Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora 9789004108783, 9004108785

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ANCIENT JEWISH ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE DIASPORA

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES ERSTE ABTEILUNG

DER NAHE UND MITTLERE OSTEN THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

H. ALTENMOLLER · B. HROUDA · B.A. LEVINE· R.S. O'FAHEY K.R. VEENHOF · C.H.M. VERSTEEGH

FUNFUNDDREISSIGSTER BAND

ANCIENT JEWISH ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE DIASPORA

ANCIENT JEWISH ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE DIASPORA BY

RACHEL HACHLILI

BRILL LEIDEN · BOSTON · KOLN 1998

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Hachlili, Rachel. Ancient Jewish art and archacolocy in the diaspora / hy Rachel Hachlili. p. cm. - (Handbuch dcr Orientalistik. Erste Ahtcilung, Der Nahe und Mittlcrc Osten. ISSN 0169-9423; 35. Bd. = Handbook of Oriental studies. The Near and Middle Eastj Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004108785 (doth : alk. paper) I. Synagogue architecture-History. 2. Synagogue art-History. 3.Jewish art and symbolism-History. 4. Synagogue art-Syria-Dura -Europos (Extinct city) 5. Art, Ancient. I. Title. II. Series: Handbuch der Oricntalistik. Erste Abtcilun~, Der Nahc und Mittlcre Osten ; 35. Bd. NA4690.H28 1998 704.03'92403-dc2 l 97-28225

GIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnalnne Handbuch dcr O1icntalistik / hrsg. van B. Spuler untcr Mitarb. von C. van Dijk ... Leiden : New York ; Koln : Brill. lcr.

rcilw. hng. von H. i\hemnullcr. Litcraturangabcn. Teilw. mit Paralldt.; Handbook of oriental studies

Tcilw. hrsg. ,. on Il. Spu•

Abt. I, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten = The Near and Middle East/ hrsg. von H. Altenmi.iller ... NE: Spuler, Bcrlold [Hrsg.J; Altcnmlillcr, Hartwig [Hrsg.J; Handbook of oriental srndics

Bd. 35. Hachlili. Rachel: Ancientjc\\~sh art and archaeology in the diaspora. - 1998

Hachlili, Rachel: AacicntJewish

art and archaeology

in the diaspora.

/ by Rachel

Hachlili. - Leiden ; Boston , Kola : Brill, 1998 (H~ndbuch da Oricnlalistik

: Abt. I, Der Nahc und Miulcrc Osten

Bd. 3.'i

ISDN 90-04-10878-.'i

ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 90 04 10878 5 © Copyright1998 by KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden.77ze.Netherland1

All n.ghtsreserved. No part of thisp11hlication may be rrproduced, translated,stored tll a retneval.\TATHP EN PHNH H KOIMHCIC AYTWN AMNN □1",iD

301

BlJRIAL AND FUNERARY PRACTICES

Frey 1952:732; Goodenough Private Collection, Rome. No. 14. A fragment 61).

1953, III:fig. 962; Schuler 1966:no. 13.

of a gold glass has been found at Villa Torlonia

(Fasola 1976:19,

Technique

The technique of making gold glasses was to attach a thinly-hammered gold leaf to the round base of a vessel. By scraping away some of the gold foil, what remained was the decoration. Sometimes, enamel paint was added to the design. To finish the object, the base was reheated and joined to the surface of a hot, clear, glass 'bubble' from which a glass vessel was made (Leon 1960:218-219; Barag 1972:607). This technique of a layer of gold leaf laid between two layers of glass was known from the third century BCE and was said to have been invented in Alexandria, Egypt ( Goodenough 1953, II: 108-109; Schuler 1966:48). Fann and Style

Most of the gold glasses bearing Jewish symbols are made from the bottoms of vessels cut to form a disk. The designs are usually enclosed by a circular decorated frame (nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 12) but two examples use a square decorated frame (nos. 1, 4). These designs are often divided into two registers by a horizontal band with differentJewish symbols appearing in each register; the symbols are arranged in a characteristic, stylized fashion; inscriptions appear in the frame itself (nos. 2, 9, 10), above the design, or in the design (nos. 1, 3, 7, 8, 11, 13). Two glasses (nos. 1, 3) have a double border made of half disks. Nos. 9 and 10, of which only the lower registers have survived, arc similar to no. 5 in design. Nos. 6, 11 and 12 are probably made from smaller vessels as the design covers the whole glass bottom. Nos. 7 and 13 are different: no. 7 is a decorated vessel and no. 13 bears no design, only a Greek sepulcher inscription. Inscriptions The inscriptions on the gold glasses are usually formulae referring to drinking, suggesting that the original vessels were used for drinking wine. Occasionally blessings also appear. The same formulae occur on Jewish and non:Jewish glasses (Leon 1960:224). They consist of the Greek words in Latin transliteration pie zesesmeaning "drink" and "live" (see nos. 3, 4, 9; similar inscriptions occur on Christian glasses, Morey 1959:nos. 205, 292, 418). Others use bibas cum eulogia, "drink with blessing"

