi, (to wit): silver, gold, large [and small] cattle, wine, a couch of whitish gold.8 First Year according to the Annals inscribed on clay tablets found in Ashur. Published by O. Schroeder, in KAH, 11, Nos. 112-114. Translation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §633.

(KAH, n, 113:12—9) [I]n the first year of my rule, I crossed the Euphrates at its flood and marched towards the Western Sea. I washed my weapons in the sea, offered [sacrifices to] the gods. I ascended the mountains of the Amanus and cut (there) timber of cedar and pine. I ascended the Lallar mountain, I erected (there) an image (represent­ ing) myself as king.6 The towns of the Hattineans, [those of] Ahuni, man of Adini, those (belonging) to the peoples of Carchemish, (and) to the MarGus[i. . . ] [(in short) all the to]wns on the other em­ bankment of the Euphrates, I destroyed, tore down (the walls) and burnt (them) down. First Year according to the Black Obelisk from Calah. Pub­ lished by Layard, Inscriptions, Pis. 87 f. Translation: Luckenbill, AR, 1, §558.*“

(face B, 26—31) In the first year of my rule, I crossed the Euphrates at its flood; I marched to the Western Sea; my weapons I cleaned (ritually) in the sea; sheep-offerings I per­ formed for my gods. I ascended the mountain Amanus; cedar and pine timber I cut (there). I ascended the ♦Read: [i]-!e-ril. 5 Uncertain; text: hurasu ka-sap. 6 For the divergent designations of this mountain, cf. M. Streck, Assyriologische Miszellen (No. 10, Atalur und Lallar) in OLZ, ix (1906), 344 f. cf. also E. F. Weidner apud E. Michel in Die Welt des Orients, 1 85-86. Translated in Erman, LAE, 3 o5 - o6 .* A 1 s o Caminos, op.cit., 321-23.

The Chief Archivist of the Treasury of Pharaoh— life, prosperity, health!—Amen-em-Onet, addressing the Scribe Pen-ta-Uret, thus: This writing is brought to thee (to) say: Another matter:1 1 In the difficult times, even navigation on the river had required ex­ ceptional means. Now current and breeze have become helpful. 2 On this refrain of triumph, see J. A. Wilson in JEA , xvn (i93i)» 214-16. 8 Not the accession day of Ramses IV, but the date on which this ostracon was written. 1 The pupil, Pen-ta-Uret, copies a letter from his master, Amen-em-Onet. This has been preceded by another letter on a different subject. Hence the words: “ Another matter.” cf. p. 378.

379

O Thoth, set me in Hermopolis, thy city, where life is pleasant! Thou suppliest (my) needs with bread and beer; thou guardest my mouth (in) speech. Would that I had Thoth behind me on the morrow! Come (to me) —thus one speaks—when I enter into the presence of the lords, that I may come forth justified!2 Thou great dom-palm of sixty cubits (height), on which there are fruits! Stones are inside the fruits, and water is inside the stones. s Thou that bringest water (even in) a distant place, come and rescue me, the silent one! 0 Thoth, thou sweet well for a man thirsting (in) the desert! It is sealed up to him who has discovered his mouth, (but) it is open to the silent. When the silent comes, he finds the well, (but for) the heated (man) thou art choked up. T

h e en d .

A Prayer to Re-H ar-akhti This prayer to the sun-god Atum Re-Har-akhti is found in a manuscript of model texts for the instruction of schoolboys. It illustrates the humble and penitential spirit of the late Empire. From Papyrus Anastasi II (British Museum 10243), rect x i-xi 2. The manuscript dates from the late Nineteenth Dynasty (about 1230 B .C .) and probably comes from Memphis. Facsimiled in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, 11 (London, 1842), Pis. l x x h - l x x i i i . A transcription into hieroglyphic in A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vii, Brussels, 1937), 18-19. Translated in Erman, LA E, 307.*Also Caminos, op.cit., 60-62.

Come to me, O Re-Har-akhti, that thou mayest look after me! Thou art he who does, and there is none who does without thee, unless it be thou that [actest with] him. Come to me, Atum, every day! Thou art the august god. My heart advances to Heliopolis, while my . . . and my heart is gay and my breast is in joy. My prayers, my supplications of every day, and my adorations of the night are heard. My petitions will continue in my mouth, and they are heard today. Thou one and only, O Re-Har-akhti! There is no other here like unto him, who protects millions while he rescues hundred-thousands! The protector of him who calls out to him, the Lord of Heliopolis. Do not punish me for my numerous sins, (for) I am one who knows not his own self, I am a man without sense. I spend the day following after my (own) mouth,1 like a cow after grass. If I spend the evening in . . . , I am one to whom calm comes. I spend the day going around and around in the temple and spend the night. . . 2 The scribe would like the advocacy of Thoth in the judgment after death. 8 For the thirsty there is water, even though it may not lie easily at the surface. The same thought lies in the following context, where the babbler or “ heated” man cannot find the well of wisdom, but the “ silent” man can. 1 That is, he is not “ silent” or submissive to the god.

380

EGYPTI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

A Prayer for Help in the Law C ourt A characteristic of the later Empire was the humble sub­ missiveness of a worshiper to his god. Man could achieve a good life only with the help of his god. For example, the help­ less client in the court of law is bewildered by the clamor of human injustice and turns to the god for justice. The text comes from Papyrus Anastasi II (British Museum 10243), rect0 v*'* 5"'x The manuscript dates from the late Nineteenth Dynasty (about 1230 b . c . ) and probably comes from Memphis. The hieratic text was facsimiled in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, 11 (London, 1842), Pis. l x x - l x x i , and in G. Moller, Hieratische Lesestiiche, 11 (Leipzig, 1927), 36. A transcription into hieroglyphic is given in A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, v i i , Brussels, 1937), 17. Translated in Erman L A E, 308.*Also Caminos, op.cit., 56-58.

O Amon, give thy ear to one who is alone in the law court, who is poor; he is {not] rich. The court cheats him (of) silver and gold for the scribes of the mat1 and clothing for the attendants. May it be found that Amon assumes his form as the vizier, in order to permit [the] poor man to get off. May it be found that the poor man is vindicated. May the poor man surpass the rich. T

h e end.

Gratitude for a G od ’s M ercy An artisan of the Nineteenth Dynasty here expresses his humble gratitude for the recovery of his son from illness. Neb-Re and his son Nakht-Amon were outline draftsmen of the Theban necropolis. It seems that Nakht-Amon acted impiously in respect to a cow belonging to the god Amon-Re and was then taken with a serious illness. He recovered after supplication had been made to the god. His father Neb-Re here gives pious thanks to Amon-Re. The inscription is carved on a memorial stela, now Berlin 203 7 7 -1 The text is published by G. Roeder in Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, 11 (Leipzig, 1924), 158 ff. A. Erman gave a photograph and translation in Denhsteine aus der thebanischen Grdberstadt {SBAW, 19 11, 1088 ff.). Additional translations are by B. Gunn in JEA , in (1916), 83-85, and by Erman, L A E, 310-12* Also Williams, opxit., 151-54.

The Scene Above2 Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, the Great God Presiding over Karnak, the august god, he who hears the prayer, who comes at the voice of the poor and distressed, who gives breath (to) him who is weak. (5) Giving praise to Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Presiding over Karnak; kissing the l The magistrates and clerks of the court sat on reed mats. “ The attendants” were probably the bailiffs. 1 Not Berlin 23077, as often listed. 2 The two paragraphs of the following translation apply to the two figures in the scene above the memorial prayer. On the left the god Amon-Re is depicted as seated before the pylon of a temple. On the right Neb-Re kneels in worship of the god.

ground to Amon of the City,8 the Great God, the lord of the great forecourt, the gracious one. May he grant to me that my eyes look at his beauty. To the i\a of the Outline Draftsman of Amon, Neb-Re, the justified.4 The Memorial Prayer (11) Giving praises to Amon. I make him adorations in his name; I give him praises to the height of heaven and to the width of earth; [I] relate his power to him who travels downstream and to him who travels up­ stream. Beware ye of him! Repeat him to son and daughter, to great and small; relate him to generations of generations who have not yet come into being; relate him to fishes in the deep, to birds in the heaven; repeat him to him who knows him not and to him who knows him! Beware ye of him! Thou art Amon, the lord of the silent man,5 who comes at the voice of the poor man. If I call to thee when I am distressed, thou (15) comest and thou rescuest me. Thou givest breath (to) him who is weak; thou rescuest him who is imprisoned. Thou art Amon-Re, Lord of Thebes, who rescues him who is in the underworld, inasmuch as thou art he who is . . . when one calls to thee; thou art he who comes from afar. Made by the Outline Draftsman of Amon in the Place of Truth,8 Neb-Re, the justified, son of the Out­ line Draftsman in the Place of Truth, Pay, . . . in the name of his lord Amon, Lord of Thebes, who comes at the voice of the poor man. Adorations were made for him in his name, because of the greatness of his strength; supplications were made to him before his face and in the presence of the entire land, on behalf of the Out­ line Draftsman Nakht-Amon, the justified, when he was lying ill and in a state of death, when he was (under) the power of Amon because of his cow.T I found the Lord of the Gods coming as the north wind, with sweet breezes before him.8 He rescued the Outline Draftsman of Amon, Nakht-Amon, the justified, the son of the Outline Draftsman of Amon in the Place of Truth, Neb-Re, the justified, and born (20) to the Lady of the House, Pa-shed, the justified. He says: Though it may be that the servant is normal in doing wrong, still the Lord is normal in being merciful.* The Lord of Thebes does not spend an entire day angry. As for his anger—in the completion of a moment there is no remnant, and the wind is turned about in mercy for us, and Amon has turned around 8 “ The City” is No or Thebes, as in the biblical No-Amon. * The former dedication “ to the vital force of” So-and-so has come to mean a dedication by that man, as in the case of contemporary papyri. 6 A common expression at this time for the submissive or humble. 6 A section in the Theban necropolis. 7 It is uncertain whether “ his” really means Amon’s cow, i.e. of the temple herds, or Nakht-Amon’s cow. It is uncertain what the transgression was. 6 The north wind is the cooling and healing breeze of Egypt. 9 An expression . . . the instruction of Amen-em-Opet, Chapter XVIII (p. 423 below). The word translated "normal,” or “ regular, usual” may mean “is disposed to” (do wrong or be merciful), as Gunn and! Erman.

EGYPTI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

with his breezes. As thy ka endures, thou wilt be merciful, and we shall not repeat what has been turned away! By the Outline Draftsman in the Place of Truth, Neb-Re, the justified, he says: I shall make this stela in thy name, and I shall establish for thee these ado­ rations in writing upon it, because thou hast rescued for me the Outline Draftsman Nakht-Amon. (25) So I spoke unto thee, and thou didst listen to me. Now, see, I shall do what I have said. Thou art the lord of him who calls unto him, satisfied with truth, the Lord of Thebes. Made by the Outline Draftsman Neb-Re (and his) son, the Scribe Khay.

A Penitential Hymn to a Goddess The end of the Egyptian Empire produced a number of ex­ pressions of humble piety, unquestioning faith in a god, and penitence for wrongdoing. The following inscription was dedi­ cated by a man of humble rank to a goddess, “ Meres-ger, Lady of Heaven, Mistress of the Two Lands, whose good name is Peak of the West.” Meres-ger means “ She Loves Silence,” that is, pious submissiveness. The Peak of the West was probably her location on a mountain-head of western Thebes. We do not know what the transgression of the workman Nefer-abet was. This stela comes from Thebes and is now Turin Museum 102. It was published by G. Maspero in Recueil de travaux . . . , 11 (1880), 109, and studied by A. Erman, Denksteine aus der thebanischen Graberstadt (SBAW , 19 11, 1086-1110). It was translated by B. Gunn in JEA, 111 (1916), 86-87.

381

Giving praise to the Peak of the West; kissing the ground to her \a. I give praise; hear (my) call. I was a righteous man upon earth. Made by the Servant in the Place of Truth,1 Nefer-abet, the triumphant, an ignorant and witless man. 1 knew not good or evil. When I did the deed of transgression against the Peak, she punished me, and I was in her hand by night as well as day. I sat upon the brick(s) like the pregnant woman.2 I called out to the wind, (but) it did not come to me. I was tormented by the Peak of the West, great in strength, and by every god and every goddess. See, I shall say to great and small who are in the gang:8 “ Beware of the Peak! For a lion is in the Peak; she smites with the smiting of a savage lion. She pursues him who transgresses against her.” (But) when I called to my mistress, I found her coming to me with sweet breezes. She showed mercy unto me, after she had let me see her hand. She turned about to me in mercy; she made me forget the sickness which had been (upon) me. Lo, the Peak of the West is merciful, when one calls to her. What Nefer-abet, the triumphant, says. He says: “ See, and let every ear of him who lives upon earth hearken:—Beware of the Peak of the West!” For a possible admission of error, much earlier than these penitential prayers, cf. the Instruction for King Meri-ka-Re, p. 416, n.17; p. 417 n.44. For other hymns among these translations, see pp. 33-34, 431* For other prayers among these translations, see pp. 3, 35-36,

253. 257. 4481 A part of the Theban necropolis. 2 The Egyptian women in childbirth sat upon a support of bricks, the “ birth-stones” of Exod. x:i6. Cf. RT, xxv (1893), 47. 8 Of necropolis workmen.

Sumerian Petition T R A N S L A T O R : S. N . K R A M E R

Petition to a King The following text represents an epistolary composition highly prized by the Babylonian scribes who developed it into a special literary genre. Quite a number of these “petitions” are now extant. They take the form of a letter addressed to a king or deity; in the latter case the writer of the petition may be the king himself.1 In the text before us, an individual from Ur by the name of Urshagga probably addresses the petition letter to the king of Ur, whose name he unfortunately fails to mention. Three copies of this text have been found to date: two were excavated in the city of Erech, and one may come from Nippur. The latter was published by S. Langdon, Babylonian Liturgies (1913), No. 5; a transliteration and translation were published by the same author in BE, xxxi (1914), p. 25. Photographs of the two Erech tablets were published by A. Falkenstein together with an excellent transliteration, translation, and commentary, in ZA, x l i v (1936), 1-25. All three texts date from the first half of the second millennium b . c .

To my king with varicolored eyes who wears a lapis lazuli beard,2 Speak; To8 the golden statue fashioned on a good day,4 1 In spite of their epistolary formulae, these “ petitions” are, of course, not to be thought of as real letters forwarded by an individual who expects a letter in reply; they seem to be but another form of the “ prayer” type of composition developed by the scribes in imitation of real letters with urgent appeal for help. As our text shows, in spite of their typical letter headings, these petitions are not written in prose; they have all the earmarks of Sumerian poetry. 2 As Falkenstein, loc. cit., p. 8, n.2, states, representations of the bearded ox may be found illustrated in Leonard Woolley’s Royal Tombs, Pis. 107, 109, and n o . 8 Falkenstein takes this “ to” to refer to line 5 only (the Sumerian

The . . .* raised in a pure sheepfold, called to the pure womb8 of Inanna, The lord, hero of Inanna, say: “Thou (in) thy judgment2 thou art the son of Anu, Thy commands, like the word of a god, cannot be turned bacl\, Thy words like rain pouring down from heaven, are without number,8 Thus says Urshagga, thy servant: ‘My king has cared for me, who am a “son” of Ur. (10) If now my king is (truly) of Anu,9 Let not my father’s house be carried off,10 Let not the foundations of my father’s house be torn away. Let my king know.’ construction is unfortunately ambiguous) and treats lines 3 and 4 as a paren­ thetical passage addressed to the king. 4 Perhaps, then, this petition is addressed to a dead, deified king of Ur whose statue was placed in the temple for veneration and worship. 6 The Sumerian word left untranslated here is db-za-za; its usual mean­ ings are “monkey” and "sphinx.” 6 The Sumerian word is ambiguous; it usually means “ heart” but may also be rendered “ womb,” cf. now particularly Jacobsen, JNES, 11 (1943), 119 -12 1. 7 For this rendering of the Sumerian word dim, cf. AS 12, p. 12, line 3 1. The sense of the line seems to be that this king’s judgment is as trustworthy as that of a heavenly deity. 8 Note that the present translation differs to some extent from that of Falkenstein; the implications of the line are not too clear. 9 The implication of the words "of Anu” is not too clear; Falkenstein renders the line as: “As surely as my king is (the king) of Anu.” 10 To judge from this and the next line, Urshagga seems to be pleading for the safety of his family in the most general terms. For the passive renderings in this passage, cf. BASOR, 79 (1940), p. 2 1, n.5. 1 1 Presumably a phrase such as “ this my plea” is to be understood.

Sumero-Akkadian Hymns and Prayers T R A N S L A T O R : F E R R IS J . S T E P H E N S

Hymn to Ishtar After extolling the charms and virtues of the goddess, the hymn concludes by enumerating the blessings which she has bestowed upon the king, Ammiditana. While these are repre­ sented as accomplished facts, the statements should be taken as indications of the hope of the king for their eventual realization. The text publication does not indicate the provenience of the tablet. It was written in the latter part of the First Dynasty of Babylon, approximately 1600 b . c . Text: RA, x x i i , 170-1; trans­ lation: RA, x x i i , 174-7; metrical transcription: ZA, x x x v i i i , 19-22.

Praise the goddess, the most awesome of the goddesses. Let one revere the mistress of the peoples, the greatest of the Igigi.1 Praise Ishtar, the most awesome of the goddesses. Let one revere the queen of women, the greatest of the IgigiShe is clothed with pleasure and love. She is laden with vitality, charm, and voluptuousness. Ishtar is clothed with pleasure and love. She is laden with vitality, charm, and voluptuousness. In lips she is sweet; life is in her mouth. At her appearance rejoicing becomes full. (10) She is glorious; veils are thrown over her head. Her figure is beautiful; her eyes are brilliant. The goddess—with her there is counsel. The fate of everything she holds in her hand. At her glance there is created joy, Power, magnificence, the protecting deity and guardian spirit. She dwells in, she pays heed to compassion and friendli­ ness. Besides, agreeableness she truly possesses. Be it slave, unattached girl, or mother, she preserves (her). One calls on her; among women one names her name. (20) Who—to her greatness who can be equal ? Strong, exalted, splendid are her decrees. Ishtar—to her greatness who can be equal ? Strong, exalted, splendid are her decrees. She is sought after among the gods; extraordinary is her station. Respected is her word; it is supreme over them. 1 A collective name for the great gods of heaven.

Ishtar among the gods, extraordinary is her station. Respected is her word; it is supreme over them. She is their queen; they continually cause her commands to be executed. All of them bow down before her. (30) They receive her light before her. Women and men indeed revere her. In their assembly her word is powerful; it is dominating. Before Anum their king she fully supports them. She rests in intelligence, cleverness, (and) wisdom. They take counsel together, she and her lord. Indeed they occupy the throne room together. In the divine chamber, the dwelling of joy, Before them the gods take their places. To their utterances their attention is turned. The king their favorite, beloved of their hearts, Magnificently offers to them his pure sacrifices. Ammiditana, as the pure offering of his hands, Brings before them fat oxen and gazelles. From Anum, her consort, she has been pleased to ask for him An enduring, a long life. Many years of living, to Ammiditana She has granted, Ishtar has decided to give. By her orders she has subjected to him The four world regions at his feet; And the total of all peoples She has decided to attach them to his yoke.

Prayer o f Lamentation to Ishtar A prayer to be accompanied by a ritual of incantation. Ishtar, in her aspect as goddess of valor and of war, is addressed as the greatest of goddesses. The supplicant describes his bitter affliction and prays for a restoration of his prosperity, so that he and all who see him may praise and glorify the goddess. A colophon of the text indicates that it was the property of the temple Esagila in Babylon; and that it was copied from an older version at Borsippa. The extant text was written in the NeoBabylonian period as, in all probability, was the older text from which it was copied. Text: L. W. King, STC, 11, Pis. 75-84. Translations: ibid., 1, 222-37; A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer (Jena, 1921), 217-22; E. Ebeling, in AOT, 257-60.

384

SU MERO- AKK ADI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

I pray to thee, O Lady of ladies, goddess of goddesses. 0 Ishtar, queen of all peoples, who guides mankind aright, O Irnini,1 ever exalted, greatest of the Igigi,* O most mighty of princesses, exalted is thy name. Thou indeed art the light of heaven and earth, O valiant daughter of Sin. O supporter of arms, who determines battle, O possessor of all divine power, who wears the crown of dominion, O Lady, glorious is thy greatness; over all the gods it is exalted. O star of lamentation, who causes peaceable brothers to fight, Yet who constantly gives friendship, (10) O mighty one, Lady of battle, who suppresses the mountains, O Gushea,3 the one covered with fighting and clothed with terror Thou dost make complete judgment and decision, the ordinances of heaven and earth. Chapels, holy places, sacred sites, and shrines pay heed to thee. Where is not thy name, where is not thy divine power? Where are thy likenesses not fashioned, where are thy shrines not founded ? Where art thou not great, where art thou not exalted ? Anu, Enlil, and Ea have made thee high; among the gods they have caused thy dominion to be great. They have made thee high among all the Igigi; they have made thy position pre-eminent. At the thought of thy name heaven and earth tremble. (20) The gods tremble; the Anunnaki4 stand in awe. To thine awesome name mankind must pay heed. For thou art great and thou art exalted. All the black-headed (people and) the masses of man­ kind pay homage to thy might. The judgment of the people in truth and righteousness thou indeed dost decide. Thou regardest the oppressed and mistreated; daily thou causest them to prosper. Thy mercy! O Lady of heaven and earth, shepherdess of the weary people. Thy mercy! O Lady of holy Eanna5 the pure storehouse. Thy mercy! O Lady; unwearied are thy feet; swift are thy knees. Thy mercy! O Lady of conflict (and) of all battles. (30) O shining one, lioness of the Igigi, subduer of angry gods, 1 Another name of the goddess Ishtar, probably derived ultimately from Inanna, her Sumerian counterpart. 2 A collective name for the great gods of heaven. 8 Another name for the goddess Ishtar, sometimes appearing as Agushea, or Agushaya. 4 A collective name for the gods, not always used in the same sense. Sometimes it appears to mean all the gods of heaven and earth, sometimes the gods of the earth and the nether world, and again only the gods of the nether world. 6 Name of the temple of Inanna'Ishtar in Uruk, biblical Erech.

O most powerful of all princes, who holdest the reins (over) kings, (But) who dost release the bridles of all maidservants, Who art exalted and firmly fixed, O valiant Ishtar, great is thy might. O brilliant one, torch of heaven and earth, light of all peoples, O unequaled angry one of the fight, strong one of the battle, O firebrand which is kindled against the enemy, which brings about the destruction of the furious, O gleaming one, Ishtar, assembler of the host, 0 deity of men, goddess of women, whose designs no one can conceive, Where thou dost look, one who is dead lives; one who is sick rises up; (40) The erring one who sees thy face goes aright. 1 have cried to thee, suffering, wearied, and distressed, as thy servant. See me O my Lady; accept my prayers. Faithfully look upon me and hear my supplication. Promise my forgiveness and let thy spirit be appeased. Pity! For my wretched body which is full of confusion and trouble. Pity! For my sickened heart which is full of tears and suffering. Pity! For my wretched intestines (which are full of) confusion and trouble. Pity! For my afflicted house which mourns bitterly. Pity! For my feelings which are satiated with tears and suffering. (50) O exalted Irnini, fierce lion," let thy heart be at rest. 0 angry wild ox," let thy spirit be appeased. Let the favor of thine eyes be upon me. With thy bright features look faithfully upon me. Drive away the evil spells of my body (and) let me see thy bright light. How long, O my Lady, shall my adversaries be looking upon me, In lying and untruth shall they plan evil against me, Shall my pursuers and those who exult over me rage against me? How long, O my Lady, shall the crippled and weak seek me out ? One has made for me long sackcloth; thus I have appeared before thee. (60) The weak have become strong; but I am weak. 1 toss about like flood-water, which an evil wind makes violent. My heart is flying; it keeps fluttering like a bird of heaven. I mourn like a dove night and day. I am beaten down, and so I weep bitterly. With “Oh” and “Alas” my spirit is distressed. I—what have I done, O my god and my goddess ? Like one who does not fear my god and my goddess I am treated; 6 In line 31 Ishtar is called a lioness, but here in her aspect of the fighting deity she is designated even as male ferocious animals.

SUMERO- AKK ADIAN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

While sickness, headache, loss, and destruction are provided for me; So are fixed upon me terror, disdain, and fullness of wrath, (70) Anger, choler, and indignation of gods and men. I have to expect, O my Lady, dark days, gloomy months, and years of trouble. I have to expect, O my Lady, judgment of confusion and violence. Death and trouble are bringing me to an end. Silent is my chapel; silent is my holy place; Over my house, my gate, and my fields silence is poured out. As for my god, his face is turned to the sanctuary of another. My family is scattered; my roof is broken up. (But) I have paid heed to thee, my Lady; my attention has been turned to thee. To thee have I prayed; forgive my debt. (80) Forgive my sin, my iniquity, my shameful deeds, and my offence. Overlook my shameful deeds; accept my prayer; Loosen my fetters; secure my deliverance; Guide my steps aright; radiantly like a hero let me enter the streets with the living. Speak so that at thy command the angry god may be favorable; (And) the goddess who has been angry with me may turn again. (Now) dark and smoky, may my brazier glow; (Now) extinguished, may my torch be lighted. Let my scattered family be assembled; May my fold be wide; may my stable be enlarged. (90) Accept the abasement of my countenance; hear my prayers. Faithfully look upon me and accept my supplication. How long, O my Lady, wilt thou be angered so that thy face is turned away? How long, O my Lady, wilt thou be infuriated so that thy spirit is enraged ? Turn thy neck which thou hast set against me; set thy face [toward] good favor. Like the water of the opening up of a canal let thy emotions be released. My foes like the ground let me trample; Subdue my haters and cause them to crouch down under me. Let my prayers and my supplications come to thee. Let thy great mercy be upon me. (100) Let those who see me in the street magnify thy name. As for me, let me glorify thy divinity and thy might before the black-headed (people), [saying,] Ishtar indeed is exalted; Ishtar indeed is queen; The Lady indeed is exalted; the Lady indeed is queen. Irnini, the valorous daughter of Sin, has no rival.

385

Hymn to the M oon-G od A bilingual, Sumerian and Akkadian, text portraying the attributes and aspects of Sin, the god of the moon. Following the part of the text here translated there was a prayer; but this part of the text is so poorly preserved that it has not been thought worth-while to give the fragmentary translation. The tablet was found at the site of ancient Nineveh. The writing of the text may be dated to the reign of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, 668-633 B-c- The tablet states that it was copied from an older tablet; but the date of the original composition of the text cannot be determined. Text: Rawlinson (2d ed.), iv, 9. Translations: S. Langdon, Babylonian Penitential Psalms ( OECT, vi), 6-11; E. Ebeling in AOT, 241-2; Landsberger in E. Lehmann and H. Haas, Textbuch zur Religionsgeschichte (Leipzig, 1922), 301-3.

(obverse) O Lord, hero of the gods, who in heaven and earth is exalted in his uniqueness, Father Nanna, lord Anshar, hero of the gods,1 Father Nanna, great lord Anu, hero of the gods, Father Nanna, lord Sin, hero of the gods, Father Nanna, lord of Ur, hero of the gods, Father Nanna, lord of Egishshirgal,2 hero of the gods, Father Nanna, lord of the shining crown, hero of the gods, Father Nanna, who is grandly perfected in kingship, hero of the gods, Father Nanna, who solemnly advances in garments of princeliness, hero of the gods, Ferocious bull, whose horn is thick, whose legs are perfected, who is bearded in lapis, and filled with luxury and abundance, (10) Offspring which is self-created, fullgrown in form, pleasant to the sight, whose exuberance is un­ restrained, Womb that gives birth to everything, which dwells in a holy habitation with living creatures, Begetter, merciful in his disposing,3 who holds in his hand the life of the whole land, O Lord, thy divinity fills the wide sea with awe, as well as the distant heavens. O progenitor of the land, who has founded temples, thou likewise dost give them their names. O father begetter of gods and men, who founds shrines and establishes offerings, Namer of kingships, giver of the scepter, thou dost determine destiny unto distant days. O mighty prince whose deep heart no one of the gods comprehends, Swift colt whose knees do not tire, who opens the way for his brother gods, 1 The words “ who in heaven and earth is exalted in his uniqueness,” though noe written at the ends of lines 2-9, are intended to be repeated after each of these lines as part of the refrain. Of the four proper names with which the god is addressed in lines 2-4, Nanna is the Sumerian name of the moon-god, Sin is his Akkadian counterpart, Anshar is a primitive father of the gods mentioned in the Babylonian Creation Epic, and Anu is the god of heaven and chief of all the gods. 2 Egishshirgal is the name of the temple of the moon-god in Ur. 3 So apparently the Sumerian; the Akkadian has “ merciful and for­ giving.”

386

S UMERO- AKKADI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

Whose light goes from the base of heaven to the zenith, who opens the door of heaven and gives light to all people, (20) Father begetter, who looks favorably upon all living creatures___ O Lord, decider of the destinies of heaven and earth, whose word no one alters, Who controls water and fire, leader of living creatures, what god is like thee ? In heaven who is exalted? Thou! Thou alone art exalted. On earth who is exalted? Thou! Thou alone art exalted. Thou! When thy word is pronounced in heaven the Igigi prostrate themselves. Thou! When thy word is pronounced on earth the Anunnaki kiss the ground. Thou! When thy word drifts along in heaven like the wind it makes rich the feeding and drinking of the land. (reverse) Thou! When thy word settles down on the earth green vegetation is produced. Thou! Thy word makes fat the sheepfold and the stall; it makes living creatures widespread. Thou! Thy word causes truth and justice to be, so that the people speak the truth. Thou! Thy word which is far away in heaven, which is hidden in the earth is something no one sees. Thou! Who can comprehend thy word, who can equal it? O Lord, in heaven as to dominion, on earth as to valor, among the gods thy brothers, thou hast not a rival.

O Anu1 of heaven whose designs no one can conceive, Surpassing is thy light like Shamash thy first-born. (10) Bowed down in thy presence are the great gods; the decisions of the land are laid before thee; When the great gods inquire of thee thou dost give counsel. They sit (in) their assembly (and) debate under thee; O Sin, shining one of Ekur,2 when they ask thee thou dost give the oracle of the gods. On account of the evil of an eclipse of the moon which took place in such and such a month, on such and such a day,8 On account of the evil of bad and unfavorable portents and signs which have happened in my palace and my country,8 In the dark of the moon, the time of thy oracle, the mystery of the great gods, On the thirtieth day, thy festival, the day of delight of thy divinity, 0 Namrasit,4unequaled in power, whose designs no one can conceive, 1 have spread out for thee a pure incense-offering of the night; I have poured out for thee the best sweet drink. (20) I am kneeling; I tarry (thus); I seek after thee. Bring upon me wishes for well-being and justice. May my god and my goddess, who for many days have been angry with me, In truth and justice be favorable to me; may my road be propitious; may my path be straight.5 After he6 has sent Zaqar, the god of dreams, During the night may I hear the undoing of my sins; let my guilt be poured out; (And) forever let me devotedly serve thee.

Prayer to the M oon-G od

Prayer o f Ashurbanipal to the Sun-G od

A prayer to accompany an offering made on the thirtieth day of the month, a festival of the Moon-god. This prayer belongs to the common type of prayers used with the ritual of su il-la “raising of the hand.” After a lengthy invocation of hymnic character, the supplicant prays for general well-being as well as for forgiveness of his sins. The text from which the trans­ lation is made comes from tablets found in the library of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, 668-633 B-c- For duplicates see Walter G. Kunstmann, Die babylonische Gebetsbeschworung (Leipzig, 1932), 103. Text: L. W. King, Babylonian Magic and Sorcery (London, 1896), No. 1, lines 1-27. Translations: E. G. Perry, Hymnen und Gebete an Sin (Leipzig, 1907), 12-16; H. Zimmern, AO, xm /i (19 11), 4-5.

O Sin, O Nannar, glorified one. . . , Sin, unique one, who makes bright. . . , Who furnishes light for the people . . . , To guide the dark-headed people aright. . . , Bright is thy light in heaven.. . . Brilliant is thy torch like fire.. . . Thy brightness has filled the broad land. The people are radiant; they take courage at seeing thee.

This text is in reality a hymn of praise to the god Shamash, to which has been appended a prayer for the well-being of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, 668-633 B.C. This composition has a feature in its final lines which is unusual for hymns and prayers, but which is reminiscent of numerous royal inscriptions from very early times in Mesopotamia; a blessing is pronounced on whoever makes proper use of the piece, and a corresponding curse is added for its misuse. Duplicate copies of the text are preserved on two tablets found in the German excavations at Ashur. Text: E. Ebeling, K A R, Nos. 105, 361. Translations: E. Ebeling, Quellen zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, M VAG, xxiii (1918), 1, 25-7; E. Ebeling in AOT, 247-8. 1 Thus the moon-god is identified with the chief god of the pantheon. 2 The name of the principal temple in Nippur. 8 These two lines stand after line 1 1 in the original text. They represent a later insertion in the text, which interrupts the sense awkwardly. I have ventured to transpose them to the present place in the translation, where I believe the interpolator intended them to stand. 4 A name of the moon-god meaning “ bright rising.” 5 The text has a mark of division in the midst of this line, at a point corresponding to the first semicolon in the translation. The probable mean­ ing of this is that the line formed two separate lines in an earlier tablet from which our copy was made. 6 The personal deity mentioned two lines above.

S UMERO- AKK ADI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

O light of the great gods, light of the earth, illuminator of the world-regions, . . . exalted judge, the honored one of the upper and lower regions, . . -1 Thou dost look into all the lands with thy light. As one who does not cease from revelation, daily thou dost determine the decisions of heaven and earth. Thy [rising] is a flaming fire; all the stars of heaven are covered over. Thou art uniquely brilliant; no one among the gods is equal with thee. With Sin, thy father, thou dost hold court; thou dost deliver ordinances. Anu and Enlil without thy consent establish no decision. Ea, the determiner of judgment in the midst of the Deep, depends upon thee.2 The attention of all the gods is turned to thy bright rising. (ro) They inhale incense; they receive pure bread-offerings. The incantation priests [bow down] under thee in order to cause signs of evil to pass away. The oracle priests [stand before] thee in order to make the hands worthy to bring oracles. [I am] thy [servant], Ashurbanipal, the exercising of whose kingship thou didst command in a vision, [The worshiper of] thy bright divinity; who makes glorious the appurtenances of thy divinity, [The proclaimer of] thy greatness, who glorifies thy praise to widespread peoples. Judge his case; turn his fate to prosperity. [Keep] him in splendor; daily let him walk safely. [Forever] may he rule over thy people whom thou hast given him in righteousness. [In the house] which he made, and within which he caused thee to dwell in joy, (20) May he rejoice in his heart, in his disposition may he be happy, may he be satisfied in living. Whoever shall sing this psalm, (and) name the name of Ashurbanipal, In abundance and righteousness may he rule over the people of Enlil. Whoever shall learn this text (and) glorify the judge of the gods, May Shamash enrich his . . . ; may he make pleasing his command over the people. Whoever shall cause this song to cease, (and) shall not glorify Shamash, the light of the great gods, Or shall change the name of Ashurbanipal, the exercise 1 Two words, tihjp saiakM}» which appear in the text at this point, are not included in the translation because they appear not to have formed part of the original composition. They probably constitute a note inserted by the scribe when he was copying the text from another tablet. Von Soden in ZDMG xci (1937), 193. and Thureau-Dangin in Textes mathimatiques babyloniens (Leyden, 1938), xvii, have pointed out that satatyu is a loan word from Sumerian meaning a single “ wedge” of cuneiform writing. The word tikpu means "layer,” “ section,” or “ row.” The phrase here probably means, “ a line of cuneiform writing.” The most probable ex­ planation is that the phrase was inserted here by the scribe to represent a line on his original which was damaged or for some reason was too obscure to be copied. 2 Literally, “ looks upon thy face.”

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of whose kingship Shamash in a vision commanded, and then shall name another royal name, May his playing on the harp be displeasing to the people; may his song of rejoicing be a thorn and a thistle.

Hymn to the Sun-G od Shamash is praised as a universal god. He shines on all the earth and even on the nether world. He enjoys the worship and devotion of all types of mankind even those in foreign lands. Appearing alternately with this thought throughout the hymn is the proclamation of the sun-god’s interest in justice and righteousness. He punishes the wicked and rewards the right­ eous. The text is made up out of many fragments, all found in the library of Ashurbanipal, 668-633 BX- The best edition of the text is that of C. D. Gray, The Samas Religious Texts (Chicago, 1901), Pis. 1-11, to which must be added, R. E. Briinnow, Assyrian Hymns, ZA, iv (1889), 25-35. Translations: P. A. Schollmeyer, Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen und Gebete an Samas (Paderborn, 1912), 80-94; E. Ebeling, in AOT, 244-47; F. M. Th. Bohl, De zonnegod als de beschermer der nooddruftigen, JEO L (1942), 665-80.

(i) O illuminator of [darkness. . . ], Destroyer of [evil. . . ] above and below, O Shamash, illuminator of [darkness. . . ], Destroyer of [evil. . . ] above and below, Cast down like a net [over the land] are thy rays; Over the mighty mountains . . . of the sea. At thy appearance [all] princes are glad; All the Igigi1 rejoice over thee. They are always kept hidden [in] thy . . . ; In the brilliance of thy light their path [is obscured]. (10) . . . constantly look at thy radiance. The four world regions like fire. . . . Opened wide is the gate which entirely.. . . The bread-offerings of all the Igigi.. . . O Shamash, at thy rising . . . are bowed down. . . . O Shamash . . . , O shining one, who opens the darkness, who. . . , Who intensifies the noonday heat. . . the grain fields. The mighty mountains are covered with thy brightness. Thy brilliance fills the extent of the land. (20) (When) thou art risen over the mountains thou dost scan the earth. Thou art holding the ends of the earth suspended from the midst of heaven. The people of the world, all of them, thou dost watch over. Whatever Ea, the counselor-king, has willed to create, thou art guarding altogether. Those endowed with life, thou likewise dost tend; Thou indeed art their shepherd both above and below. Faithfully thou dost continue to pass through the heavens; 1 A collective name for the great gods of heaven.

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SUMERO- AKKADI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

The broad earth thou dost visit daily. . . . the sea, the mountains, the earth, and the heavens. Like a . . . steadfastly thou goest every day. (30) The lower region, belonging to the prince Kubu2 (and) the Anunnaki,8thou dost guard; The upper world, consisting of all inhabited places, thou dost lead aright. Shepherd of the lower world, guardian of the upper, Guide, light of everything, O Shamash, art thou. Thou dost constantly pass over the vast wide seas, Whose innermost depths even the Igigi do not know. . . . thy gleaming rays go down into the Deep; The monsters of the sea look upon thy light. . . . when thou art bound with a cord, when thou art clothed with a storm-cloud, ... thy protection is cast down on the lands. (40) As thou art [not] troubled in the daytime, and thy face is not darkened, So thou art satiated at night; thou causest [thy light] to burn. Over stretches of unknown distance and for countless hours, O Shamash, thou dost keep awake; by day thou dost go and by night thou dost [return]. There is not among all the Igigi one who wearies (himself) except thee; (Yet) none among the gods of all the world who is exuberant like thee. At thy rising the gods of the land assemble; By thy frightful brilliance the land is overwhelmed. Of all countries (even) those different in language, Thou knowest their plans; thou art observant of their course. (50) All mankind rejoices in thee; O Shamash, all the world longs for thy light. By the cup of the diviner, by the bundle of cedarwood, Thou dost instruct the oracle priest and the interpreter of dreams. . . . of spells are bowed down before thee; [Before] thee are bowed down both the wicked and the just. (ii) [Who] penetrates into the sea except thee ? For the good and the wicked (alike) thou dost set up judgment. (line 3 is too incomplete for translation) Pours over him, and sleep . . . Thou dost hold back the evildoer, who is not. . . Thou dost bring up . . . which holds judgments. By the true judgment, O Shamash, which thou hast spoken. .. Glorious are thy pronouncements; they are not changed Thou dost stand by the traveler whose road is difficult; 2 The reading of the name of this deity is not certain; other readings, which have been proposed and which may be correct, are Kusud, or Kusig. 3 See above, the Prayer of Lamentation to Ishtar, n.4.

To the seafarer who fears the waters thou dost give [courage]. (10) (Over) roads which are not proven thou dost [guide] the hunter; He follows along the high places just like the sun. [The merchant with his] pouch thou dost save from the flood. (seventeen broken lines omitted) Spread out is thy wide net [to catch the man] Who has coveted the wife of his comrade . . . On an unlucky day . . . (line omitted) When thy weapon is turned on him [he has] no saviors. In his trial his father will not stand by him; To the word of the judge even his brothers do not answer; By a bronze trap he will be caught unawares. The horn of the perpetrator of abomination thou dost destroy. He who manipulates the calculating of an account4— his foundation will be changed. (40) The unrighteous judge thou dost make to see imprison­ ment. The receiver of a bribe who perverts (justice) thou dost make to bear punishment. He who does not accept a bribe (but) intercedes for the weak, Is well-pleasing to Shamash (and) enriches (his) life. The solicitous judge who pronounces a judgment of righteousness, Shall prepare a palace; the abode of princes (shall be) his dwelling. He who invests money at an exorbitant rate of reckon­ ing—what does he gain ? He will make himself lie for the profit and then lose (his) bag of weights.5 He who invests his money at liberal rates of reckoning, yielding one shekel for three? Is well-pleasing to Shamash, (and) enriches his life. (50) He who handles the scales in falsehood, He who deliberately changes the stone weights (and) lowers [their weight,] Will make himself lie for the profit and then lose [his bag of weights.] He who handles the scales in truth, much . . . As much as possible . . . He who handles the measure . . . (iii) (six broken lines omitted) He is well-pleasing to Shamash (and) enriches his life. 4 The word liddu appears to be borrowed from Sumerian i i d “ reckon­ ing," although it has not been recognized as such in the previous trans­ lations of this text, nor in the existing Akkadian dictionaries. The phrase epeS siddi is an exact translation of Sumerian s i d a g “ to render an account." 5 The word for “ bag of weights" may also be translated “capital.” 6 The translation is based on a restoration which is uncertain but probable. Such an interest rate is very common in Babylonian contracts; higher rates are also frequent.

S UMERO- AKK ADI AN HYMNS AND PRAYERS

He will expand (his) family; he will acquire wealth. Like the water of eternal springs, there shall be enduring seed For the doer of good deeds, who is not crafty in accounts. (10) He who changes the least (thing) in an offering o f. . . T Those who do evil—their seed shall not endure. Those who make appeal8—it is put before thee; Quickly thou dost interpret their statements.9 Thou dost hearken; thou dost support them; thou dost reinstate the right of him who has been badly treated. Each and every one is kept by thy hand; Thou dost guide all their omens aright; what is bound thou dost loosen. Thou hearkenest, O Shamash, to prayer, supplication, and adoration; To devotion (and) kneeling, to reciting of prayers and prostration. In his hollow voice the feeble man calls out to thee; (20) The miserable, the weak, the mistreated, the poor man Comes before thee faithfully with psalms (and) offer­ ingsWhen his family is distant, his city is far away, From the fear of the (open) field, the shepherd comes before thee. The shepherd boy in confusion, the shepherd among enemies O Shamash, comes before thee. The caravan which marches in fear, The traveling trader, the peddler carrying the bag of weights, O Shamash, comes before thee. The net-fisherman, The hunter, the fighter and guard against animals In the hiding place, the bird-catcher comes before thee. (30) The burglar, the thief, the enemy of the king,10 The vagabond in the roads of the desert, comes before thee. The wandering dead, the fleeting ghosts Came before thee, O Shamash . . . Thou didst not exclude; they came before thee . . . (three broken lines omitted) [To guide] their omens [aright] thou art sitting on a throne. In all directions thou dost investigate their past. (40) 7 The Akkadian for “ in an offering of . . is ina mai-da-ri id. . . . This might also be read: ina mai-ta-ri Jd-[fa-ri] "in writing an inscription," The same word mal-da-ri, however, appears in line 22 below, where it seems certain that it means “ offering." 8 Literally: “ those who make their mouth high." 8 Literally: ‘Thou dost hasten; thou dost loosen the issue of their mouth." 10 The word translated “ king" means literally “ sun" and is fundamentally the same word as the name of the sun-god. In this case the scribe has indicated by a phonetic complement that the word is to be read iam ii; elsewhere in the text he writes the name of the sun-god consistently with­ out a phonetic complement even when it is grammatically in the genitive case. It is probable, then, that the sun-god is not meant here. Frankfort has pointed out in Kingship and the Gods, 307-8, that in Mesopotamia as well as in Egvpt the king often bore the epithet “ the sun.” Such an interpretation of the text fits in well here with the general context.

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Thou dost open the ears of the whole world. For the wings of the glance of thine eyes the heavens are not sufficient; For a divination bowl all the countries are not enough. On the twentieth day thou dost rejoice; in joy and gladness Thou dost eat and drink. Their pure wine (and) beer of the quay tavern-keeper They pour out for thee. Beer of the quay tavern-keeper thou dost receive. Those whom . . . and flood surround thou indeed dost spare; Their bright, pure outpourings thou dost accept. Thou dost drink their mixture, the wine; The wishes which they conceive thou indeed dost cause to be realized. (50) Those who are submissive—thou dost release their bans; Those who do homage—thou dost accept their prayers. They then fear thee; they honor thy name; They praise thy greatness forever. The foolish of tongue who speak evil, Who, like clouds, have no face or countenance, (iv) Those who traverse the wide earth, Those who tread upon the high mountains, The monsters of the sea which are full of terror, The product of the sea (and) what belongs in the Deep, The spawn of the river which it produces from itself, (all) O Shamash, are in thy presence. Which are the mountains that have not clothed them­ selves with thy brilliance ? Which are the world regions that do not warm them­ selves by the glow of thy light ? O brightener of gloom, who makes darkness to shine, O opener of darkness, who makes the broad earth to shine, Who makes the day bright (and) sends down burning heat on the earth in the midday, (10) Who like a fire heats the broad earth, Who makes days short, who makes nights long, . . . cold (and) frost, rain (and) snow, (twenty more fragmentary lines)

Psalm to M arduk The one purpose of this composition is to establish a quiet and favorable mood in the god Marduk, when he is returned to his temple, after a long ceremony known as the Akitu, or New Year’s Festival. To this end the principal temples where he is worshiped, and all the main gods are invoked, and asked to say to him, “Be appeased.” This word is common to three slightly different refrains which run throughout the composition, at the ends of the lines. The most complete copy of the text is from a tablet found at Babylon. Other copies existed at Nineveh, and fragments of two of them are known from the time of Ashurbanipal, 668-633 b . c . The Babylonian text is said to have been copied from an older tablet. To judge from the name of the scribe, Bel-ahhim-iribam, this was done in NeoBabylonian times. The date of the original composition can not be determined. It appears to have been written in Sumerian.

39 0

S UMERO- AKKADI AN HY MNS AND PRAYERS

The extant copies are in the Emesal dialect of Sumerian with interlinear translation in Akkadian. Text: F. H. Weissbach, Babylonische Miscellen (Leipzig, 1903), Pis. xm-xiv; Rawlinson, iv (2d ed.), 18, No. 2; ibid., Additions and Corrections, p. 3. Translations: P. Jensen, Texte zur assyrisch-babylonischen Re­ ligion (KeilinschriftlicheBibliothe\, vi, 2 [Berlin, 1915]), 36-41; A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer (Jena, 1921), 169-172; E. Ebeling, AOT, 256-7.

O Lord, at thy going into the temple [may thy house say to thee, “Be appeased.” ]1 O Prince, Lord Marduk, at thy going into the temple, may thy house. . . .2 O great hero, Lord Enbilulu8 at thy going into the temple, may thy house . . . . Be appeased, O Lord; be appeased, O Lord; may thy house. . . . Be appeased, O Lord of Babylon; may thy house . . . . Be appeased, O Lord of Esagila;4 may thy house . . . . Be appeased, O Lord of Ezida;6 may thy house . . . . Be appeased, O Lord of Emachtila;6may thy house. . . . (In) Esagila the house of thy lordship, may thy house. . . . May thy city say to thee, “ Be appeased” ; may thy house. . . . (10) May Babylon say to thee, “Be appeased” ; may thy house . . . . May Anu the great, father of the gods, say to thee, “How long,” (and) “Be appeased.”7 May the great mountain, father Enlil, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May the princess of city and house, the great mother, Ninlil, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May Ninurta, the chief son of Enlil, the exalted arm of Anu, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May Sin, the lamp of heaven and earth, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May the hero Shamash, the bearded one, son of Ningal (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May Ea, king of the Deep, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May Damkina, queen of the Deep, (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . 1 The restoration is made on the basis of the following lines and in particular lines 3 1 and 36, following also Langdon, Babylonian Penitential Psalms, ix. 2 It is intended that the first eleven lines should all end with the same refrain as line 1, although the text actually gives only the first word of the refrain in 2-11. 8 One of the “Fifty Names'* of Marduk listed in the seventh tablet of the Babylonian Creation Epic. 4 The name of the chief temple of Marduk, located in Babylon and known from Old Babylonian times until the Hellenistic period. 6 Although there was a chapel in the temple of Esagila known as Ezida, it is not probable that it is meant here; more likely the reference is to the great temple in Borsippa. It is true that Ezida of Borsippa was a temple of Nabu, but it is not inappropriate to call Marduk, the chief of the gods in Neo-Babylonian times, the “ Lord of Ezida,” especially since he seems to have been associated with this temple even as early as the time of Hammurabi. 8 A principal sanctuary in the temple of Ezida at Borsippa. 7 The refrain is now augmented by the words, “ How long?” and continues in this form through line 28, although in its written form it appears only represented by the first word. "How long?” is an abbreviated exclamation, meaning, "How long will you remain in your present state? Is it not time for a change?”

May Sarpanitum, daughter-in-law of the Deep (say to thee), “How long,” . . . . (20) May . . . Nabu (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May . . . first born of Urash (say to thee) “How long,” . . . . May . . . Tashmetum say to thee, “ How long,” (and) “ Be appeased.”8 May the great princess, the lady Nana, (say to thee), “Howlong,” . . . . May the Lord Madana, director of the Anunnaki, (say to thee), “How long,” . . . . May Baba, the gracious lady, (say to thee), “How long,” . . . . May Adad, the son beloved of Anu, (say to thee), “How long,” . . . . May Shala, the great wife, (say to thee), “How long,” . . . . O Lord, mighty one who dwells in Ekur9 let thine own divine spirit bring thee rest. O thou who art the hero of the gods—may the gods of heaven and earth cause thine anger to be appeased. (30) Do not neglect thy city, Nippur; “O Lord, be appeased,” may they say to thee.10 Do not neglect thy city, Sippar; “O Lord, be ap­ peased,” . . . . Do not neglect Babylon, the city of thy rejoicing; “O Lord, be appeased,” . . . . Look favorably on thy house; look favorably on thy city; “O Lord, be appeased,” . . . . Look favorably on Babylon and Esagila; “O Lord, be appeased,” . . . . The bolt of Babylon, the lock of Esagila, the bricks of Ezida restore thou to their places; “O Lord, be appeased,” may the gods of heaven and earth say to thee.11

Prayer to the Gods o f the Night The occasion for this prayer is a divination ceremony carried on at night. The great gods who ordinarily control the affairs of the world are regarded as resting in sleep; and therefore the gods represented by several of the constellations of fixed stars are asked to witness the performance and to guarantee that truth will be revealed. The place from which this text comes is not known, but it was written in the Old Babylonian period, in the first half of the second millennium b . c . It is written in the Akkadian language and the Babylonian cursive script. Two slightly variant copies of the text are known, one of which is on a tablet giving two additional prayers of similar nature. These latter are not given here because they are somewhat fragmentary. Text A: V. K . Shileiko, lzvestija Rossijs^oj 8 The refrain is written out in full in this line because it is the first line on the reverse of the tablet. 9 The historic temple of Enlil in the city of Nippur. Since Marduk in Neo-Babylonian theology had been assigned the position that Enlil once held it is quite in order to say that he dwells in Ekur. 10 After two lines (29-30) without a refrain, the response now assumes its third form and continues so to the end. 11 The original composition seems to have ended here; but the Assyrian copy adds the following prayer: “ Make Ashurbanipal, the shepherd, thy sustainer, to live; hear his prayer; lay well the foundation of the seat of his royalty; the control of the people let him hold unto distant days.”