302

CHAPTER SIX

(no. 2). Several of the formulae are also used by Christians: the word hilaris, "cheerful" (no. 4; Morey 1959:no. 71); anima duleis, "sweet spirit" (no. 7; Morey 1959:nos. 48, 109, 292); the Greek inscription meaning "House of Peace. Take blessing with all your family" (no. 8; on Christian glasses the inscription is in Latin). No. 1 bears a dedicatory inscription mentioning a gift from "Felix Venerius to his Master Vitalis - may he be in good health with his wife and their children." The inscription of glass no. 13 reads: "Here lie Anastasia, the mother, and Asther, the daughter. In peace their sleep. Amen. Shalom." The Motifs Designs on gold glasses are usually limited to the most ubiquitous and significant Jewish symbols: a sanctuary, the Torah shrine, the Ark of the Scrolls, the menorah and the four ritual objects, lulav, ethrog, shofar and flask. Occasionally lions and birds flank the Jewish symbols. Not only is the repertoire of Jewish symbols restricted, but also their combination in the designs (see also Chapter VII): the Torah shrine usually appears with an open Ark of the Scrolls, and flanked by menoroth, lions or birds. The Ark of the Scrolls is usually shown with open doors, revealing the scrolls laid out on shelves. When the menorah appears in pairs, it either flanks the Torah shrine or is itself flanked by other ritual objects, or by lions. When shown singly, it is also flanked by lions or ritual objects. By contrast, glasses nos. 7 and 8 bear a single menorah executed in a different style, standing by itself and without the accompaniment of the other ritual objects. One (no. 7) stands in the Ark's upper arch, and the other (no. 8) is depicted below a temple. Glass no. 8 is unique in its design. Several scholars (Leon 1960:222-223 and n. 4; Barag 1972:607) suggest that the structure represents Solomon's Temple. Goodenough (1953, II:114) thinks it shows a tomb because of the inscription mentioning the "House of Peace." Others (Galling and Reifenberg in Leon 1960:223, n. I) argue that it represents a Torah shrine. Owing to its similarity to other examples, it is probably a more elaborately depicted Temple (see Chapter VII). Glasses nos. 3 and 4 show very similar motifs and styles of design, as do nos. 9 and 10. Glasses nos. 12 and 13 should be mentioned specifically because they are different from the other Jewish gold glasses: no. 12 shows only ritual objects and no. 13 consists of a Greek inscription. A comparison of Jewish gold glasses with similar Christian and pagan glasses in the Vatican and other collections reveals several similarities. • Many of the comparable glasses were also cut out from the bottoms of vessels to form disks.

BURIAL AND FUNERARY PRACTICES

303

• Many glasses carry similar inscriptions encircled in a double band (Morey 1959:41, 47-50, similar to nos. 2, 9, 10). • Some glasses have the same border with reversed half disks (Morey 1959:51, 104, 108, 250, 254, 257, 286-288 similar to nos. 1, 3). In fact, it is often difficult to make a clear distinction between Jewish and Christian glasses (Rutgers 1995:85), especially when animals, portraits, motifs and biblical scenes are depicted (but see Schuler 1966:57-58). Jewish gold glasses do have one distinctive feature, however, that seldom appears on the other glasses, namely the division of the design into two registers (Morey 1959:106-108, 250, 254, 287, 344, 360). Only when a Jewish symbol appears, or the figure of Christ or a New Testament scene, can the glass be classified categorically. The Use

Several questions regarding the function of the gold glasses have concerned scholars. For example, were the gold glasses originally part of regular vessels that, when broken, had been used in tombs, were they specifically made to be used in tombs, and finally, why had they been placed in the tombs? Muller ( 1912:68-60) asserts that the glasses were grave markers, as he found glass fragments in the plaster of the walls. Beyer and Leitzmann (1930:23) hold that the gold glasses were used on festivals and on the Sabbath, and see no evidence that they were used only for the dead (also Rutgers 1995:85). Goodenough (1953, II:114-115, 118) maintains that the glasses held an eschatological meaning, for instance by the use of the word "life" in the inscriptions, and were intended specifically for funerary use. He further asserts that although the vessels may have been used for cult purposes during the person's lifetime, they were placed in the grave "to strengthen hope of immortality." Leon (1960:219) thinks that once a vessel broke, its gold-decorated base was preserved to be used as a grave marker by cementing it into the catacomb walls. Barag ( 1972:607) asserts that the vessels were deliberately broken and then affixed to the wall near the grave. Rutgers (1995:89) suggests that the vessels had been originally used for drinking or ritual purposes by the living and were given as presents during the Roman New Year celebrations; once broken the glass bottom of the vessel was turned into a grave marker. Dating Dating of the gold glasses is by comparison with two groups of glass vessels. The early group, imitating contemporary faience and megarian bowls, is dated to the third century BCE (Schiiler 1966:48) and the later group, consisting of glass medal-

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CHAPTER SIX

lions and the more crude gold glasses found in the Roman catacombs, is dated to the second half of the third century CE but continues up to the sixth century (Schtiler 1966:50-51). Barag (1972:608) thinks that no. 8 should be attributed to the late third or early fourth century and that the other glasses were probably made during the fourth century. In conclusion, it appear that, although the function, the form the inscriptions took, and the manufacture of the gold glasses is similar, or even identical to those made for the Christians, the Jewish gold glasses are distinctive by the use of the characteristic motifs and symbols.

E

TOMBSTONES

Tombstones and stelae are found in many graves, and many were originally used to seal the arcosolia, loculi or grave. They are usually inscribed with the name and age of the deceased, the date and an epitaph and are frequently decorated with Jewish symbols (Chapter VII). Stelae found at Leontopolis are inscribed within a carved frame surmounted by a pediment. In the catacombs of Rome, about 200 inscribed stones were found at the Monteverde catacomb; a few stones were found at Villa Torlonia whereas many were found at Vigna Randanini. Although some stones are decorated with Jewish symbols only, the menorah and the ritual objects (Plates VI-22, 23), several tombstones depict a Torah Ark with open doors, flanked by two menoroth (Plates VI-24, 25). Others are decorated with one or two flanking menoroth and ritual objects (Plates VI-29-36); some of the stones have birds added to the Jewish symbols (Plates VI-37-38). Other tombstones have been discovered at sites in Italy (Porto, Milan and Sicily), in Spain and in Tunis at Gammarath Hill, Carthage (Goodenough 1953, III:figs. 837-838, 846-49; 856-58; 867-68, 871-73). Usually, if Jewish symbols appear, so too will an inscription. Often the symbols cover the tombstone with a one-word or one-line inscription added (Plate VI-25). By contrast, no inscribed tombstones are found dating to the Second Temple period in the Land of Israel; the earliest this custom appears is in the second century. Inscribed stelae in Egypt, however, have been found dating to the Second Temple period.

BURIAL AND FUNERARY PRACTICES

F

305

CLAY LAMPS

Lamps may have been used to illuminate the grave during burial and during visits by the deceased's relative; or they may have been lit and placed at the head of the deceased out of respect (Hachlili 1988:97). Lamps bearing numerous designs and manufactured in centralized or local workshops are found at excavated sites, cemeteries, tombs and catacombs throughout the Roman world (Chapter VII; Rutgers 1995:85-88). Lamps depicting Jewish symbols such as the menorah and the ritual objects must have satisfied a need for selfidentification. Lamps with Jewish symbols were found in Jewish graves in the Alexandria cemeteries (Horbury & Noy 1992:XIV; Reifenberg 1935-6:169-171); at Gammarath Hill, Carthage (Goodenough 1953, III:figs. 938-940). Many lamps were discovered in the catacombs in Rome: more than a hundred at Monteverde, 26 in one tomb and 32 in another (Goodenough 1953, Il:104, IIl:figs. 942-946), and about a hundred at the Villa Torlonia decorated with menoroth, birds and a rabbit (Plates Vl-39, 40; VII-7e - lamps found in the upper catacomb in A7; Fasola 1976:59-60, figs. 28, 29).