SUMERO-AKKADIAN

A\ademii istorii material’noj \ul’tury, i i i (Leningrad, 1924), 147; photograph, ibid., PI. v i i i . Text B: G. Dossin, RA, xxxil ( r9 3 5 )> 182-3. Translations: G. Dossin, RA, x x x i i (1935), 179187; W. von Soden, ZA, x l i i i (1936), 305-8.

They are lying down, the great ones.1 The bolts are fallen; the fastenings are placed. The crowds and people are quiet. The open gates are (now) closed. The gods of the land and the goddesses of the land, Shamash, Sin, Adad, and Ishtar,2 Have betaken themselves to sleep in heaven. They are not pronouncing judgment; They are not deciding things. Veiled is the night ;* (10) The temple and the most holy places are quiet and dark. The traveler calls on (his) god;4 And the litigant is tarrying in sleep.5 The judge of truth, the father of the fatherless,6 Shamash, has betaken himself to his chamber. O great ones, gods of the night,7 O bright one, Gibil,8 O warrior, Irra,8 O bow (star) and yoke (star),10 O Pleiades, Orion, and the dragon,11 O Ursa major, goat (star), and the bison, (20) Stand by, and then, In the divination which I am making, In the lamb which I am offering,12 Put truth for me.

Prayer to Every God This prayer is addressed to no particular god, but to all gods in general, even those who may be unknown. The purpose of the prayer is to claim relief from suffering, which the writer understands is the result of some infraction of divine law. He bases his claim on the fact that his transgressions have been committed unwittingly, and that he does not even know what god he may have offended. Moreover, he claims, the whole human race is by nature ignorant of the divine will, and consequendy is constandy committing sin. He therefore ought not to be singled out for punishment. The text is written in the Emesal dialect of Sumerian, furnished with an interlinear Akkadian translation. The colophon of the tablet indicates that it was part of a series o( prayers, the next tablet of which began with the line “ By his word he has commanded my well-being.” The tablet comes from the library of Ashurbanipal, 668-633 B.C., and was copied from an older original. There are, however, numer­ 1 The word literally means “ princes” and is an epithet of the gods. 2 B has: “ Adad and Ea, Shamash and Ishtar.” 8 The meaning is, “ the night has put on its veil and hence the world has become dark.” 4 Instead of “ calls on his god” B has, “ prays to the god Nergal.” The cuneiform signs involved are enough alike that one may have been mistakenly copied for the other. 5 The litigant is contrasted with the traveler of the previous line. The reference in both cases is probably to tradespeople. When a trader entered a town he was frequently haled into court to settle some legal matter connected with his transactions. 6 B has “ truth” instead of “ fatherless.” 7 This line in B is transposed to stand after line 20. 8 The fire-god. 8 A god of the nether world. 10 B mentions only one constellation in this line, “ the Elamite bow.” 1 1 A omits the Pleiades. 12 A has "prayer” instead of “ lamb.”

HYMNS AND PRAYERS

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ous features of the Sumerian text which are characteristic of the late period, and it is probable that the original composition of the text is not much older than Ashurbanipal. Text: Rawlinson, iv (2d ed.), 10. Translations: A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer (Jena, 1921), 224-7; & Ebeling, in AOT, 261-2; S. Langdon, Babylonian Penitential Psalms (Paris, i 9 27 ). 3 9 -4 4 -

May the fury of my lord’s heart be quieted toward me.1 May the god who is not known be quieted toward me; May the goddess who is not known be quieted toward me. May the god whom I know or do not know be quieted toward me; May the goddess whom I know or do not know be quieted toward me. May the heart of my god be quieted toward me; May the heart of my goddess be quieted toward me. May my god and goddess be quieted toward me. May the god [who has become angry with me]2 be quieted toward me; May the goddess [who has become angry with me] be quieted toward me. (10) (lines n-18 cannot be restored with certainty) In ignorance I have eaten that forbidden of my god; In ignorance I have set foot on that prohibited by my goddess. (20) O Lord, my transgressions are many; great are my sins. O my god, (my) transgressions are many; great are (my) sins. O my goddess, (my) transgressions are many; great are (my) sins. O god whom I know or do not know, (my) trans­ gressions are many; great are (my) sins; O goddess whom I know or do not know, (my) trans­ gressions are many; great are (my) sins. The transgression which I have committed, indeed I do not know; The sin which I have done, indeed I do not know. The forbidden thing which I have eaten, indeed I do not know; The prohibited (place) on which I have set foot, indeed I do not know. The lord in the anger of his heart looked at me; (30) The god in the rage of his heart confronted me; When the goddess was angry with me, she made me become ill. The god whom I know or do not know has oppressed me; The goddess whom I know or do not know has placed suffering upon me. Although I am constantly looking for help, no one takes me by the hand; When I weep they do not come to my side. 1 Literally the Sumerian says, “ Of my lord, may his angry heart return to its place for me.” The phrase “ return to its place” is figurative language meaning “ to settle down” ; the imagery may be that of a raging storm or of the contents of a boiling kettle. The scribe indicates that each of the next nine lines ends with the same phrase, although he actually writes only the first word of the phrase after having written it once fully. 2 The restoration is based on line 32, after Langdon.

392

SUMERO- AKKADI AN HY MNS AND PRAYERS

I utter laments, but no one hears me; I am troubled; I am overwhelmed; I can not see. 0 my god, merciful one, I address to thee the prayer, “Ever incline to me” ; 1 kiss the feet of my goddess; I crawl before thee. (40) (lines 41-49 are mostly broken and cannot be restored with certainty) How long, O my goddess, whom I know or do not know, ere thy hostile heart will be quieted ? (50) Man is dumb; he knows nothing; Mankind, everyone that exists,—what does he know? Whether he is committing sin or doing good, he does not even know. O my lord, do not cast thy servant down; He is plunged into the waters of a swamp; take him by the hand. The sin which I have done, turn into goodness;

The transgression which I have committed, let the wind carry away; My many misdeeds strip off like a garment. O my god, (my) transgressions are seven times seven; remove my transgressions; O my goddess, (my) transgressions are seven times seven; remove my transgressions; (60) O god whom I know or do not know, (my) trans­ gressions are seven times seven; remove my trans­ gressions; O goddess whom I know or do not know, (my) trans­ gressions are seven times seven; remove my trans­ gressions. Remove my transgressions (and) I will sing thy praise. May thy heart, like the heart of a real mother, be quieted toward me; Like a real mother (and) a real father may it be quieted toward me.

Hittite Prayers T R A N SLA T O R : A LBR EC H T GO ETZE

Prayer o f Pudu-hepas 1 to the Sun-Goddess o f Arinna and her Circle Text: KU B, xxi, 27. Literature: Short quotations were given by E. Forrer, Recdlexi\on der Assyriologie, 1 (1929), 150 and by A. Gotze, Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens ( 19 33 ), 129, 2nd ed. ( i 957 ). 137A. PRAYER TO TH E SUN-GODDESS HERSELF

To the Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, the mistress of the Hatti lands, the queen of heaven and earth. Sun-goddess of Arinna, thou art queen of all coun­ tries! In the Hatti country thou bearest the name of the Sun-goddess of Arinna; (5) but in the land which thou madest the cedar land thou bearest the name Hebat. I, Pudu-hepas, am a servant of thine from of old, a heifer from thy stable, a foundation stone (upon which) thou (canst rest). Thou, my lady, rearedst me (10) and Hattusilis, thy servant, to whom thou espousedst me, was closely associated with the Storm-god of Nerik, thy beloved son. The place in which thou, Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, didst establish us was the residence (15) of the Storm-god of Nerik, thy beloved son. How the earlier kings had neglected it, that thou knowest, Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady. The earlier kings let [fall into ruins] even those countries which thou, Sungoddess of Arinna, my lady, hadst given them. (Small gap in which Hattusilis’ achievements during the reign of his brother Muwatallis were related.) [When he was king in] the country of Nerik and in the country of [Hakpis], he himself and his [soldiery kept in the field] while he (Muwatallis) waged war against [Egypt]. But when Muwatallis, [his brother,] became god,2 he (Hattusilis) took his [son] Urhi-Tessub (40) and established him as king. How [Urhi-Tessub limited] Hattusilis, thy servant, to Nerik, that thou knowest, Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady. How he harried his lord, and (how) they rallied the princes (with the call): “Come! To Nerik!” [that thou kno]west [Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady]. That man* counted its ruin and its doom as naught: “Let there be death in Nerik! Let us throw Nerik into ruin!” (small gap) [In the way in which it is right to perform purifi­ cations, in the way in which ye want to be worshiped, 1 Hittite queen and consort of Hattusilis, the son of Mursilis. 2 i.e. died. 8 Urhi-Tessub is meant; the expression is derogatory.

in the way in which it is right to attend to your festivals] (ii) [thus] we shall perform the purifications, thus we shall worship you the gods, thus we shall attend to the ordinances (and) celebrations due to you, the gods. (5) The festivals of you, the gods, which they had stopped, the old festivals, the yearly ones and the monthly ones, they shall celebrate for you, the gods. Your festivals, O gods, my lords, shall never be stopped again! For all our days will we, your servant (and) your handmaid, (10) worship you. This is what I, Pudu-hepas, thy handmaid, laid in prayer before the Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, the lady of the Hatti lands, the queen of heaven and earth. Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, yield to me, hearken to me! (15) Among men there is a saying: “To a woman in travail the god yields her wish.” [Since] I, Pudu-hepas, am a woman in travail (and since) I have devoted myself to thy son, yield to me, Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady! (20) Grant to me what [I ask]! Grant life to [Hattusilis, thy serv]ant! Through [the Good-women] (and) the Mother-goddesses [long (and) enduring] years (and) days shall be [gi]ven to him. [Since] thou, an exalted deity, holdest [a place set apart among the gods], (25) all the gods are [sub­ servient to thee], and no one appeals [to thee in vain]. In [the assembly] of all the gods request thou the life [of Hattusilis]! May [thy] request (30) be received with favor! Because thou, [Sun-goddess] of Arinna, my [lady], hast shown favor to me and (because) the [g]ood of [the land] and of its realm [is close to thy heart], thou shalt enjoy the reverent [worship] of [my fam]ily. Where [as I have now pacified] thy soul, Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, (35) hearken to what­ ever I lay before thee in prayer on [this] day! [Do something] for this cause! Let not the gods re[ject my] request! (gap) B. PRAYER TO LELWANIS*

. . . (iii) Hattusilis, that servant of thine, who [is ill]. (15) In the presence of Sum[ . . . ], the physician, they spoke charms over him [ . . . ] . If [Hattusilis is accur]sed, and if Hattusilis, [my husband], has become [hateful] in the eyes of you, the gods; or (if) anyone of the gods above or below has taken offence at him; or (if) anyone has made an offering to the gods (20) to bring evil upon Hattusilis—accept not those evil words, O goddess, my lady! Let evil not touch Hattusilis, thy servant! (25) O gods, prefer not [our] adversaries], 4 This is probably the Hittite pronunciation of the name which is other­ wise spelled “Ishtar*’ of Samuha; she was Hattusilis’ special patroness.

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thy mother! (30) The Storm-god, thy father, (and) the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy mother, will [not re]ject thy word, they will hearken to thee. This [word], which I, Pudu-hepas, thy handmaid, have spfoken] in prayer, announce and relay thou (to thy parents), Storm-god of Zippalanda, my lord! O god, my lord, (35) yield to this word of mine! Because as a woman in travail I have in my own person made reparation to the god, my lord, intercede for me, god, my lord, with the Storm-god, thy father, and the Sungoddess of Arinna, thy mother! Hattusilis, thy servant, wore himself out in the god’s service; he gave himself body and soul (40) to the restoration of Nerik, the beloved city of the god, my lord. So be thou, O god, my lord, favorably inclined toward Hattusilis, thy servant! These words, which I lay in prayer before the Stormgod, thy father, (45) and the Sun-goddess of Arinna, C. PRAYER TO ZINTUHIS thy mother—convey them (to thy parents) for me, O Storm-god of Zippalanda, my lord! O Zintuhis, my lady, beloved granddaughter of the And if thou, Storm-god of Zippalanda, my lord, wilt Storm-god and of the Sun-goddess of Arinna! Thou art convey these words to the Storm-god, thy father, and the pectoral (45) of the Storm-god and of the Sunto the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy mother, and thereby goddess of Arinna; they continually look at thee. wilt [deliver] Hattusilis from evil, (edge) then I will (small gap) make [for thee . . . ] (and) a golden shield weighing (iv) [In this matter], Zintuhis, my lady, [prove] thy x minas; I will make [for thee . . . ] and the . . . for the divine power! Before the Storm-god, thy grandfather, god [ . . . ] . . . . (5) [and before] the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy grand­ mother, bring (die request) [of Ha]ttusilis, thy servant, for life and long years! Let that come forth from their Plague Prayers o f M ursilis 1 mouth! [And] if thou, Zintuhis, my lady, wilt [hear]ken to a these words and relay them to the Storm-god, thy T ext: KUB, xiv, 8 and its duplicates KUB, xiv, 10 -{-KUB, grandfather, (10) [and] to the Sun-goddess of Arinna, xxvi, 86 and KUB, xiv, 1 1 . Literature: E . Forrer, Forschungen, thy grandmother, [then] I will make a [grea]t ornament 11 / 1 (19 2 6 ), 12 -18 ; A . Gotze, Kleinasiatische Forschungen, 1 for thee, Zintuhis, my lady. (our) enviers (and our) . . . [ . . . ] . to us! If thou, goddess, my lady, wilt grant him life and relay to the gods, thy peers, the good (word), and (if) (30) thou wilt tread under foot the evil words and shut them out— O Lelwanis, my lady, may the life of Hattusilis, thy servant, and of Pudu-hepas, thy handmaid, come forth from thy mouth in the presence of the gods! To Hat­ tusilis, thy servant, and to Pudu-hepas, thy handmaid, (35) giye long years, months and days! And if thou, Lelwanis, my lady, relayest the good (word) to the gods, grantest life to thy servant Hat­ tusilis, (and) givest him long years, months (and) days, I will go (and) make for Lelwanis, my lady, (40) a silver statue of Hattusilis—as tall as Hattusilis him­ self, with its head, its hands (and) its feet of gold— moreover I will hang it (with ornaments).

(19 2 9 ), 204-35.

D. PRAYER TO MEZZULLAS

O Mezzullas, my lady! Thou art the beloved daughter of the Storm-god [and] of the Sun-goddess of Arinna. (15) Whatever thou, Mezzullas, my lady, sayest [to] the Storm-god, thy father, and to the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy mother, [to that] they will hearken; they will not reject it. These words which [I], Pudu-hepas, thy handmaid, have laid in [pray]er before the Stormgod, thy father, and the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy mother, (20) announce them, Mezzullas, my lady, and convey them to the Storm-god, thy father, [and to the Sun-goddess of Arinn]a, thy mother! [And if thou, Mezzullas, my lady, wilt hearken to these] words [and convey them to the Storm-god, thy father, and to the Sun-goddess of Arinna, thy mother], (25) [then I will make . . . ] and present (it) to Mezzullas, my lady, [ . . . ] . E. PRAYER TO TH E STORM-GOD OF ZIPPALANDA

[O Storm-god of Zippalan]da, my lord! Thou art the beloved son [of the Storm-god and of the Sun-] god­ dess of Arinna. Announce [my words to the Stormgod, thy father,] and to the Sun-goddess of Arinna,

1. Hattian Storm-god, my lord, and ye, Hattian gods, my lords! Mursilis, the great king, your servant, has sent me (with the order:) Go! To the Hattian Stormgod, my lord, and to the gods, my lords, speak as follows: What is this that ye have done? A plague ye have let into the land. The Hatti land has been cruelly afflicted by the plague. For twenty years now men have been dying in my father’s days, in my brother’s days, and in mine own since I have become the priest of the gods. When men are dying in the Hatti land like this, the plague is in no wise over. As for me, the agony of my heart and the anguish of my soul I cannot endure any more. 2. When I celebrated festivals, I worshiped all the gods, I never preferred one temple to another. The matter of the plague I have laid in prayer before all the gods making vows to them (and saying): “Hearken to me, ye gods, my lords! Drive ye forth the plague from the Hatti land! The reason for which people are dying in the Hatti land—either let it be established by 1 Hittite king* son of Suppiluliumas; about third quarter of the 14th century b . c .

HI TTI TE PRAYERS

an omen, or let me see it in a dream, or let a prophet declare it!” But the gods did not hearken to me and the plague got no better in the Hatti land. The Hatti land was cruelly afflicted. 3. The few people who were left to give sacrificial loaves and libations were dying too. Matters again got too much for me. So I made the anger of the gods the subject of an oracle. I learnt of two ancient tablets. The first tablet dealt with the offerings to the river Mala.2 The old kings had regularly presented offerings to the river Mala. But now a plague has been rampant in the Hatti land since the days of my father, and we have never performed the offerings to the river Mala. 4. The second tablet concerned Kurustama. When the Hattian Storm-god had brought people of Kurustama8 to the country of Egypt and had made an agreement concerning them with the Hattians so that they were under oath to the Hattian Storm-god—although the Hattians as well as the Egyptians were under oath to the Hattian Storm-god, the Hattians ignored their obligations; the Hattians promptly broke the oath of the gods. My father sent foot soldiers and charioteers who attacked the country of Amka,4 Egyptian territory. Again he sent troops, and again they attacked it. When the Egyptians became frightened, they asked outright for one of his sons to (take over) the kingship. But when my father gave them one of his- sons, they killed him as they led him there. My father let his anger run away with him, he went to war against Egypt and attacked Egypt. He smote the foot soldiers and the charioteers of the country of Egypt. The Hattian Stormgod, my lord, by his decision even then let my father prevail; he vanquished and smote the foot soldiers and the charioteers of the country of Egypt. But when they brought back to the Hatti land the prisoners which they had taken a plague broke out among the prisoners and they began to die. 5. When they moved the prisoners to the Hatti land, these prisoners carried the plague into the Hatti land. From that day on people have been dying in the Hatti land. Now, when I found that tablet dealing with the country of Egypt, I made the matter the subject of an oracle of the god (and asked): ‘Those arrange­ ments which were made by the Hattian Storm-god— namely that the Egyptians and the Hattians as well were put under oath by the Hattian Storm-god, that the Damnassaras deities were present in the temple of the Hattian Storm-god, and that the Hattians promptly broke their word—has this perhaps become the cause of the anger of the Hattian Storm-god, my lord?” And (so) it was established. 6. Because of the plague, I made the offerings to the river Mala the subject of an oracle also. And in that matter too it was established that I should have to account for myself before the Hattian Storm-god. 2 A river marking the eastern frontier of Hittite dominated territory and separating it from the Hurri kingdom. 3 A city in the Kashkean country of northern Anatolia. The purpose for which these people were sent to Egypt is not known to us. 4 The region between Lebanon and Antil.banus.

395

See now! I have admitted my guilt before the Storm-god (and said): “It is so. We have done it.” I know for certain that the offence was not committed in my days, that it was committed in the days of my father. . . . But, since the Hattian Storm-god is angry for that reason and people are dying in the Hatti land, I am (nevertheless) making the offerings to the Hattian Storm-god, my lord, on that account. 7. 'Because I humble myself and cry for mercy, hearken to me, Hattian Storm-god, my lord! Let the plague stop in the Hatti land! 8. The reasons for the plague that were established when I made the matter the subject of a series of oracles, these have I removed. I have made [ample] restitution. The matter of the (broken) oath which was established (as a cause) in connection with the plague, offerings for those oaths I have made to the Hattian Storm-god, my lord. I have also made (offer­ ings) [to the other gods]. The offerings have been presented to thee, Hattian Storm-god, my lord; the offerings have been presented to them too. (As for) the offerings to the river Mala that were established (as a cause) in connection with the plague—since I am now on my way to the river Mala, acquit me of that offering to the river Mala, O Hattian Storm-god my lord, and ye gods, my lords! The offering to the river Mala I promise to make, I promise to complete it properly. The reason for which I make it—namely the plague—O gods, my lords, take pity on me and let that plague abate in the Hatti land! 9. Hattian Storm-god, my lord, (and) ye gods, my lords! It is only too true that man is sinful. My father sinned and transgressed against the word of the Hattian Storm-god, my lord. But I have not sinned in any respect. It is only too true, however, that the father’s sin falls upon the son. So, my father’s sin has fallen upon me. Now, I have confessed before the Hattian Storm-god, my lord, and before the gods, my lords (admitting): “It is true, we have done it.” And because I have confessed my father’s sin, let the soul of the Hattian Storm-god, my lord, and (those) of the gods, my lords, be again pacified! Take pity on me and drive the plague out of the Hatti land! Suffer not to die the few who are still left to offer sacrificial loaves and liba­ tions! 10. See! I lay the matter of the plague before the Hattian Storm-god, my lord. Hearken to me, Hattian Storm-god, and save my life! This is of what I [have to remind] thee: The bird takes refuge in (its) nest, and the nest saves its life. Again: if anything becomes too much for a servant, he appeals to his lord. His lord hears him and takes pity on him. Whatever had become too much for him, he sets right for him. Again: if the servant has incurred a guilt, but confesses his guilt to his lord, his lord may do with him whatever he pleases. But, because (the servant) has confessed his guilt to his lord, his lord’s soul is pacified, and his lord will not punish that servant. I have now confessed 5 The gap indicated in my previous treatment is now bridged by KUB, xxvi, 86.

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my father’s sin. It is only too true, I have done it. If there is to be restitution, it seems clear that with all the gifts that have already been given because of this plague, with all the prisoners that have been brought home, in short with all the restitution that Hattusa has made because of the plague, it has already made restitution twentyfold. And yet the soul of the Hattian Storm-god, my lord, and of the (other) gods, my lords, is not pacified. But, if ye demand from me additional restitution, tell me of it in a dream and I will give it to you. ii. See! I am praying to thee, Hattian Storm-god, my lord. So save my life! If indeed it is for those reasons which I have mentioned that people are dying,—as soon as I set them right, let those that are still able to give sacrificial loaves and libations die no longer! If, on the other hand, people are dying for some other reason, either let me see it in a dream, or let it be found out by an oracle, or let a prophet declare it, or let all the priests find out by incubation whatever I suggest to them. Hattian Storm-god, my lord, save my life! Let the gods, my lords, prove their divine power! Let someone see it in a dream! For whatever reason people are dying, let that be found out!. . . Hat­ tian Storm-god, my lord, save my life! Let this plague abate again in the Hatti land! b Text: KUB, xxiv, 3 and its duplicates KUB, xxiv, 4 + KUB, xxx, 12 and KUB, xxx, 13. Literature: O. R. Gurney, AAA, xxvii (1940), 24 ff.

What is this, O gods, that ye have done ? A plague ye have let into the land. The Hatti land, all of it, is dying; so no one prepares sacrificial loaves and libations for you. The plowmen who used to work the fields of the god are dead; so no one works or reaps the fields of the god at all. The grinding women who used to make the sacrificial loaves for the gods are dead; so they do not make the sacrificial loaves any longer. From whatever corral (or) sheepfold they used to select the sacrifices of sheep and cattle, the cowherds and the shepherds are dead and the corral [and the sheepfold are empty]. So it comes to pass that the sacrificial loaves (and) libations, and the offerings of animals have stopped. And ye, O gods, come on this day and hold us responsible. Man has lost his wits, and there is nothing that we do aright. O gods, whatever sin you behold, either let a prophet rise and declare it, or let the sibyls or the priests learn about it by in­ cubation, or let man see it in a dream! . . . O gods, take ye pity again on the Hatti land! On the one hand it is afflicted with a plague, on the other hand it is afflicted with hostility. The protectorates beyond the frontier, (namely) the Mitanni land (and) the Arzawa land, each one has rebelled; they do not acknowledge the gods and have broken the oaths of the gods. They persist in acting maliciously against the Hatti land, and the temples(?) of the gods they seek to despoil. Let the gods take an interest therein again! Send ye the plague, hostility, famine (and) evil fever into the

Mitanni land and the Arzawa land! Rested are the rebellious countries, but the Hatti land is a weary land. Unhitch the weary, but the rested harness! Moreover, those countries which belong to the Hatti land, (namely) the Kashkean country (they are swine­ herds and weavers of linen), also the country of Arawanna, the country of Kalasma, the Lukka country, the country of Pitassa—these lands have also renounced the Sun-goddess of Arinna. They cast off their tributes and began to attack the Hatti land in their turn. In olden days the Hatti land with the help of the Sungoddess of Arinna used to take on the surrounding countries like a lion. Moreover, cities like Halba (and) Babylon that it would destroy—from all such countries they took goods, silver (and) gold, and their gods and placed them before the Sun-goddess of Arinna. But now all the surrounding countries have begun to attack the Hatti land. Let it again become a matter of concern to the Sun-goddess of Arinna! O god, bring not thy name into disrepute! Whatever rage (or) anger the gods may feel, and whosoever may not have been reverent toward the gods, —let not the good perish with the wicked! If it is one town, or one [house], or one man, O gods, let that one perish alone! Look ye upon the Hatti land with favorable eyes, but the evil plague give to [those other] countries!

Daily Prayer o f the King Texts: KUB, xxrv, 1-4 and the additional pieces KUB, xxx, 12 and 13. Literature: The hymn of section b. is translated in the following places: H. Ehelolf, Berichte aus den preussischen Kunstsammlungen, x u x (1928), 32-34; E. Forrer, Reallexi\on der Assyriologie, 1 (1929), 149 f.; A. Gotze, Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens (1933), 128. The whole composition was treated by O. R. Gurney in AAA, x x v i i (1940), 3-163. In part of the texts the addressed deity is the Sun-goddess of Arinna, in another part Telepinus. The latter version has been adopted here.

Entreaty The scribe reads this tablet addressing the deity daily; he praises the deity (saying): Telepinus, a mighty (and) noble deity art thou. Mursilis, the king, thy servant, and the queen, (5) thy handmaid, have sent me (with the request): “Go! en­ treat Telepinus, our lord, the guardian of our persons!” Whether thou art in heaven above among the gods, noble Telepinus; whether gone to the sea or to the mountains (10) to roam; whether gone to war to the country of the enemy— now let the sweet and soothing cedar essence lure thee! Come home into thy temple! Here I am entreat­ ing thee with sacrificial loaves and libations, (15) allow thyself to be lured forth! Let me speak to thee alone and whatever I say unto thee—lend me thine ear, O god, and hearken to it! Thou, Telepinus, art a noble god; thy godhead and the gods’ temples are firmly established in the Hatti land. But (20) in no other land anywhere are they so.

HI TTI TE PRAYERS

Festivals (and) sacrifices pure (and) holy they present to thee in the Hatti land. But in no other country any­ where do they present them so. (25) Lofty temples adorned with silver and gold thou hast in the Hatti land. But in no other country anywhere hast thou their like, (ii) Cups (and) rhyta, silver, gold and (precious) stones thou hast in the Hatti land. But in no other country hast thou their like. Festivals too—the festival of the month, the festivals of the new year, the ceremonies of winter and spring, (5) and of the summer, the festivals of entreaty—men celebrate for thee in the Hatti land. But in no other country anywhere do they celebrate their like. Thy divinity, O Telepinus, (10) is honored in the Hatti land, and Mursilis, the king, thy servant, and the queen, thy handmaid, and also the princes, thy servants, are reverent toward thee in the Hatti land. They under­ take the celebration of communion feasts, sacrifices and festivals for thee, Telepinus. (15) Everything they pre­ sent to thee is holy (and) pure. Moreover, reverence is paid to thy temple, thy rhyta, [thy cups] (and) thy utensils and they are cared for scrupulously. To the utensils [of thy worship] no one draws near. Hymn1 Thou, Telepinus, art a noble god; (30) thy name is noble among names. Thy godhead is noble among the gods; among the gods art thou noble, O Telepinus. Great art thou, O Telepinus; there is no other deity more noble and mighty than thou. Of sure (35) judgment thou art lord; thou watchest over kingship in heaven and on earth. Thou settest the bounds of the lands; thou hearkenest to entreaties. Thou, Telepinus, art a merciful god; (40) thou art forever showing thy mercy. The godly man is dear to thee, O Telepinus, and thou, Telepinus, dost exalt him. In the orbit of heaven and earth thou, Telepinus, art the (source of) light; (45) throughout the lands art thou a god who is celebrated. Of every land thou art father (and) mother; the inspired lord of judgment art thou. In the place of judgment thou art untiring; among the Olden Gods thou art (50) the one who is celebrated. For the gods thou, Telepinus, assignest the rites; to the Olden Gods thou assignest their portions. For thee they open the door of heaven; thou, the celebrated Telepinus, (35) art allowed to pass through the gate of heaven.2 The gods of heaven are obedient to thee, O Telepinus; the gods of the earth are obedient to thee, O Telepinus. Whatever thou sayest, O Telepinus, the gods bow down to thee. Of the oppressed, the orphan and the widow thou art father (and) mother; the cause of the orphan, the oppressed thou, Telepinus, dost take to heart. 1 The following text is taken chiefly from KUB, xxiv, 3. 2 The text, which is incomplete here in all copies, can be restored with the help of the closely related prayer KUB, xxxi, 127 H- ABoT, 44 (there 1 28 ff.) and its duplicates.

397

Blessings and Curses3 . . . Turn with favor [toward the king and the queen], and toward the princes [and the Hatti land!] Take thy stand, O Telepinus, strong god, [beside the king (and) the queen and the] princes! Grant them en­ during life, health, long years [(and) strength]! Into their souls place [ligh]t and joy! Grant them sons (and) daughters, grandsons (and) great-grandsons! (10) Grant them . . . ! Grant them fertility of grain (and) vine, of sheep, cattle (and) people! Grant them a man’s valiant (and) victorious weapon! Set the countries of the enemy (15) beneath their feet and let [them die by the sword]! From the Hatti land drive forth the evil fever, plague, famine and misery \ And (as for) the enemy countries that are in revolt and turmoil—some refuse the due respect to thee, Telepinus, (20) and to the Hattian gods; others are out to burn your temples; (iv) others seek to obtain the rhyta, the cups (and) the utensils of silver (and) gold; others seek to lay waste your plowland and pasture, vineyards, gardens (and) groves; (5) others seek to capture your plowmen, vinedressers, gardeners (and) millwomen—give evil fever, plague, famine (and) misery to these enemy countries. But to the king (and) the queen, to the princes and to the Hatti land (10) grant life, health, strength, long and enduring years and joy! Grant everlasting fertility to their crops, vines, fruit-bearing trees, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, mules (and) asses together with the beasts of the fields, and to (their) people! Let them flourish! Let the rains [come]! Let the winds of prosperity pass over! Let all thrive (and) prosper in the Hatti land! And the congregation shouts: “Let it be so!”

Prayer to be Spoken in an Emergency Text: KUB, vi, 45 -\-KUB, xxx, 14 (with the duplicates KUB, vi, 44 and KUB, x i i , 35). Literature: F. M. Th. Boehl, Theologisch Tijdschrift, l (1916), 306 ff.; M. Witzel, Hethitische Keilschrift-Urkunden ( = Keilschriftliche Studien, iv [1924]) 86-98.

(i) Thus speaks the Tabarnas1 Muwatallis, the Great King, the king of the Hatti country, the son of Mursilis, the Great King, the king of the Hatti country, the valiant: When things get too much for a man and he approaches his gods in prayer, he sets up two offeringtables of wickerwork (5) covered (with a cloth) on the roof under the open sky. He sets up one table for the Sun-goddess of Arinna, and one table for [all the (other)] gods. Upon them (there are deposited) 35 sacrificial loaves weighing one tarnal made of barley meal, [x] thin loaves( ?) with honey and fine oil inside, 3 The following text is taken chiefly from KUB, xxiv, i. 1 Title of the Hittite king.

398

HI TTI TE PRAYERS

mutton-fat cake, a full stewpot, meal, a full cup, 30 pitchers of wine. When this is all made ready, the king ascends to the roof and offers it to the Sun-god of Heaven. (10) He speaks as follows: “Sun-god of Heaven and Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, queen of the Hatti land I Storm-god, king of heaven, my lord! Hebat, queen, my lady! Hattian Storm-god, king of heaven, master of the Hatti land, my lord! Storm-god of Zippalanda, my lord, beloved son of the Storm-god, lord of the Hatti land! (15) All ye gods and goddesses! All ye mountains (and) rivers of the Hatti land! (My) lords, lordly gods! Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, and all ye gods of the Hatti land, lords whose priest I am and who have accorded me unlimited kingship over the Hatti land! (20) “Now, hearken ye, gods, to the prayer of me, your priest and your servant! I shall speak in prayer first of you, the lordly gods, of your temples (and) of your images; how the gods of the Hatti land are worshiped, and how they are abused. (25) ‘Thereafter I shall speak in prayer of my own affairs. Lend me your ears, O gods, my lords! Listen to these my prayers! And whatever matters I lay before the gods in prayer, receive those matters, O gods, my lords, and listen to them! I may lay before you, (30) gods, matters which ye do not wish to hear; they rise from my mortal mouth. Those words, O gods, my lords, refrain from hearing! “ Seris, my lord, thou bull who standest in the presence of the Storm-god of the Hatti-land! These matters that I present in my prayer, (35) announce them to the gods! Let the lord gods listen to those matters that I present in my prayer, the lord gods of heaven and earth!” (There follows a full list of the Hatti gods.) (iii) “Storm-god of the house of the Tawannannas,2 Storm-god h u lalialliil Gods and goddesses of king and queen, ye who have been invoked (and) ye who have not been invoked; ye in whose temples king and queen worship officiating as priests, (and) ye in whose temples they do not! Gods (and) goddesses, (10) . . . , dark nether world, heaven (and) earth, clouds (and) winds, thunder (and) lightning, place of assembly where the gods meet in assembly! “ Sun-god of Heaven, my lord, shepherd of man­ kind! Thou risest, O Sun-god of Heaven, from the Sea. Thou takest thy place in heaven, (15) Sun-god of Heaven, my lord. Over man, dog, swine (and) the beasts of the field dost thou, Sun-god, pronounce judg­ ment daily. “Here then am I, Muwatallis, the king, the priest of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and of all the gods, praying to the Sun-god of Heaven. (20) On this day, O Sungod of Heaven, my lord, arouse the (other) gods! Those gods whom I invoked with (the word of) my mouth on this day, and with whatever request,— 2 Title of the Hittite queen.

“those gods, O Sun-god of Heaven, summon from heaven (and) from earth, from the mountains (and) from the rivers, from their temples (and) their thrones!” (25) Thereafter the king speaks as follows: “Stormgod pihaliallii, my lord! I was but a mortal. Yet my father was priest of the Sun-goddess of Arinna and of all the gods. My father begat me, but thou, Storm-god pihaliallii, tookest me from my mother and rearedst me. Thou madest me priest of the Sun-goddess of Arinna (30) and of all the gods. In the Hatti land thou madest me king. “So, I, Muwatallis, the king, reared by thee, Stormgod pih aliallii, am now praying. The gods whom I invoked with (the word of) my tongue, (35) the gods to whom I prayed,—intercede for me with all those gods! Take the words of my tongue, the words of me, Muwatallis, thy servant, and pass them on in full to the gods! In the matters that I lay before the gods in prayer let them not forsake me! (40) ‘The bird takes refuge in (its) nest and lives. I have taken refuge with the Storm-god pihaliallii, my lord; so save my life! The matters which I lay before the gods in prayer, pass them on in full to the gods! Let them hearken to me! Therefore too shall I praise the Storm-god pihaliallii. (45) “No sooner will the gods have heard my words, than they will put right (and) remove the evil that is in my soul. To whom is praise due, if praise is not due to the Storm-god pihaliallii, my lord? Then, whenever a man looks upon god and mortal, (50) he will say: ‘Surely, the Storm-god pihaliallii, my lord, the king of heaven, has favored (that) man and rescued him; he has put him right and advanced him.’ In the future my children (and) children’s children, kings (and) queens (55) of Hatti, princes (and) noblemen will always show reverence to the Storm-god pihaliallii, my lord. Thus they will speak: ‘Surely, that god is a strong, valiant (and) glorious god!’ And the gods of heaven, the mountains (and) the rivers will praise thee. (60) “I, Muwatallis, thy servant,—my innermost soul rejoices, and I praise the Storm-god pihaliallii. Thou, Storm-god pihaliallii, shalt rejoice over the temples that I shall build for thee, over the decrees I shall issue for thee. The sacrificial loaves and the libations (65) which I am accustomed to present to the Storm-god pihaliallii, my lord—I would give them to thee gladly; I would not give them to thee grudgingly. So, Sun-god pihaliallii, my lord, beam upon me like the full moon, (70) and shine above me like the sun in the sky! “Walk on my right hand! Team up with me as (with) a bull to draw (the wagon)! Walk by my side in true Storm-god fashion! Truly I wish to speak thus: ‘He who is favored by the Storm-god pihaliallii, he who is reared by him, [prospers. . . . ’ ]” (There follow offerings to the gods.) (iva) When the Sun* has finished breaking the sacrifi­

HI TTI TE PRAYERS

cial loaves, he presents in prayer the (special) matters which are in his mind. (Upon completion of that prayer new offerings to the gods are given. Finally the broken loaves are burned.)

39 9

(ii) So stand ye by us! (5) The territory which the enemies2 plundered and kept for themselves when they invaded the Hatti coun­ try, that (territory) we promise to restore to you, the gods, and to make them account for it. The territories which were under obligation to present to you, the gods of heaven, sacrificial loaves, libations Prayer o f Arnuwandas and (and) tribute—in some the priests, the mothers-of-god, Asm u-N ikkal Concerning the the holy priests, (10) the anointed, the musicians (and) the singers had to leave, in others the gods’ tributes and Ravages Inflicted on Hittite treasures were carried off; in others there were carried off the Sun-goddess’ of Cult-Centers Arinna sun discs and lunulae (15) made of silver (and) gold, bronze (and) copper, the fine cloth, the adupli Texts: KUB, xvii, 21 with its duplicates KUB, xxxi, 117 and garments, the tunics (and) the gowns, the sacrificial KUB, xxxi, 124 ( + ) KUB, xxiii, 115. The text is still in­ loaves (and) the libation bowls; complete. E. von Schuler, Die Kas\aer (1965), 151-67. in others they drove away the herds, the fattened (beginning lost) oxen (and) the fattened cows, the fattened sheep (and) (1) The land of the Hittites is a land [that is devoted] the fattened goats. to you, the gods. In the land of the Hittites we are (20) In the country of Nerik, in Hursama, in the accustomed to present to you pure and really [holy] country of Kastama, in the country of Serisa, in the sacrifices. In the land of the Hittites we are accustomed country of Himuwa, in the country of Taggasta, in to show you, the gods, reverence. the country of Kammama, in the country of Zalpuwa, (6) Ye should know, O gods, by your divine insight in the country of Kapiruha, in the country of Hurna, that no one has ever before taken care of your temples in the country of Dankusna, in the country of Taas we have; pa[panu]wa, in the country of Tarugga, in the country that no one has ever paid more reverent attention to of Ilaluha, in the country of Zihana, in the country (25) your implements; (11) that no one has ever taken of Sipidduwa, in the country of Washaya, in the coun­ care of the goods, silver (and) gold, of the rhyta (and) try of Parituya*— cups(!) of you, the gods, as we have; the temples* which ye, the gods, possessed in these furthermore, that (in the case of) the images of silver countries, the Kashkeans sacked them. They smashed (and) gold that exist of you, the gods,—(15) when the images of you, the gods, (iii) They plundered silver anything had grown old on any god’s body, when any (and) gold, rhyta (and) cups of silver (and) gold, implements of the gods had grown old—that no one (and) of copper, your implements of bronze (and) has ever renewed them as we have; your garments; they shared out these things among furthermore, (20) that no one has ever paid more themselves. reverent attention to matters of cleanliness connected They scattered the priests and the holy priests, the with your sacrifices; that no one has ever made more mothers-of-god, the anointed, (5) the musicians, the careful provisions for the sacrifices (and) festivals due singers, the cooks, the bakers, the plowmen (and) the you for the day, the month, (and) the new year\ gardeners and made them their slaves. furthermore, (as for) the slaves, slave-girls (and) They also scattered your cattle (and) your sheep. villages of you, the gods,—they used to oppress them They shared out among themselves your fields (and) with imposts (25) (and) feudal services; the slaves lands, (the source) of the sacrificial loaves (and) the (and) slave-girls of you, the gods, they would take vineyards, (10) (the source) of the libations. Those and make them their own slaves and slave-girls. [We, the Kashkeans took for themselves. Arnuwa]ndas the Great King,1 [and Asmu-Nikkal, Thus it has come about that in those countries no one the Great Queen, have freed them] for you in every invokes the names of you, the gods, any more; no one particular. presents to you (15) the sacrifices due you for the day, Ye should know by your divine insight what offerings the month, (and) the new year; no one celebrates your of sacrificial loaves and libations they used to present. festivals (and) pageants. [We], Arnuwandas, the Great King, and AsmuHere, to the Hatti land, no one brings tribute (and) Nikkal, the Great Queen, shall again give fat sheep treasures for you anymore. No longer do priests, holy (and) fine [oxen], fine sacrificial loaves and libations, priests, mothers-of-god, musicians, (or) singers come (small gap) to you from anyfplace]. »45 ff. 2 The Kashkeans are meant, unruly tribes who live in the mountains of 4 i.e. the king.

1 A predecessor of Suppiluliumas.

northern Anatolia and incessantly harass Hittite territory. s All these countries must be located along the Kashkean frontier. 4 The text is taken from KUB, xxxi, 124 ii 10 ff.

400

HI TTI TE PRAYERS

[Furthermore] no one brings sun discs and lunulae made of silver (and) gold, bronze (and) copper, fine cloth, adupli garments, tunics (and) gowns for you, the gods, (and for) the Sun-goddess of Arinna. (25) No one presents sacrificial loaves (and) libations to you, the gods. No one drives up herds of fattened oxen (and) fattened cows, fattened sheep (and) fattened goats. (small gap6) (iv) They (i.e. the Kashkeans) came here to the Hittite [land (and) they . . . ]. They terrorized Tuhasuna. [ . . . ] . . . They terrorized Tahatariya. They came down to the gates [of . . . ] and terrorized Hum[ . . . ]. (5) Since, however, we are reverent toward the gods and hold ourselves responsible for the festivals of the gods, (and) since the Kashkeans have taken Nerik for themselves, we will send offerings from Hattusa to Hakmis for the Storm-god of Nerik and for the gods of Nerik, (10) [ . . . ] . . . , sacrificial loaves (and) libations, cattle (and) sheep. We will summon the Kashkeans; we will give them presents and then make them swear an oath: “Keep your hands off the offerings which we send to the Storm-god of Nerik! Let no one attack them on their way!” (15) They will come and accept the presents and then take the oath. But should they rise again and transgress the oath, make light of the words of you, the gods, and violate the seal of the oath they have sworn by the Storm-god; (20) should they seize the [presentjs (sent) from the [Hittite] land, [withhold] from the Storm-god [of Nerik . . . ] the offerings, sacrificial loaves (and) li­ bations, [cattle (and) sheep, they shall not escape unpunished!] (end lost)

Prayer o f Kantuzilis for R elief from his Sufferings Text: KUB, xxx, 10. Literature: A few lines are translated by J. Friedrich AfO, xm (1940), 154.

(beginning lost) O Sun-god, when thou goest down to the nether world (to be) with him, forget not to speak with that patrongod of mine and (5) apprise him of Kantuzilis’ plight!1 0 god, ever since my mother gave birth to me, thou, my god, hast reared me. Thou, my god, (art) my [refuge] and my anchor.2 Thou, [my god], broughtest me together with good men. Thou, my god, didst show me what to do in time of distress. [Thou], my god, 5 Perhaps bridged by KUB, xxm, 115 . 1 Kantuzilis is not otherwise identified in the text. He is probably the high official and member of the royal family who is mentioned in 2 BoTU, 24 among children of Suppiluliumas. 2 Literally: my rope.

didst call [me], Kantuzilis, thy favorite servant. (10) The superior power of my god that I have not known since childhood [must I experience] it [in my old age p] Even when I fared well, I always acknowledged the superior power (and) the wisdom of my god. Never have I sworn in thy name, my god, and then broken the oath afterward. That which is holy to my god and hence not fit for me to eat, never have I eaten it. I have not brought impurity upon my body. (15) Never have I withheld from thy stable an ox; never have I withheld from thy fold a sheep. When­ ever I came upon food, I never ate it indiscriminately; whenever I came upon water, I never drank it indis­ criminately. Were I now to recover, would I not have recovered at the word of thee, my god? Were I to re­ gain my strength, would I not have regained it at the word of thee, my god ? (20) Life is bound up with death, and death is bound up with life. Man cannot live for ever; the days of his life are numbered. Were man to live for ever, it would not concern him greatly even if he had to endure grievous sickness. Would that my god might now freely open his heart (and) soul to me and [tell] me my fault (25) so that I might learn about it! Either let my god speak to me in a dream! Would that my god would open his heart to me and tell [me] my [fau]lt so that I might learn about it! Or let the sibyl tell me, [or] let the Sun-god’s seer tell [me] from the liver (of a sheep). Would that my god might freely open [his heart (and) his soul] to me and tell me my fault so that I might learn about it! O my god! Let me know how to improve on your worship! (rev.) of all [men] the shepherd art thou. It has always been said about thee [that thou. . . ]. My god who was angry at me and rejected me—let the same (god) care for me again and grant me life! Would that my god, who for[sook] me, [might take] pity on me! [Much as] I wearied myself with pleading before my god, it is yet of no avail. (5) No sooner didst thou scrape [one thing evi]l off [me], than thou broughtest back [another] in its stead. Would that [the Sun-god] might calm down again and that peace might return to his heart! Would that he might raise me up again out of my affliction. [O Sun-god], . . . , [the favorite son of] Sin and Ningal3 art thou. See! I, Kantuzilis, thy servant, have asked for [mercy] and humbled myself. [See!] I am beseeching thee. (10) To the Sun-god I sing. See! I, Kantuzilis, implore my god incessantly. Would that my god might hearken [to me]! Whenever in times past I, Kantuzilis, per­ formed the cult of my god, whenever I . . . [ . . . ]ed to my god, thou gavest me abundance, thou gavest me strength. But now when I, Kantuzilis, performed the cult for thee with the merchant, a mortal, holding the balance for the Sun-god and upsetting the balance— what [wrong] did I do to my god? 8 The Sumero-Akkadian Moon-god and his wife who in Mesopotamian mythology are the parents of the Sun-god.

HITTITE

Through sickness my house has become a house of misery. Through misery (15) my soul longs for another place. As (one who has been) sick on new year's day (?),—thus have I become. Sickness and misery have now become oppressive to me; that I must declare to thee, my god. At night sweet slumber does not overtake me on my bed. While I lie there, good tidings do not come to me. Now, my god, join thy strength (20) to that of (my) patron-god! How thou couldst have ordained this sick­

401

PRAYERS

ness for me from (my) mother’s womb on, that I have never asked thy sibyl. Now I cry for mercy in the presence of my god. Hearken to me, my god! O my god, do not make me a man who is unwelcome at the king’s court! Do not make my condition an offence to mankind! Those to whom I did good, none of them wishes [me] (long) life. (25) [Thou], my god, [(art) father and mother] to me; [beside thee there is no fa]ther or mother for me' f

1

(end lost)

V I. Didactic and W isdom Literature

Fables and Didactic Tales Egyptian Didactic Tales (Translator: John A. Wilson) A DISPUTE OVER SUICIDE This remarkable text carries the argument between a man who is weary of this life and his own soul. Since he finds life unbearable, the man contemplates suicide. His soul vacillates, first agrees, then fears that suicide will entail the danger that the man will have no mortuary service from his survivors, then proposes an abandonment to a life of careless pleasures, and finally agrees to remain with the man in any case. The text dates from the Middle Kingdom, or, more probably, from the disturbed times between the Old and Middle Kingdoms (end of the third millennium B . C . ) , when the established order of life had broken down and men were groping for new values. Berlin Papyrus 3024 was published by A. Erman, Gesprach eines Lebensmiiden mit seiner Seele (APAW , 1896, 2). A tran­ scription of much of the text into hieroglyphic appears in K. Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestiicbe (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1928), 43-46. It has been studied by A. Scharff, in German in SB A W, 1937, 9, by R. Weill, in French in BIFAO, x l v (1946), 89-154, and in Dutch by A. de Buck in Kemmomenten. "E x Oriente Lux”—Mededeelingen en Verhandelingen, No. 7, (Leyden, 1947), 19-32. It was translated in Erman, LAE, 86-92. The begin­ ning of the manuscript is lost. The translation starts with the man’s answer to a previous argument by his soul.*

I opened my mouth to my soul, that I might answer what it had said: “This is too much for me today, that my soul no (longer) talks with me.1 It is really too great to be exaggerated. It is like abandoning me. Let [bo/] my soul go away; it should wait for me because o f . . . It will not (10) thereby succeed in escaping from the day of misfortune. Behold, my soul wrongs me, (but) I do not listen to it, and draws me on toward death before (I) have come to it and casts (me) upon the flame to burn me up (15) May it be near to me on the day of misfortune and wait on that side . . . O my soul, who art too stupid to subdue wretchedness over life, (yet) drivest me to death ere I come to it, make (20) the West pleasant for me! Is that (so) bad? Life is a circumscribed period: (even) the trees must fall. Trample down wrongs—(yet) my wretchedness en­ dures. Let Thoth, who propitiates the gods, judge me. Let Khonsu, who writes in truth, defend me. (25) Let Re, who pilots the sun barque, hear my speech. Let Isdes . . . defend me. My wretchedness is heavy . . . Pleasant would be the defense (30) of a god for the secrets of my body.”2 What my soul said to me: “Art thou not a man? Art thou. . . whilst thou livest ? What is thy goal ? Thou art concerned with [living] like a possessor of wealth!”8 1 This sounds as though the sou! had refused to continue the argument. 2 The man wishes to seek death by Are, but his soul refuses to support him in this escape. He then longs for the advocacy of the gods and conceives of himself as pleading his case before a divine tribunal. 8 The soul makes the sharp retort that the man seems to be concerned

I said: “I have not departed as long as these things are neglected. He who carries (men) off forcibly will take, without (35) caring about thee, (like) any criminal saying: ‘I shall carry thee off, for thy (fate) is still death, (though) thy name may live.’* (But) yonder is a place for settling down, the guide of the heart; the West is home . . . If my soul, which is innocent, will listen to me (40), and its heart agrees with me, it will be fortunate. (Then) I shall make it reach the West like one who is in his pyramid, at whose burial a survivor has stood.5 I shall make a shelter [over] thy corpse, (so that) thou mayest scorn another soul (45) as inert. I shall make a shelter—now it must not be (too) cool—(so that) thou mayest scorn another soul which is (too) hot. I shall drink at the watering place and shall. . . , (so that) thou mayest scorn another soul which is hungry.5 If thou delayest (50) me from a death of this fashion, thou wilt not find a place where thou canst settle down in the West. (So) be [patient], my soul and my brother, until my heir has appeared, he who will make offerings and will stand at the grave on the day of burial, so that he may prepare the bed (55) of the cemetery.”7 My soul opened its mouth to me, that it might answer what I had said: “If thou art thinking of burial, that is heart’s distress. It is a bringing of tears, making a man sad. It is taking a man out of his house, (so that) he is left on the hillside, (whence) thou shalt never go up above that thou mightest see (60) the suns. They who build in granite and who hew out chambers in a pyramid, good men in good work, as soon as the builders have become gods,8 their offering-stones are as bare, for lack of a survivor, as (those of) the weary ones, the dead on the dyke—(65) the waters take hold of an end of him, and the sunlight as well, and the fish of the water-banks talk to them.® Listen to me. Behold, it is good for men to listen. Pursue the happy day and forget care! “The poor man plows his plot of ground and loads his harvest (70) into a ship’s hold. He makes the journey by towing (the boat), (because) his feast day is apwith the proprieties of funerary observance, as though he were a man of means and position. 4 Death takes any man, whether he has prepared for it or not. 5 If the soul will only agree, then the death will effectively be like a normal death. 6 The argument seems to be that even a poor man can contrive a burial of adequate dignity, so that the soul need not fear its standing among other souls. 7 The man is not entirely without relatives or friends who will do what is necessary for his funerary care. 8 That is, are dead. 9 Ultimately the kings and nobles who were able to build themselves pyramids were no better off than the poor men abandoned as dead on the dykes and half immersed in the water. For a similar thought of the same period, see the Song of the Harper (p. 467 below). In the same way, the Song of the Harper urges that, because of the uncertainties of death, one should give himself up to pleasure.

406

FABLES AND DI DACTI C TALES

proaching.10 When he sees the forthcoming of an evening of high water, he is vigilant in the ship when Re retires, (and so) comes out (safely), with his wife and his children being lost on the lake, treacherous (75) with crocodiles in the night.11 At last he sits down, when he can ta\e part in speech, saying: ‘I am not weeping for that mother, (though) there is no coming forth from the West for her, for another {time) on earth.12 (But) I am concerned about her (unborn) children, broken in the egg, who saw the face of the crocodile-god (80) before they had (even) lived!’12 “The poor man asks for an afternoon meal, (but) his wife says to him: ‘It’s for supper!’ He goes out-ofdoors to grumble for a while. If he comes back into the house and is like another man, his wife is (still) ex­ perienced in him: that he does not listen to her (but) grumbles, (85) unresponsive to communications.”14 I opened my mouth to my soul, that I might answer what it had said:18 Behold, my name will reek through thee16 More than the stench of bird-droppings* On summer days, when the sky is hot. Behold, my name will reek through thee (More tban) a fish-handler On the day of the catch, when the sky is hot. (90) Behold, my name will reek through thee More than the stench of bird-droppings, More than a covert of reeds with waterfowl. Behold, my name will reek through thee More than the stench of fishermen, More than the stagnant pools which they have fished. Behold, my name will reek through thee More than the stench of crocodiles, More than sitting in the assembly among the crocodiles. Behold, my name will reek through thee More than a (married) woman Against whom a lie has been told because of a man. Behold, my name will reek through thee ( ioo) More than a sturdy boy of whom it is said: 10 Because he is in a hurry to reach home for his feast, he tows his boat for greater speed. II Before he reaches home a storm comes up, and his wife and children are lost, a prey to crocodiles. 12 His wife, by dying in this way, cannot “ come forth by day" to enjoy continued contacts with this life, as do those who die normally and are given normal funerary service. 18 This parable of the poor man who loses his children by accident is probably meant to persuade the man that the only proper death is the normal death. 18 This parable is not clear. It seems to say that a poor man cannot expect to eat in the late afternoon and also in the evening. The soul’s implication would then be that a poor man cannot ask for the luxury of death with an elaborate funeral. l s The man's argument, by which he finally wins over his soul, is presented in four poems consisting of tristichs of uniform theme and structure: (a) the man’s name will be in evil odor, if he follows the advice of his soul; (b) the people of his day are wholly hostile and unscrupulous; (c) death is a release from such miseries; (d) the dead have access to the gods. 16 “ Behold, my name is overflooded (with bad odor) from thee"— followed by a series of comparisons, most of which have to do with fetid smells.

“He belongs to his rival]”" Behold, my name will reek through thee (More than) a treacherous town, which plots rebellion, Of which (only) the outside can be seen.18 To whom can I speak today?18 (One’s) fellows are evil; The friends of today do not love. To whom can I speak today ? Hearts are rapacious: Every man seizes his fellow’s goods. (To whom can I speak today ?) The gentle man has perished, (But) the violent man has access to everybody. To whom can I speak today ? (Men) are contented with evil; Goodness is rejected everywhere. To whom can I speak today ? (110) (Though) a man should arouse wrath by his evil character, He (only) stirs everyone to laughter, (so) wicked is his sin. To whom can I speak today ? Men are plundering; Every man seizes his fellow’s (goods). To whom can I speak today ? The foul fiend is an intimate, (But) a brother, with whom one worked, has become an enemy. To whom can I speak today ? No one thinks of yesterday; No one at this time acts for him who has acted.20 To whom can I speak today ? (One’s) fellows are evil; One has recourse to strangers for uprightness of heart. To whom can I speak today ? Faces have disappeared; Every man has a downcast face toward his fel­ lows. (120) To whom can I speak today ? Hearts are rapacious; No man has a heart upon which one may rely. To whom can I speak today ? There are no righteous; The land is left to those who do wrong. To whom can I speak today ? There is lack of an intimate (friend); One has recourse to an unknown to complain to him. To whom can I speak today? There is no one contented of heart; lT “ To his hated one." It is whispered of the boy that he is the child of his father’s rival. 18 Uncertain. Perhaps the rebellious town shows a peaceful exterior while it is plotting within.* 19 “ I speak to whom today?” —with whom can I have any friendly and satisfactory contact in times like these?* 20 There is disregard for the lessons of the past, including grateful response for good services.

FABLES AND DIDACTI C TALES

That man with whom one went, he no (longer) exists. To whom can I speak today? I am laden with wretchedness For lack of an intimate (friend). To whom can I speak today ? The sin which treads the earth, It has no end. (130) Death is in my sight today21 (Like) the recovery of a sick man, Like going out into the open after a confinement. Death is in my sight today Like the odor of myrrh Like sitting under an awning on a breezy day. Death is in my sight today Like the odor of lotus blossoms, Like sitting on the bank of drunkenness.22 Death is in my sight today Like the passing away of rain, Like the return of men to their houses from an expedition. Death is in my sight today Like the clearing of the sky, Like a man fowling thereby for what he knew not.22 ( I4°) Death is in my sight today Like the longing of a man to see his house (again), After he has spent many years held in captivity. Why surely, he who is yonder24 Will be a living god, Punishing a sin of him who commits it.22 Why surely, he who is yonder Will stand in the barque of the sun, Causing that the choicest (offerings) therein be given to the temples. Why surely, he who is yonder Will be a man of wisdom, Not hindered from appealing to Re when he speaks. What my soul said to me: “ Set mourning aside, thou who belongest to me, my brother! (Although) thou be offered up on the brazier,26 (150) (still) thou shalt cling to life, as thou sayest. Whether it be desirable that I (remain) here (because) thou hast rejected the West, or whether it be desirable that thou reach the West and thy body join the earth, I shall come to rest after thou hast relaxed (in death). Thus we shall make a home together.”27 21 “ Death is in my face today”—in such times, I look upon death as—. 22 There would be no more obloquy to this than to its modern counter­ part: going on a picnic to the beach. 28 Obscure. Perhaps unexpectedly good weather permits a man to go fowling. 24 “ Verily, he who is there will be” —he who is over there in the realm of the dead. 25 They who live on in the realm of the dead will share in the privileges of the gods. 26 Death by fire is likened to a burnt offering. 27 The soul is successfully won over to the idea of suicide and will share the man’s fate, whatever it may be.*

407

It has come (to its end), (155) its beginning to its end, as found in writing. TH E PROTESTS OF THE ELOQUENT PEASANT The duty of social justice was an insistent theme of the Middle Kingdom. At that time the man of power and position was asked to deal impartially with all men—or even to be partial in seeking out and meeting need. In the following text, this theme is given a story setting and is emphasized by the mechanism of letting a poor man insist upon his rights. The story is laid in the reign of Neb-kau-Re Khety III, king at Herakleopolis and one of the competing pharaohs of the early 21 st century b .c . Almost all of the manuscript material derives from the Middle Kingdom (20th-i8th centuries). These are three papyri in Berlin (10499-*^” ; 3023-“ B i” ; and 3025-“ B2” ) and a papyrus in the British Museum (10274), with other, smaller fragments. The facsimile publication was Hieratische Papyrus aus den \oniglichen Museen zu Berlin, iv, 1 . Die Klagen des Bauern, bearbeitet von F. Vogelsang und A. H. Gardiner (Leipzig, 1908). The texts were then studied by Vogelsang, Kommentar zu den Klagen des Bauern {Untersuch., vi, Leipzig, 1913). See also E. Suys, Etude sur le conte du fellah plaideur (Rome, 1933). There are translations by A. H. Gardiner, in JEA, ix (1923), 5-25, and by Erman, LA E, 116-31.*

(R i) T h e r e w a s a m a n whose name was KhunAnup, and he was a peasant of the Field of Salt.1 Now he had a wife, whose name was [Mejrit. T h e n t h i s p e a s a n t s a id t o t h i s h i s w i f e : “ Behold, I am going down to Egypt to [fetch] food thence for my children. Now go and measure for me the grain which is in the barn, the grain remaining from [last year].” Thereupon he measured for her [«’*] hekat of grain.2 (5) Then t h i s p e a s a n t s a id t o t h i s h i s w i f e : “ Behold, [there are] twenty hekat of grain for thee and thy children for food. But thou shouldst make for me these six hekftt of grain into bread and beer for every day in which [/ may be traveling].” So this peasant went down into Egypt, after he had loaded his donkeys with iaa-plants, rermet-phxits, (10) natron, salt, . . . staves of the Farafra Oasis, leopard skins, (15) wolf hides,. . . pebbles,. . . doves,.. .2 earth’s hair, and anis, (35) full (measure) of all the good produce of the Field of Salt. So this peasant went south toward Herakleopolis, and he reached the region of Per-Fefi, to the north of Medenit.4 He met there a man standing on the riverbank, whose name was Thut-nakht. He was the son of a man (40) whose name was Isri, and he was a vassal of the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi. T h e n t h i s T h u t - n a k h t s a id , when he saw this peas­ ant’s donkeys, which were tempting to his heart: “Would that I had some effective idol, (so that) I might steal away the goods of this peasant with it!” Now the house of this Thut-nakht was on a riverbank (45) pathway. It was narrow; it was not at all wide: it 1 The modern Wadi Natrun, northwest of Herakleopolis* 2 A hekat was a little over four dry quarts. 8 The uncertain elements in a long list are here omitted. 4 The locations of Per-Fefi and of Medenit are unknown.

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may have exceeded the width of a loincloth. One side of it was under the water, and the other side of it was under grain. T h e n t h i s T h u t - n a k h t s a id t o h i s a t t e n d ­ a n t : “Go and fetch me a sheet from my house.” It was brought to him immediately. Then he spread it on the riverbank pathway. Thereupon (50) its fringe came to rest on the water and its hem on the grain. Then this peasant came along the public road.5 ( B i , i ) T h e n t h i s T h u t - n a k h t s a i d : “Be accommo­ dating, peasant! Wouldst thou tread upon my gar­ ments?” T h e n t h i s p e a s a n t s a i d : “I shall do thy pleas­ ure. My course is good.” So he went up higher. T h e n t h i s T h u t - n a k h t s a i d : (5) “Wilt thou have my grain for a path?” Then this peasant said: “My course is good. The embankment is high, and the (only other) way is under grain, (but still) thou providest our road with thy garments. Now wilt thou not let us pass by on the road ?” Now he had (scarcely) finished saying [this] word, when one of the donkeys filled (10) his mouth with a wisp of grain. Then this Thut-nakht said: “ Behold, I will take away thy donkey, peasant, because he is eating my grain. Behold, he will (have to) thresh be­ cause of his boldness.” Then this peasant said: “My course is good. (Only) one (wisp) has been damaged. I brought my donkey because of . . . ; wilt thou take him (15) for filling his mouth with a wisp of grain? More­ over, I know the lord of this district. It belongs to the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi. Moreover, he is the one who punishes every robber in this entire land. Shall I be robbed in his district?” Then this Thutnakht said: “ Is this the proverb which men say: (20) ‘The name of the poor man is pronounced (only) for his master’s sake’ ?6 I am the one who is speaking to thee, (but) it is the Chief Steward whom thou mentionest!” Then he took a stick of green tamarisk against him. Then he belabored all his limbs with it, and his donkeys were taken away and driven into his estate. Thereupon this peasant (25) wept very greatly because of the pain of what had been done to him. Then this Thutnakht said: “Do not be (so) noisy, peasant! Behold, thou art at the home of the Lord of Silence.”7 Then this peasant said: “Thou beatest me, thou stealest my goods, and now thou (even) takest away the complaint from my mouth! O Lord of Silence, mayest thou give me back (30) my property! Then I shall not cry out (so that) thou art alarmed!”8 Then this peasant spent the time up to ten days appealing to this Thut-nakht, (but) he would not pay attention to it. So this peasant went to Herakleopolis to appeal to the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi. He met him going out of the door (35) of his house to embark on his official barge. 6 “ On the way of all people.” 8 Thut-nakht quotes, somewhat inaptly, a proverb against the peasant’s attempt to invoke higher authority. 7 Osiris, god of the dead, had a sanctuary near Herakleopolis. 8 By appealing to the god for justice, the peasant turns to his own account Thut-nakht’s attempt to silence him.

Then this peasant said: “Would that I might be permitted to make a communication to thee about this recital of fact! It is (only) a matter of letting an attend­ ant of thine of thy choice come to me, (so that) I might send him back to thee about it.”9 So the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, had (40) an attendant of his choice go in front of him,10 and this peasant sent him back about this affair in every aspect of it. Then the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, laid a charge against this Thut-nakht before the officials who were at his side. Then they said to him: “Probably it is a peasant of his who has gone to someone else beside him. (45) Behold, that is what they do to peasants of theirs who go to others beside them.11 It is (only) a matter of having this Thut-nakht punished for a little natron and a little salt. Let him be ordered to replace it, and he will replace it.” Then (50) the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, was silent; he did not reply to these officials, nor did he reply to this peasant. Then this peasant came to appeal to the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi. He said: “O Chief Steward, my lord, greatest of the great, undertaker of that which is not and of that which is!12 If thou embarkest on the lake of (55) justice, mayest thou sail on it with a fair breeze! A squall shall not tear away thy sail, thy boat shall not lag, no mis­ fortune shall overtake thy mast, thy yards shall not break, . . . the current shall not carry thee away, thou shalt not taste the evils (60) of the river, thou shalt not see a frightened face! (Even) the timid fish shall come to thee, and thou shalt attain (some) of the fattest fowl. Because thou art the father of the orphan, the husband of the widow, the brother of the divorcee, and the apron of him that is motherless. Let me make thy name in (65) this land according to every good law: a leader free from covetousness, a great man free from wrongdoing, one who destroys falsehood and brings justice into being, and who comes at the cry of him who gives voice. When I speak, mayest thou hear. Do justice, thou favored one whom the favored ones favor! Dispose of (70) my burdens. Behold me, (how) bur­ dened I am! Count me: behold, I am lacking!”18 Now this peasant made this speech in the time of the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Nebkau-Re, the triumphant. So the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, went before his majesty and said: “My lord, (75) I have found one of these peasants who is really eloquent. His goods have been stolen, and, behold, he has come to appeal to me about it.” T h e n h i s m a j e s t y s a i d : “As t r u l y a s t h o u w i s h e s t t o s e e m e i n h e a l t h , thou shalt make him linger here, 9 A typically oriental proposal to treat the matter through an intermediary instead of by direct appeal. 10 On their way to the official barge. 1 1 The magistrates take the attitude that Thut-nakht’s guilt is slight and may be expiated by repayment, whereas custom condones rough treatment of a peasant who has left his normal patron and has sought action elsewhere. 12 i.e. of everything. 13 In his first appeal the peasant is still courteous and takes justice for granted. Later he becomes more indignant in his appeals, daring to charge the Chief Steward with injustice.

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without replying to anything which he may say. For the purpose of keeping him (80) talking, be thou silent. Then have his speech brought to us in writing, (that) we may hear it. But provide that on which his wife and children may live. Behold, one of these peasants may come before his house is empty down to the ground.14 Further, keep this peasant himself alive. Thou shalt cause that provisions be given to him, without letting him know that thou art the one who has given them to him.” So they gave him ten loaves of bread and two jars of beer (85) every day. The Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, used to give them. He used to give them to a friend of his, and he was the one who gave them to him. Then the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, sent to the Mayor of the Field of Salt about providing food for this peasant’s wife: thirty hekat of grain every day. T h e n t h is p e a s a n t c a m e t o a p p e a l t o h im a seco n d TIM E. . . .

(100)

..

.15

T h e n t h e C h i e f S t e w a r d , M e r u ’s s o n R e n s i , s a i d :

“Is what belongs to thee more important to thy heart than (the fact) that my attendant may carry thee off ?”16 Then this peasant said: “The measurer of (105) piles (of grain) cheats for himself. He who should fill up for another trims his share. He who should lead accord­ ing to the laws orders robbery. Who then will punish meanness? He who should drive out decay (himself) makes distortions. One man is straightforward in crook­ edness, another assents to mischance. Dost thou thyself find (a lesson) for thee? Punishment is short, (but) mischance is long. A (good) example comes back to its place of yesterday.17 Now this is the command: ‘Do to the doer (no) to cause that he do.’ That is thanking him18 for what he may do. That is parrying something before (it is) shot. That is ordering something from him who (already) has business.”19. . . (145) . . . “Desire to live long, as it is said: ‘Doing justice is the (very) breath of the nose.’20 Carry out punishment against him who should be punished, and none shall equal thy scrupulousness. Does the hand-scales err? Does the stand-balance incline to the side? Is even Thoth (150) indulgent?21 Then thou (also) mayest work mis­ chief. When thou makest thyself the second22 of these three, if the three are indulgent, then thou (also) mayest be indulgent. . . . Take not, (for) thou shouldst act against a taker. (165) That great one who is covetous is not really great. Thy tongue is the plummet (of the balance), thy heart is the weight, and thy two lips are 14 One of the peasants of the Wadi Natrun is to come to Egypt to get food- for the peasant's family. 15 In his second appeal the peasant boldly suggests that the expected dispenser of justice is becoming an abuser of justice. 16 The Chief Steward interrupts with a threat of punishment if the peasant insists upon his property claims. 17 A good deed is normative of the good times of the past. 18 “ That is praising god for him.” 19 Doing unto others, in order to induce them to do for oneself, produces in advance the desired results. 20 The Egyptians inhaled the “ breath of life.” 21 Thoth was the patron of just measure. 22 Sic, in the sense of “companion.”

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409

its arms. If thou veilest thy face against violence, who then will punish meanness ? “ Behold, thou art a wretch of a washerman, covetous in injuring (170) a friend, abandoning his partner for the sake of his client. He who comes that he may buy is his brother.23 Behold, thou art a ferryman who ferries over (only) him that has a fare, a straight-dealer whose straight-dealing is clipped short. . . . Behold, thou art a butler whose delight is butchering, (177) the muti­ lation of which (does) not (fall) upon him Prepare not for the morrow before it arrives; one knows not what mischance may be in it.” Now when this peasant made this speech, (185) the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, was at the entrance of the administration building. Then he had two guards­ men attend to him with whips. Then they belabored all his limbs therewith. Then this peasant said: “So the son of Meru goes on erring! His face is blind to what he sees and deaf to what he hears, misguided of heart because of what has been related to him. Behold, thou art a town (190) which has no mayor, like a company which has no chief, like a ship in which there is no pilot, a confederacy which has no leader. Behold, thou art a constable who steals, a mayor who accepts (bribes), a district overseer who should punish robbery, (but) who has become the precedent for him that does (it).” __24 “Do not plunder of his property a poor man, a weakling as thou knowest him. His property is the (very) breath of a suffering man, and he who takes it away is one who stops up his nose. Thou wert appointed to conduct hearings, to judge between two men, (235) and to punish the brigand, (but) behold, it is the up­ holder of the thief which thou wouldst be. One trusts in thee, whereas thou art become a transgressor. Thou wert appointed to be a dam for the sufferer, guarding lest he drown, (but) behold, thou art his flowing lake.” Now then this peasant came (240) to appeal to him a sixth time, and he said: “. . . (250) . . . Cheating di­ minishes justice. (But) good full (measure)—justice neither falls short nor overflows.. . . ” Now then (290) this peasant came to appeal to him an eighth time, and he said: “O Chief Steward, my lord! One may fall a long way because of greed. The covetous man is void of success; (any) success of his belongs to failure. Though thy heart is covetous, it is not (of avail) for thee. Though thou robbest, it does not profit thee, who should still permit a man to attend to his (own) proper business. Thy (own) needs are in thy house; thy belly is full; the grain-measure over­ flows—(but) when it is jostled (295) its surplus is lost on the ground. Takers, robbers, appropriators, magis­ trates—(and yet) made to punish evil! Magistrates are a refuge for the violent—(and yet) made to punish deceit!. . . 28 In these passages the Chief Steward is likened to a business man without charity, his sole interest being profit. 24 The above is from the third appeal. The following extract is from the fifth.

410

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“Do justice for the sake of the Lord of Justice,25 the justice of whose justice exists! (305) Thou reed-pen, papyrus, and palette of Thoth,25 keep apart from doing evil! It is good if thou art good—good indeed. Now justice lasts unto eternity; it goes down into the ne­ cropolis with him who does it. When he is buried and interred, (310) his name is not wiped out upon earth, (but) he is remembered for goodness. That is a principle of the word of god.27 Is it the hand-scales—(then) it does not tilt. Is it the stand-balance—(then) it does not incline to the side. Whether I shall come or whether another may come, thou shouldst address (us) (315) with an answer. Do not address (us) silently. Do not attack him who cannot attack ” (62,91) N o w t h e n this peasant c a m e to appeal to him a ninth time, and he said: “O Chief Steward, my lord! The balance of men is their tongue. It is the scales which seeks out deficiencies (in weight). Carry out punishment against him who should be punished, (or some) one will equal thy scrupulousness. . . . If false­ hood walks about, it goes astray. It cannot cross over in the ferry; [it] does not advance. (100) As for him who grows rich thereby, he has no children, he has no heirs upon earth. As for him who sails with it, he cannot reach land, his boat cannot moor at its town. “ Be not heavy; thou art not light. Do not delay; thou art not swift. Be not partial. Do not listen to (105) the heart. Do not veil thy face against him whom thou knowest. Do not blind thy face against him whom thou hast beheld. Do not rebuff him who petitions thee. Mayest thou step down from this sluggishness, (in order that) thy saying may be reported: ‘Act for him who acts for thee.’ Do not listen to everybody, (but) summon a man to his (own) rightful interests. There is no yesterday for the slothful,28 (no) no friend for him deaf to truth, no holiday for the covetous. He who is (now) esteemed may become a sufferer, and the sufferer a petitioner, (if) the enemy becomes a killer.29 Behold, I have been appealing to thee, (but) thou dost not hear it. I shall go that I may appeal (115) about thee to Anubis.” Then the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, sent two guardsmen to bring him back. Then this peasant was afraid, for he thought that (it) was done in order to punish him for this speech which he had made. Then this peasant said: “The approach of a thirsty man to water, the tasting (120) of milk by the nursing child— this [«■] death, for the coming of which one has longed to see, (when) his death comes for him delayed.”30 Then the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, said: “Do 25 In different contexts various gods carried this epithet. Perhaps no one god is meant here, but the appeal to the justice of the gods is still explicit. 28 The writing instruments with which Thoth recorded justice. 27 The divine order, as known in the sacred writings. 28 A high past was a prized heritage of the Egyptians. 29 Perhaps the peasant is here emboldened to threaten the Chief Steward, since his nine appeals have apparently been fruitless. If this threat carries on into the following sentences, it means that the peasant will petition the god of the dead to take action against the Chief Steward. 30 Despite his fear of the maximum punishment, the peasant puts the best face on the prospect of death.

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not be afraid, peasant! Behold, thou shalt arrange to live with me. Then this peasant took ( I25 ) an “I will surely eat of thy bread, and I will surely drink [of] thy [beer] to eternity!” The Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, said: “Now tarry here, that thou mayest hear thy appeals.” Then he caused to be read from a new roll of papyrus every appeal according to [its] content. (130) Then the Chief Steward, Meru’s son Rensi, sent it in to the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Neb-kau-Re, the triumphant. Then it was more pleasing to [his] heart than anything which was in this entire land. Then [his majesty] said: “Give thou judgment thyself, O son of Meru!” Then [the Chief Steward], Meru’s son Rensi, sent two guardsmen to [fetch Thut-nakht]. (135) Then he was brought, and a report was made of [all his property]: . . . , his . . . , six persons, apart [from] . . . , his Upper Egyptian barley, his emmer, [his] donkeys, . . . , his pigs, and [his small] cattle. [So the property of] this Thut-nakht [was given] to [this peasant],. . . For examples of myths explicative of origins, cf. pp. 8-9 and 10 above. For examples of legends conferring sanction upon Egyptian documents, cf. p. 495 below.

Akkadian Fable (Translator: Robert H. Pfeiffer) DISPUTE BETWEEN THE DATE PALM AND THE TAMARISK A Text: E. Ebeling, K A R , Vol. 1, No. 1245. Translation: E. Ebeling, Die babylonische Fabel, pp. 6-8. (MAOG, 11/3 (1927].) Ebeling, in AOT, pp. 294-5. For other fragmentary fables see Chr. Johnston, Assyrian and Babylonian Beast Fables, AJSL, x x v i i i (19 11-12), 81 ff.

(obverse) (3) The tamarisk [opened] its mouth and [said,] “My flesh for the flesh of . . . . (5) You have destroyed the precious, beautiful one,1 you have cast . . . like a maid-servant who has [raised her hand] against her mistress.” (7) The date palm’s mouth became very large and it answered saying, “They have broken off your blossom with a stick!. . . For whom are they closed up? For sin! The flesh . . . (10) The tamarisk does not know the beauty of the gods, the beauty of [the goddesses].” (11) Ditto.2 “ I am higher than you, O father of the wise, in every respect; the farmer has [made it known]. The farmer cuts all he has from my sprout. From my bosom he brings forth his hoe; [the earth] he opens up with my hoe. The irrigation ditch waters the field, and 1 P e rh ap s T a m m u z (A d o n is ) is meant.

2 “ Ditto” here and below (lines 1 7 , 2 1 , 2 8 , 3 2 , 3 7 , 40, 4 5) means the repetition of line 7 , except that in lines i t , 2 1 , 3 2 , and 40 the tamarisk is speaking and should be substituted for the date palm in this introductory formula.

FABLES

AND

I close it. (15) And in spite of the dampness of the earth, the grain . . . I thresh. So I bring in (the goddess of grain) Nisaba, the people’s joy.” (17) Ditto. “I am higher than you, O father of the wise, in every respect; the farmer [has made it known]. All that he has, the bridle, the whip, the team’s cover, . . . , the rope, the ox cloth, the cloth for the box, the net, the wagon,. . . , (20) . . . , the utensils of the farmer, as many as there are: [I am] higher [than you].” (21) Ditto. “Pay attention, O lunatic.8 What of mine [is set up] in the king’s palace? In the king’s house the king eats off my table, [the queen drinks] from my cup, with my for\ the warriors eat, out of my basket the baker takes the flour; I am a weaver [and I weave] my threads; (25) I clothe the troops. . . . I am the chief exorcist of the god, I renew the house of god, [I am the] master. Let there be no rival of mine!” (reverse) (28) Ditto. “ In the shrine, when sacrifices are offered to the great gods, where I am not standing the king does not sacrifice with a wise heart. (30) In (ritual) sprinkling they pour out my libation, they scatter my branches on the ground. [I am the master.] On the same day the date palm is the perfumer. A big mouth [pronounces] your replies.” (32) Ditto. “Come, let us go, I and you, to the city of Kish . . . where my work is. To wit, are not [the temples] filled with my omens, [are not the vessels] filled with my incense? The temple prostitute pours out water, . . . (35) she takes. They purify themselves (thereby) and perform rites with it. On the same day [the tamarisk] is available to the hand of the sacrificer and its container is in the place [of the gods\.” (37) Ditto. “Come, let us go, I and you, to the city of . . . . Where there are sins, there is your activity, O tamarisk. A carpenter . . . , and him they fear, and every day they dread [him].” (40) Ditto. “Who is like . . . ? My cluster is luxuriant; (though) I lift it high, shepherd boys make out of it big sticks. But they cut up your face like a basketmaker who. . . . Terrible is my strength, let me gloat about my fury! I have placed you in the underworld. My work is might. . . .” (45) Ditto. “I am taller than you, six times greater, 8 The restorations in lines 21-26 are based on the parallels in B, 31-36 (see below).

DIDACTIC

411

TALES

seven times greater. I am a comrade of the goddess Nisaba, three months . . . . The orphan girl, the widow, the wretched man . . . eat the sweet dates which are not scarce . . . . (50) (Text) destroyed.1 My ropes. . . (5152 fragments; 53 ff. lost.) B Text: E. Ebeling, K AR, Fascicule viii, No. 324. Translation: E. Ebeling, Die babylonische Fabel, pp. 11-2.

(1) In the holy (primeval) days,—in those days the people dug canals, the (gods of the) destinies assembled —they appointed (as) gods in the countries Anu, Enlil, Ea. Enlil and the people came, (5) the god Shamash sat between them. Ditto sat the mistress of the gods, the great (Ishtar). To them8 the dominion of the coun­ tries did not belong, for the lordship was granted to the gods. Gishganmesh the gods appointed as king. (10) They ordered him (to accomplish) the image of the finest things. The king in his palace plants date palms, in addition, ditto, just as many tamarisks. In the shade of the tamarisk a banquet (15) was arranged. In the shade of the date palm decision concerning crime . . . opening. . . the path of the king. The trees. . . compared themselves one with the other. The tamarisk and the date palms became restless. (20) The tamarisk spoke, greatly [praising] himself; when the date palm (spoke), surpassing (in boastfulness) was (its) word. “As for you, O tamarisk, you are useless wood. What are your branches? Wood without fruit. Mine is the fruit of a big tree: (25) fully grown it is food; in the second place the gardener speaks well (of me) as a profit for slave and governor. The nourishment of my fruit makes the infant grow, adults eat my fruit. (30) Am I not well thought of in the king’s presence ? O lunatic,6 in the king’s palace what is set up of mine? In the king’s palace the king eats off my table, the queen drinks out of my cup. (35) I am a weaver and I weave my threads. A god I purify as an exorcist. . . .” “My mouth is not a weapon; in the second place . . .” (said the tamarisk). “Its mouth is not a weapon,” [the \ing\ answered; he planted at its side the date palm (saying), “If (you stand) at the city gate, calm the strife; if in the wilderness, calm the heat.” * “ Destroyed’* is a scribal note. 5 i.e. presumably the people. •Lines 31-36 are substantially identical with parts of A, 21-26 (see above).

Proverbs and Precepts Egyptian Instructions (Translator: John A. Wilson) THE INSTRUCTION OF THE VIZIER PTAH-HOTEP The Egyptians delighted in compilations of wise sayings, which were directive for a successful life. To them, this was “ wisdom.” One of the earliest of these compilations purports to come from Ptah-hotep, the vizier of King Izezi of the Fifth Dynasty (about 2450 B .C .). The old councilor is supposed to be instructing his son and designated successor on the actions and attitudes which make a successful official of the state. The chief manuscript is the Papyrus Prisse of the Bibliothique Nationale in Paris (No. 183-194), written in the Middle King­ dom. Later documents, running into the Eighteenth Dynasty, are British Museum Papyri 10371, 10435, an an Arab the sea nor a Sidonian the de\sert\ ; for their work is different.") 22 cf. Prov. 27:7.

23 cf. Jer. 9:22.

Observations on Life and the World Order Egyptian Observations (Translator: John A. Wilson) THE DIVINE ATTRIBUTES OF PHARAOH The king of Egypt ruled the land as a god, as the Son of Re, or as the Horus, or as the incorporation of the deities of Upper and Lower Egypt. He was also a synthesis of other gods who represented forces of proper rule, a blend of force and intelligence, of terror and nurture, or of sustenance and punish­ ment. The following poem sets forth some of the divine elements which went into the composition of a pharaoh. It is framed as a father’s instruction to his children on right living: if they faithfully serve so great a god, they will prosper. The stela of Sehetep-ib-Re, Chief Treasurer under pharaoh Ni-maat-Re (Amen-em-het III, about 1840-1790 b . c . ) of the Twelfth Dynasty, was found at Abydos, and is now Cairo Museum 20538. It was published by H. O. Lange and H. Schafer, Grab- und Den\steine des mittleren Reichs (Catalogue giniral . . . du Musie du Caire, Berlin, 1902-08), 11, 145-49, PI. x l , and by K. Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestiicke (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1928), 68-70. Ch. Kuentz’s study in Studies Presented to F. LI. Griffith (London, 1932), 97-110, brought forth a parallel perhaps six centuries later. Translated in Erman, LA E, 84-85.*

The beginning of the instruction which he made for his children. I tell something important And cause that ye hear (it). I cause that ye know a counsel of eternity And a manner of living aright1 (10) And for passing a lifetime in peace. Worship King Ni-maat-Re, living forever, within your bodies And associate with his majesty in your hearts. He is Perception which is in (men’s) hearts,2 And his eyes search out every body. He is Re, by whose beams one sees, He is one who illumines the Two Lands more than the sun disc. He is one who makes the land greener than (does) a high Nile, For he has filled the Two Lands with strength and life. The nostrils are chilled when he inclines toward rage, (But) when he is merciful, (they) will breathe the air.8 He gives food to them who are in his service, And he supplies them who tread his path. (15) The king is a 1 “ Aright,” ni mdau, is a play on the name of the pharaoh, Ni-ma‘at-Re. 2 “ Cognitive intelligence” or “ Perception” was an attribute of personality deified as the god Sia. It was particularly an attribute of good rule. 8 A favorite device was to set terror and kindliness in juxtaposition as components of rule. 4 Ka “ vital force,” or protecting and sustaining “ soul,” or “ fortune,” etc. —the other self which supported a man. cf. p. 3, n.4 above. Here the pharaoh is the k.a of his people.

And his mouth is increase.8 He who is to be is his creation, (For) he is the Khnum of all bodies,* The begetter who creates the people. He is the Bastet who protects the Two Lands;2 He who worships him will be one whom his arm shelters. He is Sekhmet against him who transgresses his command; He whom he hates will bear woes.8 Fight on behalf of his name, And be scrupulous in the oath to him, (That) ye may be free from a taint of disloyalty. He whom the king has loved will be a revered one, (But) there is no tomb for a rebel against his majesty, And his corpse is cast into the water. If ye do this, your persons shall be unblemished— Ye will find it (so) forever. (20) IN PRAISE OF LEARN ED SCRIBES The Egyptian Empire built up a large bureaucracy. A con­ stant theme of the writings for schoolboys in that period deals with the high standing and privileges of the secretarial pro­ fession. The following extract sets forth the advantages of learn­ ing in terms of the immortality of great writings. In that respect it stands in contrast to the Song of the Harper (p. 467), where the theme was the powerlessness of the ancient sages to leave a standing memorial. The Song of the Harper was addressed to an occasion of entertainment, whereas the present text was a call to more diligent application to studies. Papyrus Chester Beatty IV (now British Museum 10684), verso ii 5-iii 11. Probably from Thebes and about 1300 b . c . Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift, ed. by A. H. Gardiner (London, 1935), 1, 38-41; 11, Pis. 18-19.* (See Addenda). N O W TH EN, IF THOU DOST THESE THINGS, THOU ART

skilled in the writings. As for those learned scribes from the time of those who lived after the gods, they who could foretell what was to come, their names have become everlasting, (even though) they are gone, they completed their lives, and all their relatives are for­ gotten. T h e y d id n o t m a k e f o r t h e m s e l v e s pyramids of metal, with the tombstones thereof of iron. They were not able to leave heirs in children,. . . pronouncing their names, but they made heirs for themselves in the writ­ ings and in the (books of) wisdom which they com­ posed. T h e y g a v e t h e m s e l v e s [the papyrus-roll as a 6 His command created surplus of provisions. 6 Khnum was a god who fashioned mortals, as on a potter's wheel. 7 Bastet was a kindly cat-goddess. 8 The gentle Bastet is contrasted with the terrible Sekhmet, a lionessgoddess. Sekhmet had also to do with disease, and the word rendered “ woes” might be read “ sickness.”

432

OBSERVATIONS ON LI E AND WORLD ORDER

lector] priest, the writing-board as a son-he-loves,1 (books of) wisdom (as) their (ii 10) pyramids, the reed-pen (as) their child, and the back of a stone for a wife.2 From great to small were made into his children.8 (As) for the scribe, he is the foremost of them. I f THERE WERE MADE FOR (T H E M ) DOORS AND BUILDINGS,

they are crumbled. Their mortuary service is [gone]; their tombstones are covered with dirt; and their graves are forgotten. (But) their names are (still) pronounced because of their books which they made, since they were good and the memory of him who made them (lasts) to the limits of eternity. B e a s c r i b e , p u t i t i n t h y h e a r t , that thy name may fare (iii i) similarly. More effective is a book than a decorated tombstone or an established tomb-wail. Such things make buildings and pyramids for the sake of pronouncing their names. Without doubt a name in the mouth of men is of benefit in the necropolis. A m a n is p e r i s h e d , his corpse is dust, all his relatives are come to the ground—(but) it is writing that makes him remembered in the mouth of a reciter. More effective is a book than the house of the builder or tombs in the West. It is better than a (well-) founded castle or a stela (5) in a temple. Is t h e r e ( a n y o n e ) h e r e l i k e Hor-dedef? Is there another like Ii-em-hotep? None has appeared among our relatives like Neferti or Khety, that foremost of them. I cause thee to know the names of Ptah-emDjedhuti and Kha-kheper-(Re)-seneb. Is there another like Ptah-hotep, or Ka-iris as well ?4T h e s e l e a r n e d m e n w h o f o r e t o l d w h a t w a s t o c o m e , that which issued from their mouths happened, being found as a statement written in his8 books. (Thus) the children of other people are given to them to be heirs, as though (they were) their own children. Though they concealed their magic (10) from everybody (else), it may be read in a (book of) wisdom. Though they are gone and their names are forgotten, it is writing that makes them re­ membered. THE SATIRE ON TH E TRADES Egyptian schoolboys who were learning to write frequently had to copy the classics which extolled the profession of the scribe, to the disparagement of other vocations. One of the popular models under the Empire was the Satire on the Trades, which details the wretchedness of nonscribal activities. The 1 The lector priest and the “ son-he-loves" performed the funerary rites which beatified and maintained the deceased. 2 A stone ostracon? • Because they were dependent upon the scribe’s writings. 4 We know a surprising number of these famed sages. Hor-dedef and Ii-em-hotep are tbe traditional wise men (pp. 3 1, n.6 above; 467, n.4; 476, n .i6 below). Khety, the son of Duauf, is credited with the much-copied Satire on the Trades (pp. 432-434 below). A lament by Kha-kheper-Reseneb is on a writing board now in the British Museum (A. H. Gardiner, The Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage [Leipzig, 1909], 95 S.). The Vizier Ptah-hotep was the author credited with one of the earliest books of wisdom (pp. 412-414). Ka-iris is unknown. Neferti is very probably the prophet commonly called Nefer-rohu (pp. 444-446 below). It is tempt­ ing to emend Ptah-cm-Djedhuti into Djed-Djehuti invoked in literary controversy (cf. Gardiner’s comment following his translation of the present text). 5 Sic, read “ their.”

unhappy schoolboys who made the extant copies mangled the text so thoroughly that translation is often uncertain. The documents are numerous, most of them from the Nine­ teenth Dynasty (1350-1200 B.c.) and most of them fragmentary. There are clear indications that the lost original derived from the Middle Kingdom or earlier (2150-1750 B .C . ) . In whole or in part, the text occurs on 3 papyri (Papyrus Sallier II = British Museum 10182; Papyrus Anastasi VII = British Museum 10222; Papyrus Chester Beatty XIX = British Museum 10699); 1 writ­ ing tablet (Louvre 693); and more than 90 ostraca. The present translation was made from as many of these documents as were available to the translator; the line numbers follow Sallier II. The text has commonly been called the “ Instruction of Duauf,” but the author was apparently a Khety, as Gardiner pointed out in Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Gift, 1, 40, n .i* A recent study of the hieratic texts is by Hellmut Brunner, Die Lehre des Cheti, Sohnes des Duauf (Munchner agyptclogische Forschungen, No. 13; Gluckstadt, 1944), with transcrip­ tion, translation, and commentary. There is a translation in Erman, LA E , 67-72. Other Egyptian texts which might have been included under this heading are the statement of a creation in terms of equal opportunity for all men (pp. 7-8 above); the two didactic tales of pp. 405-410 above; the Song of the Harper (p. 467 below); and the song on the happiness of the dead (pp. 33-34 above).

(iii 9 ) T h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e i n s t r u c t i o n w h i c h a man of the ship’s cabin, whose name was Duauf’s son Khety, made for his son, (whose) name was Pepy, as he was journeying upstream (iv i) (to) the Residence City, to put him into the Writing School among the children of officials, in the lower part of the Residence City.1 T h e n h e s a i d t o h i m : I have seen how the belabored man is belabored—thou shouldst set thy heart in pursuit of writing. And I have observed how one may be rescued from his duties— behold, there is nothing which surpasses writing. . . . Read thou at the end of the Conclusion.2 Thou wilt find this statement in it, to wit: “As for the scribe, every place of his is at the Residence City, and he will not be poor in it. (But) if he uses the wisdom of someone else, he will not come out successfully.” Thus have I seen the professions: they are in the meaning of this statement (5) on it. I shall make thee love writing more than thy (own) mother; (thus) I shall make beauty enter before thy face. Moreover, it is greater than any (other) office; there is not its like in the land. If he8 began to prosper when he was (only) a child, men greet him (respect­ fully). If some one sends him to carry out an errand, he does not return (only) that he may clothe himself in the (workman’s) apron. I h a v e n e v e r s e e n a s c u l p t o r o n a n e r r a n d nor a goldsmith when he was sent out. (But) I have seen 1 Khety imparted the advice during the journey south to the Capital, where he was putting his son into the government’s secretarial training school. Khety and his son Pepy are apparently of no high degree. It is not clear whether “ man of the ship’s cabin” is the father’s title or his location as he gave the advice. 2 Either the title of a well-known book of advice, or the conclusion of this text in its general purport. The word occurs again in Papyrus Beatty IV, verso vi 1 1 (Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Third Series. Chester Beatty Giftt i, 43; 11, Pi. 20):—(Readers) “ have all beatified my name (when coining) near the conclusion.” * * The scribe.

OBSERVATIONS ON LIFE AND WORLD ORDER

the metalworker at his work at the mouth of his furnace. His fingers were somewhat like crocodiles;4 he stank more than fish-roe. E v e r y c r a f t s m a n t h a t w i e l d s t h e a d z e , he is wearier than a hoeman. His field is the wood, and his job is the metal. At night, though he is released, he does more (v i) than his arms can (really) do. At night he has to stride a light. T h e f a s h i o n e r o f c o s t l y s t o n e s s e e k s f o r s k i l l in every (kind of) hard stone. When he has fully com­ pleted things, his arms are destroyed, and he is weary. When he sits down at the going in of Re,5 his thighs and his back are cramped. T h e b a r b e r is ( s t i l l ) s h a v in g a t t h e e n d o f d u s k .

When he gives himself up to chins, he puts himself upon his (own) shoulder.* He gives himself from street to street, to seek out those whom he may shave. Thus if he is valiant his arms will fill his belly, (5) like a bee eating for its work. T he i t i n e r a n t m e r c h a n t

s a ils d o w n stre a m t o

the Delta to get trade for himself. When he has done more than his arms can (really) do, the gnats have slain him, the sand flies have made him miserably miserable. Then there is inflammation. T h e s m a l l b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r c a r r i e s m u d .7 . . .

He is dirtier than vines or pigs, from treading under his mud. His clothes are stiff with clay; his leather belt is going to ruin. Entering into the wind, he is miserable. His lamp goes out, though (still) in good condition. He pounds with his feet; he crushes with his own self, muddying the court of every house, when the water of the streets has flooded. (vi 1) L e t m e t e l l t h e e a l s o o f t h e b u i l d e r o f w a l l s . His sides ache, since he must be outside in a treacherous wind. He builds in an apron, while he is girt with lotuses of the workshop, at a distance from his rear.8 His arms are destroyed with technical work; every calculation of his is different.9 What he eats is the bread of his fingers,10 and he washes himself {only) once a season. H e is s i m p l y w r e t c h e d t h r o u g h a n d t h r o u g h . . . . As for (5) food, he must give it to his house, for his children are very many. T he g a r d e n e r b r i n g s v e g e t a b l e s , both his shoul­ ders being under . . . upon his neck. Early in the morn­ ing he must water the vegetables and in the evening the vines.. . . “The sand fly of his mother” is his name, “ the sheikh of every profession.”11 T h e t e n a n t -f a r m e r , h is r e c k o n in g s e v e r .12

( go o n )

fo r ­

His voice is louder (than) the abu-biiA. . . .

4 “ His fingers were like a thing of crocodiles’*; they were tough and wrinkled. 5 At sunset? 6 Has to carry his own heavy responsibility to earn a living? 7 To make mud-bricks. 8 Since we do not know the meaning of “ lotuses of the workshops/* we cannot say how his costume was absurd. 9 He loses count of his bricks or his measurements. 10 For lack of food* he gnaws his fingers? 1 1 Sarcastic designations* which have a general similarity of phrasing to those of the modern Arab world. 12 He must always render account to his landlord.

433

Wearier is he than a wayfarer of the Delta. Yet he is (vii 1) a picked man: his safety is a safety from lions.15 His sides ache, as if heaven and earth were in them. When he goes forth thence from the meadows and he reaches his home in the evening, he is one cut down by traveling. T h e w e a v e r i n t h e w o r k s h o p s , he is worse than a woman, with his thighs against his belly. He cannot breathe the (open) air. If he cuts short the day of weaving, he is beaten with fifty thongs. He must give food to the doorkeeper to let him see the light of day. T h e a k r o w - m a k e r , he is very miserable as he goes out (5) into the desert.14 Greater is that which he gives to his donkey than its work thereafter (is worth). Great is that which he gives to him who is in the meadows, who sets him on the way. When he reaches his home in the evening, the traveling has cut him down. T h e c o u r i e r g o e s o u t t o a f o r e i g n c o u n t r y , after he has made over his property to his children, being afraid of lions and Asiatics. And what of him, when he is in Egypt? When he arrives thence from the meadows and he reaches his home in the evening, the traveling has cut him down. His house is (only) an apron of brick.15 He does not return happy of heart. T h e e m b a l m e r , h i s f i n g e r s a r e f o u l , for the odor thereof is (that of) corpses. His eyes burn from the greatness of the heat, (viii i) He could not oppose his (own) daughter.18 He spends the day cutting up old rags,17 so that clothing is an abomination to him. T h e c o b b l e r , h e is v e r y b a d l y o f f , carrying his equip­ ment forever. His safety is a safety from corpses, as he bites into the leather.18 T h e la u n d r y m a n la u n d e r s o n t h e ( r iv e r ) b a n k , a neighbor of the crocodile. When a father comes out of the greasy waters, he could not oppose his (own) daughter. There are no satisfying jobs in thy sight, O sheikh of every profession!19 He is mixed up by the differences in his accounts. . . . When he puts (5) on the apron of a woman, then he is in woe. I weep for him, spending the day under the rod.. . . T h e b i r d - c a t c h e r , h e is v e r y m i s e r a b l e , when he looks at the denizens of the sky. If marsh-fowl pass by in the heavens, then he says: “Would that (I had) a net!”, (but) god does not let (it) happen to him, being neglectful of his affairs. L e t m e t e l l t h e e a l s o o f t h e f i s h - c a t c h e r . He is more miserable than any (other) profession. Behold, there is nothing *>* his work on the river, mingled with the crocodiles. If there is a cutting down in the total of the official register™ then there is complaint He 18 A heavy-handed jibe at the peaceful farmer. 14 To get flint points. 15 The text may be corrupt. If the translation is approximately correct* it means that his house has become a mere shell in his absence. 16 Is too weak from weariness to stand up to a girl ? 17 For strips with which to wrap mummies. 18 May he have only animal hides to bite on. 19 cf. n.i 1 above. 20 Of fish due the government.

OBSERVATIONS

434

ON

LIFE

cannot (even) say: “A crocodile is (ix i) waiting (there),” for fear has made him blind.*1 . . . Behold, there is no profession free of a boss—except for the scribe: he is the boss. B u t i f t h o u k n o w e s t w r i t i n g , then it will go better with thee than (in) these professions which I have set before thee. . . . Behold, it is done in journeying up­ stream to the Residence City; behold, it is done for love of thee. A day in school is of advantage to thee. The eternity of its work is (like that of) the mountains. It is: “ Quick (5) quick}''—(so) I let thee know.. . . L e t m e t e l l t h e e a l s o o t h e r m a t t e r s , to teach thee what thou shouldst know. . . . If t h o u g o e s t t o t h e r e a r o f o f f i c i a l s , approach (only) at a distance after a (decent interval). If thou enterest in, while a house­ holder is in his house and his activity is for some one else before thee, as thou sittest with thy hand to thy mouth, do not ask for something beside him. Thou shouldst act according to what he says to thee, by guard­ ing (thy) speech at the dining table. B e d i g n if ie d , ( y e t ) b e n o t u n d e r a w e when speaking (x 1) words of reserve—he who hides his belly (is) one who makes a shield for himself—or when speaking words of boldness when one sits with thee in hostility. If

t h o u g o e s t f o r t h f r o m t h e s c h o o l, a fte r m id d a y

rollicking in t h e stre e t, in the end. It is not for thee. If an official sends thee on an errand, say it (just) as he said it; do not take away or add to it. He who leaves (things alone) creates jubilation (One) trusts in every good characteristic of his. There is nothing hidden from him; there is no separating him from any place of his. . . . (5) . . . How wretched it is, the belly which thou heedest! If three loaves should satisfy thee, and the swallowing of two hin of beer, (but) there is (still) no limit [to] the belly, fight against it.. . .

is a n n o u n c e d to th e e , a n d g o e s t m e n d is p u t e w i t h t h e e

B e h o l d , i t is good t h a t t h o u s e n d a w a y t h e m u l t i ­

the words of officials (only).. . . When the scribe has been seen to listen, listening becomes a heroic quality. Thou shouldst combat words which may be against it.** Let thy legs hasten as thou goest, (or) it cannot (xi 1) be attained. Associate with him who leads the way to it, and make friends with a man of thy (own) generation. B e h o l d , i h a v e s e t t h e e o n t h e w a y of god.28 The Renenut of a scribe is on his shoulder on the day of his birth.24 He reaches the halls of the magistrates, when he has become a man. Behold, there is no scribe who lacks food, from the property of the House of the King— life, prosperity, health! Meskhenet is (the source of) the scribe’s welfare,25 he being set before the magistrates. tude and h ear

21 He is so blinded by fear of crocodiles that no one will believe his excuses for not delivering a full quota of fish. 22 In this context “ it” means “ hearing,” the respectful obedience of the scribe to higher authority. 28 Only one text so, whereas three texts have: “ Behold, Renenut is on the way of god,” which we take to be a corruption affected by the following sentence. 24 Slaves were branded with the master’s name. Renenut, the harvestgoddess, was a goddess of fortune. Thus, the good fortune of a scribe was fixed for him from birth. 20 Meskhenet was a goddess of birth and destiny.

AND

WORLD

ORDER

His father and his mother praise god, he being set upon the way of the living. Behold these things—I (have set them) before thee and thy children’s children. (5) It has come to a happy ending in success . . . .

Akkadian Observations on Life and the W o rld Order (Translator: Robert H. Pfeiffer) “ I W ILL PRAISE THE LORD OF WISDOM” Text: Rawlinson, iv, 2nd ed., No. 60. V. Scheil, XJne saison de fouilles h Sippar (Cairo, 1902), No. 37. R. C. Thompson, PSBA, xxxii (1910), 18 ff. E. Ebeling, KAR, Nos. 10, 11, 108, 175, 326. S. Langdon, Babylonian Wisdom (London, 1923), Plates i-v. Transcriptions and translations: H. Zimmern, Hymnen und Gebete (AO, vn/3), pp. 28 ff. M. Jastrow, ]BL, xxv (1906), 135-191. R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testa­ ment, pp. 164-169. B. Landsberger, in Lehmann-Haas, Textbuch zur Religionsgeschichte, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1923), pp. 3 11 ff. S. Langdon, Babylonian Wisdom, pp. 35-66. E. Ebeling, AOT, pp. 273-81. See also, for some parts, Th. Jacobsen, in H. and H. A. Frankfort and others, The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man (Chicago, 1946), pp. 212-16.