G

MISCELLANEOUS

FINDS

Bronze rings, stamps and seals decorated with a menorah or other Jewish symbols and sometimes inscriptions were found at many sites in the diaspora (Goodenough 1953, II:214-222, III:figs. 1014, 1016, 1021-1023, 1025). Some of them are considered amulets and indicate the interest of Jews with magic and spiritualism (Rutgers 1992: 108-109). Lead seals with a menorah design were located in Trier (Lapp 1993:76-80) and probably accompanied luxury goods. A glass weight with a menorah design was discovered in the Sardis synagogue (Seager 1983:176, fig. 273). Similar glass weights have been found in the Land of Israel. Pottery vessels are found in many tombs, such as the cooking pots discovered in Villa Torlonia (Plate VI-38; Fasola 1976:fig. 29). Menoroth were incised in the plaster of the tomb's sealing at Villa Torlonia (Plate Vll-6; Fasola 1976:27, fig. 12). Noteworthy is the find of a bronze nail on the chest of the deceased in a tomb in the hypogea of Syracuse (Colafemmina 1995:309; on the use of nails in the tombs of Jericho as a possible magical practice, see Hachlili & Killebrew 1983:127-128; 1998 forthcoming).

306

CHAPTER SIX

H

FUNERARY PRACTICES

Inhumation was the most common way Jews buried their dead, both in the Land of Israel and in the diaspora, although many different methods were used: burial was in loculi tombs, in the loculi and arcosolia of catacombs, in coffins and in sarcophagi. At Leontopolis bodies have been discovered in situ (on the possibility of cremation see discussion by Horbury & Noy 1992:66-68; Rutgers 1995:96-97). Burial Types

Type 1. Loculi tombs were probably hewn specifically for families to inter their dead. This is attested to by inscribed epitaphs on stelae mentioning the family relations of the deceased, such as inscription no. 32 at Leontopolis (Horbury and Noy 1992:64). Also, the similarity between Egyptian Jewish loculi tombs and the Jerusalem and Jericho tombs, which are without doubt family tombs (Hachlili 1988:89-101), further strengthens this hypothesis. Type 2. The catacombs of Rome and other tombs in the diaspora should be compared to the catacombs of the necropolis at Beth She'arim, dated to the third to fourth centuries. The deceased at Beth She'arim were interred in loculi, arcosolia, coffins and sarcophagi, and inscriptions were written on the walls or inscribed on the tombstones for the purpose of identification of the deceased by visiting relatives (Schwabe & Lifshitz 1974:219). Burial was a commercial enterprise directed by the Burial Society; the cemetery served as a central burial place for the Jews of the Land of Israel and the neigh boring countries (Avigad 1976:253, 265). Families, or a group of individuals, bought burial plots and preferred to bury their dead in one room or in a group of rooms (Schwabe & Lifshitz 1974:223). Burial in the diaspora was carried out under similar conditions, and there too it was a commercial venture (Williams 1994:181-182). From an examination of the provenance of the decorated cubicula and arcosolia in the two painted catacombs at Villa Torlonia and Vigna Randanini, it seems that they were each the burial plot of one family, who marked the place by decorating it with wall paintings. Otherwise, there is no evidence for family units here, as there is in the Jewish catacombs of Venosa and the Christian painted catacombs of Via Latina (Rajak 1994:233). The burial ofjews in the catacombs of Rome is known from the second to fourth centuries. Where the dead were buried before this period and why the practice of burying in catacombs began in this period are questions that are difficult to answer

BURIAL AND FUNERARY PRACTICES

307

(Williams 1994:176ff; Rutgers 1995:96-99). At this time, however, during the second to fourth centuries, the Jews buried their dead in catacombs both in the diaspora and in the Land of Israel, and used the services of a commercial enterprise to do so. Jewish burial practices throughout the ancient world were quite similar in custom, even though there were local differences in tomb architecture. In many cases the burial was similar to that of the Christian community, but not to that of the pagans in Rome, who cremated their dead. Reinterment

The custom of diaspora Jews of bringing their dead to the Land of Israel for reburial is known from literature and inscriptions, and the question arises as to when this practice began. Although inscriptions from the Second Temple period have been found mentioning deceased Jews from the diaspora, the deceased actually belonged to a local community of Jews living in Jerusalem who originally came from the diaspora, which means that the remains had not been brought for reinterment from the diaspora (Gafni 1981:98-99). The earliest known example of a deceased's body being transferred to the Land of Israel is that of the Exilarch Huna of Babylon in the third century. From this time on, following the death of Rabbi Judah Hanasi, the custom begins of transferring a corpse for reinterment in the Land of Israel. The teaching of the sages emphasized burial of the dead in the Land of Israel, first because it expiated sins; and second because the first to be resurrected by the Messiah would be the dead in the Land of Israel (Gafni 1981:99-103). The custom was mainly practiced by the wealthy, prominent diaspora families. Inscriptions and finds in the cemeteries of Beth She'arim, Jaffa and Tiberias attest to this practice. Beth She'arim served as a major burial place for Jews from the Land of Israel and the neighboring countries during the third to fourth centuries, until the destruction of Beth She'arim in 352 CE. Palmyrene Jews discontinued the custom in 272-273 CE when Palmyra was destroyed by Rome (Schwabe and Lifshitz 1974:219; Avigad 1976:260, 265). Diaspora sites mentioned in inscriptions at Beth She'arim include Antioch, Beirut, Byhlos, Himyar (south Arabia), Mesha (southern Babylon), Nehardea, Palmyra, Phaene (east of Tyre), Sidon, Tyre (Schwabe and Lifshitz 1974:217-218; Avigad 1976:fig. 129). The cemetery of Jaffa included 60 Greek inscriptions, six Hebrew and Aramaic and one Hebrew-Greek. The diaspora sites mentioned are Alexandria, Babylon, Cios (a Greek island), Cappadocia, Tarsus (Cappadocia), Pantapolis (Cyrene, North