. . . I have become like a deaf man. (I 11) . . . Once I behaved like a lord, now I have become a s la v e

(13)

The fury of my companions destroys me. The day is sighing, the night is weeping; The month is silence, mourning is the year.

(20)

I have arrived, I have passed beyond life’s span. ( I I 1) I look about me: evil upon evil! My affliction increases, right I cannot find. I implored the god, but he did not turn his countenance; I prayed to my goddess, but she did not raise her head. The diviner through divination did not discern the situation. Through incense-offering the dream-interpreter did not explain my right. I turned to the necromancer, but he did not enlighten me. The conjurer through magic did not dispel the wrath against me. Whence come the evil things everywhere ? (10) I looked backwards: persecution, woe! Like one who did not offer a libation to a god, And at meal-time did not invoke a goddess, Who did not bow his face and did not know reverence, In whose mouth prayer and supplication ceased, For whom the holiday had been eliminated, the ellelu1 festival has been curtailed, Who became negligent, despised their images, 1 The eUeiu festival was celebrated on the 4th, 8th and 17th day of the month.

OBSERVATIONS

ON

LIFE

Who did not teach his people religion and reverence, Who did not remember his god, although eating his food, Who forsook his goddess and did not offer her a libation; (20) Nay, worse than one who became proud and forgot his (divine) lord, Who swore frivolously in the name of his honorable deity—like such a one have I become! Yet I myself was thinking only of prayer and suppli­ cation: Supplication was my concern, sacrifice my rule; The day of the worship of the gods was my delight, The day of my goddess’ procession was my profit and wealth. Veneration of the king was my joy, And I enjoyed music in his honor. I taught my land to observe the divine ordinances, To honor the name of the goddess I instructed my people. (30) The king’s majesty I equated to that of a god, And reverence for the (royal) palace I inculcated in the troops. Oh that I only knew that these things are well pleasing to a god! What is good in one’s sight is evil for a god. What is bad in one’s own mind is good for his god. Who can understand the counsel of the gods in the midst of heaven? The plan of a god is deep waters, who can comprehend it? Where has befuddled mankind ever learned what a god’s conduct is? He who was living yesterday has died today: Instantly he is made gloomy, suddenly is he crushed. (40) One moment he sings a happy song, And in an instant he will moan like a mourner. Like day and night their mood changes. When they are hungry they resemble corpses, When they are sated they rival their god; In good luck they speak of ascending to heaven, When they are afflicted they grumble about going down to the underworld. An evil ghost has come from its abyss, (53) . . . a headache has come out from Ekur.2 The. . . [demon] has descended from the (underworld) mountain. [My] . . . . shook [with] a chill, Like the grass of the earth the disease turns one pale. . . all these together drew near unto me. (fragmentary description of pathological symptoms)

(59-65)

....

(II reverse) The tall [body] they destroyed like a wall, (3) My broad figure they brought low like a reed. 2 Ekur (meaning “ mountain house” ) the great temple of Enlil at Nippur, is used here in the sense of the underworld.

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Like a sungirtu (water plant) I was tom away and cast on my belly. The aid (disease demon) has clothed himself with my body as with a garment. Like a net, sleep has covered me. My eyes stare without seeing. My ears are open without hearing. Faintness has seized my whole body. (10) A stroke has fallen upon my flesh. Weakness has taken hold of my hand. Weariness has fallen upon my knees. Death [pursued me] and covered my whole body. If someone asking for me calls me, I do not answer. My people weep, I myself no longer exist. In my mouth a gag is placed, I hold back the word of my lips. (20) Wheat, even though putrid, I eat. Beer—life divine!—I have eliminated from me. Extremely long has lasted the distress. Through starving my appearance. . . . My flesh is flaccid, my blood is [going]. My bones are smashed. . . . My muscles are inflamed . . . . I took the bed to the jail, they have blocked (my) exit. (30) My prison—that is what my house has become. My hands have been cast into fetters—(i.e.) my flesh; Into my own chains have my feet been thrown. My wheals are sore, the wound is serious. The lash striking me is filled with terror. They have pierced me with a goad, the sting was fierce. All day a pursuer pursues me. At night he does not let me draw my breath for a moment. Through straining my sinews have been loosened, My limbs are wrecked, hit aside. (40) I spend the night in my dung, like an ox. I was soaked like a sheep in my excrements. My arthritis baffled the conjurer, And my omens confused the diviner. The enchanter has not determined the condition of my illness, And the time (of the end) of my malady the diviner did not give (me). No god helped, (none) seized my hand; My goddess showed no mercy, she did not come to my side. While the grave was still open they took possession of my jewels, Before I was dead the weeping (for me) was ended. (50) All my land said, “How sad!”3 My ill-wisher heard it, and his countenance shone (with p y ); 8 Another possible translation, instead of “ How sad!” is “ How has he been mistreated!”

436

OBSERVATIONS

ON

LIFE

They brought the good news to the woman who was my ill-wisher, and her spirit4 was delighted. But I know the day on which my tears will cease, On which in the midst of the protecting deities their divinity will show mercy. Heavy was his hand, I could not bear it; (III 1) Mighty was his frightfulness. (fragments) (3-7) A dream in the morning appeared twice with the same meaning. (8) A certain man, immense in stature,. . . Gigantic in size, clad in new raiment. . . . (Ill A 10) he came to me. my flesh became numb. . . . “ The lady sent me.

(13)

saying, ‘. . . sent me.’ (18) They shouted. . . Shamash. . . .” (20) A second time [I saw a dream], In a dream I saw . . . A certain man . . . A tamarisk (branch), a purification vessel he held in his hand. “Tab-utul-Enlil,5 the dweller of Nippur, Has sent me to purify you.” Lifting water, he poured it over me. The incantation of life he recited, he anointed me [with. . . ]. I saw a third dream. . . . the dream which I saw in the night. (30) After the manner of humans, a [beautiful] maiden, with nice features. The queen of life, saying, “Declare mercy [for him ]. . . .” “Fear not!” he (or, she) said. . . . “Whatever happened in the dream . . . .” He (or, she) declared for me mercy—me, the sorely afflicted. Someone, who in the night saw a vision, Saw in the dream Ur-Nin-tin-ug-ga,6 A mighty man, wearing his crown; a conjurer carrying a [tablet]. (40) “Marduk has sent me.” Unto Subshi-meSre-Nergal he brought. . . , In his clean hands he brought. . . . To my attendant he entrusted (it). Early in the morning he sent a message, His (Marduk’s) omen caused my people to see benevolence (done unto me). In malady the patient. . . . 4 The word translated “ spirit” means literally “ liver” ; cf. Morris Jastrow, Jr., The Liver as the Seat of the Soul, in Studies in the History of Religion Presented to Crawford Howell Toy, edited by D. G. Lyon and G. F. Moore (New York, 19 12 ), pp. 143-68. 5 This name is written ideographically in Sumerian lal -ur-^alim -ma , meaning “good is the bosom of Enlil.” 6 This Sumerian name means, "Servant of the divine mistress of the revivification of the dead.”

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He quickly ended my illness, broken was. . . . After my lord’s heart had found rest, The spirit of Marduk the merciful was quieted.7 (50) (fragments) (S1^ ) He caused the wind to carry away my trespasses. .... (Ill reverse) He sent the storm wind to the foundations of heaven, (5) Unto the bosom of the earth. . . . (5b) To his abyss he caused the evil ghost to descend. The countless demons he sent back to Ekur (i.e. the underworld). The demon Labartu he knocked down, he drove her straight to the mountain (of the underworld). Into the waves of the sea he sank the fever heat. The root of the sickness he pulled out like a plant. (10) The unhealthy sleep, the spell of slumber, As when the heavens are filled with smoke. . . , They were driven away, with the woe and pain. . . . He caused them to withdraw like a hurricane, causing the earth to. . . . (13b) The torturing headache. . . . He removed the running of my eyes and drove it from me. The blur of my eyes, over which had spread the curtain of night, A mighty wind blew it off and cleared their sight. My ears, stopped and closed as in a deaf man, He removed their obstruction, he opened my hearing. My nose, whose [breathing] was hindered by the oppression of the heat, (20) Its injury he healed so that I could breathe. . . . My lips, that were constricted and [trembled], He dispelled their fear and loosed their bonds. My mouth that was covered and with which I spoke in whispers, He cleansed like copper and made to shine. My teeth that were locked together and . . . , He opened the space between them and their roots h e ... . The tongue that was bound, was unable to function,— He [removed] its dumbness and its speech became [distinct]. The windpipe that was tightened and stiff as in a corpse, (30) Its songs he made glad, so that they sounded like a flute. The lungs that are constricted and do not receive [breath], Their . . . was made right, their stoppage he opened. The large intestine that had become empty through hunger and was entwined like a basket, (51) Receives food, takes drink. The neck that had become flabby and bent, Rose mountainlike, stood up high like a cedar. Similar to (that of) one having full might became my strength. T On “ spirit” cf. n.4; “ merciful” could be rendered “ shepherd.”

OBSERVATIONS

(obscure) The knees that were stiff like a falcon. . . .

ON L I F E

(56-57)

He rubbed off the rust, made it shiningly clean. The faded appearance became brilliant. On the holy river shore (in the underworld) where the (last) judgment of men is manifested, (20) (My) forehead was rubbed clean, my slavery mark was obliterated.8 (64-65) Out of trouble, through deliverance, I came. The waters of Esagila8 though weary, I set forth in my hands. Into the mouth of the lion who was devouring me Marduk placed a bit. Marduk removed the incantation of the one hounding me, turned back his lumps. (7 0 7 4 )

( I V i 10)

. . . he took me. . . . he opened for me. . . . he revived me. [From distress] he saved me. [Out of the river] Hubur (in the underworld) he drew me. Marduk seized my hand. . . . smote me. [Marduk] lifted high my head, He smote my smiter’s hand; (10) His weapon Marduk shattered. With lowly countenance I entered Esagila11: (20) I, who had gone down into the grave, returned to Babylon. In the “Gate of Abundance” abundance was given to me.12 In the “Gate of the Great Lamassu” my Lamassu approached me. In the “Welfare Gate” I beheld welfare. In the “ Gate of Life” I met life. In the “Gate of Sunrise” I was reckoned with the living. In the “Radiant Omen Gate” my omens became radiant. In the “Release from Guilt Gate” my guilt was released. In the “ Gate of the Mouth’s Inquiry” my mouth inquired. In the “ Release from Sighing Gate” my sighing was appeased. (30) 8 H ere ends the Sippar N o . 55 text. T h e follow in g lines (6 4 -74 ) arc translated from a com mentary to our text published in the original in H . C . Raw linson, A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia, V ol. v (London, 18 8 4 ), Plate 47, rev. 1 4 - 1 5 . See also S . Langdon, Babylonian Wisdom, Plate 11, lines 14 -2 5 ; Plate 111, lines 26-45. 9 E sagila ( “ T h e house o f the lofty head” ) w as the temple o f M arduk in Babylon. 10 Tablet I V has been translated from the A sh ur text published in E . E beling, KAR, N os. 10 and 1 1 . 1 1 cf. n.9 above. 12 T h e patient w hose health has been restored now goes through the tw elve gates o f Esagila (cf. above, n .9 ).

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In the “Gate of the Purifying Waters” I was sprinkled with purifying waters. In the “Welfare Gate” I appeared before Marduk. In the “Gate of Full Opulence” I kissed the foot of the goddess Sarpanit.18 In supplication and imploration I persisted before them. Sweet-smelling incense smoke I offered to them. I presented (to them my) produce, gifts, angub-teofferings. I slew fat oxen, I sacrificed lambs. I offered a libation of sweet date wine,. . . wine. I . . . the divine Shedu, to the divine protectors of the walls of Esagila; With libations I made happy their mood, (40) [With] abundant. . . I gladdened their heart. . . . , bolt, lock of the doors With pure [oil], butter, . . . grain . . . . [according /o] the temple ritual. Bread. . . . The product of the halurru tree [pleased him\. (At) a banquet the Babylonians. . . . They had made his grave, at a banquet. . . . The Babylonians saw that (Marduk) had restored [his] life. (50) All mouths praise [his] greatness. “Who commanded it, who accomplished the vision of the deity ? In whose mind is the going (freely) on one’s way realized ? Apart from Marduk, who revived his lifeless state ? Besides Sarpanit, what goddess conferred life unto him?” Marduk is able to revive in the grave. Sarpanit knows how to deliver from destruction. Wherever the earth reaches, the heavens are spread out, The sun shines, fire glows, Water flows, the wind blows, (60) (Wherever the beings) whose clay the goddess Aruru has nipped off,1* Creatures endowed with breath, stride rapidly, . . . as many as there are, glorify Marduk! (fragments) (64-68) A PESSIMISTIC DIALOGUE BETWEEN MASTER AND SERVANT T ext: G . Reisner, Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen, ( Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen der Xpnigl. Museen zu Berlin, V ol. x [Berlin, 189 6 ]), N o. 6. E . Ebeling, KAR, 1, N o. 96. E . Ebeling, Quellen zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, V ol. 11 (MVAG, x x m /2 [ 19 1 9 ] ) , p. 85. Translations: Ebeling, Quellen (see above), pp. 50 ff. S. Lan g­ don, Babylonian Wisdom (London, 19 2 3), pp. 67-81. Ebeling, AOT, pp. 284-7. See also: G . B . G ray, Job, Ecclesiastes, and a N ew Babylonian Literary Fragment, Expository Times, xxxi (19 2 0 ), 440-3. T h . Jacobsen, in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, by H . and H . A . Frankfort, and others (Chicago, 1946), pp. 216-18. E . A . Speiser, The Case of the Obliging Serv­ ant, JCS, vm (19 5 4 ), N o. 3.

18 Sarpanit was Marduk’s consort.

14 Arum ’* clay-beings are humanity.

438

OBSERVATIONS

ON

LIFE

(I) [“Servant,] obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. [“ Bring me at once the] chariot, hitch it up. I will ride to the palace.” [Ride, my lord, ride! All your wishes] will be realized for you. The king] will be gracious to you. (5) [“No, servant,] I shall not ride [to] the palace.” [Do not ride], my lord, do not ride. [To a place . . . ] he will send you. \ln a land which\ you know [not] he will let you be captured. [Day and] night he will let you see trouble. (II) (10) “ Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. [“ Bring me at] once water for my hands, and give it to me: I wish to dine.” [Dine,] my lord, dine. To dine regularly is the opening of the heart (i.e. brings joy). [To a dinner] eaten in happiness and with washed hands (the sun-god) Shamash comes. “No, [servant,] I shall not dine.” (15) Do not dine, my lord, do not dine. To be hungry and eat, to be thirsty and drink, comes upon (every) man. (III) “ Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. “ Bring me at once the chariot, hitch it up. I will ride to the wilderness.” Ride, my lord, ride. The fugitive’s stomach is full. (20) The hunting dog will break a bone; the fugitive hahur bird will build its nest; the wild ass running to and fro w ill. . . . “No, servant, to the wilder­ ness I will not ride.” Do not ride, my lord, do not ride. (25) The fugitive’s mind is variable. The hunting dog’s teeth will break; the house of the fugitive hahur bird is in [a hole] of the wall; and the abode of the wild ass running to and fro is the desert. (IV) “ Servant, [obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes.] (20-31) (fragments). . . . the silence of the evil one make com­ plete. [“My enemy] I shall capture and quickly shackle. I shall lie in wait for my adversary.” (35) Lie (in wait), my lord, lie (in wait). . . . A house you will not build. He who proceeds [rashly] destroys his father’s house. (V) . . . “ I will not build a house.” You will not build it. (VI) [“Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes.] “At the [word of my adversary I shall remain silent.” ] (40) Remain silent, my lord, remain [silent. Silence is better than speech.] “No, servant, at the [word of my adversary I shall not remain silent.” ] Do not remain silent, my lord, [do not remain silent.] If you do not speak with your mouth . . . . Your adversary will be angry with you. . . . (VII) (45) “Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. “ I intend to start a rebellion.” Do (it), my lord, [do (it)]. If you do not start a rebellion what becomes of your day?1 Who will give you (something) to fill your stomach? “No, servant, I shall not do something vio­ lent.” (50) [Do (it) not, my lord, do (it) not.] The man doing something violent is killed or [ill-treated], or he is maimed, or captured and cast into prison. (VIII) “Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. (55) “A woman will I love.” Yes, love, my lord, love. The man who loves a woman forgets pain and trouble. “No, servant, a woman I shall not love.” [Do not love,] 1 “ Your clay” means of course “ your body" (cf. Gen. 2:7).

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my lord, do not [love]. Woman is a well,2 (60) woman is an iron dagger—a sharp one!—which cuts a man’s neck. (IX) “ Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. “ Bring me at once water for my hands, and give it to me: I will offer a sacrifice to my god.” Offer, my lord, offer. A man offering sacrifice to his god is happy, loan upon loan he makes. “No, servant, a sacrifice to my god will I not offer.” Do not offer (it), my lord, do not offer (it). You may teach a god to trot after you like a dog when he requires of you, (saying), “ (Celebrate) my ritual” or “do not inquire (by re­ questing an oracle)” or anything else. (X) [“Servant,] obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. (70) “ I shall give food to our country.” Give it, my lord, give it! [The man who] gives food [to his country]—his barley (remains) his own but his receipts from interest (payments) become immense.8 [“No, servant,] food to my country I shall not give.” [Do not give, my lord,] do not give. Giving is like lov\ing\. . . . giving birth to a son. (75) . . . they will curse you. [They will eat] your barley and destroy you.4 (XI) “Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. “I will do something helpful for my country.” Do (it), my lord, do (it). The man who does something helpful for his country,—his helpful deed is placed in the bowl of Marduk.5 (80) “No, servant, I will not do something helpful for my country.” Do it not, my lord, do it not. Climb the mounds of ancient ruins and walk about: look at the skulls of late and early (men); who (among them) is an evildoer, who a public benefactor ?6 (XII) “Servant, obey me.” Yes, my lord, yes. “Now, what is good? (85) To break my neck, your neck, throw (both) into the river—(that) is good.” Who is tall enough to ascend to heaven ? Who is broad enough to embrace the earth ? “No, servant, I shall kill you and send you ahead of me.” (Then) would my lord (wish to) live even three days after me? (Colophon) Written according to the original and collated. A DIALOGUE ABOUT HUMAN M ISERY1 Cuneiform text: J. A. Craig, Babylonian and Assyrian Re­ ligious Texts, Vol. 1 ( Assyriologische Bibliothe\, x i i i [Leipzig, 2 The following gloss has been added in the cuneiform text: “ well— pit­ fall, ditch.” Woman (and more specifically the wife) is compared to a well (Hebrew, be’er) and to a cistern (Hebrew, bSr) in Prov. 5:15, cf. 5:16-18; Cant. 4 : 1 5 . H. Graetz and others after him propose to read, “ Remember thy cistern (bore\ha)” or “ thy well (Hebrew, be’erehjxa)" instead of “ thy creator” (Hebrew, bor’ahjha) in Eccles. 12 :1, interpreting, "remember thy wife.” The Akkadian btirtu (used here) means well and cistern, and is a cognate of the two Hebrew words in Prov. 5 :15 . 8 A variant text reads: “ His barley is barley immense (in quantity).” 4 The variant of lines 73b-76 reads, “ He eats your barley, they will diminish the interest on your barley, and besides they will curse you.” 8 The tablets listing men’s deeds were stored in Marduk's bowl. e cf. Eccles. 1 :i 1; 2:14-16; 6:8; 9:1-6; etc.; Ps. 49:10 (Hebr. 4 9 :11); Job __________ 21:26. 1 This poem is sometimes called “ The Babylonian Ecclesiastes.” The cuneiform text is an acrostic poem. Each of the eleven verses, comprising one of the 27 partially extant stanzas, begins with the same syllable, as in Ps. 119 each of the eight distichs of each stanza begins with the same letter of the alphabet. The acrostic reads: a-na-k.« [fa ] [ i-na-am] -ubbi-tb ma-as-ma-lu f{a-ri-[bu] la /-// u iar-ri, “I, Shaggil-kinam-ubbib, the conjurer, bless god and king.” The poet’s name preserved in this acrostic means, “ O Esagil (i.e. the temple of Marduk in Babylon), pronounce the righteous pure!” The extant tablets on which the poem is written are

OBSERVATIONS

ON

LIFE

1895]), Plates 44-52. S. A. Strong, On Some Babylonian and Assyrian Alliterative Texts, 1, PSBA, x v i i (1895), pp. 142-7. H. Zimmern in ZA, x (1896), pp. 17 fl. Translations: E. Ebeling, Ein Babylonischer Kohelet (Berliner Beitrdge zur Keilschrift\unde, 1:1 [1923]); also in AOT, pp. 287-91; and in Festschrift Max von Oppenheim gewidmet (1933), pp. 27-34. B. Meissner, Babylonien und Assyrien, Vol. 11 (Leipzig, 1925), p. 432; and Die babylonisch-assyrische Literatur (Wildpark-Potsdam, 1928), p. 80. B. Landsberger, Die babylonische Theodizee, ZA, x l i i i (N F IX [1936]), pp. 32-76. E. Dhorme, Ecclesiaste ou Job?, RB, 1923 and Recueil Edouard Dhorme (Paris, 1951), pp. 685-709.

. . . [my woes] let me tell you, . . . let me relate to you. . . . [a companion I seel(] . . . [Comfort] (me), a sufferer, (then) . . . shall I praise you. Where is your brother, comparable to you ? Where a wise man such as you are ? [To whom] may I flee and relate my torment? [I was finished] and mental evil came straightway. I was left behind, fate snatched away (my) begetter; The mother who begat me was murdered by Hades. (10) My father and my mother forsook me, and I had no guardian. My respected friend, what you said is grief! (II) What you caused your beloved heart to meditate is evil! Your clever understanding you made similar to that of an imbecile; Your radiant features you turned into darkness. (The humans) are given up, may they go the way of death. “ You shall cross the (underworld) river Hubur,” they were told long ago. If you look, people are uniformly dull. The wealthy man. . . they have glorified eagerly, (But) who ever favored the radiant just man? (20) The one who beholds the countenance of a god has a (protecting) Lamassu, The one who reverently worships a goddess heaps up abundance. Is your heart, my friend, a spring of water which gathers all [wisdom]? (HI) Is [your] knowledge] . . . the surge of the sea rushing forth ? Accurately will I search you; learn my word. Pay attention a moment, and listen to my speech. M y . . . is finished, 1 am forgotten . . . . My good luck I allowed to slip away, I passed (it) by. .. . My strength has vanished,. . . has ceased. Trouble and despair have . . . . (30) ... for the satiety---The date wine, vivifier of men, in (my) case [fails]. Does the fierce lion, who eats the best of the meat,

(V 50)

not earlier than the seventh century B .C ., but the poem may have originated a few centuries before then. The sufferer speaks in the stanzas with uneven numbers, his friend in the others.

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Present his dough-and-incense burnt offering to appease his goddess’ displeasure? Does [really] the upstart, whose affluence has increased, Weigh [precious metal] to the goddess Mami?2 Have I withheld the meal-oblation ? (No), I have prayed to the gods, I have presented the prescribed sacrifices to the goddess. . . . (O) palm, tree of wealth, precious brother, (VI) Endowed with the totality of wisdom, jewel of choice gold\ You are firmly established like the earth, but [divine] counsel is remote. Consider the noble onager in . . . ; He has trampled on the produce of the fields, the arrow turns against him. (60) The enemy of the herds, the lion, which you mentioned, please consider: (For) the brutality which the lion has committed, a pit was opened against him. The upstart endowed with wealth, whose property is heaped up, In the fire, before his appointed time, the ruler burns him. Do you wish to follow the paths these have trod ? Seek (instead) incessantly the gracious favor of a god. Your opinion is a north-wind, a [good] breeze for the people; (VII) Pure, choice, is your . . . counsel. But a single word [let me add] in your presence: “They walk on a lucky path those who do not seek [a god],

(70)

Those who devoutly pray to [a goddess] become poor and weak.” In my childhood I [investigated] the mind of the god, In humility and piety have I searched for the goddess: (And yet) a corvee without profit I bear like a yoke; The god brought me scarcity instead of wealth; A cripple above, a fool in front, Have stolen my necklace, and I have been brought low. In reality, (O) sharp-witted one, what you have in mind is not proper: (VIII) You have rejected the truth, you have despised the decree of the god. Not to observe the ordinances of the god was the wish of your soul, (80) The correct purifications of the goddess you have [neglected]. Like the center of the heavens, so the divine counsel [is remote]. The utterance of the god (and) goddess is not taken [to heart]. True understanding [is excluded] for mankind, (While) to plan evil [*V unavoidable] for men. To teach [people] an evil path. . . Let me forsake the house 2 Mama (variant, Mami) is the mother goddess.

(XIII 133)

440

OBSERVATIONS

ON

LIFE

Let me not crave property. . . . Let me forget the votive gifts of the god, trample upon ritual prescriptions. Let me slaughter the bulloc\,. . . eat Let me go to a fortress, reach distant places. Let me open a spring, free the flow (of water), A spring of the steppe,. . . let me wander about, Let me enter house after house, control my hunger, (140) Let me camp in the fields, hunt along the highways, Let me [enter] in like a beggar---The necklace, the beauty of which you craved, (X X II235) . . . his legs, quickly he was lost. The godless, the scoundrel, who has acquired wealth, The murderer (with) his weapon pursues him. You, who do not seek the counsel of the god, what is your success? Whoever draws the yoke of the god, verily . . . his food (supply) is constant. (240) Seek (then) the good breath of the gods, And what you have lost this year you will recover at once. Among men I have made observations, (but) the signs were variable. (XXIII) The god does not stop the advance of the larrabu-demon. In the canals the begetter draws the ship, (While) his first-born lies in bed; The oldest brother moves about on his way like a lion, (While) the second son delights in driving a mule. In the street the senior son hunts disgracefully (for plunder), (While) the second son distributes food to the needy. (250) In the presence of a leader I, who humble myself, what do I gain? I must submit (even) to my slave: The wealthy and thriving man despises me,—the last (of all). (O) wise (and) strong one, endowed with insight, (XXIV) Your heart is eating itself (when) you treat God unjustly. The mind of the god, like the center of the heavens, is remote; His knowledge is difficult, men cannot understand it. The product of the hand of the goddess Aruru is life in general. The premature offspring is always thin: A cow’s first heifer is inferior, (260) Her second offspring is twice as large. The fool gives birth to an outstanding son, The mighty hero to one whose designation is quite different. Let him know (that) people cannot understand what the counsel of a god is.

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ORDER

Give heed, my friend! Understand my meaning, (XXV) Guard the choice expression of my speech. (People) extol the word of a prominent man, expert in murder, (But) they abase the humble, who has committed no violence. They justify the evildoer, whose iniquity is . . . , (But) they drive away the righteous, who gives [heed] to the god’s counsel. (270) They fill with precious metal the . . . of the bandit, (But) they empty of food the larder of the helpless man. They strengthen the mighty man, whose retinue is [wicked], (But) they ruin the weakling, they cast down the feeble. Even me, helpless (as I am), the upstart persecutes. The primeval king, the god Naru," creator of mankind, (XXVI) The glorious god Zulummaru,4 who nipped off their clay, The queen who formed them, the divine lady Mama,* They bestowed upon humanity ingenious speech: Falsehood and untruth they conferred upon them forever. (280) Enthusiastically they speak of the rich man’s graciousness, “He is a king! His tutelary deities go at his side!” As if he were a thief, they mistreat a wretched man, They bestow slander on him, they plot murder against him, Disloyally they bring every evil upon him because he lacks protection; Dreadfully they destroy him, they extinguish him like a flame. Be merciful, my friend: listen to my woe! (XXVII) Help me! See (my) misery, and you will truly understand. A wise and imploring slave am I. Help and encouragement I have not experienced for an instant. (290) I walked quietly through the squares of my city, My voice was never loud, my speech was low; I did not raise my head, I looked (down) at the ground. Like a slave I was not glorified in the assembly of [my peers]. May the god Ninurta, who. . . , supply help! May the goddess Ishtar, who. . . , have mercy upon me! May the shepherd,' the sun of the people,' [have mercy], 8 A cuneiform commentary identifies Nlru or Narru with the god Enlil. 4 Zulummaru is the god Ea, according to the commentary. 8 i.e. the king.

Oracles and Prophecies Egyptian Oracles and Prophecies (Translator: John A. Wilson) THE ADMONITIONS OF IPU-WER The following text is “ prophetic” in a biblical sense. The “prophet” is not foretelling the future but is standing before a pharaoh and condemning the past and present administration of Egypt. The manuscript is too fragmentary for a full, connected sense. It seems clear, however, that Egypt had suffered a break­ down of government, accompanied by social and economic chaos. These calamities met with indifference in the palace. A certain Ipu-wer, about whom nothing is known apart from the surviving text, appeared at the palace and reported to the pharaoh the anarchy in the land. Ipu-wer first was inclined to absolve the pharaoh of guilt for these woes, but grew more bold and ended with a denunciation of the king who evaded his responsibilities. Although our manuscript was written in the Nineteenth or Twentieth Dynasty (1350-1100 B .C .), the original belonged to an earlier time, perhaps to the period between the Old and Middle Kingdoms (2300-2050 b.c.). The language and orthography are “ Middle Egyptian.” The situation described conforms to that which followed the breakdown of the central government at the end of the Old Kingdom. The pharaoh who is denounced is not named, but may have been one of the last rulers of the Sixth Dynasty or one of the kings of the weak dynasties following* The beginning and end of the manuscript are missing, and the body of the text is full of lacunae. Only extracts may be given here. The lost beginning of the text probably gave the narrative setting of Ipu-wer’s arrival in court and the reasons for his speeches. Leyden Papyrus I 344, recto, was facsimiled in C. Leemans, Monumens egyptiens du Music d'antiquitis des Pays-Bas d Leide (Leyden, 1841-82), 11, Pis. cv-cxm. The significance of the text was first presented by H. O. Lange, Prophezeiungen eines agyptischen Weisen (SPAW, 1903, 601-10). The definitive study of the text is still that of A. H. Gardiner, The Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage (Leipzig, 1909). The text is translated in Erman, L A E, 92-108. The significance of the text was studied by J. H. Breasted, The Dawn of Conscience (New York, 1933), 193-200*

(i 1) . . . Door [keepers] say: “Let us go and plunder.” . . . The laundryman refuses to carry his load.. . . Bird[catchers] have marshaled the battle array [Men of] the Delta marshes carry shields.1 . . . (5) . . . A man regards his son as his enemy. . . . A man of character goes in mourning2 because of what has happened in the land. . . . Foreigners have become people3 every­ where. . . . ( i i 2 ) . . . 4W h y r e a l l y , the [face] is pale. The bow1 Men formerly in peaceful pursuits have become violent. 2 “ In blue,” the color of mourning garments. * The term “ men, humans, people,” was used by the Egyptians to desig­ nate themselves, in contrast to their foreign neighbors, who were not conceded to be real people. 4 A number of parallel stanzas, in general poetic form, begin with words of surprise or protest, rubricized in the text, and here translated: “ Why really!”

man is ready. Robbery is everywhere. There is no man of yesterday.3. . . W h y r e a l l y , the Nile is in flood, (but) no one plows for himself, (because) every man says: “We do not know what may happen throughout the land!” W h y r e a l l y , women are dried up, and none can conceive. Khnum cannot fashion (mortals) because of the state of the land.3 W h y r e a l l y , poor men have become the possessors of treasures. He who could not make himself (5) a pair of sandals is (now) the possessor of riches.. .. W h y r e a l l y , many dead are buried in the river. The stream is a tomb, and the embalming-place has really become the stream. W h y r e a l l y , nobles are in lamentation, while poor men have joy. Every town says: “ Let us banish many from us.” W h y r e a l l y , . . . dirt is throughout the land. There are really none (whose) clothes are white in these times. W h y r e a l l y , the land spins around as a potter’s wheel does. The robber is (now) the possessor of riches___ (10) W h y r e a l l y , the River is blood. If one drinks of it, one rejects (it) as human and thirsts for water. W h y r e a l l y , doors, columns, and floor plants are burned up,7 (but) the flooring of the palace—life, pros­ perity, health!—(still) remains firm.8. . . W h y r e a l l y , crocodiles [sinl(] down because of what they have carried off, (for) men go to them of their own accord.9. . . (iii 1 ) [ W h y ] r e a l l y , the desert is (spread) through­ out the land. The nomes are destroyed. Barbarians from outside have come to Egypt. . . . There are really no people anywhere.19. . . (5) . . . W h y r e a l l y , they who built [pyramids have become] farmers. They who were in the ship of the god are charged with forced [labor]. No one really sails north to [Byb]los today. What shall we do for cedar for our mummies ? Priests were buried with their11 produce, and [nobles] were embalmed with the oil thereof as far away as Keftiu,12 (but) they come no (longer). Gold is lacking. . . . How important it (now) seems when the oasis-people come carrying their festival 5 To the Egyptian the past was the good time given by the gods. Here the sudden breakdown of order gives specific point to this statement 6 The potter god shaped infants on his wheel. 7 Probably those parts of private houses which were made of wood. 8 Either this is said out of respect for the king, or it sets an invidious contrast between the fate of the people and the indifference of the pharaoh. 9 Suicide in the River. 10 cf. n.3 above. In a breakdown of government, resdess foreigners infil­ trated into the fertile land of Egypt 11 The produce of foreign trade. Byblos in Phoenicia was an Egyptian shipping point for coniferous wood and resinous oil. 12 Probably Crete.

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provisions: reed-mats,. . . fresh redmet-plznts, (10) . . . of birds, and .. .ls W h y r e a l l y , Elephantine, the Thinite nome, and the [shrine] of Upper Egypt do not pay taxes because of [civil] w ar.. . . What is a treasury without its revenues for? The heart of the king (must) indeed be glad when truth comes to him!11 But really, every foreign country [comes] ! Such is our water! Such is our wel­ fare! What can we do about it? Going to ruin! W h y r e a l l y , laughter has disappeared, and is [no longer] made. It is wailing that pervades the land, mixed with lamentation (iv 1) . . . W h y r e a l l y , the children of nobles are dashed against the walls. The (once) prayed-for children are (now) laid out on the high ground.. . . (5) . . . W h y r e a l l y , the entire Delta marshland will no (longer) be hidden: the confidence of the Northland is (now) a beaten path.15 What is it that one could do ? . . . Behold, it is in the hands of those who did not know it, as well as those who knew it; foreigners are (now) skilled in the work of the Delta (10) . . . W h y r e a l l y , all maid-servants make free with their tongues.16 When their mistresses speak, it is burdensome to the servants (v 10) . . . W h y r e a l l y , the ways [are not] guarded roads. Men sit in the bushes until the benighted (traveler) comes, to take away his burden and steal what is on him. He is presented with the blows of a stick and slain wrong­ fully. . . . Ah, would that it were the end of men, no conception, no (vi 1) birth! Then the earth would cease from noise, without wrangling! . . . W h y r e a l l y , grain has perished on every side. . . . Everybody says: “There is nothing!” The storehouse is stripped bare; its keeper is stretched out on the ground. . . . (5) . . . Ah, would that I had raised my voice at that time—it might save me from the suffering in which I am! W h y r e a l l y , the writings of the august enclosure are read.17 The place of secrets which was (so formerly) is (now) laid bare. W h y r e a l l y , magic is exposed. Go-spells and enfoldspells are made ineffectual because they are repeated by (ordinary) people.18 W h y r e a l l y , (public) offices are open, and their re­ ports are read.18 Serfs have become the owners of serfs. . . . W h y r e a l l y , the writings of the scribes of the mat 18 The paltry trade from the nearby oases is contrasted with the former foreign commerce. 14 This may be ironical. But it may also mean that Ipu-wer was the first to tell the pharaoh about the sad state of the land. 15 With the frontier policing ineffective, the security of the Delta was broken by invaders. 16 “ Have power-rights over their mouths.” 17 Or “ are taken away.” The restricted area of the administration had civil and religious writings which were not open to the ordinary public, cf. the following stanzas. 18 Magic known to everybody was no longer magic. The tentative trans­ lation assumes that there were two kinds of magic charms, one beginning with the word “ go,” the other with the word “ enfold.” 19 Or “ their inventories are taken away.”

PROPHECIES

have been removed.20 The grain-sustenance of Egypt is (now) a come-and-get-it.21 W h y r e a l l y , the laws (10) of the enclosure are put out-of-doors. Men actually walk on them in the high­ ways. Poor men tear them up in the streets.. . . W h y r e a l l y , the children of nobles are abandoned in the streets. He who knows says: “Yes, (it is so)!” The fool says: “No, (it is not)!” It is fair in the sight of him who knows it not.22. . . (vii 1) 23B e h o l d now, the fire has mounted up on high. Its flame goes forth against the enemies of the land. B e h o l d now, something has been done which never happened for a long time: the king has been taken away by poor men.24 B e h o l d , he who was buried as a falcon (now lies) on a {mere) bier. What the pyramid hid has become empty. B e h o l d n o w , i t h a s c o m e t o a p o i n t w h e r e the land is despoiled of the kingship by a few irresponsible men. B e h o l d n o w , it has come to a point where (men) rebel against the uraeus,26 the . . . of Re, which makes the Two Lands peaceful. B e h o l d , the secret of the land, whose limits are un­ knowable), is laid bare.27 The Residence (may) be razed within an hour (5) . . . B e h o l d , the (guardian-) serpent is taken from her hole.28 The secrets of the Kings of Upper and Lower Egypt are laid bare.. . . (10) . . . B e h o l d , nobles’ ladies are (now) gleaners, and nobles are in the workhouse. (But) he who never (even) slept on a plank (now) the owner of a bed___ B e h o l d , the owners of robes are (now) in rags. (But) he who never wove for himself is (now) the owner of fine linen.. . . B e h o l d , he who knew not the lyre is (now) the owner of a harp. He who never sang for himself (now) praises the goddess of music (viii 1) . . . B e h o l d , the bald-headed man who had no oil has become the owner of jars of sweet myrrh. ( 5 ) B e h o l d , she who had not (even) a box is (now) the owner of a trunk• She who looked at her face in the water is (now) the owner of a mirror (10) . . . B e h o l d , the king’s men thrash around among the cattle of the destitute.28. . . 20 Scribes seated on mats kept the records of Egypt’s grain produce. 21 A compound and perhaps colloquial phrase, "when-I-go-down-it-isbrought-to-me.” 22 Those who are blissfully unaware of the troubles are fools. The state­ ment may have been intended to implicate the pharaoh indirecdy. The passage is in place here. It is an inapt quotation in the Instruction of King Amen-em-het (p. 419 above). 23 A section in which the stanzas are introduced by a different rubricized word, “ Behold.” In place of an attitude of surprised protest, Ipu-wer now brings his charges closer home to the palace. 24 The next stanza makes this explicit as the robbing of royal tombs. But there is an implicit attack here on the king who heard the words for his failure to preserve former order. 25 “ Men who know not plans.” 28 The serpent on the brow of the king, and thus the symbol of kingship. 27 The “ secret” was the awful mystery and inviolability of the god who was pharaoh of Egypt, cf. the following stanza. 28 The deified snake which was the guardian of a temple or a palace. 29 The sense seems to be that those directly responsible to the king are

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Behold, the king’s men thrash around among geese, which are presented (to) the gods instead of oxen .80 . . . (ix i ) . . . B ehold , nobles’ ladies are grow ing hungry, (but) the king’s men are sated with what they have done. B ehold , not an office is in its (proper) place, like a stampeded herd which has no herdsman. B ehold , cattle are (left) free-wandering, (for) there

is no one to take care of them. Every man takes for himself and brands (them) with his name___ B ehold , he who had no grain is (now) the owner of granaries. (5) He who had to get a loan for himself (now) issues it.. . . (x 1) .. .31 So Lower Egypt w e e p s . The storehouse of the king is a (mere) come-and-get-it for everybody,82 and the entire palace is without its taxes. To it (should be­ long) barley, emmer, birds, and fish. To it (should belong) white cloth, fine linen, metal, and (5) ointment. To it (should belong) rug, mat, [flowers], palanquin, and every good revenue... .88 Remember (xi 1) . . . how fumigation is made with incense, how water is offered from a jar in the early morning. Remember fattened ro-geese, terep-geese, and satgeese, how the divine offerings are made to the gods. Remember how natron is chewed and how white bread is prepared by a man on the day of moistening the head.84

Remember how flagstaffs are set up and a stela is carved, while a priest purifies the temples and the house of god is whitewashed like milk; how the fragrance of the horizon88 is made sweet, and how offering-bread is established. Remember how (ritual) regulations are adhered to, how (religious) dates are distributed, how (5) one who has been inducted into priestly service may be removed for personal weakness—that is, it was carried out wrongfully... ,86 . . . It shall come that he brings coolness upon the heart, (xii 1) Men shall say: “He is the herdsman of all men. Evil is not in his heart. Though his herds may be small, still he has spent the day caring for them.” . . . Would that he might perceive their character from the (very) first generation!87 Then he would smite down running wild in appropriating the property of ordinary citizens. Ipu-wer is now directing his criticism closer to the person of the king. 80 Probably thereby making a profit on a contracted obligation. 81 Another series of stanzas, each beginning with the word “destroyed,” describes further chaos. This section is too damaged for connected trans­ lation. 82 cf. n.21 above. 88 In the section which follows, each stanza begins with the word “ re­ member,” recalling the pious observations of the past as the necessary norm for the future. 84 Moistening the head, like cleansing the mouth with natron-water, was probably some kind of purificatory rite. 85 “The horizon” was the temple. 86 In context full of lacunae there is a transition to a new theme. Un­ fortunately we cannot be sure about the argument Ipu-wer is certainly describing the ideal ruler. The alternatives are (a) that this ruler is a pattern from the past, perhaps the sun-god Re, or (b) that the passage is truly messianic and that Ipu-wer is looking forward to the god-king who will deliver Egypt from her woes. This translation takes the latter alternative. 87 The ideal king should know the perennial nature of man. Gram-

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evil; he would stretch forth the arm against it; he would destroy the seed thereof and their inheritance. . . . (5) . . . (But) there is no pilot in their hour. Where is he today? Is he then sleeping? Behold, the glory thereof cannot be seen (10) .. .8S . . . Authority, Perception, and Justice are with thee,89 (but) it is confusion which thou wouldst set throughout the land, together with the noise of contention. Behold, one thrusts against another. Men conform to that which thou hast commanded. If three men go along a road, they are found to be two men: it is the greater number that kills the lesser. Does then the herdsman love death?40 So then thou wilt command that (xiii 1) a reply be made: “It is because one man loves and another hates. That is, their forms are few everywhere.”41 This really means that thou hast acted to bring such (a situation) into being, and thou hast spoken lies.42 . . . All these years are civil strife. A man may be slain on his (own) roof, while he is on the watch in his boundary house. Is he brave and saves himself?—that means that he will live.. . . (5) . . . Would that thou mightest taste of some of the oppressions thereof! Then thou wouldst say:.. .4S . . . (10) . . . 44 But it is still good when the hands of men construct pyramids, when canals are dug, and when groves of trees are made for the gods. But it is still good when men are drunken, when they drink miyet and their hearts are happy. But it is still good when shouting is in the mouths (of men), when the notables of the districts are stand­ ing and watching the shouting (xiv 1 from their houses, clothed in a cloak, purified already and firm bellied . . . (10) . . . “ . . . None can be found who will stand in their places. . . . Every man fights for his sister, and he protects his own person. Is (it) the Nubians? Then we shall make our (own) protection. Fighting police will hold off the barbarians. Is it the Libyans? Then we shall turn away. The Madjoi fortunately are with Egypt.48 How is it that every man kills his brother? The military classes (xv 1) which we marshal for ourselves have become barbarimatically, the sentence is not an unreal condition, “Would that he had perceived,” referring to Re’s punishment of mankind (pp. io - i i above), but a condition of wish, probably referring to the future. 88 In an unintelligible section, here omitted, Ipu-wer uses the second person singular. As Nathan said to David: “ Thou art the man,” so Ipu-wer must finally be addressing the pharaoh. pinning the responsibility for Egypt’s woes directly on the king, as indicated in the following context. 39 Hu "authoritative utterance” or “ creative command,” and Sia “ intel­ lectual perception” or “ cognition,” were a pair of related attributes, often deified. As attributes of kingship, they were sometimes linked to ma'at “ justice” or “ truth.” Kingship thus needed the ability to comprehend a situation, the authority to meet the situation by command, and the balance of equitable justice. 40 The slain people belong to the herd of pharaoh, the herdsman. 41 It is impossible to understand the statement which Ipu-wer attributes to the pharaoh as an excuse for weakness. Perhaps he is saying that there is more than one side to a question. 42 In milder form, this might be translated: “ Lies are told thee.” 43 In combatting the pharaoh’s obscure argument, Ipu-wer again recites some of the anarchy in Egypt Seemingly he states that personal ex­ perience in such troubles would make the king talk differently. 44 A series of stanzas now begins with the formula: “ It is still, however, good,” introducing a nostalgic recollection of former days, which would still be happy in the future. 45 The Madjoi, people from lands south of Egypt, were used as police in Egypt.

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ans, beginning to destroy that from which they too\ their being and to show the Asiatics the state of the land.46 And yet all the foreigners are afraid of them. . . . ( 1 0 ) . . . ”" T h a t w h i c h Ipu-wer s a id , when he answered the majesty of the All-Lord: . . To be ignorant of it is something pleasant to the heart. Thou hast done what is good in their hearts, (for) thou hast kept people alive thereby. (But still) they cover up (xvi i) their faces for fear of the morrow. “Once upon a time there was a man who was old and in the presence of his salvation,48 while his son was (still) a child, without understanding.. . .”49 TH E PROPHECY OF N EFERTI1 The Middle Kingdom delivered Egypt from the civil war and anarchy which had followed the Old Kingdom. These troubles and their ultimate resolution produced a sense of messianic salvation, a feeling which the early pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom probably fostered in their own interests. The following text was apparendy composed at that dme of happy deliverance, although the earliest extant copies happen to date from the Eighteenth Dynasty, about five centuries later. The text pur­ ports to relate how King Snefru of the Fourth Dynasty sought entertainment and how a prophet foretold the downfall of the Old Kingdom and the reestablishment of order by Amen-emhet I, the first king of the Twelfth Dynasty. Papyrus Leningrad 1116 B was published by W. Golenischeff, Les papyrus hiiratiques no. 1 1 1 5 , 1116 A , et 1116 B de VErmitage Imperial h St. Pitersbourg (St. Petersburg, 1913). The text was studied and translated by A. H. Gardiner in JEA, 1 (1914), 100-06, and translated by Erman, LAE, 110-15. The text was used for school purposes in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties and portions appear on two ostraca and two writing tablets.*

Now i t h a p p e n e d t h a t the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Snefru, the triumphant, was the beneficent king in this entire land. On one of these days it happened that the official council of the Resi­ dence City entered into the Great House—life, [pros­ perity], health!—to offer greeting. Then they went out, that they might offer greetings (elsewhere), accord­ ing to their daily procedure. Then his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—said to the seal-bearer who was at his side: “Go and bring me (back) the official council of the Residence City, which has gone forth hence to offer greetings on this [day].” (Thereupon they) were ushered in to him (5) immediately. Then they were 48 It would seem that Egypt’s own troops were disloyal. 47 Since the following words contain an “ answer” of Ipu-wer, this paragraph, much of which is omitted as unintelligible, contains the pharaoh’s disturbed comment, trying to assay Egypt’s strength. 48 “ His salvation” means death. The formula at the beginning of this paragraph is the storytelling formula, “ There was a man, who was,” and we certainly have the beginning of a narrative here. Either it is told by Ipu-wer as a parable, or it does not belong to the Admonitions of Ipu-wer, which would then end on- the ominous note of “ fear of the morrow.” 49 The story defies consecutive translation. It apparently deals with vio­ lence to the tomb and to the corpses and funerary furniture. The last two columns of the papyrus are in lamentable destruction. 1 This translation retains the now traditional name of Nefer-rohu for the Egyptian prophet, even though G. Posener in Revue d ’£gyptologic, vni (19 5 1), 171-74, has produced evidence making it highly probable that the man’s name is to be read Neferti—cf. the reference to a sage of that name in the text translated on p. 432.

PROPHECIES

on their bellies in the presence of his majesty a second time. Then his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—said to them: “ (My) people, behold, I have caused you to be called to have you seek out for me a son of yours who is wise, or a brother of yours who is competent, or a friend of yours who has performed a good deed, one who may say to me a few fine words or choice speeches, at the hearing of which my [majesty] may be entertained.” Then they put (themselves) upon their bellies in the presence of his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—once more. T h e n t h e y s a id b e f o r e his majesty—life, pros­ perity, health!: “A great lector-priest of Bastet,2 O sover­ eign, our lord, (10) whose name is Nefer-rohu—he is a commoner valiant [with] his arm, a scribe competent with his fingers; he is a man of rank, who has more property than any peer of his. Would that he [might be permitted.} to see his majesty!” Then his majesty— life, prosperity, health!—said: “ Go and [bring] him to me!” Then he was ushered in to him immediately. Then he was on his belly in the presence of his majesty— life, prosperity, health! Then his majesty—life, pros­ perity, health!—said: “Come, pray, Nefer-rohu, my friend, that thou mayest say to me a few fine words or choice speeches, at the hearing of which my majesty may be entertained!” Then the lector-priest Nefer-rohu said: “Of what has (already) happened or of what is going to happen, O Sovereign—life, prosperity, health! —[my] lord?” (15) Then his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—said: “Rather of what is going to happen. If it has taken place by today, pass it [by].'n Then he stretched forth his hand for the box of writing equip­ ment; then he drew forth a scroll of papyrus and a palette; thereupon he put (it) into writing.4 What the lector-[priest] Nefer-rohu said, that wise man of the east, he who belonged to Bastet at her appearances, that child of the Heliopolitan nome,6a s h e b r o o d e d over what (was to) happen in the land, as he called to mind the state of the east, when the Asiatics would move about with their strong arms, would disturb the hearts [of] those who are at the harvest, and would take away the spans of cattle at the plowing. (20) He said: Bestir thyself, O my heart, as thou bewailest this land in which thou didst begin! To be silent is repres­ sion. Behold, there is something about which men speak as terrifying, for, behold, the great man is a thing passed away (in the land) where thou didst begin. B e 2 The lector-priest (literally, "he who carries the ritual” ) was initiated into the sacred writings and thus was priest, seer, and magician. Bastet was the cat-goddess of Bubasds in the eastern half of the Delta. 8 This must be the general sense, although the wording is obscure. An Egyptian interest in the future, rather than the past, was not normal, but a prophecy which promised that the future would restore the past would be acceptable. 4 The pharaoh himself wrote down the prophecy. The Egyptian texts treat Snefru as a friendly and approachable ruler; see B. Gunn in ]EAt x i i (1926), 250-51. Here, instead of calling upon a scribe, he does his own writing: he addresses his courtiers as “ my people” and Nefer-rohu as “ my friend.” 8 Although now serving in Bubastis, he had been born in the Heliopolitan nome.