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CHAPTER SIX

Africa). Jaffa's Jews were in contact with the Jews of Alexandria

(Klein 1977:41, 80-

83). Diaspora Jews were also buried in Tiberias

(Klein 1977:49-50).

Mourning Customs

Epitaphs at Leontopolis mention mourning customs, including lamentations and weeping accompanied by the heating of hands. Organized mourning belongs also to the Egyptian and Greek cultures, thus Jewish customs are in accord with contemporary non:Jewish practices. The lamentations used by Leontopolis Jews were part of literary formulae known also from the non-:Jewish tradition (Horbury & Noy 1992:76-77). The use of inscriptions and epitaphs are similar in Jewish and non:Jewish funerary customs. However, it seems that Jews also used special formulae and expressions and together with the iconography of the Jewish symbols that they used in all artifacts, they stated their identity (Rutgers 1992: 107; 1995:205; Noy 1994: 182; Rajak 1994:240). Funerary Service Organization

Two different types of burial organization have been observed: Family organized burials. Graves were dug on family-owned land; land would be purchased in order to hew a new tomb. Such was the organization of the tombs at Leontopolis. Responsibility for the preparation of the grave, for conducting the burial rites and for mourning rested on the family. This type of burial was familyoriented in its architecture and its funerary customs. Purchase of a prepared burial plot. Tombs in halls and chambers were purchased in a general cemetery. However, families would purchase a hall or connected rooms in which to bury their dead. This is probably the more prevalent form of organization in the diaspora, as for instance in the catacombs of Rome and Malta. The same method existed in the Land of Israel at Beth She'arim. Often, a burial plot would be purchased during the lifetime of the purchaser, a custom prevalent both in the Land of Israel and the diaspora (Weiss 1992:361, n. 16). In this type of funeral organization, burial societies (hevra qadisha) performed all the tasks associated with burial, such as hewing the grave, selling the tomb or parts of it, supplying funerary services, employing tomb diggers, stonecutters, artists and workshops for the construction and decoration of the tomb and building sarcophagi and coffins, etc. An inscription from Acmonia in Asia Minor mentions a burial society which supplied

BURIAL AND FUNERI\RY PRACTICES

309

the needs of the Jewish community; a burial society also existed in Beth She'arim in the Land of Israel (Weiss 1992:362-6; Avigad 1976:253, 265). Noy (1993:XIX) suggests that collegi,aor Jossores sold burial places at Venosa. Tombstones bearing inscriptions that appear from the second century onwards in catacombs in the diaspora (Rome, Venosa and Malta) and the Land of Israel (Beth She'arim, Jaffa and Tiberias) may have been a way to identify individuals in the general cemeteries. Identifying inscriptions also appear on sarcophagi. A complete change in customs and concept occurred, therefore, during this period, from family-oriented burials to commercially-oriented burials.

CONCLUSIONS

Cemeteries, tombs and catacombs consist of several types, the manner of burial being primary inhumation for all types: • The Jewish cemetery of Leontopolis in Egypt consists of rock-cut loculi tombs. Chronologically, the loculi tombs in the diaspora and the Land of Israel were earlier than the catacombs. They were rock hewn by family members and were used apparently for the burial of family individuals. The type of burial is similar to that of the non:J ews. • Sites at Rome, Venosa and Malta include separate Jewish, Christian and pagan catacombs, although some Venosa catacombs indicate communal use. These Jewish catacombs and hypogea are similar in the type of decoration and in the burial customs to that in the non-Jewish catacombs. Burial in the tombs and catacombs was apparently by family, attested by inscriptions mentioning the relationships between the deceased, although it is possible the extended family is intended. Some of these tombs may have eventually become communal graves. • Communal cemeteries at Alexandria, Sicily and other sites in the Roman world where Jews and non-::Jews were buried together (Rutgers 1992:111-114; Rajak 1994:238-9). The architecture and art, as well as the language and epitaphs of the funerary inscriptions, of the tombs and catacombs clearly indicate that Jewish burial and funerary customs were similar to their contemporary neighbors. Jewish self-identity was expressed through the use of Jewish symbols, especially the menorah, which appeared in the wall paintings and on grave goods together with the inscriptions of Jews. However, not only were Jewish burials similar to those of their non-Jewish neighbors: they were also similar to burial in the Land of Israel. The early type 1