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is before thy face! Mayest thou rise up against what is before thee, for, behold, although great men are concerned with the land, what has been done is as what is not done. Re must begin the foun­ dation {of the earth over again). The land is completely perished, (so that) no remainder exists, (so that) not (even) the black of the nail survives from what was fated.6 T h i s l a n d is ( s o ) d a m a g e d (that) there is no one who is concerned with it, no one who speaks, no one who weeps. How is this land? The sun disc is covered over. (25) It will not shine (so that) people may see. No one can live when clouds cover over (the sun). Then everybody is deaf for lack of it.7 I shall speak of what is before my face; I cannot foretell what has not (yet) come.6 T h e r i v e r s of Egypt are empty, (so that) the water is crossed on foot. Men seek for water for the ships to sail on it. Its course is [become] a sandbank. The sandbank is against the flood; the place of water is against the [flood]—{both) the place of water and the sandbank.9The south wind will oppose the north wind; the skies are no (longer) in a single wind.10 A foreign bird will be born in the marshes of the Northland. It has made a nest beside (30) men, and people have let it approach through want of it.11 D a m a g e d in d e e d a r e t h o s e good things, those fish-ponds, (where there were) those who clean fish, overflowing with fish and fowl. Everything good is disappeared, and the land is prostrate because of woes from that food,12 the Asiatics who are throughout the land. Foes have arisen in the east, and Asiatics have come down into Egypt.. . . No protector will listen.. . . Men will enter into the fortresses* Sleep will be banished from my eyes, ( 3 5 ) as I spend the night wakeful. T h e w i l d b e a s t s o f t h e d e s e r t w i l l drink at the rivers of Egypt and be at their ease on their banks for lack of some one to scare them away. This land is helter-skelter,19 and no one knows the result which will come about, which is hidden from speech, sight, or hearing. The face is deaf, for silence confronts. I show thee the land topsy-turvy.14 That which never happened has happened. Men will take up weapons of warfare, (so that) the land lives in (40) confusion. M e n w i l l m a k e a r r o w s of metal,16 beg for n o t l a x ; b e h o ld , i t

e Not so much of the “ Black Land" of Egypt survives as might be under a fingernail. 7 “ Deaf* is unexpected where one awaits “ blinded” by the lack of sun­ light. The sense may be stunned or inert. 8 A curious statement, since the point of the story is that he will prophesy the future. The psychology is apparently that he is projecting himself into a present which extends only to the time of Amen-em-het I—which is an exposure of the actual time of this “ prophecy.” Note also the significant fluctuation of tenses throughout the “ prophecy.” 8 Perhaps mistranslated, but attempting to hold the idea that neither the banks nor the bed of the stream would receive the life-giving inundation. 10 The pleasant north wind is the normal wind of Egypt 1 1 A strange passage, which either emphasizes the unnaturalness of nature in the distressed times or else is an oblique reference to Asiatics infiltrating into the Delta. 12 The Asiatics are a bitter diet for the Egyptians? 18 A compound expression, “ is brought-and-taken.” 14 A compound expression, seni-meni “ is passed-by-and-sick.” 15 W. Wolf, Die Betaaffnung des altagyptischen Heeres (Leipzig, 1926),

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the bread of blood, and laugh with the laughter of sickness.16 There is no one who weeps because of death; there is no one who spends the night fasting17 because of death; (but) a man’s heart pursues himself (alone)? (Dishevelled) mourning is no (longer) carried out to­ day, (for) the heart is completely separated from it. A man will sit still while crooking his back while one mart kills another. I show thee the son as a foe, the brother as an enemy, and a man (45) killing his (own) father. E v e r y m o u t h is f u l l o f “ L o v e m e ! ” , a n d everything g o o d has disappeared. The land is perished, {as though) laws were destined for it: the damaging of what had been done, the emptiness of what had been found,18 and the doing of what had not been done. Men take a man’s property away from him, and it is given to him who is from outside. I show thee the possessor in need and the outsider satisfied. He who never filled for him­ self {now) empties19 Men will give something (sim­ ply) out of hate, in order to silence the mouth that speaks. If a statement is answered, an arm goes out with a stick, and men speak with: “Kill him!” T h e u t t e r ­ a n c e o f s p e e c h i n t h e h e a r t is like a fire. (50) Men cannot suffer what issues from a man's mouth. The land is diminished, (but) its administrators are many; bare, (but) its taxes are great; little in grain, (but) the measure is large, and it is measured to over­ flowing.20 Re separates himself (from) mankind. If he shines forth, then the hour exists. No one knows when midday falls, for his shadow cannot be distinguished.21 There is no one bright of face when seeing [him]; the eyes are not moist with water, when he is in the sky like the moon. His prescribed time does not fail. His rays are indeed in (men’s) faces in his former way.22 I s h o w t h e e t h e l a n d t o p s y - t u r v y . The weak of arm is (now) the possessor of an arm. Men (55) salute (respectfully) him who (formerly) saluted. I show thee the undermost on top, turned about in proportion to the turning about of my belly. Men live in the necropo­ lis. The poor man will make wealth.. . . It is the paupers that will be eating bread, while the servants jubilate. The Heliopolitan nome, the birthplace of every god, will no {longer) be on earth. ( T h e n ) i t is t h a t a king w i l l c o m e , b e l o n g i n g t o t h e s o u t h , #Ameni, the triumphant, his name. He is the son of a woman of the land of Nubia; he is one born 5 0 , notes that metal arrow-points were first used in Egypt in the n th dynasty (about 2 1 0 0 B .C .) . 16 Hysteria. 17 “ Hungry.” 18 A pious obligation resting upon the Egyptians was to restore the inscriptions of the ancestors which were “ found empty,” i.e. damaged or containing lacunae. Under the present unsettled conditions what was found empty was left empty. 19 Perhaps: he who never had to insist on hill measure for himself now scrapes the bottom. 20 A land smaller and poorer has more bureaucrats and higher and more exacting taxes. 21 The sun’s shadow on the shadow-clock determined the hour of noon. 22 The last sentence accords poorly with the idea that the sun is dimmed and is like the moon. A negative may have fallen away.

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in Upper Egypt*3 He will take the [White] Crown; he will wear the Red Crown; (60) he will unite the Two Mighty Ones;24 he will satisfy the Two Lords25 with what they desire. The encircler-of-the-fields (will be) in his grasp, the oar. . . " R e j o i c e , ye people of his time! The son of a man27 will make his name forever and ever. They who incline toward evil and who plot rebellion have subdued their speech for fear of him. The Asiatics will fall to his sword, and the Libyans will fall to his flame. The rebels belong to his wrath, and the treacherous of heart to (65) the awe of him. The uraeus-serpent which is on his brow stills for him the treacherous of heart. T h e r e w i l l b e b u i l t the Wall of the Ruler—life, prosperity, health!28—and the Asiatics will not be per­ mitted to come down into Egypt that they might beg for water in the customary manner, in order to let their beasts drink. And justice will come into its place, while wrongdoing is driven out.28 Rejoice, he who may behold (this) (70) and who may be in the service of the king! The learned man will pour out water for me,80 when he sees what I have spoken come to pass. It h a s c o m e ( t o i t s e n d ) i n [success], by the Scribe. . . THE DIVINE NOMINATION OF THUT-MOSE III Although the pharaoh Thut-mose III became the great con­ queror and empire builder, his origins seem to have been com­ paratively humble. He was one of the sons of a pharaoh, but his mother was probably not of the royal line. Powerful forces— perhaps the priesthood of Amon of Karnak, to whom he al­ ways was particularly generous—made him their choice for the throne when he was a young and modest priest. This was stated as being the oracular choice of the god himself. In the later years of Thut-mose’s reign, he gave the following account of his miraculous nomination to the kingship and his indebtedness to the god Amon. The inscription is carved on the walls of the Temple of Amon at Karnak. The text was published by K. Sethe, Vr\und.en der 18 . Dynastic (Vr\., rv, Leipzig, 1905), 11, 155-76, with ante­ cedent bibliography. In a companion volume (Leipzig, 1914), Sethe gave a translation into German. The significance of the text was brought out by J. H. Breasted, A New Chapter in the Life of Thutmose III ( Untersuch., 11, ii, Leipzig, 1900). Trans­ lation by Breasted, AR, 11, §§131-66. Sethe guesses at a date in Thut-mose’s 42nd year (dose to 1450 b.c.). The beginning of the inscription is lost, but the pharaoh seems to be acquainting his court with the basis of his divine title to rule.

(1) . . . (The god Amon)—he is my father, and I am his son. He commanded to me that I should be upon his throne, while I was (still) a nestling. He begot me 28 Ameni was an abbreviated name for Amen-em-het (I). Nothing is known of his mother's race. 24 The two tutelary goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt, who united as the Double Crown. 29 Horus and Seth. 26 As one act of the coronation ceremonies, the pharaoh, grasping an oar and some other object, dedicated a field by running around it four times. 27 A man of birth and standing. 28 A series of fortresses along the eastern frontier, as in the story of Si-nuhe, p. 19 above. 29 The coronation of each pharaoh reinstituted the old order of mdat “ justice,” and expelled "deceit” or “ wrongdoing.” 80 As a libation at the tomb.

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from the (very) middle of [his] heart [and chose me for the \ingship . . . There is no lie], there is no equivo­ cation therein—when my majesty was (only) a puppy, when I was (only a newly) weaned child who was in his temple, before my installation as prophet had taken place.1 . . . While I was in the guise and role of the “Pillar-ofHis-Mother” priest, like the youth of Horus in Khemmis,2 and I was standing in the north colonnaded hall,8 [Amon-Re came forth from] the glory of his horizon.4 He made heaven and earth festive with his beauty, and he began a great marvel, with his rays in the eyes of men like the rising of Har-akhti. The people gave him (5) [praise, when he halted at the . . . ] of his temple. Then his majesty5 offered him incense upon the flame and presented to him a great oblation of oxen, cattle, and wild beasts of the desert. . . [The procession j made the circuit of the colonnaded hall on its two sides, but (it) was not in the heart of those who were present to his actions,5 in seeking out my majesty everywhere. (Then he)7 really recognized me, and he halted . . . [/ touched] the ground; I bowed myself down in his presence. He set me before his majesty, I being posted at the Station [of] the Lord.8 Then he worked a marvel over me.8. . . [These things really happened, without] equivocation, though they were remote from the faces of mankind and mysterious in the hearts of the gods . . . There is no one who knows them; there is no one who can judge them . . . [He opened for] me the doors of heaven; he spread open for me the portals of its horizon.101 flew up to the sky as a divine falcon, that I might see his mysterious form which is in heaven, that I might adore his majesty. (10) . . . I saw the forms of being of the Horizon God on his mysterious ways in heaven. Re himself established me, and I was endowed with [his] crowns [which] were upon his head, his uraeusserpent was fixed upon [my brow]. . . I [was equipped] with all his states of glory; I was made satisfied with the understanding of the gods, like Horus when he took account of himself11 at the house of his father Amon-Re. I was [perfected] with the dignities of a god . . . [He established] my crowns, and drew up for me my titulary himself.12 1 The rank of the hem-netjer “ servant of the god,” conventionally trans­ lated as “ prophet,” was that of a high temple officiant. 2 The priestly role, “ Pillar-of-His-Mother,” goes back to the myth of Horus and his mother Isis in the Delta swamps of Khemmis, the mythical birth­ place of Horus. 8 This should have been located between the 4th and 5th pylons of the Temple of Amon at Karnak. 4 The image of the god was carried out of his shrine. 5 The then reigning king, Thut-mose I or II. 8 Those who witnessed the movements of the god’s portable shrine could not understand why he was circling the hall. 7 The omission of the pronoun is troublesome, but the sense demands its restoration. 8 The place where the king stood in the temple, cf. pp. 248, 375. 9 Or: “Then he marvelled over me.” 10 Poetical terms are used for the entry of the king-designate into the holy of holies of the temple. 1 1 “ Counted his body,” in the sense of recognizing his mature powers, after Horus had been awarded the kingship by Re. 12 Sethe points out that the fivefold titulary which follows has a form which characterizes the latter part of Thut-mose’s reign (after his 30th year), which would set a terminus a quo for this inscription.

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(I) He fixed my falcon upon the facade; he made me mighty as a mighty bull; he made me appear in the midst of Thebes, [in this my name of “Horus: the Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes.” ]18 (II) [He made me wear the Two Goddesses; he made my kingship to endure like Re in heaven, in] this my [name] of “the Two Goddesses: Enduring in Kingship like Re in Heaven.”14 (III) He fashioned me as a falcon of gold; he gave me his power and his strength; I was august in these his appearances, in this my name [of “Horus of Gold: Powerful of Strength, August of Appearances.” ] (IV) [He caused that I appear as King of Upper and Lower Egypt in the Two Lands; he established my forms like Re, in this my name of] “ King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Menkheper-Re.”15 (V) I am his son, who came forth out of him, perfect of birth like Him Who Presides over Hesret;18 he united all my beings, in this my name of “the Son of Re: Thut-mose-United-of-Being, living forever and ever.” (15) . . . He made all foreign countries [come] bow­ ing down to the fame of my majesty. Terror of me is in the hearts of the Nine Bows;17 all lands are under [my] sandals. He has given victory through the work of my hands, to extend [the frontiers of Egypt] . . . He is rejoicing in me more than (in) any (other) king who has been in the land since it was (first) set apart. I am his son, the beloved of his majesty. What I shall do is what his ka maY desire. I bring forward this land to the place where he is. I cause that [his temple] encompass . . . effecting for him the construction of en­ during monuments in Karnak. I repay his good with (good) greater than it, by making him greater than the (other) gods. The recompense for him who carries out benefactions is a repayment to him of even greater benefactions. I have built his house with the work of eternity,. . . my [father], who made me divine. I have extended the places of him who made me. I have pro­ visioned his altars upon earth. I have made the god’s slaughtering-block to flourish for him with great sacri­ fices in his temple: oxen and cattle without limit. . . . I have enriched for him his two granaries with barley and emmer without limit. I have increased for him the divine offerings, and I have given him more (20) [than there was before] . . . for this temple of my father Amon, in every feast [of his] every day, and he is satisfied with that which he wished might be. I know for a fact that Thebes is eternity, that Amon is everlastingness, Re (is) the Lord of Karnak, and his glorious Eye which is in this land (is) Hermonthis.18. . . 18 The first, or “ Horus,” name was characteristically written within a palace facade surmounted by a falcon. 14 The second, or “ Two Goddesses,” name made the pharaoh the em­ bodiment of his two crowns. 15 The prenomen of this pharaoh, Men-kheper-Re, meant something like: “ Established is the Form of Re.” 10 The god Thoth. The nomen, Thut-mose, meant "Thoth Has Given Birth.” 17 The nine traditional enemies of Egypt. 18 The Eye of the sun-god was a force of great and complex nature. It is here identified with the old cult-site of Hermonthis, the original seat of

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[/] have [provided his temple workshop with] . . . , settled with serfs. I have filled it with my cap[turings] in the countries of the north and south, with the children (40) of the princes of Retenu and with the children [of the princes] of Nubia, as my father, [Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands], decreed.. . . THE DIVINE NOMINATION OF AN ETHIOPIAN KING The diffusion and persistence of custom are shown by the following inscription, which is to b e dated shortly after 600 b . c . and comes from the Ethiopian kingdom which had its capital at Napata near the Fourth Cataract. Despite differences in time and distance, the essential situation is the same as in the nomi­ nation of Thut-mose III: it is the god of Karnak, Amon-Re, here resident at Napata, who makes the choice. The situation conforms generally to the account of the selection of Ethiopian kings as given by Diodorus (m, 5,1). Stela 939 in the Cairo Museum was found at Gebel Barkal near the Fourth Cataract. The text is published in H. Schafer, Urkunden der dlteren Aethiopienkpnige ( Urk., m, Leipzig, 1905), 81-100. All the royal names in the inscription have been hacked out and are here supplied with probability but not with certainty.

Year 1, 2nd month of the second season, day 15,1 under the majesty of the Horus: Beautiful of Appear­ ances; the Two Goddesses: Beautiful of Appearances; the Horus of Gold: Mighty of Heart; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: [Merka-Re]; the Son of Re, Lord of Diadems: [Aspalta], beloved of Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Resident in the Pure Mountain.2 Now the entire army of his majesty was in the town named Pure Mountain, in which Dedwen, Who Presides over Nubia, is the god—he is (also) the god of Cush8— after the death of the Falcon upon his throne.4 Now then, the trusted commanders from the midst of the army of his majesty were six men, while the trusted commanders and overseers of fortresses were six men. Now then, the trusted chief secretaries were six men, while the officials and chief treasurers of the palace were seven men.8 Then they said to the entire army: “ Come, let us cause (5) our lord to appear, (for we are) like a herd which has no herdsman!” Thereupon this army was very greatly concerned, saying: “Our lord is here with us, (but) we do not know him! Would that we might know him, that we might enter in under him and work for him, as the Two Lands work for Horus, the son of Isis, after he sits upon the throne of his the Theban district. The inscription continues with a detailed statement of Thut-mose’s good works, of which only the passage about foreign captives is here translated. 1 Or “day 13 .” Around 600 b . c . , this date would fall early in July. 2 “ Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands” was the title of Amon-Re at Karnak in Egypt. “The Pure Mountain” was Gebel Barkal, dominating the town of Napata. Here Amon-Re was an honored and effective guest god. 8 Ethiopia. It is interesting that Dedwen does not effect the oracular nomination, but Amon-Re does, just as he did in Egypt. 4 The previous Ethiopian king, G. A. Reisner, in JEA, tx (1923), 75, gives Inle-Amon (Anlamnn) as the predecessor of Aspalta. 5 S/c, but read probably “ six men,” as the nominating college would presumably have equal numbers from the various branches of the govern­ ment.

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father Osiris!6 Let us give praise to his two crowns. Then the army of his majesty all said with one voice: “ Still there is this god Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Resident in the Pure Mountain. He is (also) a god of Cush. Come, let us go to him. We cannot do a thing without him; nothing is good which is done without him, (but) a good fortune (comes) from the god. He is the god of the kings of Cush since the time of Re. It is he who will guide us. In his hands is the kingship of Cush, which he has given to the son whom he loves ” So the commanders of his majesty (15) and the courtiers of the palace went to the Temple of Amon. They found the prophets and the major priests waiting outside the temple. They said to them: “Pray, may this god, Amon-Re, Resident in the Pure Mountain, come, to permit that he give us our lord, to revive us, to build the temples of all the gods and goddesses [of] Upper and Lower Egypt,6 and to present their divine offerings! We cannot do a thing without this god. It is he who guides us.” Then the prophets and the major priests entered into the temple, that they might perform every rite of his purification and his censing. Then the commanders of his majesty and the officials of the palace entered into the temple and put themselves upon their bellies before this god. They said: “We have come to thee, O Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, F esident in the Pure Mountain, that thou might give (to) us a lord, to revive us, to build the temples of the gods of Upper and Lower Egypt, and to present divine offerings. That beneficent office is in thy hands—mayest thou give it to thy son whom thou lovest!” Then they offered9 the King’s Brothers before this god, (but) he did not take one of them. For a second time there was offered the King’s Brother, Son of Amon, and Child of Mut, Lady of Heaven, the Son of Re: [Aspalta], living forever. Then this god, Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, said: “ He is your king. It is he who will revive you. It is he who will build every temple of Upper and Lower Egypt. It is he who will present their divine offerings. His father was my son, the Son of Re: [Inle-Amon], the triumphant. His mother is the King’s Sister, King’s Mother, Mistress of Cush, (20) and Daughter of Re: [Nenselsa], living forever.10. . . He is your lord.” 6 Ethiopia adhered scrupulously to the hallowed tradition of Egypt, where the dead king was an Osiris and the new king a Horus. Ethiopia even had two crowns to correspond to the two parts of the land of Egypt. 7 Four different members of the nominating college next voice opinions, but without a satisfactory solution. 8 An unconscious or a propagandistically deliberate extension of the power of the Ethiopian king to Egypt proper. 8 "Laid.” 10 At the top of the stela a scene shows this queen mother pleading with “ Amon of Napata” for the nomination of her son [Aspalta]. Here her epithet “ living forever”—not "the triumphant” —shows that she is still alive. In the main inscription there follow the names of six maternal ancestors of [Nenselsa].

PROPHECIES

(The Ethiopian officials accept this nomination grate­ fully. Aspalta enters into the presence of Amon, re­ ceives the crown and sceptre, asks for divine guidance, and receives the god’s assurances.) A DIVINE ORACLE THROUGH VISIBLE SIGN The gods of Egypt gave visible indications to answer questions which were put to them at appropriate times and in appropriate ways. Examples of the divine nomination of rulers are given on pp. 446-448. A case of simpler nature is given below, in which the deified pharaoh Neb-pehti-Re (Ah-mose I), who was being carried in procession by priests, halted to give answer to questions submitted to him. In the presence of witnesses, the god accepted one of two alternatives laid before him with regard to the ownership of a certain field. The scene above the inscription shows the ceremonial barque of “ the good god, the Lord of the Two Lands: Neb-pehti-Re Ah-mose,” carried on the shoulders of four pairs of priests and attended by the “Prophet Pa-iry, the triumphant.” Facing this barque in an attitude of worship or appeal is the “ Priest of Osiris, Pa-ser.” The inscription is dated in the fourteenth year of Ramses II (about 1287 B .C . ) . Ah-mose I, who had reigned about 15701545 B .C ., presumably had a mortuary chapel at Abydos, where he was worshiped as a god and from which he might emerge in procession. The stela was found at Abydos and is in the Cairo Museum (Journal d’entrie No. 43649). It was published by G. Legrain in ASAE, xvi (1916), 161-70, with a photographic plate.

Year 14, 2nd month of the first season, day 25, under the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: User-maat-Re Setep-en-[Re; the] Son [of Re: Ra]mses [Meri-Amon], given life.1 The day of the appeal2 which the Priest Pa-ser and the Priest Tjay made, to lay a [charge before the good god] Neb-pehti-Re. The Priest Pa-ser appealed: “As for this field, it belongs to Pai, the son of Sedjemenef,6 and (to) the children of Hayu.” And the god remained still.6 [Then he] appealed to the god with the words: “It belongs to the Priest Pa-ser, son of Mose.” [Then] the god nodded very much,6 in the presence of the priests of [the good god] Nebpehti-Re: the Prophet Pa-iry, the Priest of the Front Yanzab, the Priest [of the Front] Tja-nofer, the Priest of the Rear Nakht, and the Priest of the Rear Thutmose.6 Done by the Outline Draftsman of the House-ofRamses-Meri-Amon-in-the-House-of-Osiris, Neb-mehit.7 1 About 1287, this date would fall close to the beginning of September. 2 Here and below, literally “approach (with a petition).” 8 It is possible to read “ my son Sedjemenef,” but the translation given is equally possible, and it seems less likely that Pa-ser would be disputing the possession of a field with his own son. 4 The portable image of the god in his shrouded shrine gave no visible response to the first alternative. In other oracular texts, a word is used for a visible negative response, probably to be translated “ recoil,” that is, to lean backward. 5 That is, leaned forward repeatedly or very markedly. 9 The five witnesses to the oracle, which established legal ownership of the field in question, were the “ prophet” (a conventional rendering of a priestly title) who attended the portable barque, two priests of the front carrying-poles, and two priests of the rear carrying-poles. 7 The inscription was made by an artist of a temple of Ramses II at Abydos.

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length and its breadth, that which the Eye of the AllLord illumines. Provisions are thine from the midst of One way in which the gods might make their wishes known the Two Lands and the great tribute of every foreign was through dreams.1 The “ Sphinx Stela” relates how the god country. The time is long in years that my face has who was in the Sphinx, Harmakhis, asked Thut-mose IV, before he had ascended the throne, to clear that great image of its been toward thee and my heart has been toward thee encumbering sand. and thou hast been mine. Behold, my state was like Thut-mose IV reigned about 1421-1413 B .C . The present text (that of) one who is in need, and my whole body was is a pious restoration from somewhere between the nth and 7th going to pieces. The sands of the desert, that upon centuries b . c . The general similarity of the inscription to the “Sports Stela” of Amen-hotep II (pp. 244-245 above) shows that which I had been, were encroaching upon me; (but) it faithfully restores a known psychology of the Eighteenth I waited to let thee do what was in my heart, (for) Dynasty. I knew that thou art my son and my protector. The stela was discovered between the paws of the Sphinx and Approach thou! Behold, I am with thee; I am thy still stands there. The text was presented in C. R. Lepsius, guide.” Den\mdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien (Berlin, 1849-59), m> 68. Its best publication was by A. Erman, Die Sphinxstele When he had finished these words, then this king’s (SPAW, 1904,428-44). Translated by Breasted, AR, n, §§810-15. son awo\e, because he had heard these [words] . . . and he understood the speech of this god. (But) he set (1) Year 1, 3rd month of the first season, day 19, silence in his heart, (for) [he] said: “. . . Come, let us under the majesty of (Thut-mose IV).2. . . go to our house in the city. They shall protect the (5) . . . Now he used to occupy himself with sport on offerings to this god which ye will bring to him: the desert highland of Memphis, on its southern and cattle,. . . , and all green things. We shall give praise northern sides, shooting at a target of copper, hunting [to] Wen-nofer” . . . , Khaf-[Re], the image made for lions and beasts of the desert, making excursions in his Atum-Harmakhis,10. . . Khepri in the horizon west of chariot, (for) his horses were swifter than the wind, Heliopolis... together with one or another of his retinue, and nobody at all knew of it.2 For an example of a prophetic frenzy, see the passage in the story of Wen-Amon (p. 26 above). Another example Now when his hour came for giving a rest to his of an oracle through visible sign is in the Legend of the retinue, (he paused) at the ruins of Harmakhis,4 beside Possessed Princess (p. 30 above). Other examples of divine Sokar in Gizeh; Renenut in Tjamut in the heavens; guidance through dreams will be found on pp. 30; 32; 246; and Mut of the northern . . . , Lady of the Southern Wall; 418; n.3. Sekhmet, Presiding Over Khas; and Hike,5 the first­ born of the holy place of primeval times; near the lords of Babylon,5 the divine way of the gods to the horizon Akkadian Oracles and west of Heliopolis. Now the very great statue of Khepri7 Prophecies rests in this place, great of fame, majestic of awe, upon which the shadow of Re rests. The villages of Memphis (Translator: Robert H. Pfeiffer) and of every town which is beside it come to it, with their arms (outstretched) in praise before it, bearing ORACLES CONCERNING ESARHADDON great oblations to its \a. Text: Rawlinson, Vol. iv, Plate 68 (2nd ed., Plate 61). Trans­ One of these days it happened that the King’s Son lations: M. Jastrow, Jr., Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens Thut-mose8 came on an excursion at noon time. Then (Giessen, 1912), Vol. 11, pp. 158-65; for earlier translations see he rested in the shadow of this great god. Sleep took ibid. p. 158, note 2. Fr. Schmidke, Asarhaddons Stadthdterschaft in Babylonien und seine Thronbesteigung in Assyrien (Altorihold of him, slumbering at the time when the sun was entdische Texte und Untersuchungen, 1, 2 [Leyden, 1916]). at (its) peak. He found the majesty of this august god E. Ebeling, AOT, pp. 281-3. Luckenbill, AR, Vol. it, pp. 238speaking with his own mouth, as a father speaks to 241. The text is dated during the reign of Esarhaddon (680his son, saying: “ See me, look at me, my son, Thut669 B .C . ) . mose! I am thy father, Harmakhis-Khepri-Re-Atum. I (1 5) [Esarhad]don, king of the countries, fear not! shall give thee my kingdom (10) upon earth at the [No]tice the wind which blows over you; I speak of it head of the living. Thou shalt wear the southern crown without.. . . Your enemies, (10) like a wild boar in the and the northern crown on the throne of Geb, the month of Sivan, from before your feet will flee away. crown prince (of the gods). Thine is the land in its I am the great divine lady, I am the goddess Ishtar of 1 cf- the encouragement given to Amen-hotep II by the god Amon in Arbela, who (15) will destroy your enemies from before the text of p. 246 above and perhaps the appearance of Amen-em-het I to his son (n.3 on p. 418). See also B. Gunn in JEA, xxvn (19 41), 4, n.i. your feet. What are the words of mine, which I spoke 2 Around 1420 this date would have fallen in October. The present to you, that you did not rely upon? I am Ishtar of translation omits some lines of general praise of the king. 8 The setting is similar to that in the “ Sports Stela,” pp. 244-245. Arbela. (20) I shall lie in wait for your enemies, I A DIVINE ORACLE THROUGH A DREAM

b

.c .

4 The Sphinx. Other gods and goddesses of the Gi2eh necropolis are listed in the following context. 5 The god "Magic.” 8 Egyptian Babylon, on the east bank opposite Gizeh. 7 The Sphinx. 8 Thus, before he had become king.

9 Osiris. 10 Thus relating Khaf-Rc (Chephren) to the Sphinx, as does the “ Sports Stela,” p. 244. 11 The end of the text is lost, but it is clear that Thut-mose must have cleared the Sphinx from sand for the story to have point.

450

ORACLES

AND

shall give them to you. I, Ishtar of Arbela, will go before you and behind you: (25) fear not! You are in a state of rebirth: I am in a state of woe, (whether) I stand (or) I sit down. (Oracle) from the lips of the woman Ishtar-latashiat (30) of Arbela. (31) King of Assyria, fear not! The enemy of the king of Assyria I deliver to slaughter! (i 34-40 and ii 1-8 are fragmentary) (ii 9) (Oracle) from the lips of the woman Sinqishaamur (10) of Arbela. (11) I rejoice over Esarhaddon, my king; Arbela rejoices! (13) (Oracle) of the woman Rimute-allate of the city Darahuya (15) which is in the midst of the mountains. (16) Fear not, Esarhaddon! I, the god Bel, speak to you. The beams of your heart (20) I strengthen, like your mother, who caused you to exist. Sixty great gods are standing together with me and protect you. The god Sin is at your right, the god Shamash at your left; (25) sixty great gods stand round about you, ranged for battle. Do not trust men! Turn your eyes to me, look at me! (30) I am Ishtar of Arbela; I have turned Ashur’s favor unto you. When you were small, I sus­ tained you. Fear not, praise me! Where is that enemy (35) which blew over you when I did not notice? The future is like the past! I am the god Nabu, lord of the tablet stylus, praise me! (40) (Oracle) from the lips of the woman Baia of Arbela. (iii 15) I am Ishtar of Arbela, O Esarhaddon king of Assyria. In the cities of Ashur, Nineveh, Calah, Arbela, protracted days, (20) everlasting years, unto Esarhaddon my king shall I grant. I am your great protector. (25) Your gracious leader am I, who unto protracted days, everlasting years (30) have fixed your throne under the wide heavens; with golden nails, in the midst of the heavens I make it firm. The light of the diamond before Esarhaddon king of Assyria (35) I cause to shine. Like the crown of my head I guard him. “Fear not, O king,” I said to you, (40) “I have not abandoned you.” (iv 1) I have given you confidence, I shall not let you be disgraced. With assurance I have made you cross the river. (5) O Esarhaddon, legitimate son, off­ spring of the goddess Ninlil, hero\ For you, with my own hands, your foes (10) shall I crush. Esarhaddon, king of Assyria . . . (fines 11 and 12 are obscure). Esar­ haddon in the city Ashur (15) protracted days, ever­ lasting years shall I grant you. Esarhaddon, in Arbela my mercy is your shield. (20) Esarhaddon, [legitimate] son, offspring of the goddess Ninflil], [your] mind is sagacious. I love you (25) greatly . . . (fines 26-39 are fragmentary). (v 1-3, obscure) (4-5) Those who speak (deceitfully) soothing (words), from before his feet I shall cut to pieces. You, you indeed, O king, are my king! (10) (Oracle) from the mouth of the woman Ishtarbel-daini, oracle-priestess of the king. (12) I, Befit of Arbela, (say) to the king’s mother,

PROPHECIES

“Because you have complained with me (saying), (15) ‘What is to the right, what is to the left you place in your bosom; but where is the offspring of my heart? (20) You let him be chased through the open coun­ try.’—Now, O king, fear not! The royalty is in you, the might is in you indeed!” (24-25) (Oracle) from the lips of the woman Belitabisha of Arbela. (26) Peace to Esarhaddon king of Assyria! Ishtar of Arbela has gone forth into the open country. Peace unto her child (the king)! (30) You will send into the midst of the city.. . . (vi 1) . . . good. [Ishtar] of Arbela his . . . (5) will fill. (Why) did you not trust the former oracle which I spoke to you? Now (10-11) you may trust the later one. Praise me! Like the day (14-15) (when) the storm shrie\ed (fine 16 is obscure) before me; praise me! (fine 18 is obscure) from my palace (20) shall I drive. Excellent food you will eat, excellent water you will drink; in your palace (25) you will be comfortable. Your son, your grandson will exercise the royal power on the knees of the god Ninurta. (30) (Oracle) from the lips of Ladagil-ilu, of Arbela. A LETTER TO ASHURBANIPAL Text: ABL, Vol. ix, No. 923. Translation: E. G. Klauber, Assyrisches Beamtentum nach den Briefen der Sargonidenzeit (LSS, v, 3), p. 20. A. T. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York, 1923), pp. 380, 415 f. L. Waterman, Royal Correspond­ ence of the Assyrian Empire (1930), Vol. it, pp. 140-3. R. H. Pfeiffer, State Letters of Assyria (American Oriental Series, Vol. 6 [New Haven, 1933 1 ), pp. 173 f. The text is a letter of Marduk-shum-usur to Ashurbanipal (668-633 E-c-)-

(obverse 7) In a dream the god Ashur said to (Sennacherib) the grandfather of the king my lord, “O sage!” You, the king, lord of kings, are the offspring of the sage and of Adapa. . . . You surpass in knowledge Apsu (the abyss) and all craftsmen.. . . (10) When (Esarhaddon) the father of the king my lord went to Egypt, he saw in the region of Harran a temple of cedarwood. Therein the god Sin was leaning on a staff, with two crowns on his head. The god Nusku was standing before him. The father of the king my lord entered. (The god) placed [a crown] upon his head, saying, “You will go to countries, therein you will conquer!” (15) He de­ parted and conquered Egypt. The remaining countries, not yet subjected to the gods Ashur (and) Sin, the king, lord of kings, will conquer. ORACLE OF NINLIL CONCERNING ASHURBANIPAL Text: S. Arthur Strong, On Some Oracles to Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, BA, 11 (1894), 645. J. A. Craig, Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts, Vol. 1 (Assyriologische Bibliothe\, x i i i [Leipzig, 1895]), Plates 26-7. Translations: M. Jastrow, Jr., Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen, 1912), Vol. 11, pp. 170-4; for earlier translations and for other oracles, see ibid. p. 170, note 1, and M. Streck, Assurbanipal (VAB, v i i , [Leip­

ORACLES

AND

PROPHECIES

45i face is turned, I shall go forth. You told me: Whereever you go, let me go with you, O Lady of Ladies!’ She informed you as follows: ‘You shall stay here, (1) The goddess Ninlil is highly regarded (as a) sibyl. where the dwelling of Nabu is. (65) Eat food, drink This is the word of Ninlil herself for the king, “Fear wine, supply music, praise my divinity, while I go and not, O Ashurbanipal! Now, as I have spoken, it will do that work in order that you attain your heart’s come to pass: I shall grant (it) to you. Over the people desire. Your face (need) not become pale, nor your of the four languages (and) over the armament of the feet become exhausted, (70) nor your strength come princes (5) you will exercise sovereignty---to nought in the onslaught of battle.’ In her loving (8) [The kings] of the countries confer together bosom she embraced you and protected your whole (saying), “Come, (let us rise) against Ashurbanipal---figure. Before her a fire was then burning. To the con­ (10) The fate of our fathers and our grandfathers (the quest of [your] enemies [she will march forth] at Assyrians) have fixed: [let not his might] cause divi­ (your) side. (75) Against Teumman, king of Elam, sions among us. with whom she is wroth, she has set her face.” (12) [Nin]lil answered saying, “ [The kings] of the lands [I shall overthrow, place under the yoke, bind PROPHECIES their feet in [strong fetters]. For the second time I proclaim to you that as with the land of Elam and the Text: E. Ebeling, K AR, Fascicule ix, No. 421. Translation: E. Ebeling, AOT, pp. 283-4. Cimmerians [I shall proceed]. (15) I shall arise, break the thorns, open up widely my way through the briers. (obverse i) With blood shall I turn the land into a rain shower, A prince will arise and [exercise sovereignty eighteen (fill it with) lamentation and wailing. You ask, “What years. (1) lamentation and wailing?” Lamentation enters Egypt, The country will live safely, the heart of the country wailing comes out (from there). will be glad, men will [enjoy abun]dance. (20) Ninlil is his mother. Fear not! The mistress of The gods will make beneficial decision for the country, Arbela bore him. Fear not! As she that bears for her good rainfalls [will come]. child, (so) I care for you. I have placed you like an . . . (obscure) amulet on my breast. At night I place a spread over you, all day I keep a cover on you. In the early morning The deity of cattle and the deity of grain will produce heed your supplication, heed your conduct. (25) Fear abundance in the land. not, my son, whom I have raised. Rainfalls (sic!) and high water will prevail, the people of the land will observe a festival. AN ORACULAR DREAM But the ruler will be slain with a weapon during an uprising. CONCERNING ASHURBANIPAL

zig, 1916]), Vol. 1, p. clxxiii. Dated presumably in 667 the beginning of Ashurbanipal’s reign.

B .C .,

at

Text: Rawlinson, Vol. in, Plate 32. G. Smith, History of Assurbanipal (London, 1871), pp. 117 ff. H. Winckler, Sammlung von Keilschrifttexte (Leipzig, 1895), Vol. in, pp. 38-48. Translations: Smith, op. cit. P. Jensen, in E. Schrader’s Keilinschriftliche Bibliothelj (Berlin, 1890), Vol. u, pp. 250-3. M. Streck, Assurbanipal (Leipzig, 1916), Vol. 11, pp. 114-19. Lucken­ bill, AR, Vol. n, pp. 332-3. For other examples of oracular dreams in cuneiform texts, see M. Jastrow, Jr., Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen, 1912), Vol. 11, pp. 955-8. This text (cylinder B of Ashurbanipal) is dated in 648 b .c .

(v 46) The goddess Ishtar heard my anxious sighs and, “Fear not!” she said, and filled my heart with confidence. “Inasmuch as you have lifted your hands in prayer (and) your eyes are filled with tears, I have mercy.” During the night in which I appeared before her, (50) a seer reclined and saw a dream. When he awoke Ishtar showed him a night vision. He reported to me as follows: “Ishtar who dwells in Arbela came in. Right and left quivers were hanging from her. She held the bow in her hand (55) (and) a sharp sword was drawn to do battle. You were standing in front of her and she spoke to you like the mother who bore you. Ishtar called unto you, she who is exalted among the gods, giving you the following instructions: ‘You will contemplate fulfilling my orders. (60) Whither your

A prince will arise, thirteen years will he exercise sovereignty. There will be a rebellion of Elam against Akkad. (10) Akkad’s booty will be plundered. (Elam) will destroy the temples of the great gods, the downfall of Akkad will be decided. Revolution, chaos, and calamity will occur in the country. A dreadful (man), son of a nobody, whose name is not mentioned, will arise. As king he will seize the throne, he will destroy his lords with weapons. Half the troops of Akkad will fall, in the gorges of Tupliash They will fill plain and hills. The people of the land will experience great scarcity. A prince will arise, his days will be few, the land (will have) no lord. A prince will arise, three years will he exercise sovereignty. (20) [The canals] and the rivers will fill up with sand.

452

ORACLES

AND

(obverse iii) [A prince will arise,. . . years will he exercise sovereignty.] (i) This same king [will rule] the world. His people will [produce] abundance.. . . The regular sacrifice for the gods, which had been discontinued will come (again), the gods.. . . Good rainfalls will come, there will be abundance in [the land]. Cattle [will lie down] safely on the plain.. . . The procreation of cattle [will thrive]. A prince will arise, eight years will he exercise the sovereignty. (the rest is lost) (reverse i) A prince will arise, three years [will he exercise the sovereignty]. (2) The rest of mankind [will descend] into the earth. Cities will decay, houses [will be desolate].

PROPHECIES

Revolution, destruction will occur,. . . . Unto Akkad from the enemy’s country.. . . The sacred object of Ekur and of Nippur will [be brought] into the [enemy] country. . . . to Nippur.. . . The same ruler [will defeat] with weapons the land of Amurru. A prince will arise, eight years will he [exercise] the sovereign [ty]. (10) The temples of the gods [will rise] from the dust. The sanctuaries of the great gods (sicI) [will be restored] on their sites. Rain showers and high water [will come]. People, who have seen evil___ Wealth will come on the street,. . . wealth___ . . . will prostrate himself before the child, stretch out his hand. . . . the mother will speak what is right with her daughter___ (the rest is fragmentary and obscure)

V II. Lamentations

A Sumerian Lamentation T R A N S L A T O R : S. N. K R A M E R

Lamentation over the Destruction o f Ur The composition bewails the destruction of Ur at the hands of the Elamites and Subarians.1 It consists of 436 lines divided into 11 “ songs” 2 or stanzas of uneven length; they are separated from one another by an “antiphon” 3 of one or two lines. The text has been reconstructed from 22 tablets and fragments; except for one tablet which probably comes from Ur,4 they were all excavated at Nippur. The tablets on which the poem is inscribed all date from the Early Post-Sumerian period, that is, the period between the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur and the beginning of Kassite rule in Babylonia: roughly speaking therefore, sometime in the first half of the second millennium b . c . Its actual composition, too, must of course postdate the fall of Ur III; just how long after, however, it is impossible to say.5 A scientific edition of the poem including a transliteration, translation, and commentary, as well as a complete list of variants, will be found in AS 12 (1940). One of the most significant discussions of the text is that of Jacobsen in AJSL, lviii (1941), 219-224;6 Jacobsen has also translated several passages from the poem in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man (1946), where Mrs. H. A. G. Frankfort is responsible for the poetical renderings.7 A new translation of the entire composition based on the text as reconstructed in AS 12, has been published by M. Witzel in Orientalia NS, xiv (1945), 185-234 and ibid., xv (1946), 46-63.

8He has abandoned hi[s] stable, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to9 the wind; 1 c£. Jacobsen, AJSL, l v i i i (19 41), 220, n.4. 2 The word “ song” or “ stanza” is an approximate rendering for a Sumerian complex whose more exact meaning is still uncertain. 8 The word “ antiphon” is an approximate rendering of a Sumerian com­ plex whose more exact meaning is still uncertain. 4 cf. AS 12, 77, 0.716a; and ibid., 96, n.8ooa. 8 Jacobsen, loc. cit., 219-221, comes to the very definite conclusion that the lamentation was written no more than seventy or eighty years after the destruction, but, unless I am very much mistaken, he has considerably oversimplified the problems involved. 6 Especially valuable is the last paragraph entitled “ Details,” where he makes some excellent suggestions for the translation of a number of passages. 7 cf. pp. 141-142 for lines 173-189, 203-204, and 208-218 of the lamen­ tation, and pp. 196-197 for lines 152-164. 8 The first song begins with the line “ He has abandoned his stable, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind,” and repeats the second half of this line as a sort of refrain in each of the remaining lines which list the more important temples of Sumer together with the deities who have abandoned them. This list runs as follows: Enlil has abandoned Nippur, while his wife Ninlil has abandoned the Kiur, a part of great Ekur temple in Nippur; the mother-goddess Ninmah has abandoned Kesh; the goddess Ninisinna, “ the lady of Isin,” has abandoned the shrine Egalmah in Isin; Inanna has abandoned Erech; Nanna, the moon-god, has abandoned Ur and its temple Ekishnugal, while his wife Ningal has abandoned her shrine the Enunkug; Enki, the water-god and god of wisdom, has abandoned Eridu; the goddess Nin . . . has abandoned Larak; Shara, the tutelary deity of Umma, has abandoned his temple the Emah, while his wife Usaharra has abandoned Umma; the remaining deities and place names all belong to the city of Lagash and its environs, thus: Bau, the wife of Ningirsu, the tutelary deity of Lagash has abandoned the city Urukug and the temple Bagara, while her son Abbau has abandoned the shrine Maguenna; The lamassu, a protecting genie, has abandoned the temple Etarsirsir; the mother of Lagash, Gatumdug, has abandoned Lagash; Ningula of Nina has aban­ doned Sirara; Dumuziabzu, “ Tammuz of the Apsu,” has abandoned Kinirshag; the goddess Ninmar has abandoned the shrine Guabba. For some reason as yet uncertain, the first “ song” is written not in the main Sumerian

The wi[ld o]x has abandoned his stable, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The lord of all the lands has abandoned (his stable), his sheepfold (has been delivered') to the wind; Enlil has abandoned. . . Nippur, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. His wife Ninlil has abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Ninlil has abandoned their house Ki[ur], her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The qu[ee]n of Kesh has [abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Ninmah has [aba]ndoned their house Kesh, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. She who is10 of Isin has abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Ninisinna has a[ban]doned the shrine Egalmah, her sh[ee]pfold (has been delivered) to the wind. (10) The queen of Erech11 has abandoned (her stable), her [sheepfold] (has been delivered) to the wind; Inanna has abandoned their house Erech, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the [wind]. Nanna has abandoned Ur, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the [wind]; Sin has abandoned Ekishnugal,12 [his] sheep[fold] (has been delivered) to the wind. His wife Ningal has aban[doned] (her stable), her [sheepfold] (has been delivered) to the wind. Ningal has aban[doned] her Enunkug, her [sheepfold] (has been delivered) to the wind. The wild ox12 of Eridu has abandoned (his stable), his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Enki has abandoned their house Eridu, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. Ni n. . . has abandoned their house Larak, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. Shara has abandoned the Emah, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; (20) Usaharra has abandoned their house Umma, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. dialect but in the Emesal dialect, which is usually reserved for speeches by female deities or recitations by certain classes of priests. 9 The words “ has been delivered to” in this and the following lines should have been treated as uncertain in the translation in AS 12 because of the grammatical uncertainty in the preceding Sumerian complexes. 10 The Sumerian word rendered “ the lady” in AS 12 should have been translated “ she who is.” 11 In AS 12 the name of this city is written throughout as Uruk; how­ ever in my following publications I have used the biblical form Erech, and for the sake of consistency this form will be used in the present translation. 12 For the reading Ekishnugal instead of Ekishshirgal, cf. Shuster, ZA, x l iv (1938), 263, n.io, and particularly the phonetic writing of the name in Gadd and Legrain, VET, 1, No. 169, line 9, where it is written as Ekeshnu(n)gal. 18 “ The wild ox” should not have been rendered as uncertain in AS 12.

456

A SUMERIAN

Bau14 has abandoned Urukug, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; The holy Bagara, her chamber, she has abandoned, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. Her son Abbau has abandoned (his stable), his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Abbau has abandoned the Maguenna, his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The lamassu of the holy house15 has abandoned (his stable), his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; The lamassu has abandoned Etarsirsir,16 his sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The mother of Lagash has abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; Gatumdug17 has abandoned their house Lagash, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. She who is18 of Nina has abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind; (30) Ningula has abandoned their house Sirara, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The lord of Kinirshag has abandoned (his stable), his sheepfold has been delivered to the wind; Dumuziabzu has abandoned their house Kinirshag, his sheepfold has been delivered to the wind. She who is18 of Guabba has abandoned (her stable), her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. Ninmar has abandoned the shrine Guabba, her sheepfold (has been delivered) to the wind. The first song. His sheepfold has been delivered to the wind, he makes [grie]vous its wail; The cow o f . . . without a stable. . . ; Its antiphon. O city, a bitter lament set up as thy lament;18 (40) Thy lament which is bitter—O city, set up thy lament. His righteous city which has been destroyed—bitter is its lament; His Ur which has been destroyed—bitter is its lament. Thy lament which is bitter—O city, set up thy lament; His Ur which has been destroyed—bitter is its lament. Thy lament which is bitter—how long will it grieve thy weeping lord ? 14 The names Bau and Abbau are also read Baba and Abbaba, but probably the two readings represent slightly variant pronunciations of the same word. 15 “ House” instead of “ temple” in AS 12. 16 For the reading Etarsirsir, cf. Nougayrol, JCS, 1 (i947)» 332, n.18. 17 In AS 12 this name was read in its Emesal form Masisib; this was inconsistent since all the other names were read as they appear in the main dialect, and not in the Emesal. 18 “ She who is” instead of “ the lady” in AS 12. 19 Like the first “ song,” the second too is written in the Emesal dialect (cf. end of n.8). Beginning with a cry directed to Ur to “ set up a bitter lament,” the first part of the “ song” continues with several variations on the theme of Ur and her lament The cry to “ set up a bitter lament” is then directed to other centers of Sumer, namely to Nippur and its main temple, the Ekur, as well as the shrines Magishshua, Ubshukinnakku, and perhaps Kiur; to Lagash, particularly its district Urukug, the temple Etarsirsir, and the shrine Maguenna; to Isin and its temple Egalmah; to Erech and Eridu. Toward the end of the “ song” however, it returns once more to Ur and in words spoken directly to the city, bewails its destruction, the loss of its people, and the transformation of its ordinances into inimical ordinances.

LAMENTATION

Thy lament which is bitter—how long will grieve the weeping Nanna? O thou brickwork of Ur, a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O Ekishnugal, a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O thou shrine Enunkug, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. (50) O thou Kiur, thou kjgallu2" a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O thou shrine of Nippur . . . , a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O thou brickwork of the Ekur, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. O Magishshua, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. O Ubshukinnakku, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. O thou brickwork of Urukug, a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O Etarsirsir, a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O Maguenna, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. O thou brickwork of Isin, a bitter lament set up as thy lament; O thou shrine Egalmah, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. (60) O thou brickwork of Erech, a bitter lament set up as thy lament. O thou brickwork of Erid[u], a bitter lament set up as thy lament.21 Thy lament which is bitter—how long will it grieve thy weeping lord ? Thy lament which is bitter—how long will it grieve the weeping Nanna? O thou city of name, thou hast been destroyed;22 O thou city of high walls, thy land has perished. O my city, like an innocent ewe thy lamb has been torn away from thee; O Ur, like an innocent goat thy kid has perished. O city thy rites unto inimical dread and awe,28 Thy ordinances24—unto inimical ordinances, have been transformed. (70) Thy lament which is bitter—how long will it grieve thy weeping lord ? Thy lament which is bitter—how long will it grieve the weeping Nanna ? The second song. 20 For one meaning of the word fygal {\igtdlu is the Akkadian loan word), cf. PAPS, l x x x v (1942), 3 12 ; its meaning when used alongside of the Kiur is uncertain. 21 Lines 48-62 have quite a different arrangement in one of the ta ts; cf. AS 12, p. 22, n.4ia. 22 For another possible rendering of this and the following line, cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 223. 28 Note the new rendering of this difficult line; it is based on the assump­ tion that it parallels die first part of line 70. Actually the last part of the line might have been expected “ unto inimical rites” rather than “ unto inimical dread and awe” ; perhaps “ dread and awe” are intended as a descriptive substitute for “ rites.” 24 The word “ ordinances” attempts to render the Sumerian word me which designates a theological concept developed by the Sumerian thinkers to answer the problem as to what keeps the cosmic entities and phenomena, once created, operating continuously and harmoniously, without conflict and confusion. To judge from the various contexts, the word me seems to denote a set of rules and regulations assigned to each cosmic deity and phenomenon for the purpose of keeping it operating forever in accordance with the plans laid down by the creating deities.

A

SUMERIAN

His [righteous city] which has been destroyed—bitter is its lament; His Ur which has been destroyed—bitter is its lament; Its antiphon. Together with the lord, whose house has been attacked, his city was given over to tears;25 Together with Nanna, whose land had perished, Ur joined (its) lament. The righteous woman,26because of his city to grieve the lord, (80) Ningal, because of his [land] to give no rest to [the lord] Unto h[im] for the sake of his city approached—bitterly she weeps, Unto the lord for the sake of his house which had been attacked approached—bitterly she weeps; [For the sa\e] of his [city which had been attacked] she approached him—bitterly she weeps. [For the sake] of his [house'] which had been attacked she approached him—its bitter lament she sets before him. The woman, after her. . . had set the lamentation down upon the ground? Herself utters softly the wail of the smitten house. “The storm ever breaking forth—its wail has filled me full.28 Raging about because of the storm, Me, a woman, the storm ever breaking forth—its wail has filled me full. (90) The storm ever breaking forth—its wail has filled me full. During the day a bitter storm having been raised unto me, I, although, for that day I tremble, Fled not before that day’s violence. Because of its affliction I sa v not one good day during my rule, one good day during my rule. At night a bitter lament having been raised unto me, 25 The third “ song” informs us that Ningal, the wife of the moon-god Nanna, moved by Ur’s bitter plight, approached her husband and, de­ termined to give him no rest and to arouse him to the fate of her city and house, wept bitterly before him: Day and night she is pursued by the wailing and lamenting resulting from a destructive storm; not even in her sleeping place is there any peace and rest. To be sure, she makes numerous attempts to halt the suffering and destruction of her city and land, but she fails to save Ur from its cruel fate. The Ekishnugal has caved in like a garden hut; it is exposed to wind and rain like a tent. Her house and city have been torn down like a sheepfold; her possessions are dissipated. As for the renderings of lines 77-79, the modifications follow Jacobsen, loc. cit.y 221, n .n , where most of the points are well taken. 26 “ Woman” instead of “ lady” in AS 12. 27 Note the new, though still doubtful, translations for lines 86-7; they are based primarily on Jacobsen’s suggestions (loc. cit.y 223, n.18); cf. also Witzel’s excellent suggestion that the third sign in line 86 is AD ( Orientalia NS, xv [1946], 47) its meaning in our line, however, remains uncertain. 28 For lines 88-112, cf. the excellent rendering by Jacobsen-Frankfort in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, pp. 196-197; much of its effectiveness is due to a not overly literal approach in the translation of the Sumerian words and phrases and to a flexible treatment of the Sumerian line order. However, for our present purpose, and under present conditions— not a few of the renderings in the Jacobsen-Frankfort translation of this passage are far from assured—it is advisable to follow the more literal translations in AS 12, Note, however, the modifications in the translations of lines 94, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, and 109; some of these were suggested by the renderings in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man\ others are due to several excellent suggestions made by Witzel, loc. cit.y pp. 48-49, to lines 99, 102, 103, and 108.

LAMENTATION

457

I, although, for that night I tremble, Fled not before that night’s violence. The storm’s cyclonelike destruction—verily its terror has filled me full. Because of its [affliction] in my nightly sleeping place, in my nightly sleeping place verily there is no peace for me; (too) Nor, verily, because of its affliction, has the quiet of my sleeping place, the quiet of my sleeping place been allowed me. Although, because in my land there was bitter [distress], I, like a cow for (its) calf, trudge the earth, My land was not delivered of fear. Although, because in my city there was bitter [distress], I, like a bird of heaven, flap (my) wings, (And) to my city I fly, My city on its foundation verily was destroyed; Ur where it lay verily perishes. Although because the hand of the storm appeared above, ( II0) I screamed and cried to it, ‘Return, O storm, to the plain,’ The storm’s breast verily rose not to depart, Me, the woman,26in the Enunkug, my house of ladyship, For whose rule long days had not been granted me, Verily weeping and lamentation follow. As for the house which used to be the place where was soothed the spirit of the black-headed people, Instead of its feasts wrath (and) distress verily multiply.''* Because of its affliction, in my house, the favorable place,80 My attacked righteous house upon which no eye had been cast, With heavy spirit, laments that are bitter, ( I2°) Laments that are bitter, have been brought. My house founded by the righteous,81 Like a garden hut, verily on its side has caved in. The Ekishnugal, my royal house, The righteous house, my house which has been given over to tears, Whose building, falsely, whose perishing, truly, Had been set for me as its lot and share,82 Like a tent, the house where the crops have been . . . , Like the house where the crops have been . . . , to wind and rain verily has been exposed. Ur, my all-surpassing chamber? (130) My smitten house {and) city which have been torn down, Like the sheepfold of a shepherd verily has been torn down; My possessions which had accumulated in the city verily have been dissipated.” 29 Note the modified rendering of this line; cf. WitzePs comment to hc-en-ga, loc. cit., p. 50; Witzel also suggests a variant rendering of this line which is well worth noting. 80 Note the modifications in the renderings of lines 1 1 8-1 21 ; cf., too, Witzel, loc. cit., p. 50. The implications of the phrase “ upon which no eye had been cast,” are uncertain. 81 “The righteous” instead of “ a righteous man” in AS 12. 82 “ Had” and “ set” for “ has” and “ established” in AS 12. 88 “ All-surpassing” instead of “ extra large” in AS 12; note, too, WitzePs suggestion to the line in loc. cit., p. 50.

458

A S UMERI AN LAMENTATI ON

The third song. Ur has been given over to tears; Its antiphon. “On that day, after the lord had been overcome by the storm2* After, in spite of the ‘lady,' her city had been destroyed; On that day, after the lord had been overwhelmed by the storm, After they had pronouncedr35 the utter destruction of my city; (140) After they had pronounced the utter destruction of Ur, After they had directed86that its people be killed— On that day verily I abandoned not my city; My land verily I forsake not. To Anu the water of my eye verily I poured; To Enlil I in person verily made supplication. ‘Let not my city be destroyed,’ verily I said unto them; ‘Let not Ur be destroyed,’ verily I said unto them; ‘Let not its people perish,’ verily I said unto them. Verily Anu changed not87 this word; (150) Verily Enlil with its ‘It is good; so be it’ soothed not my heart. For the second time, when the council had . . . ed88 (And) the Anunnaki. . . had seated themselves, The legs verily I . . . ed, the arms verily I stretched out, To Anu the water of my eye verily I poured; To Enlil I in person verily made supplication. ‘Let not my city be destroyed,’ verily I said unto them; ‘Let not Ur be destroyed,’ verily I said unto them; ‘Let not its people perish,’ verily I said unto them. Verily Anu changed not this work; (160) Verily Enlil with its ‘It is good; so be it’ soothed not my heart. The utter destruction of my city verily they directed, The utter destruction of Ur verily they directed; That its people be killed, as its fate verily they decreed. Me like one who has given them my — Me of my city verily they deprived;88 My Ur of me verily they deprived. Anu changes not his command; Enlil alters not the command which he had issued.” The fourth song. (170) Her city has been destroyed; her ordinances have become inimical; Its antiphon. 84 In the fourth “ song” Ningal continues her lament before Nanna, describing her efforts in behalf of her city and bemoaning their futility: It was Anu and Enlil who had ordered Ur to be destroyed and its people to be killed. And when she, Ningal, wept before them and pleaded that Ur should not be destroyed and that its people should not perish, they denied her plea. Anu and Enlil have ordered the destruction of Ur and the death of its people, and they are not wont to change their commands. 85 “ Pronounced” in this and the following line instead of “ commanded” in AS 12. 86 “ Directed” in this line and in lines 162-163 instead of “ ordered” in AS 12. 87 “ Changed not” for “ turned not to” ; cf. Witzcl’s constructive comment in loc. cit., p. 51. 88 For lines 152-164, cf. Jacobsen, JNES, it (1943), 172, and JacobsenFrankfort, The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, p. 197; the sugges­ tions there made for the rendering of the words and phrases here left untranslated in the first three lines of this passage do not seem to me to hit the mark. 89 The new renderings of this line and the next follow WitzeTs suggestion, loc. cit., p. 52.

Enlil called the storm;40 the people groan.41 The storm of overflow he carried off from the land; the people groan. The good storm he carried off from Sumer; the people groan. To die evil storm he issued directions;42 the people groan. To Kingaluda, the tender of the storm, he entrusted it.48 The44 storm that annihilates the land he called; the people groan. The evil winds he called; the people groan. Enlil brings Gibil to his aid.45 (180) The great storm of heaven he called; the people groan. The great storm howls above; the people groan. The land-annihilating storm roars below; the people groan. The evil wind, like the rushing torrent, cannot be restrained; The boats of the city it attacks (and) devours,46 At the base of heaven it made the . . . whirl; the people groan. In front of the storm fires burned ;47 the people groan. To the battling storms was joined the scorching heat;48 . . . fires burned.48 The day was deprived of the rising of the bright sun, of the good light20 (190) In the land the bright sun rose not, like the evening star it shone. The night was deprived by the South Wind of its customary feasts and banquets-, 40 In the fifth “ song” w hich is written entirely in the m ain Sum erian dialect, the poet describes in detail an overw helm ing affliction which over­ took U r in the form o f a devastating storm. Beginning w ith a statement that after he had carried o ff from Sum er the “ good storm,” the “ storm of overflow,” E n lil called against the land the “ evil storm,” much o f the rem ainder o f the “ song” concerns itself w ith a description of this evil storm and w ith other destructive elemental forces w hich aid and abet it. 41 There is some possibility that the rendering “ groan” should be changed to “ m ourn” ; cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 2 23 . F or lines 17 3 - 18 9 , cf. now the Jacobsen-Frankfort translation in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, pp. 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; it reads excellently indeed, but its renderings are perhaps too free for reference w orks. T hus e.g. the same Sum erian word is trans­ lated as “ storm ” in one line and “ w in d” in another; the same Sum erian com plex is rendered as “ disastrous w in d ” in one line and as “ tempest” in another. Moreover, starting w ith the line “ A ll these he gathered at the base of heaven” (the last line on p. 1 4 1 of the book; it corresponds to our line 18 6 ) some o f the renderings should be treated as doubtful; particularly is it uncertain that the subject o f these lines is E n lil. F o r although it is to be admitted that the assumption that E n lil is the subject gives excellent sense to the passage, the text as it stands hardly justifies it. 42 “ Issued directions” instead o f “ gave (his) order” in AS 12 . 48 F or the rendering o f this line cf. Jacobsen’s excellent com m ent in loc. cit., p. 22 3 . Note that the refrain is omitted here since the line is really a continuation of the preceding line. 44 “ T h e” in this line and the next and in line 1 8 1 , for "to the” in AS

12. 45 Note the omission of the refrain ; perhaps this line is closely connected w ith the preceding, cf. n.43 (note, too, the period at the end o f this line instead o f the semicolon in AS 1 2 ) . 46 Lines 1 8 5 - 18 7 seem to go together (the subject is “ the evil w in d ” in all three lin es), hence perhaps the refrain is found o n ly in the last o f the three lines; note, too, that the refrain is m issing in lines 18 8 -19 2 , perhaps for no better reason in some cases than for lack o f space. 47 Note that in this line and those follow ing the present rendering differs from that in AS 1 2 in not treating “ the evil w in d” (line 18 4 ) as the subject of the verbal forms. 48 F o r the new rendering, cf. particularly Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 223. 49 T h e first h alf o f the line seems to m e too doubtful at present for any fruitful attempt at its translation. 80 N ote the new renderings for lines 19 0 -19 2 ; cf. W itzel, Orientalia N S , xiv, 209.

A

SUMERIAN

At the side of their81 cups dust was piled high; the people groan. Over the black-headed people, the winds swept; the people groan. Sumer is broken up by the gilburruf2 the people groan. It attacks the land and devours it.62 The afflicting storm by tears is not adjured; The destructive storm makes the land tremble and quake;54 Like the flood storm it destroys the cities. The land-annihilating storm set up (its) ordinancer55 in the city; (200) The all-destroying storm came doing evil'™ Like a . . . -storm it placed the. . . upon the people. The storm ordered by Enlil in hate, the storm which wears away the land,57 Covered Ur like a garment, enveloped it like linen. The fifth song. The raging storm has attacked unceasingly; the people groan; Its antiphon. On that day the (good) storm was carried off from the city;52 that city into ruins,59 (210) O Father Nanna, that city into ruins was made; the people groan. On that day the (good) storm was carried off from the land; the people groan. Its people, not potsherds, filled its sides;20 Its walls were breached; the people groan.21 In its lofty gates, where they were wont to promenade, dead bodies were lying about; In its boulevards, where the feasts were celebrated, scattered they lay™ In all its streets, where they were wont to promenade, dead bodies were lying about; 61 “ T heir” refers perhaps to the “ black-headed people’* in the n ext line. 52 T h e gilburru is a weapon used in hunting gazelles; cf. line 220. 63 Note the new rendering o f the line. N ote, that in this and the follo w ­ in g lines, the refrain is omitted. 54 M ore literally, “ m akes the land tremble again and again.** 55 “ Decrees” (here rendered "ordinances") should have been treated as doubtful in AS 1 2 ; cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 223 . 56 “ Cam e doing evil” should have been treated as doubtful in A S 1 2 ; note, too, the slightly different rendering in the next line. 87 Note the n ew rendering; cf. particularly Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 2 23. 88 T h e sixth “ song” too is w ritten in the main Sum erian dia le ct T h e first three lines speak o f a “ storm” w hich had been directed against U r and Sum er and had turned them into ruins; practically the entire rem ainder of the “ song,” however, treats o f the calamities that befell U r as a result of her defeat in battle: T h e walls o f U r w ere breached, and the dead bodies of its people filled the gates. In their streets and boulevards they w ere ruth­ lessly attacked and laid lo w . Those w h o had been killed by the enemies’ w eapons lay unburied and untended; those w ho escaped w ere prostrated by the “ storm.” In U r w eak and strong alike perished through fam ine. Parents w ho did not leave their houses w ere overcome by fire, suckling babes were carried o ff by the waters. Judgm ent and counsel perished in the land. Parents abandoned their children, husbands their w ives; all their possessions w ere scattered about. G one is N in gal, its lady; she has departed like a flying bird. L o fty Ekishnugal is devoured by the a xe; the Subarians and the Elam ites break it up w ith j h e pickaxe and turn it into ruins. N in gal cries “ A las fo r m y city, alas fo r m y house.** U r is d e­ stroyed and its people are dispersed. 89 N ote that the refrain is only used intermittently throughout this “ song.** F o r lines 2 0 8 -218 , cf. the Jacobsen-Frankfort translation in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, p. 14 2 . 60 cf. Jacobsen’s suggestion in loc. cit., p . 223. 81 For the n ew rendering, cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 2 2 3 , and W itzel, Orientalia N S , x v , 53 . 82 F o r the new rendering, cf. Jacobsen-Frankfort, loc. cit., p. 14 2 .

LAMENTATI ON

459

In its places, where the festivities of the land took place, the people lay in heaps.22 The blood of the land, like bronze and lead. . . ; Its dead bodies, like fat placed in the sun,24of themselves melted away. Its men who were brought to an end by the axe were not covered with head-bandages;25 Like a gazelle held fast by the gilburru™ (their) mouths bit the dust. (220 ) Its men who were struck down by the spear were not bandaged; Lo (as) in the place where their mother labored they lay stricken in their blood. Its men who were brought to an end by the battle-mace were not. . . d; (Although) they were not drinkers of strong drink, they drooped neck over shoulder. Who kept standing27 near the weapons, by the weapons was killed; the people groan. Who escaped them, by the storm was prostrated'™ the people groan. Ur—its weak and (its) strong perished through hunger; Mothers and fathers who did not leave their houses, were overcome by fire; The young lying on their mothers’ laps,09 like fish were carried off by the waters; Of the nursemaids, pried open were their strong hirimmu-garments'™ (230 ) The judgment of the land perished; the people groan. The counsel of the land was dissipated; the people groan. The mother left her daughter; the people groan. The father turned away from his son; the people groan. In the city the wife was abandoned, the child was abandoned, the possessions were scattered about; The black-headed people into their family places71 . . . were carried off. Its lady like a flying bird departed from her city; Ningal like a flying bird departed from her city; On all its possessions which had been accumulated in the land, a defiling hand was placed. In all its storehouses which abounded in the land, fires were kindled; (2 4 0 ) At its rivers Gibil,72 the purified, relentlessly did (his) work. The lofty unapproachable mountain, the Ekishnugal— Its righteous house by large axes is devoured; 88 For the new rendering, cf. Falkenstein, ZA , x lvii (1942), 190 and Jacobsen-Frankfort, loc. cit., p. 142. 64 cf. Jacobsen-Frankfort, loc. cit., p. 142, and Witzel, Orientalia NS, xiv, 211. 88 Note the new renderings of this line, line 221, and lines 223-224, and cf. several excellent suggestions made by Witzel, Orientalia NS, xv, 53-54. 88 cf. n.52. 87 “ Kept standing” instead of “ was stationed" in AS 12. 08 The rendering of this phrase should have been indicated as doubtful in AS 12. 89 “ Laps” instead of “ bosoms,” cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 224, and Witzel, Orientalia NS, xiv, 213. 70 Note the new and still doubtful rendering of this line; cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 224. 71 For the new rendering of this phrase, cf. Jacobsen, JNES, n, 17 1, n.70. 72 The god of fire.

460

A SUMERIAN

The Subarians and the Elamites, the destroyers, made of it thirty shekels.73 The righteous house they break up with the pickaxe; the people groan. The city they make into ruins; the people groan. Its lady cries: “Alas for my city,” cries: “Alas for my house” ; Ningal cries: “Alas for my city,” cries: “Alas for my house. As for me, the woman,74 my city has been destroyed, my house too has been destroyed; O Nanna, Ur has been destroyed, its people have been dispersed.” (25°) The sixth song. In her stable, in her sheepfold the lady utters bitter words: “The city is being destroyed by the storm” ; (252a) Its antiphon. Mother Ningal in her city like an enemy stood aside.75 The woman76 loudly utters the wail for her attacked house; The princess in Ur, her attacked shrine, bitterly cries: “Verily Anu has cursed my city, my city verily has been destroyed; Verily Enlil has turned inimical to my house, by the pickaxe verily it has been torn up. Upon him who comes from below verily he hurled fire—alas my city verily has been destroyed; Enlil upon him who comes from above verily hurled the flame. (260) Outside the city, the outer city77verily has been destroyed —‘alas for my city’ I will say. Inside the city, the inner city verily has been destroyed —‘alas for my house’ I will say. 78 That is, perhaps, treated it with the utmost contempt; note the amount “ thirty shekels.” 74 “ Woman” instead of “ lady” in AS 12. 75 In the first three lines the poet introduces “ mother” Ningal on the point of uttering a bitter wail for the terrible fate that overtook her city and shrine; the contents of this rather long lament are then given in the form of a soliloquy by the embittered goddess (lines 257-298): Anu has cursed her city, and Enlil has turned inimical to her house. The inner city as well as the outer city have been destroyed. In the rivers of Ur the dust has gathered; there is no fresh water. There is no grain in the fields; gone is the field worker. Her palm groves and vineyards have brought forth the mountain thorn. Her possessions have been carried off to the lower lands and the upper lands; her precious metal, stone, and lapis lazuli lie scattered about. Her ornaments of precious metal and stone adorn the bodies of those who “know” not precious metal and stone. Her sons and daughters have been carried off into captivity; she is no longer queen of Ur. Her city and house have been destroyed; a strange city and a strange house have been erected in their place. Woe is her; Ur is destroyed, and its people are dead. Where then shall she sit down, where shall she stand up? Here follows an interruption of the goddess’s words in which the poet describes the violence of her lament (lines 299-301); the deity’s bitter soliloquy then continues: Woe is her; her house is a stable torn down, her cows are dispersed, the weapon has fallen on her ewes. She has gone forth from the city and found no rest; she has gone forth from the house and found no dwelling place. She is a stranger in a strange city; curses and abuse are heaped upon her. She approached her lord Nanna for the sake of his house and city which have been destroyed and weeps bitterly before him. Woe is her; “ O my ‘city-fate,* ” she will say, “ bitter is my ‘city-fate.’ ” “ O my house which has been destroyed,” she will say, “ bitter is my ‘house-fate.’ ” Like a fallen ox she will lie down beside the ruins of her city and her house, and will not rise up. Bitter is the destruction of her house and city attacked without cause. 76 “ Woman” instead of “ lady” in AS 12. 77 For “ outer city” and "inner city,” cf. Witzel, Orientalia NS, xiv, 215, 217.

LAMENTATION

My houses of the outer city verily have been destroyed— ‘alas for my city’ I will say; My houses of the inner city verily have been destroyed —‘alas for my house’ I will say. My city like an innocent ewe has not been . . . ed, gone is its trustworthy shepherd; Ur likd an innocent ewe has not been . . . ed, gone is its shepherd boy. My ox in its stable has not been . . . ed, gone is its herdsman; My sheep in its fold has not been . . . ed, gone is its shepherd boy. In the rivers of my city dust has gathered, into fox-dens78 verily they have been made; In their midst no sparkling waters flow, gone is its riverworker. (270) In the fields of the city there is no grain, gone is its fieldworker; My fields verily like fields torn up by the pickaxe have brought forth___ My palm groves and vineyards that abounded with honey and wine verily have brought forth the mountain thorn. My plain where the \azcdlu78 and strong drin\ were prepared verily like an oven has become parched. My possessions like heavy locusts on the move verily. . . have been carried off—‘O my possessions’ I will say. My possessions verily he who came from the (lands) below,80 to the (lands) below has carried off—‘O my possessions’ I will say. My possessions verily he who came from the (lands) above, to the (lands) above has carried off—‘O my possessions’ I will say. Verily my (precious) metal, stone, and lapis lazuli have been scattered about—‘O my possessions’ I will say. My treasure verily has been dissipated?'—‘O my posses­ sions’ I will say. My (precious) metal, verily they who know not (pre­ cious) metal have fastened about their hands. (280) My (precious) stones verily they who know not (pre­ cious) stones have fastened about their necks. Verily all my birds and winged creatures have flown away—‘alas for my city’ I will say. My daughters and sons verily. . . have been carried off— ‘alas for my men’ I will say. Woe is me, my daughters verily in a strange city carry strange banners; With . . . verily the young men and young women have been fastened. [Woe is me, my city] which no longer exists—I am not its queen; [O Nanna], Ur which no longer exists—I am not its mistress. 78 cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 224. 79 Perhaps some kind of drug. 80 “ (Lands) below” and “ (lands) above” in this and the next line instead of “ lower lands” and “ upper lands” in AS 12. 81 The four dots in AS 12 are superfluous. 82 “ Woman” instead of “ lady” in AS 12.

A

SUMERIAN

I whose house verily has been made into ruins, whose city verily has been destroyed, I, the righteous woman, in place of whose city verily a strange city has been built,88 I whose city verily has been made into ruins, whose house verily has been destroyed, (290) I, Ningal, in place of whose house verily a strange house has been built— Woe is me, the city has been destroyed, the house too has been destroyed; O Nanna, the shrine Ur has been destroyed, its people are dead. Woe is me, where shall I sit me down, where shall I stand up ? Woe is me, in place of my city a strange city is being built; I, Ningal—in place of my house a strange house is being erected. Upon its removal from its place, from the plain, ‘alas for my city’ I will say; Upon its removal from my city, Ur, ‘alas for my house’ I will say.” The woman tore her hair like the . . . reed;84 Her chest, the pure. . . , she strikes, “alas for my city” she cries. (300) Her eyes are flooded with tears; bitterly she weeps. “ Woe is me, in place of my city a strange city is being built; I, Ningal—in place of my house a strange house is being erected.

Woe is me, I am one whose house is a stable torn down, I am one whose cows have been dispersed; I, Ningal—like an unworthy shepherd the weapon has fallen on (my) ewes. Woe is me, I am one who has been exiled88 from the city, I am one who has found no rest; I, Ningal—I am one who has been exiled from the house, I am one who has found no dwelling place. Lo, I am a stranger sitting with raised head in a strange city; Curses and abuses press upon me, head and limb; (Against) the curse of those who inhabit its dwelling places, I (dare) not spea\ out. (310) In that place for the sake of his city I approached him— bitterly I weep; To the lord for the sake of his house which had been attacked I approached—bitterly I weep. For the sake of his house which had been attacked I approached him—bitterly I weep. Woe is me, ‘O my city-fate’85 I will say, ‘bitter is my city-fate’ ; 88 For a somewhat different interpretation of lines 289, 291, 295-296, cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 221 and n.7. In line 289, note “ city" instead of “ cities” in AS 12. 84 The subject in lines 299-301 is Ningal; for the new rendering of die passage, cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 222, n .i2, and Witzel, Orientalia NS, xv, 56. 85 For “ been exiled” in this and the next lines, cf. the excellent suggestion by Witzel, loc. cit., p. 56. 88 For the new renderings in this and the next line, cf. Witzel, loc. cit., P- 57.

LAMENTATION

461

I, the queen—‘O my house which has been destroyed,’ I will say, ‘bitter is my house-fate.’ O my brickwork of Ur which has been torn down, which has been wrecked, O my righteous house, my city which has been made into ruins, In the debris of thy righteous house which has been destroyed, I lay me down alongside of thee; Like a fallen ox, from thy wall I do not rise up. (320) Woe is me, untrustworthy was thy building, bitter is thy destruction. O Ur, my, the woman’s shrine87 whose offerings have been cut off, O Enunkug, my house of burnt offerings whose bounty is no longer satisfying, O my city which exists no longer, my (city) attacked without cause, O my (city) attacked and destroyed, my (city) attacked without cause, Behold the storm ordered in hate—its violence has not

abated;88 O my house of Sin in Ur, bitter is thy destruction.” The seventh song. “ Alas for my house, alas for my house.” Its antiphon. (330) O queen, mafe thy heart life water; thou, how dost thou live !88 O Ningal, mafe thy heart life water, thou, how dost thou live! O thou righteous woman80 whose city has been de­ stroyed, now how dost thou exist! O thou Ningal whose land has perished, mafe thy heart

life water! After thy city had been destroyed, now how dost thou

exist! After thy house had been destroyed, mafe thy heart

life water! Thy city has become a strange city; now how dost thou

exist! Thy house has become a house of tears, mafe thy heart

life water! 87 “ Woman’s” for “ lady’s” in AS 12. 88 Note the new rendering of this line; it follows in part the suggestions made by Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 224. 89 In the eighth “ song,” our poet once again addresses the goddess Ningal. Beginning with the words “ O queen, make thy heart like water; thou, how dost thou live!” and repeating this and parallel phrases as a persistent refrain, the “ song” dwells on the misfortunes that have befallen her city and temple, but concludes with words of comfort and consolation. Her city has been destroyed and her house has perished. Her city has become a strange city; her house has become a house of tears and has been given over to the pickaxe. She is no longer queen of her people; these have been led to slaughter. Her city has been made into ruins, her house has been laid bare. Ur, the shrine, has been given over to the wind. Its priests are gone; its rites are no longer performed. The black-headed people celebrate not her (Ningal’s) feasts, play no music, pour no libations. Her song has turned to weeping and her music to lamentation. The fat of the ox is not prepared for her, nor the milk of her sheep; the fisherman brings not her fish, nor the bird-huntcr her birds. Her rivers and roads are overgrown with weeds. Her city weeps before her; her house cries her “ Where, pray?” May she, Ningal, return like an ox to her stable, like a sheep to her fold, like a young child to her chamber. May Anu utter her ahulappu, her “ 'tis enough” (of suffering); may Enlil decree her favorable fate, may he return Ur to its place for Ningal to exercise her queenship. 90 “ Woman” instead of “ lady” in AS 12.

A

SUMERIAN

Thy city which has been made into ruins—thou art not its mistressf 1 Thy righteous house which has been given over to the pickaxe—thou dost not dwell as its dweller. (340) Thy people who have been led to slaughter—thou enterest not as their queen. Thy tears have become strange tears, thy land weeps not; Without “tears of supplication” it inhabits foreign lands;®* Thy land like one who has multiplied. . . shuts tight its mouth?* Thy city has been made into ruins; now how dost thou exist I Thy house has been laid bare;94 ma\e thy heart li\e water \ Ur, the shrine, has been given over to the wind; now how dost thou exist\ Its palilu verily has not been brought into the95. . . make thy heart li\e water! Its enu verily dwells not in the giparru', now how dost thou exist\ Its. . . who cherishes lustrations makes no lustrations for thee; (350) Father Nanna has not perfected thy decrees in the h o ly...99 Thy mahhu in thy holy gigund dressed not in linen; Thy righteous inu chosen. . . ,9T in the Ekishnugal, "From the shrine to the giparru proceeds not joyfully. In the ahu, thy house of feasts, they98 celebrated not the feasts; On the uppu and aid?* they played not for thee that which brings joy to the heart, the. . . -music.109 The101 black-headed people do not wash themselves during thy feasts, Li\e . . . verily dirt has been decreed for them; verily their appearance has changed. Thy song has been turned into weeping. . . ; Thy . . . -music has been turned into lamentation (360) Thy ox verily has not been brought into its stable, its fat has not been prepared for thee; Thy sheep verily stays not in its fold, its milk is not presented to thee.102 81 The four dots at the end of this line in AS 12, are superfluous. "Perhaps the rendering of this line should read: “ Without 'tears of supplication’ foreigners inhabit it.” cf. Witzel, loc. cit., p. 58. 88 In AS 12, p. 59, n.551 should read: More literally perhaps: “ pressed the hand on the mouth.” 84 “ Laid bare” instead of “ made into a pasture” in AS 12. 86 Note the new rendering of the line; the word following “ into the” might be expected to parallel the giparru in line 349 and the gigunA in line 352 and thus be the name of a part of the temple complex; cf. also JCS, 1 ( i 947)> 43* 0*250. The paiilu, the Snu (line 349), and the mafrfru (line 352) are important priestly classes in the service of the temple. 88 Note the new rendering of the line. 87 Note the new rendering; it is doubtful if the suggested restoration hi-li in AS 12 is correct. 88 “They” in this and the next line presumably refer to “ the black-headed people” of line 357. 88 The uppu and the aid are two musical instruments. 100 Note die different word order in the translation in AS 12. 101 “ The” for “ thy” in AS 12. Note, too, the new rendering of the remainder of the line, cf. Witzel, Orientalia NS, xiv, 227. 102 “Presented to” instead of “ prepared for” in AS 12.

LAMENTATION

Thy . . . fat from the stable has not been brought for thee. . . ; Thy . . . milk from the sheepfold has not been brought for thee.. . . Thy fisherman and . . . fish were overtaken by misfortune . . . ; Thy bird-hunter and. . . birds.. . . Thy river which had been made fit for the ma\urruboats—in its midst the. . . -plant grows; On thy road which had been prepared for the chariots the mountain thorn grows. O my queen, thy city weeps before thee as its mother;10> Ur, like the child of a street which has been destroyed see\s a place before thee. (370) The house, like a man who has lost everything stretches out the hands to thee; Thy brickwork of the righteous house, like a human being cries thy “Where, pray ?” O my queen, verily thou art one who has departed from the house; thou art one who has departed from the city. How long, pray, wilt thou stand aside in the city like an enemy ? O Mother Ningal, (how long) wilt thou hurl challenges in the city like an enemy ? Although thou art a queen beloved of her city, thy city. . . thou hast abandoned; [Although] thou art [a queen104 beloved of her people], thy people . . . thou hast abandoned. O Mother Ningal, like an ox to thy stable, like a sheep to thy fold! Like an ox to thy stable of former days, like a sheep to thy fold! Like a young child to thy chamber, O maid, to thy house! (380) May Anu, the king of the gods, utter thy “ 'tis enough" ; May Enlil, the king of all the lands, decree thy (favor­ able) fate. May he return thy city to its place for thee; exercise its queenship!105 May he return Ur to its place for thee; exercise its queenship! The eighth song. My ordinances have become inimical; Its antiphon. Alas, all the storms together have flooded the land.109 The great storm of heaven, the ever roaring storm, i°3 Note the new rendering; cf. Witzel, loc. cit., p. 227. 104 Note restoration of “ a queen” instead of Mother Ningal, and cf. Witzel, Orientalia NS, xv, 59. 105 Two variant texts have two lines preceding this line; they read: “ May he return Nippur to its place for thee; exercise its queenship! May he return Isin to its place for thee; exercise its queenship!” In these two texts, therefore, Nippur and Isin are treated more or less as equals of Ur. 108 The ninth and tenth “ songs” together—from the point of view of their contents there seems to be no reason for the division into two songs— contain the poet’s plea to Nanna not to permit the “ storm” to overwhelm Ur and its inhabitants. Beginning with the statement: uAlas, all the storms together have flooded the land,” they continue with a description of the “ storms” and their destructive deeds, and conclude with a number of curses against it

A

SUMERIAN

The afflicting storm which sated the land,107 (390) The storm which destroyed cities, the storm which destroyed houses; The storm which destroyed stables, the storm which destroyed sheepfolds;108 Which stretched out (its) hand over the holy rites, Which placed a defiling hand on the weighty counsel, The storm which cut off all that is good from the land, The storm which held the black-headed people in its b a n -100 The ninth song. The storm which. . . ; Its antiphon. The storm which knows not the mother, the storm which knows not the father, (400) The storm which knows not the wife, the storm which knows not the child,110 The storm which knows not the sister, the storm which knows not the brother, The storm which knows not the weak, the storm which knows not the strong, The storm on whose account the wife is forsaken, on whose account the child is forsaken; The . . . -storm, the storm which caused the land to perish,111 The storm ordered in hate which sated the land— O Father Nanna, let not that storm establish itself near thy city! Look not (unfavorably) upon thy black-headed people! Let not the storm, like rain pouring down from heaven, turn . . . ! (The storm) which overwhelmed the living creatures of heaven and earth, the black-headed people—(410) May that storm be entirely destroyed! 107 Note the new renderings of lines 390, and 395-396; they are based on the assumption that the first Sumerian word has the meaning “ storm” ; cf. also Witzel, Orientalia NS, xiv, 229, 231. Note, too, that lines 390, 393.396, 398, 400-406, and 410, end in a Sumerian sign which may indicate that line 388 is to be repeated after each of them as a refrain. “ Destroyed” instead of “ destroy” in AS 12; so quite correctly Witzel, loc. cit., 229. 109 Note that line 396 should not be followed by a period; the’ de­ scription of the storm is continued after lines 397-399 which, for reasons that are far from obvious, have been interposed here to separate the two “ songs.” 110 As Witzel, Orientalia NS, xv, 60, has pointed out, the Sumerian transliteration to this line in AS 12 erroneously read le i for dumu. 1 1 1 Note the new renderings to lines 405-406 and cf. the comparable text in lines 202-203; indeed one of the texts has a variant to line 406 whose contents are identical with line 203, that is: “ The storm ordered by Enlil in hate, the storm which wears away the land.”

LAMENTATION

463

Like the great gate of night may the door be closed on it! Let not that storm be given a place in the numbering May its record hang by a (clay) nail outside the house of Enlil! The tenth song.

Unto distant days, other days, future days; Its antiphon.

From distant days, when the land was founded,112 O Nanna, the humble112 who have taken thy path, Have brought unto thee their tears of the smitten house; before thee is their cry ! (420) Verily11* thy black-headed people who have been cast away, prostrate themselves unto thee!

Verily thy city which has been made into ruins set up a waU unto thee!

O Nanna, may thy city which has been returned to its place, step forth gloriously before thee! Like a bright star let it not be destroyed; may it proceed before thee! . . . man shall. . . ; [The man] of [offerings shall utter prayers unto thee. . . . who art. . . of the [lan]d, . . . ,

Undo the sins of its. . . ! Soothe the heart o f. . . . 1 1 5 (43°) Upon that which the man of offerings has brought, gaze with steadfast eye! O Nanna, thou whose penetrating gaze searches the bowels,110 May every evil heart of its people be pure before thee! May the heart of those who dwell in the land be good before thee!117 O Nanna, thy city which has been returned to its place exalts thee. The eleventh song.118 112 The last “ song” contains a prayer addressed by the poet to Nanna to restore Ur and its people to their original and favored position. While the first five lines seem to describe the abjectness and humility of the black­ headed people, the remaining lines contain a plea to Nanna to lodk stead­ fastly and kindly upon the prayers, offerings, and “ hearts” of the dwellers of Ur. 118 cf. Jacobsen’s excellent suggestion in loc. cit., p. 224. 114 “ Verily" in this and the next line for “ may” in AS 12. 118 Note the modified renderings in this and the next line. 110 For “ searches the bowels” cf. Jacobsen's suggestion in loc. cit., p. 224. 117 For a possible variant rendering, cf. Jacobsen, loc. cit., p. 224. 118 The colophon of the best preserved tablet contains the statement that it is the work of “ the hand of Apil-Sumugan; the month of Tishrfc, the sixteenth day.” The line giving the date-formula for the year is destroyed, but there is some reason to believe that it belonged to the reign of Samsu­ iluna, the son of Hammurabi.

V III. Secular Songs and Poems

Egyptian Secular Songs and Poems T R A N S L A T O R : JOHN A . W I L S O N

A Song o f the Harper A common scene in the tombs of ancient Egypt shows a harper entertaining guests at a feast. More than once he calls upon them to surrender themselves to pleasure, because they can have no certainty that earthly diligence will lead to eternal bliss. The present translation is made from Papyrus Harris 500 (now British Museum 10060), recto vi 2-vii 3, a manuscript of about 1300 b . c . A closely similar version was in the Sakkarah tomb of Pa-Aton-em-heb, of the Amarna period (about 13751360 b . c . ) , now in Leyden. The version in the tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes (Tomb No. 50, about 1350-1320 b . c . ) was somewhat different. The tide given below shows that the original was ascribed to the reign of one of the Intef kings before or after the Twelfth Dynasty. The theme may have been characteristic of the groping for value which followed the collapse of the Old Kingdom. However, the use of the text in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties shows that this hedonism was an acceptable literary expression for some cen­ turies. M. Lichtheim studied this and other harper’s songs in JN ES, iv (1945), 178 ff., translation on pp. 192 f., bibliography on pp. 211 f. The present translation is made from W. M. Muller, Die Liebespoesie der alten Aegypter (2nd printing, Leipzig, 1932), Pis. 13-15.* (See Addenda).

The song which is in the House of King Intef, the triumphant, and which is before the singer with the harp. Prosperous is he, this good prince, Even though good fortune may suffer harm!1 Generations pass away, and others remain Since the time of the ancestors.2 The gods who lived formerly rest in their pyramids, The beatified dead also, buried in their pyramids.8 (5) And they who built houses—their places are not. See what has been made of them! I have heard the words of Ii-em-hotep and Hor-dedef, With whose discourses men speak so much.4 What are their places (now) ? Their walls are broken apart, and their places are not— As though they had never been! There is none who comes back from (over) there, That he may tell their state, That he may tell their needs, That he may still our hearts, Until we (too) may travel to the place where they have gone. 1 The fate of death may not be happy, but this prince need not fear! The version in the tomb of Nefer-hotep, "How weary is this righteous prince; the goodly fortune has come to pass,” makes death a kindly release. 2 The Nefer-hotep version, “ Generations pass away since the time of the god, (but) young people come in their place,” shows that the meaning is the transition from one generation to another. 8 The dead kings and nobles of older times. 4 Ii-em-hotep, the famous vizier of Djoser, and Hor-dedef, the son of Khufu, were traditional sages of Egypt. See p. 432, n.4.

Let thy desire flourish, In order to let thy heart forget the beatifications for thee.5 Follow thy desire, as long as thou shalt live. Put myrrh upon thy head and clothing of fine linen upon thee, (10) Being anointed with genuine marvels of the god’s property. Set an increase to thy good things; Let not thy heart flag. Follow thy desire and thy good. Fulfill thy needs upon earth, after the command of thy heart, Until there come for thee that day of mourning. The Weary [of Heart] hears not their [mourn]ing,8 (vii i) And wailing saves not the heart of a man from the underworld. Make holiday, and weary not therein! Behold, it is not given to a man to take his property with him. Behold, there is not one who departs who comes back again!

R e fr a in :

L ove Songs The later Egyptian Empire (1300-1100 b . c . ) has provided us with several collections of love songs. They were apparendy intended to be sung to the accompaniment of some musical instrument. They express an enjoyment of nature and the outof-doors. As in the Song of Songs, the lovers are called “my brother” and “my sister.” *

a Papyrus Harris 500, now British Museum 10060, recto iv 1-7, of the Nineteenth Dynasty. Photograph in Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Second Series, ed. by E. A. W. Budge (London, 1923), PI. x u i i . Hieratic text, tran­ scription into hieroglyphic, translation, and commentary in W. M. Muller, Die Liebespoesie der alten Aegypter, Pis. 8-9, pp. 20-22. Translation in Erman, LAE, 246-47. T h e BEGINNING OF THE beautiful SONGS OF ENTERTAIN­ MENT of thy sister, the beloved of thy heart, as she comes from the meadow.

My brother, my beloved, My heart pursues the love of thee, All that thou hast brought into being. 5 An important part of the funerary services was “ beatification” or “ making (the deceased) an effective personality.” 6 Osiris, the god of the dead, is not concerned with the earthly mourning for the dead.

468

SECULAR

SONGS

I say to thee: "See what I am doing!” I have come from setting my trap with my (own) hand; In my hand are my bent and my snare. All the birds of Punt, they alight in Egypt, Anointed with myrrh.1 The first one comes and takes my worm. Its fragrance is brought from Punt, And its talons are full of resin. My wish for thee is that we loose them together, When I am alone with thee, That I might let thee hear the cry Of the one anointed with myrrh. How good it would be If thou wert there with me When I set the trap! The best is to go to the fields, To the one who is beloved! T he en d .

b Also from Papyrus Harris 500, recto v 6-8. Facsimiled on PI. x l i v of the British Museum publication noted above. Muller, op. cit., Pis. 10-11, p. 24. Erman, op. cit., 247-48.

The voice of the swallow speaks and says: “The land has brightened—What is thy road ?”2 Thou shalt not, O bird, disturb me! I have found my brother in his bed, And my heart is still more glad, {When he) said to me: “I shall not go afar off. My hand is in thy hand, I shall stroll about, And I shall be with thee in every pleasant place.” He makes me the foremost of maidens. He injures not my heart. T

h e end.

AND

POEMS

My heart is great upon the stream, And the waves are like land unto my feet It is the love of her that makes me steady, For it makes a Water-charm for me! When I see my sister coming, My heart dances, And my arms open wide to embrace her,. . . When the mistress comes to me. T

h e end.

d From Papyrus Chester Beatty I, verso C ii 4-9, of the Twentieth Dynasty and from Thebes. Published by A. H. Gardiner, The Library of A. Chester Beatty (London, 1931), PI. xxin, pp. 31-32. T

h ir d s t a n z a .*

My heart intended to see Nefrus,2 That I might sit in her home. But I found Mehy driving on the road, Together with his gallants. I know not how to take me from his presence, That I might pass him freely by. See, river is like road, And I know not the place of my feet. Very foolish art thou, my heart— Wherefore wouldst thou make free with Mehy ? Behold, if I pass by before him, I shall tell him of my waverings; “ Behold, I am thine!” I shall say to him; And he will boast of my name And assign me to the foremost harem Of those who are in his retinue. e Also from Papyrus Beatty I, verso C iv 6-v 2. Gardiner, op. cit., Pis. xxv-xxvi, p. 34. Seven th

c From Cairo Ostracon 25218, lines 6-10. Photographs of the potsherd carrying the text in G. Daressy, Ostraca (Catalogue giniral des antiquites egyptiennes du Music du Caire, Cairo, 1901), Pis. x l i i i - x l v . Transcript of the hieratic in G. Moller, Hieratische Lesestiic\e, 11 (Leipzig, 1927), 39. Muller, op. cit., PI. 17, p. 42. Erman, op. cit., 243. Nineteenth Dynasty.

The love of my sister is on yonder side,2 A stream lies between us, And a crocodile waits in the shallows. But when I go down into the water, I wade the current, 1 Punt, a land on the Arabian Sea, was famous for gums and perfumes. The theme of this song is that the maiden has been catching birds from the lands of fragrant gums, and she wishes that her “ brother” might join her in this pastime, with its implications of rich perfumes and merry' making, cf. the frequent references to myrrh and spices in the Song of Songs, chap. 4 and 5. 2 Where are you walking in the early morning? The swallow invites the maiden to the pleasures of the open fields. She, however, seeks out the company of her “ brother.” cf. Song of Songs 2:12-13, with “ the voice of the turtle-dove.” 8 Though a flowing stream with lurking crocodiles lies between the youth and his “ sister,” the love of her is a magic charm to carry him successfully across to her. cf. Song of Songs 8:7.

s t a n z a .6

Seven (days) to yesterday I have not seen the sister, And a sickness has invaded me. My body has become heavy, Forgetful of my own self.7 If the chief of physicians come to me, My heart is not content (with) their remedies; The lector priests,8 no way (out) is in them:— My sickness will not be probed. 4 Papyrus Beatty I, C, contains “ T h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s p e e c h e s o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t ,” with seven numbered stanzas, of which this is the third. By a characteristic Egyptian literary device, there is a pun on the word “ third” at the beginning and end of the stanza: kkemet "three,” \hemet “ intended," and imiu-khetef “ who are in his retinue.” 5 The translation depends for good sense on treating two words as proper names, even though they are not properly determined as names: nefrus “ her beauty,” and mehy “ flax.” Possibly there was some colloquially known implication in these two terms. It would then seem that the maiden went out to visit a girl friend and unexpectedly met her “ brother” riding with other lusty youths. She was covered with confusion and feared that her emotions might be so obvious that he would scorn her and turn her over to one of his group. 8 cf. n.4 above. Here the word “ seven” is employed in place of a pun. The theme of the song is that of Song of Songs 2:5 or 5:8: “1 am ride from love.” Physicians and magicians cannot diagnose or cure the youth’s ailment, but the mere sight of his “ sister” will make him well. 7 Often in the sense of losing consciousness. 8 Who read magic spells for the cure of disease.

g r e a t

SECULAR

SONGS

To say to me: “ Here she is!” is what will revive me; Her name is what will lift me up; The going in and out of her messengers Is what will revive my heart. More beneficial to me is the sister than any remedies; She is more to me than the collected writings. My health is her coming in from outside: When (I) see her, then (I) am well. If she opens her eye, my body is young (again); If she speaks, then I am strong (again); When I embrace her, she drives evil away from me— But she has gone forth from me for seven days! f Also from Papyrus Beatty I, verso G i 5-ii 1. Gardiner, op. cit., Pis. xxix-xxx, p. 35.

Would that thou wouldst come (to the sister speedily),® Like a horse of the king, Picked from a thousand of all steeds, The foremost of the stables! It is distinguished in its food, And its master knows its paces. If it hears the sound of the whip, It knows no delay, And there is no foremost of the chasseurs10 Who can stay before it (to hold it). How well the sister’s heart knows That he is not far from the sister! T he en d .

Songs o f the Common People WORKERS IN THE FIELD Many of the working songs in the modern Near East are antiphonal, with a leader and a chorus. Scenes and legends suggest that the same was true in antiquity, although it is difficult to present a single clear case. The following two songs are separated in the scene in which they occur: the first is attached to a group of plowmen and the second to a near-by group of reapers. The general similarity of words and the “ answering refrain” justify their juxtaposition here. The texts are in an agricultural scene in an Eighteenth Dynasty (i6th-i4th centuries b . c . ) tomb at el Kab, published by J. J. Tylor, The Tomb of Paheri ( Wall Drawings and Monu­ ments of E l Kab, London, 1895), Pis. iv-v.

Over the Plowmen A good day—it is cool. The cattle are pulling, 9 This is one of three stanzas. Since the other two stanzas begin: "Would that thou wouldst come to the sister quickly,” it is clear that the text here should be so completed. The first stanza expresses the maiden’s hope that her “ brother” will come to her as swiftly as a royal courier, the third stanza that he would come as swiftly as a gazelle bounding over the desert Here we have the second stanza, longing that he come as swiftly as the fastest horse of the royal stables, cf. Song of Songs 1:9: "I have compared thee, O my love, to a steed in Pharaoh’s chariots.” For the gazelle as a figure of swift arrival, cf. Song of Songs 2:8-9; 8:14. 10 Teher, a foreign word (perhaps Hittite) for a chariot-warrior; cf. p. 239, n.3.

AND

469

POEMS

And the sky does according to our desire— Let us work for the noble! Over the Reapers The answering refrain which they say: This good day is come forth in the land; The north wind is come forth, And the sky does according to our desire— Let us work as our hearts may be bound! A Threshing Song In the same scene, a herdsman is shown driving his cattle around and around to thresh out the grain. He urges them that their monotonous labor is easy and profitable.

Thresh ye for yourselves, thresh ye for yourselves, O cattle! Thresh ye for yourselves, thresh ye for yourselves! Straw to eat, and barley for your masters— Let not your hearts be weary, for it is cool. A SONG OF THE HERDSMAN In scenes of earlier times, as the herdsman drives his sheep to tread out the grain, he sings a song which, in humorous allusion, implies that he is out of his usual place. The text occurs in the same setting in two Sakkarah tombs of the Old Kingdom (25th-24th centuries B.C.). It is given in A. Erman, Reden, Rufe und Lieder des alien Reiches (APAW , 1919), 19-20, and translated in Erman, LAE, 131.*

The herdsman is in the water among the fish: He talks with the shad And greets the oxyrhynchus fish. O west, where is the herdsman (now), The herdsman of the west? A SONG OF THE CARRIERS OF A PALANQUIN Three Old Kingdom scenes which depict a noble traveling in a palanquin give the words of the porters. The recurring words, “ It is pleasanter full than when it is empty,” link these three together in the recognized refrain of a song. The longest of these texts is the most difficult, and only the concluding words can be translated with certainty. It comes from the Dahshur tomb of Ipi, and is now Cairo Museum 1536, published by L. Borchardt, Den\maler des alien Reiches I (Catalogue general. . . du Musie du Caire, Berlin 1937), 240. The following translation follows the imaginative rendering of W. Wreszinski in OLZ, xxvi (1923), 309-12, which has the merit of giving the feeling of the song, even though some of the words remain uncertain.

Go down into the palanquin, and it is sound! Go down into the palanquin, and it is well! The carrying-poles are on the support of the carriers. O palanquin of Ipi, be as heavy as I wish— It is pleasanter full than when it is empty! SONGS A T A FEAST An annual feast at Luxor had as its central feature the journey of the god Amon and of the pharaoh by boat between Karnak and Luxor. In scenes of the time of Tut-ankh-Amon (about 1361-1352 b . c . ) in the Temple of Luxor, this ceremonial

470

SECULAR

SONGS

procession is shown, and there are two brief songs about a drinking place set up for the entertainment of the sailors of the god’s boat. Each song is credited to the goddess Neith. One of them follows, as published by W. Wolf, Das schdne Fest von Opel (Leipzig, 1931), 56-57, (No. 15 a,b), and by K. Sethe in ZAeS, l x i v (1929), 1-5.

A drinking place has been built for the menials who are in the ship of ships. The ways of the earth god have been hacked open for (thee), O Nile, great and high! Mayest thou satisfy thy Two Goddesses For Horus, the strong of arm, When the god is rowed, carrying the beauty of the god.1 Hat-Hor has effected the beauty of good things For King (Tut-ankh-Amon), beloved of Amon and favored of the gods. So says Neith. Close by this song there are depicted eight women with sistrum-rattles and eight priests clapping their hands in measure. The text (Wolf, op. cit., 57 [No. 15, c]) relates them to the songs of the entire scene.

The chorus which sets the measure while the journey takes place upon the river: 0 Amon, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, thou livest forever! In the same large scene units of soldiers swing along in gay and vigorous movement, with some of the Negro troops breaking out in jubilant dance. Over the heads of the soldiers their songs of festivity are written (Wolf, op. cit., 63-64 [No. 34I).

[The leaders of] the army. They rejoice in front of his majesty: “How happy is the good ruler when he has conveyed Amon, for He decreed to him valor against the south and victory against [the north]! Amon [is the god who decreed] the victory to the ruler!”2 [The soldiers] who are following his majesty. The chorus of jubilation which they utter: “ King (Tutankh-Amon) is conveying Him who begot him! De­ creed for him was kingship from the beginning of the lifetime of Re in heaven. He is rewarded with valor and victory over every foreign country that attacks him. Amon decreed the victory to King (Tut-ankh-Amon)! Amon'is the god who decreed the victory to the ruler!” Another song of military triumph, presumably sung by re­ turning soldiers, will be found on p. 228 above.

In Praise o f the C ity Ramses The pharaohs of the Nineteenth Dynasty established their residence city, the biblical Ramses or Raamses, in the north­ 1 The divine pharaoh is rowed, transporting the image of the god Amon. 2 The triumphant words, “ Amon is the god who decreed the victory to the ruler!” may be followed from the texts of Hat-shepsut (about 14861469 b . c . ) to Ramses IV (about 1 1 64-1 1 57 B . C . ) , with at least fifteen occurrences and perhaps a partial recurrence under Pi-ankhi (about 720 B . C . ) . Its setting is always some scene or text of triumphant return. See J. A. Wilson in JEA, xvii (19 3 1), 214-16.