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CHAPTER SIX

loculi tombs of Egypt are similar to Second Temple loculi tombs in the Jerusalem and Jericho cemeteries; type 2 catacomb burials were used both in the diaspora and in Beth She'arim in the Land of Israel during the third to fourth centuries. These facts suggest a close association between the Land of Israel and the diaspora in the execution of burial practices. With the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple in the first century, Jewish independence in national and religious terms came to an end, thus probably ending too the funerary custom of individual burials in family tombs that had characterized burial practices until then. This changed to a situation where Jews were buried in separate, commercial cemeteries (Rome, Beth She'arim), or in separate catacombs or group of hypogea but in a mixed cemetery (Malta, Venosa). The deceased were buried in individual loculi, arcosolia and sarcophagi and were identified by tombstones. By the first century BCE, stelae were being used as tombstones in Leontopolis in Egypt. Funerary data from the Jewish catacombs in Rome indicates the social distinctions of the Jewish community (Leon maintains low status in the catacombs, Rajak, 1994:234, 238, argues elite practices and values as attested by the sarcophagi and paintings). Finds in a funerary context include sarcophagi, tombstones with inscriptions and grave goods such as lamps, gold glasses, seals, amulets and pottery vessels. No personal objects were found. The practice of placing burial goods with the deceased was common in the pagan, ancient world. The Jews followed the custom, although they possibly placed some of these objects not because of a belief in the after-life, but to relate to their grief and in memory of the dead. Funerary art takes the form of wall paintings in the catacombs of Rome and Venosa, and the use of Jewish symbols on tombstones, sarcophagi and gold glasses in catacombs and hypogea in Rome, Venosa, Sicily, Malta, etc. It consists of many pagan motifs, those used by all religions, as well as Jewish iconographic symbols. These themes were used in funerary art throughout the diaspora and the Land of Israel from the second century onwards (but see Rutgers, 1995:94-95, who suggests that Jewish iconography dates to the fourth century). Figurative art is seldom depicted, apart from that in the catacomb wall paintings of Rome, and biblical scenes have not been found until now.

CHAPTER SEVEN

JEWISH SYMBOLS

During the period of Late Antiquity,Jews carefully selected motifs and iconography of a symbolic character and depicted them in their synagogal and funerary art in a wide variety of contexts and localities, and on many different types of objects. The Jews chose from a basic repertoire of symbols that was augmented in the course of time. This situation was in contrast to the Second Temple period, when the Jews in the Land of Israel and the diaspora refrained from using figurative art or symbolic motifs and themes. Motifs were mostly geometric, floral and architectural; seldom were symbols such as the menorah and the shewbread table used. Jews strictly obeyed the Biblical prohibition of "no graven image" (Exodus 20:4; Deuteronomy 5:8) as a defense against attempts by Hellenistic rulers to force Jews into idolatry and to assault the Jewish religion and culture. With the rise of Christianity, and especially after it became the official religion of the Roman Empire,Judaism felt under threat again, this time from a religion which had developed out of Judaism, and which still had religious and cultural affinities to it. It was no longer enough to refrain from making graven images: what was now needed was a different approach which allowed the use of specific religious symbols as a means of expressing Jewish identity. The symbols chosen were those with which the whole Jewish community, as well as individuals, could express their religious ideas as well as their national faith. The menorah, the shrewbread table, the ark, the ritual objects and the conch are specific Jewish symbols which appear in both synagogal and funerary art. These symbols, expressing profound and significant values distinctly associated with Judaism, are used frequently throughout late antiquity by Jews in the Land of Israel and in the diaspora. Derived from the accoutermcnts of the Temple rites, this limited repertoire holds a prominent place in the vocabulary of Jewish art. Three sacred vessels stood in the sanctuary of the Second Temple period, the menorah, the shewbread table and the incense altar. The sacrificial altar stood in the Temple courtyard. These same sacred vessels also stood in the sanctuary of the First Temple period, together with the Ark of the Tabernacle which stood in the Holy of Holies. The way a motif develops into a symbol may be seen in the case of the menorah.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

During the Second Temple period the menorah and shewbread table were probably signs of the priestly duties and offices. Only after the destruction of the Temple did the menorah image change from a limited official emblem into a well-recognized Jewish symbol.