AND

POEMS

eastern Delta.1 The glories of this new capital were celebrated in poetical compositions like the following. (a) From Papyrus Anastasi II (British Museum 10243), recto i i-ii 5, with a parallel text in Papyrus Anastasi IV (British Museum 10249), recto vi 1-10. Both manuscripts are school com­ positions dated to the end of the 13th century b . c . and ascribed to Memphis. Facsimiled in Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the Collections of the British Museum, 11 (London, 1842), Pis. lx iii- lx iv , lx x x v ii, with the Anastasi II text also in G . Moller, Hieratische Lesestiidje, ii (Leipzig, 19 27), Pis. 37-38. Transcription into hieroglyphic by A . H . Gardiner, LateEgyptian Miscellanies ( Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vii, Brussels, J 937 ), I2_I 3 > 40-41. Translations by A . H . Gardiner in JEA , v ( 19 18 ) , 187-88, and by Erman, LAE, lyo-yt* ( b ) From Papyrus Anastasi III (British Museum 10246), recto i 1 i-iii 9, of the same characteristics as the above. Parallels from a papyrus in Vienna (Papyrus Rainer 53) and from an ostracon in Queen’s College, Oxford. Facsimiled in Select Papyri, etc., Pis. lx x iv -lx x v i. Transcription into hieroglyphic by Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, 21-23, 137-38. Translations by Gardiner in JEA, v, 184-86, and by Erm an, LA E, 206-07. The present translation omits many of the good products listed as available at R am ses* Translated by Caminos, opxit., 73-82.

a T h e b e g i n n in g o f t h e r e c i t a l of the might of the Lord of Egypt. His majesty—life, prosperity, health!—has built him­ self a castle, the name of which is “Great of Victories.” It is between Djahi2 and Egypt, and is full of food and provisions. It is like unto Hermonthis,3 and its lifetime is like (that of) Memphis. The sun rises in its horizon, and sets within it. All men have left their towns and are settled in its territory. Its west is the House of Amon, its south the House of Seth. Astarte appears in its orient, and Uto in its north.4 The castle which is in it is like the horizon of heaven. Ramses Meri-Amon is in it as a god, Montu-in-the-Two-Lands as a herald, Sun-ofRulers as a vizier, and Joy-of-Egypt (ii 1) Beloved-ofAtum as a mayor.5 (Thus) the land comes down into its (proper) place. The Great Prince of Hatti sent (a message) to the Prince of Kode:6 “Prepare thyself, that we may hasten to Egypt and say: ‘The will of the god is come to pass,’7 that we may make words of blandishment to Usermaat-Re8—life, prosperity, health! He gives breath to whom he will, and every foreign country exists (only) 1 The location of Ramses has been much disputed, and scholars are not yet in agreement. For its location at Tanis, modern San el-Hagar in the northeastern Delta, see A. H. Gardiner in JEA, xix (19 33), 122 ff.; xxx (1944), 60; and R. Weill in JEA, xxi (1935), 17 ff. For a view that Ramses may have been at modern Qantir, about 15 miles south of San el-Hagar, cf. W. C. Hayes, Glazed Tiles from a Palace of Ramesses at Kantir {Metropolitan Museum of Art Papers, No. 3, New York, 1937), 8* ' * Centrally the Phoenician coast, but carrying down into Palestine. 8 An old cult-center south of Thebes. 4 Temples of the gods mark the four quarters of the city. The Semitic goddess Astarte is appropriately in the east. The Egyptian goddess Uto is sometimes called Buto modernly. 5 Ramses II is 3 god of the city, and, through his epithets, is all the important administrators. 6 Kode or Qedi was the north Phoenician coast, carrying into Cilicia. The present section does not deal with the city Ramses, but with a projected visit by the Hittite king to Egypt. This may have fallen shordy before Ramses II’s 21st year, in which he signed a treaty with Hatti. cf. pp. 199-201 and 256-258 above, ad Breasted, AR, ih,§§ 425-26; E. Cavaignac, VEgypte et le Hatti vers 1302, in Melanges Maspero (Cairo, 1934), i» 357*6o. 7The god would be Ramses II, and the statement would be an expression of submission by Hatti and Kode to Egypt. 8 Ramses II.

SECULAR

SONGS

through the love of him. Hatti is in his power alone. If the god receives not its offering, it does not see the water of heaven, for it is in the power of User-maat-Re— life, prosperity, health!—the bull that loves valor!”9 T

h e end.

b The Scribe Pai-Bes communicating to his lord, the Scribe Amen-em-Opet: In life, prosperity, health! It is a letter to let [my] lord know. Another communication to my lord, to wit:10 I have reached Per-Ramses,11 and have found (ii 1) it in [very, very] good condition, a beautiful district, with­ out its like, after the pattern of Thebes. It was [Re] himself [who founded it.] The Residence is pleasant in life; its field is full of everything good; it is (full) of supplies and food every day, its ponds with fish, and its lakes with birds. Its meadows are verdant with grass; its banks bear dates; its melons are abundant on the sands.. . . Its granaries are (so) full of barley and emmer (that) they come near to the sky. Onions and leeks (5) are for food, and lettuce of the garden, pomegranates, apples, and olives, figs of the orchard, sweet wine of .Ka-of-Egypt,12 sur­ passing honey, red tvedj-fish of the canal of the Resi­ dence City, which live on lotus-flowers, bedin-fish of the Hari-waters,.. .1S The Shi-Hor14 has salt, and the Her canal has natron. 9 If Ramses does not receive Hatti’s offer of submission, Ramses is able to withhold rain from Hatti. cf. p. 257 above. 10 Pai-Bes, the pupil, is writing to Amen-em-Opet, his master. II “ The House of Ramses,'* in full, “ the House of Ramses Meri-Amon— life, prosperity, health!” to which the Vienna papyrus adds “ the great \a of the Re-Har-akhti" as an epithet Our text uses another epithet of PerRamses, “ Great of Victories," as a designation for the city. 12 A well-known vineyard of the Delta. 13 Other varieties of fish follow. 14 The biblical “ the Shihor (which is before Egypt)," literally, “ the

AND

POEMS

471

Its ships go out and come (back) to mooring, (so that) supplies (10) and food are in it every day. One rejoices to dwell within it, and there is none who says: “Would that!” to it.15 The small in it are like the great. Come, let us celebrate for it its feasts of the sky, as well as its feasts at the beginning of the seasons.16 The reed-thicket17 comes to it with papyrus; the ShiHor with rushes. . . . (iii i) . . . The young men of “Great of Victories” are dressed up every day, with sweet oil upon their heads and newly dressed hair. They stand beside their doors, their hands bowed down with fiowers, with greenery of the House of Hat-Hor and flax of the Her canal, on the day when User-maat-Re Setep-en-Re —life, prosperity, health!—Montu-in-the-Two-Lands en­ ters in, on the morning of the Feast of Khoiakh.18 (5) Every man is like his fellow in uttering their petitions. The ale of “Great of Victories” is sweet;. . ,19 beer of Kode20 from the harbor, and wine of the vineyards. The ointment of the Segbeyen waters is sweet, and the garlands of the garden. The singers of “Great of Victories” are sweet, being instructed in Memphis. (So) dwell content of heart and free, without stirring from it, O User-maat-Re Setep-en-Re—life, prosperity, health!—Montu-in-the-Two-Lands, Ramses Meri-Amon —life, prosperity, health!—thou god! T he en d . Waters of Horus." Presumably the Tanite branch of the Nile, with its saltflats. 15 No one feels a lack in the city Ramses. 18 The “ feasts of the sky” were those astronomically set, such as those of the phases of the moon. The seasonal feasts included the Coronation Feast, the Rising of the Dog-Star, the Feast of Opet, etc., which recurred with regularity. 17 The word used appears also in Hebrew in “ the Sea of Reeds" (con­ ventionally translated “ Red Sea"). See Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian 0 »omastica, ii, 201* f. 18 The relation of this feast to the king's entry into the city is not clear. 19 Other drinks are listed. 20 See n.6 above.

IX . Letters

An Egyptian Letter T R A N S L A T O R : JOHN A . W IL S O N

A Satirical Letter This text was one of the admired literary compositions of the late Empire and was used for the instruction of apprentice scribes. A royal official Hori received a letter from a scribe Amen-em-Opet. Hori responded in lofty and sarcastic vein, attempting to expose the weaknesses in his correspondent’s quali­ fications for office. A particular value for our purposes is the summary catalogue of places in the Egyptian empire in Asia. Papyrus Anastasi I (British Museum 10247) is of the late Nineteenth Dynasty (end of the 13th century b . c . ) and probably comes from Memphis. In addition, from the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties, there are three fragmentary papyri and about fifty ostraca, schoolboy exercises. Facsimiled in S e l e c t P a p y r i in

t h e H ie r a tic C h a ra c te r fr o m

th e

C o lle c tio n s o f t h e

11 (London, 1842), Pis. xxxv-lxii. The standard study of the text was made by A. H. Gardiner, E g y p t i a n H i e r ­ B r it is h M u s e u m ,

a tic T e x t s . S e r ie s I . P a r t I .

The

P a p y r u s A n a sta s i I

a n d th e

(Leipzig, 19 11). The most significant fragments appearing since Gardiner’s publication have been presented by G. Farina, in R S O , xm (1932), 313 ff., by G. Posener, C a t a l o g u e d e s o s t r a c a h i i r a t i q u e s

P apyrus

K o lle r

T o g e th e r

w ith

li t t e r a i r e s d e D e i r e l M i d i n e h

th e

P a r a lle l

T e x ts

( D o c u m e n ts d e fo u ille s

. . .

I,

Cairo, 1934-38), 1, cf. Index on pp. 29-30, by G. Posener, in M e l a n g e s M a s p e r o , 1 (Cairo, 1934), 327 ff., by J. C e r n f , O s t r a c a h i i r a t i q u e s ( C a t a l o g u e g i n i r a l . . . d u M u s i c d e C a i r e (Cairo, 1930-35), No. 25773, and by A. H. Gardiner, ed., H i e r a t i c P a p y r i in

th e

B r it is h

M useum .

T h ir d

S e r ie s .

C h e s te r B e a tty

(London, 1935), 130, PI. 72. A translation in Erman, 214-34* G ift

LA E ,

The Writer T h e s c r i b e , c h o i c e o f h e a r t , persevering of counsel, for whose utterances there is rejoicing when they are heard, skilled in the Word of God,1 (for) there is nothing which he does not know. He is a hero valiant in the work of Seshat,2 a servant of the Lord of Her­ mopolis8 in his bureau of writing, the teacher of ap­ prentices in the Office of Writings, the first of his fellows, foremost of his colleagues, prince of his gener­ ation, without any like unto him (5) . . . Swift is he in inscribing empty scrolls, a youth distinguished of appearance and pleasing of charm, who can explain the difficulties of the annals like him who composed them. All that issues from his mouth is steeped in honey, and the heart is treated therewith as if (with) medicines. The groom of his majesty—life, prosperity, health!—the attendant of the Lord—life, prosperity, health!—who trains the steeds of the Sovereign. He is an energetic digger (ii 1) for the stable Hori, son of Wen-nofer, of Abydos, the Island of the Righteous, born of Ta-Usert in the district of Bilbeis, the Singer of Bastet in the Field of the God.* 1 T h e divine order as revealed in the sacred w ritings. Hence, skilled at w riting. 2 T h e goddess o f writing. 8 T h oth , god o f wisdom and patron o f scribes. 4 H is mother w as a singer for the goddess Bastet in the Bubastis region.

The Salutation H e g r e e t s his friend, his excellent brother, the royal scribe of orders to the victorious army, choice of heart, goodly of character, wise of understanding, whose like does not exist in any scribe,. . . (5) . . . the Scribe o f. . . , Amen-em-Opet, son of the Steward Mose, the possessor of reverence: M ayest th o u

liv e , m a y e st th o u

p ro sp e r, m a y e s t

excellent b r o t h e r , steadfast, without having a wish.. . . '

th o u be h e a lt h y , m y

e q u ip p e d a n d

Criticism of Amen-em-Opets Letter to wit: Thy letter (iv 6) reached me in an hour of relaxing for a while. I found thy message as I was sitting beside the horse which is in my charge. I rejoiced and was glad and ready to answer. When I went into thy8 stall to look at thy letter, I found that it was neither praises nor insults. Thy statements mix up this with that; all thy words are upside-down; they are not connected (v i) (So) I write to thee to instruct thee, like a friend teaching one greater than himself to be an excellent scribe. Now as for me, when thou speakest, I shall answer iL Lo, thy speeches are {only) idle7 talk. Thou makest thyself like one agitated to scare me. (5) But I am not in dread before thee, (for) I know thy nature. So I thought that thou wouldst answer it all by thyself. (But) lo, thy supporters stand behind thee.8 Thou hast gathered many fow lert as helpers, like those who would be (gathered) for a law court. Thy face is wild, as thou standest wheedling the hackers, saying: “Come with me, that ye may give me a hand!” Thou presentest them with gifts for each man, and they say [to] thee: “Let thy heart be steadfast We shall attack him.” Thou standest in agitation . . . , and they sit deliberating, (vi 1) the six scribes.10 . . . (vii 1) . . . Thy letter is (too) inferior to permit that one listen to it If thou hadst known beforehand that it was no good, thou wouldst not have sent it.. . . A n o th e r m a tte r,

Hori’s Reply I r e p l y t o t h e e i n l i k e m a n n e r in a letter (5) which is original from the first page to the colophon. It is filled with utterances of my lips, which I created all by myself, no other being with me. By the \a of Thoth,11 8 The text continues at length with good wishes. 8Sic, read "my.” 7 “ Cool,” perhaps in the sense of spiritless or vain. 8 Hori intimates that Amen-em-Opet cannot write a letter without help. 9 The word may be corrupt. If correct, die sense would be that common persons like catchers of birds were helping Amen-em-Opet, gathered as he might gather witnesses for a law court 10 “ Scribes” is of course sarcastic. The text goes on to h ow each of six assistants contributes to Amen-em-Opet’s o w n confusion. II cf. n.3 above.

476

AN

EGYPTIAN

I did (it) by myself! I did not call to a scribe to have him witness (it). I shall give thee more in twenty parts; I shall repeat for thee what thou hast said, (each) part in its place, the fourteen sections (of) thy letter. Fill my hand with papyrus, and I shall tell thee many things and pour out for thee choice things, (viii 1) . . . All my words are sweet and pleasant; that is, I do not act like thee, when. . . thou beginnest to me with insults in the first part and dost not greet me at the beginning of thy letter. Far from me is what thou hast said; it does not come near, for my god Thoth is a shield about me (5) . . . Why am I evil in thy heart, so that thou shouldst slander me ? To whom have I mentioned thee with evil words ? I (only) composed for thee a volume like a (work of) entertainment, at hearing which men are amused as (at) a sport.12 A g a i n t h o u h a s t s a i d of me: “Crippled of arm and without strength.” Thou dost minimize me as a scribe when thou sayest: “He does not know (anything).” I shall not spend a moment (ix 1) beside thee, wheedling thee and saying: “ Be my supporter: another man is troubling me!” . . . I know many men without strength, crippled of arm, feeble, and without their force, but they are rich in houses, in supplies and food, and they speak no wish [about] anything. Come, let me tell thee the nature of the scribe Rey, (5) who was called the firebrand of the granary. He did not stir nor run since his birth. His abomination was energetic work, and he would not know it. (Yet) he is resting in the West, with his body whole, and terror of the good god has not carried him off.1* . . . (x 1) . . . Let me tell thee of Pa-hery-pedjet, who is in Heliopolis. [He is an] old man [of] the Palace—life, prosperity, health! He is smaller than a tomcat (but) bigger than an ape, and he is in good state in his (own) house.. . . Thou hast heard the name of Ki-sep, . . . who goes on the ground without being noticed, unkempt of clothing and firmly wrapped up. If thou shouldst see him in the evening in the dark, then thou wouldst say of him: “A bird that is passing by.” Put him in the scale that thou mayest see (5) how heavy he is. He will come out for thee at twenty deben not counting old clothes. If thou blowest beside him as he is passing by, he will fall far down like a leaf of foliage.. . . O Who-is-it,16 my friend who knows not what he says, see, I solve thy grievous diffi­ culties and make them easy! T h o u a r t c o m e (xi 1 ) provided with great mysteries, and thou tellest me a saying of Hor-dedef,16 (although) thou knowest not [whether it is] good or bad. What chapter is before it, what after it? Now thou art a scribe of experience at the head of his colleagues. The teaching of every book is engraved upon thy heart 12 Am en-em-Opet took offense at H ori's previous letter, w hich had been intended as playful rather than malicious. 12 Despite his laziness, R ey rests content in death. H ori n ow follow s w ith accounts o f three other officials w ho w ere successful despite handicaps. 14 N o t quite four pounds. 15 W h atV Y ou r-N am e, a lo£ty pretended forgetfulness o f Amen-em -Opet's name. 16 One o f the traditional w ise m en o f E g y p t cf. p. 4 32 , n.4. F o r his “ w isd o m ," cf. pp. 4 19 -4 20 .

LETTER

How felicitous is thy tongue, corresponding to thy words! A saying comes out from thy mouth at more than three deben (weight).17 . . . My eyes are dazzled by what thou doest, and I am astonished when thou sayest: “I am more profound (5) as a scribe than heaven or earth or the underworld. I know the mountains in deben. and hin\”18 (But) the House of Books is hidden; it is not visible; its Ennead is concealed and far from [thy sight]. Tell me what thou knowest; then I shall answer thee: “ Beware lest thy fingers approach the Word of God!” 19. . . (In the context not translated here, Hori sets Amenem-Opet a number of tests of calculation or administra­ tion, to demonstrate that Amen-em-Opet is incapable as a responsible government official.) The Problem of a Military Mission O alert s c r i b e , understanding of heart, who is not ignorant at all, (xvii 3) torch in the darkness at the head of the troops—and it gives light to them! Thou art sent on a mission to Djahan20 at the head of the vic­ torious army, to crush those rebels called Nearin.21 The bowmen of the army which is before thee amount to 1,900, the Sherden 520, the Qeheq 1,600, the Meshwesh (100), and the Negroes 880—t o t a l 5,000 in (5) all, not counting their officers.22 There is brought thee a peace offering before thee: bread, cattle, and wine. The num­ ber of men is too great for thee, whereas the provisions are too small for them Thou receivest them, placed in the camp. The troops are ready and prepared. Make them quickly into portions, that of each man at his hand. The Bedouin look on furtively, (saying): “Sopher yodeaY'22 Midday is come, the camp is hot. “Time to start! Don’t let the troop commander be angry! Much marching is ahead of us. What bread have we at all? (xviii 1) Our night-quarters are far away. O Who-is-it,24 what does it mean, this beating of us ?” So thou art an experienced scribe, if thou (canst) approach to give the provisions, (but) an hour comes into a day for lack of a scribe from the Ruler—life, prosperity, health!26 ‘This (business of) bringing thee to beat us—it’s no good, my boy\ He26 will hear and will send to destroy thee!” The Problem of Asiatic Geography T h y l e t t e r abounds in cutting speeches, is loaded with big words. See, thou art rewarded with that which was sought—a greater load for thee than thou hast 17 All this is of course ironical. 18 In weight and measure. 19 See n.i above. Hori is arguing that real learning is not as simple as Amen-em-Opet airily claims. 20 Probably to be emended to Djahi, “ Phoenicia" and adjacent territory. 21 Hebrew ne'&rim “ boys, young men," also used of warriors, e.g. I Kings 20:14 ff. cf. p. 256, n.12. 22 We know too little about the sizes of armies at this time to state whether this is a large expedition or a small punitive force. Of the 5,000, 1,900 were Egyptian. The Sherden were of the “ Peoples of the Sea,” like the Philistines, cf. p. 255b, n.2. The Qeheq and Meshwesh were Libyans. 28 Semitic: “ O wise scribe!" 24 See n.15 above. 28 With his troops aggrieved about their rations, he waits endlessly for help from the king. 26 The king.

AN

EGYPTIAN

wished. “I am a scribe, a mahirV,27 thou sayest again. If there be truth in what thou sayest, come out (5) that thou mayest be tested! A horse is harnessed for thee, swift as a jackal. . . It is like a whirlwind when it goes forth. Thou loosest the reins and takest the bow. Let us see what thy hand can do. I shall explain for thee the nature of a mahir and let thee see what he has done. Thou hast not gone to the land of Hatti,28 thou hast not seen the land of Upi.29 Khedem, thou knowest [not] its nature, nor Yegdy either. What is it like, the Simyra of Sessi30—life, prosperity, health!? On which side of it is the city of Aleppo? (xix 1) What is its stream like ? Thou hast not gone forth to Kadesh and Tubikhi.31 Thou hast not gone to the region of the Bedouin with the bowmen of the army. Thou hast [not] trodden the road to the Magur, where the sky is darkened by day and it is overgrown with cypresses and oaks and cedars which reach the heavens. Lions are more numerous than leopards or bears, (and it is) surrounded by Bedouin on (every) side of it. Thou hast not climbed the mountain of Shawef barefoot, thy hands (5) laid upon [thy bow], thy chariot laced with ropes, thy horse in tow. Pray let [me tell thee of] . . . -beret. Thou art dismayed (at) climbing it and crossest its stream above it. (Thus) thou seest the taste of (being) a mahir, with thy chariot laid upon thy [shoulder] and thy [assistant] tired out. Thou reachest a halt in the evening, with thy whole body crushed and battered, thy [members] belabored,. . . thyself in sleep. Thou awakest, (xx 1) for it is the hour of starting in the sickly night. Thou art alone for the harnessing; no brother comes for a brother. The sneak-thieves32 have entered into [the] camp, the horse is untied, the . . . has been lost in the night, and thy clothes have been stolen. Thy groom awoke in the night, saw what he33 had done, and took what was left. He has entered among those who are wicked, he has mingled with the Bedouin tribes, and he has made himself into the likeness of an Asiatic. (5) The foe had come to raid furtively and found thee inert. When thou awakest, thou findest no trace of them, and they have carried off thy property. (Thus) thou art become a fully equipped mahir, as thou fillest thy ear.” L e t m e t e l l t h e e o f another strange city, named Byblos. What is it like? And its goddess? Once again— [thou] hast not trodden it. Pray, instruct me about Beirut, about Sidon and Sarepta. Where is the stream (xxi 1) of the Litani? What is Uzu like?33 They say 27 Sem itic “ sw ift, skillfu l,” here used o f the E gyptian courier to foreign lands. 28 T h e Hittite territory o f A natolia and north Syria. 26 Or Ube, the Dam ascus area. Som e o f the fo llo w in g place names cannot be identified. 80 Sim yra w as a north Phoenician tow n. Sessi w as a nicknam e o f Ramses II, w ho must have had some special interest in that town. 8 1 Since T u b ikh i w as in Syria and the other towns here identifiable are northern, this Kadesh is probably that on the Orontes. 82 Apparently from the Semitic root nahar “ to flow,” here in a fem inine noun, perhaps collective, “ the band o f gliders” ? 88 Sic, but read “ they.” 84 W ith this experience. 86 O ld T y re on the m ainland.

LETTER

477

another town is in the sea, named Tyre-the-Port. Water is taken (to) it by the boats, and it is richer in fish than the sands. L e t m e t e l l t h e e another difficult case—the crossing of Seram.36Thou wilt say: “It burns more than a sting!” Very sick is the mahir. Come, set (me) on the way southward to the region of Acre. Where does the Achshaph road come? (5) At what town? Pray, teach me about the mountain of User. What is its head31 like ? Where does the mountain of Shechem come ? . . . Where does the mahir make the journey to Hazor? What is its stream like? Put me (on) the track to Hamath, Deger, and Deger-El, the promenade ground of every mahir. (xxii 1) Pray, teach me about its road and show me Yan. If one is traveling to Adummim, which way is the face? Do not shrink from thy teaching! Guide us (to) know them! C o m e , that I may tell thee other towns which lie above them. Thou hast not gone to the land of Takhshi,38 Kur-mereren, Timnat, Kadesh, Deper, Azai, or Harnaim. Thou hast not seen Kiriath-Anab and (5) Beth-Sepher. Thou dost not know Adurun*or Zedpet either. Thou dost not know the name of Khenrez, which is in the land of Upi,39 the bull upon its boundary, the place where the battle array of every hero may have been seen. Pray, teach me about the appearance of Qiyen, let me know Rehob, explain Beth-Shan and Tirqa-El. The stream of (xxiii 1) Jordan, how is it crossed? Let me know the way to pass Megiddo, which is above it. Thou art a mahir, experienced in deeds of heroism. A mahir such as thou art should be found (able) to stride at the head of an army! O maryanu,*° forward to shoot! Behold, the ambuscade is in a ravine two thousand cubits deep, filled with boulders and pebbles. Thou makest a detour, as thou graspest the bow. Thou makest a feint to thy left, that thou mightest make the chiefs to see, (but) (5) their eyes are good and thy hand falters. “Abata \ama ir, mahir ne'am !”41 (Thus) thou makest a name for every mahir, officers of Egypt! Thy name becomes like (that of) Qazardi, the Chief of Aser,42 when the bear found him in the balsam tree. The narrow valley is dangerous with Bedouin, hidden under the bushes. Some of them are of four or five cubits43 (from) their noses to the heel, and fierce of face. Their hearts are not mild, and they do not listen to wheedling. Thou art alone; there is no messenger with thee, no army host behind thee. Thou findest no 88 Written D-r- ~m. If the geographic progress south along the Phoenician coast applies here, this should be Ras Naqura, the “ Ladder of Tyre.” It has been pointed out that there is here a pun on the Hebrew word sir*ah “ hornet,” with the crossing of Seram stinging like a hornet 87 The Semitic word ras is used for “ head.” 88 Takhshi and the following probably in northeast Syria. 89 See n.29 above. 40 From the Vedic m&rya “ man, noble.” cf. p. 22, n.2. 41 Hori is showing off his knowledge of Semitic with this sentence. The first and third words cannot be translated with certainty. Gardiner, following M. Burchardt, Die -tar-Sin; he ruled for 28 years. Lullaya son of a nobody; he ruled as king for six years. Kidin-Ninua son of Bazaya; he ruled as king for 14 years. Sharma-diM (II) son of Kidin-Ninua; he ruled as king for three years.

Enlil-nirari son of Ashur-uballit; ditto ten years. Arik-den-ili son of Enlil-nirari; ditto 12 years. Adad-nirari (I) brother of Arik-den-ili; he ruled as king for 32 years. Shulmanu-ashared (I) son of Adad-nirari; ditto 30 years.

Erishu (III) son of Kidin-Ninua; he ruled as king for 13 years.

Tukulti-Ninurta (I) son of Shulmanu-ashared; ditto 37 years.

Shamshi-Adad (II) son of Erishu; he ruled as king for six years.

While Tukulti-Ninurta was . . . , his son Ashur-nadinapli seized his throne (and) ruled for three (var.: four) years.

Ishme-Dagan (II) son of Shamshi-Adad; he ruled as king for 16 years. Shamshi-Adad (III), son of Ishme-Dagan, brother of Sharma-diM (II), son of Kidin-Ninua; he ruled as king for 16 (var.: 15) years. Ashur-nirari (I) son of Ishme-Dagan; he ruled as king for 26 years. Puzur-Ashur (III) son of Ashur-nirari; he ruled as king for [x] (variants: 14 and 24) years. Enlil-nasir (I) son of Puzur-Ashur; he ruled as king for 13 years. Nur-ili son of Enlil-nasir; he ruled as king for 12 years.

Ashur-nirari (III) son of Ashur-nasir-apli; he ruled as king for six years. Enlil-kudur-usur son of Tukulti-Ninurta; he ruled as king for five years. Ninurta-apli-Ekur, the son of Ili-ihadda, a descendant of Eriba-Adad, went to Babylonia; he came back from Babylonia, seized the throne (and) ruled as king for three (var.: 13) years. Ashur-dan (I) son of Ninurta-apil-Ekur; ditto 46 (var.: 36) years. Ninurta-Tukulti-Ashur son of Ashur-dan ruled as king for less than a year.1

Ashur-shaduni son of [Nur-ili]; he ruled as king for one full month. Ashur-rabi (I), the son of Enlil-nasir, removed [Ashurshaduni,] seized the throne (and) [ruled as king for x years]. Ashur-nadin-ahhe (I) son of Ashur-rabi; [he ruled as king for x years]. (iii) His brother Enlil-nasir (II) remo[ved him] from the throne (and) ruled as king for six years. Ashur-nirari (II) son of Enlil-nasir (I or II); he ruled as king for seven years. {565}

His brother Mutakkil-Nusku fought with him and de­ feated him; he sent him away to Babylonia. MutakkilNusku held the throne for less than a year;8 he (then) disappeared forever. Ashur-resh-ishi (I) son of Mutakkil-Nusku; he ruled as king for 18 years. Tukulti-apil-Esharra (I) son of Ashur-resh-ishi; he ruled as king for 39 years. Ashared-apil-Ekur son of Tukulti-apil-Esharra; he ruled as king for two years. 3 The meaning of the word fuppu is still enigmatic; for the more recent pronouncements see Landsberger, JC S, v m (19 5 4 ), 37 f. and 109 if.; JN E S, vm (19 49 )1 265 f.; M. B . Rowton, JN E S , x ( 19 5 1 ) , 186 ff.

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSYRIAN

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

Ashur-bel-kala son of Tukulti-apil-Esharra; he ruled as king for 18 years.

Lulubu, the 20th day; eponym: Adad-bel-ukin, governor of the inner city of Ashur, in his second eponymy.

Eriba-Adad (II) son of Ashur-bel-kala; ditto4 two years.

(The later copy continues:) Tukulti-apil-Esharra (III) son of Ashur-nirari (V ); he ruled as king for 18 years.

(iv) Shamshi-Adad (IV), the son of Tukulti-apil-Esharra, came from Babylonia; he removed Eriba-Adad, the son of Ashur-bel-kala, from the throne; he seized the throne (and) ruled as king for four years. [Ashur-nasir-apli (I) son of] Shamshi-Adad (IV ); ditto for 19 years. Shulmanu-ashared (II), son of Ashur-nasir-apli; he ruled as king for 12 years. Ashur-nirari (IV) son of Shulmanu-ashared (II); ditto six years. Ashur-rabi (II) son of Ashur-nasir-apli; ditto 41 years. Ashur-resh-ishi (II) son of Ashur-rabi; he ruled as king for five years. Tukulti-apil-Esharra (II) son of Ashur^resh-ishi; he ruled as king for 32 years. Ashur-dan (II) son of Tukulti-apil-Esharra; he ruled as king for 23 years. Adad-nirari (II) son of Ashur-dan; he ruled as king for 21 years. Tukulti-Ninurta (II) son of Adad-nirari; ditto seven years. Ashur-nasir-apli (II) son of Tukulti-Ninurta; he ruled as king for 25 years. Shulmanu-ashared (III) son of Ashur-nasir-apli; he ruled as king for 35 years. Shamshi-Adad (V) son of Shulmanu-ashared; he ruled as king for 13 years. Adad-nirari (III) son of Shamshi-Adad; he ruled as king for 28 years. Shulmanu-ashared (TV) son of Adad-nirari; he ruled as king for ten years. Ashur-dan (III) brother of Shulmanu-ashared; he ruled as king for 18 years. Ashur-nirari (V) son of Adad-nirari (III); he ruled as king for 10 years. (The earlier copy ends here with the subscript:) Copy from Ashur; written by (lit.: hand of) Kandalanu, the scribe of the temple inside of Arbela. Month * The abbreviated form of the sentence is given in tins translation only when it appears in the Khorsabad text.

{566}

Shulmanu-ashared (V) son of Tukulti-apil-Esharra; he ruled as king for 5 years. Written and checked against its original. A tablet of the mastnasu-priest, Bel-shum-iddin, a native of Ashur. May Shamash take away him who takes (this tablet) away.

The Uruk King List from Kandalanu to Seleucus II Publication: J. van Dijk, W 20030,105 in UVB, xvm (1962), pp. 53-60 and PL 28, with extensive discussion of the historical background and pertinent Assyriological literature. Literature: Joan Oates, “Assyrian Chronology 631-612 B .C .,” Iraq, xxv11 (1965), pp. 136-59; R. Borger, “Der Aufsdeg des Neubabylonischen Reiches,” JCS, xix (1965), pp. 59-78.

[x] years [ . . . ] Other name: [ . . . ] 21 years: K[anda]lan 1 year: Sin-shum-lishir and Sin-shar-ishkun 21 years: Nabopolassar 43 [ye]ars: Nebuchadnezzar (II) 2 [ye]ars: Amel-Marduk [x] + 2 years, 8 months: Neriglissar [ . . . ] 3 months: Labashi-Marduk [x] + 15 years: Nabonidus [9 years: Cy]rus [8 years: Cambys]es [36 years: Dari]us (break) (rev.) [whose] second name (is) Nidin-4B[el] 5 [y]ears: Darius (III) 7 years: Alexander 6 years: Philip 6 years: Antigonus 31 years: Seleucus (I) 22 years: Antiochus (I) 15 years: Antiochus (II) 20 [years]: Seleucus (II) (break)

A Seleucid King List Publication: A. J. Sachs and D. J. Wiseman, “A Babylonian King List of the Hellenistic Period” in Iraq, xvi (1954), pp. 202-211. Literature: J. Schaumberger, "Die neue Seleukidenltste

BABYLONIAN

AND

ASSYRIAN

BM 35603 und die makkabaische Chronologic” in Biblica, xxxvt ( i 9 5 5 ). PP- 4 2 3 -3 5 - J- van Dijk, UVB, xviii, p. 58 f.

[ . . . ] Alexander (the Great) [ . . . ] Philip, the brother of Alexander [did . . .]. For [x] years there was no king in the country. Antigonus, the commander of the army was [ . . . ]. Alexander, the son of Alexander1 (was reckoned as king) for six years. Year 7 is the first year (of Seleucus). Seleucus (I, Nicator) became king; he ruled for 25 years. Year 31, month Elulu: king Seleucus (I) was killed in the West.2 Year 32: Antiochus (I, Soter), son of Seleucus (I) be­ came king. He ruled for 20 years. Year 51, month Ajaru, 16th (day): Antiochus (I), the great king, died.8 Year 52: Antiochus (II, Theos), son of Antiochus (I), became king. He ruled for 15 years * Year 66, month Abu: The following (rumor) was he[ard] in Babylon:5 Antiochus (II), the great king [has died]. (rev.) [Year] 67: Seleucus (II, Gallinicus) [ . . . ] [...] [Year] 87: Seleucus (III, Soter) [ . . . ] 1 The scribe uses, with the exception of the writings A-lik-sa-an-dar and Pi-Iip-su, abbreviations to refer to the kings. Thus Seleucus is consistently written Si and Antiochus An, Demetrius Di and Arsaces, probably, A r; in line 5 Alexander is rendered by A-lik. The translation uses the full names with the ordinals and the identifying Greek by­ names for the convenience of the reader. 2 The text uses the geographical name H ani in this context which in earlier Akkadian documents refers to Assyria. Since the king was killed on the European side of the Bosporus, the name H ani seems to have been used also to refer to the regions to the west of Assyria. See, how­ ever, Sachs, Iraq, xvi, 206. 3 The use of n a m .m e S for “ to die” is characteristic of the chronicle style (see the “ Synchronistic Chronicle” ) and underlines the continuity pointed out by Sachs (Iraq, xvi, 202 f.) with respect to the Sumerian formula mu x in.ag, “ he ruled for x years.” 4 The formulation here deviates from that in lines 7, 9, r. 8 and 10 so that it is very likely that the scribe intended to convey a special nuance (possibly: he did not rule for full 1 ; years). 3 The repeated references to events which happened outside Babylon by ittelm e umma are quite unique; I know of no parallel.

HISTORICAL

TEXTS

[Year] 90: King Antiochus (III, the Great) asc[ended] the throne. He ruled for 35 [years]. [From] the Year 102 to the Year 119, Antiochus [ . . . ] [ . . . ] and Antiochus, (his) sons ruled as kings. Year 125, month Simanu: the following (rumor) was heard in Babylon: Antiochus (III), the king, was killed in Elam. In the same year, his son Seleucus (IV, Philipator) ascended the throne. He ruled for 12 years. Year 137, month Elulu, 10th day: Seleucus (IV), the king, died. . . .8 In the same month, his son Anti­ ochus (IV, Epiphames) ascended the throne. He ruled for 11 years. In the same year, month Arahsamnu, Antiochus (IV) and his son Antiochus were kings. [Year i]42, month Abu: Antiochus, the king was put to death upon the command of his father, King Antiochus (IV).7 [Year i4]3: Antiochus became king. [Year 148], month Kislimu: It was heard that K[ing] Antiochus (V, Eupator) [died . . . ] [...] [...] on left edge: Demetrius son of Demetrius [ . . .] Ar­ saces, king [ . . . ]. 8T w o

clear but unintelligible signs (m l i g i ) . 7 Attention should be d raw n to the discussion and parallel passages offered by Sachs on p . 208. T h e latter show that the k in g w as killed in the m idst o f his nobles called, respectively, l 6 . g a i . . m e S and a j i o . T h e latter designation should be taken as variant w ritin g fo r l 6 . a .s i g s (clearly indicated as such in K .4 3 9 ; v 1 0 in Babyloniaca, v i i , p . 1.6 ) as seen already in W . J. M artin, Tribut und Tributleistungen . . . , Studia Orientalia, v i i i ( 1 9 3 6 ) , p . 3 2 f., and read mar damqi. T h e syllabic w ritings have been given in damqu ( B I ) , A H w , 15 7 b , from N A and N B texts but w ithout the passages w ritten l 6 . a .s i g in A B L, 1 5 4 : 1 2 and 20, 3 0 4 : 1 1 , K lauber, P R T , 4 4 :; , AD D, 8 6 2 :1 . T h e related designation l l l s i g s occurs in M ari, A lalak h (M B ) (see CA D , damqu m n g. 3 ) , B ogazkoy (see n o w G . M eyer, MIO, 1, 1 1 4 f .: 9, 24, 28) and N A (see A H w , loc. cit.). A ll these w ords refer either to a type of soldier or to a social class, according to tim e and region.

{567}

Palestinian Inscriptions T R A N S L A T O R : W. F. A L B R I G H T

A Letter from the Time of Josiah In i960 J. Naveh excavated a fortress on the Mediterranean seven km. northwest of Jamnia and three km. south of the mouth of the Wadi Rubin (Nahal Soreq). The name then given the site turned out to be based on an erroneous reading of the ostracon in question. The life of the fortress could be dated within narrow limits by the typical late pre-exilic and early Ionian (Southwest-Anatolian Greek) pottery found on the site, as well as by historical considerations, which suggest a date about 630 b . c . This would be just after the death of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal and before the occupation of the Philistine Plain by Psammetichus of Egypt The script of the ostracon is unfor­ tunately quite slovenly, and it might be dated almost anywhere in the seventh century. The language is also uneven, and there are orthographic inconsistencies, but it is, in general, a fluent late pre-exilic Hebrew. For the original publication see J. Naveh in IE], x (i960), pp. 129-139, and IE], xu (1962), pp. 89-113, and among more recent treatments especially F. M. Cross, Jr., BASOR, 165 (1962), pp. 34-46, and S. Talmon, BASOR, 176 (1964), pp. 29-38. My own independent treatment was worked out with a class at the Hebrew Union College in April, 1961, but never published, since Cross had meanwhile been able to study the original, as well as a number of different photographs. The results of his careful collation were also placed at my disposal subsequently. The present translation diverges from that of Cross at a number of points, which are explained in the notes.

Let my lord commander1 hear the case of his servant! As for thy servant, thy servant was harvesting2 at Hazarsusim (?).s And thy servant was (still) harvesting as they finished4 the storage of grain,5 as usual6 before the Sabbath. While thy servant was finishing the storage of 1 Eith er the high m ilitary official w h o w as at the tim e in charge o f the annexed territory in southwestern Palestine or the official in charge o f the royal harvests in the Coastal P lain ; for both posts see I Chron.

37‘2 T h e

context below indicates that the com plainant w as forem an o f a small g an g o f m en from a single tow n w h o w ere serving their tour o f duty in the royal corvee. 3 In one o f the photos I have, there arc three clear horizontal parallel lines indicated in the supposed aleph, so I propose reading this nam e of a fortified town in the territory claim ed by Sim eon (e.g., I C hron. 4 : 3 1 ) , w hich lay probably in the vicinity o f T e ll el-F ar‘ah (Sh aru h en ); see A bel, Geographic de la Palestine, 11, p . 34 4 . T h is rich grain-pro­ ducing area la y some forty m iles south o f Jam n ia; both had been at that tim e in Philistine territory. 4 1 p refer N a v ch 's original interpretation fo r m an y reasons: harvest­ in g g rain w as a relatively lo n g process w hich varied in tim e according to latitude and elevation; m easuring g rain (fo r w hich mdd is regularly used, not \w t) took no tim e at all and w as evidently included under 'sm. C f. also R uth 2 :2 1 , "u n til they have finished (hillu) all m y harvest.” Since the text is dam aged in the m iddle o f lin e 6 w e cannot be sure that it d id not read ^ [M ] ‘(b)dh6 T h is cannot w ell be 'asdm, "g ra n a ry ” (probably "g ra in p it” ) , but m ay have been vocalized ’dsim (lik e qaftr and ’asif, etc., referrin g to harvesting operations). 8 1 propose vocalizin g \e-ySm am , literally “ lik e daily.”

grain with his harvesters,7 Hoshaiah8 son of Shobai came and took thy servant’s mantle. (It was) while I was finishing with my harvesters (that) this one9 for no reason took thy servant’s mantle. And all my companions will testify on my behalf—those who were harvesting with me in the heat ( ? ) [ . . . ] all my companions will testify on my behalf! If10 I am innocent of gui[lt, let him11 return] my mantle, and if not,12 it is (still) the commander’s right13 to take [my case under advisement (? )14 and to send word] to him [(asking) that he return the] mantle of thy servant. And let not [the plea of his servant] be displeasing to him!15. . . .

Three Ostraca from Arad During the excavation of the citadel mound of biblical Arad, in the extreme south of the hill country of Judah, south o f Hebron and northeast of Beersheba, since 1962 hundreds o f Hebrew and Aramaic ostraca have been found. The most impor­ tant single find (1964) consisted of a group of seventeen ostraca, mostly in a good state of preservation, and probably all dating from shortly before the conquest of Judah by the Chaldaeans and their allies in the late winter of 598/97. This date has subse­ quently been confirmed by the discovery of an ostracon mention­ ing steps which were to be taken against an expected Edomite raid. The value of the new material for political, administrative and especially religious history is considerable; it is exceeded only by the excavation of a local, but Yahwist sanctuary o f the ninth-sixth centuries b .c . For publication of the three ostraca reinterpreted here see especially Aharoni, IE], xvi (1966), pp. 1-7, and BASOR, 184 (1966), pp. 13 d. For over-all accounts of the work at Arad see especially Aharoni, The Biblical Archaeologist, xxxi (1968), 27 See above, n . 2. 8 H oshaiah w as presum ably an inspector o f forced labor. 9 Zeh can scarcely (in classical H eb rew ) belong w ith the preceding w ord but it is quite com m on in the suggested usage, referrin g rather contemptuously to H oshaiah. 10 T h e traces suggest that the scribe started to repeat the letter nun in naqeti and corrected it to qof. Certainly ’amen in both this sense and context has no parallel in Biblical H ebrew , w h ile 'im is to be expected before wc-‘im-lo. 1 1 i.e., H oshaiah. 12 I f this w ere really the w ord ’am alli, as thought by N a v eh and T alm on , fo llow in g I Sam . 18 :2 7 , w e should have to render it here, after the conjunction w aw , “ and I delivered (it) in fu ll to the com ­ m ander.” See n. 1 3 . 13 T h e probable m eaning o f this passage m ay be inferred from M icah 3 : 1 (as recognized also by C ross). 14 R ead in g probably lh i[ p f] , i.e., le-hillajef, “ to discuss a (court) case w ith ad visers"; cf. I Sam . 1 2 :7 . 15 F o r the construction o f w e -16 w ith fo llow in g im perfect in jussive sense cf. I K in gs 1 4 :2 , etc. (Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebraische Grammatik., § 10 9 g . I agree w ith N a v eh ’s original recognition o f the verb dhm , “ be d ark ,” in H ebrew and cognate lan guages; cf. the m eanings o f A rabic dahama and adhama, to m ake (som eone) unhappy, to grieve, displease.” T h e reading w e -16 tidddhennu, “ but do not d rive him aw ay ,” does not reckon w ith the polite form o f address to the com ­ m ander, w hose “ servant” the suppliant is (especially at the beginning and end o f the letter).

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PALESTINIAN

32, with bibliographic data. My interpretation differs substan­ tially from Aharoni’s, but if correct supports his main theses and makes the ostraca directly relevant to the historical situation.

A 18 To my lord Eliashib:17 May Yahweh grant thy wel­ fare!18 And (as) of now, give Shemariah half an aroura (of ground)19 and to Kerosi20 give a quarter aroura and to the sanctuary21 (give) what thou didst recommend to me. As for Shallum,22 he shall stay23 at the temple of Yahweh.24 16 Perhaps written by the secretary o f a high official in Jerusalem to the m ilitary com m ander o f the southern m ountain district. 17 T hree seals o f Eliashib son of O sh (i)yah u have also been exca­ vated by A haroni at A rad , and the same patronym ic appears below in Ostracon C . In m y opinion there can be no reasonable doubt that the proposed vocalization “ Eshyah u” is w ro n g and that the nam e is shortened from Ye’ osyahu ju st as Konyahu (C oniah) w as a short form o f Yekonyihu (Jecon iah), personal nam e o f kin g Jehoiachin. I f this is correct, O sh (i)yah u w as k in g Josiah, and the southern com mander w as brother o f Jehoiakim and Zedekiah, and uncle o f the young k in g Jeconiah, then probably on the throne. Josiah m ay have had m any m ore sons than are recorded. Another shortened form of the sam e name w as borne by Yaosh, m ilitary com m ander at Lachish a decade later, but w e do not k now w h at relationship, i f any, m ay have existed between them. 18 T h is form ula goes back at least to the Bronze A g e (A m arn a, T aa n a c h ), but it already m eant “ gran t w elfare” not “ ask for peace.” 19 T h e H ebrew s o f the M onarchy used Egyptian hieratic numerals, signs for w eights and m easures, etc.; see now A haroni, BASO R, 18 4 ( 19 6 6 ) , p p. 1 3 - 1 9 , and I. T . K au fm an , BASOR, 18 8 ( 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 394 1 . T h e hieratic symbol fo r h a lf an aroura (an aroura was 10 0 cubits square, so h a lf an aroura w ould be about a quarter o f an acre) is identical w ith the H ebrew sign here (w hich has not yet been explained, so fa r as I k n o w ); cf. the other new sym bol in the follow ing line, w hich is blurred in the photo but m ay reflect the Egyptian hieratic sym bol for a quarter aroura (an eighth o f an acre). T h e ground in question could scarcely be inside the citadel; it m ay have been intended fo r a house and garden. (Suggested by H ans Goedicke and G eorge H ughes.) 20 A s pointed out by B . M azar, K ero z w as the nam e o f a fam ily of tem ple servants, so Kerozt probably m eans “ the K erozite.” In this case Shem ariah and K erozi w ere presum ably sent from Jerusalem to care fo r the sanctuary service at A ra d ; cf. notes 2 1-2 4 . 2 1 In v iew o f the syntax and the difficulty o f the first translation, w hich presupposes a H ebrew that is both ohscure and unidiom atic, I have no hesitation in vocalizing we-lad-debir, referring to the sanctuary excavated at A rad , w hich could indeed be a debir. 22 A num ber o f m en bearing this nam e are know n to have lived about this time, and the nam e was lo n g popular in Israel. It had evi­ dently been decided that Sh allum should stay on in Jerusalem , where he w as a priest or a tem ple servant, possibly identical w ith Jerem iah’s uncle or a contem porary “ keeper o f the threshold.” 23 Certainly yeleb, “ he shall d w ell,” probably used in the sense o f “ he sh all/w ill stay, as in G en . 2 0 :1 , w here the verb is used o f A bra­ ham ’s continued travel back and forth between Kadesh and the W all o f the Prince along the frontier o f E gyp t. H e could not “ liv e " in the

INSCRIPTIONS

B25 To Eliashib—and (as) of now: Give the Kittiyim28 three baths27 of wine and write the exact date.28 And from what is left of the old wheat29 grind up30 one (^or)31 of wheat to make bread for them. Serve the wine in punch bowls.32 C88 To Nahum, and (as) of now: Go to the house34 of Eliashib, son of Oshiyahu,35 and get from him one (bath) of oil, and send it to m[e] in haste, sealing it with thy seal. On the 24th38 of the month Nahum delivered the oil into the hand of the Kitti.37 desert o f north-central Sinai, and he is expressly said to have had his home at G erar in southern Palestine. 24 U ndoubtedly the tem ple in Jerusalem , from w hich the letter m ust have been sent to A rad . 25 T h is letter is an official m em orandum , so the salutation is m issing. T h e apparent occasion fo r it is that the local mercenaries had been com plaining about the food and d rin k supplied them . 28 T h e term probably refers to mercenaries from the A egean, like the Cretans ( K retim ) and C arians {Karim ) m entioned in the Bible. T he term “ islands (or coastlands) o f the K ittim " w hich occurs several times in the Bible, shows that they w ere not lim ited to C yprus. In fact, I have been deriving the nam e provisionally from E g . Kftytv, w ith roughly the same geographical extension. 27 T h is w ould be about 70 litres. 28 Literally “ w rite the nam e o f the d ay.” 29 A lm ost certainly used o f a good q uality o f w heat (such as the durum used in m ak in g m acaroni) as w ell as o f the flour ground from it. W e have the same usage in m odern A rabic qamh, “ w heat,” and the w ord w as already borrowed in O ld Egyp tian from Canaanite in a sim ilar sense. T h e reference to “ w h at is left o f the old w heat” suggests the late w inter just before Jerusalem fell to the Chaldaeans ( 1 5 / 1 6 M arch, 597 B.C.). 30 Surely this w ord is m erely denom inative from re\eb, “ upper m illstone.” 3 1 T h e suggested “ ep h ah " w ou ld am ount to on ly h alf a bushel or so, w hich is incredibly lo w . A k.or or homer (origin ally a donkey load) w ould am ount to about three o r fo u r bushels. Since a bushel o f w heat w eighs about 60 lbs. it could scarcely have been a full measure, unless the caravan donkeys o f antiquity w ere m uch stronger than their m od­ ern equivalents— the D am ascus donkeys. 32 T h e aggan w as a b ig m ixin g bowl (crater in G re e k ), in w hich w in e w as m ixed w ith w ater o r different w ines w ere m ixed. Evidently the A egean mercenaries w ere used to d rin k in g together from a crater and objected to Israelite practice. 33 H ere w e have another m em orandum . T h e second paragraph was obviously added by N ah u m ’s scribe (it is in a different hand) in order to keep the record straight. 3 4 Eliashib's house w as also his office and storeroom. 85 See n . 17 . 38 So read w ith A haroni. 37 See n. 26.

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V. Hymns and Prayers

Sumerian Hymns T R A N S L A T O R : S. N . K R A M E R

Orient. The present translation utilizes the results of Reisman’s study.

Hymn to Enlil, the All-Beneficent This pious, devotional document was composed by a Sumerian temple poet1 in glorification of Enlil, his city Nippur, his temple the Ekur, and his wife Ninlil. Beginning on a narrative note relating how the all-commanding, all-searching, deeply revered Enlil set up his dwelling in the Duranki2 of Nippur (lines 1-13), the hymn continues with a portrayal of the city as the guardian of man’s loftiest moral and spiritual values, and therefore as a fitting home for Enlil’s dwelling, the Ekur (lines 14-40), and concludes with an exulting affirmation of the mystery and holi­ ness of the rites and rituals of that noble shrine, as conducted by a highly qualified priesthood (lines 41-64). The poet next turns to Enlil and glorifies him directly and reverently as the founder and builder of the awe-inspiring, festival-celebrating Ekur to which all “lords and princes” bring sacrifices and prayers, and all foreign lands bring their heavy tribute (lines 65-90). The poet now delivers himself of a resounding magnificat of Enlil as the glorious shepherd of all mankind whom not even the gods—except for his trusty vizier Nusku—dare look upon (lines 91-109), and without whom civilized life would be incon­ ceivable: there would be no cities and byres, no kings and high priests, no priestly and temporal officials, no irrigation and over­ flow, no fish and birds, no rain and vegetation, no procreation of man and beast (lines 110-130). Once again the poet then turns to Enlil directly and concludes his panegyric with a paean of glorification to the profound mystery of his deeds and actions (lines 131-138) and particularly to his unalterable, beneficent word that brings overflow from heaven and vegetation to the earth—the very “life of all the lands” (lines 139-154) 3 and to his gracious, eloquent, and fate-decreeing Ninlil.4 By 1961 more than a score of tablets and fragments inscribed with this hymn had become available, including five pieces in the Hilprecht Sammlung of the Friedrich-Schiller University that were copied by Dr. Inez Bernhardt under my guidance (cf. TuM N F, i i i , pp. 1 1 - 1 2 ) , and Adam Falkenstein was able to publish a fine trustworthy edition of the composition in SGL, 1, pp. 5-79. Nevertheless there were still a number of gaps and misreadings, and most of these have been filled in and corrected by Daniel Reisman in the course of preparing a dissertation on Sumerian divine hymns, with the help of collations of some of the originals, a recently published Ur piece (cf. UET, vi, Part 1, comment to No. 65), and a number of still unpublished pieces in the University Museum and the Istanbul Museum of the Ancient 1 T h e author w as no doubt a graduate o f the fam ous N ip p u r edubba (academ y), w h o joined the personnel o f the E k u r in one capacity or another, perhaps even as a k in d o f "poet in residence.” T h e m ajor stylistic device w hich he utilized for poetic effect in this composition is cum ulative parallelism . 2 D u ran ki “ Bond o f H eaven (an d ) E arth” is an epithet applied to the E k u r tem ple-com plex. 3 A s is clear from this hym n, the "w o rd ” o f En lil could be most beneficent; it w as by n o m eans the all-destructive force generally assumed by earlier scholars (cf. JC S, 11, pp. 5 4 -5 5 ). 4 It is not im probable that this hym n w as actually composed on the occasion o f an E n lil-N in lil hieros-gamos ritual celebrated in the E k u r; Sum erian documents usually leave to the very end the purpose and occasion fo r w hich they w ere composed.

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Enlil whose command is far-reaching, lofty his word (and) holy, Whose pronouncement is unchangeable, who decrees destinies unto the distant future, Whose lifted eye scans the land, Whose lifted beam searches the heart of all the land— When Father Enlil seats himself broadly on the holy dais, on the lofty dais, When Nunamnir carries out to supreme perfection lord­ ship and kingship, The earth-gods bow down willingly before him, The Anunna humble themselves before him, Stand by faithfully in accordance with (their) instruc­ tions. The great (and) mighty lord, supreme in heaven (and) earth, the all-knowing one who understands the judgement, (10) Has set up (his) seat in Duranki—the wise one, Made preeminent in princeship the \iur, the “great place,” Tn Nippur the lofty bellwether of the universe he erected (his) dwelling. The city—its “face” is awesome fear (and) dread, Its outside no mighty god can approach, Its inside is (full of) cries of mutilation, cries of blood­ shed, It is a trap that serves as a pit and net against the rebel­ lious land, It grants not long days to the braggart, Allows no evil word to be uttered against (the divine) judgment. Hypocrisy, distortion,5 (20) Abuse, malice, unseemliness, Insolence,8 enmity, oppression, Envy,7 (brute) force, libelous speech, Arrogance, violation of agreement, breach of contract, abuse8 of (a court) verdict, (All these) evils the city does not tolerate. 8A

m ore literal translation o f lines 2 0 -2 1 reads: T h a t (w hose) inside (is not lik e its) outside, the w ord that is not straight, Inim ical w ords, that w hich is inim ical and that w hich is not (w ell) established. ® T h is rendering is a guess based on the context. 7Literally “ turning o f the eyes.”

SUMERIAN

HYMNS

Its noble farmer, the faithful shepherd of the land,15 (60) Favorably born on a good day, The farmer fit for the wide field, Brings with him the offerings supreme, To the “lapis-lazuli” Ekur—he brings not its . . . ,

Nippur, whose “arm” is a vast net, Whose “heart” is the fast-stepping A«n'n-bird,8 Whose “hand” the wicked and evil cannot escape; The city endowed with truth, Where righteousness (and) justice are perpetu­ ated, (30) Where clean garments are worn (even) at the quay,® Where the older brother honors the younger brother, acts humanely (towards him), Where the word of the elders is heeded, where it is repeated in fear, Where the son humbly fears his mother, where eldership endures— In the city, the holy seat of Enlil, In Nippur, the beloved shrine of the father, the Great Mountain, The shrine of plenty, the Ekur, the “ lapis lazuli” house, he raised up out of the dust, Planted it in a pure place like a (high) rising mountain, Its prince, the Great Mountain, Father Enlil, Set up (his) dwelling on the dais of the Ekur, the lofty shrine. (40) The house—its me (like) heaven cannot be overturned, Its pure rites like the earth cannot be shattered, Its me, (like) the me of the Abzu, none may gaze upon, In its midst that is (as) mysterious (as) the distant sea, the heavenly zenith, Among its . . .-emblems, its starry emblems, The dirga,10 the hoary me are carried out to perfection, Its words are for utterance, Its incantations are words of prayer, Its words are gracious oracles that . . . . Of the rituals, so precious, (50) Of the festivals overflowing with rich fat (and) milk, Their plans (and) their heart-rejoicing bliss are superb, Every day a festival, at the break of dawn a grand har­ vest (feast), The house of Enlil is a mountain of overflow, Where beggar'1 scavenger and idler are tabu.

Enlil, when you marked off holy settlements on earth, You built Nippur as your very own city, The fflur, the mountain, your pure place, whose water is sweet,14 You founded in the Duranki, in the center of the four corners (of the universe), Its ground, the life of the land, the life of all the lands, Its brickwork of red metal, its foundations of lapis-lazuli, (70) You have reared it up in Sumer like a wild ox, All lands bow the head to it, During its great festivals, the people spend (all) their time in bountifulness. Enlil, the holy Earth that fills you with desire, The Abzu, the holy shrine, so befitting for you, The deep mountain, the holy cella, the place where you refresh yourself, The Ekur, the “lapis-lazuli” house, your noble dwelling, awe-inspiring— Its fear (and) dread reach heaven, Its shade is spread over all the lands, Its front stretches away to the center of heaven, (80) All the lords, all the princes, Conduct thither (their) holy offerings, Offer (their) prayers and orisons to you. Enlil, the shepherd upon whom you gaze (favorably),17 The legitimate one, whom you have raised over the land— The foreign land at his hand, the foreign land at his foot, (As well as) the most distant of foreign lands you make subservient to him, Like refreshing water, overflowing goods from all over, Their offerings and heavy tribute, They brought into the storehouse, (90) Into the main courtyard they conducted (their) gifts, Into the Ekur, the “lapis-lazuli” house they brought them in homage.

The house—its en grows with it, Its si is fit for the “peaceful hand,”12 Its Abzu-lustration priests are wellsuited for the rites,18 Their nwerA-priests are fit for theholyprayers,14 8 T h is is an eagle-like m ythological bird. 9 T h is is w hat the literal m eaning o f the line seems to be. 10 T h is obscure w ord seems to be a parallel to me . 1 1 Perhaps literally “ w h o reaches out the hand.” 12 T h e s i( \ ) is an official o f som e k in d ; the w ord si is the second part o f the w ord ensi that is a composite o f the en and si(J() offices, (cf. e.g., nam-en and nam-si in PB S , v , P i. xv , col. v, lines I f f .) ; the second part o f the line is obscure. 13 T h e A bzu here refers no doubt to a water-shrine in the E k u r com plex o f N ip p u r, not to the A bzu o f Erid u (cf. also line 7 5 ) . 14 Little is know n about the »«erA-priests.

Enlil, the shepherd of the teeming multitudes, The herdsman, the leader of (all) living creatures, Made preeminent his great princeship, Placed the crown upon (his) holy loc\s,

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15 T h is and the follow ing lines refer o f course to the k in g o f Sum er. 16 T h e hjur is part o f the E k u r com plex. 17 These lines refer again to the k in g o f Sum er.

SUMERIAN

HYMNS

As he sets up (his) dais in the mountain mist,1* He rotates it in heaven like a rainbow, He makes it roam about like floating cloud.

Would not lie down in their . . . , The beasts, the four-legged would bring forth no offspring, would not mount to copulate. (130)

Heaven—he alone is its prince, earth—he alone is its great one, (I0°) The Anunna—he is their exalted god, When in his awesomeness he decrees the fates, No god dares look at him, (Only) to his exalted vizier, the chamberlain Nusku, His command, the word that is in his heart, Did he make known, did he consult, Did he commission to execute (his) orders far and wide, Did he entrust the holy prayers in accordance with the holy me.

Enlil, your immensely clever deeds are dismaying, Their meaning is a twisted thread that cannot be straightened, Entwined threads that cannot be separated, (Yet) your godship inspires confidence. You are a mentor (and) adviser, a skillful lord, Who can understand your actions! Your me are cryptic me, Not (even) a god can behold your countenance.

Without Enlil, the Great Mountain, No cities would be built, no settlements founded, (no) No stalls would be built, no sheepfold erected, No king would be raised high, no en born, No lumah, no nindingir would be chosen by the sheep omen.19 Workers would have no controller, no supervisor, The rivers—their high flood-waters would not bring overflow, Their “backs” coming forth from the sea would not take a straight course, their “tails” would not be long,20 The sea would not readily produce its bountiful treasure, The fish of the sea would lay no eggs in the canebrake, The birds of heaven would not spread (their) nests over the wide earth. In heaven the rain-laden clouds would not open their mouths, (I20) The fields (and) meadows are not filled with rich grain, In the steppe grass (and) herbs, its delight would not grow, In the garden, the wide mountain-trees would bear no fruit. Without Enlil, the Great Mountain, Nintu would not put to death, would not kill,21 The cow would not “throw” its calf in the stall, The ewe would not bring forth the . . . -lamb in its sheepfold, Mankind, the teeming multitude,

You, lord Enlil, who are lord, god, (and) king, Who are the judge (and) decision-maker of the universe (I4°) Your noble word is as weighty as heaven, you know no opposition, At your word, all the Anunna-gods are hushed,* Your word—heavenwards it is a pillar, earthwards it is a (foundation) platform, Heavenwards it is a tall pillar reaching to the sky, Earthwards it is a platform that cannot be overturned. It approaches heaven—there is overflow, From heaven overflow rains down (on earth), It approaches the earth—there is luxuriance, From the earth luxuriance burgeons forth. Your word—it is plants, your word—it is grain, (150) Your word it is the flood-water, the life of all the lands, The living creatures riding the . . . , Breathe sweet breath by the grass (and) herbs. Enlil, you who are a faithful shepherd, you made known their ways.

18 T h is line and the fo llow in g tw o seem to refer to E n lil’s cosmic seat in heaven rather than in the E k u r o f N ippur. 19 T h e Iti-mah, “ lofty m an ,” and nin-dingir, "d iv in e lad y,” are two high priestly classes about w hose functions and dudes, how ever, little is know n. 20 T h at is, the m ain rivers and canals, because o f their crooked course, w ou ld not provide enough w ater to supply the sm aller canals and irrigation ditches. 21 Ju st w h y death is im portant to d vilizad o n is not clear, unless w e assume that like m odern m an, they feared overcrow ding and fam ine; nor is it clear w h y the m other goddess N in tu is thought by the Sum erian theologians to do the k illin g, unless it has som ething to do w ith sickly-born infants.

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She who has sweet graciousness, the star-covered, Mother Ninlil, the holy wife, whose word is gracious, [Garbed] in the holy ma-garment22. . . , The faithful woman—having lifted (your) eyes (upon her) you took her in marriage, The attraction of the Ekur, the queen who knows what is seemly, The eloquent one who is elegant of speech, (160) Whose words are sweet to the flesh, Has seated herself by your side on the holy dais, on the pure dais, Speaks eloquently with you, whispers (tender words) by your side, Decrees the fates in the “place where the sun rises.” Ninlil, the queen of the universe, Cherished in the (songs of) praise of the Great Moun­ tain, 22 T his

is a garm ent that has som ething to do w ith the me.

SUMERIAN

The lofty one, whose words are firmly grounded, Whose command and favor are unalterable, Whose pronouncements is all enduring, Whose plans “confirm the word”— Oh Great Mountain Enlil, exalted is your praise. (170)

H ym n to E n lil as the R u lin g D e ity o f the U n iverse This short hymn, designated by the scribe as an irshemma,l begins with a passage consisting primarily of a stereotype list of Enlil’s powers, virtues, and attributes,2 that make him and his wife Ninlil the sole rulers of the universe (lines 1-17). Follow­ ing the portrayal of Enlil as a god of fertility (lines 18-22), the hymn concludes with a three-line passage whose contents may turn out to be of considerable significance, but whose meaning is unfortunately obscure and enigmatic (lines 23-25). Structurally there is little that is remarkable about the composition: except for lines I and 2 that show the typical repetition pattern, and the antithetically parallel lines 19 and 20, the hymn consists of descriptive lines that add up to a pious, impressive, though far from ecstatic portrait of the god. The text was published in CT, xv, Plate 10, and was edited by H. Zimmern in AO, vn, 38; a translation was published in SAHG, pp. 76-77 (cf. comment in Bi. Or., xi, p. 173, note 21).

Lord who knows the destiny of the land, trustworthy in his [calling],3 Enlil who knows the destiny of the land, trustworthy in his calling, Father Enlil, lord of all the lands, Father Enlil, lord of the rightful command, Father Enlil, shepherd of the blackheads,4 Father Enlil, insightful in his calling, Father Enlil, the wild ox who walks to and fro among men, Father Enlil who sleeps lightly, Recumbent wild ox, unruffled bull, Lord Enlil, the “merchant”5 of the wide earth, (10) Lord, whose wife is the “trader”5 of the Earth, Lord, who makes abundant the erin-fat, the nw/jwz-milk, Lord, whose dwelling place guides the cities, Whose sleeping place is “great” in accordance with instructions, From the mountain of sunrise to the mountain of sunset, There is no (other) lord in the land, you alone8 are king, Enlil, in all the lands there is no queen, your wife alone6 is queen.

HYMNS

Mighty one, the rain of heaven, the water of the earth is under your care, Enlil, the “ shepherd-crook” of the gods is under your care. Father Enlil you who make grow the plants, who make grow the grain, (20) Father Enlil, your rays scorch the fish in the sea, You make the birds multiply in heaven, fill the sea with fish, Father Enlil you brought the noble . . . , poured the gigur7 upon the head; Lord of the land, you brought the weapon of destruction, where is the gigur7 for the reign, Father Enlil, the faithful “slaves” were changed into treacherous “ slaves.” It is an irshemma-song.

H ym n to N in u rta as G o d o f V e g e ta tio n This is a rather rare type of lyrical hymn addressed to Ninurta as the deity in charge of fertility and vegetation.1 The poem begins with a four-line strophe typical of Sumerian hymnal compositions, in which the first two lines and second two lines are identical except that the epithet of the first half of the strophe is replaced by the proper name to which it belongs. Then follows at least three strophes of three lines each characterized by a simple, though not ineffective repetition pattern. The text was published in SLTN , No. 62; a translation was published in SAHG, pp. 59-60 (cf. the comment in Bi. Or., xi, p. 171).

(obv.) Life-giving semen, life-giving seed, King whose name was pronounced by Enlil, Life-giving semen, life-giving seed, Ninurta whose name was pronounced by Enlil.

1 F or a good, brief description o f the irshemma genre o f com posi­ tion, cf. SA H G , pp. 2 2 -2 3. 2 These are found virtually in identical form in bilingual Sum eroA kk ad ian texts right dow n to the Seleurid era. 8 T h is rendering assumes that im-tc-na is a variant form of me-te-na. 4 “ Blackheads” is an epithet o f the Sum erians from (at least) the tim e o f the T h ird D ynasty o f U r. 5 T h e im plications o f the epithets “ m erchant” and "trad er” (fo llo w ­ in g lin e) as epithets o f E n lil and his w ife are obscure. 6 T h is rendering o f ab -da is a guess based on the context.

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(r)

My king, I will pronounce your name again and again, Ninurta, I your man, your man, I will pronounce your name again and again. My king, the ewe has given birth to the lamb, The ewe has given birth to the lamb, the ewe has given birth to the good sheep, I will pronounce your name again and again. (10) My king, the mother-goat [has given birth] to the kid, 7 T h e w ord gigur usually denotes a kind o f basket, a m eaning that does not seem to fit the context here. 1 N inurta w as conceived and worshipped in a rather contradictory tw ofold aspect. A s the deity in charge o f the South W ind, he is the god of battle w ho destroys the rebellious land, and in accordance w ith some as yet unknow n Sum erian m yth, avenges his father E n lil. On the other hand N inurta is “ the farm er o f E n lil,” and as such is o f course the god o f fertility, prosperity, and long life . It is this latter aspect o f N in urta that the poet o f this hym n exalts in lyric song.

SUMERIAN

[The mother-goat] has given birth [to the kid, the mother-goat] has given birth [to the goat] [I will pronounce your name again and again]2 (remainder o£ obv. destroyed) (rev.)

(i) The king . . . . As long as he was king8. . . . In the river [there flowed fresh water]. In the field grew the rich grain. The sea was filled with carp and . . . -fish. In the canebrake grew “old” reeds and young reeds, The forests were filled with deer and wild goats, In the steppe grew the mashgur-txet, The watered gardens were filled with honey (and) wine, (10) In the palace “grew” long life. It is a balbale-song.4

This composition1 exalts Ninurta as a god of wrath who roams about in the night, and is dedicated to battle, like the pest-god Irra; he is a monstrous dragon and venomous snake who crushes the evil and rebellious lands; he is a judge whose verdict is awesome; he brings about the destruction of the enemy and of the contentious and disobedient. Structurally, the entire poem consists of two-line strophes, with each line divided into two hemistichs; the two lines are identical except that the first begins with “My king,” and the second with “Lord Ninurta.” 2 The text was published in BE, xxx, No. 4 (Plates 7-8) together with a transliteration and translation; a translation only was published in SAHG, pp. 60-61 (cf. comment in Bi. Or., xi, p. I7 I ) ,S

[My king . . . Who like Irra roams about in the night,] [Lord Ninurta] . . . Who like Irra roams about in the night. 2 T h e restorations in this strophe are self-evident and reasonably certain. 4 F o r the note 6.

“ with the king.”

balbale

rubric, cf. JN E S, v m , 25, and

Bi. Or., xi,

[My king] who like Irra has perfected heroship, Dragon with the “hands” of a lion, the claws of an eagle, Lord Ninurta who like Irra has perfected heroship, Dragon with the “hands” of a lion, the claws of an eagle, My king who vanquishes the houses of the rebellious lands, great lord of Enlil, You, with power you are endowed. Lord Ninurta who vanquishes the houses of the rebel­ lious lands, great lord of Enlil, You, with power you are endowed. My king, when your heart was seized (by anger), You spat venom like a snake, Lord Ninurta, when your heart was seized (by anger), You spat venom like a snake, My king, toothed (pickaxe) that uproots the evil land, Arrow that breaks up the rebellious land, Lord Ninurta, toothed (pickaxe) that uproots the evil land, (to) Arrow that breaks up the rebellious land, My king, your verdict is a great verdict, ineffable, Your word no god can gaze upon, Lord Ninurta, your verdict is a great verdict, ineffable, Your word no god can gaze upon.

Hymn to Ninurta as a God of W rath

3 literally

HYMNS

p. 1 7 1,

1 O nly the reverse o f the tablet on w hich the composition is inscribed is preserved in large part (top and bottom o f the tablet are m issin g); the obverse has only the ends o f lines and is therefore left untranslated. 2 T h is is true o f the untranslated text o f the obverse also, to jud ge from the fact that the ends o f each set o f tw o lines are identical. 3 T h e reasons fo r the differences between this translation and that in SA H G , pp. 6 0 -6 1, w ill be readily apparent to the cuneiform ist. N ote, how ever, that en-na o f line 1 7 (it is m issing for some reason in line 1 8 ) is here rendered “ the contentious,” that is, it is assumed to have a m eaning parallel to nu-le, “ the disobedient” (cf. also line 1 3 1 o f the “ H ym n al Prayer o f En heduan na” ) .

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My king, when you approached the enemy, you scattered him like rushes, You meted out to him . . . , Lord Ninurta, when you approached the enemy, you scattered him like rushes, You meted out to him . . . , [My king],4 of the house of the foe you are its adversary, Of his city, you are its enemy, Lord Ninurta, of the house of the foe, you are its adver­ sary, Of his city, you are its enemy. [My king],4 of the house of the contentious (and) diso­ bedient, you are its adversary, Of their city, you are its enemy. Lord Ninurta, of the house of the contentious (and) disobedient, you are its adversary, Of their city, you are its enemy.

Ish k u r and the D estru ctio n o f the R eb ellio u s L a n d This irshemma, that seems to have been composed by a temple poet eager to reassure the people of Sumer that Ishkur is on their side and will come to their aid against their enemies, may

4These two words were omitted by the scribe for some reason.

SUMERIAN

be divided into three parts. The first consists of an hymnal address to Ishkur, in which he is exalted as a noble radiant bull whose name reaches the zenith of the sky, so that even his father, the great Enlil, fears his roar (lines 1-14). The poet then introduces a speech to Ishkur by Enlil in which he commissions his son to fill up and harness the winds, and with his herald “Lightning” at the head to proceed to “ the rebellious land” which he is to destroy by raining a torrent of hailstones on it (lines 15-24). In the third and very brief concluding section the poet proclaims reassuringly that the howling, roaring, Ishkur gave heed to Enlil’s word, but unfortunately gives no details (lines 25-29). Stylistically tbe poet makes use of quite a variety of rather simple poetic devices: a combination of epithet and short half-line refrain (lines 1-9); cumulative parallelism (lines 10-14 and 26-28); repetition of lines with minor changes (lines 15-18); the half-line exclamatory refrain (lines 20-23); antitheti­ cally worded phrases (lines 22-25). The text of this composition was published in CT, xv, Plates 15-16; the most recent translation was published SAHG, pp. 8183 (cf. Bi. Or., xi, p. 173, note 24).

HYMNS

Let the howling wind howl for you, harness the winds before you, Let your vizier “Lightning” go before you, (harness)8 the winds (before you), My young one, go, go joyfully, who is like you when approaching it! (20) To the rebellious land, hated by the father who begot you, who is like you when approaching it! Take small stones, who is like you when approaching it! Take large stones, who is like you when approaching it! Rain down on it your small stones, your large stones, Destroy the rebellious land to your right, subdue it to your left.”

[Noble bull,] radiant your name [reaches heaven’s zenith], [Father] Ishkur, noble bull, radiant your name [reaches] heaven’s [zenith], Ishkur, son of An,1 noble bull, radiant your name [reaches] heaven’s zenith, Lord of Ennigi,2 noble bull, radiant your name [reaches] heaven’s zenith, Ishkur, lord of overflow, noble bull, radiant your name [reaches] heaven’s zenith, Twin brother of the lord Enki,8 noble bull, radiant (your name reaches heaven’s zenith),4 Father Ishkur, lord who rides the storm, your name reaches heaven’s zenith, Father Ishkur, who rides the great lion, your name reaches heaven’s zenith, Ishkur, lion of heaven, noble bull, glorious, your name reaches heaven’s zenith. Your name5 has attacked the land again and again, (10) Your radiance has covered the land like a garment, At your roar, the great mountain Enlil lowers his head (in fear), At your bellow, Ninlil trembles. Enlil commissioned his son, Ishkur: “My young one, fill up the winds before you, harness the winds before you, Ishkur, fill the winds before you, harness the winds before you, Let the seven winds be harnessed for you like a team, harness the winds before you, 1 In this line it is A n w h o is said to be the father o f Ishkur, w hile according to line 26, it is E n lil w h o is “ his father w h o begot h im "; this provides another exam ple o f the A n -E n lil identification, cf., e.g., p. 580. 2 For the location o f E n n igi, cf. E d zard , Z Z B , p. 7 4 , and note 360. 8 E n k i's father is also A n-E nlil. 4 T h e parentheses in this line indicate intentional omission by the scribe o f the last part o f the refrain because o f lack o f space. 8 “ N a m e” seems to be used here in the sam e sense as “ w ord.”

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Ishkur gave heed to the words spoken by his father who begot him, Father Ishkur coming forth from the house is a howling wind, Coming forth from the house, from the city, is a young lion, Setting forth from the city he is a roaring storm. It is an irshemma of Ishkur.

S e lf-L a u d a to ry H ym n o f In a n n a and H er O m n ip o ten ce The hymn begins with a triumphant pronouncement by the goddess of the vast powers and important prerogatives that Enlil, as head of the pantheon, turned over to her (lines 1-13). As the “wild cow” of Enlil, she continues exaltingly, she is privileged to enter at will Enlil’s holy temple, the Ekur of Nippur—a privi­ lege which was presumably denied to other gods (lines 14-20). She closes her paean of self-glorification with a list of her tem­ ples in all the more important cities of Sumer and Akkad (lines 21-33). Structurally, the composition may be divided into (1) an initial five-line strophe in which the first and second lines are virtually identical with the fourth and fifth lines,1 while the middle third line is a summary exclamatory statement of her unique power, which is repeated as the very last line of the composition; (2) an eight-line strophe characterized by cumu­ lative parallelism; (3) a seven-line passage essentially narrative in character; a twelve-line strophe that, like the second strophe, obtains its effect by cumulative parallelism. The text was published in FS, x, No. 199, col. iii, lines 8-41, and treated by H. Zimmern in his Konig Lipit-hchtars Vergottlichung, pp. 18-21; a translation of the text was published in SAHG, pp. 67-68 (cf. comment in Bi. Or., xi, p. 172 and note 16).2

My father gave me heaven, gave me earth. I, the queen of heaven am I! Is there one god who can vie with me!

(1)

6 F o r the parentheses in this line, cf. note 4. 1 Except o f course for the typical epithet-proper nam e substitution. 2 T h e composition is inscribed on a four-colum n tablet containing several other compositions, and the line numeration o f our translation does not correspond to that o f the published text.

SUMERIAN

Enlil gave me heaven, gave me earth, I, the (queen of heaven am I) !3 He has given me lordship, He has given me queenship, He has given me battle, (he has given me) combat, He has given me the Flood, (he has given me) the tempest. He has placed heaven on my head as a crown, (10) He has tied the earth on my foot as a sandal, He has fastened the holy me-garment about my body, He has placed the holy scepter in my hand. The gods are . . . , I, a queen am I, The Anunna scurry about, I, a life-giving wild cow am I, The life-giving wild cow of Father Enlil am I His life-giving wild cow that is foremost.4 When I enter the Ekur, the house of Enlil, The gatekeeper does not stop me,5 The vizier says not to me, “ Wait." (20) Heaven is mine, earth is mine—I, a warrior am I, In Erech, the Eanna is mine, In Zabalom, the giguna8 is mine, In Nippur, the Duranki7 (is mine), In Ur, the Edilmun8 (is mine), In Girsu, the Eshdam9 (is mine), In Adab, the Eshara10 (is mine), In Kish, the Hursagkalamma11 (is mine), In Der, the Amashkugga12 (is mine), In Akshak, the Anzakar18 (is mine), (30) In Umma, the Ibgal18 (is mine), In Agade, the Ulmash13 is mine Is there one god who can vie with me! [It is a balbahr-song] of Inanna.14

H ym n a l P ra y e r o f E n h ed u an n a: T h e A d o ra tio n o f In an n a in U r This remarkable composition, whose text is virtually complete, consists of two unequal parts. The first, and the longer by far 8 The parentheses in this line and lines 8, 9, 24-31 include words omitted by the scribe as self-evident repetitions. 4 Literally: "that walks at the head.” 8 Literally: "puts not his hand against my breast.” 8 For the meaning of the Sumerian word giguna , cf. now CAD, s.v .\ here it is used as the actual name of the temple. 7 “ Bond of Heaven and Earth.” 8 "The Dilmun House” ; an indication that Inanna was connected with Dilmun in one way or another. 9 The word means “ nuptial chamber” ; here it is used as an actual name of a temple. 10 “ House of Shara” ; Shara is the tutelary deity of Umma. 1 1 “ The Mountain of the Land.” 72 “ The Holy Stall.” 18 Meaning uncertain. 14 Restoration reasonably assured; for the b d lb a le rubric, cf. p. 577.

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HYMNS

(lines 1-142), is a hymnal prayer to Inanna, purportedly uttered by Enheduanna, the daughter of Sargon the Great, founder of the Dynasty of Akkad, who appointed her as en, or high-priestess of Nanna (also known as Sin) the tutelary deity of Ur.1 The second, and very brief, section (lines 143-150) contains the author’s pronouncement that Enheduanna’s prayer had been accepted by the goddess, who was now made welcome in Ur by Nanna and his wife Ningal. The document is of significance for the religious and political history of Sumer, though unfortu­ nately not a little of its content is ambiguous and obscure. Enheduanna begins her orison to Inanna as the deity in charge of all the me,2 the divine norms, duties, and powers, assigned to all cosmic and cultural entities at the time of creation, in order to keep them operating harmoniously and perpetually (lines 1-8). She then proceeds to depict the more cruel, destructive, and vindictive aspects of the goddess: she is a venomous, thundering, flood-and-fire raining deity whose rites are unfathomable (lines 9-16); she is an awesome storm deity before whom all mankind trembles and quakes (lines 17-28); she is an irate, relentless, and intractable goddess of war before whom even the great gods flee in terror (lines 26-42); she is the cruel conqueror of Mt. Ebih and its rebellious people (lines 43-50)8; as the goddess of love, as well as war, she deprives the unsubmissive city of all procreation and vegetation (lines 51-57). Following a brief chant of adoration of Inanna as a great, wise, merciful and life-giving goddess (lines 58-65), comes a long passage in which Enheduanna pictures the misery and suffering that have overtaken her (lines 66-108); it is this passage that is interspersed with what seem to be several references to political events. This is followed in turn by a brief prayer of the highpriestess to Inanna as her dear and powerful queen to keep her out of her bitter straits (109-121). Enheduanna then proceeds to invoke Inanna with a resounding magnificat that recounts her immense powers, and closes with a plea to the goddess to turn a friendly heart to her adoring, devout, and pious votary (lines 122-142). The composition concludes with Inanna’s accept­ ance of Enheduanna’s supplication (lines 143-150), and a sum­ mary three-line invocation of the goddess by the author-poet (lines 151-153). The first major publication of the text of the composition was by Stephen Langdon in PBS, x/4, Nos. 3 and 4. Since then some fifty tablets and fragments inscribed with the text have been identified, one of the best preserved has been published recently in UET, vi, Part 2, No. 107 (cf. ibid., p. 11, note 39). Trans­ literations and translations of part of the text were published by Langdon, PBS, x/4, pp. 260-4, and by M. Witzel, Keilschriftliche Studien, vi, pp. 73-89. A definitive edition of the text includ­ ing all variants, together with a study of its poetic structure and literary significance, as well as a complete glossary, has been prepared by William W. Hallo and A. J. A. van Dijk, and will appear in the near future as a monograph published by Yale University Press.

Queen of all the me, radiant light, Life-giving woman, beloved of An (and) Urash,4 Hierodule of An, much bejewelled, Who loves the life-giving tiara, fit for en-ship, Who grasps in (her) hand, the seven me,s

(1)

1 cf. for the present U E T , v i, part 2, pp. 1 0 - 1 1 , com m ent to N os. 10 7 -110 . N ote that En heduanna’s prayer is not, as m igh t perhaps have been expected, in the Em esal dialect. 2 For the m yth concerned w ith Inanna’s acquisition o f the me from E n k i, the god o f w isdom , w ho had them under his care in the A bzu o f Erid u, cf. SM, pp. 64-8. 8 For the m yth o f “ Inanna and M t. Eb ih,” cf. SM, pp. 8 2-3, and U ET, v i, part 2, p. 4, note 7. T h e nam e o f the m ountain is not actually stated in our text but there is little doubt that this is the m ountain to which the passage refers. 4 T h at is, "H eaven (an d ) E arth .” 8 T h e seven me m ay refer to the me assigned to the seven leading

SUMERIAN

My queen, you who are the guardian of all the great me, You have lifted the me, have tied the me to your hands, Have gathered the me, pressed the me to your breast. You have filled the land with venom, like a dragon. Vegetation ceases, when you thunder like Ishkur,® (io) You who bring down the Flood from the mountain, Supreme one, who arc the Inanna of heaven (and) earth,7 Who rain flaming fire over the land, Who have been given the me by An,8 queen who rides the beasts, Who at the holy command of An, utters the (divine) words, Who can fathom your great rites! Destroyer of the foreign lands, you have given wings to the storm, Beloved of Enlil you made it (the storm) blow over the land, You carried out the instructions of An. My queen, the foreign lands cower at your cry, (20) In dread (and) fear of the South Wind,® mankind Brought you their anguished clamor, Took before you their anguished outcry Opened before you wailing and weeping, Brought before you the “great” lamentations in the city streets.

HYMNS

Your baleful heart is beyond soothing! Queen, happy of “ liver,” joyful of heart, (40) (But) whose anger cannot be soothed, daughter of Sin, Queen, paramount in the land, who has (ever) paid you (enough) homage! The mountain who kept from paying homage to you— vegetation became “tabu” for it, You burnt down its great gates, Its rivers ran with blood because of you, its people had nothing to drink, Its troops were led off willingly (into captivity) before you, Its forces disbanded themselves willingly before you, Its strong men paraded willingly before you, The amusement places of its cities were filled with turbulence, Its adult males were driven off as captives before you. (50) Against the city that said not “yours is the land,” That said not “It belongs to the father who begot you,” You promised your holy word, turned away from it, Kept your distance from its womb, Its woman spoke not of love with her husband, In the deep night she whispered not(tenderly)with him, Revealed not to him the “holiness” of herheart.

My queen, the Anunna, the great gods, Fled before you like fluttering bats, Could not stand before your awesome face, Could not approach your awesome forehead. Who can soothe your angry heart!

Rampant wild cow, elder daughter of Sin, Queen, greater than An, who has (ever) paid you (enough) homage! You who in accordance with the life giving me, great queen of queens, (60) Have become greater than your10 mother who gave birth to you, (as soon as) you came forth from the holy womb, Knowing, wise, queen of all the lands, Who multiplies (all) living creatures (and) peoples— I have uttered your holy song. Life-giving goddess, fit for the me, whose acclamation11 is exalted, Merciful, life-giving woman, radiant of heart, I have uttered it before you in accordance with the me.

deities of the Sumerian pantheon: An, Enlil, Enki, Ninhursag, NannaSin, Utu, and (perhaps) Inanna herself. 8 The Sumerian storm-god. 7 “ The Inanna of heaven (and) earth” is a rather strange expression, but that is what the text seems to say. 8 This statement seems to contradict the myth mentioned in note 2, according to which it was Enki who presented the m e to Inanna; there may therefore have been other versions of the tale. The “ instruc­ tions of An,” in line 19, on the other hand refer no doubt to the “ word” of An (and) Enlil—the two gods are often identified and treated as one and the same deity in the post Ur-III literary documents—that was often destructive in character, since the leading deity of the pan­ theon had the unpleasant duty of carrying out the not infrequently unfavorable decisions of the gods. 9 This usually refers to Ninurta, the god of the South Wind, but here it seems to allude to storms in general.

I have entered before you in my holy gipar,12 I the en, Enheduanna, Carrying the wara^-basket,13 I uttered a joyous chant, (But now) I no longer dwell in the goodly place you14 established. Came the day, the sun scorched me (70) Came the shade (of night), the South Wind overwhelmed me, 10 T h e text actually has “ her” instead o f "y o u r.” 11 L iterally: “ greatly uttered (w o rd s).” 12 F or the gipar, cf. now CA D , s.v. 13 F o r this ritual basket, cf. Iraq, x, p. 97. 14 Perhaps better “ I established.”

In the van of battle, everything was struck down before you, My queen, you are all devouring in your power, You kept on attacking like an attacking storm, Kept on blowing (louder) than the howling storm, Kept on thundering (louder) than Ishkur, (30) Kept on moaning (louder) than the evil winds, Your feet grew not weary, You caused wailing to be uttered on the “ lyre of lament.”

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SUMERIAN

My honey-sweet voice has become strident, Whatever gave me pleasure has turned into dust. Oh Sin, king of heaven, my (bitter) fate,15 To An declare, An will deliver me, Pray declare it to An, he will deliver me. The kingship of heaven has been seized by the woman (Inanna), At whose feet lies the flood-land. That woman (Inanna) so exalted, who has made me tremble together the city (Ur), Stay her, let her heart be soothed by me. (80) I, Enheduanna will offer supplications to her, My tears, like sweet drinks. Will I proffer to the holy Inanna, I will greet her in peace, Let not Ashimbabbar (Sin) be troubled.1*

HYMNS

As for me, my Nanna watched not over me, (100) I have been attacked most cruelly. Ashimbabbar has not spoken my verdict. But what matter, whether he spoke it or not! I, accustomed to triumph, have been driven forth from (my) house, Was forced to flee the cote like a swallow, my life is devoured, Was made to walk among the mountain thorns, The life-giving tiara of en-ship was taken from me, Eunuchs were assigned to me—“These are becoming to you,” it was told me.

She (Inanna) has changed altogether the rites of holy An, Has seized the Eanna17 from An, Feared not the great An, That house (the Eanna) whose charm was irresistible, whose allure was unending, That house she has turned over to destruction, Her . . . that she brought there has . . . (90) My wild cow (Inanna) assaults there its men, makes them captive. I, what am I among the living creatures! May An give over (to punishment) the rebellious lands that hate your (Inanna’s) Nanna, May An split its cities asunder, May Enlil curse it, May not its tear-destined child be soothed by her mother, Oh queen who established lamentations, Your “boat of lamentations,” has landed in an inimical land, There will I die, while singing the holy song. 15 Here begin several passages that may reflect political struggles between the cities of Kish (or Agade), Erech, and U r during the reign of the Dynasty of Akkad. In lines 74-76, Enheduanna, as the high-priestess of Nanna-Sin in Ur, prays to that deity to intercede for her with An so that he might deliver her of her cruel fate. Super­ ficially, this fits in well with the Sumerian theological view: NannaSin, as the tutelary deity of U r would intercede with An (or An-Enlil, cf. note 8), as the leading deity of the Sumerian pantheon whose word was final, as it were. According to lines 77-9 1, however, An was no longer the head of the pantheon, and Inanna had taken over his sway over Erech (this may reflect a victory of Kish-Agade, where Inanna played an important role, over Erech). Nevertheless, to judge from lines 92-96, Enheduanna continues to treat An as all powerful. Finally, lines 99-108 seem to point to a disastrous event that overtook Ur; this may have been an attack by Erech, now Inanna’s city, that led to her acceptance as an important deity in U r (cf. lines 14 8 -15 0 ). Needless to say, however, all these surmises are highly tentative, since the relevant text is cryptic, elusive, and ambiguous. 16 The meaning of the line in the context is obscure. 17 This is the famous temple of An and Inanna in Erech. Note however that there were Eanna-shrines in other dries of Sumer, such as Lagash and Ur.

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Dearest queen, beloved of An, Let your holy heart, the noble, return to me, (no) Beloved wife of Ushumgalanna (Dumuzi), Great queen of the horizon and the zenith, The Anunna have prostrated themselves before you. Although at birth you were the younger sister'9 How much greater you have become than the Anunna, the great gods! The Anunna kiss the ground before you. It is not my verdict that has been completed, it is a strange verdict that has been turned into my verdict, The fruitful bed has been abolished,19 (So that) I have not interpreted to man the commands of Ningal. For me, the radiant en of Nanna, (I20) May your heart be soothed, you who are the queen beloved of An.20 “You are known, you are known”—it is not of Nanna that I have recited it,21 it is of you that I have recited it. You are known by your heaven-like height, You are known by your earth-like breadth, You are known by your destruction of rebel-lands, You are known by your massacring (their people), You are known by your devouring (their) dead like a dog, You are known by your fierce countenance. You are known by the raising of your fierce countenance, You are known by your flashing eyes. (I 3°) You are known by your contentiousness22 (and) disobedience, You are known by your many triumphs”— It is not of Nanna that I have recited it, it is of you that I have recited it. 18 It is assumed that the sign n i m , "queen,” is an error for n i n » , "sister.” 19 This and the following line probably allude to the sacred marriage ceremony between Nanna-Sin and the goddess Ningal, in which the latter was presumably represented by the high priestess. 20 Note the seeming contradiction between this line and lines 77 ff. 21 That is, the “ you are known” magnificat. 22 This is assumed to be the meaning of en-na, cf. also B E , xxx, No. 4, rev. 17 .

SUMERIAN

My queen, I have extolled you, who alone are exalted, Queen beloved o£ An, I have erected your daises, Have heaped up the coals, have conducted the rites, Have set up the nuptial chamber for you, may your heart be soothed for me, Enough, more than enough innovations, great queen, have I made for you. What I have recited to you in the deep night, The ga/a-singer will repeat for you in midday. (140) It is because of your captive spouse, your captive son,23 That your wrath is so great, your heart so unappeased. The foremost queen, the prop of the assembly™ Accepted her prayer. The heart of Inanna was restored, The day was favorable for her, she was clothed with beauty, was filled with joyous allure, How she carried (her) beauty—like the rising moon­ light! Nanna who came forth in wonder true, (and) her mother Ningal, proffered prayers to her, Greeted her at the doorsill (of the temple). (15°) To the hierodule whose command is noble, The destroyer of foreign lands, presented by An with the me, My queen garbed in allure, O Inanna, praise!

H ym n to the E k u r This rather tersely worded, enigmatic hymn to the Ekur (“Mountain House” ), Enlil’s renowned temple in Nippur,1 is inscribed on an excellently preserved tablet excavated some seventy years ago at Nippur, and now in the University Museum.2 It consists of four songs, each characterized by a special refrain. The first, second, and third songs are designated by the poet as sagidda, hiuruguda, and sagarra;3 the fourth is left undesignated, probably accidentally. The first, third, and fourth songs, but not the second, are followed by antiphons. The poem was edited by the writer in RSO, x x x i i (1957), 95-102. The translation does not offer too many difficulties; by and large there are but few lexical and grammatical problems. Nevertheless much of its contents remains obscure—the names of the buildings and structures that constitute the larger part of the first song are still unidentifiable in the main, and the laconi­ cally worded religious implications of the remaining songs are puzzling and elusive.4 23 This probably refers to some disaster in Erech. 24 This rendering of gu-en-na (note that this may be a variant form of ukJdn) is based on the context. 1 For an ancient map of Nippur, with the Ekur and perhaps some of the gates mentioned in the hymn, cf. H BS, pp. 232-36; cf. also the description of the Ekur in the Ur-Nammu hymn (pages 583-84) and in the Enlil hymn (pages 573-76). 2 The tablet, like the vast majority of Sumerian literary tablets, dates from the first half of the second millennium B .C ., but may have been composed as early as about 2 0 0 0 b .c . 3 The sa of sagidda and sagarra means “ string,” and points to the accompaniment of the song by musical instruments. The rubric hfuruguda, on the other hand, probably refers to some liturgical par­ ticipation by the worshippers. 4 For some of the structures listed in lines 6 ff., cf. Falkenstein,

HYMNS

The great house, it is a mountain great, The house of Enlil, it is a mountain great, The house of Ninlil, it is a mountain great, The house of darkness, it is a mountain great, The house which knows no light, it is a mountain great, The house of the Lofty Gate, it is a mountain great, The house of the Gate of Peace, it is a mountain great, The court of Enlil, it is a mountain great, The Hursaggalamma (“High-rising Mountain” ), it is a mountain great, The great gate “Holy Judgement,” it is a mountain great, (io) The gate “Uncut Barley,” it is a mountain great, The (divine) Assembly Hall, it is a mountain great, The Gagishshua, it is a mountain great, The house of Ninlil, it is a mountain great, The gate Innamra, it is a mountain great, The house “Monthly Harvest,” it is a mountain great, The court “Lofty, Great House,” it is a mountain great, The house “Lofty, Monthly Harvest,” it is a mountain great, The (gate) “The Lord is Worthy, Wise,” it is a moun­ tain great, The (gate) Innamgiddazu, it is a mountain great, (20) The gate “ (The God) Sin,” it is a mountain great The Dufiu, the holy place, it is a mountain great, The field Edimma, it is a mountain great, The (field) established by An, it is a mountain great, The pure Ashte, it is a mountain great, The house “The Lofty Park,” it is a mountain great, The kiosk of the Plow, it is a mountain great— It (i.e., the preceding stanza) is a sagtdda-song. He (= E n lil) commanded: “Towards heaven—” Is its antiphon. (30) For him who had commanded, for him who had commanded, The house rose like the sun; For him who in the mountain had commanded, The house rose like the sun; For him who in the house of Enlil had commanded, The house rose like the sun; For him who in the house of Ninlil had commanded, The house rose like the sun; Topographic von U r u and Z A , x l v i i i , p. 86 ff. In line 7 “ Gate of Peace” (so rather than “ Welfare Gate” ) points to the existence o f a place in Nippur where the warring Sumerian city-states came to con­ clude or solemnize their peace treaties. For the Gagishshua, cf. espe­ cially the Ur-Nammu hymn (pages 583-84). In line 25, the Ashte is probably a granary; cf., e.g., the Ashte mentioned in the Urukagina “ Reform” document (S. N . Kramer, The Sumerians, p. 3 1 7 ) . The “ mountain of aromatic cedar” (lines 44 ff.) is a description used of the cosmological “ mountain where the sun rises,” that is, the Sumerian “ Olympus” (cf. BA SO R, 96, 20 ff.), and it is not impossible, therefore, that the Ekur was conceived as its replica. In line 5 1 “ Enlil” is no doubt a scribal error for Ninlil. Ninurta and Ashimbabbar (another name for the moon-god Nanna-Sin) are both sons of Enlil. Between lines 68 and 69, a line containing a rubric has no doubt been acci­ dentally omitted; the “ its” of line 70 refers to this omitted rubric.

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SUMERIAN

For him who in the (house) of Ninurta had com­ manded, The house rose like the sun; (40) For him who in the (house) of the son, the prince, had commanded— It is a \iuruguda-song. The house, in accordance with the great me, raised high its head, In its midst is the mountain of the aromatic cedar; The house of Enlil, in accordance with the great me, raised high its head, In its midst is the mountain of the aromatic cedar; The house of Ninlil, in accordance with the great me, raised high its head, In its midst is the mountain of the aromatic cedar; The court of Enlil, in accordance with the great me, raised high its head, In its midst is the mountain of the aromatic cedar; (50) The court of Enlil (sic), in accordance with the great me, raised high its head, [In its] midfst] is the [mountain] of the [aromatic] cedar— It is a [sagar]ra-song. The [house . . . ] in which he rejoiced with them— Is its antiphon. Its king, in the house “Faithful Sonship,” is worthy of Enlil, the king; The hero Ninurta, in the house “Faithful Sonship,” Is worthy of Enlil, the king; The offspring of Ninlil, in the house “Faithful Sonship,” Is worthy of Enlil, the king; (60) The lord, the champion of the Ekur, in the house [“Faithful] Sonship,” Is wo[rthy of] Enlil, the king; The offspring of Enlil, in the house “Faithful Sonship,” Is worthy of Enlil, the king; The son, the prince of the Ekur, in the house “Faithful Sonship,” Is worthy of Enlil, the king. Of Enlil, his favorite— Is its (sic) antiphon.

U r-N a m m u H ym n : B u ild in g o f the E k u r and B lessing b y E nlil This composition, designated by the scribe as a "tigi of Enlil” 1 is divided into two songs: a sagidda and a sagarra. The first

1 For the tigi-genre of composition, cf. SA H G , pp. 20-21, but note that the rendering "Pauken-lied” is probably unjustified; more likely it is a lyre-accompanied song. {583 }

HYMNS

begins with a poetic statement2 of the selection by Enlil of UrNammu as king of Sumer (lines 1-6), and of his commission to restore the Ekur (lines 7-14). There follows a description of the rebuilding of the Ekur, the decoration of its gates with mythological scenes, and the building of the giguna.3 (lines 1530). Ur-Nammu then turned his attention to the Gagishshua, the shrine of Enlil’s wife, Ninlil, and provided the divine couple with their needs, so that they live there in happy bliss (lines 31-35). All of which moves Enlil to pronounce a blessing on the faithful king (lines 36-38). The second song begins with Enlil’s blessing given in direct speech by the god to the king—Ur-Nammu will reach the sum­ mit of power, temporal and religious, and his fame and name will fill the universe (lines 40-51). The poet then continues with a eulogy of Ur-Nammu as the mighty victor over his enemies with the help of Enlil’s divine weapons (lines 52-57); as the destroyer of evil cities and oppressors (lines 58-61); as the one who carries on raging attacks against injustice. The poet con­ cludes by depicting Ur-Nammu on his “dais of kingship” in his capital Ur. The text was published in SRT, No. 1 1 ; a translation was published by Falkenstein in SAHG, pp. 87-90 (cf. Bi. Or., x v i i , pp. 173-74, note 27, and ZA, l i i , 81-82), and a detailed edition of the text was published in ZA, l i i i , 106-18.4

Lofty Enlil, [whose decision is unalterable] . . . , The lord of great princeship . . . , Nunamnir,5 the god who . . . , Lifted (his) eyes over the people [looked with favor upon Ur-Nammu], the shepherd; Enlil, the Great Mountain, [chose] him from among all his people, [Filled] with fearsome awe the confirmed shepherd of Nunamnir. [To restore] the brickwork of the Ekur in accordance with the me, Enlil, the Great Mountain, who [makes glorious] his [lofty] shrine, the Ekur, like the light of day, Set his . . . heart, Commissioned Ur-Nammu, the shepherd, to lift the head of the Ekur heaven-high, (10) Exalted the king [in] the land, lifted (his) head heaven-high. For the faithful shepherd Ur-[Nammu] who with (the support of) Enlil is heroic unto distant days, He who knows decisions, the lord of [great understand­ ing], directed the brickmold, Enlil kept under control for Ur-Nammu, the shepherd, his foes (and) enemies. 2The first stanza, designated as sagidda, is written in “ high” narra­ tive prose, with relatively few epithets, and virtually no significant repetition and parallelism of lines. The second stanza, the sagarra, on the other hand uses characteristic Sumerian poetic devices; it begins with two six-line verses that are identical except for a minor change in the first line; and a similar repetition pattern is utilized in the remainder of the stanza, except for the last six lines that revert to the narrative “ high” prose style. 3 For this structure, cf. CAD, s.v. * The translation here presented differs considerably from that in Z A , l i i i (the reasons for these differences w ill be readily apparent to the cuneiformist). 5This is another name for Enlil found frequently in the literary texts; its meaning is not quite certain.

SUMERIAN

The Sumerians, enjoying days of prosperity, Rejoiced greatly with him, Laid firm (its) foundations, filled in (its) holy terrace. The enqum- and ninqum-priests duly exalt it.6 The house that Enki had adorned beautifully,7 Ur-Nammu, the shepherd, raised the head of the lofty Ekur in Duranki (Nippur) heaven-high, (20) (So that) the people, all of them, stood before it in awe. (Of the) Lofty Gate, Great Gate, Gate of Peace, Highrising Mountain, (and) Gate of Uncut Grain,”8 He (Ur-Nammu) decorated their front with electrum (and) chaste silver: The Imdugud killed a lion, The hurin-bird seized the evil man.8 The doors, the lofty, he filled them with seemly beauty, The lofty house he made awe-inspiring— It was wide in extent, it was most awesome, The storied mountain, the giguna, as a dwelling place for the Great Mountain (Enlil), He established in its (the Ekur’s) midst, like a lofty tower, (30) The Gagishshua, the lofty palace where he decrees the great decisions, He beautified fittingly for Ninlil, the great queen, Enlil and Ninlil were happy there, In its dining halls, the faithful man, the chosen of Nunamnir, He multiplies all things noble, the Ekur was in joy. They (Enlil and Ninlil) looked favorably upon UrNammu, the shepherd, The Great Mountain (Enlil) decreed a great fate for Ur-Nammu, into distant days, Exalted (his) might over his “blackheaded ones” (the Sumerians): It is a sagidda. “ I, Nunamnir, whose life-giving commands (and) decisions are unalterable— (40) You have made my lofty Ekur resplendent, With brilliant facades you raised it heaven-high, Faithful man of valor, you made it resplendent in the Land (Sumer), Ur-Nammu—of