A.

THE

MENORAH

The seven-armed menorah, one of the Temple vessels, is the most important and most frequent of all Jewish symbols, often used to identify synagogues or Jewish tombs. Often the menorah is flanked by the ritual objects, the lulav, cthrog, shofar and flask (see Table VII-2). The symbolic significance of the menorah became so great that the founders of the modern state of Israel chose the menorah as the national symbol. The menorah is described in the bible (Exodus 25:31-40; 37:17-24) as having a central shaft and that "six branches shall come out of the sides of it." The Hebrew word for these branches is iiJi' kaneh "reed." In the Greek Septuagint it is called xaAaµLOXOL,"hollow pipe." Technically, it would have been appropriate for the arms of such a candelabra to be hollow to prevent the object becoming too heavy (Hachlili and Merhav 1985:262, figs. 7-8). The word "branch," therefore, should only be used in its connotation of "division" and not in its meaning of "limb" (of a tree). This mistranslating of the Hebrew word kaneh has influenced many scholars' research; usually the mistake lies in their comparing the form of the menorah to a plant or tree (for instance, Varden names his book The Tree of Light). The menorah, therefore, should more correctly be termed "seven-armed." However, because of the common usage of the term "seven-branched," this book uses both terms. The Menorah on the Arch of Titus

The best-known menorah of the diaspora is also the earliest, the seven-branched menorah depicted on the relief panel of the triumphal Arch of Titus in Rome, probably erected in 81 CE during the reign of Domitian (Sperber 1965:144-145; Pfanner 1983); the shewbread table and the trumpets also appear in the relief (Plate VII-I). The vessels depicted here are the actual sacred vessels of the Temple in Jerusalem carried off as spoils by Titus in 70 CE following the destruction of the city (Josephus War VII, 5, 5), and paraded through the streets of Rome in a triumphal procession (Figure VII-1; Plate VII-1).

JEWISH SYMBOLS

313

Figure VII-1. Scene on the Arch of Titus (Codex Ursianus 1570-80).

It is generally accepted that this carved menorah accurately represents the actual menorah which stood in the Second Temple. The tops of the round arms are decorated with knobs and flowers; the round bulbs on the tops of the arms are probably the light fittings. The upper part of the base is decorated with downwardfacing petals showing affiliations with earlier candelabra (Hachlili and Merhav 1985:figs. 1, 6, 10, 11). The unusual feature of the menorah is the lower part of its base (Figure VII-2). This is hexagonal or octagonal and divided into panels decorated with carved monsters and animals. One is very surprised to find such a figurative element in a Second Temple work of art, especially in a Temple vessel. Two main theories have been suggested to account for this use of pagan art: 1. That the base was made in the Hellenistic period (Kon 1950:29, who suggests a similarity with column bases in the Apollonian Temple at Didyma of the second century BCE). 2. That the base is a box (ferculum) made by the Romans (Figure VII-3b, c; Strauss 1959; Wirgin 1961:151-153, fig. l; Sperber 1965:146-148; Pfanner 1983:54, 74, fig. 39; Hachlili & Merhav 1985:260, fig. 5).

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Figure VII-2. The menorah as depicted on the Arch of Titus.

The second theory seems to be the correct one, that the base stands inside a box (jerculum) made by a Roman craftsman for the purpose of carrying the menorah on the shoulders of the bearers in the triumphal procession. The shewbread table was carried in the same way, as is indicated by the right rod of the box resting on the shoulders of the bearers on the right (Plate VII-1; Figure VII-I). The base was not a tripod base as suggested by Strauss and Wirgin (1961:152), but was conical (Figure VII-3a), like other Second Temple menorah bases such as that on the Antigonus coin (Hach Iiii 1988:241). The sculptor who carved the triumphal arch probably

JEWISH SYMBOLS

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a Figure VII-3. a. reconstruction of the menorah; b. the Jerculumas depicted; c. a scheme of the Jerculum.

based his work on sketches made during the procession. The Romans chose the menorah and the shewbread table to represent the victory of Rome over Judea because they were the most important vessels of the Jerusalem Temple. The profound symbolic significance which the menorah was to acquire in later times was not yet present (Hachlili 1988:254--256).

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The Menorah in the Synagogue

The menorah is the most important and most frequent symbol occurring in diaspora synagogues, appearing on frescoes, as architectural decoration, on mosaic floors, graffiti and lamps, etc. Two inscriptions mention donations of menoroth to synagogues; one inscription from Side (Pamphylia) discusses a donation of a pair of menoroth (Lifshitz 1967:37 no. 36), the other from Sardis refers to the donation of a menorah (Seager 1983: 176, inscription no. 66). Menoroth in the Wall Paintings at Dura Europos

At Dura, a menorah is prominently painted on the fresco decorating the face of the Torah shrine entablature arch, in the first stage of the later building. This is the earliest dated depiction of a menorah in Jewish art of the diaspora, dated to 244/ 245 CE. Painted in yellow to represent gold, the menorah is larger than the central, temple-like building it flanks, occupying a similarly-sized space to the other flanking scene of the Sacrifice of Isaac (Plate III-1). The shape of this menorah (Figure VII4) differs from the other two menoroth depicted on narrative panels WBl and WB2 (Figure VIl-5). There, although the menorah is prominently displayed, it is part of a scene that includes all the ceremonial objects of the Sanctuary. All the objects are elaborately rendered, probably after contemporary examples, even though they are meant to represent the Tabernacle articles. The scene of Aaron and the Tabernacle in WB2 at Dura includes a menorah standing in front of the shrine flanked by thymiateria (Plate III-11). A menorah flanked by candelabra is depicted in front of a temple in the scene of Moses and the Miraculous Well ofBe'er in panel WBl (Plate III-10). 1 It is interesting to compare the two menoroth in the narrative panels WBl and WB2. Although the two appear similar they are quite different in details: the menorah tripod base is fluted and rounded in ½'BI and has a different shape in WB2; the central shaft of the menorah is much longer in WBl and has more disks and balls in its arms than in \'\TB2. The renderings of the arms are also different. The light fittings in WBl are clearly depicted as glass cups, whereas in WB2 the square glasses on top of the arms are more stylized. Kraeling (1979:255-256, fig. 72) explains ten holes found in the floor of the 1 Another

small menorah is reconstructed by du Mesnil, 1939:Pl. XXVII:3, on top of the Ark of the Covenant; Kraeling, 1979: 126, however, suggests the design is Lwo rosettes flanking a circular line.

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Figure VII-5. Menoroth at Dura on panels WB2 and WBI.

Figure VII-4. Menorah at Dura on the arch of the Torah shrine niche.

synagogue as holding upright menoroth. Four holes were found in a straight line spread along the front of the western wall benches; a group of three were found in front of the southern wall and a second group of three holes in front of the northern wall. Kraeling maintains that "the lamps along the Western wall were mounted upon simple straight rods, the others on the Southern and Northern wall were on stands with three feet," probably similar to the menoroth depicted on panels WBI and WB2. Menoroth on Mosaics

Apamea. Only once does a menorah appear in the mosaic pavement designs_ It fills a triangle in a mosaic geometrical carpet, in a similar manner to the other patterns that frame central inscriptions (Figure VII-6a; Figure IV-2; Plate IV-1). Bova Marina. A menorah with a tripod base and lamps placed on the branches is depicted on the mosaic of the main hall (Plate VII-2; Costamagna 1991:fig_ 6). Two impressions of menoroth were found on jar handles from the synagogue pottery (Rubinich 1991 :fig. 5, no. 6). Hammam-Lif. On the mosaic pavement of the main hall, two menoroth are depicted in prominent positions, each in an emblem flanking an inscription (Figure Vll-6b;

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~

b

C

Figure Vll-6. Menoroth at a: Apamea; b: Hammam-Lif; c: Philippopolis.

Plate IV-13); a third smaller menorah is rendered (Goodenough 1953, III:fig. 894).

at the end of the same inscription

Philippopolis. On the mosaic pavement of the synagogue, the main central panel includes a large menorah (Figure VIJ-6c) with arms in the shape of pomegranates. The round base has three feet (?) and is flanked by a Greek inscription (Plate IV7; Kesjakova 1989:23-25, figs. 6-7). Menoroth on Reliefs, Engravings and Incisions Ostia. Two menoroth are incised on two corbels of the architrave that rested on the columns of the aedicula (Squarciapino 1963:197). The menoroth are flanked by ritual objects (Figure VII-7a; Plate VIl-3). Priene. Three menoroth

on reliefs were found in the Priene synagogue:

I. A relief found on the floor in front of the Torah shrine (Figure VII-7d; Figure

319

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